Presented to the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
LIBRARY
by the
ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE
LIBRARY
1980
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THE
ATLANTIC MONTHLY
A MAGAZINE OF
literature, Science, &rt, ana
VOLUME CXIV
BOSTON AND NEW YORK
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY COMPANY
1914
COPYRIGHT. 1914,
BY THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY COMPANY.
AP
1.
Ag
LiBRAnY
Riverside Prets, Cambridge, Mutt., U. S. A.
CONTENTS
INDEX BY TITLES
Prose
PAGK
Academic Freedom, Howard Crosby War-
ren 689
Adventures in American Diplomacy, III.
The Treaty of Ghent, Frederick Trevor
Hitt 231
Afternoon Ride of Paul Revere Columbus
Dobbs, The, Virginia Baker .... 242
Agriculture of the Garden of Eden, The,
J. Russell Smith .256
Associated Press, The Problem of the, An
Observer 132
At Seventy-Three and Beyond, U. V. Wil-
son 123
Blue Reefers, Elizabeth Ashe .... 675
Boy, The, Anna Fuller , 265
British Liberalism and the War, /. 0. P.
Bland 665
Browning and the Special Interests, Wil-
liam Austin Smith 809
Coeducation, What of, Zona Gale ... 95
Crisis, The, John Jay Chapman .... 714
Critics of the College, The, Henry S. Prit-
chett 332
Curtis, George William, Some Early Let-
ters of, Edited by Caroline Ticknor . . 363
Danger of Tolerance in Religion, The, Ber-
nard ladings Bell 92
Decadence of Human Heredity, The, S. J.
Holmes 302
Devastation of Dennisport, The, Mary
Heaton Vorse 646
Do Our Representatives Represent? Fran-
cis E. Leupp 433
Education in Vermont, James Mascarene
Hubbard 119
English as Humane Letters, Frank Ayde-
lotte 377
Eugenics and Common Sense, H. Fielding-
Hall 348
European Tragedy, The, Guglielmo Ferrero 681
European War, the:
British Liberalism and the War, J. 0. P.
Bland 665
Crisis, The, John Jay Chapman . . . 714
PAG*
Estimate of German Scientific Culture,
An, John Trowbridge 816
European Tragedy, The, Guglielmo Fer-
rero 681
Germany's Ability to Finance the War,
Roland G. Usher 738
German Methods of Conducting the
War, Heinrich Fr. Albert 838
Italy's Position, George B. McClellan . 556
Japan and the European War, Kiyoshi
K. Kawakami 708
Kaiser and his People, the, Kuno Francke 566
Mailed Fist, The, and its Prophet, H. L.
Mencken 598
Reasons behind the War, The, Roland
G. Usher 444
War, The, and the Way Out, G. Lowes
Dickinson 820
Failure of the Church, The, Edward Lewis 729
Father Fred, Zephine Humphrey . . . 207
Flag-Root, Lucy Huston Sturdevant . . 112
Flavor of Things, The, Robert M. Gay . 418
Friendless Majority, The, 0. W. Firkins . 482
Game, The, Simeon Strunsky .... 248
Garden of Eden, The Agriculture of the,
J. Russell Smith 256
German Literature and the American Tem-
per, Kuno Francke 655
German Scientific Culture, An Estimate of,
John Trowbridge 816
Germany's Ability to Finance the War,
Roland G. Usher ........ 738
German Methods of Conducting the War,
Heinrich Fr. Albert ....... 838
Glory-Box, The, Elizabeth Ashe .... 758
Grandfather Crane invokes the Aid of Sor-
cery, Virginia Baker 486
Greek Genius, The, John Jay Chapman . 70.
Hidden Treasure of Rishmey-Yeh, The,
Abraham Mitrie Rihbany 721
Hooker, Joseph, Gamaliel Bradford . . 19
Hour in Chartres, An, Randolph S. Bourne 214
House of Sorrow, The, Anonymous . . 769
How the Army was Kidnapped, Charles
Johnston • 469
IV
CONTENTS
Impulse to Futurism, The, H. W. Nevinson 626
In the Pasha's Garden, H . G. Dwight . . 145
In Those Days, Robert M. Gay .... 127
Italy's Position, George B. McClellan . . 556
Japan and the European War, Kiyoshi K.
Kawakami 708
Jelly-Fish and Equal Suffrage, The, C. Wil-
liam Beebe 36
Kaiser and his People, The, Kuno Francke 566
Laissez-Faire in Religion, Washington Glad-
den 497
Lawyer's Conscience and Public Service,
The, Charles A. Boston 400
Life's Non-Sequiturs, Lucy Elliot Keeler . 533
Little Mother, A, Florence Gilmore . . . 381
Mailed Fist and its Prophet, The, H. L.
Mencken . 598
Maurice Barres and the Youth of France,
Randolph S. Bourne 394
McClellan, George B., Gamaliel Bradford . 508
Meditations on Votes for Women, Samuel
McChord Crothers 538
Message to the Middle Class, A, Seymour
Deming 1
Mind in Plants, Ada Watterson Yerkes . . 634
Modernist, The, 0. W. Firkins .... 278
Morality as an Art, Havelock Ellis . . . 700
Motherhood and the State, Albert Jay Nock 157
Novel-Reader, Recent Reflections of a .
520
Okhoy Babu's Adventure, Charles Johnston 309
On Noses, Lucy Elliot Keeler 274
Our 'Classical Recollections,' Annie Kim-
ball Tuell 778
Our Cultural Humility, Randolph S. Bourne 503
'Our Lady Poverty,' Agnes Repplier . . 452
Our Nearest, and Our Farthest, Neighbors,
Margaret Sherwood 191
Pagan Morals, Emily James Putnam . . 355
Philanthropy with Strings, Edward A. Ross 289
Plants, Mind in, Ada Watterson Yerkes . 634
Plea for Erasmians, A, Charles H. A. Wager 83
Pleasures of an Absentee Landlord, The,
Samuel McChord Crothers 164
Possessing Prudence, Amy W. Stone . . 342
Professor in a Small College, A, Raymond
Bellamy 608
Rab and Dab: A Woman Rice-Planter's
Story, Patience Pennington . . 577, 799
Rain of Law, The, William D. Parkinson 107
Reading of Books Nowadays, The, George
P. Brett 620
Reasons behind the War, The, Roland G.
Usher 444
Reply, A, to ' A Message to the Middle
Class,' E.S 14
Revelation of the Middle Years, The,
Cornelia A. P. Comer 460
School, Simeon Strunsky 546
Seth Miles and the Sacred Fire, Cornelia
A. P. Comer 790
Sherman, William T., Gamaliel Bradford . 318
Some Early Letters of George William Cur-
tis, Edited by Caroline Ticknor . . . 363
Some Enthusiasms I Have Known, Robert
Haven Schauffler 47
Some Remarks on American and English
Fiction, Edward Garnett 747
Something Big, Like Red Bird, Margaret
Prescott Montague 199
Symons, Arthur, and Impressionism, Wil-
bur M. Urban 384
Syndicalism and the General Strike in
Italy, George B. McClellan 294
Telephone, Joseph Husband 330
Thomas, George H., Gamaliel Bradford . 218
Uniforms for Women, W. L. George . . 589
Useless Virtues, The, Ralph Barton Perry . 411
Victorian Hypocrisy, Annie Winsor Allen 174
Wander, Gino C. Speranza 30
Wickedness of Father Veiera, The, Wilbur
Daniel Steele 59
Poetry
As I Drank Tea To-Day, Fannie Stearns
Gifford 189
Changeling, Fannie Stearns Davis Gifford 815
Chimes of Tennonde, The, Grace Hazard
Conkling 849
Christ's Table, Margaret Prescott Montague 376
End of the Game, The, M. A. De Wolfe
Howe 680
England and America, Florence T. Holt . 537
Life and Death, Anonymous 263
My Lady, Olive Tilford Dargan .... 56
Nostalgia, Katharine Fullerton Gerould . 317
November in the City, Edith Wyatt . . 644
Poet Silent, A, Alice Brown 91
CONTENTS
Prosperpina and the Sea-Nymphs, Grace
Hazard Conkling 478
Stork, The: A Christmas Ballad, Anony-
mous 757
Road to Dieppe, The, John Finley .
787 Tulip Garden, A, Amy Lowell
INDEX BY AUTHORS
230
Albert, Heinrich Fr., Germany's Method of
Conducting the War 838
Allen, Annie Winsor, Victorian Hypocrisy 174
Anonymous
A Reply to * A Message to the Middle
Class' 14
The Problem of the Associated Press . 132
Life and Death 263
Recent Reflections of a Novel-Reader . 520
The Stork: A Christmas Ballad ... 757
The House of Sorrow .769
Ashe, Elizabeth
Blue Reefers 675
The Glory-Box 758
Aydelotte, Frank, English as Humane Let-
ters 377
Baker, Virginia
The Afternoon Ride of Paul Revere Co-
lumbus Dobbs 242
Grandfather Crane Invokes the Aid of
Sorcery 486
Beebe, C. William, The Jelly-Fish and
Equal Suffrage 36
Bell, Bernard Iddings, The Danger of Toler-
ance in Religion 92
Bellamy, Raymond, A Professor in a Small
College 608
Bland, J. 0. P., British Liberalism and the
War 665
Boston, Charles A., The Lawyer's Con-
science and Public Service 400
Bourne, Randolph S.
An Hour in Chartres 214
Maurice Barres and the Youth of France 394
Our Cultural Humility 503
Bradford, Gamaliel, Union Portraits:
I. Joseph Hooker 19
II. George H. Thomas 218
III. William T. Sherman 318
IV. George B. McClellan 508
Brett, George P., The Reading of Books
Nowadays 620
Brown, Alice, A Poet Silent 91
Chapman, John Jay, The Greek Genius . 70
Chapman, John Jay, The Crisis . . . . 714
Comer, Cornelia A. P.
The Revelation of the Middle Years . 460
Seth Miles and the Sacred Fire ... 790
Conkling, Grace Hazard
Prosperpina and the Sea Nymphs . . 478
The Chimes of Termonde 849
Crothers, Samuel McChord
The Pleasures of an Absentee Landlord . 164
Meditations on Votes for Women . . 538
Dargan, Olive Tilford, My Lady ... 56
Deming, Seymour, A Message to the Mid-
dle Class 1
Dickinson, G. Lowes, The War and the Way
Out 820
Dwight, H. G., In the Pasha's Garden, A
Stamboul Night's Entertainment . . 145
Ellis, Havelock, Morality as an Art . . . 700
Ferrero, Guglielmo, The European Tragedy 681
Fielding-Hall, H., Eugenics and Common
Sense 348
Finley, John, The Road to Dieppe . . . 787
Firkins, 0. W.
The Modernist, An Essay in Verse . . 278
The Friendless Majority 482
Francke, Kuno
The Kaiser and his People .... 566
German Literature and the American
Temper 655
Fuller, Anna, The Boy 265
Gale, Zona, What of Coeducation? ... 95
Garnett, Edward, Some Remarks on Ameri-
can and English Fiction 747
Gay, Robert M.
In Those Days 127
The Flavor of Things 418
George, W. L., Uniforms for Women . . 589
Gerould Katharine Fullerton, Nostalgia . 317
Gifford, Fannie Stearns
As I Drank Tea To-day 189
Changeling 815
Gilmore, Florence, A Little Mother . . . 381
Gladden, Washington, Laissez-Faire in Re-
ligion 497
Hill, Frederick Trevor, Adventures in Am-
erican Diplomacy. III. The Treaty of
Ghent . . 231
Holmes, S. J., The Decadence of Human
Heredity 302
Holt, Florence T., England and America . 537
Howe, M. A. De Wolfe, The End of the
Game 680
Hubbard, James Mascarene, Education in
Vermont U9
Humphrey, Zephine, Father Fred . . . 207
vi CONTENTS
Husband, Joseph, Telephone 330 Ross, Edward A., Philanthropy with Strings 289
Johnston, Charles
Okhoy Babu's Adventure 309
How the Army was Kidnapped . . . 469
Kawakami, Kiyoshi K., Japan and the Eu-
ropean War 708
Keeler, Lucy Elliot
On Noses . 274
Life's Non-Sequiturs
533
Leupp, Francis E., Do Our Representatives
Represent? 433
Lews, Edward, The Failure of the Church 729
Lowell, Amy, A Tulip Garden 230
McClellan, George B.
Syndicalism and tne General Strike in
Italy 294
Italy's Position 556
Mencken, H. L., The Mailed Fist and Its
Prophet 598
Montague, Margaret Prescott
Something Big, Like Red Bird ... 199
Christ's Table 376
Nevinson, Heniy W., The Impulse to Fu-
turism 626
Nock, Albert J., Motherhood and the State 157
Parkinson, William D., The Rain of Law . 107
Pennington, Patience, Rab and Dab: A
Woman Rice-Planter's Story) . . 577, 799
Perry, Ra'ph Barton, The Useless Virtues . 411
Pritchett, Henry S., The Critics of the Col-
lege 332
Putnam, Emily James, Pagan Morals . . 355
Repplier, Agnes, 'Our Lady Poverty' . . 452
Rihbany, Abraham Mitrie, The Hidden
Treasure of Rishmey-Yeh 721
Schauffler, Robert Haven, Some Enthusi
asms I Have Known 47
Sherwood, Margaret, Our Nearest, and Our
Farthest, Neighbors 191
Smith, J. Russell, The Agriculture of the
Garden of Eden 256
Smith, William Austin, Browning and the
Special Interests 809
Speranza, Gino C., Wander 30
Steele, Wilbur Daniel, The Wickedness of
Father Veiera 59
Stone, Amy Wentworth, Possessing Prudence 342
Strunsky, Simeon
The Game 248
School 546
Sturdevant, Lucy Huston, Flag-Root . . 112
Ticknor, Caroline (Editor), Some Early
Letters of George William Curtis . . 363
Trowbridge, John, An Estimate of German
Scientific Culture . ... . . . . 816
Tuell, Annie Kimball, Our Classical Recol-
lections 778
Urban, Wilbur M., Arthur Symons and Im-
pressionism 384
Usher, Roland G.
The Reasons behind the War .... 444
Germany's Ability to Finance the War . 738
Vorse, Mary Beaton, The Devastation of
Dennisport 646
Wager, Charles H. A., A. Plea for Erasmians 83
Warren, Howard Crosby, Academic Freedom 689
Wilson, U. V., At Seventy-Three and Be-
yond 123
Wyait, Edith, November in the City . . 644
Yerkes, Ada Watterson, Mind in Plants
634
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
Academic Courtesies 141 In the Chair 715
'All Manner of Meats' 853
'Alps on Alps Arise' 857 Le Nouveau Pauvre 573
Asylums for the Hopelessly Sane . . . 426
Old House on the Bend, The .... 575
Fault Found with Forty 287
Fearsome Garter-Snake, The .... 283 River, The 855
Flat Prose 430
Some Letters I Have Known .... 422
Hindsight 571
'Howlers' 138 Vicarious Career, The 285
In a Train with Lamb 428 Waggling 718
Wizard Word, The 142
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
JULY, 1914
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
BY SEYMOUR DEMING
THE housemaid of a college presi-
dent had been offered a situation in the
family of a New York millionaire. As
the wage promised her would have de-
nuded the academic cupboard, she was
asked — a shade respectfully — by the
president, whether she intended to ac-
cept. 'No,' replied the girl primly, *I
think I prefer to remain in a middle-
class family.'
Let the reader hesitate, therefore,
before deciding hastily that he is too
wise or too foolish, too rich or too poor,
to be within bowshot of the house-
maid's innocently poisoned arrow. For
to be described as belonging to the
American middle class to-day is some-
thing between a compliment and an
insult. To disentangle the one from
the other, let me invite you first to give
ear to a parable which has the added
virtue of having been snapshotted as it
was happening.
THE PARABLE1
Twelfth week of the strike in Elm-
port. It began in April. Until June,
the strikers had managed to avoid that
response to the incitements of a mill-
The facts of the strike upon which this
' parable ' is based are complicated. Many of
them are in dispute. The author of this article
simply describes the events as he saw them. Con-
VOL. 114 - NO. 1
subservient constabulary which a na-
tion, suckled in the creed that the
natural rights of man are the common-
law rights of eighteenth-century Eng-
lishmen, reproachfully terms 'disor-
der.' Then befell the riot. A woman
was killed outright by a revolver-shot
fired, some say, by the police, some
say by the strikers. Ten people, most-
ly mill-operatives, were carried to the
hospital with cracked sconces or bul-
let wounds. Nineteen strikers were
thrown into jail on charges of riot or
murder. Parades were forbidden. The
Poles were denied the use of their own
society hall for strike meetings; and
the town invoked an ordinance aimed
at freedom of speech and public as-
semblage. A sympathetic clergyman
offered his churchyard as a meeting-
place. The town government retaliated
with another ordinance, to prohibit
any meeting on property abutting on
a public highway, — this, somewhat on
the principle of the French Assembly
which decreed that no deputy should
be a crown minister. * Say, rather, gen-
tlemen,' replied that statesman sarcas-
tically, 'no deputy named Mirabeau!'
From the flat-topped tombstone of
troversy concerning his appeal to the Middle
Class is perhaps more profitable than dispute
concerning the experiences which led him to
make it. — THE EDITORS.
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
a soldier of the American Revolution,
a strike-leader, haranguing his fellows,
was dragged to arrest. The town later
voted twelve thousand dollars for spe-
cial police. These reserves, by an amaz-
ing blunder in tact, were recruited in
part from the police of Lawrence, —
the worst-hated by mill-workers of any
constabulary in New England.
The theatre of this bitter warfare
with its threatenings and slaughter is a
sweet, gracious port-town, once a fish-
ing village, quaintly nestled among
great, dome-like glacial hills and ma-
jestic sweeps of salt marsh washed by
a sounding surf among sand-dunes.
There are three towns in Elmport.
One is a winding of elm-arched streets
among the ample, gambrel-roofed
homesteads of two centuries ago. Wide
chimneys and peaked dormers shoul-
der among the boughs of sleek maples,
shapely elms, and ancient oaks. Bur-
nished colonial brasses gleam in the
sunshine on front doors. Gardens,
behind white fences and hedges of box,
are gay with old-fashioned flowers. In
the cool, dim parlors of these stately
houses, amid ancestral mahoganies,
dwell the children of the old settlers
who keep the stores of the town (which
are maintained by the wages of the
operatives), or go to their daily tasks
in the city, or live on the incomes of
their investments (including stock in
these strike-fettered mills).
Across a stone bridge of pre-revolu-
tionary date, under the gaunt walls of
the mill buildings, lies the second Elm-
port, — the new. Its streets shimmer
in the blistering glare of sun on shade-
less asphalt and brick walls; its door-
yards are grassless; its wooden tene-
ments stand bleak in winter, sweltering
in summer. Here are no crimson ram-
bler roses to sound their note of color
against greenery; here is only hard-
eyed poverty intensified by the grim
battle of strike-time, when wages have
stopped and expenses are going on.
Against the old Elmport of farmers
and sea-captains is set the new, — a mill
population of alien birth. These two
are working out their destinies.
But aloof, on the eminences com-
manding views of the open downs and
the illimitable sea-horizon, are the vil-
las of the rich, - - the third Elmport.
So the three great classes are repre-
sented here: the rich, indifferent; the
middle class, bewildered; the poor, in
revolt.
When the trouble at Lawrence, the
year previous, was ended, it was evi-
dent that something must be done
to revindicate before the country the
repute of that city. Not that Lawrence
was worse governed than many an-
other American city, but that the
strike, applying the acid test to the
efficacy of our institutions, revealed
their defects in the worst possible
light. Was there, then, a conscientious
effort to remedy the conditions which
had produced the strike? There was
not. But a wealthy citizen, dying, left
five thousand dollars to build a me-
morial flag-pole. Instead of removing
the causes which created the protest
of the foreign laborers in the mills,
your sole idea was to rebuke the pro-
test. This was the reply of the middle
class. You substituted the symbol for
the thing.
In Elmport it was the same. 'As a
rebuke to the methods of the I. W.W. '
and 'to vindicate the loyalty of the
town to our national institutions/ Elm-
port resolved — to arbitrate the strike?
No. The attempt at this was a failure
because the mill management denied
that there was * any thing to arbitrate.'
To mitigate the discontent by scour-
ing up the reeking tenements? No.
A militant young clergyman had pro-
posed this, to be promptly checked in
his generous enthusiasm by the reve-
lation that the rents from these tene-
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
ments were sustaining his own parish-
ioners, certain of whom, when he tried
to put through a housing ordinance in
spite of them, fought him tooth and nail
and defeated the ordinance. No. To
vindicate its reputation and prove its
loyalty, Elmport resolved — to have a
Fourth-of-July parade.
This was the answer of our old Amer-
ican middle class — the people who
won our independence and freed the
chattel slaves — to the wage-slave re-
bellion. They would bandage a poison-
ed wound with the national colors.
So Elmport was gay with flags. The
July sun drenched yellow gold on the
stately elms, the smooth lawns, the
venerable houses. Bands crashed.
The parade flowed past. Ten burly
policemen in single rank; tall-hatted
town dignitaries on horseback; Grand
Army veterans in blue, and their
wives in white; Boy Scouts in their
pretty uniform of brown khaki; busi-
ness men carrying an enormous flag,
bjanket-fashion (a hint to cartoonists),
as if to toss the I. W. W. leaders as raw
recruits are tossed in the army; a boy
and two men impersonating son, sire,
and grandsire, after Willard's painting
of the 'Spirit of '76' that hangs under
the town-hall tower which, a few miles
down the coast, sits, like a horseman,
bestriding the promontory of the an-
cient town of Marblehead; and brass
bands variously discoursing 'My Old
Kentucky Home,' 'Everybody's Do-
ing It,' college football songs and other
national anthems, at march time -
this was the rebuke administered by
the middle class to syndicalism.
Syndicalism, meanwhile, was sweat-
ing in the little back room of a Polish
coffee-house, busily folding circulars to
be mailed to the radical press of the
country.
In the white-paneled parlor of one of
those colonial houses which the archi-
tect Inigo Jones need not have been
ashamed to acknowledge, among the
marble-topped tables and Sheraton
chairs of the old order, a Protestant
minister is trying to formulate an
answer to the question: 'What shall
Elmport do about it?' a question equi-
valent to ' What shall the Anglo-Saxon
American middle class do about it?'
And this is his answer: —
'If the Constitution of the United
States did not forbid us to imprison
men for their political beliefs, we ought
to clap these I.W.W. leaders into jail
and keep them there.'
' But,' interposes the questioner mild-
ly, with a motion toward the parade
which is passing the windows of the
parsonage, ' is n't your celebration to-
day in honor of a struggle to put an
end to that kind of procedure?'
'Perhaps,' says the minister, ' but all
the same, we shall have to come back
to it.'
What he could not see was that in
his resentment and impatience he was
repudiating the principles for which
his townsmen were theoretically hon-
oring the ' patriot ' dead, celebrated on
the granite monument in the middle of
the town-green in front of his house.
He and they were honoring the symbol
and ignoring the thing. ' Mouth honor,
breath.' Let the old issue appear in a
new guise, and that new guise was, to
them, a disguise.
A fortnight earlier, the town of Lex-
ington, now a comfortable, middle-
class suburb where there are no very
rich and no very poor, was celebrating
its two hundredth anniversary. The
press of the following day duly re-
corded that the speakers 'excoriated'
the I.W.W. Now, while it is possible
to look on the I.W.W. without un-
qualified approval, it is also possible
to understand its syndicalism as the
symptom of a disease. Lexington was
denouncing the symptom under the
impression that this was to eradicate
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
the disease. That the Spirit of '76,
which it had commemorated with a
gallant bronze statue by Mr. Kitson on
the town common, is in our midst
again in the form of a labor revolt had
not even remotely occurred to these
ancestor- worshipers. They were Elm-
porting.
Certain enterprising students of his-
tory (who have suspected that there
are some aspects which fail to get
themselves written in books which
publishers can afford to print) have
made the enlightening discovery that
the abolitionists in the '50's were say-
ing things about the flag much more
revolting, to people whose loyalty
was more implicit than discriminating,
than anything yet uttered by our Et-
tors and our Hay woods. They, too,
were hated, feared, and * excoriated/
They, too, were upbraided for assailing
our 'national institutions' (among
which was the institution of chattel
slavery), by people whose intentions
were of the best, whose business trans-
actions were at least commercially
honest, whose private lives were above
reproach, and whose only error was the
somewhat serious one of having got
their patriotism wrong-side-up-with-
care. A ship in distress sets its colors
fluttering in the rigging in the reverse
position. Let a middle class reflect
that it is quite humanly possible to
steer a ship of state into distress by too
persistently honoring the flag — union
down.
At Gettysburg, on the same day that
Elmport was parading, the great
American middle class held an anni-
versary observance which was full of
heartache. Did it occur to any of them
that, had the nation listened to the
voice of its conscience, in the abolition-
ists of the thirties and forties, there
might have been a way to avoid the
tempest of death that swept that field
of horror? Did it occur to them that
for the want of that ear to hear they
paid, as poor, heartsick Garrison said
they would pay, in their blood, in their
tears, and in the precious lives of their
loved young men? Does it occur to
their children, the American middle
class of to-day, that we stand once
more in the '50's, with the voices of
the slavery abolitionists crying in the
wilderness?
THE MESSAGE
Dear friends, let me beg you to hear
me patiently. Let me beg you, most
of all, to believe that I am not saying
what I shall say for the fun of the
thing. I would rather some one else
said these things and said them better
than I can; but I have waited for that
some one to speak until I can wait no
longer, for the time is growing short.
You must let me do it as best I can, and
make allowances for my bluntness, not
for my sake but for your own; for there
is no longer time to beat around the
bush. And remember this : everything
I shall say hurts my pride as much as it
hurts yours, — or would, if I had not
begun to see that in an hour like this,
pride is a sorry guest. I, too, supposed
that we were already doing all that
could be expected of us, and found that
we had shamefully betrayed our trust.
And it stabbed me as shrewdly as it
will stab you, if your consciences are
what I think they are. For I am one
of you. Your children have been my
playmates, and your young men have
been my loyal friends. I have buried
my beloved dead with you, and with
you I ask no greater honor than to be
thought worthy to lie down to sleep
when my work is done. I speak as a
friend to friends, so let it be with the
frankness which is the privilege of
friendship.
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
ii
Is it possible that you do not realize
the jeopardy of your position? If your
diplomats, under the flimsy pretext of
national honor, are beguiled by wily
financiers into a war for the pawing
of investment chestnuts out of a for-
eign fire, you are the ones who must
do their fighting, — and pay the taxes
afterwards. If there is a panic, you
pay the bills. Let an internal revolu-
tion come, and you are the ones who,
unless you have the wit to see that your
cause is one with the revolutionists',
will be called out to 'put it down.'
You are, and you always have been
— all honor to you for it — the burden-
bearers. And in your ignorance you are
needlessly making them heavier.
Heavier they will be, too, before they
are lighter. The store that once kept
your family in comfort is being elbow-
ed by price-manipulation, restricted
credit, and favoritism to the chains of
big establishments. Your snug prac-
tice, legal or medical, is challenged
by the hordes of fledgling profession-
als crowded out of the academic nest
each June by the popular delusion
that a laity can support a swarm of
practitioners on its bodies and estates
by whom it is well-nigh outnumbered.
The frontier has vanished. To 'go
west' to-day is to exchange a battle-
field where you can fight among
friends for a battlefield exactly like it
except that you must fight among
strangers. The schooling which once
equipped your children for their grap-
ple with life now delivers them over to
the mercy of any employer whom the
fierce necessities of competition force
to coin their youth and their ambition
into his narrow margins of profit. Your
reddest blood is steadily draining into
the cities. There, if it escapes defile-
ment, it is thinned by artificial stand-
ards of living which are fast reducing
wives and children to the position of
luxuries for the few. Your city children
marry late, if at all ; and the children
they think they can afford are half the
number they would normally desire.
Meanwhile, the manufacturers are
bracing open the gates to Southern
European immigration, partly because
it is cheaper to produce wares with
low-priced human machines than with
higher-priced patented machines, —
in many cases invented but uninstalled
until an alarmed middle class, scenting
the danger, shuts off the supply, —
and partly in terror of the truth, that
once this influx ceases, the now fluid
racial and class alignments will solid-
ify and gripe our national vitals with
a class-struggle, within a generation.
Rather than face the gale and live it
out, they are willing to run before it at
the cost of shattering the vessel on a
lee shore.
The competitive tide of this lower
standard of living is pitilessly creeping
up your own shins. You feel the chill,
mock yourselves witH the vain assur-
ance that it will crawl no higher, and
protest desperately against a thing
known to you as the high cost of living.
And you lend a credulous ear to any
politician with contempt enough for
your intelligence to assure you that it
can be mended by tariff-revision, cur-
rency reform, restriction of immigra-
tion, control of trusts, or any or all of
these, including an underdone hash of
economic compromises styled Progres-
sivism.
Now it happens that the procession
is already moving at a rate which
leaves none too much time for a middle
class to put itself at the head of it.
Those who were complaining six years
ago that it was moving at glacier speed
are now complaining that it is moving
like an avalanche. For every great
revolution is preceded by a period of
unrest which generates its own momen-
6
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
turn. The symptoms of these birth-
throes are always the same: challenge
of betrayed stewardships and a pitch-
ing of traditions into the dust-bin.
Cromwell was a child of revolution,
not a father. The skeptic philosophers
had leveled the Bastille years before
* wine-merchant Cholat turned im-
promptu cannoneer'; an academic dis-
cussion of the rights of man primed
those muskets at Lexington; yet in
this hour which makes the most su-
preme demand on your patriotism since
those decades of anti-slavery agitation
which kindled the fires of the sixties,
you are braying yourselves hoarse over
professional baseball.
It is cold comfort to be told by his-
torians that ' the middle class defied
the Pope in the fifteenth century and
won the greatest revolution in history;
it cut off the head of Charles I in 1649
and of Louis XVI in 1793; it won the
American War of Independence; fin-
ally, only a generation ago, it fought
the Civil War'; for this may mean
merely that disputes which might have
been settled by your brains had to be
settled by your blood; that an alert
social conscience might have avoided
that ghastly river of slaughter through
which we have always been wading to
justice and * peace/ But even if no
watching and working and praying in
1850 could have averted that crushing
sacrifice of strong and beautiful young
men, is it so certain that the wage-
slavery of 1914 is a responsibility less
freighted with tragic possibilities? It
is fifty years since Lord Macaulay
wrote: —
'Your republic will be as fearfully
plundered and laid waste by barbari-
ans in the twentieth century as the
Roman Empire was in the fifth; with
this difference, that the Huns and
Vandals who ravaged the Roman Em-
pire came from without, and that your
Huns and Vandals will have been
engendered within your own country
and by your own institutions.'
Nor should this be construed to im-
pugn the character and good intentions
of our recent immigrants. For what-
soever vandalism they engender, we
shall have the neglect and oppression
of them, permitted by you under our
own government in our own mill cities,
to thank. It is twenty years since
William Clarke concurred : -
'Had you predicted to a Roman sen-
ator that the splendid Graeco-Roman
cities would be given to the flames and
that the Roman senate and legions
would be trampled down by hordes of
ignorant barbarians, he would have
smiled, offered you another cup of
Falernian wine, and changed the sub-
ject . . . But are there no barbarians?
. . . They are in our midst.'
Who that has seen the streets of a
city in strike-time patrolled like an
armed camp, can rid his brain of that
pestering image of society as the fool
dancing on the crust? Also, it is one of
history's axioms that the social order
which conceives change as least likely
is the most liable to change.
The poor know what they want.
The rich know what they do not want.
You — hardly know that a dispute is
going on. For while the poor, in the
stress of a desperate strike, can rise to
an incredible pitch of heroism for what
they regard as a principle, and while
the rich, stung by conscience, will do
what they can under the circumstances
of their false position, you have never
even dreamed of the abysmal unim-
portance of practically everything that
is thought about and talked about in
the middle-class society to which you
belong.
I know: it is not so long since you
pulled your own feet out of that dead-
ly mire of poverty. There it lurks,
still, too close for comfort. The day's
routine fags you, soul and body. You
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
come home, as I do or as anybody does,
with a furrow between your eyebrows,
asking nothing but to be allowed to
forget for a few hours. But, — by the
Eternal, brother! — I say to you that
the way to escape your troubles is not
to forget but to consider the troubles
of the other fellow.
You who live in the small towns and
in the country, - - yes, even you of the
city suburbs, reply: 'How can we be
expected to understand these things?
We cannot understand what we do not
see.'
From the windows of a train rolling
through the steel-mill district of a
Great Lakes port, you look on gaunt
chimneys belching flame, a smoke-
stained heaven and befouled tenements
where the workers snatch their brief
rest before hurrying back to the inferno
which burns their lives away. The
man in the seat ahead pulled down his
window-shade. On an impulse, he was
asked, 'Why did you pull down your
shade?' 'To shut out that dreadful
sight,' said he, quite simply, 'it is too
horrible to think of.' 'Too horrible for
you to think of; yet not too horrible for
some one else to live in?' 'But what
can a man like me do?'
You can stop pulling down the shade.
in
But do not suppose that in your
present uninstructed state you are any
more fit to grapple with these duties
than a flat-chested stripling is fit for
a college football game. Mere good in-
tentions will not suffice. The brabbles
of these last six years have at least
proved that society is in a predicament
where the private conscience of the in-
dividual, which served well enough for
half a generation ago, cannot under-
take duties which must be discharged
by a public conscience of the commun-
ity which is yet to be created. In
Elmport, where there was religious
conscience enough to float off a revival
in sinners' tears, there was not enough
social conscience to wet an eyelash.
This elder conscience imagines that to
avert revolution the one thing needful
is to sit on the safety-valve. To ease
an acute crisis it will cheerfully abro-
gate every civil right for which Anglo-
Saxons have struggled since Magna
Charta was wrested from slippery
King John, all on the serene supposi-
tion that it is 'master of the situation.'
Ministers, in moments of candor, have
confessed their distress at having to re-
cognize that parishioners who conform
to every traditional test of righteous-
ness, 'people you can't help loving,'
nevertheless stand in some public rela-
tion to the community in which they
are not only obstructionists but active-
ly mischievous. No amount of willing-
ness to do the right thing will get the
right thing done, so long as the huge
mass of these well-intentioned people
is conscientiously bent on the wrong
thing. You must first chew up the
facts very fine — a tough mouthful; and
you must next digest them well; it will
need a strong stomach.
You protest that the gentlemen,
who, to preserve incomes of five figures,
persist in steering us into these deadly
perils, are good husbands and kind
fathers. I am forced to remind you
that the political refugees in the Ply-
mouth Colony, to whom you owe what-
soever free institutions have been
spared to you by nineteenth-century
industrialism, warmly applauded their
English brethren for beheading a mon-
arch on whose behalf a large slice of
horrified middle class — your own pro-
totypes — urged that identical plea.
If a Stuart king's was an acute case
requiring a desperate remedy, what
assurance have we that a powerful
monarch, who had achieved the wed-
lock of the domestic virtues and the
8
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
public vices, was any more menacing to
the common weal in the seventeenth
century than a powerful owning (and
therefore governing) class, which has
achieved the union of personal irre-
proachability and industrial tyranny,
is in the twentieth? So shrewdly has
this dual standard been thrust home to
us that we are daily outfaced by the
spectacle of men whose 'fine personal
characters' we would all but gladly
barter for a man who, though he might
be a knave in his private life, would
yet shape his public life to some sense
of social decency — and those who
ask why corrupt politicians are con-
tinually elected and make, on the
whole, fairly acceptable administra-
tors, are directed to re-peruse the first
half of this sentence.
To particularize: a venerable physi-
cian, chairman of the board of health,
had been, in the days when registra-
tion of contagious disease was a new
idea, a valuable officer. In an age of
preventive medicine he is an anachron-
ism. But his salary is his sole income.
As a good husband and kind father, his
duty to his family forbids him to re-
sign. His tenure of office postpones
sanitary and housing reforms for the
want of which scores of babies are, as
a matter of record, annually dying.
This innocent slaughterer of innocents
would be outraged at a charge of mur-
der. Yet, as between this good hus-
band and kind father of unimpeachably
'fine personal character/ and an officer
of possibly loose morals who would
scientifically attack infant mortality,
could any sane public policy pause a
minute to choose?
I do not say that the domestic vir-
tues on which a middle class in every
age has justly prided itself are the less
important (though I can see on every
hand situations in which they are
wholly irrelevant, not to say inade-
quate) ; what I do say is that they are
not enough. And my protest rebounds
from a besotted self-esteem (not in-
compatible with countenancing wages
insufficient for decent living while
practicing the domestic virtue of mono-
gamy itself) which keeps shrieking that
they are enough. Which has led an
eminent sociologist to declare that we
are in a situation where 'the judg-
ment of the conventionally "good"
citizen may be unwittingly as evil as
that of the worst criminal.' What is
more, the head-in-sand policy now in
force is the very worst preparation for,
as well as the surest guarantee of, a day
of wrath to come. Your militia would
not save you, not even if they mowed
down strikers with Gatling guns, as
they have done. Nor need you look to
be rescued by your rich relations. And
since you are the ones who must settle
this muddle, if you are to save your
institutions and your ideals, to say
nothing of yourselves, why not be
about it? Grow a new species of so-
cial responsibility on the healthy old
stalk of your personal characters. For
if we cannot shoulder new duties, life
has a way of jostling us aside to make
room for those who can.
But if your ignorance is more peril-
ous to society than the righteous dis-
content of an idealistic working class,
you have at least the excuse that the
machinery which, if it is to go on, must
keep you in the dark, has well-nigh
perfected a process whereby you are
automatically misinformed, or not in-
formed at all. I use these impersonal
terms to describe it because it is not,
as syndicalists and other radicals be-
lieve, the conscious invention of knaves.
That were too sweet a flattery. It
grew, It was the line of least resist-
ance. It was nourished by a cowards'
truce which offered every reward for
compromise and every penalty for tell-
ing the truth. Thus it is that you are
the victims of a vast social conspiracy
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
of silence, quite as universal and far
more effective than the conspiracy of
silence which you delude yourselves
into believing has concealed the facts of
sex from your children. This conspir-
acy is involuntary. The minister who
declares that he has always felt free to
utter anything from his pulpit which
he felt impelled to say has simply
never been impelled to say anything
which he did not feel free to utter.
IV
You would not expect the ticket-
seller at a baseball field to volunteer
the private information to the crowd
at his window that a thunderstorm
was coming, even if he knew and had
it on the authority of the weather bu-
reau. In the first place, as the manager
would point out as he kicked him off
the field, the weather bureau might
be wrong — as well it might. Besides,
both ticket-seller and manager might,
in the face of overwhelming evidence
to the contrary, be able to persuade
themselves that the storm would blow
over. Do not suppose, therefore, that
it will be easy to obtain the kind of
information you need from the three
great organs of public instruction —
the colleges, the churches, and the
newspapers. They are only vaguely
aware that anything is afoot, and
what they do know they call by false
names, in the desperate superstition
that the sun of that red dawn can be
cheated out of rising by a common
agreement to call it the moon. Do not
be deceived by their vehement denials
into believing that these charges are
untrue in the main because they can,
here and there, by the case-system of
'I-know-of-an-instance* disprove them
in a few particulars. They are the
ticket-sellers, and their every mental
process is so colored by subserviency to
a class view of affairs that they are
honestly not aware of any constraint
on their tongues, — which is quite the
most hopeless part of it. A convenient
formula for this fact is that people are
not cussed: they are only blind.
When I speak of the churches, I
speak not of the clergymen but of their
congregations, — of you, to be explicit.
In a time when prophets and righteous
men have discovered that, rich and
poor, scholar and deck-hand, we are all
lost or all saved together, and that the
surest path to salvation is to forget that
you have a soul in making the lot of
your fellow man such that he can seek
salvation, — by the same path, — your
doctrine is still insisting that the all-
important is to save your own souls.
That we must all succeed or all fail to-
gether; that the boulevard is never
safe until the slum is safe; that 'an in-
jury to one is an injury to all,' is a new
kind of gospel which you have hither-
to supposed applied only to the party
necessarily in the wrong of industrial
squabbles, never guessing that it may
be a perfectly obvious first axiom of
our social order in which we are all so
indissolubly knit together that a wound
in any part bleeds the whole.
The ministers, poor fellows, are
bursting with this message — if you
would only untie the gag. To their
everlasting honor be it acknowledged
that they are, as it is, blowing up in
their pulpits and resigning at the rate
of about one a week. They see that
the church has, in the moral life of the
community, only a veto power. It can
no longer enact, or enforce. As with the
doctor, we have made the minister a
tradesman. We hire the doctor to save
our bodies by a particular method of
homoeopathy, allopathy, osteopathy.
We hire the minister to save our souls
on the same principle. The doctors
have discovered that the way to eradi-
cate disease is not to cure but to pre-
vent it. The ministers have begun to
10
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
take the hint from medicine. They
have begun to suspect that the way to
eradicate sin and suffering is not to
wash souls for the next world but to
provide tubs for the taking of a daily
bath in this. Yet when our tradesman
minister tries to substitute sin-preven-
tion for the sin-cure which was gen-
erally fashionable at the end of the
nineteenth century, we quite naturally
complain that this is not the article we
bargained for, and buy our wares of
another tradesman who keeps the kind
we use. The formula for this transac-
tion is: * Stick to the gospel and let
business alone/ The pinch is that the
extra bathtubs for souls in this world
would have to be paid for out of the
dividend checks of the congregation.
In Elmport, you recall, it was the
church people who defeated the hous-
ing ordinance. Besides, a congrega-
tion, well knowing that a business run
on strictly Christian principles would,
as things are, last about fifteen min-
utes, so resents the exposure of this
connived-at imposture that a minister
courageous enough to proclaim practi-
cal Christianity does so fully realizing
that the consequence may be dismissal.
The one thing middle-class Christians
most resent is Christianity.
Nor need you expect to be told of the
thunderstorm by your colleges. To
expect them to assume a moral leader-
ship which would instantly pitch them
into conflict with the rich testator
whose favor they are obliged to woo is
to expect fire to be wet. For them to
plan on building them more stately
mansions — dormitories, chapels, lec-
ture halls — by attacking the methods
whereby their donors accumulated the
funds would be to suppose a testatorial
magnanimity which the history of will-
making does not bear out. It is shrewd
comment that the radical clubs in the
colleges were started, not by the faculty,
but by the students; which is to say,
not by the employees of these know-
ledge factories, but by their customers,
who created a demand for goods which
had not been on sale. Within the year,
the professors of political economy
have taken steps to protect their free-
dom of speech — the first academic
trade-union. Waste no reproaches on
the presidents and faculties for hav-
ing betrayed a stewardship. No more
than you or I can they afford to quar-
rel with their bread-and-butter.
The greatest engine of all is the sor-
riest out of gear. It is not so much that
the newspapers are edited from their
business offices : it is not so much that
they are directly edited by their adver-
tisers. They are edited out of the
timidities and prejudices of you, their
middle-class readers. If your paper
ventured to tell you the obvious truths,
that for any able-bodied man or wo-
man to live without working is a crime
against society more grave than most
of the offences which your judges pun-
ish with outrageously disproportionate
sentences; that every penny of wealth
is created by the community and
rightly belongs to it; and that to take
interest for money is probably wrong,
you would stop a paper which printed
such seditious blasphemies and buy
one which told you what you wished to
hear. A newspaper-owner is an ordi-
nary man, counseled by the peculiarly
public nature of his business to be ex-
traordinarily cautious. It is easy for
him to keep friendly with his advertis-
ers since both realize in a tacit cordial-
ity that their bread is buttered on the
same side. The reporters are over-
worked, underpaid, and too blase with
the eternal excitements of their trade
to consider what it all means, even if
they had the wit to guess. The prophet
Isaiah might speak to them with the
tongues of men and of angels, and
the morning papers would record that
'the prophet Isaiah also spoke.'
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
11
Those editors who do guess what it
all means are so embittered by the
quantities of political and commercial
scandal which they know ought to be
printed and will not be, that disillu-
sionment and cynicism have put them
into moral bankruptcy, — I speak of
those who have the intelligence to
realize their humiliating position. The
others are not even aware of the fun-
damental fallacy, — that whereas we
assume the newspaper — this tremend-
ous organ of public thought - - to be
a public institution operated in the
public interest, it is privately owned
and operated for private profit. When
the interests of the public clash with
the interests of the owners, as they do
hundreds of times a day, to suppose that
the proprietors will espouse the public
cause to the detriment of their own is
to suppose that they will behave differ-
ently from all the other tradesmen into
whose class we have thrust them.
The only two parties who know
that the newspapers are not to be
trusted are the radicals who maintain
a none-too-trustworthy press of their
own, and a small group of financiers
who pay a statistician a high price for
a weekly news-service on the under-
standing that they alone are to have
the advantage of acting on the infor-
mation it contains. Naturally, both
these news-services, the radical press
and the confidential letters, contain
the same material — what is left out of
the daily papers. You have yourselves
to thank. Your editors, as tradesmen,
do not keep goods for which they see
no demand. They see no demand for
news of the rumblings of industrial
revolution; therefore it is not for sale.
Yet it is not quite so innocent as that.
The remark of the journalist in Ibsen's
Rosmersholm pretty well formulates
the science of American journalism: 'I
shall omit nothing that the public need
know.'
It is not that the press is a liar. The
editor does not print it because you read-
ers do not want it : you readers do not
want it because the editor does not print
it. The colleges do not teach it because
educated people do not demand it : ed-
ucated people do not demand it because
the colleges have never taught them
its importance. The clergymen do not
preach it because their polite congrega-
tions dislike having their sensibilities
harrowed — the wheel comes full cir-
cle. And so the vicious spiral winds
snake-like, poisoning our free institu-
tions with this vast unofficial censor-
ship, infinitely more effective than any
official censorship — the universal and
truth- killing gospel of Hush !
From all of which this much is cer-
tain: you are not getting the news.
And justice requires that your ex-
cuse be added : you are not getting the
news because you are not sufficiently
aroused to demand it; and you are not
sufficiently aroused to demand it be-
cause you are not getting the news.
Even if your schools and colleges,
however, could afford to be honest
tradesmen, the wares they are selling
are rapidly becoming not worth your
purchase. They belong to a time when
education was for the few. When edu-
cated men were scarce they could sell
their disciplined brains in a virgin mar-
ket. Then the news went out that
higher education meant good pay, and
the past three decades have so glutted
the market for these disciplined brains
that we are now confronted with the
incongruity of the trade-union-pro-
tected plumber in greasy overalls com-
manding better pay than the * profes-
sional ' in a white collar whose training
involved an outlay of five thousand
dollars. The spread of higher educa-
tion has spoiled the market; and your
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
mere college graduate, untrained to
any special profession, is even more at
the mercy of the employer, and lucky
if the white collar which is his badge of
respectability is not also the badge of
his life-servitude. You have not heard
the news, which is that the money is
no longer in the white-collar job; it is in
the greasy-overalls job. So, while the
skilled artisan has a commodity always
in demand and for which his union will
enable him to exact a pretty good price,
you are still pathetically forcing your
sons' necks into this yoke of respecta-
bility.
And what is this respectability for
which you have always been such
sticklers?
A hasty review of his personal ac-
quaintance will satisfy any candid per-
son that it is quite possible for a man to
lie, cheat, steal, slander, and commit
wholesale industrial murder, provided
he does so respectably. This does not
mean that he must not get caught. It
means merely that he must not com-
promise himself legally. Respectability
is the act of keeping friendly with the
police. It might be forgiven the offense
of putting crime on a genteel footing
had it not also put all the mighty pas-
sions of generous enthusiasm under the
social taboo of * bad taste.' Mrs. Pank-
hurst, of whom a modern poet has
written,
And Jesus Christ has come again with whips, —
you respectables consider a wicked
notoriety-seeker whose financial trans-
actions, you would like to suspect,
would not bear scrutiny. Tolstoi, if
you knew more of him than that you
have been told that he wrote indecent
stories, you would consider a crank
who made himself and everybody
around him uncomfortable over the
wrongs of the poor when he had enough
himself. In short, a reformer (which is
to say, a Christian) is, with you, a dan-
gerous person who upsets families, —
the tranquillity of your own being the
supremest social millenium your im-
agination can envisage.
But is that domestic security of
yours so certain? I speak now not of
possible revolution, but of probable
extinction. Brusquely as you are being
elbowed out of business, you are being
elbowed more brusquely still out of
your very existence. The most deadly
process of extermination known to his-
tory is at work decimating your num-
bers, — the voluntary restriction of
birthrate under economic pressure. It
is no mere coincidence that the only
two classes which maintain their nor-
mal birthrate are those too ignorant
to know the means and the economic
advantages of reducing the fruitfulness
of marriage, and those directly under
the intimidation of the Roman priest-
hood, which combats this practice with
the powerful instrument of the con-
fessional. It is enough merely to name
this grinning spectre which makes an
unbidden third at the bridal breakfast,
which stalks through silent rooms
where troops of children should be
romping at their play, which stands at
the bedside even in the holy hour of
childbirth. The suffering this has cost
you would make my dwelling on it a
needless cruelty except to ask whether
you can now see whither this iniquitous
social and economic system is forcing
you — this system whereby the many
work and the few batten on the profits.
You probably know that your Anglo-
Saxon blood has already ceased to pre-
dominate in this country. It is not
alone that the oligarchy of money is
fast reducing you industrially; but that
this property-worship and dividendol-
atry are sucking the very blood from
the veins of the nation, penalizing mar-
riage, killing your children unborn, kill-
ing your very race.
Do not suppose that these words
A MESSAGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS
13
spring from hatred of the rich. And
do not make the blunder of hating
the rich. Lift not your hands to them
for help, nor in hatred, for they as im-
potently move as you or I. Hate the
order which made them rich to their
poverty, and help them to make an end
of it.
You have one refuge: to cast in your
lot with the under-dog. Unless you
accept the leadership, it will pass from
you, as it has done before, to another
class who are the idealists. Their need
has made them so. They stretch hands
to you for help.
Make no mistake about this. You
will have to think hard and think twice.
All your traditions, all your teaching,
all your ambitions have bidden you
aspire to the estate just above you.
The only refuge from capitalism which
the capitalist has offered you is to be-
come a capitalist. The prize which has
been dangled just beyond your fist is
the contemptible existence of living
without working. You have always
been taught that once you had scram-
bled through the doorway to the em-
ploying and owning class you would be
safe. You have seen that doorway con-
tract. You have seen it grow harder
and harder for your sons to fight their
way in; you have seen the sons of those
already in thrust out. You have seen
the struggle turn murderous.
They are still telling you that your
only refuge from the mire of poverty
lies in getting in. Does it ever occur to
you that your only hope lies in exactly
the opposite direction — in keeping
out, in persuading others to keep out,
and in joining forces with the plun-
dered and the outcast? Does it ever
occur to you that if your pity drew you
to take sides with the oppressed, your
unlooked-for reward would be a sudden
and overwhelming power to end op-
pression? Does it ever occur to you
that, once you joined forces with the
poor (who, you have been told, cannot
help you), together you would be sud-
denly invincible and need no longer
dread each other, — nor the rich, nor
poverty?
VI
Golden pour of summer sunshine
over Elmport: churchbells booming
their solemn noonday jubilation; sun-
light and shadows of foliage flickering
on the white walls of the ancient houses ;
blue-coated veterans marching with
faces stern and set; * Lawrence Police*
on the badges of the constabulary;
and, over the empty, silent mill, flow-
ing gallantly to the noon breeze, in
bitter mockery, — the national colors.
I had journeyed to Elmport to see an
old New England town celebrate its
great national holiday of political lib-
erty during a struggle for industrial
liberty. I had seen the foreign immi-
grants eager, interested, and respect-
ful,— if a bit puzzled, — watching the
American middle-class protest against
syndicalism.
That protest was a bit absurd. But
there was in it a deeper pang, an ache
of pathos which struck to the heart.
It was so well meant. It was so utterly
beside the point. A town piteously
bewildered. It knew that a justice of
the superior court and a saintly bishop
were stockholders in the Elmport mill,
and that therefore the strikers must be
in the wrong. The townspeople were
saying to the I.W.W. (which had ac-
cepted the leadership which they them-
selves had rejected) : * You challenge our
institutions. We answer your chal-
lenge by pointing to our flag, — the flag
for which, in tears and agony, we gave
our young sons to death in battle half a
century ago. Our eyes are full of angry
tears, and our hearts are full of bitter-
ness at your insult. For the future,
affront this flag at your peril!'
Such was the reply at Elmport. Such
14
A REPLY
is the reply of that old New England of
which this little town of Elmport is but
the magnifying lens. Such is the reply
of the American middle class from
ocean to ocean. It does not understand.
It will not sympathize. It can only
intensely resent.
And now let me tell you the answer
of radicalism to the middle class.
It is the basement of the Belgian hall
in Lawrence. Overhead, a strike meet-
ing is in progress. Except for its occa-
sional thunders, down here all is order
and quiet. At a long table, thirty chil-
dren are eating their evening meal.
They are saying nothing because most
of them are too little to talk, and if they
could, there are hardly any two who
cculd understand each other's tongues.
Every morsel they are tucking into
their tiny mouths is the gift of a family
in some other New England mill city
which has gone without in order to be
able to send it.
A strike-leader, who had been har-
anguing the meeting, came downstairs
from the hall above, flushed with de-
nunciation. Something in the com-
munal aspect of the table, some strange
hush of sacramental quietude as these
children sat in the deepening dusk eat-
ing the bread of sacrifice, brought a
quick gush of tears to his eyelids. He
turned away murmuring, 'Is this as
near to the brotherhood of man as we
can come?'
Dear friends, would it not be better
to stop calling this radicalism? Would
it not be better to call it the good news
of that kind elder brother of us all, the
carpenter of Nazareth?
A REPLY
MY FRIEND, —
Your words sink deep. They voice a
human passion enduring through the
generations, never absent but seldom
articulate. They conjure up the an-
cient vision of comfort shared equally
among all men, — an infinite inheri-
tance, infinitely divided, a world where
there shall be no more elder brothers
sitting in the sun. You who write them
reason from your longing and argue
from your desire, and you ask an an-
swer not from the head but from the
heart. Argument will not give you
peace, nor will logic curb your aspira-
tion. You touch the hidden springs of
feeling and loose emotions too dumbly
held in check. Your letter, read and
pondered, should make us better men
and women, not from fear but from
understanding and from love. And yet
it is of fear that you bid us take coun-
sel. Revolution, you say, presses at
our heels; we cannot save ourselves.
Then let us turn, as you have turned,
and fling ourselves upon the mercy of
those who pursue.
Who are these pursuers, these close-
locked ranks of toilers who, you would
have us believe, form the army of
human brotherhood? As I look back
and watch them, I see, not one crusad-
ing army of the masses advancing
shoulder to shoulder, step for step, but
host after host of classes sundered by
gulfs deep as those which divide the
A REPLY
15
middle class from the plutocracy. I see
the trade-unions in their rigid ranks and
the marauding bands of syndicalists
hating them with a bitter hate. I see
the socialists plotting a new world-des-
potism, the anarchists a new world-
chaos, and behind them a multitude
greater far than all of these, a mass
of stragglers, the inefficient, the unfort-
unate, those who can be helped and
those who must go down, each bound
to his neighbor by no belief, no thought
in common except the single hope of
crawling up into the air and light; no
outer union among them except the
common support of the overwhelming
burden of life. Is this the army you
ask me to join? Will it profit these men
if I eat their bread? Those who have
will not welcome me. Those who have
not will tear from me what little I still
have. No; I reject your eloquent ap-
peal. I will not trust my fears. Wheth-
er safety exists, I do not know. One
thing I know: it cannot lie behind.
Watch more closely still and see the
discord among those who follow. See
how the rank and file of socialists mis-
trust and hate and use the 'intellec-
tuals' who sit at ease and spin their
theoretic webs. Look at your practical
leaders, your Haywoods, your Ettors,
your Tannenbaums, and at those near-
er friends of yours who affrighted the
good citizens of Elmport. It is not new
order they desire, but present disorder ;
not evolution, but flux. That was an
instructive congress the other day in
New York. The socialists were in con-
clave debating the 'reorganization' of
society with completest forms of par-
liamentary procedure, when in trooped
two-score sturdy representatives of
Direct Action. In a trice the debate
became a dispute, the dispute a strug-
gle, the struggle a riot. Chairs were
splintered, heads broken, before the
police pacified as spirited a fracas as
capital and labor can boast of on the
most apposite occasion. The incident
is typical. Discipline and order are not
easily born among men.
ii
Discipline and order! Think what
they mean. This human race which
you and your easy thinkers expect to
remould in a generation has been to
school for a thousand thousand years
learning their rudiments. Think of the
seons which elapsed from the time man
first stood upright in the twilight of the
woods to the age when he first struck
fire and came dully to see in that kin-
dled blaze the fixed centre of a little
world made by the woman and their
children. And then think of the ages
which followed as the tiny groups be-
gan to cling to one another for protec-
tion and to buy order at the cost of
restraint and self-denial. And so to the
dawn of history, on and on, through
the centuries when order is called by
its historic name — civilization — and
the wise learn to know that, in spite of
all the sin and crimes it has answer-
ed for, order alone can give them the
peace, the security, the happiness they
crave.
You sappers and miners of the or-
der we have built cry out against
marriage and the hostages it gives to
fortune. Without those hostages life
itself is of little worth; yet who would
wish for children left behind to chance
it in a rocking world? Yours is a
gambler's stake, and, like the gam-
bler, you would spin the earth round
and round till it stops at your own
number. We toil and skimp and save,
buying with our own lives some leisure
for our children, drawing hope from the
past, living for the future. To you,
those Elmporters who raised the flag in
sign of discipline, of order, and of coun-
try were contemptible fools. Fools they
may have been, but not contemptible.
16
A REPLY
Startled from the sleep of security,
frightened, bursting with passionate
thoughts they could not utter, they
turned to the flag which to them meant
all the glorious words they longed to
say and all the splendid deeds they
longed to do. Poor, incompetent peo-
ple, brought face to face with a fearful
crisis, holding up their starry symbol
like priests holding a cross to shield
them from a conflagration. Preposter-
ous it was and futile and touching as
human nature is apt to be, but it had
in it something at least of that sym-
bolic consecration in which men kneel
before the wafer and the wine.
Of the predicament of the middle
class you speak full truth. We are
brayed as in a mortar. Wages are sub-
merging salaries. The clergyman must
employ a plumber at twice his own
salary. The clerk is helpless in the
clutches of the carpenter. Our present
is dark and our future dim enough, but
we must remember that hitherto we
have struggled unorganized against an
organized world. The huge lever of
collective bargaining has never even
been set up for middle-class use, and it
is quite possible that once in working
order, this machine may be used as a
powerful auxiliary in battling against
extortion from below as well as against
exaction from above. But — and this
is a lesson neither you nor yours
have ever learned — social machinery,
though it may make the world a fairer
place to live in, will never create new
wealth. The prime reason that the cost
of living mounts so inexorably is writ-
ten in our statute books. Every law
to help the poor, most laws to curb
the rich, cost money. Better housing
conditions, grade-crossings, municipal
improvements, cost money. Sounder
health, easier communication, happier
environment, bring dividends in the
end, but improvement spells expense,
and I, for one, thank God that this is
so. Things are precious as they are
costly. When we make gifts we must
pay for them and feel the pinching of
our wallets. Straitened as it is, the mid-
dle class, by virtue of that very book-
education which you deplore, holds the
balance of power. It still makes pub-
lic opinion, and at its command are in-
scribed upon the statute books laws
which make the world a more equitable
but a more expensive place. Let us
recognize the full extent of this truth.
These gifts freely given are costly to
the givers. Sacrifice made them possi-
ble, and it is sacrifice which gives them
worth.
History is already recording that
this is the age of uniformity. There is
but one general standard of a life well
lived, and that is success. The stand-
ard is base enough, but it is not so base
as the interpretation which, in this
country at least, gives its significance a
money value. We capitalize talent and
ambition much as we capitalize pig-
iron. No real aristocracy exists which
recognizes either responsibility or at-
tainment as essential to its character.
The riband and the laurel are prizes
for boys but not for men. The rich and
the well-to-do have set out for a single
goal and the poor have locked step
behind them, marching all of us to
the devil's tattoo of the dollars' chink.
Those who have money and those who
have more seem to block the whole
wide road, and every man behind in the
race strains forward in anger and in
desperation to clutch the single prize.
Give us neither poverty nor riches.
Few there are who have uttered that
wise petition, but those to whom it
has been granted belong to the middle
class. They it is whose lives have
chiefly branched into many-sided use-
fulness and who have enriched the
common store of beauty, of wisdom,
and of knowledge. They it is who, like
successful adventurers in the animal
A REPLY
17
kingdom, differentiate the species and
lead the march of life up the long spiral
of evolution. And this variety, which
is indeed the life-principle of progress,
you ask us to relinquish. Your leaders
hate it. Your masses fear it. They
would destroy it root and branch, and
at the price of its destruction you offer
us safety.
in
You who ask us to give up our birth-
right, what do you know of our history ?
It was we, the middle class, who made
Rome, pumping our redder blood into
the slackened arteries of the aristo-
cracy and refilling our emptying veins
from the best that ran below. It was
we who brought light to the Dark
Ages; we who curbed first the nobles
and then the kings of Europe. Spain
despised us and lost the primacy of
nations. Russia shut us out, and her
penalty has been two hundred years of
bitterness and blood. You cannot take
our heroes from us. Cromwell, you
say, was the child of Revolution, and
academic discussion primed the mus-
kets at Lexington. Yes; but it is Oli-
ver's glory that he turned rebellion
into the law of democracy, and the Lex-
ington minute-men rammed into their
middle-class muskets the theories that
middle-class genius gave them. We
too, it is, who have brought education
and industry into the modern world;
and, please God, we shall bring peace.
And what have they brought, these
friends of yours to whom you bid us
turn? Theirs are the gifts which the
hordes of Alaric brought to Rome, the
Anabaptists to Germany, the Jacobins
to France. Whatever their idealism,
whatever their aspirations, they have
never won a victory unmarked by stu-
pidity and cruelty. The men whom
they have chosen as leaders have ever
guided them deeper into the morass.
Cleon and Jack Cade and Marat have
VOL. 114- NO. 1
led them as Debs and Jim Larkin and
Moyer are leading them now. Once, and
once only, in modern times, have they
been triumphant: the hideous excess,
the ruinous reaction of the French Re-
volution are their enduring monument.
I have said that theirs have been the
gifts of death, but they have brought
us one gift of strength and life — their
need. Their necessities have been our
salvation. Their suffering has saved
us from ourselves. Heaven knows we
have not been unselfish. We have been
hard enough and grinding enough and
buried deep enough in plans for money
and for comfort, but the sense that the
poor are with us has never quite gone
from our minds. We have trimmed the
lamp of charity and kept it burning.
Little by little, the flame has grown
brighter and clearer until, in this cen-
tury we have passed, we have begun
to see how it may light the world. Here
in America we have made education free
to all. We have given homes to thirty
million people. In countless ways we
have alleviated suffering and extended
opportunity. There 's a century's work
for you! And now we are creating
parks and playgrounds, revolutionizing
the living conditions of the poor in cit-
ies, banishing disease, organizing from
the moneys of the rich, huge unselfish
companies to aid in the emancipation
of the poor, and gradually introduc-
ing into business life the honest prin-
ciple of dividing profits with the work-
ers. To the trite platitude that the
world was never advancing so fast in
material prosperity as it does to-day, it
may truthfully be added that the vast
increment in life's satisfactions goes, in
the main, not to the rich, or the mid-
dle class, but to the poor.
IV
You who labor with your hands,
these things are yours — yours in in-
18
A REPLY
creasing measure, largely through our
efforts. Let us press the work on
through another century and we will
multiply them fourfold. Stand aside
and let us keep our shoulders to the
wheel. We do not ask your gratitude.
We do not want it. But the justice
which is ever on your lips and on your
banners, that we ask in our turn. You
do part of the work; you claim all the
profit. You wish to direct our business;
you decline to be responsible for our
losses. You hate us because we are
wiser and more prudent than you. We
recognize merit and promote it from
your ranks. The more successful of you
slam the door of opportunity in the
faces of those who follow. In spite of
our own greed, we still think of others.
You think only of yourselves. We are
all of us the materialized children of
a century of industrialism, but in you
that materialism grows most rank.
When you have bread, you cry for
meat; when you have water, you cry
for wine. Shorter hours, more money,
better food, less work — these are ever
your demands; never more learning,
more beauty, more service.
It is hard, I know, to thirst for love-
ly things when the body's needs press
relentlessly upon you — yet the saints
have bloomed from poverty as blos-
soms from the dirt. And if, as perhaps
you believe, high desires are the fruits
of leisure, I ask you to look at those
front ranks of labor which, as your
spokesman truly says, are passing us
in comfort. Can you see spirituality in
their sleek content? Is there idealism
there? Is there aspiration unmeasured
by the yard-stick and the dollar? I tell
you that the very priest in his pulpit,
who prays for things eternal, is distrust-
ed by laboring men because his sermon
is not for their physical comfort, nor
his prayer for their advancement in
the world.
And now we come to the pith and
marrow of the matter. The age of faith
is past. The manna which has fed the
human spirit so long has been aban-
doned for grosser food. No longer do
men seek re-creation and refreshment
at those exhaustless springs whose
waters heal with the gifts of patience,
of confidence, and of love. Have you
not seen how the socialists regard that
starveling band of 'sentimentalists'
who call themselves Christian Social-
ists? Verily, the Science of Marx has
lost its science, but has not found its
God. Have you not heard Giovan-
nitti plead for the ' law ' of beasts, as
though heart and mind and spirit could
batten at a trough? There is little
enough religion in the world to-day, but
among the forces which organize social
discontent its absence is most utter.
The heavy-laden turn from Him who
alone has peace to offer, and seek to
find it in sharing the loot of the world.
By bread alone we cannot live. In
the dim haze of the future this truth
stands boldly out. Either human soci-
ety will fly apart in a myriad atoms,
each impotently seeking its own safety
and going singly to destruction as sparks
go out in the dark; or else the cleavage
between class and class, the gaps be-
tween man and man, will dwindle to
insignificance in the faith that life is
patterned on one limitless design whose
tiniest figure soars beyond our know-
ledge and in whose ancient web our lives
are stitches, false or true, marring or
making the universal work. Only thus
can man never be alien from man.
Only thus can we enter upon that
infinite inheritance of joy craved by
every one alike. For as the saint saith,
Never will you enjoy the world 'till
you can sing and rejoice and delight in
God as misers do in gold and kings in
sceptres.'
K. <S.
UNION PORTRAITS
I. JOSEPH HOOKER
BY GAMALIEL BRADFORD
To say that the outer man was the
best part of Hooker would be mani-
festly unjust. But all agree that the
outer man was magnificent. He was
tall, thoroughly martial in bearing,
with blonde hair, finely cut features,
an expressive mouth, and large gray
eyes full of fire and sympathy. The
rich glow of his complexion character-
ized him from boyhood, so that an
enthusiastic female admirer declared
when he left West Point, that with his
ruddy cheeks, blue coat, and white
trousers, he was a perfect epitome of
the American flag. Villard thought
only one other man in the whole army,
Hancock, approached Hooker in the
splendor of his exterior. But General
Walker observes shrewdly, 'He was
handsome and picturesque in the ex-
treme, but with a fatally weak chin/
Turn to almost any of the portraits
and you will see what General Walker
means. Bear it in mind in our further
study.
Hooker was a Massachusetts man,
born in Hadley in 1814. His father
seems to have had no great force of
character, but his mother was high-prin-
cipled, energetic, and had much influ-
ence over her children. It is said that
she intended her son for the church.
Failing this, she doubtless supplement-
ed the education given him at the local
academy, and sent him to West Point
with the average mental equipment of
a cadet of that day.
At West Point he did not stand very
high. But there is a notable legend
that he would have stood much higher
than twenty-eighth in his class, if his
decided combative tendencies had not
injured him with the faculty. Whether
this be true or not, straight-out fighting
was his line in life. Where he could
fight, he succeeded. Where he could
not, his success was much less marked.
And he sometimes fought those who
should not have been his enemies.
In the Mexican War he won distinc-
tion and deserved it. He showed per-
sonal bravery and the rarer gift of
inspiring bravery in others. Thrice
he was bre vetted, a distinction which
fell to few others, if to any. He served
on the staff of General Pillow, and his
enthusiastic biographer asserts that he
furnished 'all the brains and most of
the energy and industry to be found at
the headquarters of that division/ Per-
haps this is slightly exaggerated.
Everybody knows that Hooker was
called * Fighting Joe.' Not everybody
knows that the name was not given by
the troops but in pure accident by a
newspaper compositor, who, having to
interpret the telegraphic abbreviation
* fighting — Joe Hooker,' dropped the
dash and created a world-known so-
briquet. Hooker did not like the name,
or said he did not; thought that it made
him seem like a highwayman or bandit.
19
JOSEPH HOOKER
And perhaps it has hurt him as much as
it has helped him.
When the Civil War began, Hooker
was entirely suited. He did not receive
a commission till after Bull Run, but in
the Peninsula battles nobody did bet-
ter fighting than he. At Williamsburg
his division distinguished itself highly.
'In every engagement/ says General
Rusling, 'he always seemed to know
what to do and when to do it.' Mc-
Clellan, indeed, depreciated his subordi-
nate and there was not much kindliness
between them. But in this instance his-
tory justifies Hooker. And his own re-
ported comment on his commander's
coldness is a pleasant example of the
frank humor which must have been an
element of his social charm. 'I say,
Mott, it seems to me you and I, and
your Jersey Blues, and the Excelsior
Brigade, were not at Williamsburg at
all. Hancock did the business.'
This social charm was felt by all who
came closely into contact with the
general, and for this and other things he
was unquestionably much beloved by
his troops. He talked with them as
man to man, took a personal interest in
their doings, did not let great affairs
thrust out little kindnesses. General
Rusling once went to his division com-
mander to get leave for an invalid, and
was refused even attention. Then he
made his way to Hooker, at that time
commander-in-chief. 'Let me have
the paper,' Hooker said. 'I'll show
General a " leave" can be granted
without his approval in a case like
this.' When Berry was killed, Hooker
'with tears in his eyes kissed his fore-
head and said, " My God, Berry, why
was the man on whom I relied so much
to be taken away in this manner?"
These things touch the soldier's heart,
touck any man's. Hooker was just,
too, and fair in dealing with his subor-
dinates. General Reynolds writes me:
'I was with him every day for eight
months, and I say without hesitancy, I
never knew a man who tried to be fair-
er and treat every one more justly than
he did. He would treat the lowest in
rank with the same courtesy as the
highest, and no commander was more
beloved by his troops than was he by
the 20th Corps.'
The fighting reputation that Hooker
had won on the Peninsula continued
and increased through the second Bull
Run campaign and at Antietam, where
he was wounded after doing great
damage to the Confederate left. His
energy and vigor showed, not only in
bare fighting, but in strenuous effort
to keep his troops responsive and his
officers efficient. With what force does
he express himself against an attempt
to deprive him of one of the best of
them. 'I have just been shown an
order relieving Brigadier-General Rey-
nolds from the command of a division
in my corps. I request that the major-
general commanding will not heed this
order; a scared governor ought not to
be permitted to destroy the usefulness
of an entire division of the army on the
eve of important operations.5
But his most attractive mood is un-
doubtedly that in which he feels the
thrill and enthusiasm of actual battle.
*The whole morning had been one of
unusual animation to me and fraught
with the grandest events. The conduct
of the troops was sublime, and the occa-
sion almost lifted me to the skies, and
its memories will ever remain with me.'
This was at Antietam, where there
was triumph. Even finer, from a moral
point of view, was the general's atti-
tude at Fredericksburg, where there
was defeat. Though he would expose
his men regardlessly in battle, he was
always thoughtful of their welfare, so
far as was compatible with duty.
When some neglect was shown in the
handling of ambulances, his rebuke
was severe. 'I regret more than all to
JOSEPH HOOKER
find two officers of my command, hold-
ing high and responsible positions,
showing so little concern for the welfare
and efficiency of the command to which
they are assigned as to seek by artifice
and unfairness to destroy one and dis-
regard the other.' Hence it was that
this fighter, this man who would face
anything and was lifted almost to the
skies by the exhilaration of combat,
would not fling his soldiers against the
impossible without a protest. When
Burnside ordered the charge, 'I sent
my aide to General Burnside to say
that I advised him not to attack at
that place. He returned saying that the
attack must be made. I had the mat-
ter so much at heart that I put spurs
to my horse and rode over here myself
and tried to persuade General Burn-
side to desist from the attack. He in-
sisted on its being made.' It was
made, magnificently, and failed mag-
nificently. Said Hooker of it later, with
caustic frankness: 'Finding that I had
lost as many men as my orders required
me to lose, I suspended the attack.'
Thus the country generally saw
Hooker, on the eve of the battle of
Chancellorsville, in April, 1863, a splen-
did, vigorous, successful soldier and
corps-commander, full of fight, yet not
without prudence, widely popular and
fairly trusted. The germs of his defects
had been manifest long before, how-
ever, and we must look into them
closely in preparation for our study of
the great climax of his life.
All generalizations are dangerous, and
all the adjectives we apply to character
are generalizations. The Southern offi-
cer, Magruder, an honest and straight-
forward soldier, who had served in the
same regiment with Hooker in former
days, told Fremantle that Hooker was
* essentially a mean man and a liar.'
Hooker did mean things and made false
statements. So have you. So have I.
But it is not just, I hope, to call you a
liar, or me, or Hooker. Again, Palfrey,
who knew him well, says that he was
'Brave, handsome, vain, insubordinate,
plausible, untrustworthy.' These are
strong words. Some of them may be
justified, not all.
But let us leave the generalizations.
Concretely, it has always been said that
Hooker drank too much. The testi-
mony as to this is conflicting. When
he left West Point, he was a total
abstainer, yet the florid complexion,
which later was attributed to alcohol,
was just as marked in the cadet as in
the major-general. Wearied with the
piping times of peace, Hooker went to
California, in the wild gold days. There
he farmed with small success, and no
doubt he lived as many about him were
living, — unprofitably, to say the least.
There is a story that he borrowed mon-
ey from Halleck and Sherman, that he
came to San Francisco on Saturday to
make payment, after closing hours,
and that by Monday morning the mon-
ey was gone. This, with similar inci-
dents, is said to have been the origin
of Halleck's and Sherman's prejudice
against him. The anecdote does not,
however, seem quite compatible with a
sentence in a confidential letter from
Halleck to Sherman, September 16,
1864. 'He [Hooker] is aware that I
know something about his character
and conduct in California, and fearing
that I may use it against him, he seeks
to ward off its effects by making it ap-
pear that I am his personal enemy.'
Another curious (if true) detail about
this California life is furnished by Stone-
man. Hooker, he says, 'could play the
best game of poker I ever saw until it
came to the point when he should go
a thousand better, and then he would
flunk.' This may have been colored by
recollections of Chancellorsville. Still,
when I read it, I am reminded of that
weak chin.
Whatever the dissipations of the
22
JOSEPH HOOKER
California life, they cannot have been
damning, since he afterwards came to
fill positions of honor and trust in the
great western state, and his friends
there subscribed to pay his expenses
on to Washington when the war began.
As with Halleck and Sherman thus
early, however, he had the serious
defect of offending wantonly those
whom he should not have offended. In
Mexico, for instance, he had been at-
tached to the staff of Pillow. When
Pillow was arraigned and his conduct
investigated on the charges of Scott,
Hooker spoke his mind with entire
freedom in defense of his chief and
gained the hostility of the senior gen-
eral. As a consequence of this, the
California recruit waited for some time
vainly before he could enter the Army
of the Potomac.
In this case it was Hooker's tongue
that damaged him, and it cannot be
denied that all his life that insignificant
member caused him a great deal of
trouble. It was a splendidly vivid and
energetic tongue, could stir an army to
a charge, could cheer and stimulate a
friend and smite an enemy. With what
a keen flash does it lighten the metal-
lic brevity of a dispatch. 'The enemy
may number 4000, or 5000, those half
starved and badly wounded. The num-
ber of major-generals and brigadier-
generals they have along is of no con-
sequence; they are flesh and blood.'
But this same tongue could work
astonishing havoc with reputations,
most of all its owner's. It could brand
individuals with a hot iron. 'If Gen-
eral Sumner had advanced the rebellion
would have been buried there. He did
not advance at all.' Do you think
General Sumner loved that tongue?
It could blight, if unintentionally, a
whole arm of the service. 'Who ever
saw a dead cavalryman?' At the very
outset of the war it achieved one of its
most remarkable feats, unsurpassed, if
equaled, later. Tired of seeking em-
ployment from direct military author-
ity and ready to return to California,
Hooker called on the President to ex-
plain his position. After explaining it,
he concluded with the casual comment,
'I was at Bull Run the other day, Mr.
President, and it is no vanity in me to
say I am a damned sight better general
than you had on that field.' Must it not
have been, indeed, a man of power who
could utter such words as that and
actually make Lincoln believe them?
Well, the tongue went on its way,
along with the hand and sword,
through the Peninsula, through Antie-
tam and Fredericksburg. McClellan!
Hooker had no use for McClellan and
said so. McClellan was a baby. Mc-
Clellan dared not fight. If McClellan
had done as Hooker urged and wished,
Richmond would have been ours in the
spring of 1862. The subordinate testi-
fied formally before the Committee on
the Conduct of the War that the failure
of the Peninsula campaign was ' to be
attributed to the want of generalship
on the part of the commander.'
When Burnside succeeded McClel-
lan, it was the same with Burnside.
Villard, as a newspaper man, met
Hooker for the first time and had
scarcely introduced himself when the
general burst into unsparing criticism
of the government, of Halleck, of Mc-
Clellan, and especially of his immediate
superior. To his fellow soldiers he
naturally did not hesitate to express
the same opinion; and when he was
himself in supreme command, he wrote
about his predecessor words of almost
incredible violence. Hooker 'cannot
bear to go into battle with the slanders
of this wretch uncontradicted and the
author of them unchastised. He must
swallow his words as soon as I am in a
condition to address him, or I will hunt
him to the ends of the earth/ By the
way, I am not aware that the wretch
JOSEPH HOOKER
ever did swallow his words, or ever was
hunted.
A dangerous tongue, indeed, you
see, and perhaps there was a little trou-
ble back of the tongue, perhaps the
thinking brain was not quite so perfect
an instrument as the acting hand.
When that bluff Confederate, Whiting,
writes to Beauregard, 'Hooker is a
fool, and always was, and that 's a com-
fort,' the exaggerated estimate de-
serves notice chiefly because it is cer-
tain to have been common Confederate
property and so to have made its way
to Lee and to have been his best excuse
for Jackson's apparently most hazar-
dous movement at Chancellor sville.
But when Chase, Hooker's warm sup-
porter, after a confidential talk with
the general, remarks that he ' impress-
ed me favorably as a frank, manly,
brave, and energetic soldier, of some-
what less breadth of intellect than I
had expected,' the thoughtful observer
is prepared for a career which shall
blend its triumph with failure, if not
disaster.
ii
To this man, then, such as we have
seen him, Lincoln, in January, 1863,
confided the splendid Army of the Po-
tomac and the salvation of the Union.
The President had his serious misgiv-
ings and expressed them in a well-
known letter, surely one of the most
singular ever received by a great gen-
eral on undertaking an important com-
mand. Lincoln warns his subordinate
against ambition, warns him against
over-confidence, warns him not to talk
about a dictatorship until he has done
things worthy of it, warns him to fear
the spirit of insubordination in the
army which Hooker himself has been
the most forward to cultivate. One
can easily imagine the impatient con-
tempt with which McClellan would
have received such a letter. Well, all
that is really fine and winning and lov-
able in Hooker shines out in his simple
comment to his officers on receiving it.
'He talks to me like a father. I shall
not answer this letter until I have won
him a great victory.'
But, alas, the general entered upon
his important duties without the real
confidence of the higher officers under
him. 'He had wounded some by
openly ^criticizing them,' says De Tro-
briand, 'he had alienated others by
putting himself forward at their ex-
pense.' And again that fatal tongue
intervened, with trouble at its tip.
Grand reviews, riding in gold and glit-
ter, on equal footing with presidents
and ministers, that splendid army in
the spring sunshine set over against
those starved and ragged rebels, en-
gendered a confidence which would
burst from lips not tutored to keep
still. 'The finest army on the planet.'
'The operations of the last three days
have determined that our enemy must
either ingloriously fly, or give us battle
on our own ground where certain de-
struction awaits him.' 'My plans are
perfect, and when I start to carry them
out, may God have mercy on General
Lee, for I will have none.' ' The enemy
is in my power, and God Almighty can-
not deprive me of them.' Such words
as these suggest the Nemesis of Greek
tragedy and give an enthralling inter-
est to the dramatic story of the man
who uttered them.
At first all went well. Through the
spring months the general reorganized
the demoralized army, and did it ad-
mirably. Here is another of the delight-
ful psychological contradictions in this
extraordinary man. You think he was
an impetuous firebrand. Yet he dis-
tinguished himself most of all in the
slow, fretful labor of systematizing and
perfecting the instrument he was to use.
Then, with the warm April days,
came the preparations for action. The
JOSEPH HOOKER
plan finally adopted is said to have
originated, to some extent, with War-
ren. With whomsoever it originated,
all admit that it was an able strategic
design. From the point of view of
Hooker's character, we note again, in
this regard, a singular contradiction.
Here was a man who always talked too
freely, who was notorious for saying
things he should not have said; yet, the
minute the full burden rested on his
shoulders, he kept still. Even to his
nearest subordinates he whispered no
word of his intention, except so far as
necessary orders required.
The general plan of campaign was
simple. Hooker's army was massed on
the north side of the Rappahannock,
Lee's on the south, in the neighborhood
of Fredericksburg. Hooker proposed
first crossing his cavalry well up the
river, to threaten or break the com-
munications of Lee. Then the bulk of
the army was to cross above the enemy,
sweep round with a great turning move-
ment and drive him toward the east,
while another force, under Sedgwick,
crossing at Fredericksburg, was to bar
retreat in that direction and crush the
small army of the Confederates be-
tween the two.
From the beginning, the weak point
of the scheme was the combined action
with Sedgwick. Still, the first steps
went admirably. The great crossing,
by the upper fords, was made before
the enemy divined it, with entire suc-
cess. Corps after corps swept forward
triumphantly into the Wilderness and
it seemed as if Lee would really be
crushed, as his enemy had intended.
But Lee did not propose to be crushed.
He met the advancing battalions in a
much more aggressive fashion than
Hooker expected. And suddenly this
check in his plans seemed to chill the
buoyant spirit of the Union comman-
der. Instead of urging his generals,
on! on! he sent word to them, With-
draw, the woods are too thick, the
enemy too strong, let us establish our-
selves safely at Chancellorsville and
wait. It was like a burst balloon, like a
great ship set aback all at once and left
shivering in a change of wind. 'To
hear from his own lips that the advan-
tages gained by the successful marches
of his lieutenants were to culminate in
fighting a defensive battle in that nest
of thickets was too much, and I retired
from his presence with the belief that
my commanding general was a whipped
man,' says Couch.
So thought Lee and Jackson also.
The next day, May 2, Jackson, with a
large part of Lee's army, made his way
through the woods across Hooker's
front and past his right. Then, toward
evening, the Confederates fell, like a
whirlwind, upon the Union right flank;
Howard and his Eleventh Corps, who
had hardly dreamed of such an onset
and had done little or nothing to pre-
vent it. It is not necessary to apportion
the blame strictly in this matter. There
is enough for every one, — Hooker,
Howard, the division commanders, and
the troops, — enough and some left over.
The disaster was as appalling as it was
unexpected, and it might have been
much worse, if night, the fatigue of the
Confederates, and the wounding of
Jackson, had not intervened.
Where was Hooker? Doing what a
brave and energetic soldier could do to
repair. immediate damage, but hardly
grasping the general situation as an
able commander should have grasped
it. The next morning gave him his op-
portunity, but instead of profiting, he
fought a slow defensive battle, in which
the energetic masses of Lee and Stuart
had all the advantage.
Then the general was severely in-
jured by the falling of a wooden pillar,
and some think the accident robbed
him of great glory, and some that for
him it was a piece of rare good fortune.
JOSEPH HOOKER
Even before, his subordinates felt that
he had lost his hold. It has been said,
without sufficient foundation, that he
was drinking. It has been said that
he was wholly abstemious and missed
his drink. This would certainly be the
first case in history of a great battle
lost because the general-in-chief was
not intoxicated.
Be that as it may, after he was in-
jured, he ceased to be of any great
value on the field of Chancellorsville.
His admirers maintain that the injury
is amply sufficient to account for this.
They say that his second in command,
Couch, should have assumed the direc-
tion of affairs and pushed the fighting.
Couch himself, however, absolutely re-
fused to assume responsibility when
he might be interfered with at any mo-
ment. And he and many others hold
that Hooker's control was no less effi-
cient after the wound than it was be-
fore. * There is, in fact, no reason to
suppose that his orders would have
been wise, even if he had not been
struck,' says the latest authority on the
battle, Colonel W. R. Livermore. Still,
still I remember that weak chin.
The small Confederate army could
not, however, make any ruinous im-
pression on the Union masses. What,
then, was to be done? Behold, the gen-
eral who had clutched his foe so tightly
that Almighty God could not extricate
him, was now for recrossing the river
and beginning all over again. It seems
supplies had run short. *I think,' says
one authority, ' if we can imagine Grant
allowing his army to be placed where
Hooker's was at noon on that day,
that he would have made his soldiers
fry their boots, if there was nothing else
to eat, before he would have recrossed
the river.' But Hooker was not dis-
posed to fry boots. He called his corps
commanders into council. A majority
of them voted to remain where they
were, Meade, to be sure, alleging that
recrossing might be difficult with the
enemy at their heels, to which Hooker
answered that Lee would be delighted
to have them on the other side of the
Rappahannock. Is there not a maxim
of Napoleon's about never doing what
your enemy wishes you to do? If so,
Hooker had forgotten it. He overruled
his subordinates, ordered the puzzled
Sedgwick to withdraw also, and with
the best speed he could took back that
great, unconquered army to the place
it had left a week before with banners
waving and all the royal assurance of
undoubted triumph.
The army was unconquered, but the
general was beaten badly, and what
was much worse, the cause had received
another crushing blow. It was not
merely that so many men had been
killed and wounded. It was not mere-
ly that Lee, with inferior numbers,
had managed to sustain himself instead
of giving an inch of ground. It was
that all the strength and all the valor
of the North had been exerted once
more and had utterly failed. It was
that a fifth commander had been al-
lowed to work his pleasure with that
long-suffering army and still the rebel-
lion was as haughty, as energetic, as
aggressive as ever. So that Lincoln
fell on his knees and told his God that
the country could not endure another
Fredericksburg or Chancellorsville.
But Hooker? Did he look at the
thing in this way? Not the least bit in
the world. In the midst of the battle
his confidence seems to have been for
a little time shaken. But he quickly
recovered himself. The tremendous
moral effect of the whole adventure,
after all his vaunts, seems to have es-
caped him completely. On the very
day of the recrossing he issued general
orders, the tone of which is almost in-
credible. 'In fighting at a disadvan-
tage, we would have been recreant to
our trust, to ourselves, to our cause,
JOSEPH HOOKER
and our country. Profoundly loyal,
and conscious of its strength, the Army
of the Potomac will give or decline
battle when its interest or honor may
demand. It will also be the guardian
of its own history and its own fame.*
Alas, no ! Big words will guard no one's
fame, when they are not accompanied
by big deeds. Even then, the deeds do
better alone. And when later, sober
thought had had all its opportunity,
the general could still write in a confi-
dential letter to a friend, 'We lost no
honors at Chancellors ville.'
This desperate determination to ad-
mit no failure of course developed a
disposition to put what blame there
was on others. The tendency did not
appear immediately after the battle,
and Hooker's omission to make any
official report and to turn in many of
his records has been taken by some to
mean a desire to avoid condemning his
subordinates, especially Howard. If
so, his charity lessened with time.
When he was anxious to appear before
the Committee on the Conduct of the
War, in April, 1864, he wrote, 'As it
seems determined that I shall hold no
important command hereafter, it be-
comes necessary for me to have less care
for the future than for the past, so far
as my professional character is con-
cerned. In my judgment the records
connected with my command of the
Army of the Potomac had better be
made up, no matter who may suffer
from it.'
He helped make them up with a
vengeance, declaring, in sober, sworn
testimony, that 'There are in all armies
officers [Howard and Meade are hinted
at] more valiant after the fight than
while it is pending, and when a truthful
history of the rebellion shall be writ-
ten, it will be found that the Army of
the Potomac is not an exception '; and
again, 'Some of our corps commanders,
and also officers of other rank, appear
to be unwilling to go into a fight; in my
judgment, there are not many who
really like a fight.' This of Sedgwick!
While as to his own, Hooker's, part in
the affair there is not a word of apology
or of admission of error or weakness.
But all this was later development.
For two months after Chancellorsville,
Hooker continued in command of the
army. It might be supposed experience
would have taught him moderation, if
not humility. Apparently it did not.
In predicting to Butterfield a decisive
battle, he declared that he would ' have
every available man in the field, and if
Lee escapes with his army the country
is entitled to and should have my
head for a football.' Evidently this is
still the same tongue that wagged so
joyously in the April days on the Rap-
pahannock.
But if Hooker trusted himself, others
did not trust him. Halleck's deep-
rooted prejudice grew daily stronger,
and spread to the members of the Cabi-
net, in some measure even to Lincoln.
As a result, the general was hampered
and thwarted in a way which would
have made success impossible to a
much greater man. It is but justice
to Hooker to say that in this difficult
situation he bore himself with great
dignity, and his serious protests to the
President are as modest as they are
reasonable. There should be one com-
mander with full power, he says, and
adds, ' I trust I may not be considered
in the way to this arrangement, as it is
a position I do not desire, and only sug-
gest it, as I feel the necessity for con-
certed as well as vigorous action.' In
the same spirit he finally asked to be
relieved, feeling that the good of the
country demanded that some one else,
more trusted, should be in his place.
When his suggestion was accepted,
and Meade was substituted for him,
the finer side of Hooker's nature again
showed itself in the cordial courtesy
JOSEPH HOOKER
with which he greeted his successor. It
showed itself still more in the request
that he might be put back in command
of his old division and so continue ser-
vice with the army. And when this
request is disregarded, perhaps wisely
for all concerned, nay, even when he
is subjected to arrest for the trivial
offense of visiting Washington without
a pass, he simply writes to the Presi-
dent, with all dignity, requesting an
interview in which he may justify him-
self and set matters once more on the
right footing between them.
in
In following Hooker's later career, in
which there is undoubtedly much to
criticize, we must always bear in mind
what he went through during those
first six months of 1863. For a man of
his high and imperious spirit to have
enjoyed so long the supreme command
of 'the finest army on this planet/ to
fail in that command, and then to be
reduced to abject submission to men
whom he knew to be his juniors and
felt to be his inferiors, was a bitter ex-
perience. Many who believe in their
own genius never get even one try at
greatness; but perhaps to get one try
and fail and feel that all hope has ut-
terly slipped away is even harder still.
So it was with Hooker, and who shall
blame him if at times he grew restive?
Nevertheless, I believe that he obey-
ed his orders to go west, with a loyal
and entire determination to do his
duty. According to his view he did it;
but it is extraordinarily interesting to
study his relations to the various men
with whom he came into contact.
His old habit of criticizing and fault-
finding seems to have increased rather
than lessened. Thus, he condemned
freely the proceedings of Rosecrans,
which was not unnatural. But he
showed equal freedom in discussing the
projects of Grant. 'No doubt the
chaos of Rosecrans's administration is
as bad as he describes/ writes Dana;
* but he is quite as truculent toward the
plan he is now to execute as toward
the confusion of the old regime/ The
truculence well appears in the general's
comment en orders received from
Grant in the Chattanooga campaign.
'I am not permitted to advance unless
I do so without fighting a battle. This
puts me in the condition of the boy who
was permitted to learn to swim pro-
vided he would not go near the water/
On the other hand, Grant, imbibing
a prejudice, whether from Halleck or
otherwise, did not like Hooker. * Grant
also wishes to have both Hooker and
Slocum removed from his command/
writes Dana again . . . 'Hooker has
behaved very badly ever since his ar-
rival.' Perhaps there was some mis-
understanding as to the bad behavior.
In this connection there is a curious
instance of different points of view. Im-
mediately on Grant's reaching Chat-
tanooga, Hooker, with all the warm
courtesy of his disposition, sent to in-
vite his superior to share his head-
quarters. Wilson, in his life of Dana,
assumes that this was an impertinence
and justifies the sharp snub with which
Grant replied to it. Howard, better
understanding Hooker, expresses sur-
prise and regret at Grant's vehemence
of expression, — ' If General Hooker
wishes to see me, he will find me on this
train.'
There are plenty of other examples
of Grant's lack of consideration for his
distinguished subordinate. In one in-
dorsement he sneers at Hooker's report
of the number of prisoners captured,
as being more than that captured by
the whole army. Elsewhere he suggests
that it would be well if Hooker could
be got rid of altogether. But perhaps
his harshest criticism is his remark to
Young concerning the battle of Look-
JOSEPH HOOKER
out Mountain. 'The battle of Look-
out Mountain is one of the romances
of the war/ he said. * There was no
such battle, and no action even worthy
to be called a battle on Lookout Moun-
tain. It is all poetry.'
Now Lookout Mountain, * the battle
above the clouds,' is almost universally
regarded as one of Hooker's most sub-
stantial claims to glory. The little pre-
ceding engagement of Wauhatchie is
indeed chiefly noticeable because the
general came near repeating there his
experience with Howard at Chancel-
lorsville. A piece of careless neglect
was prevented only by supreme energy
from producing disaster. But the tak-
ing of the mountain itself was not only
notable as skillful and brilliant fighting
under great difficulties, but played a
conspicuous part in the success of the
battle of Chattanooga, though, to be
sure, a part not contemplated in Grant's
plans and therefore, perhaps, treated
by him with scant commendation.
It was the same with the Atlanta
campaign under Sherman as at Chat-
tanooga. Where there was fighting,
Hooker was always at his best. He
got his men into battle and kept them
there, either to win, or, when winning
was a sheer impossibility, to draw off
slowly, sullenly, and with terrible loss.
But his defects, like evil angels,
walked by him everywhere. Anyone
who wishes to understand Hooker
thoroughly, all his strength and all his
weakness, but the strength and the
charm predominating, should not fail
to read his immensely long confidential
letter to Chase, December 28, 1863,
printed in the Official Records, volume
55, page 339. And a similar letter to
Stanton of February 25, 1864 (volume
58, page 467) is equally illuminating.
All the loyalty is there, all the sterling
patriotism, all the instinct of generos-
ity and self-sacrifice. But there also, is
the ever-ready disposition to judge
others caustically and bitterly, and
the fatal habit of expressing that judg-
ment in hot and ill-considered words.
And there, further, is the most natural
but unfortunate sensitiveness spring-
ing from the inevitable comparison of
the present and the past. 'Many of
my juniors are in the exercise of inde-
pendent commands, while I am here
with more rank piled on top of me
than a man can well stand up under,
with a corporal's guard, comparatively,
for a command.'
In this state of mind it was hardly
to be expected that Hooker should
work in entire harmony with those
about him. He had, indeed, his own
loyal followers, like Butterfield, who
were always ready to support him with
hand and pen. His relation with his
immediate chief, Thomas, seems also
to have been cordial, and Thomas
speaks of the Lookout battle in very
different language from that of Grant.
Of Howard, who so long served under
him, Hooker writes with kindness,
even with enthusiasm, and praises * his
zealous and devoted service, not only
on the battlefield, but everywhere and
at all times.'
The record is less agreeable in. other
cases, however. It is hard to say
whether Slocum's abuse of Hooker or
Hooker's of Slocum is more violent.
Schurz, whose later testimony, as to
Chancellorsville, is so helpful to his
chief, attacks him bitterly, and with
much apparent justice, in regard to
Wauhatchie. Schofield, who is always
diplomatic, implies that Hooker's man-
oeuvres in Georgia were not conducted
with very much reference to those with
whom he should have cooperated.
But the chief figure in this last act
of Hooker's tragedy is Sherman. Most
of us will recognize that, with all Sher-
man's charm and all his vivacity, it
must have been a bitter hard fate to
serve under him, when you did not like
JOSEPH HOOKER
him and he did not like you. Now
Hooker and Sherman resembled each
other in too many points to get along
happily together, at any rate in an
official relation. From the first there
was a jealousy between them which
showed in curious little ways, as in the
story of their both coming under a hot
fire and refusing to budge, — though
all their staff, and even the stolid
Thomas, had retreated, — simply be-
cause neither was willing to stir a foot
before the other.
That Hooker was partially to blame
for these relations cannot be doubted.
But how much? Let us consider first
the enthusiastic evidence of Colonel
Stone. * Hooker's faults were suffi-
ciently apparent; but from the day this
campaign opened I had daily inter-
course with him, and no more subordi-
nate or obedient officer served in this
army. No matter how unwelcome an
order he received, or the time he re-
ceived it, he was the only one who in-
variably obeyed it promptly, cheer fully,
ungrudgingly. And I saw him at all
hours, — day, dawn, and midnight —
morning and evening, — and never
when he was not ready and anxious
to do his whole duty/
This is delightful testimony as to
deeds, the hand; but words, the
tongue, — you remember what it had
been a year before. In the essential
letter to Chase, above referred to,
written before the Atlanta campaign
began, Hooker said, 'Sherman is an
active, energetic officer, but in judg-
ment is as infirm as Burnside. He will
never be successful. Please remember
what I tell you.' That he expressed
these opinions, in season and out of sea-
son, where they were sure to do more
injury to him than to his commander,
is absolutely proved by the extraor-
dinary letter of warning written by
Hooker's nearest friend and supporter,
Butter field. No more admirable and
more really friendly words were ever
addressed by inferior to superior. 'You
should not speak in the presence of
others as you did in my presence and
that of Colonel Wood to-day, regard-
ing General Sherman and his opera-
tions ... I am talking as a friend to
you. What I have stated above is
substantially charged against you with
regard to both McClellan and Burn-
side. Don't give these accusations fur-
ther weight by remarks concerning
Sherman ... I know how hard it is
for you to conceal your honest opin-
ions . . . These opinions travel as
;< Hooker's opinions." Your own staff
are impregnated with them, and you
will be accused in future by any officer
serving under you who may fall under
your censure, with verbal insubordina-
tion . . . You never were, nor never
will be a politic man, but you must be
guarded. It will be charged by evil-
disposed persons that you are ambi-
tious to fill Sherman's place — not in
your hearing or mine — but it is the
way of the world and will be said.'
Who of us would not esteem himself
fortunate to have a friend who would
speak like that?
But it did no good. Perhaps it never
does. Sherman disliked the words so
much that he became very mistrustful
of the deeds. He had a tongue of his
own and he lashed Hooker with it, as if
he were a schoolboy, and then naively
explained that he had said less than
the occasion demanded. He had his
bitter, unworthy sarcasms, also, as
when Hooker dilated on the men he had
lost and Sherman sneered, ' Oh, they '11
turn up in a day or two.' Finally, when
McPherson was killed, Sherman put
Howard over Hooker's head into the
vacant place.
It was too much and Hooker asked
to be relieved. Who can blame him? It
was a mistake, of course. He was
thinking about his dignity. A man
30
WANDER
always makes a mistake when he
thinks about his dignity. He should
think about his work, and let others —
or, by thinking about his work, make
others — think about his dignity. But
Hooker was no more perfect than the
rest of us. And so the great fighter
spent the last year of the war in the
safe west, where there was no fighting,
only petty intrigue, and newspaper
riots, and police duty generally. But
he was the same old Hooker still. Read
the huge letter in which he foams and
rages to Stanton over a rumored change
of his headquarters, and Stanton's
quiet snub in three lines : * No order has
been made or contemplated transfer-
ring headquarters of Northern De-
partment to Columbus. Newspapers
are not very good authority for the ac-
tion of this Department/
So he was a thoroughly human figure,
delightful to study and to live with
because of the intense humanity in his
very mistakes and failures. He was
not much besides a soldier; and even as
a soldier he was not quite so brilliant
as he thought he was. Yet he played a
not undistinguished part in the great-
est drama of American history, and
with all his faults there was something
about him of the true heroic stamp,
something of the boyish, prating, blus-
tering, panic-harboring, death-defying
heroes of the Iliad. When I gaze at
Massachusetts^ splendid tribute to
him,1 I think not of the weaknesses,
but of the great fighting at Williams-
burg, and Antietam, and Lookout, and
in Georgia, and even more of the noble
prayer to be given his old division back
again, of the fine words about Howard,
— * his offense to me was forgotten
when he acknowledged it,' — best of
all, of the frank admission to Double-
day as to Chancellorsville, more heroic
than any fighting, 'Doubleday, I was
not hurt by a shell, and I was not
drunk. For once I lost confidence in
Hooker, and that is all there was to it/
1 The statue by French and Potter near the
State House in Boston. — THE EDITORS.
WANDER
BY GINO C. SPERANZA
WE were beyond the region of the
mansions of wealth and lawns of per-
fection; beyond sign-posts that point
to all sorts of dangers which lie in the
motorist's path; we were out on the
winding road beyond Filston Township
where high-speed conveyances dare
not follow. The curving, sandy strip
in front of us, narrowed by invading
shrubbery and wild flowers, turns
sharply two miles from Filston Court
House and rises to a steep knoll. The
horses came to a walk as they pulled
the wheels over the sand and halted,
panting, at its top for a minute's rest.
The knoll had hidden the peaceful
vale which now opened before us, an
ever-new bit of an old world. Immedi-
ately below us were its houses in all
stages of dignified old age; each with
its poorer but ever loyal brother — the
ample, rambling, ageing barn, patched
WANDER
31
and propped up for a little comfort in
its last days. And in and out among
them ran that tiny stream which each
year seemed to grow slower in motion
and quieter in song. Perhaps its waters
now go to make some great river great-
er in the spirit of this age of mighty
combinations; who knows!
As we looked down on the little val-
ley, the sense of late autumn was all
about us; nature had lost the vibrancy
of early October, the high-strung chord
was relaxed and hummed only deep
notes. A sense of foreknowledge of
change and shadows was in every rip-
ened, withering thing, in every flower
with its faded tints of purple and yellow
and seared red, in every bird that at
this time gathers with its flock, stripped
of gay colors and all notes hushed,
ready for the southward journey.
In this bit of a corner of the great
world lived men and women who only
on special occasions could either hire
a horse or get a 'lift' from a kindly
neighbor to go to the nearest village.
Yet by breaking the speed regulations
of sundry towns, one could easily mo-
tor out from the great metropolis to
this very knoll in less than two hours.
Here dwelt some of our brothers, not
necessarily better than their kin in the
cities, but certainly less covetous of
earthly goods and fame; not necessarily
finer-grained, but dwellers in old houses
of noble lines, with the freedom of great
spruces and maples above them and
mysterious silences about them.
We had come to see Wander —
Josef Wander — of whom I had heard
conflicting reports, depending, no
doubt, on the point of view from which
local observers studied this alien in
their midst. No one, however, could
explain why a Bohemian should have
chosen this particular and rather aloof
spot to live in, especially a Bohemian
who, it was reported, could make many
of those very things which captains of
industry wax rich in producing by the
million for the millions. Not even the
village doctor could tell, though prob-
ably he knew more about silent Wan-
der than any other man in the county.
It was admitted that he raised the
best strawberries within five miles,
although he grew them in what had
been, for his Anglo-Saxon predecessor-
in-ownership, a pasture lot; it was also
universally conceded that he had re-
habilitated an apple orchard which
any Yankee farmer would have de-
clared beyond redemption. But the
strange thing about him, besides and
above the fact that he was an alien,
was that, being a farmer in summer, he
turned into a skilled artisan in winter.
His neighbors did not call him that; if
they had been compelled to describe
his winter labors by a single word
they would probably have called him
an artist, for he drew designs on rather
strange paper marked with little
squares, and colored his 'pictures'
with various hues. Still, the neighbors
had two distinct reasons for not classi-
fying him strictly as an artist : the first
being that he was such a good farmer,
and the second, that in his art he did
not stop at drawing and painting but
went beyond these, transferring his
'pictures* to rugs and carpets. This,
in the opinion of his neighbors, reduced
him to the rank of a practical factory-
hand. But even there, according to
the general opinion, he did not fit very
well, for you could not consider a man
practical who spent two months mak-
ing a bit of carpet which lacked the
spirited action of the 'stag hunt* on
the rugs at the general store. Really,
you could not commiserate a man be-
cause he could not sell goods which he
offered at one hundred times the mar-
ket price of similar things. True, once
in a while a stranger from the city had
bought one of them, and the doctor had
reported that he had seen a framed
WANDER
photograph of a forty-by-fifty rug
which Wander had made for the house
of a celebrated financier of the West.
The little community, in short, while
it did not dislike him, could not possi-
bly make him a fellow member. But
they respected him, which perhaps
was a good deal from these natives
toward an outsider who to them was
strange rather than superior. Their
respect, however, was not due to his
urbanity and courtesy of manner, — a
characteristic which stamped him, ac-
cording to their standards, most dis-
tinctly as a foreigner, — or to his love
of beautiful things entirely beyond their
vision, but to the way in which two
years before he had faced an obviously
great trial.
There had been a boy, a young man
rather, who, if you had seen him hoeing
in the garden at springtime, would
have struck you as no different from
other farm-hands except that he work-
ed harder. He was handy with tools,
and many a neighbor's gate had been
embellished by a bit of carving which he
seemed to like to make and give away.
Often he was absent, sometimes for
long stretches, and then the neighbors
in the warm evenings would sit hope-
fully on their porches awaiting the re-
turn of the young man with the fiddle.
For when at home he played often, in-
deed every day. The music was con-
sidered to be very unorthodox, except
some occasional slow movements which
probably, so they reasoned, were the
foreign and rather degenerate forms of
our devotional hymns; a good deal was
faster than any church organ could pos-
sibly keep up with, and some of it was
out-and-out devilish the way it seemed
to jump and rave and cry. There was
no other way to describe it; but some-
how it was pleasant; it sort of shook
you, and then — what did Jim Black
say of it ? — it ' laid you down to sleep.'
It was only on the occasion when the
village doctor had to be called in, —
and in the anxious hours of waiting
and hoping, — that Wander told of his
son's training: where and for whom
he played, and how Kubelik himself
had honored his boy with his friend-
ship and counsel. No one in the neigh-
borhood would ever have known that a
virtuoso was among them if the reti-
cent Wander had not talked in an hour
of great emotion to the man who he
hoped would save the precious life now
stricken.
But the little valley was never again
to hear the young musician's glorious
tones, for on a terrible winter day the
anxious faces pressed against the cold
window-panes, watching for news, saw
the doctor driving away without the
usual greeting at the door — and they
knew.
Days after, the only one who ap-
peared not to know of a great change
and of a greater silence, had been Wan-
der. No one spoke to him; no one
could. He went on with his usual work
in the usual way; only on close watch-
ing would you have noticed how tense
was the laborer at his loom.
Here we were at his house, speckless
and snug and serviceable despite its
years; for it was old, as you could see
by the slope of the roof and that ap-
pearance of having settled down cosily
into the land, which is characteristic of
old, well-built houses. But there was a
touch of the new, here and there, like
the concrete path from the gate to the
house; and the curtains at the windows
were such as were never dreamed of by
Colonial dames.
Wander himself opened the door and
ushered us in with a simple greeting
and a formal bow. He was a fine-look-
ing man past the forties, erect and thin,
but not gaunt as are some of our farm-
ers. A good carriage and a fine head
gave him a distinction which his Amer-
ican overalls and collarless shirt could
WANDER
not disguise. Conversation was not
very easy, as he spoke little English, al-
though the words he used were correct.
But the card of the village doctor
helped to relieve his embarrassment
and to set free his little store of our lan-
guage. He soon understood that he
was not being interviewed, and that
idle curiosity was not the moving force
behind our visit ; the way my wife spoke
of weaving, the interest in her eyes and
in her hands as she took up this sample
and that, stirred the friendly chord of
his artisanship. I perceived now that
Wander was not reticent by nature; he
had become so by the lack, not of lan-
guage but of fellow feeling. Soon it
was all being painted before us, or,
rather, before her, sketchily, choppily
even, but vividly enough, — the battle
of his life; not as a story for our admir-
ation, not even as the recital of a strug-
gle, but the plain tale of one whose
hands were finely trained, told to one
who he felt knew what wonders manual
artisanship could achieve.
He had come to America twenty
years ago, with a little money, a young
wife, and a capital of three trades — or
rather four — accumulated both tra-
ditionally and by a decade of hard
training. He called them trades, but
some at least deserved a better name.
He was born on a farm and had lived a
farmer boy's life; he had learned the
practice of dyeing, from an interest in
the things of nature, and had improved
his natural lore by a study of chemical
dyeing. He knew music in its theory
and technique, knew its masters and
its powers. And he could make carpets
and rugs. All he knew and all he could
do, except for some little modernizing
in chemical lore, his father had known
and done before him; and his grandfa-
ther. Beyond that he could not remem-
ber; but he was clear that whatever they
had done had been done better than
by himself whom they had taught.
VOL. 114- NO. 1
He first invested his material and
manual capital in the West. Farming,
he reasoned, was the new country's life
blood. The new environment was lone-
some, but his wife was a brave woman
and capable; 'she could do all the
things possible/ as he put it; and a
fine light blazed from his eyes at this
mention of his dead wife. But the
hands that had the traditional cunning
of the Continental peasant found them-
selves at a distinct disadvantage in the
management of farm-machinery. And
oh, how much it cost and how easily it
broke! It was judgment not loss of
nerve, as I gauged it, that made him sell
his farm for a disadvantageous price.
Then a great city of the West tried
to utilize his knowledge in a huge es-
tablishment. The same principle is at
work in dyeing a bit of wool in a kettle
over a stone fireplace, as in coloring
miles of cloth in the fathomless vats of
some great dye-works; the same colors
are produced from roots and leaves ga-
thered in bosky shades that are precipi-
tated from chemical compounds in in-
dustrial laboratories, though some very
discriminating persons make a vast dis-
tinction between the two. Wander
could put his hand to either method,
was as expert in the one as in the other.
But the old way was an occupation as
well as a trade, the new way a poison-
ing as well as a means of earning a liv-
ing. You must consider, however, that
a little baby was growing into boyhood,
and fathers cannot always choose. His
good sense^and his good wife made him
quit eventually, after an object-lesson
of a1 month in bed. He moved East
and looked for a farm, a different one
from that of his earlier struggles.
As he stopped a moment to collect
his thoughts, I interrupted him to ask
why he had not put his musical train-
ing to use. A smile just flickered and
passed into the darkness of hidden
thoughts as he said, *I did — I taught
34
WANDER
my boy to play.' But of course mu-
sic, like other arts in the blood of
some peoples, — that native power to
create loveliness, disciplined if not
taught to them by those who are not
teachers but fellow craftsmen and fel-
low lovers, — is pleasure, is joy, is
refuge, and nothing else. Men like
Wander would seldom think of such a
gift as a means of making money, first
because so many of his kith and kin
possess it and it comes so easily as to
seem to have no market value; and
then because such craftsmen have the
clear sight which makes them perceive
the dividing line between themselves
and the great masters. Able as they
are, they know that their fingering can
be done infinitely better; they feel
themselves homely fiddlers unworthy
of a wage, even though they know that
wondrous bows draw melodies for
which thousands of dollars are paid.
Now he was spreading out before us
the latest labor of his loom — a great,
heavy, almost massive rug, of close,
even, solid workmanship, »but discour-
aging to the eye that sought beauty.
I could see him search in my wife's
face for some praise — that in truth
could not honestly be forthcoming.
The workmanship was excellent, the
taste was poor, both in color and in de-
sign. I wondered how much of this bad
taste, so strangely in contrast with his
fine appreciations along other lines,
was native and how much acquired.
There was undoubtedly the * parlor-
car* decorative influence apparent in
his design; but the color-scheme was
utterly alien even to the most advanced
exponent of the * Pullman ' school, not
merely in its strong colors but in a fun-
damental lack of any idea of blending
and tones. It seemed a striking example
of what may happen to skill when un-
aided and undisciplined by frequent
reference to and companionship with
finely suggestive artistic precedents
and examples. It was almost tragic -
certainly very sad — to see so much
skill creating such base product. Who
knows but that even so little as an
occasional friendly call or a little inter-
est from people who knew, might have
been just the leaven to raise his native
expertness into a noble artistry!
We travel madly over seas and across
mountains to see the charming or
quaint labor of Continental peasants;
we storm little shops in strange, dis-
tant towns where deft artisans still
dwell as in the days of the ancient and
honored guilds; we actually can make
ourselves stand still — thousands of
miles from home — to listen to a
Sicilian peasant playing his pipes. Yet
there are artisans and craftsmen, yes,
even flute-players and poets, in our
very midst or at our very thresholds,
full-handed yet hungry, — worse, in-
finitely worse than that, — ashamed of
their very skill, hiding their ennobling
craftsmanship in a country which, hav-
ing waxed fabulously rich in utilizing
the great forces of machinery, has glori-
fied those forces and in them sought
only the world's mastery.
Ah, Wander, has the throb of our
great engines snapped the finer chords
upon which the viol plays to the soul?
Have the factory-whistle and the dan-
ger-horn deafened the ear that sought
low, sweet melodies? Are we safe and
strong and powerful because of our
steel battlements, our skyward towers,
our coal-mountains and coffers of
gold? Tell me, after our machines shall
have given every boy in the land a per-
fectly cast whistle, will there not be
boys seeking joy in whittling an indif-
ferent one? After our electric looms
shall have patterned a perfect, ma-
chined Valenciennes lace for every girl's
dress, shall no feminine hand seek its
own expression with the needle? Will
the sample-book of the factory com-
pensate for the loss of the home samp-
WANDER
35
ler; will the telephone-list suffice as a
friends' list for the old album wherein
a Whittier and a Longfellow did not
disdain to pen a thought?
I looked at Wander, — an alien in a
strange land,- -physically and spiritu-
ally battle-scarred, an artisan in his
own country, a failure as a jack-of-all-
trades in ours. Here he was more iso-
lated than the loss of his wife and son
could possibly make him, because all
that his being craved and could achieve
had been hammered and beaten back
into his soul, isolating him in a crowd
that cared so little only because it did
not understand what it all meant to
him. Here he was on a farm which he
had redeemed but which the price of
unskilled labor rendered useless as a
means of material profit. His prede-
cessor, finding it unprofitable, had
sold it as best he could, though it had
been his home and his father's home.
But this unpractical Bohemian held to
it even when the growing of luscious
berries had to be abandoned because
nowadays boys charge too much to pick
them. True, it gave him enough to live
on in a frugal way, enough to live on —
and something more.
Something more! We saw that as we
walked to a knoll a little way from the
house, which had taken our eye as we
had come in and which we now asked
permission to see. He led us, a gracious
host, to that Something More. The
knoll had been made into a little gar-
den, with steps cut into the green sod;
it was bright, fragrant, quiet; it told
us something even before he spoke.
* My wife is here.' He stood straight,
he spoke with dignity — he was pre-
senting one great lady to another.
Wander, all that your hands strove
to do- - perhaps chiefly what they tried
and failed at - - has not been useless.
Out of each plan and design that you re-
joiced over in the making, as out of each
broken bit of failed achievement, was
built for you the endless peace and en-
during hope of that Something More.
And what of your loom and your
fiddle — what of your hoe and your
dye-pot? yours and those of a hundred
other men of your kind — shall they be
of no use to us? Shall they be but the
theme for an elegy, the adieu to a fine
thing doomed? Have we worked so
hard, so hard — for we have done that
like men — that now as we sit at noon-
tide for a little rest and a little stillness
we can only sleep, not dream? Or is it
that our striving so unceasingly to per-
fect this motor or that drill, to make
a wheel do a hundred more things
than it ever did, has been in order to
secure more time for creative leisure
for our hands and our souls? leisure to
see and feel and understand, leisure
to hold out our hands and snatch from
the eternal ether some other forces than
those which turn great engines and
blast huge mountains?
Can it be that we have already
turned our faces to the sun? Does it
mean nothing, Wander, when a people,
a busy, money-making, comfort-seek-
ing people, enlist to fight for the pre-
servation of great trees? when they halt
and turn back the railroads that built
up their country, that a landscape may
be preserved for their children? when
dynamos are slackened rather than the
radiance of a tumbling waterfall be
lost? And what of men who solemnly
decree a bill of rights to birds, that
they may live and sing and flash their
bright color against the sun?
I looked at Wander as these thoughts
surged in my mind and heart. Was he
a prophet or a sacrifice? My wife was
holding out her hand to him, over
which he bowed. * May I send you some
seeds from my garden?' she asked with
fine, practical sympathy. 'Yes, lady,'
he answered ; and with unaffected plea-
sure he added with a smile, 'Next
spring they will bloom into flower!' ,
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
BY C. WILLIAM BEEBE
IT is a long cry from the jelly-fish to
equal suffrage. But it is also a long cry
from the moon to the tides. And lack-
ing the one, we must forego the other.
Presuppose moonlight, and we presup-
pose crested waves of green and silver,
and the wash of the sea along a white
beach, at night. Assume the jelly-fish
— an infinitesimal gray film on the sur-
face of the ocean — and we assume
banners of white and gold, and many
groups of serious-minded human beings
gathered together, in the cities, in the
lesser towns, in banquet halls, in ob-
scure dwelling-places, in order that
suffrage and sex-equality may be pro-
claimed aloud to a harassed and some-
what unobservant world.
Together, these many isolated groups
have built up a great structure from
their ideals, their propaganda — it is
architectural in its proportions, reach-
ing to the stars. But one of its corner-
stones is a little gelatinous body, mod-
est and humble, making no pretension
whatever to greatness. However, it is
not to be dispensed with; for without
sex there would be no demand for just-
ice, since with equality all would share
equally. To deny the jelly-fish is to
deny that great gulf between man and
woman. For it is here that we have the
alpha and omega of sex; the jelly-fish
may mark for us the beginning of that
wonderful distinction which through
all the dim aeons of past time has filled
the waters and the land with joys and
sorrows; has induced untold myriads
of battles and courtships; has brought
into existence the most beautiful colors
of the animal world, and inspired all
songs of love, from the cricket's chirp
and the skylark's minstrelsy to the
very sonnets of a Browning.
It is not without a somewhat cata-
clysmic mental readjustment that one
is turned round and about and made to
consider this picture of the universe bal-
anced on the small, uncertain, spine-
less back of this infant of the sea. An
atom of an Atlas, with a preposter-
ous torso, with the most shy and the
most unobtrusive of personalities, who
is neither more nor less than the sum
total of everything that the word sex
implies, which at this particular mo-
ment of this particular century is the
demand for equal suffrage, for equality,
mental, spiritual, and political — chief-
ly political. For some occult reason
this has become the paramount issue,
although it may be in the last analysis
little more than a symbol — not the
final goal, the ultimate ideal, but a
gateway which when once unlocked will
disclose certain unsuspected vistas of
freedom, a new land of sex-democracy.
But if a democracy would survive there
must be unity and cooperation in all
its parts. A false distribution of power
produces an imperfect cooperation, •*•
a superiority and a corresponding infe-
riority which promote a chaotic divi-
sion of interest and a total and wide-
spread inefficiency. This is the law.
And for this, too, we must return
thanks to the jelly-fish. For he stands
close to the true centre which marks
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
37
the divergence of the two paths — one
for the male, another for the female.
It is true that in the beginning this
sex-differentiation was neither signifi-
cant nor profound; but in league with
time, to which all things are possible,
it brought forward that miracle of all
miracles, the mind, — introspective,
self-analytic, competent to understand
the process of its own creation, eager
to know and to fulfill the ultimate pur-
pose for which it was destined. The
end, the fulfillment, is not to be esti-
mated, for the two halves of the sex-
mind are as yet neither unified nor
correlated, save in some of the smallest
matters of everyday life. And the be-
ginning, itself, with all the intervening
steps, is clouded and obscure.
Science, however, has traced the his-
tory of this divergence and subsequent
development, painstakingly, gleaning it
piecemeal, with infinite patience, from
the palimpsest of evolution. Aristotle
in his Athenian study pondered upon
it; the mediaeval seeker for truth, bur-
dened by his poor and faulty micro-
scope, groped blindly after facts, finding
them only to lose them in the all-per-
vading fog of superstition. To-day, in
our laboratories and on countless ex-
peditions, we are gathering records of
a host of strange phenomena, full of
romance and beauty : of the march up-
ward from water and slime, to earth and
air and mental freedom, of those two
miraculous beings, male and female.
But science has written these records
in a tongue of her own devising, so
that the beauty and romance are in
hiding behind certain select and ab-
struse technicalities. What universal
emotion is brought into being if we
talk of syngamy of gametes, or the
cytogamy of zygotes? And the strange
histories of amphiblastulas and paren-
chymulas which are one and yet differ-
ent, - - are these sufficient in them-
selves to evoke the tears and laughter
of the multitude? It is better to put
aside the technicalities, since they do
not serve our purpose but are a burden
and an offense when removed from
their rightful niche in the scientific
scheme; it is better to deal simply with
the simplicities of life. At the begin-
nings of sex there was neither complex-
ity nor confusion, but an orderly and
fitting distribution of small cells to
form the first double link in the long
chain which binds together this twen-
tieth century and that dim and quiet
age when the world was young.
In reality, we might observe the first
hints of sex far lower in the scale of life
than the jelly-fish, but to do so we
should have to invoke the aid of the
microscope and the scientific tongue,
and that we have agreed not to do.
Nevertheless, the jelly-fish is well
worth the fullest and most concentrated
consideration. He, with his kind, lives
a life filled to overflowing with all man-
ner of marvels. It is like a fairy tale;
but it is a hundred times more delight-
ful because it is a hundred times less
logical. As we look down upon a host
of jelly-fishes drifting slowly along on
their indefinite path through life, we
see that some are almost a monochrome
gray, a mere ghostly film of life, hard-
ly separable from the surrounding wa-
ter. In others, four conspicuous rings,
pale salmon pink and joined at the
centre, show clearly through the trans-
lucent body. These mark the females,
with their burden of myriads of eggs
which are being sown as the mother
swims along — living seed, of which
only a tithe will survive to face a haz-
ardous existence.
The character of this survival is
unique; it is the prologue to the fantasy,
the fairy tale. For these children of the
sea take it upon themselves to set aside
every law of a normal universe. It is
easy to believe from observation and
comparison with its parent, that the
38
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
kitten will eventually become a cat,
that the friendly puppy on the sidewalk
will assume in due time the parental
attributes transmitted to him. But we
should never guess who was the imme-
diate ancestor of the little jelly-fish.
This atom sinks straightway down,
down through the green depths of the
sea and takes root in the sand, in the
heart of abysmal darkness. There he
lives, and at the proper hour is trans-
formed into a slender stalk with a circle
of fingers at the top. This, in turn,
splits up into many discs which fit one
into the other like saucers stacked to-
gether; and one by one these become
free and swim off, each a perfect jelly-
fish. Think of a sedentary and some-
what august barnyard hen laying eggs
which hatch into sunflowers only to dis-
solve into a noisy flock of full-grown
chickens, and we can better image the
life of the infant jelly-fish, who not at
all resembles his mother, but is quite
like his grandmother, who is, in all ver-
ity, his mother herself.
To continue with this jelly-fish
group is to enter into a land where
Alice and her consummate credulity
would be taxed to the utmost. At the
very portals, we meet that small crea-
ture of the ponds, the hydra. He is
supremely gifted and versatile, and he
is not to be exterminated. Cut him
lengthwise, crosswise, disarm him ut-
terly, and he is discommoded only tem-
porarily, for in the shortest possible
time he grows what is lacking and re-
sumes the business of life. Did one of
his tentacles offend him, he would not
dare pluck it off, for straightway near-
by there would be regenerated an offen-
sive twin. He can but lose himself to
find himself, once more. But what is
portentous, and germane to the thesis,
is the uncertainty of sex in hydra. If a
hydra falls upon pleasant days and
finds an abundance of food, all his off-
spring are females. When the food-sup-
ply lessens, his progeny are individu-
ally half male and half female - - an
equality of sex with a vengeance. And
when the wolf is at the door only male
hydras are born. We do not ask for ex-
planation; like the jelly-fish, he has be-
come a law unto himself. He is the
anarchist, the revolutionary; and close
beside him, in spirit at least, there is
one other. He is a little green bug, be-
longing to the aphids or plant-lice clan.
This clan gathers in clusters on the
stems of garden flowers and thrives
there in affluence and ease. Speaking
comparatively, the aphid is highly or-
ganized, but his progeny are governed
by the same obscure law that controls
the progeny of the hydra. Through
the summer, when the sap runs free, fe-
male aphids are the rule; but at the first
frost, when hunger pinches, the male
predominates. Alice, alone, is by na-
ture fitted to cope with this problem.
ii
It is obvious, therefore, that in this
land of uncertainties, sex does not lend
itself to an earnest, philosophical con-
sideration. It exists indeed, but when
any given individual may be of either
sex, or of none whatever, it is difficult
to take the question seriously. But in
the higher insects, and in the spiders,
fishes, frogs, birds, and mammals, we
find sex coming to the front as one of
the momentous things in life. These
creatures are governed by three great
desires: the desire to avoid danger, the
desire for food, and the desire for the
continuance of their race. The first
two naturally take precedence, but the
moment they are successfully achieved,
all else is sacrificed to the accomplish-
ment of the third. In this last field,
two objects are paramount : the male
must, in some one of many ways, influ-
ence the female to accept him; then the
mother must be supplied with means to
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
39
care for her offspring. It is impossible
to consider any creature of forest or
field, of the shore or the sea, without
perceiving the tremendous importance
of these two objects. In this domain,
when the need for propagating the spe-
cies is realized, there is little more to
live for. Thousands of creatures die at
once; others survive to a useless, hope-
less existence for a space. Only the
most highly developed, by an instinct-
ive realization of other duties and inter-
ests, live on in full enjoyment of life.
At this stage of development, where
sex is no longer an uncertainty, the
law of propagation and the law of ex-
termination seem to go hand in hand.
Considering the species, nature is
blinded to the fate of the individual. It
is difficult to differentiate the units
which compose the whole, the devia-
tions are at once so subtle and so mi-
nute. We know that every man in the
world, in greater or less degree, differs
from every other man. Rameses, the
Pharaoh, doubtless wooed his queen in
a manner dictated by his own heart
and his own desires, and this manner
was as individual and as inimitable as
his own personality — unlike that of
any being who preceded or followed
him. But we see twenty robins court-
ing their mates, — twenty robins with
fluttering wings and bursting throats,
— and to our purblind vision they are
one and the same. Nevertheless, to the
discriminating eyes of the female rob-
in, each one is known for better or for
worse, and so it comes about that her
ultimate decision is no such accidental
or casual matter as it appears to be.
It is not here, however, that mating
and death are inseparable, although it
does not follow that this law operates
only upon the water and the earth.
There are dire hours when it fashions
wings for itself and makes its way
through the tall flowers and the tree-
tops; and at such times shadow and
suffering follow in its path. It searches
out the tiny door of the beehive and
enters in — the invisible, but pitiless,
guest at a fete extraordinaire. For it is
the day of days when at last the young
queen bees — after the long period of
special diet and the equally long period
of nursing in cells adapted only to the
royal grubs — shall leave their home
to essay their one great adventure.
During all of this time of prepara-
tion, the drones and the young prin-
cesses have shared the same hive, even
the same gallery of combs, and yet the
drones have made no slightest sign to
show a recognition of their regal sis-
ters. This is one infinitesimal part of
the careful scheme of nature to prevent
interbreeding. No princess shall be
wedded to one of her own family : this
is the law of the bees. So, alone, she
creeps out on the ledge in the warm
sun, and after a preliminary whirring of
her iridescent wings, she gathers her
feet together and launches out into the
air. The drones from all the hives on
earth seem to have been made aware
of this critical moment, whether or not
by some mysterious, evanescent scent,
we do not know. In her wake come
legions of them, moved at last to the
supreme effort of their lives.
One by one, the weaklings drop back;
others stray from the scent trail to be-
come the legitimate prey of any ene-
my who chances upon them; and at last
only a small group of the fit remain,
whirring through space faster and fast-
er. The drone — now become a su-
preme refutation of his name — who by
some small measure of strength of wing,
or keenness of scent or sight, is the first
to reach the object of his desires, ful-
fills not only his own individual des-
tiny, but the destiny of the race of bees,
entire. And in this fulfillment he finds
his death. The culmination of his am-
bitions is neither more nor less than an
expression of the racial will to survive;
40
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
but this culmination is at the same time
the blotting out of his own life. His
tiny body falls by the roadside, or is
lost in a veritable forest of grass-blades,
where it is the rightful quarry of any
passing ant. It is, perhaps, ignomini-
ous, but any death, eventually, is this.
But this atom, with its crushed and
helpless wings and its useless coat of
black and gold, is a symbol — a symbol
of payment to the utmost. He has paid
in full for all the care lavished upon
him by the slaves of his hive — those
workers who for so long a time tended
and served him ceaselessly that he
might be fitted to run the race he has
run so well. And he has paid, also, for
this same faithful and untiring service
which was wasted upon thousands of
brother drones who shared the good
fortune of the hive, but who were not
so well fashioned as he to survive in the
pursuit for which they were created.
Thousands must perish that one may
be exalted. When we consider this, and
the energy expended in the long prepa-
ration, we can discover in it nothing
but a great waste. We have not the
large vision of nature which sees that it
is well and just to sacrifice individuals
for the good of the race. Civilization
preserves the unfit, victimizing the fit
to further this end. This is a strange
new fact for human beings to have
discovered in life — a very reversal of
the basic principles of evolution. And
if we persevere and achieve the fullest
development, we shall do so in defiance
of the laws which have brought us up
through all the ages to an undisputed
sovereignty of the earth. We shall work
not with them, but against them.
However, in relegating to ourselves
this quality of mercy, we protect our-
selves from the sight of suffering. It is
not so with the hive. For since the
thousand drones may not live, they
must die. One becomes a king, but
many are destined to perish in unknown
places — let us think that, defeated,
they creep into some crevice or shadow
hidden from their kind. Some weak-
lings return to the hive to meet a dis-
honorable death. Their fate has been
brought about by no fault of their
own, since from the beginning they
were handicapped by some physical
imperfection; therefore, they make full
atonement for a sin not committed.
They hesitate on the landing ledge,
afraid to enter where there is no longer
a rightful place for them. Some lose
heart, and turning, fly out into the
open to make their losing fight against
an inexorable decree; others, with a
cunning and strategy born of despera-
tion, steal past the guardian workers
and make their way to the uttermost
depths of the combs, where, sooner or
later, they are hounded out and stung
to death by the workers, who for so
long a time tended them with un-
swerving loyalty and devotion. This
is the full expression of that poetic
justice which was the keystone of Greek
tragedy.
It is but one of many — this small
history. For the courtship of all the
creatures on this particular rung of the
evolutionary ladder comprises many
intricacies and follows a devious and
eventful path. It is potentially dra-
matic, rich in situations for comedy,
pure farce, and tragedy — and it does
not lose in value because we must meas-
ure it by a miniature and not a heroic
scale. There are the spiders, who live
and die in the shadow of a unique law
which declares that the female shall be
in all things stronger and wiser than
the male. It is impossible to find else-
where in nature such an astounding
sex-relation, for it is the chief object of
the male spider to escape being de-
voured by the lady spider to whom he
has elected to surrender his heart. His
whole structure is designed to aid and
abet him in this perilous undertaking.
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
41
He is small, — indeed sometimes mi-
nute, — strong of limb, agile, wary to
an extreme. As a natural result, his
personality is not prepossessing. He is
no expert spinner. He goes his way
through life, now and then weaving an
inadequate web — a poor, lop-sided
affair — to snare the one or two gnats
which are all he needs as sustenance
for his diminutive body.
At length, at the proper hour, he
discovers the silken castle of a female,
and observing it, hesitates, profoundly
meditative. In this he is not alone; for
others, too, have obeyed her silent sum-
mons — have come from far places to
group themselves discreetly near her.
There is one suitor, perhaps, possessed
of great valor — even so, for days his
courage fails him; but at last, valiantly,
this troubadour advances and twangs
one of the strands of her web. By this,
he strives to discover her temper, to
discern her mood. At last, overcome
by his own temerity, he risks all and
goes up her silken ladder, stumbling
over his own multifarious legs, so great
is his haste.
She watches him, immobile, a tiny
sphinx made of velvet; then there is
a sudden rush, a fatal wrapping of
the entangling mesh — and an ogre
drops aside the body of a gallant
knight, sucked dry. It was not auspi-
cious, this venture; and six more suit-
ors may meet a like fate before one
succeeds in soothing her. No, a spider's
lot is not a happy one. Imagine, if
you please, the courage needed to pay
suit to a lady, ferocious, cannibalistic,
and of most uncertain temper, with the
added advantage of being fully a thou-
sand times as large as one's self as well
as thirteen hundred times one's weight.
It is a struggle for the imagination
to picture this in humanity: an aver-
age man offering his heart and hand to
a buxom damsel towering several hun-
dred feet above him, and with a weight
of some two hundred thousand pounds !
And yet such are some of the courtships
taking place among the wild folk, in the
fields about us, along the dusty road-
side, at our very doors — courtships of
such seriousness and moment that life
and death are daily weighed one against
the other.
Skoal! to the spider who dares wage
his small battle in face of such tremen-
dous odds; who holds steadfastly to
the ideals of his race, though failure is
synonymous with death, and success
signifies neither affection nor love, but,
at best, a momentary toleration.
in
In the life of the spider, we have,
perhaps, the most spectacular juxta-
position of the sexes. But in most of
the higher insects, the ants, the wasps,
and the bees, the female is the domi-
nant sex in every way. In the solitary
species, the male is seldom seen; often
he is stingless, worthy the name of
drone, and the moment of mating is
the only high light on the drab and
monotonous canvas of his existence.
The female, on the contrary, leads an
eventful life in which all her acts are
carefully correlated to promote in her
the greatest possible efficiency. For,
she must eventually build a home, and
provide food for her isolated offspring
whom she will never see; or she must
establish a new colony over which she
will reign supreme — a thankless mon-
archy, however, for as queen, she be-
comes nothing more than a perpetual
egg-laying machine. In achieving aris-
tocracy, she achieves personal annihi-
lation — this is the penalty of royalty.
Nevertheless, there is among the in-
sects a regal paradox — the queen who
is free to live and to love in accordance
with her own desires. She is the soli-
tary wasp, vigilant, purposeful, trained
to conserve and to expend her energy
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
with the utmost discretion. She dis-
misses her mate, evincing no concern
over the immediate death which may
be meted out to him, and turns without
a moment's delay to her work. She
searches out hollows in fence-rails, in
tree-trunks; or, not finding them, digs
suitable ones, herself, in the ground,
and stores them with insects — thereby
providing a larder sufficient unto the
tastes of a gourmet. These insects are
neither living nor dead, but stung so
cunningly that, paralyzed, they will
remain in this comatose condition for
weeks, until the young wasp-grub,
awakened to the needs of life, demands
sustenance. This is unparallelled evi-
dence of the economics of anaesthesia.
It is a sociological phenomenon, one
manifestation of instinct, plus, may we
say, feminine ingenuity. Indeed, so
completely is wasp-life an affaire des
femmes that diverse rivalries and com-
petitions have sprung up between the
females of different species.
A black-and-white wasp overpowers
a small spider and carries it to her im-
provised larder in a fence-post, hiding
it there. Since she must secure other
provisions against a needy day, she
does not linger to keep guard over her
possessions, but straightway flies away,
pursued by her shadow, which flits
over the clover leaves and the petals
of the field flowers. This coming and
going has not been accomplished in se-
cret : another wasp, clad in solid irides-
cent armor, has watched every move-
ment, biding her time. When there is
no one to see, she flies swiftly to the
treasure trove and hovers above it, wait-
ing for a second to be sure that all is
well. But this delay is fatal. The black-
and-white wasp appears, moving slowly
above the long grass, for she is weighed
down by her trophy — a young cater-
pillar, mute evidence of skillful and well-
waged warfare. She sees her enemy
and darts forward, letting her prey fall
by the wayside. The Amazons come
together in mid air, clinch, and fall to
the ground. The brilliant one is known
at once for what she is — an insect vam-
pire, striving to foist her egg upon the
home of the worker wasp, that her off-
spring may feed upon the worker's egg
and the hidden store of prey. In com-
mon with every such member of society,
she is the dependent, the vampire in
all things, profiting always by her nat-
ural gifts and the weakness of others.
She makes no attempt to fight, but rely-
ing upon her almost impenetrable ar-
mor, curls herself up tightly and allows
the worker wasp to roll her about, an-
grily, searching for an unguarded crev-
ice into which she may stab. Realizing
her helplessness, the worker wasp be-
comes frantic with rage, and seizing the
iridescent wings of her enemy she bites
and tears them beyond repair. Then,
quietly, she goes off again on her eternal
quest.
But that one may be victorious, an-
other must be vanquished. The defeat-
ed wasp, badly maimed, tries vainly
to rise on her tattered pinions — the
stumps vibrate pitifully. She is crip-
pled in body as well, but in her desire
to fulfill her destiny, she forgets all but
the treasure trove high overhead,
where her young may find a haven. In
the beginning, she was denied the
rightful instincts which were meted
out to her more favored sisters : she was
never taught to track and to over-
whelm her lawful prey, to utilize the
natural resources of her small sphere.
She knows but one thing: that she
must lodge her egg in another's nest or
her race will come to an end — the
greatest possible catastrophe to any
civilization, however humble or pre-
tentious. Therefore, she climbs up
painfully, inch by inch, to the hole in
the post, lays her egg in the nest, and
having in this wise, completed the
small mosaic of her existence, makes no
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
further fight against those great forces
which have combined to destroy her.
So it comes about that eventually, al-
though through no conscious design of
her own, she wreaks vengeance upon
her enemy. For sooner or later, the
worker wasp carries the last spider to
the treasure-house, lays her egg, and
carefully closes the nest. But the egg of
the intruder will hatch first, and after
the preliminary cannibal feast, the
changeling will thrive and in due time
issue forth to search, primarily, for a
mate, then for the homes she may de-
spoil and convert to her purposes. In
this, she is nothing more than an instru-
ment expressing the will of her race, for
she lives by no creed which differen-
tiates good and evil.
In a society where innocence and
guilt are one and the same, there can
be no sin, either of omission or commis-
sion. The worker preys upon the cater-
pillar, and the iridescent wasp preys
upon the worker. So must life be given
for life; so is natural cunning pitted
against industry; and so, it would seem,
is fate set above both, to do with them
as she will. But we do not know the
underlying truth and fitness of such
matters; the justice or injustice of na-
ture is not to be determined by the
human standards of right and wrong.
At best, we can but observe and tabu-
late the facts presented to us, en-
deavoring to reveal the inner law by
correlating its many outward mani-
festations.
IV
We have considered the infancy of
sex and the subsequent stages of its
early development. The second phase
of its evolution does not follow such
broad and simple lines, for new instincts
arise to make war against those funda-
mental ones which have sufficed to mo-
tivate the countless small dramas of
survival and propagation. Foremost,
is the maternal instinct — that first,
faint foreshadowing of emotion. Of
course, when we remember that a cod-
fish mother may lay over nine million
eggs, we realize that it is impossible for
her to do her full duty to each individ-
ual member of her family. Some of the
codfish children must endure a bit of
neglect, are practically orphaned, in
fact. This, fortunately, does not influ-
ence them in after life. For, among the
fishes, there is little logic of cause and
effect ; indeed, the maternal instinct usu-
ally finds its fullest expression in the fa-
ther of the household. It is the quaint
sea-horse who carries the eggs in his
pouch and watches over them, with so-
licitude, until the young colts are of age;
and it is the beautiful male paradise fish
who protects his children from their
unnatural mother, and who preserves a
stainless escutcheon by a vigilant guar-
dianship of his numerous offspring,
collecting them, if they stray, and car-
rying them home from time to time in
his mouth.
Among reptiles, the maternal instinct
finds a lawful expression through the
mother, which is as it should be in any
reputable society. It is the female
python who wraps her coils about her
eggs; it is the female alligator who
watches near her nest, ready to fight
for it, unless the danger threatens to
overpower her — when her mother
instinct falters and fails, since it is, at
best, but the tiniest spark. Courtship
among these lowly, backboned crea-
tures is not beautiful. With the pythons,
sinister flowings of the tongue, hissing,
and a slow, sinuous approach serve to
complete the momentous circle; with
the alligators, reverberating roars, tail-
lashings, and uncouth intimidations,
are sufficient unto the day. They have
attained a new instinct, perhaps; but
this progression is not equable. It but
heralds a certain retrogression, for their
courtship denotes neither preparation
44
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
nor a harmonious sequence of incident.
It is in the birds that we find a nice
balancing of the sex-instincts; it is in
their life, too, that we see the predomi-
nance of the sesthetic impulse. How-
ever, their world is a world of many
castes, so that while one courtship may
be astonishingly complex and subtle,
another is correspondingly crude. At
one extreme, the bourgeois house-spar-
row does no more than make a pretense
of display, which degenerates at once
into a rough-and-tumble pursuit, cul-
minating in rapine. But, elsewhere, the
wooing is full of beauty, employing
secret and marvelous talents for its fur-
therance. There are the song of the
hermit thrush and the graceful dance
of the cranes; and there is that mys-
terious genius in the bower bird which
impels him to gather colored blossoms
and shells that he may beautify, some
chosen spot for the allurement of his
mate. And everywhere throughout
the land, there is that elaborate dis-
play of ruffs and crests and brilliant
tail-feathers, in order that all the
world, observing, may be enabled to
make a true estimate of the individual
prowess thus made manifest. For the
female does not yield at once, but must
be besieged, implored, pleaded with,
made to know in a thousand ways the
desirability of the suitor who would win
her. Therefore, to aid him in his wooing,
the male bird is almost always larger,
stronger, with brighter coloring than
his mate, or his song is filled with a poe-
try and sweetness wanting in her own.
But in every department of life,
nature must entertain herself, upon
occasion, with contradiction and par-
adox. So, each year, on the grassy, half-
frozen tundras of the far north, on the
dry, reedy plains of central India, in
the very heart of the Brazilian tropical
forest, she sets in motion courtships
which are a living refutation of her nor-
mal laws. These secret and naive dra-
mas owe their being to the phalaropes
or sandpipers, the bustard-quail, and
the tinamou; but the chief and fore-
most of the three, in quaintness and
versatility, is the clan phalarope.
It is in the cool months of early
spring that the first of these little swim-
ming sandpipers make their way to the
northern tundras, where they scatter
over the new arctic moss and wade and
swim and search for food in the icy
pools. With their warm and brilliant
coloring of buff and rufous, they have
the appearance of a small regiment
come to make war against those insati-
able, northland gods of eternal winter.
But if they came to battle, they re-
main to loiter. However, this idleness
endures but a few days, for the serious
business of life is taken up the very
instant that a second battalion of pha-
laropes appears against the horizon —
for these are the males, duller in hue
and smaller in size, come to profit by
the reconnoitring of the stronger sex.
The landing is a joyful and gala
hour, marked by fluttering wings, and
the faint, confused sound of hundreds
upon hundreds of tiny, webbed feet
pattering along the water's edge. And
this is but the beginning of a fete deli-
cieuse. For each male is assiduously
courted by at least two females, who
seldom leave him, but scurry about,
slaves to his slightest whim; who anti-
cipate the least of his desires, and
bring him the choicest morsels from
land and sea; who bow and hover
around him, watchful, despising no
strategy which will win his favor. It is
his custom to exact this homage until
he is forced to abandon his attitude of
indifference and to indicate his choice.
This fateful moment is attended by
no scene, however; for the sandpipers
live according to a philosophy denied
the more complicated human machine.
Straightway, the defeated rival flies
away in search of a male more suscep-
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
tible to her charms. This economy of
effort is neither more nor less than an
instinctive realization that the purpose
of the individual is not to mourn but to
propagate his race. And it is a realiza-
tion in which complex human emotions
have no place; hence the life of the pha-
larope runs its course smoothly, inevit-
ably, untrammeled and unthwarted.
The courtship over, the bridegroom
is plunged at once into a busy season
of preparation. He searches here and
there, — followed everywhere by his
mate, who seems unwilling to trust
him out of her sight, — and at last
chooses a sheltered spot near a bit of
overhanging turf, where with his dain-
ty beak and toes he scratches out a
little hollow — the tiniest hollow, in
the very midst of the great arctic plain.
Lady phalarope then condescends to
deposit therein four beautiful eggs of
gray, touched with a deep, rich brown,
and feels that with this aesthetic con-
tribution to the world, she has done all
that any one with such ultra modern
ideas could be called upon to do. So
she wings her way to some neighboring
quagmire and joins an assemblage of
her sex, each and every one of whom
has eased her conscience of all weight
by having left similar quartettes of lit-
tle eggs here and there in the growing
turf.
The male, forsaken, steps forward
and surveys his home with due pride;
then, conscious that the weight of the
universe has been transferred to his
small back, he hurries to his nest and
there composes himself for many days
of patient brooding, stealing only now
and then a little time that he may dine
in some pool, providently stocked with
mosquito larvae. He even has the ap-
pearance of begrudging these briefest
of intervals, and always hastens back
to assume his duties, until the move-
ment of life beneath him and the first
faint pipings of the tiny nestling pha-
laropes reward his care and are a noisy
proclamation that his warm body has
fanned into existence four more of his
kind, to go forth and be of service to
the world.
During the ensuing weeks he thinks
neither of himself nor of food, so great
is his devotion to those long-legged,
downy beings, — in reality more like
strange insects than birds, — who fol-
low him as closely as his shadow, and
whose sole aim in life is to obey his
slightest summons or warning. Now
and then a great whistling of wings
overhead sends them flat against the
ground, crouching among the flowers
of the tundra; but it is only their moth-
er passing over, knowing them not for
her own, intent only on reaching some
pleasant roosting-place or fertile pool,
with her gregarious sisters. Later,
when the flowers have gone to seed,
and the low sun sends less and less heat
to the dying life of the tundra, all the
phalaropes unite and fly swiftly south-
ward, where — consistent in their in-
consistency, defying to the last the
laws of most other birds — the parents
and young together spend the winter
floating on the ocean far from land,
challenging storms, sharks, and all the
perils of the deep. By some strange
chance, in obedience to some hidden
whimsicality of nature, the females
have become dominant, have taken to
themselves strength, beauty, and a
certain assertiveness, so that the males,
unresisting, have fallen heir to the
modest mantle of domesticity.
Four eggs and no more, are all that
the little breast of the cock phalarope
can successfully warm, so that for him
to have another wife would cause an
economic waste not countenanced in
primitive society. And it appears that
the lady phalarope desires to make
but one conquest. But many miles to
the south, in the tropical American
forests, there are the tinamous, of par-
46
THE JELLY-FISH AND EQUAL SUFFRAGE
tridge habit and color, whose diversion
from type has not been hampered by
such well-defined limitations. The fe-
male is aggressive, courting and win-
ning her mate more roughly than the
little aristocratic phalarope, hustling
him and giving him no peace until he
capitulates. To be sure, she lays for
him the most wonderful eggs in the
world, with shells like burnished metal,
save that they are colored with the
rarest greens and the most evanescent
and subtle blues. But once she has
thus built the walls of his prison for
him, this emancipated tinamou prompt-
ly deserts him, and sends through the
forests her clear and penetrating call
— a trill of poignant sweetness.
At this moment, she may be poised on
some fallen tree-trunk, or half hidden
in tall ferns close by her first mate, who
has quietly and unobtrusively assumed
the responsibilities meted out to him.
He hears the selfsame call which so
short a time ago awakened him, led
him to undertake the perilous task of
hatching and rearing the brood, and
can one be sure that he is not stirred by
a passing wave of resentment, con-
scious of a fleeting desire to be one in
freedom with the males of other species,
whom he can see playing and singing
about him, while their mates, in fitting
subservience to law and custom, sit
upon the nests? But that vast, incom-
prehensible machinery of evolution is
not to be disarranged by an atom hid-
den in a forest; he must live as he must
live. He has no word of protest; it is
kismet.
But if here, among the phalaropes
and the tinamous, does not exist that
equable division of instinct which finds
its purest expression in the birds, such
harmony and balance are to be found
notwithstanding, in the life of the wild
goose; for, in common with many beau-
tiful things, it is hidden where one
would search for it last. We know
nothing of the courtship of the wild
goose, but we feel assured that it must
be a seemly and worthy affair. Once
mated, there is no further need for
vows and protestations, for the birds
mate for life. Together, they unite in
building the nest, but the goose alone
watches over the eggs, while day and
night, the gander weaves in all direc-
tions on water and on land his trails of
watchfulness. Neither man nor beast
may approach without being fiercely
and successfully assailed, buffeted, and
routed by a relentless attack with beak
and wings. This guardianship is inten-
sified when the new generation, help-
less and dependent, voices its first need
for protection from the perils which en-
compass and beset it. If, perchance,
the small family elects to remain on the
shore, the parents will circle round
and round the group of golden gos-
lings; and if danger threatens from any
one direction, the gander, by some
miracle of strategy, will succeed in plac-
ing himself at the one vulnerable point
of his entrenchment. His loyalty,
astuteness, and unselfishness are not
to be found in those unobservant folk
who have presumed to slander him. In
swimming, the strictest discipline is
maintained. The young form in single
file, following the mother, while the
gander brings up the rear, with eyes
constantly sweeping the whole range of
vision. His vigil is ceaseless and untir-
ing. Such is the life of these two birds
who are mated in more than sex; and
when death comes to one or the other
of them, we know that, many times,
the one who remains will seek no other
mate, but will return each spring to the
site of his former nest which he will
never renew again.
For these two, nature has shown her-
self just and generous, so that their life
together, in its simplicity and equality,
is an answer to many of those questions
which men and women, victims of a
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
47
perhaps too complex civilization, are
considering with such profound and
impressive gravity. The wild gander
and his goose do not know that at one
time sex was a comparatively unknown
quantity; they do not know that subse-
quently male and female were differen-
tiated, and that after many centuries
this differentiation caused a widespread
divergence of individual duties and
interests. But they are aware that
specialization, which is neither more
nor less than the realization of one's
greatest talent and the judicious in-
vestment of it, will produce what is
best for the individual and the race.
This talent may be a modest one, or
it may be so pretentious as to become
genius instead; but since genius is a
natural endowment it must take care of
itself. It is essential, only, that the
making of bread, of houses, of streets
and sidewalks and plays, shall continue
for just so long a time as there is need
for them, and that this work shall be
done competently and well. This pre-
supposes a division of labor and of in-
clination, as well as certain potential
limitations; but it does not necessarily
presuppose that one half of the world
shall be set to dusting furniture while
the other half goes stolidly marching
off to war. It is evident that speciali-
zation in itself is not sufficient; but spe-
cialization and a thoughtful, respectful
cooperation between the sexes — this
is the true sex-equality.
The voice of the jelly-fish is heard
throughout the land demanding equal-
ity in all things. Time, of course, will
usurp the privilege of answering this
demand; but the human being, for his
diversion, may determine the wisdom
or unwisdom of such a policy by con-
sidering these logical, if seemingly un-
related, descendants of the jelly-fish —
the humble wild gander and his cap-
able cooperative mate, the goose.
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
BY ROBERT HAVEN SCHAUFFLER
ENTHUSIASM is the thing that makes
the world go round. The old Greeks
who gave it a name knew that it was
the god-energy in the human machine.
Without its driving power nothing
worth doing has ever been done. It is
man's dearest possession. Love, friend-
ship, religion, altruism, devotion to
career or hobby, — all these, and most
of the other good things in life, are
forms of enthusiasm. A medicine for
the most diverse ills, it alleviates both
the pains of poverty and the boredom
of riches. Apart from it joy cannot
live. Therefore it should be husbanded
with zeal and spent with wisdom.
To waste it is folly; to misuse it, dis-
aster. For it is safe to utilize this god-
energy only in its own proper sphere.
Enthusiasm moves the human vessel.
To let it move the rudder too, is crim-
inal negligence. The great composer
Brahms once made a remark somewhat
to this effect : The reason why there is
48
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
so much bad music in the world is that
composers are in too much of a hurry.
When an inspiration comes to them,
what do they do? Instead of taking it
out for a long, cool walk, they sit down
at once to work it up; but instead they
let it work them up into an absolutely
uncritical enthusiasm in which every
splutter of the goose-quill looks to them
like part of a swan-song.
Love is blind, they say. This is an
exaggeration. But it is based on the
fact that enthusiasm, whether it ap-
pears as love, or in any other form,
always has trouble with its eyes. In its
own place it is incomparably efficient;
only keep it away from the pilot-house !
Since this god-energy is the most
precious and important thing we have,
why should our word for its possess-
or have sunk almost to the level of a
contemptuous epithet? Nine times in
ten we apply it to the man who allows
his enthusiasm to steer his vessel. It
would be quite as logical to employ the
word * writer* for one who misuses his
literary gift in writing dishonest adver-
tisements. When we speak of an
* enthusiast' to-day, we usually mean
a person who has all the ill-judging
impulsiveness of a child without its
compensating charm, and is therefore
not to be taken seriously. This was
the attitude of Commodore Vanderbilt,
president of the New York Central Rail-
road, when George Westinghouse sent
him a proposal to substitute air- for
hand-brakes. * He 's only an enthusiast/
remarked the Commodore, and return-
ed the inventor's letter politely in-
dorsed: *I have no time to waste on
fools.' It might do all such superficial
scoffers good if they were answered as
the Commodore was answered. Some
time after, when the air-brake had
been put into brilliant operation on the
more progressive Pennsylvania Rail-
road, the president of the New York
Central wrote the inventor a benignant
letter, appointing an interview. His
reply was a single sentence: 'I have no
time to waste on fools. — GEORGE
WESTINGHOUSE/
But besides its poor sense of direc-
tion, men have another complaint
against enthusiasm. They think it in-
sincere on account of its capacity for
frequent and violent fluctuation in
temperature. In his Creative Evolution,
Bergson shows how 'our most ardent
enthusiasm, as soon as it is external-
ized into action, is so naturally con-
gealed into the cold calculation of in-
terest or vanity, the one so easily takes
the shape of the other, that we might
confuse them together, doubt our own
sincerity, deny goodness and love, if
we did not know that the dead retain
for a time the features of the living/
The philosopher then goes on to show
how, when we fall into this confusion,
we are unjust to enthusiasm, which is
the materialization of the invisible
breath of life itself. It is 'the spirit/
The action it induces is 'the letter/
These give rise to two different and
often antagonistic movements. The
letter kills the spirit. But when this
occurs we are apt to mistake the slayer
for the slain and impute to the ardent
spirit all the cold vices of its murderer.
Hence, the taint of insincerity that
seems to hang about enthusiasm is,
after all, nothing but illusion. To be
just, we should discount this illusion
in advance as the wise man discounts
discouragement. And the word for the
man whose lungs are large with the
breath of life should cease to be a term
of reproach.
Enthusiasm is the prevailing char-
acteristic of the child and of the man
who does memorable things. The two
are near akin and bear a family resem-
blance. Youth trails clouds of glory.
The eternal man is usually the eternal
boy. And it frequently follows that
the more of a boy he is, the more of a
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
49
man. The most conventional-seeming
great men possess as a rule a secret
vein of eternal-boyishness. Our idea
of Brahms, for example, is of a person
hopelessly mature and respectable. But
we open Kalbeck's new biography and
discover him climbing a tree to conduct
his chorus while swaying on a branch,
or, in his fat forties, playing at frog-
catching like a five-year-old.
The American celebrity is no less
youthful. Not long ago one of our
good gray men of letters was among
his children, awaiting dinner and his
wife. Her footstep sounded on the
stairs. 'Quick, children!' he exclaim-
ed. * Here's mother. Let 's hide under
the table, and when she comes in we'll
rush out on all-fours and pretend we're
bears.' The manoeuvre was executed
with spirit. At the agreed signal out
they all waddled and galumphed with
horrid grunts, only to find something
unfamiliar about mother's skirt, and,
glancing up, to discover that it hung
upon a strange and terrified guest.
The biographers have paid too little
attention to the god-energy of their
heroes. I think that it should be one
of the crowning achievements of bio-
graphy to communicate to the reader
certain actual vibrations of the enthu-
siasm that filled the scientist or phil-
osopher for truth; the patriot for his
country; the artist for beauty and self-
expression; the altruist for humanity;
the discoverer for knowledge; the lover
or friend for a kindred soul; the pro-
phet, martyr, or saint for his god.
Every lover, according to Emerson,
is a poet. Not only is this true, but
every one of us, when in the sway of
any enthusiasm, has in him something
creative. Therefore a record of the
most ordinary person's enthusiasms
should prove as well worth reading as
the ordinary record of the extraordin-
ary person's life if written with the
usual neglect of this important subject.
VOL. 114 -NO. 1
II
Now I should like to try the experi-
ment of sketching in outline a new kind
of biography. It would consist entirely
of the record of an ordinary person's
enthusiasms. But, as I know no other
life-story so well as my own, perhaps
the reader will pardon me for abiding in
the first person singular. He may the
more readily pardon me if he realizes
the universality of this offense among
writers. For it is a fact that almost all
novels, stories, poems, and essays are
nothing but more or less cleverly dis-
guised autobiography.
In looking back over my life, a series
of enthusiasms would appear to stand
out as a sort of spinal system, about
which are grouped as tributaries all the
dry bones and other minor phenomena
of existence. Or, rather, enthusiasm is
the deep, clear, sparkling stream which
carries along and solves and neutral-
izes, if not sweetens, in its impetuous
flow life's rubbish and superfluities of
all kinds, such as school, the Puritan
sabbath, boot- and hair-brushing, po-
lite and unpolemic converse with bores,
prigs, pedants and shorter catechists
— and so on, all the way down the
shores of age, to the higher mathema-
tics, bank failures, and the occasional
editor whose word is not as good as his
bond.
My first enthusiasm was for good
things to eat. It was stimulated by
that priceless asset, a virginal palate.
But here at once the medium of expres-
sion fails. For what may words pre-
sume to do with the flavor of that first
dish of oatmeal; with the first pear,
grape, watermelon; with the Bohemian
roll called Hooska, besprinkled with
poppy and mandragora, or the won-
drous dishes which our Viennese cook
called Aepfelstrudel and Scheiterhaufen?
The best way for me to express my
reaction to each of these delicacies
50
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
would be to play it on the 'cello. The
next best would be to say that they
tasted somewhat better than Eve
thought the apple was going to taste.
But how absurdly inadequate this
sounds! I suppose the truth is that
such enthusiasms have become too
utterly congealed in our blase minds
when at last these minds have grown
mature enough to grasp the principles
of penmanship. So that whatever has
been recorded about the sensations of
extreme youth is probably all false.
Why, even
'Heaven lies about us in our infancy/
as Wordsworth revealed in his ode
on Immortality. And though Tenny-
son pointed out that we try to revenge
ourselves by lying about heaven in our
maturity, this does not serve to correct
a single one of crabbed age's misappre-
hensions about youth.
Games next caught my fancy. From
the first I seemed to prefer those de-
manding dexterity and quickness of
eye. More than dominoes or halma,
lead soldiers appealed to me, and tops,
marbles, and battledore-and-shuttle-
cock. Perhaps I should not have cared
so much for the last-named if I had
foreseen myself participating in this
sport for some years in grim earnest, I,
the literary beginner, being the shuttle-
cock, and receiving many a shrewd
rap as I was bandied from one edito-
rial battledore to another.
Through tag, fire-engine, hide-and-
seek, pom-pom-pull-away, and base-
ball, I came to boxing. Until then I had
been much bullied by the older boys of
the neighborhood. This was only nat-
ural, for my physical make-up was an
irresistible invitation to the bully. Its
chief item was a huge, bulbous head,
under the weight of which a wraith of
a body and penholder-like legs seemed
to buckle. But my reach was long, my
eye fair. After a few scientific hints
from a brother, I took to the manly
art so naturally as to win both the
reluctant respect of my contempora-
ries, and admission to the cherished
society of my elders. With delight I
found that I could stand up to the
latter on apparently equal terms. But
now, looking back, I am almost sure
that after having broken my nose, the
big fellows must have treated me as
indulgently as the Saint Bernard treats
the snarling spaniel. However that
may be, boxing gave me a first taste of
the joys of physical competence.
But when, after a few years, I found
tennis, I knew instinctively that here
was to be my athletic grand passion.
Perhaps I was first attracted by the
game's constant humor, which was for-
ever making the ball imitate or carica-
ture humanity, or beguiling the play-
ers to act like solemn automata. I
came to like the game's variety, its
tense excitement, its beauty of posture
and curve. From an early date I have
been a fascinated student of humanity.
And about this time I must have
vaguely felt what I later learned con-
sciously: that tennis is a surerevealer
of character. Three sets with a man
suffice to give one a working knowledge
of his moral equipment; six, of his
chief mental traits; and a dozen, of
that most important and usually veiled
part of him, his subconscious person-
ality. Young people of opposite sexes
are sometimes counseled to take a long
railway journey together before decid-
ing on a matrimonial merger. But I
would advise them to play * singles'
with each other before venturing upon
a continuous game of * doubles.'
The collecting mania appeared some
time before tennis. I first collected
ferns under a crag in a deep glen. Mere
amassing soon gave way to discrimina-
tion, which led to choosing a favorite
fern. This was chosen, I now realize,
with a woeful lack of fine feeling. I
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
51
called it the Alligator from its fancied
resemblance to my brother's alligator-
skin traveling bag. But admiration of
this fern brought a dawning conscious-
ness that certain natural objects were
vastly preferable to others. This led,
in years, to an enthusiasm for collect-
ing impressions of the beauty, strength,
sympathy, and significance of nature.
The Alligator Fern, as I still call it, has
become a symbolic thing to me; and
the sight of it now stands for my
supreme or best-loved impression, not
alone in the world of ferns, but also
in each department of nature. Among
forests it symbolizes the immemorial
incense cedars and redwoods of the
Yosemite; among shores, those of Capri
and Monterey; among mountains, the
glowing one called Isis as seen at dawn
from the depths of the Grand Canyon;
among friendly brooks, a stream that
chuckles and foams and swirls seaward
under Massachusetts oaks and beech-
es and past the log cabin where I sit
writing these words.
in
Next, I collected postage-stamps.
I know that it is customary for writers
to-day to sneer at this pursuit. But
surely they have forgotten its variety
and subtlety; its demand on the imagi-
nation; how it makes history and geo-
graphy live, and initiates one painlessly
into the mysteries of the currency of
all nations. And what a tonic it is for
the memory! Only think of the impli-
cations of the annual price-catalogue!
Soon after the issue of this work, every
collector worthy the name has almost
unconsciously filed away in his mind
the current market values of thousands
of stamps. And he can tell you off-
hand, not only their worth in the nor-
mal perforated and canceled condition,
but also how their values vary if they
are uncanceled, embossed, rouletted,
unperforated, surcharged with all man-
ner of initials, printed by mistake with
the king standing on his head, or water-
marked anything from a horn of plenty
to the seven lean kine of Egypt. This
feat of memory is, moreover, no hard-
ship at all, for the enthusiasm of the
normal stamp-collector is so potent that
its proprietor has only to stand by and
let it do all the work.
We often hear that the wealthy do
not enjoy their possessions. This de-
pends entirely upon the wealthy. That
some of them enjoy their treasures
giddily, madly, my own experience
proves. For, as youthful stamp-col-
lectors went in those days, I was a
philatelic magnate. By inheritance,
by the ceaseless and passionate trading
of duplicates, by rummaging in every
available attic, by correspondence with
a wide circle of foreign missionaries,
and by delivering up my whole allow-
ance to the dealers, I had amassed a
collection of several thousand varie-
ties. These included such gems as all
of the triangular Cape of Good Hopes,
almost all of the early Persians, and
our own spectacular issue of 1869 un-
used, including the one on which the
silk-stockinged Fathers are signing the
Declaration of Independence. Such
possessions as these I well-nigh wor-
shiped.
Even to-day, after having collected
no stamps for a generation, the chance
sight of an * approval sheet', with its
paper-hinged reminders of every land
of the nineteenth century, gives me a
curious sensation. There visit my
spine echoes of the thrills that used to
course it on similar occasions in boy-
hood. Those were the days when my
stamps had formed for me mental pic-
tures, more or less accurate, of every
country from Angola to Western Aus-
tralia, its history, climate, scenery, in-
habitants, rulers. To possess its rarest
stamp was mysteriously connected in
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
my mind with being given the freedom
of the land itself, and introduced with
warm recommendations to its genius
loci.
Even old circulars issued by dealers
now long gone to stampless climes,
have power still to raise the ghost of
the vanished glamour. I prefer those of
foreign dealers because their English
has the quaint, other-world atmosphere
of what they dealt in. How other-
world this English was I did not per-
haps stop to appreciate in the rush of
youth. The other day I found in an
old scrap-book a circular from Vienna,
which annihilated a score of years with
its very first words: —
CLEARING
OP A LARGE PART OF MY RETAIL DEPOSITORY
Being lately so much engaged into my whole-
sale business ... I have made up my mind to
sell out a large post of my retail-stamps at under-
prices. They are rests of larger collections con-
taining for the most, only older marks and not
thrash possibly put together purposedly as they
used to be composed by the other dealers and
containing therefore mostly but worthless and
useless nouveaut6s of Central America.
Before continuing this persuasive
flow, the dealer inserts a number of
testimonials like the following. He
calls them: —
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Sent package having surpassed my experta-
tions I beg to remit by to days post-office-ordres
Mk. 100. Kindly please send me by return of
post offered album wanted for retail sale.
G. B- HANNOVER.
He now comes to his peroration: —
I beg to call the kind of attention of every
buyer to the fact of my selling all these packages
and albums with my own loss merely for clear-
ings sake of my retail business and in order to
get rid of them as much and as soon as possible.
With 25-60% abatement I give stamps and
whole things to societies against four weeks
calculation.
All collectors are bound to oblige themselves
by writing contemporaneously with sending in
the depository amount to make calculation
within a week as latest term.
It is enough! As I read, the old
magic enfolds me, and I am seized with
longing to turn myself into a society of
collectors, and to implore the altruistic
dealer * kindly please' to send me, at a
prodigious * abatement,' 'stamps and
whole things against four weeks calcu-
lation.'
IV
The youngest children of large fam-
ilies are apt to be lonely folk, some-
what retired and individualistic in their
enthusiasms. I was such a child, bless-
ed by circumstances with few play-
fellows and rather inclined to sedentary
joys. Even when I reached the bar-
baric stage of evolution where youth
is gripped by enthusiasm for the main
pursuits of his primitive ancestors, I
was fain to enjoy these in the more
sophisticated forms natural to a lone-
ly young city-dweller.
When stamps had passed their zenith
I was filled with a lust for slaughter.
Fish were at first the desired victims.
Day after day I sat watching a hope-
lessly buoyant cork refuse to bob into
the depths of the muddy and sluggish
Cuyahoga. I was like some fond par-
ent, hoping against hope to see his child
outlive the flippant period and dive be-
low the surface of things, into touch
with the great living realities. And
when the cork finally marked a historic
period by vanishing, and a small, inert
and intensely bored sucker was pulled
in hand over hand, I felt thrills of grat-
ified longing and conquest old and
strong as the race.
But presently I myself was drawn,
like the cork, beneath the superficial
surface of the angler's art. For in the
public library I chanced on a shelf of
books that told about fishing of a
nobler, jollier, more seductive sort. At
once I was consumed with a passion
for five-ounce split-bamboo fly-rods,
ethereal leaders, double-tapered casting
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
53
lines of braided silk, and artificial flies
more fair than birds of Paradise.
Armed in spirit with all these, I waded
the streams of England with kindly
old Isaak Walton, and ranged the
Restigouche with the predecessors of
Henry Van Dyke.
These dreams brought with them a
certain amount of satisfaction — about
as much satisfaction as if they had
come as guests to a surprise party,
each equipped with a small sandwich
and a large appetite. The visions were
pleasant, of course, but they cried out,
and made me cry out, for action. There
were no trout, to be sure, within a hun-
dred miles, and there was no way of
getting to any trouty realm of delight.
But I did what I could to be prepared
for the blessed day when we should
meet. I secured five new subscriptions
or so to The Boys' Chronicle (let us call
it) and received in return a fly-rod so
flimsy that it would have resolved itself
into its elements at sight of a half-pound
trout. It was destined, though, never
to meet with this embarrassment.
My casting line bore a family resem-
blance to grocery string. My leader
was a piece of gut from my brother's
'cello; my fly-book, an old wallet. As
for flies, they seemed beyond my
means; and it was perplexing to know
what to do, until I found a book that
said it was best to tie your own flies.
With joyful relief I acted on this coun-
sel, and no one can say that I did not
throw myself into the project. Pluck-
ing the feather-duster, I tied two White
Millers with shoe-thread upon cod
hooks. One of these I stained and
streaked with my heart's blood into the
semblance of a Parmacheenee Belle.
The canary furnished materials for a
Yellow May; a door-yard English spar-
row for a Brown Hackle. My master-
piece, the beautiful, particolored fly
known as Jock Scott, owed its being to
my sister's Easter bonnet.
I covered the points of the hooks
with pieces of cork, and fished on the
front lawn from morning to night,
leaning with difficulty against the
thrust of an imaginary torrent. And I
never ceased striving to make the three
flies straighten out properly as the
books directed, and fall like thistle-
down on the strategic spot where the
empty tomato can was anchored, and
then jiggle appetizingly down over the
four-pounder, where he sulked in the
deep hole just beyond the hydrant.
The hunting fever was wakened by
the need for the Brown Hackle already
mentioned. But as the choice of
weapons and of victims culminated in
the air-gun and the sparrow, respec-
tively, my earliest hunting was con-
fined even more closely than my fishing
to the library and the wild and teeming
forests and fields of the imagination.
But while somewhat handicapped here
by the scarcity of ferocious game, I was
more fortunate in another enthusiasm
which attacked me almost at the same
time. For however unpropitious the
hunting is on any given part of the
earth's surface, there is everywhere
and always an abundance of good hid-
den-treasure-seeking to be had. The
garden, the attic, the tennis lawn, all
suffered. And my enterprise was stim-
ulated by the discovery of an incom-
parable book, all about a dead man's
chest, and not only digging for gold
in a secret island, but finding it too, by
jingo! and fighting off the mutineers.
These aspirations led naturally to
games of Pirate, or Outlaw, which were
handicapped, however, by the scarcity
of playmates and their curious hesita-
tion to serve as victims. As pirates and
outlaws are well known to be the most
superstitious of creatures, inclining to
the primitive in their religious views,
we were naturally led into a sort of
dread enthusiasm for — or enthusiastic
dread of — the whole pantheon of
54
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
spooks, sprites, and bugaboos to which
savages and children, great and small,
bow the knee.
But perhaps it might be more pos-
sible to convey the quality of these in-
terlaced enthusiasms by turning aside
for a moment from the cooler ways of
prose. I suppose that a metrical state-
ment of the ideals of this period might
be called
PARADISE REVISED
Playing hymn-tunes day and night
On a harp may be all right
For the grown-ups; but for me,
I do wish that heaven could be
Sort o' like a circus, run
So a kid could have some fun!
There I 'd not play harps, but horns
When I chased the unicorns —
Magic tubes with pistons greasy,
Slides that pushed and pulled out easy,
Cylinders of snaky brass
Where the fingers like to fuss,
Polished like a looking-glass,
Ending in a blunderbuss.
I would ride a horse of steel
Wound up with a ratchet-wheel.
Every beast I 'd put to rout
Like the man I read about.
I would singe the leopard's hair,
Stalk the vampire and the adder,
Drive the werewolf from his lair,
Make the mad gorilla madder.
Needle-guns my work should do.
But, if beasts got closer to,
I would pierce them to the marrow
With a barbed and poisoned arrow,
Or I 'd whack 'em on the skull
Till my scimitar was dull.
If these weapons did n't work,
With a kris or bowie-knife,
Poniard, assegai or dirk
I would make them beg for life; —
Spare them, though, if they 'd be good
And guard me from what haunts the wood —
From those creepy, shuddery sights
That come round a fellow nights:
Imps that squeak and trolls that prowl,
Ghouls, the slimy devil-fowl,
Headless goblins with lassoes,
Scarlet witches worse than those,
Flying dragon-fish that bellow
So as most to scare a fellow . . .
There, as nearly as I could,
I would live like Robin Hood,
Taking down the mean and haughty.
Getting plunder from the naughty
To reward all honest men
Who should seek my outlaw's den.
When I 'd wearied of these pleasures
I'd go hunt for hidden treasures —
In no ordinary way:
Pirates' luggers I'd waylay;
Board them from my sinking dory,
Wade through decks of gore and glory,
Drive the fiends, with blazing matchlock.
Down below, and snap the hatch-lock.
Next, I'd scud beneath the sky-land.
Sight the hills of Treasure Island,
Prowl and peer and prod and prise,
Till there burst upon my eyes
Just the proper pirate's freight:
Gold doubloons and pieces of eight!
Then — the very best of all —
Suddenly a stranger tall
Would appear, and I 'd forget
That we had n't ever met.
And with cap upthrown I 'd greet him
(Turning from the plunder, yellow)
And I 'd hurry fast to meet him,
For he'd be the very fellow
Who, I think, invented fun —
Robert Louis Stevenson.
The enthusiasms of this barbaric
period never died. They grew up, in-
stead, and proved serviceable friends.
Fishing and hunting are now the high-
lights of vacation time. The crude call
of the inexplicable and the weird has
modulated into a siren note from the
forgotten psychic continents which we
western peoples have only just dis-
covered and begun to explore. As for
the buried-treasure craze — why, my
beloved life-work practically amounts
to a daily search for hidden gold in the
attics and cellars, the chimney-pieces
and desert islands of the mind, and the
secret coining of it into currency.
And so I might go on to tell of my
enthusiasms for no end of other things
like modeling, reading, philology, cathe-
drals, writing, pictures, folk-lore, and
the theatre. Then, there is the long
story of that enthusiasm called Love,
SOME ENTHUSIASMS I HAVE KNOWN
55
of Friendship its twin, and their elder
brother, Religion, and their younger
sister, Altruism. And travel and ad-
venture and so on. But no! It is, I be-
lieve, a misdemeanor to obtain atten-
tion under false pretenses. If I have
caught the reader's eye by promising
to sketch him the merest outline of a
new method of writing autobiography,
I must not abuse his confidence by
putting that method into practice. So,
with a regret almost equal to that of
Lewis Carroll's famous Bellman, * I skip
twenty years,' and close with my lat-
est enthusiasm.
Confirmed wanderers that we were,
my wife and I had rented a house for
the winter in a Massachusetts coast
village and had fallen somewhat under
the spell of the place. Nevertheless
we had decided to move on soon, to
try, in fact, another trip through Italy.
Our friendly neighbors urged us to
buy land up the 'back lane' instead,
and build and settle down. But we
knew nothing of this thoroughfare,
and scarcely heard them.
They were so insistent, however,
that one day we ventured up the back
lane at dusk and began to explore the
woods. It grew dark 'and we thought
of turning back. Then it began to grow
light again. A full moon was climbing
up through the maples, inviting further
explorations. We pushed on in the
undergrowth, and presently were in a
grove of great white pines. There was
a faint sound of running water, and
suddenly we came upon an astonishing
brook, wide, swift, and musical. We
had not suspected the existence of such
a brook within a dozen leagues. It was
overarched by great oaks and elms,
beeches, tupelos, and maples. The
moonbeams were dancing in the ripples
and on the floating castles of foam.
'What a place for a study!'
'Yes, a log cabin with a big stone
fire-place.'
The remarks came idly, but our
eyes met and held. Moved by one
impulse we turned our backs upon the
stream and remarked what bosh people
will sometimes talk, and discussed the
coming Italian trip as we moved cau-
tiously among the briars. But when we
came once more to the veteran pines
they seemed more glamorous than ever
in the moonlight, especially one that
stood near a tall holly, apart from the
rest, — a lyre-shaped, musical fellow,
— and his opposite, a burly, thickset
archer, bending his long-bow into a
most exquisite curve. The fragrant
pine-needles whispered. The brook lent
its faint music.
* Quick! We had better get away!'
A forgotten lumber road led us safe
from briars up a hill. Out of a dense
oak grove we emerged upon its more
open crest. Our feet sank deep in moss.
'Look,' I said.
Over the heads of the high forest
trees below, shimmered a mile of moon-
lit marshes, and beyond them a gleam
— perhaps from some vessel far at sea,
perhaps even from a Provincetown
lighthouse.
'Yes; but look!'
At a touch I turned and beheld,
crowning the hill, a stately band of
red cedars, lithe and comely, dense and
mysterious as the cypresses of Tivoli,
and gloriously drenched in moonlight.
'But what a place for a house!'
'Let's give up Italy,' was the an-
swer, 'and make this wood our home.'
By instinct and training we were two
inveterate wanderers. Never had we
possessed so much as a shingle or a
spoonful of earth. But the nest-building
enthusiasm had us at last. Our hands
met in compact. And a ten o'clock din-
ner was eaten to the tune of deeds in
fee simple, pneumatic water-systems,
and landscape architecture.
MY LADY
BY OLIVE TILFORD DARGAN
A RED-CAP sang in Bishop's wood,
A lark o'er Golder's lane,
As I the April pathway trod,
Bound west for Willesden.
At foot each tiny blade grew big,
And taller stood to hear;
And every leaf on every twig
Was like a little ear.
As I too paused, and both ways tried
To catch the rippling rain, —
So still, a hare kept at my side
His tussock of disdain, —
Behind me close I heard a step,
A soft pit-pat surprise,
And looking round my eyes fell deep
Into sweet other eyes;
The kind like wells, where sun lies too
(So clear and trustful brown),
Without a bubble warning you
That here's a place to drown.
'You have come far?' Her broken shoes
Made it a thing to say.
She answered like a dreaming Muse,
*I come from Holloway.'
* So long a tramp?' Two gentle nods;
Then seemed to lift a wing,
And words fell soft as willow-buds :
'I came to find the Spring.'
MY LADY 57
A timid voice, yet not afraid
In ways so sweet to roam,
As it with honey bees had played
And could no more go home.
Her home! I saw the human lair,
I heard the hucksters bawl,
I stifled with the thickened air
Of bickering mart and stall.
Without a tuppence for a ride,
Her feet had set her free.
Her rags that decency defied
Seemed new with liberty.
But she was frail. Who would might note
That trail of hungering
That for an hour she had forgot
In wonder of the Spring.
So shriven by her joy she glowed
It seemed a sin to chat.
(A tea-shop snuggled by the road;
Why did I think of that?) , ,-
Oh, frail, so frail ! I could have wept, —
But she was passing on, —
And I but muddled, * You '11 accept
A penny for a bun?'
Then up her little throat a spray
Of rose climbed, half afraid,
A wilding lost, till safe it lay
Deep in her curls' brown shade.
And I saw modesties at fence
With pride that bore no name;
So old it was she knew not whence
It sudden woke and came.
58 MY LADY
But that which shone of all most clear
Was startled, sadder thought,
That I should give her back the fear
Of life she had forgot.
And I blushed for the world we'd made,
Putting God's hand aside,
Till for the want of sun and- shade
His little children died.
And blushed that I who every year
With Spring went up and down,
Should greet a soul that ached for her
With, * Penny for a bun!*
Struck as a thief in holy place,
Whose sin upon him cries,
I watched the flowers leave her face,
The song go from her eyes.
Then she, sweet heart, she saw my rout,
And of her charity
A gracious hand put softly out
And took the pence from me.
A red-cap sang in Bishop's wood,
A lark o'er Golder's lane;
But I, alone, still glooming stood,
And April plucked in vain;
Till living words rang in my ears
And sudden music played:
Out of such sacred thirst as hers
The world shall be remade.
Afar she turned her head and smiled
As might have smiled the Spring,
And humble as a wondering child
I watched her vanishing.
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
59
Oh, might I go as knights once went
A-through a world of wrong,
At battle, feast, and tournament
I'd make her blush my song.
Oh, were I knight of modern day,
(And some there are, believe!)
I 'd wear mid every bout and fray
Her colors on my sleeve!
Till the mailed angels all had won,
And devils slunk away,
My lance should not be broken down,
O lass of Holloway!
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
BY WILBUR DANIEL STEELE
THE day was perfect, the dome of
the sky flawless of any streak of cloud,
the sand flat and pale yellow, the sea
flat and pale blue. There had never
been a summer when the Great Neck
Islands had been blessed (or cursed)
with such a multitude of perfect days.
Out on the glassy floor of the harbor
the schooners sat like pasteboard ships
upon a stage. Even when one came in,
opening out past Spankin' Head, it did
not seem to move, only waxed larger
without apparent progress. The whole
visible world lay inert beneath this
spell of quietude — quietude insidious,
creeping, ponderable. And so it had
lain for weeks-on-end of perfect days.
Father Veiera walked to the west-
ward along the narrow, crazy-corner-
ed shore street of Great Neck. Father
Veiera was a round and rubicund man
with a placid face, — marred at the
present moment by a gentle trouble,
strange upon his habitually unfurrow-
ed brow, — two soft and puffy hands
devoted to the comfort of his flock
and the reception of an occasional side
of mackerel or bunch of sand-grown
turnips, and a soul in perfect and tran-
quil accord with God the Father.
Father Veiera was troubled because
his people were hungry. Perhaps there
were more wrinkles in his own bulging
waistcoat than there used to be. Here
and there through an open door he
could see an old woman, or a girl or
young man, sultry-skinned and with
the garish colors of a southern fancy
60
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
about them, sitting with hands open
and staring hopelessly at nothing.
At every fresh spectacle of this kind,
the simple man's brow crinkled more
distressingly. What, he asked himself,
could he and his people have done, in
this alien land, that God the Father
should visit them with this dearth of
mackerel? For was it not the mackerel
that gave Great Neck reason for being?
Was it not because the mackerel came
to the Great Neck Islands in plenty
that he had led his people across the
Western Ocean, ten years ago, from the
sweet green shores of Portugal? And
now, since the break of spring, never
a mackerel had the schooners taken
— never a * there 'e plays ' had a mast-
head man cried down to deck through
all the length of that weary summer.
Fish come. Fish go. Beyond that
no man has ever read.
Down on the beach, in the shadow of
Peter Maya's wharf, the priest saw a
group of men. Some of them were rais-
ing their hands in wonder. It was a
strange enough thing, even, that there
should be a crowd of men gathered
together in these days — it was long
now since they had taken to sitting,
each with his own family in his own
house, staring at nothing. So Father
Veiera hurried ponderously down to the
beach.
The men were gathered about an
object which the tide had brought in
and left stranded among the weeds
and broken bottles of the beach-line.
They stared at it and pointed, and one
of them turned the object over cau-
tiously with his boot. The thing was
of the color of flesh, like a tremendous
handless arm, tapering at one end, and
hacked off raggedly at the other. Along
one side of it were thousands of tiny,
fleshy cups, set in sinuous rows. It
was a thing to make men shudder when
they looked at it — merely the look or
the feel of it.
'What is it, Father?" they asked of
the priest.
He was a superstitious little fat
man, and unconsciously his puffy hand
gestured twice in front of his chest.
Thereupon all the men but one cross-
ed themselves and felt yet more un-
comfortable. The one who did not
cross himself was Josiah Pinkney, one
of the two or three native Yankees who
still clung to Great Neck after their
fellows had gone 'west.'
This Josiah left the group and went
up the beach to the ice-shed where
stores were kept, when there were any
stores to keep. He came back presently
with a squid in his hands. Sometimes
Great Neck sold these little cousins of
the devil-fish for bait to trawlers who
stopped there on their way to the
Channel grounds. There had not been
many squid this year. What there
were, Great Neck had eaten, there
being little else to eat. Josiah had one
of the last and it stank badly because
the ice was all gone.
Now with his knife he cut one of the
tentacles from the slimy, torpedo-
shaped body and threw it down on
the sand beside the strange, portent-
ous thing which the sea had cast up.
All the men saw then that the two
were the same, line for line, cup for
cup, one of them perhaps five inches
in length and the other near a dozen
feet.
They all crossed themselves again.
Father Veiera prayed to Sainte Anne.
In the bottom of the sea, far, far away
down where the light of heaven never
comes, there are creatures which God
the Father may or may not have put
there, but it is best not to think of
them in either case.
Josiah Pinkney was the first to speak.
'My father see one o' them feelers
up to the Grand Banks in the sixties,'
he said. 'I reckon they 'bide a thousand
fathom down,' he added, after a mo-
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
61
ment of speculation, * them giant squid.'
Later in the day a man named
Ventura, and his son, clamming on the
tide-marshes to the eastward, came
upon another of those handless arms,
livid and sweltering, washed in among
the grass-roots. They came running
back across the sand hummocks to
Great Neck without their buckets or
clam-rakes. They would have cried
their tale all through the length of the
shore street, which was red and un-
earthly in the horizontal rays of a half-
sun, sinking in Back Water beyond the
Spankin' Head ridge. But Father
Veiera stopped them before they had
come past Perez's shipyard, holding up
a chubby forefinger in front of his lips.
Perhaps it was the hunger and the
drought of hope. Great Neck was think-
ing too much upon the monstrous
shadows that live in the depths of the
sea and the veiled chambers of the
night. Portents multiplied. At noon,
in a shack at the western end of the
village, a woman had given still-birth
to a creature with three arms. Strange
and uncouth trackings in the sand had
been observed by cranberry-pickers
beyond the Snail Ponds; and goosefish,
horribly mangled as with an edged in-
strument, had been washed ashore in
the Cove.
These things cast their shadow upon
the soul of the simple priest. As dusk
came on, creeping over the edges of the
world, he waddled up to the yellow
chapel on the dune and passed a sea-
son with the relics brought over from
another yellow chapel on the hills of
Peniche, to the north of Lisbon.
In the morning he would bless the
fleet again. Already, in the summer,
he had blessed the fleet five times.
Perhaps the sixth blessing would be
potent. When he went out and down
the whispering sand it seemed that the
night was full of shades that made the
stars wink.
It was not such a shameful thing for
a little, round, devout man to gasp
and make a trifling leap to the side
when a shade of this sort came up out
of the ground at his very feet. No —
one could not be too careful — it was
an evil night. Father Veiera continued
to pout and heave for a moment, and
finger the crucifix on his breast de-
sperately, and peer fearfully at the
shadow. Then he straightened up,
sighed, smoothed his stubbly hair, and
saiu, "
* Peter Maya — it 's you, then. What
are you doing here, my son?'
'Asentado.' (Sitting.)
4 What?'
* Alembrandome.' (Thinking.)
Peter Maya was a small man, no
taller than Father Veiera and not at
all fat. He wore thick glasses and
pulled the brim of his hat far down, so
that he had to hold his chin in the air.
He was a fierce little man, — skipper of
the Isabelle, — tyrant over a score of
men, every one of them half his weight
again. Father Veiera was a little afraid
of him on account of his fierce face,
especially on a night like this, and he
would have liked to go on his way.
But something in the other's tone had
hinted that the conversation was not
at an end. So the priest asked, very
diffidently, —
'What about?'
'Hmmmf.'
It was indeed a bad night when one
of his children answered him only with
a snort — a dangerous night for a little
fat man.
*I shall bestow the blessing in the
morning,' he quavered.
'Rrggh — no good.'
But he did not tear Father Veiera
limb from limb. Instead, he turned
disdainfully away and faded in the
gloom, leaving the priest to paddle on
in haste to his own dwelling where the
light burned.
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
II
' He went out to the schooners the
following noon, puffing over the oars of
his own green dory. One after another
he visited the vessels, sprawling his
way across the water- spaces like an
overgrown green spider with two legs,
and one after another the crews stood
up on deck with bared heads while he
read the service and lifted his hands
over them. After he had finished, each
one raised his head and looked around
the skyline, for this succession of
blank blue days had become a pesti-
lence, a painted smile that killed their
turnips and drove all the mackerel into
obscure and tempest-ridden ends of
the sea.
They were hungry; their hands hung
down empty at their sides; it was hard
to believe. But surely, that was the
shadow of a veil of mist hanging over
the Island of the Angels, far out there
in the straits. They pointed it out to
one another with lean fingers, crossed
themselves fervently, and when the
little round priest had worked himself,
puffing and groaning, over the side and
into the green dory, fell to getting up
the sails with something more like hope
than Great Neck had known for weeks.
Father Veiera stood on the deck of
the Maria Stella, mopping his white
forehead with a handkerchief of blue
cotton. He had blessed the Maria
Stella and all her crew. The vapor over
the Island of the Angels had become
quite plain.
*I have a little wine in my locker,'
said Man'el Deutra, the skipper.
* Would you taste it with me, Father?'
When they had drunk together, fol-
lowing the custom, the skipper said to
the priest, —
'You have blessed them all now.'
' No/ Father Veiera answered, ' there
is still left Peter Maya's boat, lying
out there under the Head.'
He mopped his brow again, for the
day had grown uncommonly hot and
close. Man'el Deutra grunted and spat
over the side.
'Peter Maya has no belief in the
sacred blessing. He sits in his house
this morning, and curses. As you may
see, there is not a soul aboard the
schooner.'
Father Veiera looked shoreward and
sighed. He was very sorry indeed that
Peter Maya had lost his faith, but it
would have been a long row out there
to the 'Head under this sun. He used
the handkerchief again and reflected
that it is best to look upon the pleas-
anter sides of the dispensations of
Heaven.
Then, just as he lowered his bulk
into the green dory, the light which oc-
casionally comes to prophets and saints
descended upon the spirit of Father
Veiera.
'I will go out and bestow the bless-
ing whether there is any one there or
not,' he announced with determina-
tion.
A half-hour later he clambered over
the rail of Peter Maya's schooner and
sank down upon the deck-house. The
long row over the glaring mirror of the
water had been almost too much for
the little round churchman. He took
off his flat hat and rubbed his head
with the blue handkerchief, and rubbed
it again, but with all his mopping could
not seem to get it dry.
'I'm getting to be an old man,' he
said to himself. He may have nodded
for a time.
The painter of the dory was still in
his hand. After a while he got up,
made the line fast, and waddled amid-
ships. There he stood up and blessed
the ship of the unbeliever, going through
his simple-minded ceremony with all
solemnity and without haste.
He was so taken up with the thing he
was doing that not until he had lifted
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
63
his hands and eyes at the conclusion
did he mark the change which had
come over the face of the sky. The
sun, standing high, appeared like a coin
of beaten silver. It waned to a ghost,
even as he looked, and diaphanous
shreds of vapor fingered at the heads
of the masts.
The perfect weather was broken.
Father Veiera felt a glow of gentle sat-
isfaction. At least he had had a hand
in this.
He would be getting back to shore
now. And perhaps it would be best to
hurry. The sun was still shining on
the shore line, but it had lost all its
features, looming like a golden belt
athwart the blanket of the mist.
He started off stoutly, with a choppy
stroke because his arms were so short
and his figure not for bending far. The
schooner he had left faded to a gray
figure on the tapestry, then to a spirit
penciling, then, after a time, it was
gone.
'That went too fast/ the good man
observed to himself. *I must hurry.'
But hurry where ? He turned to look.
He sat in the middle of a little round
room and all the walls were alike.
* If I keep straight ahead/ he argued
hopefully, * I '11 come ashore somewhere
— somewhere/
A moment after he had spoken there
arose upon his right hand a moaning
clamor such as a wounded beast might
raise before the death-rattle. It might
have come from near or from far —
such was the quality of the cry.
The good priest left off pulling and
sat with his ample mouth ajar. The
thing had become serious now, in good
truth, with the Spankin' Head fog-
whistle blowing to the right instead of
to the left. He was heading to sea.
The gravity of the situation was not
lost upon Father Veiera, whose days
had been passed among a fishing people.
*I'll make for Spankin' Head/ said
he, 'and I'll get there as quick as I
can/
So he put the dory's head to star-
board and set away with all the power
in his stubby arms. He had been pull-
ing for ten minutes and puffing and
blowing like any goosefish, when the
wail of the whistle crept through the
fog again — not ahead, but from far
astern, farther than before.
Seven times in the course of the next
two hours Father Veiera licked his dry
lips, mopped his head, and brought his
dory about to point for that elusive
wail. The seventh time it had grown
so faint that his ears only caught it in
the quiet between two strokes — and
there was a long breath between the
fat man's strokes now. After that he
bundled his oars into the boat and
flopped down in the bottom like a
puppy whose legs are not strong enough
yet.
He must have lain there for hours.
He went with the tide, for not a breath
of air waved the misty curtains. Now
and then he heard a moaning, far and
far away through the smother. It
might have been Spankin' Head again,
or it might have been some grizzly
inhabitant of the depths looking for
his mate, or for — and here was a
chance to make some one shiver — for
a little fat man in a green dory. Then
Father Veiera would fall to saying his
prayers over again, for he could not
keep his mind from the portents of
yesterday — the slashed goosefish, the
still-born creature, the two vast tenta-
cles that the tide had left upon the
beach, and the weird trackings beyond
Snail Ponds.
By and by the gray light began to
drain out of the vapory hangings. The
night was coming down.
'I am surely going to die/ Father
Veiera murmured. The idea had the
effect of calming him.
'But I am cold: I can hardly move/
64
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
he added. 'I must try and row a
little.'
With groaning and pain he got his
bulk up-ended on the thwart, the oars
between the thole-pins, and pulled
stiffly. A sluggish air was beginning to
heave, churning the fog in slow, rock-
ing convolutions that stripped off lean
fingers to reach out and feel for the
green dory. It would have been still
light on a fair day, but here under the
soft, heavy pall the night came fast —
a horrible night, troubled by monstrous
and invisible forms that shouldered
silently here and there through the
steaming blankness.
Father Veiera tugged harder at his
oars. Something touched the back of
his neck. Terrified, he dropped the
sweeps and batted his head with both
hands. Then he fell into a gentle per-
spiration, for he found that it was only
his coat collar, turned up. But when
he looked for the oars they were out of
sight in the mist.
Now he must sit with his hands
folded and shudder at the disembodied
creatures of the night. To his ears it
seemed that the ocean whispered, a
thin hissing whisper, as though in that
blanketed silence it was tormented by
a downpour of rain. Surely it whis-
pered. That discreet complaining of
the waters was coming nearer.
Father Veiera got down and kneeled
in the bottom of the boat, clutching
the gunwales till his knuckles showed
white in the gray darkness. The whis-
per grew and grew until, of a sudden, it
rushed past the dory, almost deafen-
ing, but yet a whisper. The little priest
shivered a fragment of prayer, lifting
his eyes to the close sky. The whisper
was gone.
But listen again. Out of the shadows
came another. It advanced as the
first one had, and swept clamorous-
ly about the green dory. But this time
the man's eyes were on the surface of
the water. And there he saw a wonder-
ful thing. It had turned in a wink from
leaden gray to white, — so white that
it appeared to light up the fog,- -white
with shots of black across it. One of
the shots struck the dory's side with a
soft impact. An instant later one had
leaped clear over the gunwale and
flickered in the bottom of the boat.
When Father Veiera could look at it,
he saw that it was a mackerel, sleek,
shimmering, eighteen inches from end
to end. He stared over the side again.
Mackerel and mackerel, — thousands,
hundreds of thousands] of mackerel,
driving through the tortured water.
'They have come back/ he said.
He would have given thanks then had
he not been suddenly taken up with
another wonder. He had seen mack-
erel 'playing' many and many times,
but these mackerel were not ' playing.'
They were driven; they were trying to
get away; they were stark mad. When
he saw that, Father Veiera crossed
himself.
It was well that he crossed himself
then. A moment later he could not
have moved his hand to save his soul,
for a moment later he saw it.
It broke water within ten feet of the
dory's side. It came like a monstrous
torpedo, screaming out of the sea, hor-
rible, hideous, belching forth a column
of dingy water that shrieked away into
the fog. Then it was gone.
The man in the dory stared with dry,
burning eyes.
Again it broke water, from the other
direction. In mid-air the snout of the
thing appeared to break open in a blos-
som of ghastly, writhing arms — those
cupped arms of the beach, livid. And
then it gave voice and was gone.
For a moment there was quiet, as
though the immense ocean held its
breath. The slow wind came stronger.
Here and there it ripped the fog-
blanket away, leaving water-spaces
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
65
gleaming black and clear. The earth,
with its covering of water, seemed to
slide noiselessly into the south beneath
the tumultuous, draining fog and the
tide-driven dory, and then there came
a star, a thousand stars; a black hori-
zon rimmed the black sea. The air
slackened to a wandering breath, and
the stars made little placid streams of
fire over the water.
Away to the east there was another
whispering. The whisper grew and
established itself. An arrow of gray
advanced over the water, killing the
stars' reflections nearer and nearer at
hand.
And the drivers came there — three
of them — breaking water, one after
another, in dim, blue-gray geysers —
aliens out of the depths.
Ill
The schooner Isabelle, captain Peter
Maya, lay at anchor outside, two miles
south of Spankin' Head and abreast of
Back Water Gut, which feeds and emp-
ties the broad green tide-flats of Back
Water. It was half- past one o'clock in
the morning, but no one on board the
Isabelle slept.
Peter Maya sat on the forward
companion trunk, for the sake of the
warmth from the galley stove-pipe,
and swore beneath his breath about his
luck. He had come out in the clear at
eleven, with southwesterly airs. And
at one, with the wind dying in the east
and the mist on the water again, he lay
becalmed with his anchor in bad bot-
tom, so close inshore that he could hear
the Gut sucking at the twine of Johnnie
Silva's weir, dead astern. A treacher-
ous gut. More than one Island vessel,
with a heavy tide and a blind fog, had
gone to air her ribs on the Back Water
flats.
He swore for another reason — be-
cause he was frightened — so fright-
VOL. 114 -NO. 1
ened that the galley stove-pipe could
not keep him warm on a September
night.
An oil torch burned on the house,
aft, the flame standing straight up in
the heavy air; its illumination, pale
and immobile, coming back from a
hundred planes of woodwork and soggy
rigging. It picked out the contours of
men's faces, distorted with fear. One
man had out his beads. Part of the
time he fingered them and told his
prayers, crouched down by the tack of
the main. Part of the time he appeared
to forget, and stared away into the
yellowed dark, the beads hanging from
his quiet hand, each with its small, dis-
tinct facet of light.
There came a sound of slippers scrap-
ing on ladder-rungs in the forward com-
panion, and a face appeared, craning
over the hatch at the skipper. It be-
longed to 'Rod,' the black cook, and
glistened with galley sweat.
'You 'ear 'eem any more, cap'n?
Tell me — you 'ear 'eem — '
Peter Maya picked up a wooden
bucket and struck the Negro's face
full with the bottom of it. The sound
of his falling came up muffled from
below.
The man beside the main tack left
off staring into the darkness and fell to
telling his beads in an ecstasy of energy.
Away to the east, under the blind
sheet, the ocean whispered again. The
bucket dropped from the captain's
hand and rolled off in an arc, fetching
up in the port scuppers. One of the
men aft put his knee on the house and
crawled to the torch, where he squat-
ted on his heels, not for the warmth
of it but for the light. Below, Rod
groaned and stirred on the planking.
Peter Maya swore, his finger in his shirt
collar.
A prolonged whistle, far and far
away, threaded the creeping whisper;
rose, thin and nerve- twanging; fell,
66
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
choked off in a fearful clicking; and
was almost immediately taken up from
another quarter, nearer at hand.
Peter Maya got to his feet stiffly,
picked up a gaff that lay across a coil
of line, and stood in an attitude of
defense. The iron of the gaff -head pro-
truded into the column of light from
the companionway, where it described
tiny, jerking circuits, like a planet pur-
suing an infinitesimal orbit.
Of a sudden, the shadows all about
the schooner rustled and twittered. It
was as though the ghost of a wind
passed through the dank air without
stirring the misty particles. But it was
not this phantom passage that held
the eighteen on the deck of the Isabelle
frozen in strange postures of terror,
some with stiff arms raised over their
heads, some at grotesque angles of
equilibrium, the yellow trouser-knees
of the man by the torch sweating tiny
pearls of oil into the flame — it was the
long, shrieking whistle with the metal-
lic click at the end of it that came from
nowhere, threading the fabric of the
night with the speed of uttered light-
ning. It came and went, sinking to a
shrill rumor far off, shooting back into
full cry, circling the vessel with a ring
of horror. Once a shower of fine drops
flicked over the starboard rail, amid-
ships, and a wave of air, heavy with an
evil and nauseating stench, broke over
the deck.
When it had gone away, Peter Maya
sank back on the companion trunk and
let the gaff fall on the boards at his
feet. A moment so, inert, and then he
was groping for the gaff again and
staring at the rail to his left, dim and
red from the torch-light aft.
Some object, on the other side of the
rail, was troubling the water. He could
hear a swishing and guttering there
in the dark, and then a soft impact, as
of flesh, on the two running-boards on
the vessel's works which give the clam-
bering doryman his precarious foot-
holds, and then a drip, drip, drip, as
though the thing reared higher and
higher over the surface of the sea.
After what seemed many minutes to
the shaking man by the companion, he
saw the dim line of the rail disturbed
at a point just abaft the foreshrouds,
and there arose a formless thing that
crawled inboard, gasping and wheezing,
with strange shadows of limbs waver-
ing obliquely over the deck-planks. And
then Peter May clucked in his throat
and whipped out his arm.
As a younger man, Peter Maya had
ranked the best hand with an 'iron*
that ever rocked a bowsprit pulpit out
of Great Neck. And here was a straight
cast from a solid deck. There was a
snick as the spike of the heavy pole
bit into the wood below the rail, and
then it hung there, horizontal and
thrumming, with the intruder impaled
above it.
Now it was no more nor less than a
miracle that the driven head did not
touch either of Father Veiera's knees,
since the space between them was
hardly wider than the iron nib. The
thought of it made him very dizzy for
an instant, and he sat back on the rail
with his legs still straddling the haft
of the gaff, while he wiped his forehead
with a dripping blue handkerchief. His
clothes were dripping too: a thread of
water ran from either trouser-leg and
trickled through the scupper-holes. He
heaved a sigh and peered at the gaff-
thrower.
* Peter Maya — it's you then.' He
had said the same words the night
before.
'Come,' he went on, after he had
stuffed the blue handkerchief away in
his pocket, ' I want your boats — quick.
Is the twine in them? Why don't you
speak, my son?'
Peter Maya extricated himself from
the angle between the trunk and the
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
67
stove-pipe and moved by a cautious
diagonal toward the other side of the
deck and aft, always facing the priest.
His hands were up before his face, one
forefinger crossing the other at right
angles.
Father Veiera followed him, wonder-
ing, into the brighter glow.
'What's the matter?' he asked,
staring from one to another of the
flame-lit faces that stared at him in
return, banked in behind the skipper.
Peter Maya spoke with a trembling
belligerency.
'What do you want?'
'The boats and the twine — to stop
up the Gut. Back Water is full of
mackerel.'
Peter Maya looked about him, his
crossed fingers still presented toward
the priest. Man'el Duarte shook his
head. Gerald Sousa shook his head
likewise, spat into the darkness of the
starboard side and then, as if with a
sudden thought, crossed his fingers on
his chest. Antone Miguel, the oldest
man still fishing in Great Neck, mut-
tered between weasened lips, —
'Never a fin of mackerel in Back
Water — not as man can remember.'
'There — see?'
Peter Maya threw out his hand in
challenge, with more confidence than
before. A change was coming over the
other's face as well. Had he not been
such a placid little man, one would
have taken it for impatience — even
anger. His puffy right hand fumbled in
the breast of his coat and then came
forth.
'There — see! 'he echoed. And all
the men on the deck and the house
stared open-mouthed at the fish held
aloft before them, the opal lights shim-
mering on its white belly.
'Where did you get it?'
'It came to me. It jumped into the
dory.'
And now the mouths hung wider.
In the silence that followed, a man far
over on the dark starboard side, for-
ward, whispered to his neighbor. The
whisper traveled swiftly from mouth
to ear through the crowd till Peter
Maya bent his ear to take it from
Gerald Sousa.
' How did you come here — aboard
the vessel?' he demanded, turning to
the priest again. But his challenge
rang hollow now, and for all he could
do his eyes wavered down to the
other's dripping garments.
'I came in my dory — drifted.'
' Haah.'
It was not one that breathed it, but
all the men there, nodding at their
neighbors fearfully, and yet with a
certain triumph, as much as to say,
' He would tell us so anyway — hav-
ing sold his soul to the Devil.' But it
was the first whisperer, forward, who
now spoke aloud.
'No — there's no dory hepe.'
Father Veiera threw the fish on the
deck with a gesture of impatience.
'I forgot to make it fast.'
And again they nodded. He would
say that, too.
' Come. Hurry. In an hour the tide
changes — the fish will follow the tide
— they will go to sea again — be lost.
Make haste.'
He took a step forward, appealing
with his hands. Peter Maya retreated
the step and his men moved back be-
hind him. Some, less timid than the
rest, began to mutter. One picked a
cleaning-knife off the house, more gaffs
appeared from under the rails.
'Keep back,' did Miguel squeaked,
brandishing a bucket.
But Father Veiera did not keep back.
Instead, he ran at them, and they
melted before him like bait before a
vessel's stem, jostling and yelling
across the after-deck and pelting for-
ward again through the narrow passage
on the other side of the house.
68
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
Father Veiera stopped and leaned
on the taffrail, wheezing with the exer-
tion and his tumbled emotions. He
peered astern where the two long boats
rode dim in the drift, rising and falling
and tugging gently at their painters.
From beyond, a little on the port
quarter, came a slight noise of scrap-
ing, as of something bobbing against
the poles of Johnnie Silva's weir. The
priest reached out along one of the
boat painters, hauled it inboard, loosed
it and watched it pay out again.
'Tide running weaker' already/ he
muttered.
There was another sound astern
now, like the swish of tangled wire
dragged swiftly through the water.
The whisper passed in a breath, veer-
ing away to the south.
* They 're breaking now.'
For a moment he stood motionless,
the nails of his fingers scarring the
palms. Then he did a strange thing.
He turned and ran forward along the
port rail.
The Isabellas men had been bunched
in the waist, watching him and whis-
pering about him. Now, when they
saw him coming straight at them, they
broke once more and stampeded, yell-
ing, along the other side of the house
toward the precarious haven of the
after-deck.
But Father Veiera did not molest
them. He ran straight on across the
mid-decks, stopping only to snatch
up a hatchet from the cook's wood-box
beside the companion, and disappeared
in the gloom forward.
'What's he going to do- now?'
Miguel whispered, searching the faces
near him.
But none of them could tell. Peter
Maya, with his hat-brim pulled down
farther than ever over his fierce, spec-
tacled eyes, and his long chin shaking,
mumbled, 'I'll fix him — I '11 fix him/
But he did not move.
There came a sound of hatchet-
blows, dealt vigorously on something
soft, away up in the peak.
'My God — who's he got there?'
A youngster squealed with horror.
Peter Maya whirled and began tell-
ing off the men, keeping the count on
agitated fingers, while they watched
him out of the corners of their eyes
like scared school-children, the whites
gleaming in the torchlight. He had
come to twelve when he suddenly
broke off, his eyes staring over their
heads.
'That devil!' he gasped. 'Cut! By
God, he's parted the cable! Look! '
Even as he spoke the last word, there
came a slight jar and a cracking and
splintering of wood; a shadowy pole
came out of the night astern, ground
on the counter and fell away into the
night again. Another came up and
vanished with a groan. On all sides
there was a singing and ripping of taut
twine as Johnnie Silva's weir went
to pieces under the Isabellas drifting
counter. .
Another pole came up and bent, but
this one did not fall. The others had
borne the brunt. Now the vessel's
head fell away slowly to the starboard
hand and the tide, taking her full,
eased her stern out of the wrecked
weir. Another moment and the Isabelle
took the ground, broadside on, fair in
the centre of the Gut.
During all this time no one on the
after-deck had uttered a word. The
thing was beyond words — beyond help.
It was even beyond belief.
Gerald Sousa was the first to open
his lips.
'Did you see the green dory?'
Peter Maya jerked about and
grasped his elbow.
'Where? Tell me/
'There — at the trap — slid clean
up into the twine.'
'So — so — ' Relief and rage show-
THE WICKEDNESS OF FATHER VEIERA
69
ed on the skipper's face. 'Come on,'
he bawled. 'We'll get him.'
For the last time that night they
rumbled forward, yelling. But there
was another note in their yells now.
Father Veiera was standing on the
port side, the side where Back Water
lay, holding the torch down in the
shelter of the rail. His head was craned
outboard in an attitude of listening.
'Look,' he cried to the advancing
crew, flashing the torch over the side.
As though at a signal preconcerted,
a thousand streaks shot white across
the gray film; the streaks turned black,
all together : a thousand little fountains
blossomed where the frightened mack-
erel had somersaulted, and then the
whisper of the school rushed away
over the tide reaches.
Father Veiera wheeled upon the
gaping crowd and bellowed, —
'Get out — fore and aft. Double
your twine — and then double it
again.'
IV
i
Father Veiera sat on a small mound
of sand — a nubbin of Back Water
Ridge — while the sun heaved clear
of the skyline and turned the world
yellow. He wheezed and puffed with
his climb in the heavy sand (he had
come from the Gut) and he sat on the
nubbin to get his breath back.
He was far from alone, however, in
the sun-swept world. A little way to
the westward the ridge was alive with
a crawling train — men and women
and children and creaking wains and
horses and wheelbarrows; he could
hear the faint shouts as they topped
the rise and rolled downward over the
first lush grasses of the flats. Already
the receding tide had left landlocked
pools around the edges. There he could
see young men, bare to the thighs, and
girls with their skirts tucked high,
lunging in the blue shadows with long-
handled nets and hallooing across the
reaches — a little mad, all of them.
Father Veiera passed a chubby hand
over the wrinkles of his waistcoat and
smiled benignantly. He had had a
glass of Peter Maya's wine and he was
warm. His eyes wandered to the chap-
el on the hill, far off.
'Gabriel,' he murmured, patting the
waistcoat. ' Saints have been made for
less than — '
He broke off, stricken with, horror at
his own wickedness.
'Culpa mea. I must do a penance,'
he said, with a gentle sigh. He hoisted
his round person from the sand and
trudged off down the slope.
THE GREEK GENIUS
BY JOHN JAY CHAPMAN
THE teasing perfection of Greek
Literature will perhaps excite the
world long after modern literature is
forgotten. Shakespeare may come to
his end and lie down among the Egyp-
tians, but Homer will endure forever.
We hate to imagine such an outcome
as this, because, while we love Shake-
speare, we regard the Greek classics
merely with an overwhelmed astonish-
ment. But the fact is that Homer
floats in the central stream of History,
Shakespeare in an eddy. There is, too,
a real difference between ancient and
modern art, and the enduring power
may be on the side of antiquity.
The classics will always be the play-
things of humanity, because they are
types of perfection, like crystals. They
are pure intellect, like demonstrations
in geometry. Within their own limita-
tions they are examples of miracle;
and the modern world has nothing to
show that resembles them in the least.
As no builder has built like the Greeks,
so no writer has written like the
Greeks. In edge, in delicacy, in pro-
portion, in accuracy of effect, they are
as marble to our sandstone. The per-
fection of the Greek vehicle is what
attacks the mind of the modern man
and gives him dreams.
What relation these dreams bear to
Greek feeling it is impossible to say, —
probably a very remote and grotesque
relation. The scholars who devote
1 Mr. Chapman's essay appears here in a form
much shorter than that which it is intended to
assume when published in a book. — THE ED-
ITORS.
70
their enormous energies to a life-and-
death struggle to understand the
Greeks always arrive at states of mind
which are peculiarly modern. The
same thing may be said of the severest
types of Biblical scholar. J. B. Strauss,
for instance, gave his life to the study
of Christ, and, as a result, has left an
admirable picture of the German mind
of 1850. Goethe, who was on his guard
if ever a man could be, has still been
a little deceived in thinking that the
classic spirit could be recovered. He
has left imitations of Greek literature
which are admirable in themselves,
and rank among his most character-
istic works, yet which bear small re-
semblance to the originals. The same
may be said of Milton and of Racine.
The Greeks seem to have used their
material, their myths and ideas, with
such supernal intellect that they leave
this material untouched for the next
comer. Their gods persist, their myth-
ology is yours and mine. We accept
the toys, — the whole babyhouse
which has come down to us: we walk
in and build our own dramas with their
blocks.
What a man thinks of influences
him, though he chance to know little
about it; and the power which the
ancient world has exerted over the
modern has not been shown in propor-
tion to the knowledge or scholarship of
the modern thinker, but in proportion
to his natural force. The Greek tradi-
tion, the Greek idea became an element
in all subsequent life; and one can no
more dig it out and isolate it than one
THE GREEK GENIUS
71
can dig out or isolate a property of the
blood. We do not know exactly how
much we owe to the Greeks. Keats
was inspired by the very idea of them.
They were an obsession to Dante, who
knew not the language. Their achieve-
ments have been pressing in upon the
mind of Europe, and enveloping it
with an atmospheric appeal, ever since
the Dark Ages.
Of late years we have come to think
of all subjects as mere departments of
science, and we are almost ready to
hand over Greece to the specialist.
We assume that scholars will work out
the history of art. But it is not the
right of the learned and scholarly only,
to be influenced by the Greeks, but
also of those persons who know no
Greek. Greek influence is too univer-
sal an inheritance to be entrusted to
scholars, and the specialist is the very
last man who can understand it. In
order to obtain a diagnosis on Greek
influence one would have to seek out
a sort of specialist on Humanity-at-
large.
Since we cannot find any inspired
teacher to lay before us the secrets of
Greek influence, the next best thing
would be to go directly to the Greeks
themselves, and to study their works
freshly, almost innocently. But to do
this is not easy. The very Greek texts
themselves have been established
through modern research, and the foot-
notes are the essence of modernity.
The rushing modern world passes
like an express train; as it goes, it holds
up a mirror to the classic world, — a
mirror ever changing and ever false.
For upon the face of the mirror rests
the lens of fleeting fashion. We can no
more walk straight to the Greeks than
we can walk straight to the moon. In
America the natural road to the class-
ics lies through the introductions of
German and English scholarship. We
are met, as it were, on the threshold of
Greece by guides who address us confi-
dently in two very dissimilar modern
idioms, and who overwhelm us with
complacent and voluble instructions.
According to these men we have noth-
ing to do but listen to them, if we would
understand Greece.
Before entering upon the subject of
Greece, let us cast a preliminary and
disillusioning glance upon our two
guides, the German and the Briton.
Let us look once at each of them with
an intelligent curiosity, so that we may
understand what manner of men they
are, and can make allowances in re-
ceiving the valuable and voluble as-
sistance which they keep whispering
into our ears throughout the tour. The
guides are indispensable; but this need
not prevent us from studying their
temperaments. If it be true that mod-
ern scholarship acts as a lens through
which the classics are to be viewed,
we can never hope to get rid of all the
distortions; but we may make scien-
tific allowances, and may correct re-
sults. We may consider certain social
laws of refraction, for example, specta-
cles, beer, sausages. We may regard
the variations of the compass due to
certain local customs, namely: the
Anglican communion, School honor,
Pears' soap. In all this we sin not, but
pursue intellectual methods.
The case of Germany illustrates the
laws of refraction very pleasantly. The
extraordinary lenses which were made
there in the nineteenth century are
famous now, and will remain as curi-
osities hereafter. During the last cen-
tury, Learning won the day in Ger-
many to an extent never before known
in history. It became an unwritten
law of the land that none but learned
men should be allowed to play with
pebbles. If a man had been through
the mill of the Doctorate, however,
THE GREEK GENIUS
he received a certificate as a dreamer.
The passion which mankind has for
using its imagination could thus be
gratified only by men who had been
brilliant scholars. The result was a
race of monsters, of whom Nietzsche is
the greatest.
The early social life of these men was
contracted. They learned all they
knew while sitting on a bench. The
classroom was their road to glory.
They were aware that they could not
be allowed to go out and play in the
open until they had learned their les-
sons thoroughly; they therefore became
prize boys. When the great freedom
was at last conferred upon them, they
roamed through Greek mythology, and
all other mythologies, and erected laby-
rinths in which the passions of child-
hood may be seen gamboling with the
discoveries of adult miseducation. The
gravity with which the pundits treated
each other extended to the rest of the
world, because, in the first place, they
were more learned than any one else,
and in the second, many of them were
men of genius. The * finds' of modern
archaeology have passed through the
hands of these men, and have received
from them the labels of current class-
ification.
After all, these pundits resemble
their predecessors in learning. Scholar-
ship is always a specialized matter, and
it must be learned as we learn a game.
Scholarship always wears the parade
of finality, and yet suffers changes like
the moon. These particular scholars
are merely scholars. Their errors are
only the errors of scholarship, due, for
the most part, to extravagance and
ambition. A new idea about Hellas
meant a new reputation. In default of
such an idea a man's career is manquee;
he is not an intellectual. After dis-
counting ambition, we have left still
another cause for distrusting the labors
of the German professors. This dis-
trust arises from a peep into the social
surroundings of the caste. Here is a
great authority on the open-air life of
the Greeks : he knows all about Hellenic
sport. Here is another who under-
stands the brilliant social life of Attica :
he has written the best book upon
Athenian conversation and the market-
place. Here is still a third: he has re-
constructed Greek religion: at last we
know! All these miracles of learning
have been accomplished in the library,
— without athletics, without conver-
sation, without religion.
When I think of Greek civilization,
of the swarming, thieving, clever,
gleaming-eyed Greeks, of the Bay of
Salamis, and of the Hermes of Praxi-
teles, — and then cast my eyes on the
Greatest Authority, my guide, my
Teuton master, with his barbarian
babble and his ham-bone and his self-
importance, I begin to wonder whether
I cannot somehow get rid of the man
and leave him behind. Alas, we cannot
do that; we can only remember his
traits.
Our British mentors, who flank the
German scholars as we move gently
forward toward Greek feeling, form so
complete a contrast to the Teutons
that we hardly believe that both kinds
can represent genuine scholarship. The
Britons are gentlemen, afternoon call-
ers, who eat small cakes, row on the
Thames, and are all for morality.
They are men of letters. They write
in prose and in verse, and belong to
the aesthetic fraternity. They, like the
Teutons, are attached to institutions
of learning, namely, to Oxford and
Cambridge. They resemble the Ger-
mans, however, in but a single trait,
— the conviction that they understand
Greece.
The thesis of the British belle-let-
trists, to which they devote their en-
ergies, might be stated thus: British
culture includes Greek culture. They
THE GREEK GENIUS
73
are very modern, very English, very
sentimental, these British scholars.
While the German Doctors use Greek
as a stalking-horse for Teutonic psy-
chology, these English gentlemen use
it as a dressmaker's model upon which
they exhibit home-made English lyrics
and British stock morality. The lesson
which Browning sees in Alcestis is the
same that he gave us in James Lee's
Wife. Browning's appeal is always the
appeal to robust feeling as the salva-
tion of the world. Gilbert Murray, on
the other hand, sheds a sad, clinging,
Tennysonian morality over Dionysus.
Jowett is happy to announce that
Plato is theologically sound, and gives
him a ticket-of-leave to walk anywhere
in England. Swinburne clings to that
belief in sentiment which marks the
Victorian era, but Swinburne finds the
key to life in unrestraint instead of in
restraint.
There is a whole school of limp Gre-
cism in England, which has grown up
out of Keats 's Grecian urn, and which
is now buttressed with philosophy and
adorned with scholarship; and no
doubt it does bear some sort of rela-
tion to Greece and to Greek life. But
this Anglican Grecism has the quality
which all modern British art exhibits,
: — the very quality which the Greeks
could not abide, — it is tinged with
excess. The Briton likes strong flavors.
He likes them in his tea, in his port
wine, in his concert-hall songs, in his
pictures of home and farm life. He
likes something unmistakable, some-
thing with a smack that lets you know
that the thing has arrived. In his lit-
erature he is the same. Dickens,
Carlyle, Tennyson lay it on thick with
sentiment. Keats drips with aroma-
tic poetry, which has a wonder and
a beauty of its own — and whose strik-
ing quality is excess. The scented,
wholesale sweetness of the modern
aesthetic school in England goes home
to its admirers because it is easy art.
Once enjoy a bit of it and you never
forget it. It is always the same, the
'old reliable/ the Oxford brand, the
true, safe, British, patriotic, moral,
noble school of verse; which exhibits
the manners and feelings of a gentle-
man, and has success written in every
trait of its physiognomy.
How this school of poetry invaded
Greece is part of the history of British
expansion in the nineteenth century.
In the Victorian era the Englishman
brought cricket and morning prayers
into South Africa. Robert Browning
established himself and his carpet-bag
in comfortable lodgings on the Acropo-
lis, — which he spells with a K to show
his intimate acquaintance with recent
research. It must be confessed that
Robert Browning's view of Greece
never pleased, even in England. It
was too obviously R. B. over again. It
was Pippa and Bishop Blougram with
a few pomegranate seeds and unex-
pected orthographies thrown in. The
Encyclopaedia Britannica is against it,
and suggests, wittily enough, that one
can hardly agree with Browning that
Heracles got drunk for the purpose of
keeping up other people's spirits.
So also Edward FitzGerald was never
taken seriously by the English; but
this was for another reason. His trans-
lations are the best transcriptions from
the Greek ever done by this British
school; but Fitzgerald never took him-
self seriously. I believe that if he had
only been ambitious, and had belonged
to the academic classes, — like Jowett
for instance, — he could have got
Oxford behind him, and we should all
have been obliged to regard him as a
great apostle of Hellenism. But he
was a poor-spirited sort of man, and
never worked up his lead.
Matthew Arnold, on the other hand,
began the serious profession of being a
Grecian. He took it up when there was
THE GREEK GENIUS
nothing in it, and he developed a little
sect of his own, out of which later came
Swinburne and Gilbert Murray, each
of whom is the true British article.
While Swinburne is by far the greater
poet, Murray is by far the more im-
portant of the two from the ethno-
logical point of view. Murray was the
first man to talk boldly about God,
and to introduce his name into all
Greek myths, using it as a fair trans-
lation of any Greek adjective. There
is a danger in this boldness. The read-
er's attention becomes hypnotized with
wondering in what manner God is to
be introduced into the next verse. The
reader becomes so concerned about
Mr. Murray's religious obsessions that
he forgets the Greek altogether and
remembers only Shakespeare's hostess
in her distress over the dying Falstaff:
'Now I, to comfort him, bid him 'a
should not think of God, — I hoped
there was no need to trouble himself
with any such thoughts yet.'
Murray and Arnold are twins in
ethical endeavor. I think that it was
Arnold who first told the British that
Greece was noted for melancholy and
for longings. He told them that chas-
tity, temperance, nudity, and a wealth
of moral rhetoric marked the young
man of the Periclean period. Even
good old Dean Plumptre has put this
young man into his prefaces. Swin-
burne added the hymeneal note, — the
poetic nature- view, — of which the
following may serve as an example : —
And the trees in their season brought forth and
were kindled anew
By the warmth of the mixture of marriage, the
child-bearing dew.
There is hardly a page in Swinburne's
Hellenizing verse that does not blos-
som with Hymen. The passages would
be well suited for use in the public
schools of to-day where sex-knowledge
in its poetic aspects is beginning to be
judiciously introduced.
This contribution of Swinburne's, —
the hymeneal touch, — and Murray's
discovery that the word God could be
introduced with effect anywhere, went
like wildfire over England. They are
characteristic of the latest phase of
Anglo-Grecism.
Gilbert Murray has, in late years,
had the field to himself. He stands
as the head and front of Greek culture
in England. It is he, more than any
one else, who is the figure-head of dra-
matic poetry in England to-day; and,
as such, his influence must be met,
and, as it were, passed through, by the
American student who is studying the
Greek classics.
ii
The Greek genius is so different from
the modern English genius that they
cannot understand one another. How
shall we come to see this clearly? The
matter is difficult in the extreme; be-
cause we are all soaked in modern feel-
ing, and in America we are all drench-
ed in British influence. The desire of
Britain to annex ancient Greece, the
deep-felt need that the English writers
and poets of the nineteenth century
have shown to edge and nudge nearer
to Greek feeling, is familiar to all of us.
Swinburne expresses his Hellenic long-
ings by his hymeneal strains, Matthew
Arnold by sweetness and light, Gilbert
Murray by sweetness and pathos, —
and all through the divine right of
Victorian expansion. It has been a
profoundly unconscious development
in all these men. They have instinct-
ively and innocently attached their
little oil-can to the coat-tails of Eu-
ripides and of the other great Attic
writers. They have not been interested
in Greek for its own sake. They have
been interested in the exploitations of
Greece for the purpose of British con-
sumption.
THE GREEK GENIUS
Some people will contend that none
of the writers of this school are, pro-
perly speaking, professional scholars.
Others will contend that professional
scholarship is tolerable only because
it tends to promote cultivation of a
non-professional kind. For instance,
Jowett was never regarded as a scholar
by the darkest-dyed Oxford experts,
and Jebb of Cambridge is undoubtedly
regarded as an amateur in Germany,
because he descends to making transla-
tions. The severest classicist is able to
talk only about texts. He is too great
to do anything else. And yet, properly
speaking, these men are all scholars.
Murray represents popular scholarship
to a degree which would have shocked
Matthew Arnold, just as Arnold him-
self would have been poison to Nauck,
-Nauck the author of the text of
Euripides.
But they are all scholars, and Mur-
ray who is an Australian, and who
rose into University prominence on the
wings of University Extension, and
through his lyric gift rather than
through his learning, belongs to Oxford
by race and by nature, as well as by
adoption. The outsider ought not to
confuse him with the whole of Oxford,
and the whole of Oxford ought not to
disown him after making him the head
and front of its Hellenism so far as the
world at large can judge. Murray, as
St. Paul would say, is not the inner
Oxford; but Murray is the outer
Oxford which the inner Oxford cannot
too eagerly sniff at or condemn; be-
cause he is no accident, but a true-bred
Oxonian of the Imperial epoch.
The tendency of universities has
ever been to breed cliques and secret
societies, to produce embroideries and
start hothouses of specialized feeling.
They do well in doing this : it is all they
can do. We should look upon them as
great furnaces of culture, largely social
in their influence, which warm and
nourish the general temperament of a
nation. Would that in America we
had a local school of classic cultiva-
tion half as interesting as this Oxford
Movement, — quaint and non-intel-
lectual as it is! It is alive and it is
national. While most absurd from the
point of view of universal culture, it is
most satisfactory from the domestic
point of view, — as indeed everything
in England is. If in America we ever
develop any true universities, they will
have faults of their own. Their defects
will be of a new strain, no doubt, and
will reflect our national shortcomings.
These thoughts but teach us that we
cannot use other people's eyes or other
people's eye-glasses. We have still to
grind the lenses through which we
shall, in our turn, observe the classics.
in
Ancient religion is of all subjects in
the world the most difficult. Every
religion, even at the time it was in pro-
gress, was always completely misunder-
stood, and the misconceptions have
increased with the ages. They multi-
ply with every monument that is un-
earthed. If the Eleusinian mysteries
were going at full blast to-day, so that
we could attend them, as we do the
play at Oberammergau, their interpre-
tation would still present difficulties.
Mommsen and Rhode would disagree.
But ten thousand years from now,
when nothing survives except a line out
of St. John's Gospel and a tablet stat-
ing that Fischer played the part of
Christ for three successive decades,
many authoritative books will be writ-
ten about Oberammergau, and reputa-
tions will be made over it. Anything
which we approach as religion becomes
a nightmare of suggestion, and hales us
hither and thither with thoughts be-
yond the reaches of the soul.
The Alcestis and the Bacchantes are,
76
THE GREEK GENIUS
in this paper, approached with the idea
that they are plays. This seems not to
have been done often enough with
Greek plays. They are regarded as
examples of the sublime, as forms of
philosophic thought, as moral essays,
as poems, even as illustrations of dra-
matic law, and they are unquestion-
ably all of these things. But they were
primarily plays, — intended to pass
the time and exhilarate the emotions.
They came into being as plays, and
their form and make-up can best be
understood by a study of the dramatic
business in them. They become poems
and philosophy incidentally, and after-
wards: they were born as plays. A
playwright is always an entertainer,
and unless his desire to hold his audi-
ence overpoweringly predominates, he
will never be a success. It is prob-
able that even with ^Eschylus, — who
stands hors ligne as the only play-
wright in history who was really in
earnest about morality, — we should
have to confess that his passion as a
dramatic artist c&me first. He held his
audiences, by strokes of tremendous
dramatic novelty. Both the stage tra-
ditions and the plays themselves bear
this out. The fact is that it is not
easy to keep people sitting in a theatre;
and unless the idea of holding their
attention predominates with the au-
thor, they will walk out, and he will
not be able to deliver the rest of his
story.
In the grosser forms of dramatic
amusement — for example, where a
bicycle acrobat is followed by a comic
song, we are not compelled to find
any philosophic depth of idea in the
sequence. But in dealing with works
of great and refined dramatic genius
like the Tempest, or the Bacchantes,
where the emotions played upon are
subtly interwoven, there will always
be found certain minds which remain
unsatisfied with the work of art itself,
but must have it explained. Even
Beethoven's Sonatas have been sup-
plied with philosophic addenda, -
statements of their meaning. We know
how much Shakespeare's intentions
.used to puzzle the Germans. Men feel
that somewhere at the back of their
own consciousness there is a philoso-
phy or a religion with which the arts
have some relation. In so far as these
affinities are touched upon in a manner
that leaves them mysteries, we have
good criticism; but when people dog-
matize about them, we have bad criti-
cism. In the meantime the great artist
goes his way. His own problems are
enough for him.
The early critics were puzzled to
classify the Alcestis, and no wonder,
for it contains many varieties of dra-
matic writing. For this very reason it
is a good play to take as a sample of
Greek spirit and Greek workmanship.
It is a little Greek cosmos, and it hap-
pens to depict a side of Greek thought
which is sympathetic to modern senti-
ment, so that we seem to be at home
in its atmosphere. The Alcestis is
thought to be in a class by itself. And
yet, indeed, under close examination,
every Greek play falls into a class by
itself (there are only about forty-five
of them in all), and the maker of each
was probably more concerned at the
time with the dramatic experiment
upon which he found himself launched
than he was with any formal classifica-
tion which posterity might assign to
his play.
In the Alcestis Euripides made one of
the best plays in the world, full of true
pathos, full of jovial humor, both of
which sometimes verge upon the bur-
lesque. The happy ending is under-
stood from the start, and none of the
grief is painful. Alcestis herself is the
good-wife of Greek household myth,
who is ready to die for her husband.
To this play the bourgeois takes his
THE GREEK GENIUS
77
half-grown family. He rejoices when
he hears that it is to be given. The
absurdities of the fairy-tale are ac-
cepted simply. Heracles has his club,
Death his sword, Apollo his lyre. The
women wail, Admetus whines; there is
buffoonery, there are tears, there is
wit, there is conventional wrangling,
and that word-chopping so dear to the
Mediterranean theatre, which exists in
all classic drama and survives in the
Punch and Judy show of to-day. And
there is the charming return of Her-
acles with the veiled lady whom he
presents to Admetus as a slave for safe
keeping, whom Admetus refuses to
receive for conventional reasons, but
whom every child in the audience feels
to be the real Alcestis, even before
Heracles unveils her and gives her
back into her husband's bosom with
speeches on both sides that are like
the closing music of a dream.
The audience disperses at the close,
feeling that it has spent a happy hour.
No sonata of Mozart is more com-
pletely beautiful than the Alcestis. No
comedy of Shakespeare approaches it
in perfection. The merit of the piece
lies not in any special idea it conveys,
but entirely in the manner in which
everything is carried out.
rv
It is clear at a glance that the
Alcestis belongs to an epoch of extreme
sophistication. Everything has been
thought out and polished ; every orna-
ment is a poem. If a character has to
give five words of explanation or of
prayer, it is done in silver. The tone is
all the tone of cultivated society, the
appeal is an appeal to the refined, casu-
istical intelligence. The smile of Vol-
taire is all through Greek literature;
and it was not until the age of Louis
XIV, or the Regency, that the modern
world was again to know a refinement
and a sophistication which recall the
Greek work. Now, in one word, —
this subtlety which pleases us in mat-
ters of sentiment is the very thing that
separates us from the Greek upon the
profoundest questions of philosophy.
Where religious or metaphysical truth
is touched upon, either Greek sophis-
tication carries us off our feet with a
rapture which has no true relation to
the subject, or else we are offended by
it. We do not understand sophistica-
tion. The Greek has pushed aesthetic
analysis further than the modern can
bear. We follow well enough through
the light issues, but when the deeper
questions are reached we lose our foot-
ing. At this point the modern cries
out in applause, ' Religion, philosophy,
pure feeling, the soul ! ' — He cries out,
' Mystic cult, Asiatic influence, Nature
worship, — deep things over there!' —
Or else he cries, 'What amazing cru-
elty, what cynicism!' And yet it is
none of these things, but only the
artistic perfection of the work which is
moving us. We are the victims of
clever stage-management.
The cruder intelligence is ever com-
pelled to regard the man of complex
mind as a priest or as a demon. The
child, for instance, asks about the char-
acter in a story, 'But is he a good man
or a bad man, papa?' The child must
have a moral explanation of anything
which is beyond his aesthetic compre-
hension. So also does the modern in-
telligence question the Greek.
The matter is complicated by yet
another element, namely stage con-
vention. Our modern stage is so differ-
ent from the classic stage that we are
bad judges of the Greek playwright's
intentions. The quarrels which arise
as to allegorical or secondary meanings
in a work of art are generally con-
nected with some unfamiliar feature of
its setting. A great light is thrown
upon any work of art when we show
78
THE GREEK GENIUS
how its form came into being, and thus
explain its primary meaning. Such an
exposition of the primary or apparent
meaning is often sufficient to put all
secondary meanings out of court. For
instance: It is, as we know, the Ger-
mans who have found in Shakespeare
a coherent philosophic intention. They
think that he wrote plays for the pur-
pose of stating metaphysical truths.
The Englishman does not believe this,
because the Englishman is familiar
with that old English stage work. He
knows its traditions, its preoccupation
with story-telling, its mundane char-
acter, its obliviousness to the sort of
thing that Germany has in mind. The
Englishman knows the conventions of
his own stage, and this protects him
from finding mare's-nests in Shake-
speare. Again, — Shakespeare's son-
nets used to be a favorite field for
mystical exegesis, till Sir Sidney Lee
explained their form by reference to the
sixteenth-centurv sonnet literature of
%>
the continent/ This put to flight many
theories.
In other words, the appeal to con-
vention is the first duty of the scholar.
But, unfortunately, in regard to the
conventions of the Classic Stage, the
moderns are all in the dark. Nothing
like that stage exists to-day. We are
obliged to make guesses as to its inten-
tions, its humor, its relation to phil-
osophy. If the classics had only pos-
sessed a cabinet-sized drama, like our
own, we might have been at home
there. But this giant-talk, this mega-
phone-and-buskin method, offers us a
problem in dynamics which staggers
the imagination. All we can do is to
tread lightly and guess without dog-
matizing. The typical Athenian, Eu-
ripides, was so much deeper-dyed in
skepticism than anyone since that day,
that really no one has ever lived who
could cross-question him, — let alone
expound the meanings of his plays. In
reading Euripides, we find ourselves,
at moments, ready to classify him as
a satirist, and at other moments as a
man of feeling. Of course he was both.
Sometimes he seems like a religious
man, and again, like a charlatan. Of
course he was neither. He was a play-
wright.
The Bacchantes, like every other
Greek play, is the result, first, of the
legend, second, of the theatre. There is
always some cutting and hacking, due
to the difficulty of getting the legend
into the building. Legends differ as to
their dramatic possibilities, and the inci-
dents which are to be put on the stage
must be selected by the poet. The site
of the play must be fixed. Above all,
a Chorus must be arranged for.
The choosing of a Chorus is indeed
one of the main problems of the trage-
dian. If he can hit on a natural sort
of Chorus he is a made man. In the
Alcestis we saw that the whole back-
ground of grief and wailing was one
source of the charm of the play. Not
only are the tragic parts deepened,
but the gayer scenes are set off by this
feature. If the fable provides no natu-
ral and obvious Chorus, the playwright
must bring his Chorus on the stage by
stretching the imagination of the audi-
ence. He employs a group of servants
or of friends of the hero; if the play is
a marine piece, he uses sailors. The
whole atmosphere of his play depends
upon the happiness of his choice.
In the Agamemnon 'the old men
left-at-home' form the Chorus. There
is enough dramatic power in this one
idea to carry a play. It is so natural:
the old men are on the spot; they are
interested ; they are the essence of the
story, and yet external to it. These
old men are, indeed, the archetype of
all choruses, — a collection of bystand-
ers, a sort of little dummy audience,
THE GREEK GENIUS
79
intended to steer the great, real audi-
ence into a comprehension of the play.
The Greek dramatist found this very
useful machine, the Chorus, at his el-
bow; but he was, on the other hand,
greatly controlled by it. It had ways
of its own : it inherited dramatic neces-
sities. The element of convention and
of theatrical usage is so very predomi-
nant in the handling of Greek choruses
by the poets, that we have in ch.orus-
work something that may be regarded
almost as a constant quality. By study-
ing choruses one can arrive at an idea
of the craft of Greek play-writing, —
one can even separate the conventional
from the personal to some extent.
The Greek Chorus has no mind of
its own; it merely gives echo to the last
dramatic thought. It goes forward and
back, contradicts itself, sympathizes
with all parties or none, and lives in a
limbo. Its real function is to represent
the slow-minded man in the audience.
It does what he does, it interjects ques-
tions and doubts, it delays the plot
and indulges in the proper emotions
during the pauses. These functions
are quite limited, and were completely
understood in Greek times ; so much so,
that in the typical stock tragedy of the
JEschylean school certain saws, max-
ims, and reflections appear over and
over again. One of them, of course,
was, ' See how the will of the gods works
out in unexpected ways.' Another,
'Let us be pious, and reverence some-
thing that is perhaps behind the gods
themselves.' Another, 'This is all very
extraordinary: let us hope for the best.'
Another, * Our feelings about right and
wrong must somehow be divine; tradi-
tional morality, traditional piety, are
somehow right.'
Precisely the same reflections are
often put in the mouths of the subordi-
nate characters, and for precisely the
same purpose. 'O may the quiet life
be mine! Give me neither poverty nor
riches: for the destinies of the great
are ever uncertain.' 'Temptation leads
to insolence, and insolence to destruc-
tion'; and so forth. Such reflections
serve the same purpose, by whomever
they are uttered. They underscore the
moral of the story and assure the
spectator that he has not missed the
point.
As religious tragedy broadened into
political and romantic tragedy, the
Chorus gained a certain freedom in
what might be called its inter jectional
duty, — its duty, that is to say, of
helping the plot along by proper ques-
tions, and so forth. It gained also a
Protean freedom in its emotional inter-
pretations during pauses. The play-
wrights apparently discovered that by
the use of music and dancing, the most
subtle and delicate, nay, the most
whimsical varieties of lyrical mood
could be conveyed to great audiences.
In spite of this license, however, the
old duties of the Chorus as guard-
ians of conservative morality remained
unchanged; and the stock phrases of
exhortation and warning remained de
rigueur in the expectation of the au-
dience. Their meaning had become
so well-known that, by the time of
^Eschylus, they were expressed in alge-
braic terms.
No man could to-day unravel a
Chorus of yEschylus if only one such
Chorus existed. The truncated phrases
and elliptical thoughts are clear, to us,
because we have learned their meaning
through reiteration, and because they
always mean the same thing. The poet
has a license to provide the Chorus
with dark sayings, — dark in form, but
simple in import. It was, indeed, his
duty to give these phrases an oracular
character. In the course of time such
phrases became the terror of the copy-
ists. Obscure passages became cor-
rupt in process of transcription; and
thus we have inherited a whole class
80
THE GREEK GENIUS
of choral wisdom which we understand
well enough (just as the top gallery
understood it well enough) to help us
in our enjoyment of the play. The
obscurity, and perhaps even some part
of what we call * corruption/ are here a
part of the stage convention.
Now with regard to the Bacchantes:
— the scheme of having Maenads fora
Chorus gave splendid promise of scenic
effect; and the fact that, as a logical
consequence, these ladies would have
to give utterance to the usual max-
ims of piety, mixed in with the rhap-
sodies of their professional madness,
did not daunt Euripides. He simply
makes the Chorus do the usual cho-
rus work, without burdening his mind
about character-drawing. Thus the
Maenads, at moments when they are
not pretending to be Maenads, and are
not singing, 'Away to the mountains,
O the foot of the stag,' and so on, are
obliged to turn the other cheek, and
pretend to be interested bystanders, —
old gaffers, wagging their beards, and
quoting the book of Proverbs. The
transition from one mood to the other
is done in a stroke of lightning, and
seems to be independent of the music.
That is, it seems to make no difference,
so long as the musical schemes are filled
out, whether the ladies are singing, * On
with the dance, let joy be unconfined!'
or, 'True wisdom differs from sophis-
try, and consists in avoiding subjects
that are beyond mortal comprehen-
sion.' All such discrepancies would, no
doubt, have been explained if we pos-
sessed the music; but the music is lost.
It seems, at any rate, certain that
the grand public was not expected to
understand the word-for-word mean-
ing of choruses; hence their license to
be obscure. We get the same impres-
sion from the jibes of Aristophanes,
whose ridicule of the pompous obscur-
ity of ^Eschylus makes us suspect that
the audiences could not follow the gram-
mar in the lofty parts of the tragedy.
They accepted the drum-roll of horror,
and understood the larger grammar of
tragedy, much as we are now forced
to do in reading the plays.
It would seem that by following the
technique of tragedy, and by giving
no thought to small absurdities, Eu-
ripides got a double effect out of his
Maenads and no one observed that
anything was wrong. In one place he
resorts to a dramatic device, which
was perhaps well-known in his day, —
namely, the ' conversion ' of a bystand-
er. After the First Messenger has
given the great description of Diony-
sus's doings in the mountains, the
Chorus, or one of them, with over-
powering yet controlled emotion, steps
forward and says, 'I tremble to speak
free words in the presence of my King;
yet nevertheless be it said: Dionysus
is no less a god than the greatest of
them!' This reference to the duty of
a subject is probably copied from a
case where the Chorus was made up of
local bystanders. In the mouth of a
Maenad the proclamation is logically
ridiculous; yet so strange are the laws
of what ' goes ' on the stage that it may
have been effective even here.
Some of the choruses in the Bac-
chantes are miracles of poetic beauty,
of savage passion, of liquid power. It
is hard to say exactly what they are,
but they are wonderful. And behind
all, there gleams from the whole play a
sophistication as deep as the JSgean.
VI
There is one thing that we should
never do in dealing with anything
Greek. We should not take a scrap of
the Greek mind and keep on examining
it until we find a familiar thought in it.
No bit of Greek art is to be viewed as a
thing in itself. It is always a fragment,
and gets its value from the whole.
THE GREEK GENIUS
81
Every bit of carved stone picked up in
Athens is a piece of architecture; so is
every speech in a play, every phrase in
a dialogue. You must go back and
bring in the whole Theatre or the whole
Academy, and put back the fragment
in its place by means of ladders, before
you can guess at its meaning. The in-
ordinate significance that seems to
gleam from every broken toy of Greece,
results from this very quality, — that
the object is a part of something else.
Just because the thing has no meaning
by itself, it implies so much. Somehow
it drags the whole life of the Greek
nation before you. The favorite Greek
maxim, 'Avoid excess,' does the same.
It keeps telling you to remember yes-
terday and to-morrow; to remember the
palcestra and the market-place; above
all to remember that the very opposite
of what you say is also true. Wherever
you are, and whatever doing, you must
remember the rest of the Greek world.
It is no wonder that the Greeks could
not adopt the standards and contriv-
ances of other nations, while their own
standards and contrivances resulted
from such refined and perpetual bal-
ancing and shaving of values. This re-
finement has become part of their daily
life; and whether one examines a drink-
ing cup or a dialogue or a lyric, and
whether the thing be from the age of
Homer or from the age of Alexander,
the fragment always gives us a glimpse
into the same Greek world. The foun-
dation of this world seems to be the
Myth; and as the world grew it devel-
oped in terms of Myth. The Greek
mind had only one background. Ath-
letics and Statuary, Epic and Drama,
Religion and Art, Skepticism and Sci-
ence expressed themselves through the
same myths. In this lies the fascina-
tion of Greece for us. What a com-
plete cosmos it is! And how different
from any other civilization! Modern
life, like modern language, is a mon-
VOL. 114 -NO. 1
strous amalgam, a conglomeration and
mess of idioms from every age and
every clime. The classic Greek hangs
together like a wreath. It has been
developed rapidly, during a few hun-
dred years, and has an inner harmony
like the temple. Language and temple,
— each was an apparition; each is, in
its own way, perfect.
Consider wherein Rome differed
from Greece. The life of the Romans
was a patchwork, like our own. Their
religion was formal, their art imported,
their literature imitative, their aims
were practical, their interests unimag-
inative. All social needs were control-
led by political considerations. This
sounds almost like a description of
modern life; and it explains why the
Romans are so close to us. Cicero,
Horace, Caesar, Antony, are moderns.
But Alcibiades, Socrates, Pericles, and
the rest take their stand in Greek fable.
Like Pisistratus, Solon, and Lycurgus,
they melt into legend and belong to the
realms of the imagination.
No other people ever bore the same
relation to their arts that the Greeks
bore; and in this lies their charm.
When the Alexandrine critics began to
classify poetry and to discuss perfec-
tion, they never even mentioned the
Roman poetry, although all of the
greatest of it was in existence. Why is
this? It is because no Roman poem is a
poem at all from the Greek point of
view. It is too individual, too clever,
and, generally, too political. Besides,
it is not in Greek. The nearest modern
equivalent to the development of the
whole Greek world of art is to be found
in German contrapuntal music. No
one except a German has ever writjten
a true sonata or a symphony, in the
true polyphonic German style. There
are tours deforce done by other nation-
alities; but the natural idiom of this
music is Teutonic.
I am not condemning the Latins,
THE GREEK GENIUS
or the moderns. Indeed, there is in
Horace something nobler and more
humane than in all Olympus. The
Greeks, moreover, seem in their civic
incompetence like children, when con-
trasted with the Romans or with the
moderns. But in power of utterance,
within their own crafts, the Greeks are
unapproachable. Let us now speak of
matters of which we know very little.
The statues on the Parthenon stand
in a region where direct criticism can-
not reach them, but which trigono-
metry may, to some extent, determine.
Their beauty probably results from an
artistic knowledge so refined, a sophis-
tication so exact, that, as we gaze, we
lose the process and see only results.
A Greek architect could have told you
just what lines of analysis must be
followed in order to get these effects in
grouping and in relief. It is all, no
doubt, built up out of tonic and domi-
nant, — but the manual of counter-
point has been lost. As the tragic poet
fills the stage with the legend, so the
sculptor fills the metope with the
legend. Both are closely following art-
istic usage: each is merely telling the
old story with new refinement. And
whether we gaze at the actors on the
stage or at the figures in the metope,
whether we study a lyric or listen to
a dialogue, we are in communion with
the same genius, the same legend. The
thing which moves and delights us is
a unity.
This Genius is not hard to under-
stand. Any one can understand it.
. That is the proof of its greatness. As
, Boccaccio said of Dante, not learning
but good wits are needed to appreciate
him. One cannot safely look toward
the mind of the modern scholar for an
understanding of the Greek mind, be-
cause the modern scholar is a special-
ist, — a thing the Greek abhors. If a
scholar to-day knows the acoustics of
the Greek stage, that is thought to be
a large enough province for him. He
is not allowed to be an authority on
the scenery. In the modern scholar's
mind everything is in cubby-holes ; and
everybody to-day wants to become an
authority. Every one, moreover, is very
serious to-day; and it does not do to
be too serious about Greek things, be-
cause the very genius of Greece has
in it a touch of irony, which combines
with our seriousness to make a heavy,
indigestible paste. The Greek will al-
ways laugh at you if he can, and the
only hope is to keep him at arm's
length, and deal with him in the spirit
of social life, of the world, of the beau
monde, and of large conversation. His
chief merit is to stimulate this spirit.
The less we dogmatize about his works
and ways, the freer will the world be
of secondary, second-rate commenta-
ries. The more we study his works and
ways, the fuller will the world become
of intellectual force.
The Greek classics are a great help
in tearing open those strong envelopes
in which the cultivation of the world
is constantly getting glued up. They
helped Europe to cut free from theo-
cratic tyranny in the late Middle Ages.
They held the Western world together
after the fall of the Papacy. They gave
us modern literature: indeed, if one
considers all that comes from Greece,
one can hardly imagine what the world
would have been like without her. The
lamps of Greek thought are still burn-
ing in marble and in letters. The com-
plete little microcosm of that Greek
society hangs forever in the great ma-
crocosm of the moving world, and sheds
rays which dissolve prejudice, making
men thoughtful, rational, and gay.
The greatest intellects are ever the
most powerfully affected by it; but no
one escapes. Nor can the world ever
lose this benign influence, which must,
so far as philosophy can imagine, qual-
ify human life forever.
A PLEA FOR ERASMIANS
BY CHARLES H. A. WAGER
IN 1521, the year of the Diet of
Worms, Albrecht Diirer wrote in his
diary : —
' O Erasmus of Rotterdam, where art
thou delaying? Behold what the un-
righteous tyranny of the power of this
world, what the might of darkness can
do! Hear, thou knight of Christ! De-
fend the truth! Attain the martyr's
crown ! '
In the same year, Erasmus, writing
to an English friend, explains why he
cannot support Luther: —
'Even if everything he wrote had
been right, I had no intention of put-
ting my head in danger for the sake of
the truth. It is n't every one that has
the strength for martyrdom, and I sad-
ly fear that if any tumult should arise,
I should follow the example of Peter.
I obey the decrees of emperor and pope,
when they are right, because that is my
duty; when they are wrong I bear it,
because that is the safe plan. This I
believe to be permitted to good men, if
there is no hope of improvement.'
Now, it must be admitted that this
is not exactly a knightly utterance. A
'soul-animating' strain it can hardly
be called. Indeed, this Hitter Christi
seems a pitiful figure enough in the
pages of certain of his biographers, —
a poseur, if not an instinctive and elab-
orate liar; an inveterate trimmer, un-
luckily born into an age that demanded
honest and determined men; a fussy
valetudinarian, maundering about his
stomach and his need of Burgundy
wine, the inconveniences of inns, and
the hard lot of a wandering scholar;
so skillful a juggler with words that in
reading his letters and treatises, one
must exercise constant vigilance to dis-
entangle from what he said he was
doing and what he thought he was
doing, what he was really doing. If this
were the whole story, Erasmus, as a
'hero of the Reformation,' would be but
a pinchbeck hero after all. There is,
however, an obvious interpretation of
his character and career which quite
justifies the admiration in which he has
always been held by a respectable
minority of the reading world. While
the categories of Lutheran and Eras-
mian are probably not so inclusive as
those of Platonist and Aristotelian, yet
they mark a fundamental distinction
of temper among thinking men. Eras-
mus, in fact, is the patron, if not the
founder, of an intellectual order; and
it is to an apology for that order, which
is not always understood or esteemed
according to its merit, that these pages
are addressed.
When Luther defied Empire and
Papacy at Worms, Erasmus was al-
ready a famous and influential man.
He had made all Europe ring with
laughter at the vices and absurdities
of the monastic orders. He had square-
ly taken the position that the Church
needed reform, but that reform must
come through the men of light and
leading within the Church. Ignorance
and an uncritical habit were the chief
sources of the existing evils, and an en-
lightened scholarship would cure them.
83
84
A PLEA FOR ERASMIANS
A fine, critical sense must be devel-
oped; the habit must be formed of
clearing away mere conventions, how-
ever solemn, and of seeing things as
they are. It was necessary that exist-
ing institutions and doctrines should be
tried by the New Testament and the
teachings of the Fathers. To this end,
Erasmus had prepared his critical edi-
tion of the New Testament, which
should in the first place open the eyes
of clerics and scholars, and in the sec-
ond place be a basis for vernacular
translations which should find their
way into the home of every peasant in
Europe. 'Teach your boys carefully,'
he wrote to an ardent young scholar,
'edit the writings of the Fathers, and
irreligious religion and unlearned learn-
ing will pass away in due time.'
It is not surprising that Erasmus
should have had such faith in the pow-
er of learning. He had seen in England
a learned and cultivated prince whose
purpose it was to foster scholarship for
the sake of its effect upon religion. He
had seen the wise and generous War-
ham made Archbishop of Canterbury;
Colet, the learned and pious, Dean of
St. Paul's; and Thomas More a coun-
cilor of the king. Could any state of
things be more hopeful for the Church?
If this could be in England, why not
on the continent? He foresaw, there-
fore, a peaceful reformation of the
Church from within, produced partly
by genial satire of existing absurdi-
ties, but chiefly by the combination of
exalted piety with sound scholarship
in men of high place. Gradually health
should descend from the head to the
extremities of the body ecclesiastical,
the monks should be shamed out of
their ignorance and idleness, the laity,
under better instruction, be restored to
primitive piety and devotion to pure
religion. The Church should slowly
cast off the burden of the merely spec-
ulative dogmas that she had imposed
upon herself, and should once more
know the perfect freedom of her early
days. And all this should be done with-
out anger or violence, without laying
profane hands upon any sacred thing,
without giving an opening to anarchy,
without disturbing the basis of faith in
any honest man.
An attractive picture, was it not?
Surely, far more attractive than what
actually happened. It may be true that
the time was past for any such Arca-
dian visions, that the state of religion
demanded a violent upheaval, in which
the good and the bad should be cleared
away to make room for a new heaven
and earth. Erasmus's plan of reform
was, perhaps, impracticable, but his
ideal, at least, was eminently sane and
reasonable. In any case, it is unfair to
judge him too severely. Doubtless our
views of the real issues of his time
and their inevitable outcome are en-
lightened and philosophic, but we do
well to remember Burke's remark that
'men are wise with but little reflection,
and good with but little self-denial, in
the business of all times except their
own/
But, in fact, it is not perfectly clear
that Erasmus was wrong. It may be
pious, it is certainly practical, to ac-
cept any actual state of things as ideal,
or, at any rate, to behave as if it were.
But the philosophically minded can
hardly refrain from asking, ' Might not
the same result, or, conceivably, a bet-
ter result, have been brought about by
other and less destructive meajis?' An
unwavering faith in ' manifest destiny '
is, no doubt, very comfortable, but it
is not possible to all minds.
At all events, Erasmus was doomed
to disappointment. He saw the peace-
ful progress of internal reform inter-
rupted by the violence of an obscure
monk. He saw not only the excres-
cences of Catholicism attacked, but
the very foundation of the Church. He
A PLEA FOR ERASMIANS
85
saw the doctrine of authority defied,
and the right of private judgment, a
right which he had always upheld, im-
posed upon the foolish and headstrong,
as well as upon the prudent. He saw
the natural result of this in outbursts of
social and political anarchy, and, what
was worse, in the instinctive reaction
of bigotry and intolerance within the
shaken Church. He saw, moreover,
himself, Erasmus, held up by church-
men and revolutionists alike as the in-
stigator of the rebellion. 'This,' cried,
the monks, ' is what comes of teaching
the people to laugh at us.' 'Come out
like a man,' cried the Lutherans. 'You
have always been one of us in spirit.
Give us now, give the cause of sound
religion the immense weight of your
scholarship, your sanity, your piety!
This is your opportunity!'
It is easy enough to accuse Erasmus,
at this crisis, of cowardice and shuf-
fling, easy enough to inveigh against
his fatuous temporizing at a time when
only actions counted. But it is to be
remembered that on the one hand, he
saw methods which he disapproved
resulting in measures which he hated;
he saw good and bad, essential and
non-essential, confounded and swept
away together. On the other hand, he
saw that Luther's cause was really the
one for which he, himself, had fought
for many years, — deformed, mon-
strously perverted, but still his cause.
Surely, if ever man's soul was tried,
Erasmus was the man. For a time, he
tried, with vain but sensible appeals,
to moderate the frenzy of both sides.
To churchmen he wrote urging tolera-
tion and gentle measures with Luther.
To Luther he wrote: 'Old institutions
cannot be rooted up in an instant.
Quiet argument may do more than
wholesale condemnation. Avoid all ap-
pearance of sedition. Keep cool; do not
get angry; do not hate anybody. Do
not be excited over the noise which you
have made.' The attitude which he
had maintained from the beginning is,
perhaps, best set forth in a letter of
1520. He knows that many things are
in need of reform, but he is fearful that
more harm may be done by violently
taking from the unlearned precious
half-truths than by allowing them to
work out their own emancipation. 'We
must bear almost anything,' the let-
ter runs, ' rather than throw the world
into confusion. . . . For myself, I pre-
fer to be silent and introduce no novel-
ties into religion. ... I recommended
Luther to publish nothing revolution-
ary. I feared always that revolution
would be the end, and I would have
done more had I not been afraid that
I might be found fighting against the
Spirit of God.J
But the end was inevitable. More
and more shocked by the excesses of
the reformers, believing more and more
firmly that they were merely setting up
a new tyranny in place of the old, the
tyranny of the mob, he threw his in-
fluence on the papal side, and died
distrusted by extreme Catholics and
Protestants, alike. He bears the proud
title of ' the humanist of the Reforma-
tion/ but to the moralizing historian he
is a terrible example of one who made
'the great refusal,' who, through cow-
ardice and time-serving, lost the proud-
er title of one of the great emancipators
of the human spirit.
ii
Which things are an allegory. Eras-
mus is an inexhaustibly interesting his-
torical personage, because he is more
than that; he is a type as old as civiliz-
ation. He is not to be confounded with
the Hamlets and Amiels, whom he su-
perficially resembles. Their disease is
impotence of will; their weakness, the
lack of 'the courage of imperfection,'
the courage to do their best, however
86
A PLEA FOR ERASMIANS
inadquate the means, however uncer-
tain the issue. The difficulty of Eras-
mus and the Erasmians is an intellec-
tual one. They are blinded by excess of
light. They see too clearly both sides of
every question to commit themselves
to either. They lack the sublime aban-
don with which simpler and usually
less enlightened spirits throw them-
selves into causes which they only half
comprehend. Naturally, the practical
world cannot do away with such hair-
splitting. The Erasmians are adjured
to act, without too much regard for
past causes or future results. They are
said to lack faith, and, in truth, they
are essentially skeptics. To them, only
an adumbration of truth is within the
reach of finite minds, and they are
unable to become violently energetic
for an adumbration. They have the
penetration of Disraeli, without draw-
ing his practical inference. In one of
his novels a son complains to his father
that at college they taught him only
words, and he wished to know ideas.
The father replies, evidently voicing
the belief of the great political phrase-
maker, * Few ideas are correct ones, and
what are correct no one can ascertain;
but with words we govern men.'
The Erasmians decline to govern or
be governed by words. They prefer to
delay and reflect and compare, in the
hope that at last one idea may become
so clear, so compelling, so compara-
tively certain that it may result in an
act. The process is long and very try-
ing to active spirits; but the Erasmians
have infinite patience. It is a glorious
thing to wear the martyr's crown. But
is there no difference between martyr-
dom in a good cause and martyrdom in
a doubtful one? The Erasmians think
there is. 'The greatest obstacle to be-
ing heroic,' writes Hawthorne, 'is the
doubt whether one may not be going
to prove one's self a fool. The truest
heroism is to resist the doubt, and the
profoundest wisdom is to know when it
ought to be resisted and when to be
obeyed.'
Well, the Erasmians would agree to
that. 'A certain partiality, a headiness
and loss of balance, is the tax which
all action must pay. Act, if you like,
— but you do it at your peril.' Such
is Emerson's warning. The Erasmians
prefer to reduce the peril to the low-
est possible terms. To -them, a certain
headiness and loss of balance are, at
all costs, to be avoided.
Now, the result of such views, inac-
tivity, is precisely the result of reac-
tionary conservatism. Whether a man
declines to act because he is weighing
ideas, or because he is a slave to tra-
dition and the established order, makes
very little difference to the world; but
there is a difference, for all that. The
Erasmians, like most sensible men,
agree that there is a presumption in
favor of antiquity. It seems to them
little like economy, considering the
number of things of which the world is
full, to begin all discussions of all sub-
jects ab ovo. They do not wake every
morning with the idea that everything
is an open question, for they see clearly
enough whither this leads. They have
no mind to enroll themselves in the in-
glorious register of the revivers of vener-
able political blunders and the preach- •
ers of forgotten and exploded heresies.
Yet, they distinctly do not propose to
be deluded by mere words, however
sacrosanct. To them, as to their great
exemplar, every ancient absurdity that
claims the reverence due to age is fair
game.
They make a clear distinction be-
tween essentials and non-essentials, be-
tween ideas which have received the
stamp of time and those which have
merely received the stamp of conven-
tion. And the latter it is their way to
cover with inextinguishable laughter.
Like the third Lord Shaftesbury, they
A PLEA FOR ERASMIANS
87
believe ' in the freedom of wit and hu-
mor.' They think that ridicule is a
V
criterion of true and false enthusiasm,
and that 'opinions which claim to be
exempted from raillery and discussion
afford presumptive evidence of their
falsity.' While the method is open to
obvious dangers, and is certain to be
condemned by persons who take them-
selves with undue seriousness, yet it is
precisely the method by which Addi-
son and Steele reformed, in a measure,
the society of their time. It is a method
of warfare that demands no violence,
that attacks measures, not men, and
that often, by its intrinsic charm, half
heals the wounds it makes. At any
rate, it is the only method possible to
the Erasmian. He hates and fears vio-
lence almost as much as he hates and
fears evil. He knows that violent reme-
dial measures frequently destroy an
institution that needs only reforma-
tion. 'What does war breed, but war?'
cries Erasmus, 'while gentleness calls
forth gentleness, and equity invites
equity.' The Erasmian consistently
maintains that there are few evils so
bad as war, so harmful in themselves,
so destructive in all their relations —
an inglorious doctrine in these militant
days, a doctrine that will always be an
abomination to the children of this
world, but a doctrine ever to be ex-
pected on the lips of the children of
light.
The Erasmian is not wholly faith-
less. He has faith in the power of
thought. He may believe that the hope
of attaining absolute and ultimate
truth on any subject, most of all the
highest, is an idle dream; therefore he
dislikes dogmatism. But, on the other
hand, 'discourse of reason,' the power
to 'look before and after,' he knows to
be, however inadequate, man's only
instrument for acquiring truth and for
making it prevail. In other words, he
has faith in the supremacy of ideas.
He believes that in the long run they
will prevail, and he sees the danger of
attempting to supersede them by any
other agent. He knows that this can
be done, that something quite the re-
verse of ideas may for a time be made
to prevail, and that men will accept the
inferior thing in utter ignorance that
it is not the highest. Hence, the com-
pelling impulse that drives the Eras-
mian to criticism. He may not, him-
self, be constructive; it may not be the
moment for construction; but at any
rate, he is determined that no false and
shoddy edifice shall cumber the ground
and prevent the fair, ideal structure
which he foresees.
He is not apologetic under the sneers
or arguments of believers in a second-
best. He will not be diverted from his
critical office by appeals to his pride or
to his patriotism. It may be admitted,
perhaps, that patriotism, in its narrow
sense, is not one of his governing mo-
tives. He is inclined to be that superior
and disagreeable thing, a cosmopolitan.
Like Erasmus himself, his home is the
place where he has most freedom of
thought. Even though, like that great
scholar, he may not spend his life in
wandering from city to city and forget
the very place of his birth, yet he main-
tains a detached, critical attitude to-
ward his native land that greatly irri-
tates his neighbors.
He cannot see that a thing is right
because it is 'our national way.' He
tells us, his compatriots, the plainest
of truths, classifies us under various
opprobrious categories, and compares
us with neighboring rivals to our great
disadvantage. But we must do him the
justice to confess that no land seems to
suit him altogether, and that he tells
our rivals the same disagreeable truths
he has told us. The fact is, he is testing
all civilizations by his standards of
ideas, and if we blame him for lacking
the patriotic weakness, we must praise
88
A PLEA FOR ERASMIANS
him for bringing to all his national
studies the same high seriousness, the
same exacting criterion.
It is a compliment to be criticized
by such a man. Surely, in our right
minds, we find it a welcome relief from
the monotony of contemplating our
virtues. Such criticism is usually enter-
taining to a candid mind, and always
wholesome. The Erasmian, under these
circumstances, is really an inspiring
sight. He speaks as the citizen of a
commonwealth of which all human so-
cieties are more or less successful imi-
tations, — the commonwealth of ideas,
where philosophers are kings.
His independence of national ties
naturally extends to parties. He has no
shibboleths. He alternately ridicules
and reviles 'the machine.' He finds it
difficult to comprehend that men of
humor — much more, men of intelli-
gence and piety — should take politi-
cal organization seriously. With Lord
Morley he declares : * Politics are a field
where action is one long second-best,
and where the choice constantly lies
between two blunders.' Choices of that
sort, as we have seen, he is loath to
make. He is accused by practical poli-
ticians of being a hopeless visionary,
making impossible demands; but all he
really asks is the application of ideas
and rudimentary morals to political
affairs.
He is as slow to commit himself
unreservedly to individuals as to par-
ties, for he knows how fatally seduc-
tive enthusiasm for a great person-
ality may become. He is frequently
found scourging his prophets for their
soul's health; and in dealing with false
political gods, he not seldom forgets to
be urbane. To be rigidly just, I must
, confess that he sometimes forgets to
attend the primaries, and he has been
known not to vote at a presidential
election. This, however, is not due to
carelessness, but to a temporary spasm
of despair, to which his kind ,is sub-
ject.
In religion it is as difficult for him to
be a partisan as in politics. It should
be said at the outset that he is a funda-
mentally religious man — not devout,
precisely, but essentially religious. He
holds with Erasmus himself that 'the
sum of religion is peace, which can only
be when definitions are as few as pos-
sible, and opinion is left free on many
subjects.' He is, therefore, rather likely
to ally himself with no ecclesiastical
party or sect, to sit 'as God, holding no
form of creed, but contemplating all.'
He is, however, equally consistent if he
gives a limited allegiance to some great
historic faith for the sake of the prin-
ciple of authority, in which he believes.
But, he is no more comfortable neigh-
bor ecclesiastically than he is politi-
cally. He is usually regarded by the
foes of religion as a hypocrite and a
coward, and by its friends as a very
doubtful ally; both sides relegate him
to Dante's 'sect of those displeasing
to God and to his enemies.' He is, un-
questionably, open to Mr. Gladstone's
criticism of Matthew Arnold as a theo-
logian: 'He combined a sincere devo-
tion to the Christian religion with a
faculty for presenting it in such a form
as to be recognizable neither by friend
nor foe.'
Ethically he is often accused of lax-
ity, and he is certainly not austere.
He is genuinely humane, and believes
that whatever makes human life hap-
pier, gentler, more refined, more tol-
erant, is a moral agent. He finds that
intellectual shuffling and the uncritical
acceptance of venerable fictions are
quite as immoral as more easily recog-
nized vices. He maintains the unpopu-
lar theory that severe intellectual dis-
cipline is itself moralizing. Always, to
the Erasmian, the emphasis lies on the
human and the tentative in religion,
never on the superhuman and the dog-
A PLEA FOR ERASMIANS
89
matic. Toward the pathos of human
striving he is tender; toward its ill-
judged attempts at fixity and exclu-
siveness he is genially severe.
in
The Erasmian is not useless to soci-
ety. He performs a function, ungrate-
ful, indeed, but in the highest degree
necessary. The history of human in-
stitutions entirely confirms Burke's
dictum that 'all men possessed of an
uncontrolled discretionary power lead-
ing to the aggrandizement and profit of
their own body have always abused it.'
Hence, in parliaments and churches
and society in general, the need of an
opposition, enlightened, incorruptible,
eternally vigilant. This the Erasmian
is. He has at least one resemblance to
the righteous — he is the salt of human
society, and he is not the worse for
being Attic salt. Happy the land or
the age in which the Erasmians are in
numbers respectably proportionate to
their self-satisfied neighbors; but they
are usually too few to be practically
effective — vox et prceterea nihil.
They are the adherents of unpopular
causes and, not seldom, of unsuccessful
ones. Like Frederick Denison Maurice,
in Arnold's witty characterization, they
spend their lives ' beating the bush with
deep emotion, but never starting the
hare.' But that is distinctly not to say
that they are useless. Usually, in the
long run, the world comes round to
them, but if it does not, they often
profoundly modify its course. In vain,
like Burke, they may attempt, at a
critical epoch, to induce their country-
men to bring ideas to bear upon poli-
tics; but, like him, after a hundred
years, their opinions may be lauded
by practical statesmen as a very vade
mecum of political theory and prac-
tice.
While Burke was, in most respects,
very far from illustrating the type of
mind that I am describing, yet it was
of him, at a certain moment of his
career, that Arnold wrote this highly
Erasmian sentence: 'When one side of
a question has long had your earnest
support, when all your feelings are en-
gaged, when you hear all round you no
language but one, when your party
talks this language like a steam engine
and can imagine no other — still to
be able to think, still to be irresistibly
carried, if so it be, by the current
of thought to the opposite side of the
question, and, like Balaam, to be un-
able to speak anything but what the
Lord has put in your mouth — that is
what I call living by ideas.'
Arnold, himself, is an obvious ex-
ample of the Erasmian in all his mani-
fold relations to society. In his irony,
his disinterestedness, his pursuance of
the Aristotelian mean, his faith in cul-
ture, and, not least, in his immediate
ineffectiveness, he reminds us of the
great humanist. ' I do not profess to be
a politician,' he writes, 'but simply one
of a class of disinterested observers,
who, with no organized and embodied
set of supporters to please, set them-
selves to observe honestly and to report
faithfully the state and prospects of
our civilization.' When we read in Mr.
Russell's admirable little book on Ar-
nold that the young Liberals of 1869
declined to learn from him 'to under-
value personal liberty, or to stand aloof
from the practical work of citizenship,
or to despise Parliamentary effort and
its bearing on the better life of Eng-
land,' we recognize the immediate in-
effectiveness of the Erasmian; but
when we read, further, that he perma-
nently modified all their thinking on
political and social matters, we per-
ceive that 'ineffective' is perhaps not
the best term to apply to an influence
so profound and so salutary. This is
the ordinary attitude of the political
90
A PLEA FOR ERASMIANS
Erasmian, the detached attitude of the
spectator and critic.
But English political life a few years
ago afforded us the unusual spectacle
of an Erasmian in office. Mr. Balfour's
speeches, writings, and behavior, alike
stamp him as 'sealed of the tribe.'
When a newspaper editor cruelly re-
marks that 'Mr. Balfour's mind is so
hospitable that he can harbor contra-
dictory ideas,' what is it but an accu-
sation of extreme Erasmianism?
But we need not confine ourselves to
modern times for our examples. There
were Erasmians before Erasmus, and
he, himself, canonized the patron saint
of the order. ' Saint Socrates, pray for
us,' he exclaimed on reading the Pkaedo,
and in Socrates we find the first and
best of all Erasmians. His function was
to sting and goad men, if not into vir-
tue, at any rate into an apprehension
of their ignorance and vice. To which
end, the best means was to force them,
by a relentless logic, to bring ideas to
bear upon life, and to abandon forth-
with all irrational, and hence immoral
positions. His fundamental assump-
tion, like that of Erasmus, was that
evil conduct is the result of ignorance,
and that, therefore, the first remedial
measure is to let in the light. Like
Erasmus, too, he was loath to dogma-
tize.
As I have already intimated, it
would not be difficult to convict the
Erasmian of basal skepticism, and it is
one of the ironies of philosophy that
skeptics and Platonic transcendental-
ists alike called Socrates master. His
Erasmian character extends even to
details of method. The Socratic dialec-
tic, urbane, ironical, sweetly reason-
able, is the most formidable weapon in
the Erasmian armory. The humane
and tolerant sympathy with all sorts
and conditions of men is not the least
valuable aspect of the Socratic and the
Erasmian temper. Like a true Eras-
mian, Socrates was regarded by the
unregenerate and unenlightened of his
contemporaries as a wearisome fault-
finder, because of the ' damnable itera-
tion' with which he pointed out their
follies. And if the cup of hemlock, in
one form or another, be the inevitable
end of both, there is surely compensa-
tion in the approval of the inward
'daemon' that prevents ill-considered
action, and in the veneration of a
school of disciples who are fit, though
few.
A POET SILENT
«
BY ALICE BROWN
THE birds are silent, homesick for the south.
And you, my poet, numbed in autumn cold,
Have locked on melody your singing mouth,
And muse upon the spring; yet not that old
Sweet spring, when wing
To wing beat a twinned ecstasy, —
But the rapt secrecies you may not sing,
Of what the year, in-sheathed and folded, yet might be,
If it could break, to your amazed eyes,
Through airs of Paradise.
So brood in silence, though the expectant ear,
Thrilled once to your clear matins, trembles yet,
And will, with ravishment's remembered pang, to hear
The golden fret
Of words in measures ancient and in beauty new,
Born like the evocation of the leaf, and true
To rhythm as torrential rain,
Or fall of runnels, or the girdling roar
Of the unhindered main.
Still do I see you with the migrant choir
In that dejected pause of intermittent note
And sickened look and dulled desire,
Before they rise, to float
O'er fields inhospitable and branches bare
Where once their elfland arrows pierced the air.
This is the hush preliminary,
This the long rest
Writ down upon your staff of melody.
THE DANGER OF TOLERANCE IN RELIGION
O you, though dumbly now distrest,
Shall fly, your preluding all done,
Trusting the unviewed track, the charted ease
Of the winged mariner in skyey seas —
Sown with kind stars and little clouds at play —
And make at last that country where alway
They sing who live there, and their harmonies
Join in a blest accord with his pure ardencies
Who is the Lord thereof and sun.
THE DANGER OF TOLERANCE IN RELIGION
BY BERNARD IDDINGS BELL
IT is scarcely more than a platitude
to say that we are living in an age of
transformation of thought. It is not,
perhaps, quite so much a platitude to
say that we are apt to assume that
certain contemporary tendencies in
thought are permanent results of that
transformation instead of ephemeral
phases of it. Every great upheaval of
life and thought through which hu-
manity has gone has been accompanied,
first, by a popular sense of uncertainty
as to truth, and a consequent tolerance
of every sort of belief. This tolerance
is a mark of the decay of old standards
rather than of the formation of new
ones. After every period of tolerance
there has come a period of intolerance,
of intellectual strife, — often accom-
panied by physical strife. This period
of strife is characteristic of the integra-
tion of new standards.
The decay of Roman civilization was
marked by tolerance of every sort of
morals, philosophy, religion. The rise of
that civilization which succeeded it was
heralded by the intolerant persecution
of Christianity, itself an intolerant
movement. Eighteenth-century France
was marked by a similar universal
tolerance, but it was the bitter intol-
erance of the Revolution which ended
this complacency, out of which new
standards emerged. Numerous other
examples will occur to any one. Toler-
ance is a destructive force. The suc-
ceeding intolerance is constructive.
The danger of tolerance is always this,
that one may assume it to be a final in-
stead of a preliminary step in thought-
development, and in consequence stand
half-developed, intellectually imma-
ture. The danger of tolerance is that
it may destroy the capacity for con-
structive thought.
Notwithstanding all our pretending
that we are of an age which lives and
thinks scientifically, we are still, for the
most part, not creatures of thought but
creatures of sentiment. With most of
THE DANGER OF TOLERANCE IN RELIGION
93
us, for instance, the relationship of the
sexes is still a matter to be regarded
sentimentally. We still ignore as much
as possible the physical and social facts
back of that relationship. We still,
too, for the most part, have sentimen-
tal political affiliations with glorious
ideals, but little conception of the facts
which condition their realization, with
much of unreasoning loyalty to parties
or persons. We still are apt to have,
and desire, a sentimental sort of edu-
cation for our children, on a cultural
basis which ignores at once the neces-
sity of knowledge of the facts of real
life and the vulgar necessity of our
children's earning a living. We still
speak, with a pathetic dignity, in terms
of a sentimental economics based on
life as a sentimentalist would have it
rather than on life as it is. We still
enjoy sentimental literature. We still
patronize sentimental drama. And be-
cause in all these matters most of us
are still comparatively unthinking be-
ings, we are apt in all of them to have
a genial toleration for our fellows, who,
equally unthinking, tolerate us.
In each of these fields, however,
there is going on a rapid change. In
each there are coming to be small but
growing groups which are so very much
in earnest that they refuse to be tol-
erant. As people are facing facts in
life rather than mere sentiments about
life, the tendency toward intolerance
is becoming more and more apparent.
Marriage and the problems of sex are
discussed more and more with a mark-
ed unwillingness to tolerate opinions
other than those one has founded upon
the basis of facts. Ellen Key, Edward
Carpenter, and others like them, write
on these subjects powerfully, just be-
cause they have passed through the in-
definiteness of tolerance to positive and
intolerant affirmations.
A few years ago political affiliations
were almost wholly superficial. As
politics have integrated more and more
around the seen facts of our civic and
economic inter-relationships we have
observed a renewal of intolerant and
deep political cleavages. The genial
tolerance of every sort of educational
theory which characterized our older
brothers is being supplanted by utter
impatience among the various schools
of educational thought; and this has
been true just in so far as we have
begun constructively to think about
pedagogy.
Our literature has become vital and
meaningful of late years in a way that
it was not a decade ago; and it is
hard not to see that this has been
accompanied, if not caused, by the
espousal of positive convictions and by
their quite impatient utterance by our
contemporary novelists, essayists, and
poets. Whether their plays prove pop-
ular or not, the dramatists of to-day
are preaching in a way that is anything
but conciliatory. In all these respects,
we are gradually and hopefully emerg-
ing from an age of good-natured toler-
ance into one of contradictory and
frankly clashing ideas and ideals.
In religion, however, we are, appar-
ently, for the most part afraid to per-
mit in ourselves this development from
tolerance into bigotry.1 The very same
man who is a healthy bigot on sex-rela-
tionship, politics, economics, and what
not else, imagines that in religion he is
bound, if he would be in accord with
the Zeitgeist, to be tolerant of all kinds
and shades of religious belief or dis-
belief. Of course, part of this attitude
is due to the impression, not now so
prevalent as once it was, that certain
truth is truth demonstrable physically,
and that religion, which is incapable
1 Bigotry, according to the Standard Dic-
tionary, means merely, 'obstinate or intoler-
ant attachment to a cause or creed.' Ignorance
is not necessarily implied by the word. — THE
AUTHOR.
94
THE DANGER OF TOLERANCE IN RELIGION
of such demonstration, is a thing in
which uncertainty is inevitable. (Of
course such an assumption is quite
unscientific.) The main reason for it,
however, is the unthinking or super-
ficially thinking assumption that man-
kind has developed religiously from
intolerance into tolerance, and that
tolerance, complete, unquestioned, is
the highest point yet reached in the
development of religion. Students of
the history of religion know that this
is not so. They know that there have
always been successive waves of toler-
ance and intolerance in religion, as in
every other realm of human thought,
and that religion has evolved out of
tolerance into intolerance just as often,
and as rightly, as the other way about.
Most of us, however, know nothing of
this. The result of this mistake of ours
is that the return or progression toward
constructive intolerance manifested in
every other line of thought to-day is
almost entirely absent from modern
religious thinking.
One can see this in the very popular
campaigns on foot making for what is
called 'Church Unity.' Everywhere in
Christendom one hears nowadays such
cries as this: 'Let us all get together.
Let us forget the things which divide
us, and think only of that which unites
us.' What it is that unites us, one no-
tices, is never defined. 'Let the Bap-
tists and the Methodists and the Epis-
copalians and the Lutherans and the
Roman Catholics and the Unitarians
and all the others simply agree to love
one another, and forget their differ-
ences.' We see many sorts of ministers,
in their desire to promote what they
believe to be the unity desired by their
Master, Christ, exchanging pulpits with
one another and passing genial compli-
ments about one another's superlative
worth. There is a tremendous deal of
good feeling and every one is very
happy; and behold, the millennial unity
of all men, for which Christ prayed on
the night of his betrayal, is at hand!
Is it? If this was the sort of thing
Christ wanted, why did He not prac-
tice this modern, tolerant method when
He was on earth? Why did He not
seek to conciliate, on a basis of mutual
toleration, the Sadducees and Phari-
sees, for instance, instead of denounc-
ing them both for differing from his
own conception of religion? Why did
He preach things so definite as to
alienate most of the people whom He
came to earth to save? Why did He
die? Apparently it was because He ut-
tered such definite and positive teach-
ing as to force, by his very intolerance,
the reflex intolerance of those opposed
to that teaching. It is apparent to any
one who reads the Gospels, that Christ
stood for definiteness in religion, that
He himself died rather than tolerate
the religious ideas of most of his con-
temporaries, and that He earnestly
urged his followers to imitate the stead-
fastness of his example. He prayed, it
is true, that all>the world might become
united ; but He must have meant united
on the positive and definite platform on
which He himself stood. Any other in-
terpretation would stultify, not merely
his words, but his whole life.
To Christ, apparently, the most im-
portant thing about a man was his
philosophy of life in all its relations, —
in short, his religion. To us, that seems
to be the least important thing about
a man. Our attitude implies that one
way of looking at God, man, and the
universe is as good as another, for the
simple reason that none of them mat-
ters very much anyway.
Our present efforts to be tolerant in
religion, then, are based upon the pre-
supposition that there is no such thing
as objective religious truth. This is
to say, that in the thing which for a
human being must correlate all his
other thought and activity, — namely
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
95
his theory of life, his religion, — there
is no objective reality at all, toward
which he may approximate. This is
to deny that there is anything which
may rightly be called fundamental
truth. It is to exalt peace at any price
into the throne of ultimate reality. It
is to destroy the search for that reality.
It is to glorify intellectual cowardice
and inefficiency. It is not merely to
destroy a rational basis for morals; it
is, in the end, to destroy a rational basis
for thinking as a whole.
One hears constantly that people are
not interested to-day in systems of
religion which are not all-inclusive,
which are in any way divisive. If that
be, true, it is a sad period for religion
or for thought in general, that lies
before us. To prohibit men from at-
tempting to lift themselves up toward
the realities of eternity, to compel
them to abandon the mighty gropings
which have ever characterized the
seers, — intolerant because they were
seers and not politicians, — and to
substitute for these a unified * religion '
consisting of platitudes about being
good to one's grandmother and similar
banalities, — to do this would be a
dire calamity to the generation and to
the race. Ah, no; better the bitter
intolerance of those who believe too
much and too strongly than the easy
complaisance of those who believe too
little and hold that little too lightly.
Better the Inquisition and the rack
than the drugging of those who else
might seek for God. Better that we
live and die slaves to a half-truth, or a
millionth-truth, than that we refuse
to look for truth at all. Better even
that in religion a man should live and
die believing with all his soul in a lie,
than that he should merely exist, be-
lieving in nothing.
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
BY ZONA GALE
AN English critic, unable to bear an
English poet's broken metre, with its
orchestral suiting of sound to sense,
at length cried aloud to the British
public, —
'If we are to arrogate to ourselves
poetic license such as this, what is to
become of the iambic pentameter?'
To which one of his public very rea-
sonably inquired, -
'Whose iambic pentameter?'
And this is the kind of question
which some of us would ask of those
whose alarm is unbounded at the dele-
terious effect which, since college doors
opened to women, feminine influence is
said to be having on education. On
whose education? To whom does edu-
cation belong, anyway? For we seem
to be having always laboriously to
prove the ancient, evident fact that
education is not a thing at all, that it is
only a name for the unfolding of human
life. The thing with which we are con-
cerned, then, is simply how education
affects this unfolding; what, on the
96
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
students themselves, are the reactions
of coeducation. There is no other
issue involved.
We have never said co-playing or co-
dancing or co-serving. When we have
talked, sung, observed, traveled, re-
joiced in the sun, wondered about life,
been conscious of the Substance of
things, we have done it all without the
prefix co. We do these things simply,
act in them as human beings, know
them for our common province. They
unfold us from within. They co-unfold
us, only we have never troubled to say
it that way. But when this unfolding
began to be valued, and men pursued it
deliberately, and when, much later, it
was recognized that the sooner the
whole race shared in it the better, and
women began to respond to it too;
and when human beings, in a common
plight, moving to a common destiny,
seriously undertook the great business
of self-conscious development — then
education ceased to be a sufficient
term. We divided it. And to one half
of it we gave a co.
Now in reality we thus made a beau-
tiful word, a word as beautiful in con-
tent as cooperation, or coalition, or
coincidence; carrying a sense of fel-
lowship; meaning together, jointly;
having a human tang that is thrilling,
electric, intentional. But at once an
amazing thing happened. Prefixed to
education, co somehow developed in
the word a new property, a property
which speedily transformed everything
else about it : it developed an import of
gender. All the merely human signifi-
cance of the word vanished. As poets,
handworkers, scientists, tradesmen,
publicists, industrial slaves, prophets,
we disappeared from the scene. The
word coeducation, the unfolding of
all of us, the leading out of our com-
mon divinity from our common hu-
manity, fell in bondage, had one of its
implications over-specialized, and now
connotes merely the process of educat-
ing together the two sexes, as such.
This psychology is not unfamiliar. It
may be that of an elemental people
who regard the distinction as one rep-
resenting differences alone; it may be
that of an intellectualized, somewhat
intuitionized people who regard the
distinction as the symbol of comple-
ments. To the former, sex has always
been a kind of final word and wall. To
the latter it will be a window and a
door.
Meanwhile, being neither as ele-
mental as we were nor as wise as we
shall be, we may as well face the word
in its ordinary application, and to do so
is to reduce a statement of the issue
involved to this : —
Since in the world there is to be co-
existence of the members of the human
race, their co-use of products, their co-
development of more products, their
co-labor for the future of the race, their
co-aspiration to a dim co-destiny, what
will be the probable effect upon them
if we permit them to have co-education
too?
II
In the ancient pastime of judging we
not infrequently make the ancient mis-
take of confusing the idea of a thing
with the method in which that idea is
being expressed. 'We have not achiev-
ed social justice: Democracy is a fail-
ure ' — this kind of argument still
deceives. We know well that we are
continually obliged to try to express
spiritual values by the use of physical
terms; yet when we are called upon to
judge some created physical envelope,
we forget our synthesis and, instead of
analysis, put faith in what we see.
If we put faith in what we see of co-
education, we are of course obliged to
admit that after fifty years and more of
experimentation in America the effect
of coeducation on the students under-
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
going it is not wholly desirable. Simi-
larly, after uncounted thousands of
years of living, the experience of indi-
viduation is not always operative to
develop the Substance so expressed.
But if we are wise, we shall voluntarily
abandon neither coeducation nor liv-
ing, on account of conclusions import-
ant only as they furnish bases for
examination and modification. And
the reactions from four years of educa-
tional life are important in our seek-
ings for democracy — and for other
things.
This conclusion regarding the pre-
sent partial failure of coeducation we
may reach while still regarding as
negligible in our consideration those in-
stitutions where coeducation is as yet
markedly undeveloped, or abandoned
fora compromise; where, for example,
men and women students are assem-
bled for four years of propinquity — not
of real association; where the term
* co-ed,' with a feminine connotation,
is not only stupid, as it always is, but
is anathema as well; where 'co-eds'
are in one class, and one's friends and
one's sisters and one's sweethearts
are in another class; where to no man
intent on propriety does it occur to
appear at promenade, or formal recep-
tion, or even hop, with a woman stud-
ent of his own college; where, in short,
the order of things is as false to the
habit of any other social group as to
the habit of life. Obviously, such a con-
dition will in some respects result per-
niciously. But this situation is so bald-
ly a rudimentary development that in
considering ultimate values it need not
enter. Nor in a discussion of the effect
of coeducation on students need those
institutions be considered wherein is
practised the compromise of segrega-
tion. Segregation is to coeducation
what class-conscious government is to
democracy.
But even in those institutions where
VOL. 114 -NO. 1
men and women meet as normally and
casually as they will be meeting in later
life, coeducation now has certain de-
leterious effects. Stated, their causes
have a mediaeval look; but then we,
too, are mediaeval, and so, in a consid-
eration of ultimate values, we should
know how much to allow to current
prejudices at this stage of our evolu-
tion. Which is to say, we should exer-
cise a god-like intuition. And so we
should.
There are, for example, the effects of
sex-repulsion. There comes wide testi-
mony to the effect that in coeduca-
tional institutions, classes in political
economy, sociology, logic, and law are
largely made up of men, while litera-
ture and 'aesthetics' generally are
elected by women, somewhat to the
exclusion in each case of the other sex.
Each sex is said to be found refusing
to elect branches popular with the
other. And some educators have ad-
mitted that they see no way out of
this, since the more frequently women
enter courses, the more definitely do
men shun these courses, and vice versa,
until the progression and retrogression
proceed automatically. And this ten-
dency is actually resulting, it is af-
firmed, in 'natural segregation,' due to
sex-repulsion, a phenomenon long inci-
dent to social life and as a matter of
course reasserting itself as soon as a
common intellectual training for the
two sexes is institutionalized. Sex-
repulsion would thus appear to indi-
cate biological grounds against coedu-
cation which no arbitrary opening of
college doors to men and women has
overcome, — ' can ever overcome,' some
have put it.
But this is not all. There is also sex-
attraction. There comes wide testi-
mony that in coeducational institu-
tions there enter a large number of
women whose function appears to be
chiefly social, in the narrowest sense of
98
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
that word. Every year sees an influx
of these young women, whose popular-
ity is based on their ability to make
themselves centres of masculine ad-
miration. Serious-minded men, who
would otherwise be intent on serious
study, are immeasurably distracted.
At the very time of life when all their
energies should be spent in preparation,
these men are bent on * social' offices,
are falling in love, becoming engaged,
with the incident entailing of economic
readjustment in an effort to live up to
a hostage so early assumed. Also, al-
though this is far less frequently urged,
the young women themselves, who
might be leading sober lives at some
female college, are diverted and over-
stimulated. For it is observably not
the intellectual leaders among the
young women who thus become dis-
turbing influences. It is the * socially
fit.' We might ponder this antithesis,
to such random lengths has gone our
sense of the phrase 'socially fit.' This
wholesale disturbance is due to sex-
attraction, long incident to social life,
to be sure, but appearing to indicate
biological grounds against coeduca-
tion which no arbitrary opening of
college doors to men and women has
overcome.
There is no doubt at all, so wide is
the testimony, that these extremes of
both conditions do now exist to some
extent in coeducational institutions;
and that both carry harmful conse-
quences. But granting that they do
exist, and that they are harmful, it is
well to get on to the heart of the mat-
ter; for to be alarmed by these appear-
ances may be much like * letting straws
tell the wind which way to blow.'
Here is the hackneyed historical
sequence (and for the present purpose
we may neglect its materialistic inter-
pretation, which is that the education
of women was begun, and continues,
because it pays; because educated
women are now of greater economic
value to the state, though to the state
of the past they were useful exclusively
as bearers of children and of domestic
burdens) : —
First, we have women's ignorance of
their need of * higher ' education, while
they were busy bearing and rearing
children to balance the ravages of war
and famine and disease. Then, wo-
men's own recognition of their need
and its denial by men. Next, women's
gradual, grudged admission to insti-
tutions of learning through the tedious
compromise of 'normal* courses and
female colleges, on the same campus
with the men and under the same
faculty, but rigidly separate. And now,
their present state of advance — their
admission to some colleges as 'co-ed*
and anathema, to others in segregated
classes, to some in full citizenship, with
still by far the greatest number of
women taking college courses in either
one of the first two groups or in wo-
men's colleges.
Is it great wonder that in these
mediaeval days of 1914 sex-repulsion
should still be manifesting itself some-
what in the coeducational colleges?
Not many women, tending to elect
the immemorial French and literature
courses, and to shun sociology, will
realize that their impulse is based on
the long need of women to be accom-
plished within limits rather than to be
abreast of life. Not one in a myriad of
undergraduate men, feeling a smother
of resentment at women's presence in
'his' law class, or permitting himself a
shrug at a 'lady class,' or at 'dope for
the dames,' will recognize his shrug as a
primal stirring which he felt ages ago
when women were a part of his impedi-
menta. Yet this is what his shrug
means, modified somewhat by the
years, mixed with vanity, with ego-
tism, with provincialism, but, not the
less, still strong enough to commend
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
99
itself in the breasts of living faculties
and regents as a thing to be taken into
account in the policy of institutions
whose prime use is the development of
the divinity in our humanity.
It is not surprising that the recog-
nition should be slow; that women
should first be allowed to enter law
schools; then should be, with much
indignant protest, admitted to state
bars, and allowed to interpret the laws
which they have studied; and then,
much later and much more indig-
nantly, should be given the right of
citizenship to help make and adminis-
ter those laws which they are studying
and interpreting. We need not be im-
patient with the process. But how can
we make the mistake of taking any one
of these phases as the norm? And this
suggests that we might, if we were
wise, express a wise wonder as to what
the next step in that familiar historic
sequence may be. Has it been going
toward coeducation and working out
the bad results of coeducation's reac-
tions? Or have we,- at the line of sex,
really now complacently sounded the
dernier cri, and may we rest? Or is it
not just possible that these flights of
change may be bearing toward future
coeducational students a power which
is current with great portents? . . .
As a stumbling-block in the way of
the success of coeducation, sex-attrac-
tion is obviously not less explicable
than sex-repulsion. Here is no historic
sequence, but an historic deadlock,
down all the weary years when, to men,
women have been valuable — and con-
sequently able to get a livelihood for
themselves — in proportion as they
have been able to make themselves
attractive, and able to exert that very
power to distract from work-a-day con-
cerns. So we may as well pass over
the fact that in these first years of the
life of coeducation, certain of those
women who seek coeducational insti-
tutions do come there crudely exer-
cising all the old charm on which they
have learned so well to depend for the
very economic needs of life. Not one
undergraduate girl in a myriad who
in a coeducational institution has had
her head turned by the successful exer-
cise of her charm will recognize in that
exercise her ancient office. Yet that is
all that it is, becoming with the years
in a variety of aspects more and more
ignoble, less and less of an economic
necessity, and nearer to recognition as
a biological anomaly — that of ' genus
homo, of which alone the female wears
the bright plumage and dances before
the male.' But the habit is still strong
enough to foist itself upon us as a
menace instead of as a long abuse of
a relation still but dimly understood,
an abuse whose remedy is slowly evol-
ving from that coeducational com-
panionship which the traditionists so
fear.
The deterrent to the recognition of
this companionship as a remedy has
been the realization that although the
future normal association of men and
women in socialized coeducation, in
socialized industry, in full citizenship,
in all democracy, will clarify the rela-
tions of men and women, yet sex-repul-
sion and attraction will exist as long as
does life. Extending from the time
when youngish men put feathers in
their hair and lurked outside the doors
of caves and ran away when those
primal beloved appeared, down through
the time when a man and a woman
try to see each other and then become
tongue-tied or exasperated in each
other's presence, the law has been oper-
ative like that of any other rhythm,
and will be so, at least until our area
of consciousness is extended consid-
erably beyond its present confines.
That which is operative in the fail-
ures of coeducation is not the effect
of this law, but the effect of certain
100
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
abuses resulting from vanishing stan-
dards.
The whole area of the social life of
coeducational institutions lies just here.
And this, and not coeducation as such,
is the heart of the problem.
in
Upon the social relations afforded by
coeducation, a heterogeneous group of
young people emerge abruptly from a
variety of thresholds: thresholds radi-
cal, conservative, democratic, aristo-
cratic, provincial, cosmopolitan, poor,
rich. Most of these young people have
this in common, that they stand at
many beginnings : the first check-book,
the first adventure in certain clothes
and personal belongings, the first leis-
ure that need not be accounted for, the
first freedoms in countless walks. Also,
each has his knapsack of dreams,
dreams in which we are just beginning
to realize how potently and vitally and
wistfully gregariousness figures. This
is normal and human; but many of
these young folk arrive at college with
an entire kit of measuring tools already
made for them, and the selective pro-
cess almost precedes the impulse to gre-
gariousness. In their resultant social
life, the standards are standards of
social life as it has been obscurely
reported to them : not a thing of human
companioning, but a thing of display
and competitive spending.
So it befalls that a portion of the
student body is drawn into a social life
which comes to exist almost independ-
ently of anybody's wanting it there.
Everything is prescribed. Every fra-
ternity and sorority must have one or
more * formals ' a year, and every class
its party. Here are numerous social
affairs already provided for in advance,
plus the three-day celebration of the
Junior Prom, the social functions of
commencement week, and all the fes-
tivities of the games and of the rushing
season. To these are added dinners
and * informals ' and a varying amount
of town entertaining, with whatever of
the musical or dramatic can find a
place. Upon all this the students enter
willingly, with far more expense than
many of them can afford - — and who
cannot understand? If the smart
thing, the late thing, the spectacular
thing is emulated by them, who is at
fault but those who are being emulated ?
And of course the answer is, as it al-
most always is, that those who are
being emulated are victims too. The
same thing, eternally economic, is the
matter with the society of a coeduca-
tional institution — that little world
— that is the matter with the world
outside.
Realizing, however, that something
more immediately assailable is wrong,
criticism strikes out and falls on the
fallible field of number, and says that
there will not be enough Fridays and
Saturdays in the semesters to accom-
modate all these entertainments —
that the other evenings will be invaded
— students will have their minds
* taken from their work ' — in short,
that when young men and young
women are associated in college, the
stimulation of their social life is a
grievous ill. And so it is — though
this is often overstated, because to
predicate all these social affairs of the
majority of students is like adding up
the thousand or so annual social func-
tions of a little town and concluding
that the village is populated by butter-
flies. Also, the matter has another side,
in the lack of social stimulation of the
students who are not ' socially fit ' and
who almost altogether miss a social life.
But if one is going to attack the situa-
tion — and we ought to be attacking it
instead of criticizing it — there is a
thing more logically attackable than
the mere number of the social affairs in
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
101
which these college men and women
participate, or which they miss. That
is to say, the difficulty is not so much
in the incidence of festivity as in the
quality of a social life which is still tire-
lessly presenting itself in its element-
ary conditions.
Development after development
takes place in the academic life : new de-
partments are added, investigations are
encouraged, appropriations increase,
buildings multiply, both student body
and faculty enlarge, the hands of state
and educational institutions lock the
more closely in proportion as waxes the
wisdom of both; educationally, and lit-
tle by little legislatively, the father-mo-
therhood of the institution is felt; and
yet that recreational life, hardly even
second in importance to the academic,
has, almost until this moment, failed
to present itself as a problem with as
inevitable a solution as, say, poverty;
and has therefore been permitted to
find itself at random; indeed, to lose
itself in the pathetic attempt to take
its uninvited place in the house of col-
lege life.
Above all other places, it is to co-
educational institutions that the new
evaluation of recreation should be
vital. We developed the new social
attitude toward recreation first among
little children, and sought to fill the
need for it in the kindergarten. To the
public schools we are tending to give
playgrounds with directed play, gym-
nasiums with a director, social centres
in which pupils shall have a part. The
building of the first stadia, the desul-
tory production of outdoor plays, the
occasional giving of pageants, certain
commencement customs which have
haltingly come into the educational
colleges, all symbolize this new know-
ledge. But as yet there is no effort at all
commensurate with the sovereign im-
portance of the end, to standardize
coeducational recreation, to put social
life in its rightful place in coeduca-
tional curricula.
They are still frequently saying that
it can never be done. They said that
for a long time when it was proposed to
standardize education itself. We have
become so habituated to looking upon
bad amusement as the bad private
schools were looked upon, as legitimate
commercialization, that box-offices, ca-
terers, florists, garages, and expensive
clothes are inextricably confused with
our social conceptions. The fact that
the desire for social life has a sound,
democratic, uncommercial basis — that
of the wish for human companionship
— disappears behind the mock walls
which we have built. There is sharp
pathos in this, that after all this time,
men and women in their official so-
cial capacity still confine themselves
so largely to the rudiments of social
communication, by means of a social
life either commercialized or otherwise
made prohibitive.
Is it too much to say that when the
first folk had triumphantly developed
the rudimentary stages of human
communication in speech, they had
done rather more toward the task of
human socialization than ever we have
done since ?
There is, however, one rather fine
contributing circumstance in our hav-
ing so long continued, with more or
less of consciousness, to regard as self-
indulgence all recreation not engaged
in as physical exercise — for we were a
new world, and we were exceedingly
busy. Once, in the daytime, as I was
lying down, a woman of two genera-
tions gone observed to me with the
utmost tolerance, —
*I don't blame you a bit.'
The thrill of the recognition of what
that meant was like touching hands
with generations of pioneers to whom
rest, when it came at all, was all but
stolen. But though we are now basing
102
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
a whole new horizon of human effi-
ciency on right rest, rhythmic rest, and
though play in its simpler aspects we
have come to value as a formative
force, yet the average * social recrea-
tion* we still regard as an indulgence,
and either chide or loosely tolerate.
The country newspapers say of it : —
* Revelry was frankly the order of
the day/
'The time was then given over to
social intercourse.'
'Dancing was indulged in.'
' The party dispersed, feeling that the
evening had by no means been wasted,
or, if wasted, then was well lost.'
And with this attitude we show
exceeding good sense, withal, for the
most of what we have so far developed
in social life, as such, independent of
its healthy incidental occurrence, is
still so embryonic that we must con-
sider our lapsing into it as akin to
indulgence. i
We must do better. And what finer
opportunity could there be afforded
for the further development of sane so-
cial life than coeducational life, whose
social reactions are unquestionably as
strong as those which are technically
educational? The arraignment of ' too
much society,' and this accusingly
thrown back on sex-attraction, holds
the candle responsible for its blowing
flame. The thing is as much greater
than sex-attraction as life is greater
than any one form of love.
We are beginning to make desultory
and partially self-conscious attempts to
face a query as to what, construct-
ively, co-recreational life may come to
mean, and our imaginations work with
really marvelous rapidity. If only so
much'as we have now come upon were
to be applied to coeducational social
life, we should be some distance toward
its development. Whatever else such
development will involve, it will in-
volve nothing paternalistic. As unsuc-
cessful as the growth of undergraduate
coeducational society is proving, it is
far better than direction handed down
from above. For the undergraduate
generation is forever recasting the
ideals of the faculty generation, and
this is true in recreation not one whit
less than in ethics; and the tendency is
welcome.
Perhaps a shaping at the hands of
representatives from the student body
and from the faculty is the first pos-
sibility, with the cooperation of that
community servant soon to be taken
for granted not less than vocational
teachers — the director of public re-
creation. In Wisconsin, the state uni-
versity is recommending the appoint-
ment in every town of an assistant to
the superintendent of education. The
assistant shall be a superintendent of
recreation, who shall bear to recreation
the same relation that the present su-
perintendent bears to the other aspects
of education.
However such programmes may be
worked out, already we have intima-
tions of what the new recreation, when
it is found, is going to include. For
example, the development of an intelli-
gent attitude — one may as well say
the new attitude — toward drama, re-
sulting, as the value of the amateur is
more and more clearly revealed, in
groups of young players presenting the
vital classic and modern plays and
meeting to read those plays; the whole
area of pageantry, with its rich possi-
bilities in a winter's preparation of
music, of folk-dancing, of dramatic
entertainment; socialization through
music; the vista just opened by the
connection of the college with the col-
lege community through the depart-
ments of sociology, revealing activities
involving social — not service and not
cooperation, with an implication of
task and teaching — but co-recreation,
in the 'foregathering of folks,' with
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
103
implications which are fascinating and
absorbing those who are already par-
ticipating in such foregathering. These
intimations, however, hardly more than
point toward the way; but the way is
thereabout, just as certainly as the
way lay fallow for the development of
the other phases of education now
partly provided for in the college cur-
riculum.
Of all the kinds of places that there
are, a coeducational institution is the
place where seeds such as these should
germinate. Here, as elsewhere, repres-
sive measures are going to avail far less
than the gospel of a wise substitution.
And what could not have been dtfne a
decade ago finds its faint beginnings
now at this high moment of what we
call social awakening. Why, on its
crest, should not coeducational social
life begin to be socialized?
IV
Even as we now practice it, my
contention is whole-heartedly that the
reactions of coeducational life, its in-
sufficient social life included, are emi-
nently more healthful than otherwise.
Indeed, to the majority of us here in the
Middle West, the contention long ago
lost its savor; and when, a few years
since, at the installation of a dean of
women of one of the eastern colleges,
the dean made her address a defense
of coeducation, a graduate of a Middle
Western university who had listened,
said with real wonder, —
* Should n't you think that she would
have chosen a modern problem?'
We used to discuss the effect of four
years of masculine criticism upon the
manners, conversation, and dress of
young women. That was natural, for
men were in possession and women, as
late-comers, were subject to doctrine,
reproof, and correction. At first we ex-
pected nothing new, but looked mere-
ly for the repetition of the ancient,
simple process of women's wish to
please, somewhat intensified by con-
stant association. But gradually a new
thing became evident. Save in the
minds of the preeminently 'socially
fit ' — still in its bad sense — this wish
was not the ruling passion of university
women. The ruling passion of univer-
sity women was identical with the rul-
ing passion of the university : develop-
ment. And masculine criticism took its
proper place, as a valued and effective
means of influence, but not in any
sense as a determinant. It is by no
means that these university women are
indifferent to the opinion of men.
Only, as women's means of livelihood
multiply, women are ceasing to sacri-
fice to this opinion. And who is there
to be recorded as deploring that?
So after a time we found ourselves
discussing the effect of four years of
feminine criticism upon the manners,
conversation, and dress of young men.
And few of us have ever heard a word
implying that the effect of this crit-
icism tends to be pernicious.
Then we said : ' Now we must watch
the effect on the young women of the
stimulus of intellectual rivalry with the
male mind/ We did watch. And at
length, of mothers whp had had to let
their minds lie fallow while they bent
backs to the pioneer tasks, there came
daughters as salutatorians and vale-
dictorians, as ripe-minded women, as
social servants. And we understood
that the initial spur of competition
with the masculine minds which were
the flower of the racial development,
had been forgotten in the simple dis-
covery that women have minds too.
Discovery of magnitude. We had late-
ly conceded to them souls; now, under
normal conditions, here they were, like
the camel, occupying the teiit. And
how simply the university women wore
this circumstance. Far from feeling an
104
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
ill-bred satisfaction in keeping pace
with their male companions, or a be-
coming shame in graceless new attain-
ments, here they were unconscious of
both. It may be confidently ventured
that if the majority of women gradu-
ates of coeducational institutions were
to be asked for the comparative aver-
age of scholarship of the men and wo-
men who were with them in their own
university, they would have to write
to their registrars to determine. For,
in the language of the undergraduates
themselves, — Who cares?
It may be that to a woman, a man
is a greater stimulus in the classroom
than is another woman. This may
have been, in the beginning, a real fac-
tor. But there are those of us who
would not regard an affirmation of this
as one of the arguments in favor of co-
education, and who would consider it
as altogether negligible. The type of
woman who seeks a university educa-
tion is not there to win out in competi-
tive standings. In fact, she has begun
to see that averages, and degrees them-
selves, have no great import, even as
symbols. Rather, these women are
beginning to have a sense of life, as
such, and to relate to it their university
experiences. Not the * socially fit,5 per-
haps, and not always the grinds ; mere-
ly the majority. Their faces are toward
the new civilization whose child's play
may be competition and titles, but
whose man-talk and woman-talk, and
deed, are going to be concerning a
simpler thing: growth.
The two ways in which women are
chiefly benefiting from college associa-
tion with men, of both the student and
the faculty body, are perhaps : first, in
winning to the human outlook, which
men's wide experience has given to
many men, as distinguished from the
restricted outlook to which woman's
household experience has largely con-
fined her. Second, in winning to the
understanding that athletics is not dis-
tinctively a masculine prerogative, but
a human prerogative and duty; and
that, as a deliberate encouragement to
the super-race, Nature actually does
not intend the fathers of the race to
have strong bodies and the women of
the race to remain in 'ladylike' under-
development. And for the late discov-
ery and emphasis of this so obvious
fact, we of to-day are deeply indebted
to coeducational association.
The way in which men are chiefly
benefiting by college association with
women is perhaps in having their ideal
of women recast. In the past there
were occasionally men who chafed at
the restricted lives of their wives and
mothers; who understood that these
creatures had somehow not yet come in-
to their own, that they had been caught
in a cul-de-sac of over-specialization
to domestic duties and to sex, till the
world should be peopled and science
and economic conditions should help to
free them; who had visions of the time
when these other selves should bloom
and glow in more abundant life, and
mother the next advance of the evolv-
ing thing folk are. And now it is being
given to university men to see, faintly
and far off, how these potentialities
are on the way to fulfillment, and what
the great-great-great grandmothers of
the super-race will conceivably be like.
And if some of them still shrug at a
' lady-class ' — well, when the creature
first struggled up out of the ooze, the
ooze must have rocked with laughter.
These two sets of benefits are not
lightly to be foregone. In a word, the
best that men and women are devel-
ops in their normal companionship,
because they are also intellectual and
spiritual complements. Does this ax-
iom then become operative with a click
at Commencement? Does it in Amer-
ica exist through the high-school age,
and lapse abruptly with matriculation,
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
105
and revive by dint of a degree? Do not
we believe that it becomes operative
with life, and that it is our business to
make of life, including education, a
condition under which this law shall
always be operative?
The healthful and diseased reactions
of coeducational life are identical with
the healthful and diseased reactions of
society, and they are not other. The
reactions of coeducational life, as of
life, are more healthful than diseased.
To find what is wrong with coeduca-
tional reactions, we must look to soci-
ety and prevent the evil there. And it
is the distinguishing spirit of the age
that this prevention is beginning, in
the functioning of what seems almost
a new form of consciousness. May it
not be that pessimism with regard to
coeducation is only an anachronism,
and that in time we shall lay objection
aside, even as the country churches
have ceased to have two doors, the one
for women, the other for men?
Examining certain social symptoms
which we are likely to connect with co-
educational life rather than with their
birthplace in society, we are chiefly
struck by these two symptoms : —
First, the abandoning of certain
standards of etiquette and of propriety.
For we in America, having left behind
many forms of pioneering, have now
time and inclination to attend to some
ideals of a mellower people. Naturally,
we have turned to the tried and ' safe '
ideals of the present mellow peoples.
But during our magnificent pioneering,
our social conditions have been so
changed that certain proprieties of an
older civilization would sit strangely
upon us. Many of them, for example,
are bound up with traces of the sub-
jection of women. Yet in America,
with its seven million women earning
their own livelihood, we find ourselves
trying to take over customs evolved by
'quite other conditions. Now, it is a
sign of the healthfullness of our growth
that the best traditions of the past do
linger in our blood, even though they
may not be useful to us now; their
presence is the deterrent which gives
us time to weigh and to judge — but
they must not permanently deter us.
Indeed, we must prompt them just
when to depart, else their presence
will breed another of our hypocrisies.
The line of least resistance is to adopt
the ideals of the mellow peoples, but
the task in hand is to adapt and recast
their ideals. For ' tried and safe ' ideals
are all pathos, and idealism cannot be
all empirical.
It is because the young folk are
themselves stirring toward that re-
casting of ideals, that we observe the
second social symptom; and because it
is evident in the universities, we predi-
cate it of coeducation : the dropping of
certain reticences. This threshed-out
subject of lost reticence results most
often in the usual exchange of misun-
derstandings between conservative and
radical. But is there not an inviolate
middle ground where may stand all
those having any faint claim to pro-
phecy? For the sake of this middle
ground, some of us would lay aside our
comparison of the number of coed-
ucational students who make ship-
wreck with the number of shipwrecks
cast up from the most carefully chap-
eroned society, and we would also lay
aside our insistence that both varieties
of shipwreck are fundamentally due
to economic causes ; and we would say
merely that the loss of certain reticences
we may well deplore, that unquestion-
ably their going carries peril, as in any
transition. But a factor in any transi-
tion, and in most growth, is peril to
the least fit — that is to say, to those
whom our society has not fitted.
106
WHAT OF COEDUCATION?
In the loss of some of these reti-
cences some of the least fit will go
down. But it is to the loss of other
reticences, prejudices, false modesties,
that we owe a sane meeting of the
facts of life, a sane preparation to
cope with them, — that we owe, for
example, the coeducational classes in
biology, in eugenics, in various phases
of social control, seminaries on The
Family, on Sin, on the Dynamics of
Population, on forms of pathology
once folded in the immeasurable peril
of silence. From the members of these
classes, and from the groups of field
workers, men and women, who are
dealing with human beings involved in
a tangle of the web whose very pres-
ence the old * reticence' would have
ignored as the part of good breeding,
there comes no echo of sex-repulsion,
no record of either men or women
dropping from the task because the
other sex is engaged on it. There comes
no echo of anything save how to help
society to * take the short cuts for the
race.' Must not this middle ground of
our choosing bear the implication that
if the loss of some of the old reticences
can do this, then we want them to go?
For we are on the way to being com-
pletely articulate, and humanized.
The humanizing of social relations,
— this is what we are about to-day.
We are developing means of bringing
it to pass: the quite dazzling under-
standing that our ills are economic;
revised conceptions of industrialism;
legislation and administration looking
to human rights; suffrage for women,
who are in their turn emerging, as
group after group of men has emerged,
into citizenship; the beginning of un-
commercialized recreation; and, at the
threshold of them all, coeducation.
Like many of these social forces, co-
education is a thing not of the past,
hardly even of the present, but pre-
eminently of the future, of that co-civ-
ilization which we descry dimly fore-
shadowed in the attempt to solve the
precise problems which coeducation
brings. Democracy, when we achieve
it, will fit us better to understand co-
education's import; and coeducation
itself is fitting us for democracy. La-
ter, that new individualism on which
we shall enter and whose physical en-
velope we have tried to claim too soon,
will perhaps find us equipped to recog-
nize coeducation as a natural step in
our long struggle for complete self-
consciousness. And as the race slips
further into the cosmic consciousness
which divines the pilgrim spirit in us
and is chiefly concerned with its growth,
there may fade away the ancient ob-
jections to many a form of growth to
which in turn the spirit has been
debtor.
When we have ceased to confuse the
present tentative working out of co-
education with its sovereign idea, as
yet implicit in the future, our question
may not be, 'Does it work?' but, 'Will
it work?' For the present is only one
of the little things with which the
spirit is concerned.
THE RAIN OF LAW
BY WILLIAM D. PARKINSON
There the common sense of most shall hold a
fretful realm in awe,
And the kindly earth shall slumber, lapt in
universal law.
THE day of universal law has ar-
rived. It seems to be a lap or two ahead
of time. It is not just the kind of law
that is written upon the hearts of men
or upon the doorposts of their houses,
and it is very difficult to teach it to our
children, or to meditate upon it day or
night. There is n't. time. It is print-
ed on a rapid-fire printing-press and
bound in unabridged sheep or blue sky
boards. The kindly earth does not
slumber in its lap; it fairly wallows in
the litter of it. The law-abiding and
the law-evading citizen lie down to-
gether in the confusion of it. He who
reads must run if he would escape the
deluge of it, and he who runs must read
if he would keep up with the changing
phases of it.
In Massachusetts, which leads the
world in the volume and plasticity of
its statutory output, President Eliot's
five-foot shelf will not begin to hold the
volumes a man must read if he would
know what he is bidden and what he
is forbidden; and a new volume will
be placed in his hands ere he can scan
the current one. All the states need
to conserve their natural resources to
provide the paper and drive the press-
es of their legislative mills; and lest in
their impotence they should fail to do
full justice to the situation, Congress
comes to their aid with ponderous
volumes of its own. By yielding its claim
to be a deliberative body, the Nation-
al House finds time to hear called off
the captions of bills as they pass from
its committees to enactment through
the pneumatic tube of the government
printing-office.
No official may venture upon an un-
usual public service until he has pro-
cured a law to authorize him; and if
subsequently he desires to perform a
similar but not identical service, it be-
comes him to examine anew his legis-
lative authorization, and to go back to
the legislature for an amendment if his
new enterprise is not explicitly and
precisely within its terms. To be sure,
he will have little difficulty in securing
the amendment, provided no one is
sufficiently interested or sufficiently
informed to appear in remonstrance.
He may make his own law if he will
observe the rules of the game, and the
office-holding caste usually does ob-
serve them.
But the unofficial, the uninitiated,
the plebeian citizen must also beware.
It will not do for him to govern himself
merely by sound principles of conduct,
or even by a fair familiarity with the
general law of the land. A neighbor, in
securing a legislative proviso expressly
to authorize a transaction that some
random critic has challenged, may, by
his very proviso, have read into the
law an implied prohibition of all prac-
tices not thus explicitly provided for.
One who, in all innocence, pursues the
even tenor of his once legalized way,
may awake any morning to find him-
self a law-breaker, not by enactment
but by inference from some enactment
107
108
THE RAIN OF LAW
which was procured for his neighbor's
benefit.
Some day, to be sure, there will be
a revision and a codification of the
statutes. Obsolete and conflicting and
repeated and irrelevant provisions will
be eliminated. The sifted contents of
twenty or more huge volumes will be
brought within the compass of one or
two, with perhaps a third to serve as an
index, and to make the contents of the
other two available to the would-be-
law-abiding citizen. Even these vol-
umes will record not so much the will of
the people as the impulses of the peo-
ple; and if history repeats itself, before
the index volume can be issued a new
volume of unlimited bulk will have re-
vised the revision and will have played
havoc with the contents which the in-
dex purports to elucidate.
What precipitates such a rain of law,
and to what sea of chaos will it find its
way?
It has been said that law is discov-
ered, not made, and that is a notable
truth when applied to law in the uni-
versal sense of the term. Although it is
not so aptly applied to printed law, —
law while you wait, — yet in seeking
the origin of the mass of statute law in
the midst of which we are floundering,
we shall find that, like real law, it is
both discovered and made. But while
real law is discovered first and made
afterwards, most of our statute law, like
Mr. Pickwick's archaeological stone,
is made first and discovered afterwards.
The legislature discovers laws, but they
are made by private individuals and
only furbished up by legislative com-
mittees.
Laws are no longer enacted in gener-
al terms to be interpreted by the indi-
vidual and, in last resort, by the court.
Discretion is taken away from the
learned court and reposed in the un-
learned sub-committee. The commit-
tee devotes its hearings primarily to
those who have legislation to promote
for private reasons. The petitioner
must present his bill ready for enact-
ment. The committee will graciously
accord him a hearing. It will grant a
hearing also to a remonstrant. It will
assume that each has some personal end
to gain, and will endeavor to discover
that end. Usually, if it fails to discover
any motive but one of public spirit, it
still assumes that there is a cat in the
meal, some design too dark to appear on
the surface, and is more distrustful of
such a petitioner or remonstrant than
of one whose personal motive is readily
discovered or uncovered.
The great bulk of legislation in the
United States is not the product of our
legislative bodies, nor is it shaped by
the expert advisers of our legislatures.
It is drawn up by the officials, or by the
private parties whose activities it is
designed to regulate, or to justify, or to
protect, or to promote. It is then sub-
mitted to a legislative committee, and
possibly revamped more or less intel-
ligently by that always inexpert and
usually inept body; then reported favo-
rably or unfavorably to the enacting
body, which plays the part of discov-
erer. In short, the legislative function
which, in the days of absolute monar-
chy, was the prerogative of the heredi-
tary sovereign, in our day of popular
sovereignty becomes the prerogative
of the volunteer sovereign. Many a
citizen goes through the statute book
with pride and points out sections and
chapters couched in his own phraseol-
ogy, modified — or rather amplified —
only by the insertion of certain tra-
ditional elaborations which seem to be
insisted on for the sole purpose of fur-
nishing busy work for the state printer.
For law-English bids fair to rival the
limpid lucidity and romantic beauty of
law-Latin.
Some pessimist has defined demo-
cracy as a system of government based
THE RAIN OF LAW
109
on the economic principle that two
thieves will steal less than one. Our
democratic legislative system seems
to be based on the political theory that
everybody knows more about every-
thing than anybody does. We refuse
to trust any duly constituted authority
to exercise discretion, while we leave
the most critical problems of statecraft
to the workmanship of any Tom, Dick,
or Harry who can 'get by with the
job.' The presumption is in favor of
the enactment of any bill presented
with plausible support, unless it meets
with serious remonstrance. Indeed our
legislatures have come to be, not law-
making bodies, but bazaars for mar-
keting the product of amateur law-
makers.
It is a physical impossibility for the
legislators, as a body, to scrutinize
with any care such a mass of bills as
every legislature enacts at every session.
Equally is it impracticable for the pub-
lic-spirited citizen to attend the hear-
ings and protest a fraction of the fool-
ish and dangerous bills that, if enacted,
would affect interests with which he is
especially conversant. Not only is the
responsible citizen thus at the mercy
of the irresponsible and self-constitu-
ted law-maker, but the tendency even
of those public-spirited organizations
which, like the prophets of old, are
often more representative of the state
in its better nature than are its duly
constituted official bodies, is to frame
legislation in specific instead of general
terms, and thus to make the laws both
more numerous and more complex.
The modern statute begins with a sec-
tion defining in detail the terms it is to
employ, and may give the same term a
significance different from that in which
it is used in another statute enacted
by the same legislature at the same
session. Its subsequent sections then
attempt, in accordance with this glos-
sary, to point out the acts which it pro-
hibits or authorizes, in terms so precise
that the deed and the person it applies
to may be sharply discriminated from
those to which it does not apply.
The purpose of this precision in de-
tail is to avoid inconsistencies and un-
certainties. It may be doubted if this
is usually the result. Precise definition
is a readier weapon to the evader than
to the enforcer of law. The school-
master who attempts to elaborate an
all-inclusive set of rules is likely to find
that his rules tie his own hands more
than they do those of his pupils. The
government is likely to make a similar
discovery. The exigencies which even
the most specific law omits specifically
to provide for will be found so numer-
ous as to call for continuous and re-
peated amendment.
The so-called uniform child-labor
law, already adopted in some states
and designed for adoption in all, is a
case in point. In its attempt to specify
precisely what a child of a certain age
may or may not do, as distinguished
from a child of a slightly different age,
it has forbidden the child to perform
certain functions for one person or at
one time, which it neglects to forbid
him to perform under even less favor-
able conditions for another person or at
another time. The law will doubtless
be amended to correct such inconsis-
tencies as they come to attention; but
in the nature of the case they will con-
tinue to come to attention, making its
amendment a continuous process. Nor
can there be doubt that these incon-
sistencies will arise differently and in
different order in different states, and
being thus differently amended, will
defeat one prime purpose of the spon-
sors, which was to have the law remain
uniform in the several states. The Na-
tional Women's Trade-Union League
of America is just now urging that no
child should receive an employment
certificate until he knows the laws bear-
110
THE RAIN OF LAW
ing upon his employment. The fact is
that school officials, employers, labor-
unionists, and lawyers, are at sea re-
garding the complex provisions of the
law, and if children were refused em-
ployment certificates until they were
able to comprehend its mysteries, they
might all graduate from college first.
The result of this tendency to specific
legislation is a curious kind of casuis-
try, verging upon that of the days of
the Rabbinical Law, when human con-
duct was reduced to a code so petty
that one must consider what he might
carry in his hand or attach to his
garment, and the number of steps he
might take, if he would make a Sab-
bath day's journey. Already our pa-
triotism is being meted out by law.
We must not give way to our impulses,
but must study the statute book if we
would know when and how we must fly
our flag. We are also regulated in such
detail as to our methods of conducting
our business that it is necessary for
state and nation to employ hordes of
inspectors to keep us advised of what
our duties and responsibilities are; and
so narrow are the margins between
what is permitted and what is prohib-
ited that these inspectors are largely
occupied, not with forcing people to
obey the law, but with citing to them
certain * rulings' which they find it
necessary to make as to whether the
law need be obeyed or enforced under
certain circumstances or not. The in-
terpretation of law is thus being trans-
ferred from the judge on the bench to
the inspector behind the door. We are
confronted with the curious spectacle
of the government and the accused
party disputing as to whether the law
has been broken or not, and the gov-
ernment offering to waive prosecution
if the accused will accede to certain
demands as to the future conduct of his
business. This, to the lay mind, ap-
pears not very different from the com-
pounding of felony, which used to be
regarded as a serious offense.
With laws made in such irresponsi-
ble fashion, changed in such haste as
to make it impossible for the citizen
to keep up with them, couched in such
terms as to leave the law-evader in
quite as dignified a position as the law-
abider, and enforced or not enforced
according as the accused can or cannot
make terms with the prosecuting au-
thorities, reverence for law does not
thrive. Somehow the output must be
reduced in quantity and improved in
quality or it will cease to be regarded
as law. It becomes casuistry and leads
to more casuistry, and the people will
not long stand for progressive casuistry
even if they do not balk at the piling
up of such costly monuments of unread
and unreadable print. Some check
must be found, but what check and how
to apply it does not yet appear. It is not
likely that we shall repeal all statutes
and return to common law, much as
might seem to be gained by such a
revolution. There is little hope that
any conflagration, of the many for
which we are laying the fuse, will be
extensive enough to destroy the Babel
of print. It is less combustible than
hollow tiles. A hopeful step might be
to shut down the legislative mill for a
time and wait for the real law to pre-
cipitate or crystallize out of the turgid
mass of guess-work law.
There is already, in certain fields
of public affairs, indication of a reac-
tion against the tendency to substitute
legislation for intelligence in adminis-
tration, and toward lodging in public
officials a new kind of discretion, dele-
gating to them power to make neces-
sary regulations within their respective
fields, and to enforce these regulations
as if they were law. This is illustra-
ted by enactments authorizing boards
of health to designate the diseases to
which certain provisions of law shall
THE RAIN OF LAW
111
apply, or to make regulations which
shall have the force of law as to the
handling of food-products or the ob-
servance of quarantine. Labor and fac-
tory legislation also to some extent
fixes penalties upon certain prohibi-
tions or requirements made in general
terms, the particulars of which are to
be specified by commissions or inspec-
tors, and may by them be extended or
modified or changed from time to time.
The National Banking law lodges in
the Reserve Board a similar discretion
as to the extension, suspension, and
limitation of some of its provisions.
This method again affords hope of re-
lief. It seems possible that legislatures,
which are themselves beginning to
realize their helplessness, may reduce
the volume of their output by dele-
gating to administrative officials the
power to make and to modify, as condi-
tions may require, many of the regula-
tions which in recent years have been
made subjects of hasty legislation and
amendment, and have thus clogged the
wheels of deliberate law-making.
There is also possible relief in the es-
tablishment of a permanent office or
bureau in connection with the legisla-
tures, to serve as a filter, if not as a dam,
to which all proposed legislation shall
be submitted. The duty of this bureau
should be to point out needless or vi-
cious provisions, to reshape meritori-
ous bills in such way as to reconcile
them with existing law, to give them
their due effect with least possible ad-
dition to the body of law, and to guard
them against taking effect in matters
to which they are not designed to ap-
ply. Such an adjunct to the legislative
mill, exercising that part of the func-
tion now presumed to be exercised by
legislative committees which requires a
knowledge and experience not to be ex-
pected of such committees, has brought
a degree of relief where it has been
tried. But to take adequate advantage
of it requires a change of attitude on
the part of the public, a deeper confi-
dence in the expert as against the inex-
pert, and a larger patience to await the
full effect of one law before superim-
posing another. A necessary corollary,
too, would be a change in the atmo-
sphere of legislative chambers from one
of presumption in favor of every un-
opposed bill to one of presumption
against every bill whose sponsors can-
not show public necessity therefor.
By whatever method it may come to
pass, it must needs be that by some
method, and at no distant day, the
common sense of most shall reassert
itself to hold in awe this fretful and
impulsive realm; that the rain of laws
shall cease; and that this great people
shall establish itself under the reign of
law.
FLAG-ROOT
BY LUCY HUSTON STURDEVANT
THE stars were beginning to fade;
Orion stood upright in the western sky,
Venus was well above the horizon; by
the Shepherd's Kalendar it was No-
vember, and the sun would soon rise.
Three figures came out of a little house
on a hill, and hurried down the road.
They did not look up at the unknown
stars, nor down at the well-known
road; they looked straight ahead, and
planned their day. As the light
strengthened, they defined themselves
as a woman of middle age, a tall, slight
girl of eighteen, and an awkward boy,
who might have been fifteen. He hung
back, and grumbled.
'Plenty time,' said he. 'Gee! I wish
I was goin'!'
The sun rose upon their haste, and
illumined a great valley beneath, half
full of cloud; nearer by, peaks and high
plateaus appeared; it was a mountain
country, far flung, wooded, beautiful;
they were not far from its highest point.
* There's the sun,' said the girl in an
agony. 'Mother! We're going to miss
the train.'
The two women strained their ears
for the whistle of the engine, and hur-
ried more than ever; the boy continued
to lag behind and grumble.
'Now, Thomas,' said his mother,
* Dorothy and I can't behave the way
men do. We just have to hurry when
we go to a train. You got to make
allowance, son.'
Thomas quickened his steps and
smiled in his mother's face. 'You got
lots of time,' he said good-humoredly.
* Better be an hour too early than
112
five minutes too late,' said his mother.
So her father had told her; so Thom-
as would some day tell his son; it was
one of the sayings that Age foists upon
Youth, who rejects it, and remembers
it, and uses it at last.
They waited a long time at the sta-
tion before the train came along and
swallowed them up.
* We'll be back on Number Twelve,'
Mrs. Smart called out to Thomas.
It is the custom in the Pocono to call
trains by their numbers, which are, in
a sense, their Christian names. The
hamlets in those mountains are not un-
like a scattered village; the railroad is
the village street. Thomas answered,
inarticulately, and the human drift-
wood that gathers at such stations dis-
integrated, to gather afresh for the next
train.
After October, when most of the
hotels close, nobody in the Pocono
mountains has much to do but watch
the trains and wait for April — when
the trout fishermen come.
Mrs. Smart had a little house at Tip
Top, where she lived with her two
children. She was a bookkeeper by
trade, but she was a capable woman,
and could help out almost anywhere.
She was a worker. Dorothy and
Thomas, heredity to the contrary, were
not as yet inclined that way, but their
mother meant they should be when, as
she said, they grew up.
She and Dorothy sat side by side in
the crowded car. When the conductor
came through, he greeted them as old
friends.
FLAG-ROOT
113
'Goin' *to Philadelphia?' he said,
punching their tickets.
Mrs. Smart nodded, smiling. 'Mrs.
Schauss wants a new parlor carpet/ she
said, 'and she said if I'd go down and
get it, she'd give me my ticket. And I
need a winter coat, and Dorothy 's
going to get a new dress.'
'Be at Tip Top Inn next summer?'
'If Mr. Haydock wants me, Mr.
Johns.'
' He '11 want you,' said Johns. ' Ches-
ter County Quaker, ain't he?'
'Yes,' said Mrs. Smart, with a little
laugh. 'Most of 'em are in summer.
But he's nice.'
' They know a good thing when they
see it,' said Johns. He smoothed his
grizzled moustache. He would have
liked a little talk with Mrs. Smart, who
was a pretty and friendly woman, much
liked along the road, but he was afraid
of Dorothy's disdainful young profile,
outlined against the window.
'Change at Stroudsberg,' he said me-
chanically, and went heavily on down
the car.
'Why, yes,' said Mrs. Smart. 'To
think of his telling us that. But he's
nice.'
'He's old,' said Dorothy. 'I'm glad
he went away. I think a voyle, mo-
ther.'
'I think a voyle,' said her mother,
with eager interest. 'Let's talk about
it.'
They changed at Stroudsberg, and
went on through the great Gap that
the Delaware River has cut for itself in
the Blue Mountains, and so on down to
Philadelphia. They went first to the
department store that the Pocono folk
affect, and bought the carpet.
'Now the dress,' said Mrs. Smart.
Dorothy hesitated; she loved to dally
with the thought of the dress; until she
should decide, all the dresses in Phila-
delphia were hers; afterwards, but that
one.
VOL. 124 -NO. 1
'You better get your coat first,
mother. You might get it here.'
'I bought my last winter coat here,
four years ago. They'd take an inter-
est. And I might get the same lady.'
'Yes,' said Dorothy. In her heart
she was appalled by the greatness and
unconcern of the city. She, too, hoped
they would get the same lady.
They did. At least she said they
did; Mrs. Smart doubted it.
'She hadn't all that hair four years
ago,' she said to herself.
'Never mind, she's nice.'
'Ninety dollars,' said the lady
haughtily. 'A French model.'
Mrs. Smart gasped. 'Fourteen is as
high as I can go,' said she.
'Why mother,' said Dorothy, dis-
graced. 'It is n't either.'
The lady looked into Mrs. Smart's
honest eyes; she had honest and kindly
eyes, herself, under her fuzz of hair.
'Dearie,' she said. 'I've been, there
myself. Here's a line of last year's
coats, marked down. They're lovely.
They're long, and they're wearing
them short in Paris, but land, what
difference does that make to you and
me?'
' We like to be in style in the Pocono,'
said Dorothy.
' It must be fierce up there in winter,'
said the lady. 'Twenty-two fifty.'
Mrs. Smart shook her head. She and
Dorothy whispered together.
'What made you say fourteen? She
thought it was funny. You've got
fifteen fifty.'
'I plan to spend a dollar on ties for
Thomas, and we've got to keep some
for our lunch. Fourteen 's a plenty to
spend on a coat.'
'It's hell to be poor,' said Dorothy,
suddenly. Her face worked.
'Oh, my daughter,' said Mrs. Smart
in terror; 'don't talk so. Remember
our little home, and Thomas, and all.
Think of all we've got!'
114
FLAG-ROOT
* Here's a nice lot of last spring
coats/ said the lady, patiently. 'Thin,
but you could wear something under
'em.' She glanced at Dorothy's back;
it heaved convulsively. 'It's fierce
when they want things, ain't it?' she
said, with comprehension. 'My little
girl's only ten, but she's beginning.
My, it 's fierce to be a mother, ain't it
— when they want things, and you
have n't got 'em to give?'
Mrs. Smart nodded, speechlessly.
'This is pretty,' said she, after a pause;
'real pretty.'
'Here's two for fourteen,' said the
lady, returning to business. 'A blue
and a black. The blue's prettiest, but
the black 's nearer your size.
'You wouldn't hold them while we
go and look at a dress?' said Mrs.
Smart, anxiously. ' I could n't expect
it — but 't would be a help.'
'And you could take a look at coats
elsewhere,' said the lady, as one who*
knows the secrets of the human heart.
'Land, I don't blame you, but you
won't do any better. Yes, I'll hold 'em,
till two-thirty. I've been there my-
self.'
' If you should ever come to Tip Top,'
said Mrs. Smart, ' there 's a house you 'd
be welcome in. Late falls and winters
and early in spring, before the trout
season opens, I take in a boarder. I 'd
be pleased to take you, ma'am, and the
little girl. I would n't charge for her.
She'd like it, and we'd like her. If I
don't see you again, I'm Mrs. Lydia
Smart, Tip Top, Monroe County,
Pennsylvania. Every one knows me in
the Pocono. And thank you! Good- .
bye ! Good-bye ! '
'Good-bye!'
The two women parted with a hand-
clasp. Dorothy looked on with a kind
of disapproving admiration, such as
her mother's doings often inspired in
her.
'You do make friends!' she said,
when they were out of earshot. 'You
might have asked her about a voyle.
She'll come to Tip Top. You see!'
'Never mind. Society wears 'em at
the Inn all summer,' said Mrs. Smart.
' I hope she does come. I wish I did n't
have to charge guests, but I do and
that 's all there is to it. A voyle 's what
you want, Dorothy Smart. We'll go
right now and get it.'
They bought the voile, with varying
emotions, but their final mood was one
of satisfaction. Then they parted until
train time. Mrs. Smart bought Thom-
as's ties, and did a few errands for Tip
Top people; then she wandered down
Chestnut Street, looking in the win-
dows; her feet burned with fatigue; her
healthy Pocono appetite awoke and
cried for food.
'Why!' said a hearty voice, 'I de-
clare, if it is n't Mrs. Smart!'
'Why, Mr. Lincoln,' said Mrs. Smart.
Lincoln's fresh-colored, smooth-shav-
en face beamed with pleasure. ' How 's
all the folks in the Pocono? How's
Mr. Schauss? Does he have his order
ready now, or does he make the trav-
eling men wait all day for it, like ,he
used to me?'
'He's Pennsylvania Dutch; he likes
to make folks wait.'
Mrs. Smart laughed, but her laugh-
ter had a weary sound and the man
peered down at her.
'Had your dinner?'
'I had a cup of chocolate, and a
cracker. I thought it would be five
cents, but they asked me ten.'
' Suppose we get our dinner together.'
'I guess I won't.'
'Why not?'
'Well, the truth is I've got just five
cents left,' said Mrs. Smart. She
laughed and her pretty face took a
fresher color. ' Thomas's ties cost more
than I thought, and I don't want to
touch my coat money. I'm all right,
Mr. Lincoln. I read in the paper where
FLAG-ROOT
115
it said everybody had too much to eat.
If I ' ve had too much to eat, it 's time I
stopped.'
* Did you think I wanted you to pay
for yourself? What's the matter with
your taking dinner with me?'
' I did n't want to go to a party when
I was n't asked, Mr. Lincoln.'
* You 're asked all right. We'll go to
the station. You can get a good meal
there.'
* I ' ve never taken a meal at the sta-
tion, but I've often wished to,' said
Mrs. Smart. 'You're kind, Mr. Lin-
coln.'
'Kind yourself,' said Lincoln. 'Come
along!'
' I wish Dorothy could have had this
instead of me,' said Mrs. Smart, half
an hour later. 'She went to see a girl
friend. She was going to stay to dinner,
if they asked her, and take her lunch
money to buy a jabot. We generally
carry our lunch, when we come to the
city, but Thomas knocked the eggs off
the table in the dark, this morning, and
Dorothy did n't think it was worth
while to take just bread and butter.
She's pretty, Mr. Lincoln. Just as
pretty, and nice — and Thomas ! —
He's almost sixteen, and a good boy.
He's in Mr. Schauss's now. He don't
like it much, but he stays to please me.
Let me see — why you have n't seen
Thomas for four years. You would n't
know him.'
' I ' ve buried my wife since I saw you
last, Mrs. Smart.'
'You have! Why, Mr. Lincoln, I'm
so sorry. How I must have worried
you, talking so much, and eating so
much. Why did n't you tell me?'
'WelC I don't know. I thought it
might cast a chill. I often think of you
now I'm alone in the world.'
Mrs. Smart stiffened perceptibly.
' She was an invalid, was n't she, Mr.
Lincoln?'
'She was mindless,' said Lincoln. It
is a Quaker expression; he came of
Quaker stock. 'She was in a sanitari-
um the last ten years.'
'She was?'
'Yes, ma'am/
' She was ! '
'Yes, ma'am, she was. I kept her as
comfortable as anybody there, but
there was n't much comfort in it for
me.'
'I'm sorry, Mr. Lincoln.'
' You 're not going ? '
'I must, and thank you for the din-
ner. I never tasted a better one at the
Inn even. Everything a body could
wish.'
' Sit down again. I want to speak to
you.'
Mrs. Smart sat down on the edge of
her chair, ready to take flight at a
word, like Mercury.
'I'm in the firm now, Mrs. Smart,
and we're doing well. I'd like to call
up to Tip Top to see you some day.'
'I'm a busy woman, Mr. Lincoln.'
'So am I a busy man, but I'd find
time for that. I 've liked you ever since
I first saw you, Mrs. Smart — ^ Lydia
— but knowing the kind of woman
you are, I knew it was no use me say-
ing a word. You'd have shown me
the door.'
'I would, Mr. Lincoln.'
'You would, and right, too. But I
sometimes thought you — liked me,'
said Lincoln, almost shyly. 'I — I used
to wonder. Now my wife's dead and
gone, and — what do you say? I've
had a hard life — no home, no chil-
dren, and you might say no wife — I'd
like a little happiness. I'd take good
care of you, Lydia. You work too hard.
You would n't have to work if you
married me.'
'I like work,' said Mrs. Smart; but
she colored deeply, and did not meet
Lincoln's look.
'You're thinking of your children.
The girl '11 marry. They tell me - - 1
116
FLAG-ROOT
keep track of Tip Top news — they
tell me Joe Bogardus is going with
her. The boy — he'll leave you. Boys
don't stay at home. Well, what do you
say?'
'I say no, Mr. Lincoln. I'm sorry
about the dinner! If I'd known what
was coming, I would n't have accepted
your invitation.'
'Damn the dinner! I guess you can
take that from me. What have you got
against me, Lydia? You think I'm do-
ing it because I want a comfortable
home, but it ain't that. I — love you,
Lydia!' said Lincoln explosively, and
growing very red.
Mrs. Smart looked down.
'I guess the folks at the next table
wonder what we're talking about,' she
said.
'Damn the folks at the next table,'
said Lincoln, but his handsome, ruddy
face lost some of its color, as he watched
her. 'Is it me? Don't you like me?
I've always thought you did. I don't
drink. I 've made good in my business.
I've got a car.'
'I've a great respect for you, Mr.
Lincoln, but I'd — rather not, thank
you.'
'I won't give you up, Lydia,' said
Lincoln, doggedly.
'Well, Mr. Lincoln, you might as
well,' said Mrs. Smart, with spirit.
'And I'd thank you not to call me
Lydia. I don't care for it.'
Lincoln stared at her in dismay.
'You're not going to — say — no,' he
said, blankly. 'It's that boy. I don't
believe it's me. I believe you like me.
Say, I'll give the boy a job with us —
a job that '11 give him a chance to rise.
I guess that's the trouble, ain't it?'
Mrs. Smart was silent, but it seemed
to Lincoln that her downcast face
showed signs of relenting; it was the
greater credit to him that he spoke as
he did. He was an honest and upright
business man; the firm and its reputa-
tion came first; after that other mat-
ters,— happiness, love, and the like.
'I could not love thee, dear, so much,
loved I not honour more,' said Love-
lace.
'I don't say he can rise if he don't
act right,' said Lincoln. 'He's got to
hold the job down. I could n't keep
him if he did n't. Not if he was my
own son. The firm would n't stand for
it — and I 'm one of 'em now. Hard-
ware 's got a big future — and I '11 give
Thomas a chance — but he 's got to
work.' He cleared his throat. 'Well —
what do you say?'
'I say no, Mr. Lincoln,' said Mrs.
Smart, rising. 'You'll find a nice girl
that'll make you a good wife, easy
enough. We're most of us good, if you
treat us right, and there is n't so much
difference between one good woman
and another — not that a man could
see. My goodness, it's half-past two
already!'
Mrs. Smart waited at the station for
Dorothy for some time; on her knees
she nursed a big pasteboard box; her
face had a sad look, but it brightened
when Dorothy appeared.
'Have a nice time with Marian?'
'Nice enough,' said Dorothy. Her
voice had a ring of bitterness. She was
young, young, young, poor Dorothy,
and the inequalities of fortune were
too much for her. Her day in the city
had shaken her, heart and soul. Mrs.
Smart knew it without being told, and
her heart ached for her daughter.
'I got the blue coat,' she said.
'You did? It's too big for you, is n't
it?'
'It is n't too big for you,' said Mrs.
Smart. Her pretty face was radiant
with eager love and joy.
'Why, mother!'
'Did you think I was going to let
you go without, and you pretty and
young and all?'
FLAG-ROOT
117
'I had a coat last fall,' said Dorothy;
but her face flushed with pleasure.
* Never mind! It came to me when
the lady said coats were going to be
short. My coat's short. They were
wearing them long the fall I got it. I '11
be more in style than you, Dorothy
Smart. It came to me, but I did n't
realize until after — dinner. Then I
put for the store just as tight as I could
go — I was afraid the blue one might
be gone. Don't say a word! Don't
you think we 'd better go out and stand
by the gate? The train might go ear-
lier, or something.'
The two dozed a bit on the Penn-
sylvania train, but they were as wide
awake as possible when they changed
to their own Lackawanna.
'Once I'm through the Gap, I feel
I'm at home,' said Mrs. Smart.
The train was a slow one; it crawled
up into the mountains; it stopped at
many little stations. When the car
door opened, woodland scents and
sounds came in; the sighing of the wind
in the tree-tops, the noise of mountain
brooks, the odor of burning wood.
'It's nice to get home,' said Mrs.
Smart. 'I wonder how Thomas is.'
'I'm awful hungry,' said Dorothy.
' What did you have for lunch, mother ? '
'All I wanted - — and more. I 've got
five cents left; I'll buy you some gum.
Dear me! I can't find it — it must
have slipped out. Dear me!'
'Lost something, Mrs. Smart?' said
the brakeman, Rally Willems. He was
a Pocono boy; Mrs. Smart had always
known him; he was young, slim, alert;
he had sandy hair, and a freckled skin,
and a little red moustache, — the regu-
lar brakeman type.
'Only five cents,' said Mrs. Smart.
Never mind, Rally. I was going to buy
Dorothy some gum. She's hungry.'
Willems went into his blue pocket
and produced something in a twist of
paper.
'I got some flag-root,' said he. 'Mo-
ther brought it down to the train this
morning. Wait once, till I cut it.'
He divided it with his pocket knife;
he gave the larger piece to Mrs. Smart;
when he went out on the platform, she
changed with Dorothy. She ate her
own piece with a relish.
'It's good,' she said. 'Bitter-sweet
things stand by you better than all-
sweet things — specially after a hard
day. It was nice in Rally to give it to
us. He'll be a conductor some day.
Feel better, Dorothy?'
'Some. Thomas won't like my get-
ting the coat, mother. He '11 be as mad
as a hornet.' .
Mrs. Smart nodded, with a very se-
rious face; she had been considering
for some time what she should say to
Thomas.
'You take the lantern and go on
ahead, and I'll talk to Thomas.'
Thomas met them at the station,
sleepy and cross. A young man was
waiting, too, — Joe Bogardus. He and
Dorothy walked on up the hill together
quickly, with the lantern swinging be-
tween them. Mrs. Smart and Thomas
followed, slowly, arm in arm.
'Get your coat, mother?'
'Not this time, son. My coat that
I've got's in style. They're going to
wear short coats in Paris this winter.
My coat 's short.'
' I wanted you to get a new one,' said
Thomas, crossly.
'Now, son,' said Mrs. Smart, ten-
derly, 'don't you get to thinking you
know more about clothes than your
mother does. That ain't men's work.
Wait once, till you see your new ties:
black, with red spots, one; blue, with
white lines, one.'
'See any folks you knew?'
' Mr. Lincoln. He 's a traveling man,
used to come up here drumming for
hardware.'
'I remember him all right. Used to
118
FLAG-ROOT
talk to you — thought he was good-
lookin' — fresh ! ' said Thomas, fero-
ciously. 'What did he have to say?'
'Oh, he just talked. Didn't you
used to like him, son?'
'Naw,' said Thomas, 'I didn't.
Why you know I did n't, mother. You
used to say he was nice, and I always
told you I did n't like him.'
'I remember,' said Mrs. Smart,
briefly.
She plodded along the rough road
in the darkness; the November wind
blew keenly from the mountains; she
was tired, and hungry, and cold; her
weary body caught her brave soul in its
clutches, and shook it, and wrung it,
and left it faint and gasping.
'It's a hard world for a woman,' she
muttered. 'Maybe I'd better have
said yes.'
'Gee, but Schauss's is fierce,' said
Thomas. 'Guess I'll quit, and go
West.'
'You would n't leave me, son,' said
Mrs. Smart, in quick alarm. 'Would
you?'
'I'm sick of the store/
'I'm going to try to get Mr. Hay-
dock to take you at the Inn next sum-
mer,' said Mrs. Smart, forgetting her-
self at once in Thomas's need. 'You
could be in the office wi^h me, and
see the world and society — and may-
be folks would take you out in a car
sometimes.'
' Gee, mother, you 're a peach. That
would be great,' said Thomas, molli-
fied.
It did not take much to please him;
he was his mother's own son, after all.
He clung to her arm, and lurched to
and fro in the road. He was an awk-
ward boy; he seemed to go out of his
way to fall over things; he was like an
overgrown puppy, with his clumsy
ways and his inarticulate, loving heart.
Suddenly, at a turn in the road, a light
shone out above them.
'There's home,' said Mrs. Smart.
'You put the lamp in the window, did
n't you, son?'
'Yes, I did. And the kettle's on the
stove, boiling by this time. I thought
you'd like some tea,' said Thomas, with
pride. ' So I kept the fire up, and had
everything nice.'
Mrs. Smart laughed in the darkness,
a little, well-pleased laugh, and stepped
out briskly.
'After all, I'm glad,' she said.
'To be back home?' said Thomas.
'To be back home,' said Mrs. Smart.
'There's no place like home.'
EDUCATION IN VERMONT
BY JAMES MASCARENE HUBBARD
VERMONT has set an example to the
other states of the Union in being the
first to make a comprehensive effort
to study its educational responsibilities.
In conformity to an act of the legisla-
ture, approved in November, 1912, the
governor appointed a commission of
nine persons ' to inquire into the entire
educational system and condition of
this state.' To secure the information
essential for an intelligent and adequate
report, the commission, which included
among its members the President of
Columbia University, Dr. Nicholas M.
Butler, and the President of the Amer-
ican Telephone and Telegraph Com-
pany, Mr. Theodore N. Vail, invited
the Carnegie Foundation for the Ad-
vancement of Teaching to make * an ex-
pert study of the school system, includ-
ing the higher institutions of learning/
Acting upon this invitation, the Foun-
dation caused to be made a first-hand
study of education in Vermont, em-
bracing the whole system, from ele-
mentary school to university.
The detailed examination of the ele-
mentary schools was committed to Pro-
fessor Milo B. Hillegas of Teachers
College, Columbia University; of the
secondary schools to Dr. William S.
Learned of the Harvard School of Edu-
cation; and of the normal schools and
the state system of administration and
expenditure to Professor Edward C.
Elliott of the University of Wisconsin.
Other expert service was employed for
special fields, as the agricultural college
and its relations to the farming indus-
tries, medical and engineering schools,
library facilities in relation to the pub-
lic schools, and the system in use of
school accounts and financial state-
ments.
The results of these investigations
have been published in a Bulletin, the
primary purpose of which is to place
in the hands of the commission the
essential facts which will enable them
to form conclusions, to make recom-
mendations, and to propose legisla-
tion. Accordingly, it is of great interest
to all who have at heart the better-
ment of our educational system. For
the conditions are not peculiar to
Vermont; similar conditions prevail
throughout the country, and the con-
clusions reached should be thoughtfully
and carefully considered, even though
one may not entirely agree with all the
statements or recommendations. Many
Vermonters think the Bulletin does not
set forth the facts as accurately as they
had hoped it would; while the recom-
mendation of withdrawing the state
financial aid from the colleges is decid-
edly and generally condemned.
A remarkable array of facts of every
kind, from the course of study to the
condition of the schoolhouses, is to be
found in the report of Professor Hille-
gas on the elementary schools. It is
interesting to note that in the propor-
tion of children of school age enrolled,
Vermont holds the first place among
the states. His criticisms are mainly
of the instruction given, the principal
aim of which, he says, is preparation
for the high school. Considering the
fact that practically none of the rural-
119
120
EDUCATION IN VERMONT
school children enter the high school,
he maintains that there should be two
courses of instruction — one for the
rural and one for the graded town
school. With the present course, the
children of the countryside are taught
only to read indifferently, to write
clumsily, and to make ordinary calcu-
lations with difficulty. The child's
interest in the life of his community is
weakened, and either he is made an
idler, because he has not been taught
to do work that is based upon the
acquirement of skill, or he is educated
away from the life in which he has
grown up. His face is turned from the
duties and opportunities of his own
home to the more tempting but more
illusory ventures of a city. Many will
agree with the conclusion, that * some-
thing is radically wrong with a school
in an agricultural community that de-
velops motormen, stenographers, and
typewriters, and fails to develop far-
mers, dairymen, and gardeners/
The recommendations of Professor
Hillegas include the consolidation of
the smaller schools, the transportation
of the children by school barges, and
new courses of study, which should be
planned by experienced teachers and
superintendents organized into com-
mittees. For the improvement of teach-
ers already in service he suggests that
a group of highly trained, capable wo-
men supervisors should spend their
time in the schools, assisting the teach-
ers and demonstrating proper meth-
ods. The absolute need of an increase
in the salaries of teachers is empha-
sized by the fact that, according to a
recent comparative study of the public
school systems of all the states, Ver-
mont stands in the forty-third place
in the average annual salary of the
teachers.
There is much valuable information
in Dr. Learned's report on the second-
ary schools. It is the outcome of a per-
sonal visit to nearly half of the high
schools and academies, and a careful
study of all attainable facts in regard
to attendance, curriculum, and the
training of teachers. A fact which
stands out prominently and should be
emphasized is that ' almost without ex-
ception' the teachers 'gave the im-
pression of being high-minded, natur-
ally capable and painstaking men and
women ' who are doing * honest and
faithful work.' It is a matter of regret
that Dr. Learned has apparently had
no experience as a teacher, for his
position in regard to the instruction
given in the high schools is largely
that of a theorist. He reiterates, for
instance, that the curriculum should
have * greater freedom and elasticity
in order to meet the individual pupil.'
It should be based predominantly on
the pupil's environment. Now this is
admirable in theory, but it would be
difficult to put it in practice.
The economic value of the school
training seems to Dr. Learned to be of
the first importance. 'It is a pressing
duty of the high schools in Vermont/
he maintains, for instance, 'to display
fairly the power, resources, and signifi-
cance of the farm/ On the other hand
little stress is laid on the old New Eng-
land idea that the highest aim of the
school is the development of the intel-
lectual powers and the building up of
character.
All, however, will agree with what
he says as to the special needs of
training-classes for teachers in elemen-
tary schools, particularly in the coun-
try. His suggestion that this course
should be introduced into more of the
high schools will be welcomed, and, we
trust, acted upon throughout the coun-
try. He maintains that there should
be enough high schools with these
training classes, to enable all those
who are desirous of becoming teachers
in the elementary schools to attend the
EDUCATION IN VERMONT
121
course without being obliged, as now,
in most instances, to leave their homes.
Another practical reason for the es-
tablishment of these 'regional' high
schools, urged in the section devoted
to the training of teachers, is that
the neighboring village schools would
furnish abundant opportunities for
practice-classes for those who are in
training. The establishment of a new
central training school is also advo-
cated, which should serve the needs of
the state in providing teachers for its
junior high schools.
The problem of trade-education —
a pressing economic as well as educa-
tional question — is discussed in the
report on the vocational school. This
school is practically the only agency
that society offers for the formal pre-
paration of its youth for those funda-
mental and necessary vocations upon
which stress must always be laid. The
aim should be, not the preparation
for a profession, but the training of
youth for a trade. In this connection,
attention is directed to a remarkable
agricultural school at Lyndonville,
which owes its existence to the gener-
osity of Mr. Vail. It is strictly a far-
mer's school and it aims to furnish a
line of training that will be of immedi-
ate use in farming and its allied indus-
tries, as carpentry, blacksmithing, and
masonry. Consequently, the students
are trained to do farm work intelli-
gently and also the repairing of build-
ings, wagons, and machinery. Thus
they are made independent of any
outside skilled labor, and are put in a
position to assist their neighbors in
these directions. For these special pur-
poses the school has blacksmith and
carpenter shops, as well as a horse-
stable, dairy-barn, poultry-house, and
root-cellar, together with over one hun-
dred acres of tillage land divided into
upland and lowland.
The report upon the higher institu-
tions of learning gives considerable
information about the three colleges at
Burlington, Middlebury, and North-
field. There is a brief historical sketch
of each, with facts relating to their
endowment, equipment, curriculum,
teaching-staff, and students. The crit-
icism is confined mainly to the Agri-
cultural College connected with the
University of Vermont at Burlington.
The impression made by this part of
the report is that it was written by one
whose whole interest was in the schools
of the state. The one thing needed
for the improvement of both primary
and high schools, he feels, is money
to increase the salary of the teachers,
especially of the primary schools, in
order to secure better teachers, and to
improve the schoolhouses and their
equipment. Accordingly, with this
need predominating in his mind, the
one frequently repeated recommenda-
tion in regard to the higher institutions
of learning is that the state subsidy
should be withdrawn from them and
given to the schools. And with this
conclusion those who compiled the
report agreed, for the last of the five
recommendations which embody the
results of the survey is, 'Subsidies to
higher education should cease, the col-
leges being given a reasonable time in
which to rearrange their budgets.'
This does not mean that the colleges
are not helpful to the state from an
educational point of view. Of Middle-
bury, for instance, it is said that 'the
work of the college is distinctly good/
that the 'fundamental work is now
being admirably done.' The one ab-
sorbing aim of President Thomas is
that Middlebury College shall be a
great instrument in the upbuilding of
Vermont. 'I propose,' he said on one
occasion, ' to train as many students as
possible to go back to their homes,
filled with inspiration partaking of
sublime religious faith in the destiny
EDUCATION IN VERMONT
of the Green Mountain State, and
there live and toil, and exercise an in-
fluence which no man may measure in
advance.' But what would be the
effect upon the college if more than a
quarter of its annual income should be
withdrawn from it ? Would not its use-
fulness be terribly crippled for years,
possibly forever? Would the ad vantage
to the three thousand school-teachers
of the addition of a few dollars to their
salaries, for that is all the Middlebury
subsidy could give them, justify this
withdrawal?
All who know the conditions in Ver-
mont recognize 'the urgent needs of
the state in elementary education,'
but they do not feel that because of
these needs, the needs of the institu-
tions of higher education should suffer.
Their needs are very great. To quote
President Thomas again : * I see oppor-
tunities all over the state to stimulate
enterprise and quicken the life of the
people, if only we had the means to do
the work.' This feature of the report,
together with the repeated strange
statement that the state should not
subsidize a college which 'it does not
own and control,' has aroused much
feeling throughout Vermont, and it is
sincerely to be hoped that the useful-
ness of the inquiry will not be impaired
on this account.
For, regarded as a whole, it has un-
doubtedly a high educational value.
All having at heart the training of our
children to make the best of their place
in life should welcome the light thrown
upon the condition of the elementary
schools, especially those in rural dis-
tricts, and should act upon the sug-
gestions for their improvement. It is
to be hoped that the inquiry will give
a new and vivid impression of the in-
fluence of the teacher. This new and
fresh appreciation of the significance of
her duty, second only to that of the par-
ent, should lead to an improvement in
her preparation for her task, and should
increase the reward for her valuable
and painstaking labor. Then, the em-
phasis laid upon the necessity of the
development of agricultural instruc-
tion is of great importance. In view of
the fact that we are seeking all over the
world for food for our constantly in-
creasing millions, 'it is not only an eco-
nomic, but a national crime to let so
much rich, easily cultivable land lie idle,
not simply in Vermont but through-
out our Atlantic states. And the sim-
plest solution of the great problem is
clearly shown in the Carnegie Foun-
dation report. It is to make by stim-
ulating elementary, but thorough, in-
struction an intelligent and interested
farmer out of the bright country boy.
AT SEVENTY-THREE AND BEYOND
BY U. V. WILSON
I AM seventy-three to-day. That is
well along toward the four-score mark.
I remember that the Psalmist refers
to the strength which brings us to
eighty years as * labor and sorrow/
and yet, curiously enough, I have no
sensation which squares with his dic-
tum. To be sure, I am not robust. I
do not see as clearly as of yore, and
Tom avers that I am slightly deaf.
But I 'm as full of the joy of living as
ever. There 's more beauty in the sun-
set than there used to be, and the songs
of the birds, if heard more faintly, have
a sweeter cadence. Spring has never
before borne such fragrance in upon
me, nor have I ever perceived as great
a glory in the autumn or found more
comfort in the winter.
If I have retired from active busi-
ness, it is not because of incapacity.
I notice, indeed, that when a particu-
larly perplexing problem faces Tom,
who succeeded me at the store, he
comes to Father for advice, and to this
date he has rarely failed to heed my
counsel. But why should I toil on in
the market-place? My modest fortune
suffices. It gives me books, lectures,
art, and the theatre. It affords me the
leisure for which I have toiled all my
life long, the leisure really to busy my-
self with the big things which face me
as a man. And I submit that there is
a joy in it all that is very far removed
from 'labor and sorrow.'
Seventy-three. Ah, how the years
are flying! It seems hardly a month
from birthday to birthday. I remem-
ber to have heard my grandfather
make this remark. I was a child then
and the words seemed unbelievable.
Years afterwards, Father, sitting by
the fireside, used to express the same
sentiment very frequently. I under-
stood it more perfectly by that time,
for right in the thick of business strife
the days were all too short for me. But
now that I've taken my place at the
fireside, and the shadows seem to be
lengthening, I understand to the full
just how swiftly the years are slipping
by.
'A thousand years in thy sight,'
said one of old, 'are but as yesterday
when it is passed and a watch in the
night/ That is God's outlook upon
time. He has always lived. He will
live forever. To Him there is no past,
no future, only one eternal NOW. It
is because He has always been, that the
Eternal Presence looks upon a thou-
sand years as 'a watch in the night/
And the longer we finite beings exist,
so I take it, the shorter the years to
our view. It is not that our days are
drawing to an end that we have this
outlook, — it is that they are receding
from a beginning, that they are piling,
one upon the other, until each seems
small in comparison with the mass. At
three-score and thirteen, a year is but
a seventy-third. Indeed, I am. more
and more firmly convinced that with
advancing years one approaches, as
nearly as a finite being can, the point
of view from which the Infinite One
regards time, and in all reverence I
123
124
AT SEVENTY-THREE AND BEYOND
cannot avoid the conviction that the
shortness of the years as one looks at
them in old age demonstrates one's
kinship to the Almighty, and is an ear-
nest of unending life.
The Reverend Mr. Smithers, who
preaches hell-fire and damnation to a
little congregation of people who are
frightened into denying themselves the
brightness of living that they may 'get
to heaven' sometime, will hardly see
any logic in my thought. Deacon
Jones would regard it as akin to blas-
phemy; but a quiet game of whist is
* gambling' to Deacon Jones. It agon-
izes his soul to see the young folks
dance, and I ' ve more than once heard
him say how hard it is for 'the Lord
to save an old man.' These good peo-
ple may be right, although it would
grieve me to discover it; and yet, I
can't help thinking that time seems
shorter to me in old age because the
years have brought me into at least a
subconscious realization of my im-
mortality.
The reader needs not to be told that
I have busied myself with selling hard-
ware most of my life rather than in
delving into theology or metaphysics.
My reading has been limited and de-
sultory, and I dare not believe that I ' ve
thought out any solution for the great-
est of the problems that confront me
in common with all my kind. My in-
timates know me as a practical man
and are kind enough to credit me
with more common sense than, I fear, I
really possess. I am fully conscious of
my limitations; more so, perhaps, than
these pages would indicate. Neverthe-
less, the very fact that weeks get more
and more like days to me as the years
multiply, and days seem to shrink into
hours, warms my old heart with what
I believe to be an assurance of unend-
ing existence.
That assurance strengthens, too,
when, looking within, I am able to dis-
cover no trace whatever of decay.
That is tp say, I feel as young as I did
at forty, at twenty, at ten. In speak-
ing of age, we invariably make the
mistake of thinking only of the body.
When I wrote just now, 'I am seventy-
three to-day,' I meant only, of course,
that that is the age of my physical
being. There is no assurance that I am
not centuries older. I do not dabble
in the occult, and cannot express my-
self with scientific exactness. I feel
very timid about venturing an opinion
on matters concerning which so many
wiser than I are in doubt, but dares
any one say that his life began in his
mother's womb or that it ends at the
grave? If so, how does he know it?
When I say that I do not feel old, I
mean I, not my body. My body is
not I. If it is, why do I say my body?
I speak of my hands, my feet, my eyes,
my tongue, my stomach, just as I do of
my spectacles, my cane, my clothing,
my store. These things belong to me.
They are my tools. I use them as I see
fit in accomplishing the purposes of
everyday life. Into the warp and woof
of our very language is thus woven the
divine conception of our being. It is an
interesting fact that the materialist
rarely converses for an hour without
unconsciously denying his creed. No
matter what one's professed faith, his
everyday language is an acknowledg-
ment that, however closely he may be
bound to the material and however
dependent thereupon, he, himself, is
not material.
As the body ages, and it ages rapidly,
of course, it is subject to a multitude
of infirmities, most of which are rare
in its youth. We have grown accus-
tomed to associating these infirmities
with old age, therefore, and are quite
likely to view their presence as a de-
monstration of advancing years. Such
indeed it is, but only in relation to the
body. 'I feel old,' is a very common
AT SEVENTY-THREE AND BEYOND
125
expression, but one which is very far
from the exact truth. To illustrate: I
notice that the rheumatism grips my
shoulder quite frequently of late,
especially in damp weather, although
such an attack was quite unknown in
the first sixty years of my life. Old
age? Of the body, perhaps, but not of
me. Tom had the rheumatism when
he was barely fifteen. The sensation
was to him precisely what it is to me
and the treatment differed very little,
if at all. I need spectacles now, but
many children need them, too. My
step is not as sure as it used to be, but
so far as I can observe, the effect is the
same as it would have been had some
weakness attacked my legs fifty years
ago. My hair is thin and white, but
I know many bald heads under thirty,
and young men have turned gray over
night.
And so I might run through the list
of the so-called infirmities of age, but
it is enough to say that they are purely
bodily and by no means confined to
those who have passed the meridian of
life. They do not affect me, myself, in
any way differently from what they
would do were I forty, or in the cradle.
They occasion inconvenience, pain,
chagrin, just as they would have done
at any period. Through it all I sur-
vive, consciously the same man that I
have been all along. And it is this con-
sciousness of an unchanged and un-
changing I, which gives me the very
strongest assurance of the immortality
which all men crave.
I do not deny for a moment that my
tastes and habits have been greatly
modified during the years. I go to the
theatre more rarely now, and do not
enjoy the comedies that once capti-
vated me. An occasional evening at
whist quite fills the place of the sports
to which I was formerly addicted. I
find an increasing interest in literature
of the solid sort, although my fond-
ness for the humorists does not abate.
Serious conversation appeals to me
more forcibly than the brightness and
repartee I loved in my youth. If my
circle of friends is narrower than of
yore, those within it are closer to my
heart. My love is the stronger because
it has been purged of its passion and I
find it increasingly difficult to harbor
hatred.
But in all these changes and many
others to which I might refer there is
no sense of age or decay. They have
characterized every stage of my life.
At twenty I was fond of hunting. Five
years later no angler was more enthu-
siastic than I. Photography captiva-
ted me at thirty. I have always rid-
den hobbies and cannot bring myself
to believe that the substitution of one
of them for another was at all due to
the period of life at which the change
was made. There has been no sensa-
tion of ageing in it all. To myself I still
seem young, and every year strength-
ens the conviction that this sense of
youth is to remain forever.
It happens to some that bodily decay
reaches a point which renders partici-
pation in the activities of life impossi-
ble. The senses no longer guide. The
faculties fail. The whole brain deterio-
rates. The unfortunate victim becomes
imbecile to all appearance and must be
cared for as if he really were. This
catastrophe is usually associated with
extreme old age, although it may hap-
pen at any time, and is not infrequently
used to point the argument of the ma-
terialist. At first blush, too, it seems
to serve the purpose admirably.
I have not reached that deplorable
condition. I pray the good Father that
I never may. My dread of it is not
because of any fear that in decrepitude
I shall begin to feel age. It arises rather
from an aversion to the imprisonment
of myself in the ruins of a body so old
that it is tumbling down and rotten.
126
AT SEVENTY-THREE AND BEYOND
The tools we work with are clumsy
at best. The windows through which
we view the world are very small and
clouded. The acutest of our senses is
blunt indeed. We are everywhere de-
barred from light and sweetness and
beauty. We are slow and awkward
and halting. Our ideals are above and
beyond us. We fall short of our ambi-
tions, no matter how we try. All this
is inevitable because the body in which
we are housed and with which we labor
is nothing but matter. If I am so cir-
cumscribed when my physical being is
in comparative vigor, I often ask my-
self, what darkness will descend upon
me when it crumbles into the ruins of
senility? It is not a pleasant question,
except that it takes for granted the
undying youth of him who asks it.
4 Second childhood/ this tumbling
down of the body is called, and the
term is entirely accurate. In infancy
and senility the man prattles and tot-
ters and must be cared for by others.
The chief difference is that the body of
the baby is weak because of its imma-
turity, while that of the old man fails
by reason of age. In one the materials
are being assembled, in the other they
are falling apart. But it is the same
man. This is the thought that I hug
to my soul until that soul glows with
the hope of eternal life. In infancy,
youth, manhood, and old age, man is
conscious of all the ills due to his physi-
cal environment, but down in the
depths of his inner self is the sense of
unfading youth.
And this sense is certainly strength-
ened by the analogies of the case,
which seem to show that a second man-
hood follows the second childhood.
That which succeeds the first is shut in
by the body, then building, and con-
ditioned by it at every turn. The sec-
ond escapes from the ruined tenement
to exercise its functions immediately.
That is to say, it sees without eyes,
runs without feet, and knows without
a brain. This, I take it, is what the
good book means when in discussing
the resurrection it says, 'it is raised a
spiritual body.'
The more I ponder these matters, —
and at seventy-three one is intensely
interested in the unknown realities
which he is approaching, — the strong-
er is my conviction that the infirmities
of age are but incidents necessary to
that largeness of life which lies before
me. The man in a dungeon does not
complain when the windows dim, the
bolts and chains corrode, the walls
crumble, and the roof begins to fall.
These changes may entail much incon-
venience and acute pain, but he wel-
comes them as the precursors of the
liberty which means life to him.
It is even so with me, a youth shut
up in an old body. Failing eyes tell
me of the day when I shall see what
neither telescope nor microscope re-
veals to me now. This dullness of hear-
ing prophesies the hour when such
harmony as the masters never dreamed
will break in upon me. As my limbs
fail I turn to the time when my move-
ments will not be hampered by legs
and feet. Better than all, as I sit here
trying to think out these things, just
as millions upon millions of old men
have tried before me, I joy in the
thought that when the brain has per-
ished, I, myself, face to face with na-
ked truth, shall know.
To others this may seem only the
vagrant fancy of a mind already im-
paired by the ravages of time. Per-
haps there is little countenance for it
in the books. I do not doubt that any
of the scientists or theologians could
easily show that it lacks foundation in
logic. It satisfies me, however, and in
a matter so vitally personal, that is the
chief consideration after all. It enables
me to endure advancing infirmities, if
not cheerfully, at least with compo-
N
IN THOSE DAYS
127
sure. Are they not the forerunners of fullness of life. In a word, my sense of
immortal health? If I do not wish to
die, I have no'fear of death, because I
look upon it as only the removal of the
youth at seventy-three not only assures
me of youth never ending, but fills me
with hope that makes even extreme old
last barrier between me and the very age gentle and full of cheer.
IN THOSE DAYS
BY ROBERT M. GAY
RIDING one day from Baltimore to
New York, I became acquainted with
a young man who sold gas-meters. He
was a traveling-man, representing a
firm in Chicago, and had traversed the
country from corner to corner a dozen
times. Within five minutes after I had
accommodated him with a match, I
had learned that he sold gas-meters.
He was very open about it, and gladly
told me how many he had sold in the
last month, and how the eighty-cent
rate would affect his sales, and how
natural gas might be piped to the city
from West Virginia. Between Balti-
more and Havre de Grace I learned a
great deal about meters, and between
Havre de Grace and Wilmington a
great deal about gas. I began to see
how enormously important gas and
gas-meters are. I, who had always
hated the sight of a gas-tank, began to
feel a new respect for one ; after having
for years muttered maledictions upon
the gas-meter, I began to see that in
some eyes it might be a thing of beauty.
As we were 'leaving Wilmington, re-
alizing perhaps that the conversation
had thus far been a monologue, the
young man turned to me and asked,
And what is your line?' I had felt
that the question was bound to come,
and, casting about for the safest an-
swer, had decided to be a drummer for
typewriters, my usual hypothetical
profession under such circumstances.
Some dormant monitor within me, how-
ever, suddenly awoke.
'lam a teacher,' I answered, weakly.
He was silent for a moment.
'For a fact/ said he, then, 'I'd never
have known it. '
Since this was evidently intended as
a compliment, I murmured my thanks.
'And how do you like teaching?' he
asked, after a while, forcing an ap-
pearance of interest.
'Why,' replied I, 'it might be worse.'
'Not much money in it, is there?'
'No. Not very much.'
There was again a pause.
'Don't you find,* he ventured at
last, 'that you, — well, that a teacher
is at a — at a disadvantage with other
people; that is, that other people are
a — are a little, well, a little afraid in
the presence of a ... Oh, I don't know
how to put it. You know what I mean.
That there is a kind of restraint?'
'I suppose,' said I, 'that that de-
pends partly on the other people.'
'Why, yes,' he replied, as if the idea
were new to him, 'I suppose it does.'
He fell into thought. He appeared
128
IN THOSE DAYS
to be considering something seriously.
There was certainly a constraint be-
tween us until he left me at Philadel-
phia.
This turn of our conversation was
no new thing to me. * Why,' I had read
many years before in Charles Lamb,
'why are we never quite at our ease in
the presence of a schoolmaster? ' I had
read it many a time with a sinking at
the heart. * Because we are conscious,'
Lamb answers his own question, 'that
he is not quite at his ease in ours. . . .
He is under the restraint of a formal
and didactic hypocrisy in company,
as a clergyman is under a moral one.
He can no more let his intellect loose
in society, than the other can his in-
clinations. — He is forlorn among his
co-evals; his juniors cannot be his
friends.'
I have the passage marked with a
black pencil in my copy of the Essays.
J so marked it many years ago. It used
to worry me a good deal. To be de-
livered from the professorial manner
came to be a part of my private liturgy.
I shall never forget my discouragement
when a red-haired urchin with whom I
struck acquaintance on the towpath
of the Morris and Essex Canal told me
that he knew that I was a teacher, al-
though he could not tell why. That
was in my second year of teaching, and
I felt like a man threatened with grad-
ual ossification.
In the boarding-school in which I
was at the time temporarily impris-
oned, we teachers were all haunted by
this impalpable terror. One of us
sought to escape by wearing brilliant
waistcoats and hose; another, by edu-
cating his taste in liqueurs and cigars;
a third, by studying the stock-market
reports and gambling feebly when his
salary permitted.
We were very young. On moonlight
nights we all went down to the bridge
on the edge of the town and smoked
our pipes and sang * Good-night, ladies '
and danced clog-dances, merely to
prove to ourselves that no insidious
pedagogical symptoms were as yet ap-
pearing in us. We cultivated a bluff
manner among ourselves, and prac-
ticed slang. On our tramps we avoided
the well-traveled roads, as if a boy
were a leper and to meet one a con-
tamination. As for myself, I used to
steal out into the back pasture and
climb up into an oak tree. Although I
never found a boy up there, one had
cut his initials intertwined with hearts
and other erotic carvings. I used fur-
tively to go to the shore of a little river
near the school, and sit down among
the snakes and rhododendrons, and
fish. I have caught fifty perch and
sunnies there in an afternoon, return-
ing them all to their element, none the
worse save for a pricked lip. 'I was
fain of their fellowship, fain ' ; yet even
here boys went hallooing by on the
road behind me in couples and packs,
little dreaming that I lay perdu so near.
We had a theory, I believe, that con-
stant association with the immature
mind would end by stunting ours; yet
we never spoke of the fear that was at
our hearts. Condemned as we were to
associate for some twelve hours a day
with the immature mind, and torn by
the fear of which I have just spoken,
and the other fear of inadvertently ac-
quiring the professorial manner, it is
no wonder if we gave ourselves up to
strange excesses. We organized a base-
ball team, known as the Sundowners
(because we played only at sunset),
and practiced of an evening before the
assembled school, which cheered or
groaned as we caught or muffed a ball.
That there was more groaning than
cheering did not deter us; we were at
least unbending, combatting the im-
putations which we feared. We culti-
vated the manly arts of boxing and
wrestling, and submitted to having our
IN THOSE DAYS
129
faces disfigured and our bones made
sore, rather than be accused of effemi-
nacy or unseemly dignity. We were
always at feud with the head-master on
the question of smoking, and were not
averse to having it whispered that we
were rather fast when we were away
from school.
In boarding-school you have boys
on all sides of you, and above and be-
low; sometimes in your midst. You
take them with your meals; you pilot
them to church and listen to them sing
while their voices are changing; you
put them to bed, and attempt to keep
them there; in the drear hour of night,
when the stars are weeping, you fly to
the end of the corridor to convince them
that the season is unpropitious for a
* shirt-tail race' up and down the hall.
I used now and then to find 'Fat'
Hendricks asleep in my bed. Over-
come with fatigue when far from his
room, and happening to be before my
door, he had quietly turned in. * Horse '
Peddy was fond of my tobacco, and,
under pretext of discussing opera and
horse-racing with me, dropped in at
all hours to smoke it. * Lighthouse Liz '
McCutcheon, always hungry, spent
most of his leisure time foraging. He
was usually missing from his room, and
it was one of my duties to find him.
On such occasions, I first examined the
pantry window, and next the vegetable
garden. When sharp set, he would eat
a turnip or a head of lettuce. 'Sport-
ing Life' Wilmer was also peripatetic,
but his wanderings had no perceptible
object. One could lead him gently
back to his room half a dozen times
during a study-hour; one could fly into
a rage over him, and thunder threats
and imprecations ; one could argue, flat-
ter, cajole; but he continued placidly
to wander, singing softly in a minor key,
a mark for flying shoes, rubbers, books,
oranges, pillows, out of every door that
he passed.
VOL. 114 - NO. 1
It was a busy life, and we had little
time to ponder on the psychology and
ethics of teaching. It has been a ques-
tion with me ever since whether our in-
fluence on our pupils was on the whole
good or bad; but the question never
occurred to us then. I shall never for-
get how, on the night of my arrival at
the school, fresh from college, green-
ly fresh, as we sat forlorn on the little
side porch with our feet on the railing,
I expressed my conviction that teach-
ing is the noblest of professions; and
how T , the assistant head-mas-
ter, young in years but old in guile, re-
plied, dryly, 'That may be, as an ab-
stract proposition; but, as a concrete
case, if you care to stay here long
you'd better forget it.'
I soon perceived the force of his re-
mark. The boys, I soon learned, were
not inclined to look up to me as a men-
tor and guide. I was to be tolerated
so long as I did not encroach too far
upon their liberties. Instruction was
to be confined strictly to the class-
room. Rules were made to be broken,
and an untimely enforcement of one
was looked upon as a breach of eti-
quette.
By the end of the second week, I had
learned that discipline was a kind of
game in which the teacher always
played against a handicap. He must
never resort to subterfuge, yet was al-
ways the object of subterfuge. The
boys might sneak past his door and
peep through the keyhole, but if he
were caught sneaking by their doors or
peeping through their keyholes, it was
all over with him.
Few of us stayed long. Three left
that first year, suddenly, and were
heard of no more. Those who stayed
took up the work of the departed and
profited by their mistakes. I some-
times think that the best teachers, in
the usual acceptation of the term,
all left. Those who remained learned
130
IN THOSE DAYS
to obtrude their profession as little as
might be upon their charges.
This all seems very amusing now,
but was a serious matter to us then.
How to insinuate knowledge without
an appearance of the pedagogue was
a question not easily answered ; yet we
solved the problem as best we could
according to our temperaments, or
gave it up and left. I think that the
teacher who had the hardest time of all
was one who had taken courses at col-
lege in pedagogical method. His dis-
illusionment was a perfect pilgrim's
progress for difficulty. He knew the
psychology of the classroom, the theo-
ries of attention and interest, and all
the best ways of presenting a subject;
yet at his first collision with a class he
discovered a number of new principles.
The boys declined to behave accord-
ing to the textbooks. One day, twenty
brawny youngsters entered his class-
room bearing bouquets of daisies and
wild parsnip ' for teacher ' ; another day
a boy, who chose to consider himself
insulted, offered to fight. The teacher
failed to rise to either occasion. He
hesitated, and was lost. He lingered on
till nearly Easter, and then left without
elaborate farewells.
We who remained behind on the line
of battle concluded that pedagogy as a
science is useless. So heretical a con-
clusion was excusable. We lived by
our wits, learning by bitter experience
and sly experiment. No one of us knew
when he might have to take the same
road that the fugitive had taken. We
had no illusions. We were studying the
young idea in the rough, and had dis-
covered that the best method is to have
none. That moral suasion had suc-
ceeded with Jenkins was no proof that
it would succeed with Einstein. That
' campusing ' had cured Green's mania
for wandering out o' nights did not
blind us to the fact that it might serve
only to aggravate Brown's complaint.
When we had become thoroughly
sophisticated, we discovered that boy-
psychology is really very simple.
* Stunts' of all sorts, we found, were
readily classified under a few genera.
Hanging the school dinner-bell in a
tree, which had seemed a very original
piece of humor on the first occasion,
produced in us a sensation of lassitude
on the sixth. Chasing an imaginary
rat at dead of night, putting a dead
snake or a boxful of June-bugs in a bed,
stealing the Wednesday or Sunday ice-
cream, all soon lost for us the charm
of newness, though they never ceased
to throw the boys into transports of
felicity.
This conservatism in the boys, due,
I suppose, to a general dearth of imag-
ination, helped us a good deal. T ,
through wide experience, had developed
clairvoyant powers and could tell by
the tilt of a. boy's chin or the light in a
boy's eye just which in the category of
stunts that boy was about to attempt.
His prescience was uncanny. He knew,
almost before the boys themselves, that
the entire Top Floor was contempla-
ting a party under the bridge at mid-
night, or that the Second Floor Wing
was playing poker. His methods of
dealing with such aberrations were more
original than the aberrations them-
selves. Once he fastened a tub of water
to the foot of the fire-escape so that the
boys, clandestinely descending, might
fall in; once he scared McCutcheon,
foraging as usual, almost out of his
wits by impersonating a burglar armed
with a bowie knife.
What the boys lacked in imagina-
tion they made up in humor; and such
an appeal to their sense of a good joke
was the shortest road to their hearts.
However ingratiating a teacher's pre-
sence might be, however awe-inspiring
his physique, however brilliant his ath-
letic record, all went for little unless
he was possessed of a certain humor-
IN THOSE DAYS
131
ous shrewdness. We laughed a good
deal in those days, and wriggled out of
many a tight place by turning a jest.
Discipline came to be a contest of wits,
an opposition of finesse to finesse; and
the loser, cheerfully swallowing his
chagrin, learned to engineer more
skillfully next time.
We discovered, too, that, contrary
to popular impressions, boys are senti-
mental. We played upon their senti-
mentality. We cultivated school-spirit;
we wrote school songs and yells for
them; we talked much of old Oak
Ridge, using the adjective with an en-
dearing signification; we prated about
honor; above all, we encouraged them
to sing.
I can hear yet the direful chorus that
rose of an evening from the side piazza,
where the entire school sat, voicing the
aspirations of its soul in 'I've been
working on the railroad,' and 'Fare-
well, farewell, my own true love,' —
direful, yet blissful to tired ears as the
crooning of babes or the warbling of
thrushes in the woods in June; for, as
T - , who was of Irish extraction,
put it, 'When they're singing, they're
working the devilment out of their
systems.' I can hear yet the bleat of
Wilder's shrill tenor, and the boom-
boom of LafFerty's double-bass. Close
harmony, the boys called it; and they
loved to put their heads together in
painful unison with upturned eyes, and
give forth such strains as would have
made Pluto very glad to quite set free
the half-regained Eurydice.
We of the faculty sang too, and with
unction. We sat on the floor of the
veranda, as the boys did, and let our
feet hang off into space, and were as
sorry as they when the gong clanged
for study-hour. In the pauses of the
song sounded the shrill persistent noc-
turne of the little frogs, or 'peepers,'
as we called them, in the stream down
by the potato-patch; or the mellow
voices of Henry and Irwin, the colored
waiters, chanting in the kitchen -
Ah went an' tole man lady-love
The dream of love was o'e';
She said no mo', — jes' slammed the do' —
I think that this is the hour that rises
oftenest to my memory.
Subconsciously we of the faculty
were clinging desperately to our boy-
hood, which was not yet by any means
dimmed by distance. We all remem-
bered what had been our opinion of
teachers and were seeking to escape
having that opinion held of us. We
had not yet learned the strength of
tradition, or discovered that (if we re-
mained in the profession) we could no
more escape the fate we dreaded than
we could by taking thought add a cubit
to our stature. This awful realization
was reserved for our future.
I suppose that most of the boys whom
I taught still exist somewhere. Most
of them must be still alive, for they
seemed in those days to be enjoying ex-
cellent health. There must have been
some seven hundred of them. In mo-
ments of depression I used to exclaim,
'What! will the line stretch till the
crack o' doom?' I used to picture my-
self as a pedagogical water-wheel, turn-
ing, turning, in the educational sluice
through which, out of the Everywhere
into the Here, a stream flowed, agi-
tated me for a while, and disappeared
into the Somewhere, leaving nothing
behind but a few negligible bubbles.
Of all the boys not one has ever been
president or governor or senator. If
one has written a novel or a play, I
have not read it. Some appeared above
the surface of society for a brief period
as half-backs or third basemen, but
only to sink back into the common
ruck. This, again, used to worry me.
It seemed a reflection upon my teach-
ing. But the years bring the philo-
sophic mind. One can but do what one
can.
THE PROBLEM OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
BY AN OBSERVER
THE question of suppressed or taint-
ed news has in recent years been re-
peatedly agitated, and reformers of all
brands have urged that the majority
of the newspapers of the country are
business-tied, — that they are ruled
according to the sordid ambition of
the counting-house rather than by the
untrammeled play of the editorial in-
tellect. Capitalism is alleged to be
playing ducks and drakes with the
Anglo-Saxon tradition of a free Press.
The most important instance of crit-
icism of this kind is afforded by cur-
rent attacks upon the Associated Press.
The Associated Press, as everybody
knows, is the greatest news-gathering
organization in the world; it supplies
with their daily general information
more than half the population of the
United States. That it should be ac-
cused, in these times of class contro-
versy and misunderstanding, of being
a * news trust,' and of coloring its news
in the interest of capital and reaction,
is therefore an excessively grave mat-
ter. Yet in the last six months it has
been accused of both those things. So
persistent has been the assertion of
certain socialists that the Associated
Press colors industrial news in the in-
terest of the employer, that its man-
agement has sued them for libel. That it
is a trust is the contention of one of its
rivals, the Sun News Bureau of New
York, whose prayer for its dissolution
under the Sherman law as a monopoly
in restraint of trade is now before the
132
Department of Justice in Washington.
To the writer, the main questions at
issue, so far as the public is concerned,
seem to be as follows : —
1. Is the business of collecting and
distributing news in bulk essentially
monopolistic? 2. If it is, and if it can
not be satisfactorily performed by an
unlimited number of competitive agen-
cies (that is, individual newspapers), is
the Associated Press in theory and prac-
tice the best type of centralized organ-
ization for the purpose?
The first question presents little dif-
ficulty to the practical journalist. A
successful agency for the gathering of
news must be monopolistic. No news-
paper is rich enough, the attention of
no editor is ubiquitous enough, to be
able to collect at first hand a tithe of
the multitudinous items which a pub-
lic of catholic curiosity expects to find
neatly arranged on its breakfast table.
Take the large journals of New York
and Boston, with their columns of news
from all parts of the United States and
the world. Their bills for telegrams
and cablegrams alone would be prohib-
itive of dividends, to say nothing of
their bills for the collection of the news.
A public educated by a number of
newspapers with their powers of ob-
servation and instruction whetted to
superlative excellence by keen compe-
tition would no doubt be ideal; but a
journalistic Utopia of that kind is
no more feasible than other Utopias.
Unlimited and unassisted competition
between, say, six newspapers in the
same city or district would be about
THE PROBLEM OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
133
as feasible economically as unlimited
competition between six railway lines
running from Boston to New York. The
need for a common service of foreign
and national news must therefore be
admitted. To supply such a service,
even in these days of especially cheap
telegraph and cable rates for press mat-
ter, requires a great deal of money, and
a press agency has a great deal of money
to spend only if it has also a large
number of customers.
As the number of newspapers is lim-
ited, it is clear that the press agency
has strong claims to be recognized as a
public service, and to be classed with
railways, telephones, telegraphs, wa-
terworks, and many other forms of cor-
porate venture which even the wildest
radical admits cannot be subjected to
the anarchy of unrestricted competi-
tion. Thus the simple charge that the
Associated Press is a monopoly cannot
be held to condemn it. But, to invert
Mr. Roosevelt's famous phrase, there
are bad trusts as well as good trusts.
That the Associated Press is powerful
enough to be a bad trust if those who
control it so desire must be admitted
offhand. It is a tremendously effective
organization. Its service is supplied to
more than 850 of the leading newspa-
pers, with a total circulation of, prob-
ably, about 20,000,000 copies a day.
The Associated Press is the child of
the first effort at cooperative news-ga-
thering ever made. Back in the forties
of the last century, before the Atlantic
cable was laid, newspapers began to
spend ruinous sums in getting the earl-
iest news from Europe. Those were the
days in which the first ship-news dis-
patch-boats were launched to meet ves-
sels as they entered New York harbor,
and to race back with the news to their
respective offices. The competition
grew to the extent even of sending fast
boats all the way to Europe, and soon
became extravagant enough to cause
its collapse. Then seven New York
newspapers organized a joint service.
This service, which was meant primar-
ily to cover European news, grew slow-
ly to cover the United States. News-
papers in other cities were taken into it
on a reciprocal basis. The news of the
Association was supplied at that time
in return for a certain sum, the news-
papers undertaking on their part to act
as the local correspondents of the Asso-
ciation. A reciprocal arrangement with
Reuter's, the great European agency,
followed, whereby it supplied the As-
sociated Press with its foreign service,
and the Associated Press gave to Reu-
ter's the use of its American service.
Even so, the Associated Press did
not carry all before it. In the seven-
ties a number of Western newspapers
formed the Western Associated Press.
A period of sharp competition followed,
but in 1882 the two associations signed
a treaty of partnership for ten years.
They were not long in supreme control
of the field, however. The Associated
Press of those days, like its successor
to-day, was a close corporation in the
sense that its members could and did
veto the inclusion of rivals. As the
West grew, new newspapers sprang up
and were kept in the cold by their es-
tablished rivals. The result was the
United Press, which soon worked up
an effective service. The Associated
Press tried to cripple it by a rule that
no newspaper subscribing to its service
should have access to the news of the
Associated Press; but in spite of the
rule the United Press waxed strong
and might have become a really for-
midable competitor had not the As-
sociated Press been able to buy a
controlling share in it. A harmonious
business agreement followed; but in
accordance with the business methods
of those days the public was not ap-
prised of the agreement and when, in
1892, its existence became known there
134
THE PROBLEM OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
was a row and a readjustment. The
United Press absorbed the old Asso-
ciated Press of New York, and the
Western Associated Press again be-
came independent. Renter's agency
continued to supply both associations
with its European service.
But the ensuing period of competi-
tion did not last. Three years later,
the Western Associated Press achieve^
a monopolistic agreement with Reu-
ter's, carried the war into the United
Press territory, — the South and the
country east of the Alleghanies, — got
a number of New York newspapers
to join it, and effected a national or-
ganization.
ii
That national organization is, to all
intents and purposes, the Associated
Press of to-day. The only really im-
portant change has been in its transfer-
ence as a company from the jurisdic-
tion of Illinois to that of New York.
This change was accomplished in 1900,
owing to an adverse judgment of the
Supreme Court of Illinois. To grasp
the significance of that judgment, and
indeed the current agitation against
the Associated Press, it is necessary
to sketch briefly its rules and methods.
The Associated Press is not a com-
mercial company in the sense that it
is a dividend-hunting concern. Under
the terms of its present charter, the
corporation ' is not to make a profit or
to make or declare dividends and is
not to engage in the selling of intelli-
gence nor traffic in the same.' It is
simply meant to be the common agent
of a number of subscribing newspapers,
for the interchange of news which each
collects in its own district, and for the
collection of news such as subscribers
cannot collect singlehanded : that is,
foreign news and news concerning cer-
tain classes of domestic happenings.
Its board of directors consists of jour-
nalists and publishers connected with
subscribing newspapers, who serve
without payment. Its executive work is
done by a salaried general manager and
his assistants. It is financed on a basis
of weekly assessments levied according
to their size and custom upon newspa-
pers which are members. The sum
thus collected comes to about $3,000,-
000 a year. It is spent partly for the
hire of special wires from the telegraph
companies, and partly for the mainten-
ance of special news-collecting staffs.
The mileage of leased wires is immense,
amounting to about 22,000 miles by
day and 28,000 miles by night. Nor
does the organization, as some of its
critics seem to imagine, get any special
privileges from the telegraph com-
panies. Such privileges belonged to its
early history, when business standards
were lower than they are now.
The Associated Press has at least
one member in every city of any size in
the country. That in itself insures it a
good news-service; but, as indicated
above, it has in all important centres a
bureau of its own. Important events,
whether fixed, like national conven-
tions, or fortuitous, like strikes or floods
or shipwrecks, it covers more compre-
hensively than any single newspaper
can do. Its foreign service is ubiqui-
tous. It no longer depends upon its
arrangement with Reuter and other
foreign news-agencies : early in the pre-
sent century the intelligence thus col-
lected was found to lack the American
point of view, and an extensive foreign
service was formed, with local head-
quarters in London, Paris, and other
European capitals, Peking, Tokyo,
Mexico, and Havana, and with scores
of correspondents all over the world.
Enough has been said to show that
its efficiency and the manner of its or-
ganization combine to give the Asso-
ciated Press a distinct savor of mono-
poly. As the Sun News Bureau and
THE PROBLEM OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
135
other rivals have found, it cannot be ef-
fectively competed against. Too many
of the richest and most powerful news-
papers belong to it.
Is it a harmful monopoly? Its critic's,
as explained above, are busy proving
that it is. They urge that, being a close
corporation, it stifles trade in the sell-
ing of news, and that it is not impartial.
The first argument is based upon the
following facts. Membership in the
Associated Press is naturally valuable.
An Associated Press franchise to a
newspaper in New York or Chicago is
worth from $50,000 to $200,000. To
share such a privilege is not in human
or commercial nature. One of the first
rules of the organization is, therefore,
that no new newspaper can be admit-
ted without the consent of members
within competitive radius. Naturally,
that assent is seldom given. This
4 power of protest' has not been kept
without a struggle. The law-suit of
1900 was due to it. The Chicago Inter-
Ocean was refused admission, and went
to law. The case went to the Supreme
Court of Illinois, which ruled that a
press agency like the Associated Press
was in the nature of a public service
and as such ought to be open to every-
body. To have yielded to the judg-
ment would have smashed the Asso-
ciated Press, so it reorganized under
the laws of New York, with the moral
satisfaction of knowing that the courts
of Missouri had upheld what the Illi-
nois court had condemned. Its new
constitution, which is that of to-day,
keeps in effect the right of protest, the
only difference being that a disappoint-
ed applicant for membership gets the
not very usefu1 consolation of being
able to appeal to the association in the
slender hope chat four fifths of the
members will vote for his admission.
The practical working of the rule has
undoubtedly been monopolistic; not so
much because it has rendered the Asso-
ciated Press a monopoly, but because
it has rendered it the mother, poten-
tial and sometimes actual, of countless
small monopolies. On account of the
size of the United States and the di-
verse interests of the various sections,
there is in our country no daily press
with a national circulation. Newspa-
pers depend primarily upon their local
constituencies. In each journalistic
geographic unit, if the expression may
be allowed, one or more newspapers
possess the Associated Press franchise.
Such newspapers have in the excellent
and comparatively cheap Associated
Press service an instrument for mono-
poly hardly less valuable than a rebate-
giving railway may be to a commercial
corporation. It is also alleged by some
of its enemies that the Associated Press
still at times enjoins its members
against taking simultaneously the ser-
vice of its rival.
It is easy to argue that because the
Associated Press is a close corporation
it cannot be a monopoly, and that those
who are really trying to make a 'news
trust' of it are they who insist that it
ought to be open to all comers; but in
practice the argument is a good deal of
a quibble. The facts remain that, as
shown above, an effective news-agency
has to be tremendously rich ; that to be
tremendously rich it has to have pros-
perous constituents ; and that the large
majority of prosperous newspapers of
the country belong to the Associated
Press. In the writer's opinion it would
be virtually impossible, as things stand,
for any of the Associated Press's rivals
to become the Associated Press's equal,
upon either a commercial or a coopera-
tive basis.
in
The tremendous importance of the
question of the fairness of the Associat-
ed Press service is now apparent. If it
is deliberately tainted, as the socialists
136
THE PROBLEM OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
and radicals aver, there is virtually no
free press in the country. The question
is a very delicate one. Enemies of the
Associated Press assert in brief that its
stories about industrial troubles are
colored in the interest of the employer;
that its political news shows a similar
bias in favor of the plutocratic party,
whatever that may be; that, in fact, it
is used as a class organ. In the Presi-
dential campaign of 1912, Mr. Roose-
velt's followers insisted that the doings
of their candidates were blanketed. In
the recent labor troubles in West Vir-
ginia, Michigan, and Colorado, the
friends of labor have made the same
complaint of one-sidedness in the in-
terest of the employer.
Not only do the directors of the As-
sociated Press deny all insinuations
of unfairness, but they argue that part-
isanship, and especially political parti-
sanship, would be impossible in view
of the multitudinous shades of po-
litical opinion represented by their
constituents. They can also adduce
with justice the fact that in nearly
every campaign more than one politi-
cal manager has accused them of favor-
itism, only to retract when the heat of
the campaign was over. The charge of
industrial and social partisanship they
meet with a point-blank denial. It is
impossible in the space of this paper to
sift the evidence pro and con. Pending
action by the courts the only safe thing
to do is to look at the question in terms
of tendencies rather than of facts.
The Associated Press, it has been
shown, tends to be a monopoly. Does
it tend to be a one-sided monopoly?
The writer believes that it does. He be-
lieves that it may fairly be said that
the Associated Press as a corporation is
inclined to see things through conserv-
ative spectacles, and that its corre-
spondents, despite the very high aver-
age of their fairness, tend to do the
same thing. It could hardly be other-
wise, although it is possible that there
is nothing deliberate in the tendency.
Nearly all of the subscribers to the
Associated Press are the most respect-
able and successful newspaper pub-
lishers in their neighborhoods. They
belong to that part of the community
which has a stake in the settled order
of things; their managers are business
men among business men; they have
relations with the local magnates of fi-
nance and commerce : naturally, what-
ever their political views may be (and
the majority of the powerful organs of
the country are conservative), their
aggregate influence tends to be on the
side of conservatism.
The tendency, too, is enhanced by
the articles under which the Associ-
ated Press is incorporated. There is
special provision against fault-finding
on the part of members. The corpora-
tion is given the right to expel a mem-
ber * for any conduct on his part or the
part of any one in his employ or con-
nected with his newspaper, which in its
absolute discretion it shall deem of
such a character as to be prejudicial to
the interest and welfare of the corpora-
tion and its members, or to justify such
expulsion. The action of the members
of the corporation in such regard shall
be final, and there shall be no right of
appeal or review of such action.' The
Associated Press rightly prides itself
upon the standing of its correspond-
ents. The majority of them are drawn
from the ranks of the matter-of-fact
respectable. In the nature of their call-
ing they are not likely to be economists
or theoretical politicians. In the case
of a strike, for instance, their instinct
might well ,be to go to the employer
or the employer's lieutenant for news
rather than to the strike-leader.
Whether the Associated Press is a
monopoly within the meaning of the
anti-trust law, whether it actually
colors news as the socialists aver, must
THE PROBLEM OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
137
be left to the courts to decide.1 The
point to be noticed here is that it
might color news if it wanted to, and
that it does exercise certain monopolis-
tic functions. That in itself is a dan-
gerous state of affairs : but it seems to
be one that might be rectified. The Il-
linois Supreme Court has pointed the
way. The news-agency is essentially
monopolistic. It has much in common
with the ordinary public-utility mono-
poly. It should therefore be treated like
a public-utility corporation. It should
be subject to government regulation
and supervision, and its service should
be open to all customers. Were this
done the Associated Press would be
altered but not destroyed. Its useful
features would surely remain and its
drawbacks as surely be lessened. The
right of protest would be entirely swept
away; membership would be unlimit-
ed ; the threat of expulsion for fault-find-
ing would be automatically removed
'from above the heads of members; all
newspapers of all shades would be free
to apply the corrective of criticism ; and
if its news were none the less unfair,
some arrangement could presumably
be made for government restraint.
The Press Association of England is
an unlimited cooperative concern. Any
newspaper can subscribe to it, and
new subscribers are welcome. Especi-
ally in the provincial field, it is as pow-
erful a factor in British journalism as
the Associated Press is in the journal-
ism of the United States, yet its very
openness has saved it from the taint of
partiality. To organize the Associa-
ted Press on the same lines would, of
course, entail hardship to its present
constituents. They would be exposed
to fierce local competition. The value
of their franchises would dwindle. Such
rival agencies as exist might be ruined,
for they could hardly compete with the
Associated Press in the open market.
But it is difficult to see how American
journalism would suffer from a regu-
lated monopoly of that kind; and the
public would certainly be benefited, for
it would continue to enjoy the excel-
lent service of the Associated Press,
with its invaluable foreign telegrams
and its comprehensive domestic news;
it would be safeguarded to no small
extent from the danger of local or na-
tional news -monopolies and from in-
sidiously tainted news.
Such a reform, if reform there has to
be, would, in a word, be constructive.
The alternatives to it, as the writer
understands the situation, would be
destructive and empirical. The organ-
ization of the Associated Press would
either be cut to pieces or destroyed.
There would thus be a chaos of ineffec-
tive competition among either cooper-
ative or commercial press agencies.
Equal competition among a number of
cooperative associations Would, for rea-
sons already explained, mean compar-
atively ineffective and weak services.
Competition among commercial agen-
cies would have even less to recommend
it. The latter must by their nature be
more susceptible to special influences
than the cooperative agency. They are
controlled by a few business men, not
by their customers. Competing com-
mercial agencies would almost inevit-
ably come to represent competing in-
fluences in public life; while, if worse
came to worst, a commercialized ' news
trust * would clearly be more dangerous
than a cooperative news trust. The
great reactionary influences of business
would have freer play upon its directors
than they can have upon the directors
of an organization like the Associated
Press. If it be decided that even the As-
sociated Press is not immune from such
influences, the public should, the writer
believes, think twice before demanding
its destruction, instead of its alteration
to conform with the modern conception
of the public-service corporation.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
'HOWLERS'
WHEN summer really comes and the
college instructor reaches the end of his
strictly official tasks, he is apt to find,
if he be one of those unfortunates who
have to do with problems of getting
young men into one of those few insti-
tutions which still adhere to the fast-
fading tradition of entrance examina-
tions, a certain grim amusement in his
Sisyphean task. He has just helped to
roll one huge unwieldy stone to the
top, — and behold another, huger and
more unwieldy, waiting at the bottom.
And if ever man had cause to be at once
elated and depressed, surely he who
reads entrance papers may be said
fairly, in the words of one of these, to
* scintillate * between hope and despair.
Especially is this true of history. Geo-
graphy weird as a monastic map; bat-
tles as mythical as those of Geoffrey of
Monmouth ; science beyond the dreams
of alchemist or astrologist; language
which takes one back to the childhood
of the world — and sometimes beyond;
cities located on maps apparently ac-
cording to the principles of that amus-
ing game of pinning on the donkey's
tail, — these make at once for laughter
and for tears.
Consider, in this light, the classical
tradition of the modern world. 'Her-
cules was the modle of Greece, he was
very strong, he went into atheletics and
was excelent so that he was the great-
est profesional athelete and every one
looked up to him and he was very fa-
mus.' This is no mere series of illitera-
cies; it is a philosophy of scholastic life,
— as witness further. * The Academy
was a place where the Greek youth
138
learned to run races and play games
and thus acquired culture.' How mod-
ern it sounds, here with all our young
barbarians at play. Yet beside the
games was music. Consider again ths
story of Jason. 'The greatest obstacle
he had was to get his ship launched.
This obstacle was overcome by a great
musician who played the sweetest mu-
sic in the world. When he began to
play the ship jumped into the sea.'
Here was a worthy rival of ' Nero the
Emperor of Rome who while Rome was
burning sang an orgy which he had
himself composed on the roof of his
house.' It is not surprising, in view of
these things, to learn that there was in
Athens 'a music-hall which was called
the Odium,' or that 'Rome had been
running down hill for a long time and
finally fell.'
Nothing is more illuminating than a
comparison of the civilizations of anti-
quity in this connection. Egypt, whose
' people were a gay people who did not
mingle with other people ' but confined
themselves chiefly to building 'pyra-
mids and sphinks,' had 'priests who
were the highest class, they were sup-
posed to be economical and had to
wash and shave three times a day, the
soldiers on the other hand did not have
much of anything to do.' Contrast this
with that Sparta which was a ' terrible
place to bring up a boy,' or Rome,
which ' before the invasion of the bar-
barians was a great place to have
a good time.' Nothing in the ancient
world was quite like that curious Greek
marriage custom, ' where one man mar-
ried one woman and that was called
monotony'; but there were doubtless,
in every land, men who in some re-
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
139
spects resembled 'Plato who was the
wisest man who ever lived, he never
worked'; even though few or none
could boast of a Socrates who 'suf-
fered great privations but bored them,'
and who, though he was ' the greatest
moral teacher the world ever saw,' was
'convicted of corrupting the youth of
Athens' and 'died of drinking.'
But let us turn from these darker
glimpses of a pagan world to the com-
ing of Christianity. Hear the legend of
Helen. 'When the Christian Era be-
came very strong and dangerous to the
King and Queen of the Grecian Empire
(to Constantine and Helen) the king
was not too much desirous to do every
where a massacree and tyranical opres-
sion; especially the Queen Helen, who
was a very Godfeared woman. So, she
plunged into-deep discussion of the
question of the Christian Era, and,
naturally, dreamed that she saw up in
the "Heaven" a cross — and after the
dream she became a Christian (Orthodox
Catholic) and declined the all Greeks to
the same.' Hence that ' pious and godly
stunt,' the Crusades, which 'furnished
the food for so many romances and bal-
lads,' to say nothing of examination-
paper fiction. Take, for example, this
admirable piece of Alice in Wonder-
land, in reply to a modest inquiry re-
garding the decline of the crusading
zeal: 'The leaders tried to restrict it
into more solid (forever) form than the
political. The political got up stronger.
It was contested by gradually but I
forget when it was in Cadiz.' Surely
this deserves a place in our literature
beside the mouse when it spins.
The middle ages were, indeed, pecu-
liarly prolific in picturesque personali-
ties appealing to the scholastic mind,
from Charlemagne, who 'clapped the
climax,' to Edward the First, whose
'first trouble was with whales. His
polacy was to emphasize his national
character. In his continental polacy he
was rather reserve. He showed himself
a true worrier.' Among these interest-
ing figures not the least fascinating was
'Elenor of Aquitaine, a woman who
came from the vicinity of what was
then called Aquitania, where, in the
ancient days, Csesar and the inhabit-
ants of Aquitania did much bloody
fighting. Elenor was an inhabitant of
this place and being of a wild and dar-
ing nature she caused quite a disturb-
ance among the English kings. She
came over into England and Scotland
and raised disturbances, being the main
factor herself, although only a woman.
She was at last defeated and finally
death after many hardships put an end
to her adventurous career.' Fortunate-
ly or unfortunately for her, the 'Salic
law by which no woman or her offspring
could have any right to the throne ' did
not prevail in the British Isles.
Nor were these remarkable institu-
tions established during the dark ages
less interesting than its individuals,
that curious custom of ' transsubstan-
tiation by which allegiance was trans-
ferred from one lord to another,' and
that no less extraordinary ' Primogeni-
ture we read about in the eleventh cen-
tury, which was that all should die at a
certain time and that God had some
who were his and the rest must perish.'
Then, too, originated the cabinet sys-
tem of government, by means whose
memory should not be allowed to die.
'In the dark Ages of English history
kings were accustomed to meet with a
few of their accomplices in a small room
or cabin, that is from French cabinette,
whence, naturally came at once the
thing and its name.' But we must not
linger here, not even to look more close-
ly into ' the man or which was the home
of a lord to geth er with his ten aunts ' ;
or to weep over Joan of Arc, that ' poor
pheasant ' who was ' burned to a steak ' ;
or to wonder over the fact that 'in
1453 on the fall of Constantinople
140
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
there appeared in a Paris newspaper
the statement that * There are no
longer any Pyrenees." In these days
when war wen ton 'sponsmatically,' —
among conflicts between the 'two class-
es of clergy, regular and irregular/ to
say nothing of true * Prodestism ' or the
'catastrathrope' which ensued; when
Europe was decimated by the rav-
ages of * Richard I who was called the
Black Death,' — there is too much (to
speak the language of this strange dia-
lect) that is * malagious ' for us to delay
longer.
Let us turn again to a happier theme,
and none is happier, surely, than Henry
VIII, who * got a divorce and then mar-
ried again and again ' until he * had five
wives all told and this was the begin-
ning of the Church of England/ Sto-
ries naturally differ about him even in
this realm of unnatural history; but this
one will perhaps serve as well as any.
* After his first wife died he tried to
marry his brother's widow, which he
could not legally do. The Pope refused
his application and Henry took the law
in his own hands and married her. After
some years he fell in love with another
and began to feel his marriage was not
right. The Pope refused to divorce him
and he tried to have the archbishop of
Canterbury get it. But Becket would n't
do it. Henry made a rash statement and
Becket was killed by the courtiers. The
divorce however was never received.'
It is of interest to see how the Becket
story is preserved in the most unexpect-
ed ways and places, as thus: 'John
Pym was a great Puritan leader.
When the king nominated him as lead-
er he did away with all his rash doings,
put on his religious gown, gave his
money to help the poor and did a great
work among the people,' — and so on
to the end. This, it may be observed,
was a very different method from that
used by Pym's great contemporary,
Cromwell, who * belabored effectually
to keep the peace.' The innate, uncon-
scious truth of that ingenuous remark
lies as far beyond the bounds of mere
invention, as does the statement that
the inventor of the Popish Plot was 'a
liar born and bread'; or that the two
greatest enemies of France were Glad-
stone ' who defeated the king at Nase-
by,' and Nelson 'who defeated Napo-
leon in the last battle of the Hundred
Year's War.'
Yet it is, after all, in the history of
their own country that these aspiring
youths reach their greatest heights, and
reveal most clearly the fact that the
provincialism of the nation is so largely
confined to certain relatively small dis-
tricts, however wide its ignorance may
be. No one outside of New England
surely would enumerate Omaha among
the western states ; no Southerner surely
could locate Gettysburg in Kentucky,
as no New Englander could put Louis-
burg in Texas. This species of error,
doubtless, is less due to dull scholars
than to defective instruction. To what
the statement that ' formerly men were
nominated for the presidency by the
people but now they are nominated by
party conventions ' is due, let each man
decide for himself. In the recurrent
confusion between Andrew Jackson
and Andrew Johnson, it is, perhaps,
only natural that careful study of more
recent events should now and then be-
tray one into a still more entertaining
complication with Jack Johnson.
And this brings to our attention,
finally, how short are the memories of
men. Let us take three composite lives.
Oliver P. Morton who came to this
country to escape religious persecution
first caused a great deal of trouble for
the Massachusetts Puritans; then, hav-
ing played some part in the Revolu-
tionary War, became ambassador to
England, signed the Ostend Manifesto,
and later was Vice-president under
Cleveland and a member of Harrison's
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
141
cabinet. Still more remarkable was the
life of Seward. A radical Abolitionist
of New York, he served some time in
the House and the Senate, besides one
term as governor of Ohio, became a
strong advocate of slavery, and went
to Texas as the leader of the United
States troops. He was secretary of war,
the treasury and state under Jefferson,
Lincoln and Johnson and finally bought
Alaska, known since as 'Seward's Folly.*
Longer and even more romantic was
the career of a certain John Marshall
as here delineated by various hands.
Having signed the Declaration of In-
dependence, he served as minister to
France and England, as a member of
the cabinets of Washington, Jefferson,
Monroe, and Hayes, some thirty or
thirty-five years as chief justice of the
Supreme Court, became the leader of
a slave insurrection at Harper's Ferry,
and finally was elected Vice-president
under McKinley, Taft, and Wilson,
which last position he still occupies, —
and, with his experience of a century
and a half of the Republic, is of more
than ordinary value to the administra-
tion, without doubt. In view of such a
career as this on the part of a political
opponent it is no wonder that 'The
Scientific Republicans are anctious of
a prosperity and mostly of a progress
but the business Republicans are en-
deavoring to establish a more stronger
Trust/ or that they, too, may have
come to regard a plebiscite as a 'de-
ceitful method of gaining popularity
with the people.'
ACADEMIC COURTESIES
WITHIN a comparatively short time
I have had two enlightening experi-
ences which may interest your readers.
I shall permit myself to preface these
experiences by the statement that I
belong to the happy class of professors,
that I am middle-aged, and that I have
spent all, or pen s'en faut, of my profes-
sional life in a coeducational university.
I may add incidentally that I am a
woman.
The stage-setting for experience num-
ber one is a city in provincial and be-
nighted Spain.
It chanced one day that I had to go
to the university library to copy a man-
uscript. I went early in order to be
there at the ten o'clock opening of the
doors. When I entered the vestibule I
found it full of men and boys of every
description. There were beardless lads
waiting to finish the sensational French
story begun yesterday. There were rag-
ged, dirty, unshaven men shivering from
the night cold which was still in their
bones, pushing their way to a place that
meant more warmth than was promised
by the gray sunless day. There were a
few students and some scholars. All
were crowded about the iron grating.
I gave a hasty glance around and saw
that there were no women, so I stood
back, not relishing the prospect of min-
gling with that unsavory mob.
A blear-eyed attendant came to un-
lock the grating. At that moment
some one spied me and cried out, 'The
senora first.' I looked and saw hands
gesticulating and beckoning, and a
passageway was made. Almost before
1 knew it I was inside the library, and
a gallant, exceedingly shabby gentle-
man was conducting me to the guar-
dian of manuscripts. When I had fin-
ished my copying an attendant asked
me if there was anything else he could
do for me. I ventured to ask if I might
visit some classes. He showed no sur-
prise, but took me immediately to a
gentlemanly person who accompanied
me to a classroom and introduced me
to the professor at the desk. Neither cu-
riosity nor selfconsciousness was shown
by the students, although no foreign
woman had visited the university with-
in their memory. My presence as a vis-
142
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
itor was treated with the simplicity and
naturalness of perfect courtesy.
Later I was visiting some of our
American universities and colleges of
the 'Atlantic States. Many years had
passed since I had last seen them, and
the interval had been crowded with im-
pressions of foreign institutions. It was
with peculiar and patriotic pleasure
that I found myself deeply moved by
the dignified beauty and academic
charm of our own colleges. 'We have
known how to borrow all that is best
from the old world/ thought I proudly,
'and have adapted it to our own ideas
of progress and liberty. The courts and
cloisters, the gothic arch and the colo-
nial column are indicative of our rev-
erence for tradition and culture. The
laboratory, the gymnasium, the wide
stretch of campus and the spacious
athletic field are indicative of our larger
conceptions of life, of our breadth of
mind, of our freedom from prejudice.'
In some such form I expressed my
thoughts to the courteous professor
who chanced to be my escort at one of
the larger men's colleges. He beamed
sympathetically, and later said, ' What
else would you like to see? ' With a sigh
of content and anticipation, I replied,
'Now I'd like to visit some of the
classes.'
He looked startled, then embarrass-
ed, hesitated a moment and said, ' I 'm
afraid the fellows would n't stand for
that.'
I was puzzled.
'The fellows?' I asked.
'Yes, the students. You see they
might start to stamping and cat-call-
ing if a lady came into the lecture-room,
and that would break up the class.'
It seemed incredible. That I, a mid-
dle-aged, sober, respectable professor,
could not visit a class studying a sub-
ject in which I was particularly inter-
ested without creating a riot. And this
because — thank God! — I chanced to
be a woman. Was I really in America,
in the twentieth century?
The broad campus seemed to shrink
to provincial proportions, and preju-
dice narrowed the noble outlines of the
buildings. It was incredible! This was
surely an isolated instance. This col-
lege was perhaps peculiarly unsuscep-
tible to broadening influences. I would
try somewhere else. I did try, in four
segregated male colleges, and every-
where I met with the same answer.
Every other hospitality was shown, but
that one thing which I most wanted,
which had been the real object of my
trip, the observation of the teaching of
my own subject, this was denied me.
After I had fully grasped the situation,
the humor of it filled me with deep, si-
lent laughter. How childish we still are,
even in our educational institutions!
To what queer little quirks and contra-
dictions are we subject! How compla-
cently we deck ourselves in a wornout
prejudice only to realize suddenly that
it is worn out and that we are naked.
But I remember Spanish courtesy
with honest gratitude.
THE WIZARD WORD
THE world is in danger of being too
acutely discovered. Pretty soon there
won't be any Nowhere. There will be
a road-map through it for every tooting
motor, a cloud-map through it for every
wheeling airship. We are impelled to
know and know and know, and all the
time knowledge is such a stupid quarry
to be always hunting down. The only
real sport is mystery. Presently neither
sea nor sky will be left for the spirit to
adventure, yet the imagination must
have somewhere to sail.
It is here that the world of words
comes in so handily. That is a universe
never to be reduced to terms of sense
and science; words are too fraught
with sense for that. Language is still
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
143
a place of sun-gleams and shadows, of
lightnings and half-lights, and things
forgotten and things to be, of odors and
tastes and pictures and hauntings,
whole pageants of dead dynasties
evoked perhaps by a small adjective.
Words are so elusive, so personal, in
their suggestion, that science will never
bully all fancy out of us so long as we
have words to talk in, to dream in.
It is just in proportion as words re-
tain their mystery, that they retain
their magic. So soon as they present
too definite a picture, odor, taste, they
lose their wizardry. We may outgrow
our fairy tales, but there are few of us
for whom some words do not always
retain their witchery of suggestion,
words that have never become in our
minds too definite, words that still
glimpse haze and mystery and the
magic of ignorance. I would so much
rather look into my heart for the mean-
ing of a word than into the dictionary;
it is one of many methods of defending
one's imagination from the encroach-
ments of knowledge.
Some words possess a mysterious
spaciousness: try * Homeric,' think it,
pronounce it, and you will see in the
flash of that adjective men and women
growing to god-size, taller, stronger,
more beautiful than any but Homer
ever thought of, and you will see every-
thing in vast numbers, great herds of
cattle for the hecatomb, tens of thous-
sands of men-at-arms surging, limitless
spear-points pricking all the plain. No
fleet, no army, could be so big and vast
as that one word Homeric.
Another word that suggests number
beyond any ciphering is the word
* doubloon.' Could any one ever feel
so rich in terms of dollars as in terms of
doubloons? This is because nobody
with any imagination knows how much
a doubloon is worth, or wants to, and
people without any imagination can
never feel rich anyway, no matter how
many dollars or doubloons they have.
* Galleon' is a noun that twins with
doubloon. A galleon is the staunchest
vessel any one can go to sea in, although
it is only a word, not a ship any longer.
There's a splendor, a pride, about a
galleon. It glides, it never sails, and
it always has favoring winds, it com-
mands them. Nobody can picture a
galleon with sails a-flap in a dead calm,
or with sails in ribbons in a gale. A
galleon is always mistress of all wea-
thers. On the other hand a galleon is not
altogether a craft for highest emprise,
it's not what 'merchant-adventurers'
would sail in. 'Merchant-adventurers,'
— there is a word that fits with a brawl-
ing and buffeting sea, or deadly tropic
calm and the sighting of low, fronded
islands, or the black rim of a pirate
boat on the treacherous, unknown
water. But what a ring of rollicking
jollity and dauntless fellowship there
is in that brave old compound noun,
merchant-adventurers! It is one of
the many words that, fading from our
vocabulary, carry with them whole
decades of history. It lays open all ' the
spacious days of great Elizabeth.' Yet
when I apply it to definite names,
Drake, Frobisher, Raleigh, instantly
some of the magic fades. I want no
names for my merchant-adventurers.
There are other words that echo to
the vastness of the Elizabethan imagi-
nation. 'Empery' responds with the
thundering conquests of Tamburlaine,
which in turn were but echoes of the
insatiable soul-quest of Kit Marlowe.
The word to me spells Marlowe, and
spells Keats; not all the world could
supply the indomitable desire that is
dreamed of in empery, not all the
kingdoms of earth were enough for the
empery of Tamburlaine. Empery is
richer, vaster, more insatiably desirable
than empire. Empire dwindles to a
petty exactness beside it. Empire is
not the only word to turn to magic by
144
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
the addition of the suggestive suffix, ry.
Ry might be termed the supernatural
suffix, for it always has a connotation
of spirit-peopled places. The word
'glamour' has in it a certain degree of
magic, but change it to 'glamoury,' and
see what happens, what glimmering
vistas of elfland open forth. And if the
y following the r be changed to ie, the
result has even more of wizardry,
which word is itself an example of my
ry argument. Notice the difference of
degree in glamour, glamoury, glam-
ourie, and in 'fairy,' which is mild in
meaning when set beside 'faerie.' And
is there any word in our tongue so
capable of evoking the sensations of
that shivery borderland between the
known and the unknowable as the dis-
syllable'eerie'?
A savage place! as holy and enchanted
As e'er beneath a waning moon was haunted
By woman wailing for her demon lover!
The connotation of words in ry and
rie is an example in the superlative de-
gree of the magic of indefiniteness, but
there is plenty of conjuring power in
terms which have no supernatural sug-
gestion. All the romance of a bygone
period may often be better evoked by
a word than by treatises of overdone
historical research.
Often some word of wearing apparel
may summon forth a whole pageant of
costume. Try wimple, kirtle, shift. I
should have no idea of the size or shape
of the desired garment, should be help-
less before my needle and scissors; but
in spite of this ignorance, and, as I
maintain, because of it, the word * wim-
ple' shall always call up for me peaked
crown and flowing veil, and the canter-
ing and the clinking and chattering of
all Chaucer's blithe procession; the
word * kirtle' flashes Perdita upon my
vision, Perdita, the shepherdess-prin- *
cess weaving her dance; and 'shift,' is
a noun which crowds upon me all the
crude, quick life of the ballads; for in
this garment, beneath a hovering halo,
forsaken ladies drowned were always
floating about on midnight waters by
way of reproach to their lords.
The innermost luxury of all sense-
perception is never experienced from
the too clearly analyzed sensation, how-
ever acute. ' Heard melodies are sweet,
but those unheard are sweeter.' No
music has such a spell for our feet as
is implied in the words ' piping ' and
* fifing,' but few of us have ever danced
to piping or to fifing. In the realm of
smell is any rose as sweet as the quaint
word ' posy ' ? Yet can you tell its shape,
or color or odor? It is a spicy mingling
of all the fragrance of all sweet gardens
that ever were, — or that never were!
There exists nothing so toothsome
as the food and drink we have never
tasted and shall never taste. A 'veni-
son pasty ' never appeared on any menu
we ever read, yet we know that we
have never eaten anything so savory.
Mead, canary, mulled wine, are drinks
delectable. The mighty goblets of
Valhalla ran with mead, and from them
we quaff great hero draughts; canary
fires all our veins with the tingling,
ringing young exuberance of the Mer-
maid Tavern; while mulled wine is the
most comforting of toddies, soothing
to sleep after the cosiness and confi-
dences of midnight slippers and dress-
ing-gown.
There are few people so prosaic as
not to possess, hidden away from their
own and others' investigation as se-
curely as every man's secret belief in
ghosts, a whole conjuror's chest of
wizard words. I have merely mentioned
some of those nouns which have for me
the power to set me free to adventure
the unknown. To every man his own
words, his own enchantments, so long
as they have might to release from the
chains of knowledge, and to unshackle
the imagination for the spirit's free
adventuring.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
AUGUST, 1914
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
A STAMBOUL NIGHT'S ENTERTAINMENT
BY H. G. DWIGHT
As the caique glided up to the
garden gate the three boatmen rose
from their sheepskins and caught hold
of iron clamps set into the marble of
the quay. Shaban, the grizzled gate-
keeper, who was standing at the top
of the water-steps with his hands fold-
ed respectfully in front of him, came
salaaming down to help his master out.
'Shall we wait, my pasha?' asked
the head kaikji.
The pasha turned to Shaban, as if
to put a question. And as if to answer
it, Shaban said, —
The madama is up in the wood, in
the kiosque. She sent down word to
ask if you would go up too/
'Then don't wait.' Returning the
boatmen's salaam, the pasha stepped
into his garden. 'Is there company in
the kiosque or is madama alone?' he
inquired.
' I think no one is there — except
Ziimbiil Agha,' replied Shaban, follow-
ing his master up the long central path
of black and white pebbles.
'Ziimbiil Agha!' exclaimed the
pasha. But if it had been in his mind
to say anything else he stooped instead
VOL. 114 -NO, 2
to sniff at a rosebud. And then he
asked, 'Are we dining up there, do
you know?'
'I don't know, my pasha, but I will
find out.'
'Tell them to send up dinner any-
way, Shaban. It is such an evening!
And just ask Moustafa to bring me a
coffee at the fountain, will you? I will
rest a little before climbing that hill.'
'On my head!' said the Albanian,
turning off to the house.
The pasha kept on to the end of the
walk. Two big horse-chestnut trees,
their candles just starting alight in the
April air, stood there at the foot pf
a terrace, guarding a fountain that
dripped in the ivied wall. A thread of
water started mysteriously out of the
top of a tall marble niche into a little
marble basin, from which it overflowed
by two flat bronze spouts into two
smaller basins below. From them the
water dripped back into a single basin
still lower down, and so tinkled its
broken way, past graceful arabesques
and reliefs of fruit and flowers, into a
crescent-shaped pool at the foot of the
niche.
The pasha sank down into one of
the wicker chairs scattered hospitably
146
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
beneath the horse-chestnut trees, and
thought how happy a man he was to
have a fountain of the period of Sul-
tan Ahmed III, and a garden so full
of April freshness, and a view of the
bright Bosphorus and the opposite
hills of Europe, and the firing West.
How definitely he thought it I cannot
say, for the pasha was not greatly
given to thought. Why should he be,
as he possessed without that trouble a
goodly share of what men acquire by
taking thought? If he had been lapped
in ease and security all his da^s, they
numbered many more, did those days,
than the pasha would have chosen.
Still, they had touched him but lightly,
merely increasing the dignity of his
handsome presence and taking away
nothing of his power to enjoy his little
walled world.
So he sat there, breathing in the air
of the place and the hour, while gar-
deners came and went with their water-
ing-pots, and birds twittered among
the branches, and the fountain plashed
beside him, until Shaban reappeared
carrying a glass of water and a cup of
coffee in a swinging tray.
* Eh, Shaban ! It is not your business
to carry coffee!' protested the pasha,
reaching for a stand that stood near
him.
'What is your business is my busi-
ness, pasha 'm. Have I not eaten your
bread and your father's for thirty
years?'
'No! Is it as long as that? We are
getting old, Shaban.'
'We are getting old,' assented the
Albanian simply.
The pasha thought, as he took out
his silver cigarette-case, of another
pasha who had complimented him that
afternoon on his youthfulness. And,
choosing a cigarette, he handed the
case to his gatekeeper. Shaban accept-
ed the cigarette and produced matches
from his gay girdle.
'How long is it since you have been
to your country, Shaban?'
The pasha, lifting his little cup with
its silver zarf, realized that he would not
have sipped his coffee quite so noisily
had his French wife been sitting with
him under the horse-chestnut trees.
But with his old Shaban he could still
be a Turk.
'Eighteen months, my pasha.'
'And when are you going again?'
' In Ramazan, if God wills. Or per-
haps next Ramazan. We shall see.'
*Allah, Allah ! How many times have
I told you to bring your people here,
Shaban? We have plenty of room to
build you a house somewhere, and you
could see your wife and children every
day instead of once in two or three
years.'
'Wives, wives! A man will not die
if he does not see them every day.
Besides, it would not be good for the
children. In Constantinople they be-
come rascals. There are too many
Christians.' And he added hastily, 'It
is better for a boy to grow up in the
mountains.'
'But we have a mountain here, be-
hind the house,' laughed the pasha.
'Your mountain is not like our
mountains,' objected Shaban gravely,
hunting in his mind for the difference
he felt but could not express.
'And that new wife of yours,' went
on the pasha. 'Is it good to leave a
young woman like that? Are you not
afraid?'
'No, my pasha. I am not afraid.
We all live together, you know. My
brothers watch, and the other women.
She is safer than yours. Besides, in my
country it is not as it is here.'
' I don't know why I have never been
to see this wonderful country of yours,
Shaban. I have so long intended to,
and I never have been. But I must
climb my mountain or they will think
that I have become a rascal too.' And,
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
147
rising from his chair, he gave the Al-
banian a friendly pat.
* Shall I come too, my pasha? Ziim-
biil Agha sent word — '
'Zumbiil Agha!' interrupted the pa-
sha irritably. 'No, you need n't come.
I will explain to Ziimblil Agha.'
With which he left Shaban to pick
up the empty coffee cup.
II
From the upper terrace a bridge led
across the public road to the wood. If
it was not a wood it was at all events
a good-sized grove, climbing the steep
hillside very much as it chose. Every
sort and size of tree was there, but the
greater number of them were of a kind
to be sparsely trimmed in April with a
delicate green, and among them were
so many twisted Judas trees as to tinge
whole patches of the slope with their
deep rose bloom. The road that the
pasha slowly climbed, swinging his
amber beads behind him as he walked,
zigzagged so leisurely back and forth
among the trees that a carriage could
have driven up it. In that way, indeed,
the pasha had more than once mounted
to the kiosque, in the days when his
mother used to spend a good part of
her summer up there, and when he was
married to his first wife. The memory
of the two, and of their old-fashioned
ways, entered not too bitterly into his
general feeling of well-being, minis-
tered to by the budding trees and the
spring air and the sunset view. Every
now and then an enormous plane tree
invited him to stop and look at it, or a
semi-circle of cypresses.
So at last he came to the top of the
hill, where in a grassy clearing a small
house looked down on the valley of the
Bosphorus through a row of great
stone pines. The door of the kiosque
was open, but his wife was not visible.
The pasha stopped a moment, as he
had done a thousand times before, and
looked back. He was not the man to be
insensible to what he saw between the
columnar trunks of the pines, where
European hills traced a dark curve
against the fading sky, and where the
sinuous waterway far below still re-
flected a last glamour of the day. The
beauty of it, and the sharp sweetness
of the April air, and the infinitesimal
sounds of the wood, and the half-con-
scious memories involved with it all,
made him sigh. He turned and mount-
ed the steps of the porch.
The kiosque looked very dark and
unfamiliar as the pasha entered it. He
wondered what had become of Helene
— if by any chance he had passed her
on the way. He wanted her. She was
the expression of what the evening rous-
ed in him. He heard nothing, however,
but the splash of water from a half-
invisible fountain. It reminded him
for an instant, of the other fountain,
below, and of Shaban. His steps re-
sounded hollowly on the marble pave-
ment as he walked into the dim old
saloon, shaped like a T, with the cross
longer than the leg. It was still light
enough for him to make out the glim-
mer of windows on three sides and the
square of the fountain in the centre,
but the painted domes above were lost
in shadow.
The spaces on either side of the bay
by which he entered, completing the
rectangle of the kiosque, were filled
by two little rooms opening into the
cross of the T. He went into the left-
hand one, where Helene usually sat —
because there were no lattices. The
room was empty.
The place seemed so strange and
still in the twilight that a sort of ap-
prehension began to grow in him, and
he half wished he had brought up
Shaban. He turned back to the second,
the latticed room — the harem, as they
called it. Curiously enough it was
148
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
Helene who would never let him
Europeanize it, in spite of the lattices.
Every now and then he found out that
she liked some Turkish things better
than he did. As soon as he opened the
door he saw her sitting on the divan
opposite. He knew her profile against
the checkered pallor of the lattice. But
she neither moved nor greeted him.
It was Ziimbul Agha who did so, start-
ling him by suddenly rising beside the
door and saying in his high voice, —
* Pleasant be your coming, my pasha.'
The pasha had forgotten about
Ziimbul Agha; and it seemed strange
to him that Helene continued to sit
silent and motionless on her sofa.
* Good evening/ he said at last. * You
are sitting very quietly here in the dark.
Are there no lights in this place?'
It was again Ziimbul Agha who
spoke, turning one question by an-
other : —
'Did Shaban come with you?'
'No,' replied the pasha shortly. 'He
said he had had a message, but I told
him not to come.'
'A-ah!' ejaculated the eunuch in his
high drawl. 'But it does not matter —
with the two of us.'
The pasha grew more and more
puzzled, for this was not the scene he
had imagined to himself as he came up
through the park in response to his
wife's message. Nor did he grow less
puzzled when the eunuch turned to her
and said in another tone, —
'Now will you give me that key?'
The French woman took no more
notice of this question than she had of
the pasha's entrance.
' What do you mean, Ziimbiil Agha? '
demanded the Pasha sharply. 'That is
not the way to speak to your mistress.'
'I mean this, my pasha,' retorted
the eunuch, 'that some one is hiding
in this chest and that madama keeps
the key.'
That was what the pasha heard, and
in the absurd treble of the black man,
in the darkening room. He looked down
and made out, beside the tall figure of
the eunuch, the chest on which he had
been sitting. Then he looked across at
Helene, who still sat silent in front of
the lattice.
'What are you talking about?' he
asked at last, more stupefied than
anything else. 'Who is it? A thief?
Has any one — ?' He left the vague
question unformulated, even in his
mind.
'Ah, that I don't know. You must
ask madama. Probably it is one of
her Christian friends. But at least if
it were a woman she would not be so
unwilling to unlock her chest for us ! '
The silence that followed, while the
pasha looked dumbly at the chest, and
at Ziimbiil Agha, and at his wife, was
filled for him with a stranger confusion
of feelings than he had ever experi-
enced before. Nevertheless he was sur-
prisingly cool, he found; his pulse
quickened very little. He told himself
that it was n't true and that he really
must get rid of old Ziimbul after all,
if he went on making such preposter-
ous gaffes and setting them all by the
ears. How could anything so baroque
happen to him, the pasha, who owed
what he was to honorable fathers and
who had passed his life honorably and
peaceably until this moment? Yet he
had had an impression, walking into
the dark old kiosque and finding no-
body until he found these two sitting
here in this extraordinary way — as if
he had walked out of his familiar gar-
den, that he knew like his hand, into
a country he knew nothing about,
where anything might be true. And
he wished, he almost passionately wish-
ed, that Helene would say something,
would cry out against Ziimbiil Agha,
would lie even, rather than sit there
so still and removed and different from
other women.
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
149
Then he began to be aware that if
it were true — if! — he ought to do
something. He ought to make a noise.
He ought to kill somebody. That was
what they always did. That was what
his father would have done, or certainly
his grandfather. But he also told him-
self that it was no longer possible for
him to do what his father and grand-
father had done. He had been unlearn-
ing their ways too long. Besides, he
was too old.
A sudden sting of jealousy pierced
him at the thought of how old he was,
and how young Helene. Even if he
lived to be seventy or eighty she would
still have a life left when he died. Yes,
it was as Shaban said. They were
getting old. He had never really felt
the humiliation of it before. And Sha-
ban had said, strangely, something else
— that his own wife was safer than
the pasha's. Still he felt an odd com-
passion for Helene, too, — because she
was young, and it was Judas-tree time,
and she was married to gray hairs. And
although he was a pasha, descended
from great pashas, and she was only
a little French girl quelconque, he felt
more afraid than ever of making a fool
of himself before her — when he had
promised her that she should be as free
as any other European woman, that
she should live her life. Besides, what
had the black man to do with their
private affairs?
'Ziimbiil Agha,' he suddenly heard
himself harshly saying, 'is this your
house or mine? I have told you a hun-
dred times that you are not to trouble
the madama, or follow her about, or
so much as guess where she is and what
she is doing. I have kept you in the
house because my father brought you
into it; but if I ever hear of your speak-
ing to madama again, or spying on her,
I will send you into the street. Do you
hear ? Now get out ! '
'Aman, my pasha! I beg you!' en-
treated the eunuch. There was some-
thing ludicrous in his voice, coming as
it did from his height.
The pasha wondered if he had been
too long a person of importance in the
family to realize the change in his po-
sition, or whether he really —
All of a sudden a checkering of lamp-
light flickered through the dark win-
dow, touched the Negro's black face
for a moment, traveled up the wall.
Silence fell again in the little room —
a silence into which the fountain
dropped its silver patter. Then steps
mounted the porch and echoed in the
other room, which lighted in turn, and
a man came in sight, peering this way
and that, with a big white accordeon
lantern in his hand. Behind the man
two other servants appeared, carry-
ing on their heads round wooden trays
covered by figured silks, and a boy
tugging a huge basket. When they dis-
covered the three in the little room
they salaamed respectfully.
* Where shall we set the table?' asked
the man with the lantern.
For the pasha the lantern seemed to
make the world more like the place
he had always known. He turned to
his wife apologetically.
'I told them to send dinner up here.
It has been such a long time since we
came. But I forgot about the table. I
don't believe there is one here.'
'No,' uttered Helene from her sofa,
sitting with her head on her hand.
It was the first word she had spoken.
But, little as it was, it reassured him,
like the lantern.
* There is the chest,' hazarded Ztim-
biil Agha.
The interruption of the servants had
for the moment distracted them all.
But the pasha now turned on him so
vehemently that the eunuch salaamed
in haste and went away.
'Why not?' asked Helene, when he
was gone. 'We can sit on cushions.'
150
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
* Why not?' echoed the pasha. Grate-
ful as he was for the interruption, he
found himself wishing, secretly, that
Helene had discouraged his idea of a
picnic dinner. And he could not help
feeling a certain constraint as he gave
the necessary orders and watched the
servants put down their paraphernalia
and pull the chest into the middle of the
room. There was something unreal and
stage-like about the scene, in the uncer-
tain light of the lantern. Obviously
the chest was not light. It was an old
cypress-wood chest that they had al-
ways used in the summer, to keep
things in, polished a bright brown, with
a little inlaid pattern of dark brown
and cream color running around the
edge of each surface, and a more com-
plicated design ornamenting the centre
of the cover. He vaguely associated
his mother with it. He felt a distinct
relief when the men spread the cloth.
He felt as if they had covered up more
things than he could name. And when
they produced candlesticks and can-
dles, and set them on the improvised
table and in the niches beside the door,
he seemed to come back again into the
comfortable light of common sense.
'This is the way we used to do when
I was a boy/ he said with a smile, when
he and Helene established themselves
on sofa cushions on opposite sides of
the chest. 'Only then we had little
tables six inches high, instead of big
ones like this.'
'It is rather a pity that we have
spoiled all that,' she said. * Are we any
happier for perching on chairs around
great scaffoldings and piling the scaf-
foldings with so many kinds of porce-
lain and metal? After all, they knew
how to live — the people who were
capable of imagining a place like this.
And they had the good taste not to fill
a room with things. Your grandfather,
was it?'
He had had a dread that she would
not say anything, that she would re-
main silent and impenetrable, as she
had been before Ziimbiil Agha, as if
the chest between them were a barrier
that nothing could surmount. His heart
lightened when he heard her speak.
Was it not quite her natural voice?
'It was my great-grandfather, the
grand vizier. They say he did know
how to live — in his way. He built the
kiosque for a beautiful slave of his, a
Greek, whom he called Pomegranate.'
'Madame Pomegranate! What a
charming name! And that is why her
cipher is everywhere. See?' She point-
ed to the series of cupboards and niches
on either side of the door, dimly paint-
ed with pomegranate blossoms, and to
the plaster reliefs around the hooded
fireplace, and to the cluster of pome-
granates that made a centre to the
gilt and painted lattice-work of the
ceiling. 'One could be very happy in
such a little house. It has an air —
of being meant for moments. And you
feel as if they had something to do
with the wonderful way it has faded.'
She looked as if she had meant to
say something else, which she did not.
But after a moment she added, 'Will
you ask them to turn off the water in
the fountain? It is a little chilly, now
that the sun has gone, and it sounds
like rain — or tears.'
The dinner went, on the whole, not
so badly. There were dishes to be
passed back and forth. There were
questions to be asked or comments to
be made. There were the servants to
be spoken to. Yet, more and more,
the pasha could not help wondering.
When a silence fell, too, he could not
help listening. And least of all could he
help looking at Helene. He looked at
her, trying not to look at her, with an
intense curiosity, as if he had never
seen her before, asking himself if there
were anything new in her face, and how
she would look if — Would she be like
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
151
this? She made no attempt to keep
up a flow of words, as if to distract his
attention. She was not soft either; she
was not trying to seduce him, and she
made no show of gratitude toward him
for having sent Zumbiil Agha away.
Neither did she by so much as an in-
flection try to insinuate or excuse or
explain. She was what she always was,
perfect — and evidently a little tired.
She was indeed more than perfect,
she was prodigious, when he asked her
once what she was thinking about and
she said Pandora, tapping the chest
between them. He had never heard
the story of that Greek girl and her
box, and she told him gravely about
all the calamities that came out of it,
and the one gift of hope that remained
behind.
'But I cannot be a Turkish woman
long!' she added inconsequently with
a smile. ' ' My legs are asleep. I really
must walk about a little.'
When he had helped her to her feet
she led the way into the other room.
They had their coffee and cigarettes
there. Helene walked slowly up and
down the length of the room, stopping
every now and then to look into the
square pool of the fountain and to pat
her hair.
The pasha sat down on the long low
divan that ran under the windows.
He could watch her more easily now.
And the detachment with which he had
begun to look at her grew in spite of
him into the feeling that he was looking
at a stranger. After all, what did he
know about her? Who was she? What
had happened to her, during all the
years that he had not known her, in
that strange free European life which
he had tried to imitate, and which at
heart he secretly distrusted? What
had she ever really told him, and what
had he ever really divined of her? For
perhaps the first time in his life he re-
alized how little one person may know
of another, and particularly a man of
a woman. And he remembered Shaban
again, and that phrase about his wife
being safer than Helene. Had Shaban
really meant anything? Was Helene
' safe ' ? He acknowledged to himself at
last that the question was there in his
mind, waiting to be answered.
Helene did not help him. She had
been standing for some time at an odd
angle to the pool, looking into it. He
could see her face there, with the eyes
turned away from him.
'How mysterious a reflection is!' she
said. 'It is so real that you can't be-
lieve it disappears for good. How often
Madame Pomegranate must have look-
ed into this pool, and yet I can't find
her in it. But I feel she is really there,
all the same — and who knows who
else.'
'They say mirrors do not flatter,' the
pasha did not keep himself from re-
joining, 'but they are very discreet.
They tell no tales!'
Helene raised her eyes. In the lit-
tle room the servants had cleared the
improvised table and had packed up
everything again except the candles.
'I have been up here a long time,'
she said, 'and I am rather tired. It is a
little cold, too. If you do not mind I
think I will go down to the house now,
with the servants. You will hardly
care to go so soon, for Zumbiil Agha
has not finished what he has to say to
you.'
'Ziimbiil Agha!' exclaimed the pa-
sha. ' I sent him away.'
'Ah, but you must know him well
enough to be sure he would not go.
Let us see.' She clapped her hands.
The servant of the lantern immedi-
ately came out to her. 'Will you ask
Ziimbul Agha to come here?' she said.
'He is on the porch.'
The man went to the door, looked
out, and said a word. Then he stood
aside with a respectful salaam, and
152
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
the eunuch entered. He negligently re-
turned the salute and walked forward
until his air of importance changed to
one of humility at sight of the pasha.
Salaaming in turn, he stood with his
hands folded in front of him.
'I will go down with you/ said the
pasha to his wife, rising. ' It is too late
for you to go through the woods in the
dark.'
* Nonsense!' She gave him a look
that had more in it than the tone in
which she added, * Please do not. I
shall be perfectly safe with four serv-
ants. You can tell them not to let me
run away.' Coming nearer, she put
her hand into the bosom of her dress,
then stretched out the hand toward
him. * Here is the key — the key of
which Zumbiil Agha spoke — the key
of Pandora's box. Will you keep it for
me please? Au revoir.'
And making a sign to the servants
she walked out of the kiosque.
Ill
The pasha was too surprised, at
first, to move — and too conscious of
the eyes of servants, too uncertain of
what he should do, too fearful of doing
the wrong, the un-European, thing.
And afterwards it was too late. He
stood watching until the flicker of the
lantern disappeared among the dark
trees. Then his eyes met the eunuch's.
'Why don't you go down too?' sug-
gested Zumbiil Agha. The variable cli-
mate of a great house had made him
too perfect an opportunist not to take
the line of being in favor again. 'It
might be better. Give me the key and
I will do what there is to do. But you
might send up Shaban.'
Why not, the pasha secretly asked
himself? Might it not be the best way
out? At the same time he experienced
a certain revulsion of feeling, now that
Helene was gone, in the way she had
gone. She really was prodigious! And
with the vanishing of the lantern that
had brought him a measure of reas-
surance he felt the weight of an un-
cleared situation, fantastic but crucial,
heavy upon him. And the Negro an-
noyed him intensely.
'Thank you, Ziimbiil Agha,' he re-
plied, 'but I am not the nurse of ma-
dama, and I will not give you the key.'
If he only might, though, he thought
to himself again!
'You believe her, this Frank woman
whom you had never seen five years
ago, and you do not believe me who
have lived in your house longer than
you can remember!'
The eunuch said it so bitterly that
the pasha was touched in spite of him-
self. He had never been one to think
very much about minor personal re-
lations, but even at such a moment he
could see — was it partly because he
wanted more time to make up his
mind ? — that he had never liked Ziim-
biil Agha as he liked Shaban, for in-
stance. Yet more honor had been due,
in the old family tradition, to the for-
mer. And he had been associated even
longer with the history of the house.
'My poor Zumbiil,' he uttered mus-
ingly, ' you have never forgiven me for
marrying her.'
'My pasha, you are not the first to
marry an unbeliever, nor the last. But
such a marriage should be to the glory
of Islam, and not to its discredit. Who
can trust her? She is still a Christian.
And she is too young. She has turned
the world upside down. What would
your father have said to a daughter-
in-law who goes shamelessly into the
street without a veil, alone, and who
receives in your house men who are no
relation to you or to her? It is not
right. Women only understand one
thing, to make fools of men. And they
are never content to fool one.'
The pasha, still waiting to make up
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
153
his mind, let his fancy linger about
Zumbiil Agha. It was really rather
absurd, after all, what a part women
played in the world, and how little it
all came to in the end! Did the black
man, he wondered, walk in a clearer,
cooler world, free of the clouds, the iri-
descences, the languors, the perfumes,
the strange obsessions, that made oth-
ers walk so often like madmen? Or
might some tatter of preposterous hu-
manity still work obscurely in him?
Or a bitterness of not being like other
men? That perhaps was why the pasha
felt friendlier toward Shaban. They
were more alike.
'You are right, Zumbiil Agha,' he
said. 'The world is upside down. But
neither the madama nor any of us
made it so. All we can do is to try and
keep our heads as it turns. Now, will
you please tell me how you happened
to be up here? The madama never
told you to come. You know perfect-
ly well that the customs of Europe
are different from ours, and that she
does not like to have you follow her
about.'
'What woman likes to be followed
about?' retorted the eunuch with a sly
smile. 'I know you have told me to
leave her alone. But why was I brought
into this house? Am I to stand by and
watch dishonor brought upon it sim-
ply because you have eaten the poison
of a woman?'
* Zumbiil Agha,' replied the pasha
sharply, 'I am not discussing old and
new or this and that, but I am asking
you to tell me what all this speech is
about.'
'Give me that key and I will show
you what it is about,' said the eunuch,
stepping forward.
But the pasha found he was not
ready to go so directly to the point.
'Can't you answer a simple ques-
tion?' he demanded irritably, retreat-
ing to the farther side of the fountain.
The reflection of the painted ceil-
ing in the pool made him think of
Helene — and Madame Pomegranate.
He stared into the still water as if to
find Helene's face there. Was any other
face hidden beside it, mocking him?
But Ziimblil Agha had begun again,
doggedly: —
'I came here because it is my busi-
ness to be here. I went to town this
morning. When I got back they told
me that you were away and that the
madama was up here, alone. So I came.
Is this a place for a woman to be alone
in — a young woman, with men work-
ing all about and I don't know who,
and a thousand ways of getting in and
out from the hills, and ten thousand
hiding places in the woods?'
The pasha made a gesture of impa-
tience, and turned away. But after
all, what could one do with old Ziim-
biil? He had been brought up in his
tradition. The pasha lighted another
cigarette to help himself think.
'Well, I came up here,' continued the
eunuch, 'and as I came I heard ma-
dama singing. You know how she
sings the songs of the Franks.'
The pasha knew. But he did not say
anything. As he walked up and down,
smoking and thinking, his eye caught
in the pool a reflection from the other
side of the room, where the door of the
latticed room was and where the cy-
press-wood chest stood as the servants
had left it in the middle of the floor.
Was that what Helene had stood look-
ing at so long, he asked himself? He
wondered that he could have sat be-
side it so quietly. It seemed now like
something dark and dangerous crouch-
ing there in the shadow of the little
room.
'I sat down, under the terrace,' he
heard the eunuch go on, ' where no one
could see me, and I listened. And after
she had stopped I heard — '
' Never mind what you heard,' broke
154
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
in the pasha. 'I have heard enough.'
He was ashamed — ashamed and re-
solved. He felt as if he had been play-
ing the spy with Zlimbul Agha. And
after all there was a very simple way
to answer his question for himself. He
threw away his cigarette, went for-
ward into the little room, bent over
the chest, and fitted the key into the
lock.
Just then a nightingale burst out
singing, but so near and so loud that
he started and looked over his shoul-
der. In an instant he collected himself,
feeling the black man's eyes upon him.
Yet he could not suppress the train of
association started by the impassioned
trilling of the bird, even as he began
to turn the key of the chest where his
mother used to keep her quaint old
silks and embroideries. The irony of
the contrast paralyzed his hand for a
strange moment, and of the difference
between this spring night and other
spring nights when nightingales had
sung. And what if, after all, only
calamity were to come out of the chest,
and he were to lose his last gift of hope!
Ah! He knew at last what he would
do! He quickly withdrew the key from
the lock, stood up straight again, and
looked at Ziimbul Agha.
'Go down and get Shaban,' he or-
dered, 'and don't come back.'
The eunuch stared. But if he had
anything to say he thought better of
uttering it. He saluted silently and
went away.
IV
The pasha sat down on the divan
and lighted a cigarette. Almost imme-
diately the nightingale stopped singing.
For a few moments Ziimbiil Agha's
steps could be heard outside. Then it
became very still. The pasha did not
like it. Look which way he would
he could not help seeing the chest — or
listening. He got up and went into
the big room, where he turned on the
water of the fountain. The falling
drops made company for him, and kept
him from looking for lost reflections.
But they presently made him think
of what Helene had said about them.
He went out to the porch and sat down
on the steps. In front of him the pines
lifted their great dark canopies against
the stars. Other stars twinkled be-
tween the trunks, far below, where the
shore lights of the Bosphorus were.
It was so still that water sounds came
faintly up to him, and every now and
then he could even hear nightingales
on the European side. Another night-
ingale began singing in his own woods
— the nightingale that had told him
what to do, he said to himself. What
other things the nightingales had sung
to him, years ago! And how long the
pines had listened there, still strong
and green and rugged and alive, while
he, and how many before him, sat under
them for a little while and then went
away
\
Presently he heard steps on the drive
and Shaban came, carrying something
dark in his hand.
'What is that?' asked the pasha, as
Shaban held it out.
'A revolver, my pasha. Ziimbul
Agha told me you wanted it.'
The pasha laughed curtly.
* Ziimbiil made a mistake. What I
want is a shovel, or a couple of them.
Can you find such a thing without ask-
ing any one?'
'Yes, my pasha,' replied the Alban-
ian promptly, laying the revolver on
the steps and disappearing again. And
it was not long before he was back with
the desired implements.
'We must dig a hole, somewhere,
Shaban,' said his master in a low voice.
' It must be in a place where people are
not likely to go, but not too far from
the kiosque.'
Shaban immediately started toward
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
155
the trees at the back of the house. The
pasha followed him silently into a
path that wound through the wood. A
nightingale began to sing again, very
near them — the nightingale, thought
the pasha.
'He is telling us where to go/ he
said.
Shaban permitted himself a low
laugh.
'I think he is telling his mistress
where to go. However, we will go too/
And they did, bearing away to one
side of the path till they came to the
foot of the tall cypress.
'This will do,' said the pasha, 'if the
roots are not in the way.'
Without a word Shaban began to
dig. The pasha took the other spade.
To the simple Albanian it was nothing
out of the ordinary. What was extra-
ordinary was that his master was able
to keep it up, soft as the loam was un-
der the trees. The most difficult thing
about it was that they could not see
what they were doing, except by the
light of an occasional match. But at
last the pasha judged the ragged ex-
cavation of sufficient depth. Then he
led the way back to the kiosque.
They found Ziimbul Agha in the
little room, sitting on the sofa with a
revolver in either hand. *
'I thought I told you not to come
back!' exclaimed the pasha sternly.
'Yes,' faltered ^the old eunuch, 'but
I was afraid something might happen
to you. So I waited below the pines.
And when you went away into the
woods with Shaban, I came here to
watch.' He lifted a revolver signifi-
cantly. 'I found the other one on the
steps.'
'Very well,' said the pasha at length,
more kindly. He even found it in him
at that moment to be amused at the
picture the black man made, in his se-
date frock coat, with his two weapons.
And Ziimbul Agha found no less to
look at, in the appearance of his mas-
ter's clothes. ' But now there is no need
for you to watch any longer,' added
the latter. ' If you want to watch, do
it at the bottom of the hill. Don't let
any one come up here.'
'On my head,' said the eunuch. He
saw that Shaban, as usual, was trusted
more than he. But it was not for him
to protest against the ingratitude of
masters. He salaamed and backed out
of the room.
When he was gone the pasha turned
to Shaban : —
'This box, Shaban — you see this
box? It has become a trouble to us,
and I am going to take it out there.'
The Albanian nodded gravely. He
took hold of one of the handles, to
judge the weight of the chest. He lift-
ed his eyebrows.
'Can you help me put it on my
back ?' he asked.
'Don't try to do that, Shaban. We
will carry it together.' The pasha took
hold of the other handle. When they
got as far as the outer door he let down
his end. It was not light. 'Wait a
minute, Shaban. Let us shut up the
kiosque, so that no one will notice any-
thing.' He went back to blow out the
candles. Then he thought of the foun-
tain. He caught a last play of broken
images in the pool as he turned off the
water. When he had put out the lights
and had groped his way to the door
he found that Shaban was already gone
with the chest. A drop of water made
a strange echo behind him in the dark
kiosque. He locked the door and hur-
ried after Shaban, who had succeeded
in getting the chest on his back. Nor
would Shaban let the pasha help him
till they came to the edge of the wood.
There, carrying the chest between
them, they stumbled through the trees
to the place that was ready.
'Now we must be careful,' said the
pasha. 'It might slip or get stuck.'
156
IN THE PASHA'S GARDEN
'But are you going to bury the box
too?' demanded Shaban, for the first
time showing surprise.
'Yes,' answered the pasha. And he
added, 'It is the box I want to get
rid of.'
'It is a pity,' remarked Shaban re-
gretfully. 'It is a very good box.
However, you know. Now then!'
There was a scraping and a muffled
thud, followed by a fall of earth and
small stones on wood. The pasha won-
dered if he would hear anything else.
But first one and then another nightin-
gale began to fill the night with their
April madness.
'Ah, there are two of them,' remark-
ed Shaban. 'She will take the one that
says the sweetest things to her.'
The pasha's reply was to throw a
spadeful of earth on the chest. Shaban
joined him with such vigor that the
hole was soon very full.
'We are old, my pasha, but we are
good for something yet,' said Shaban.
' I will hide the shovels here in the
bushes,' he added, 'and early in the
morning I will come again, before any
of those lazy gardeners are up, and
fix it so that no one will ever know.'
There at least was a person of whom
one could be sure! The pasha realized
that gratefully, as they walked back
through the park. He did not feel like
talking, but at least he felt the satis-
faction of having done what he had de-
cided to do. He remembered Zumbiil
Agha as they neared the bottom of the
hill. The eunuch had not taken his
commission more seriously than it had
been given, however, or he preferred
not to be seen. Perhaps he wanted to
reconnoitre again on top of the hill.
'I don't think I will go in just yet,'
said the pasha as they crossed the
bridge into the lower garden. 'I am
rather dirty. And I would like to rest
a little under the chestnut trees. Would
you get me an overcoat please, Shaban,
and a brush of some kind? And you
might bring me a coffee, too.'
How tired he was ! And what a short
time it was, yet what an eternity, since
he last dropped into one of the wicker
chairs ! He felt for his cigarettes. As he
did so he discovered something else in
his pocket, something small and hard
that at first he did not recognize. Then
he remembered the key — the key. . . .
He suddenly tossed it into the pool be-
side him. It made a sharp little splash,
which was reechoed by the dripping
basins. He got up and felt in the ivy
for the handle that shut off the water.
At the end of the garden the Bos-
phorus lapped softly in the dark. Far
away in the woods the nightingales were
singing.
MOTHERHOOD AND THE STATE
BY ALBERT JAY NOCK
WHILE I was dining with a friend in
a New York restaurant not long ago,
a little family of five — father, mother,
and three children — came in and took
the next table. The parents were very
young, hardly out of the twenties appa-
rently, and there could not have been
much more than two years between
the oldest child and the youngest. The
children were clearly quite accustomed
to their parents : their manners did not
reflect the nursery, and the mother
looked after them with the indefinable
tact and handiness that mark a person
born to his trade. She gave the impres-
sion of a great, free natural talent for
motherhood, as specific and unmistak-
able as Turgenieff's talent for writing or
Rembrandt's for painting. Altogether,
the sight of the little group was as
pleasant and reviving an experience as
one could have.
After looking at them a long time,
my friend remarked, *I tell you, that
woman is earning her living!' There
was no doubt about it. One who can
ply a trade the year round and put the
indisputable stamp of a master on each
day's work turned out, may be held
entitled to a living at least, and per-
haps also some measure of gratitude
from a world which is not overblessed
with efficiency. The thought occurred
to me that if I, for instance, could write
and edit as well as this woman was do-
ing the work of motherhood, I should
expect to hear from my publishers and
the public. And, in fact, I should hear
promptly from both. I mention this
economic comparison because there is a
significance in it which will appear later.
For this little woman who was earn-
ing her living, earning it by the inspired
work of genius, was not hearing from
her employers or from the public in any
substantial sense. Her husband gave
her a living, no doubt, and yet could
one say that her husband employed her
to bear and rear children as my pub-
lishers employ me to write and edit?
Hardly. Collaterally, her work brought
him, I hope, such affectional gratifica-
tion that he felt that he had his money's
worth; but the economic profit of her
work, the thing that she should be paid
for, flowed elsewhere. He got none of
it. In fact, one must conceive quite
an improbable combination of circum-
stances to bring him even a return of
one twentieth of one per cent on his in-
vestment in all three children. To be-
gin with, he was evidently well-to-do,
so probably he would never need a re-
turn or expect one. Moreover, two of
the three children were girls; and while
we may hope for a day soon coming in
which girls will have an equal oppor-
tunity to work and earn money and
keep what they earn, girls are compara-
tively a poor investment at present.
Considering the initial cost of a place
to live, or commutation of its interest
in the form of rent, and counting in up-
keep and improvements with the over-
head charge for food, clothing, and edu-
cation, it is plain that the young father
had no chance, in the world, of econo-
mic profit or even of getting any of his
157
158
MOTHERHOOD AND THE STATE
money back. Nor is this an exceptional
case. Children are seldom an economic
asset nowadays as they were in times
by no means out of memory, when the
family was a self-dependent group.
Oftener than not, they are a liability.
And yet there is an economic profit
flowing from them somewhere, for they
have a potential wealth-producing
power. The three children we were con-
sidering will have some kind of ability
or labor to sell, and largely by reason of
their mother's genius for motherhood
it is likely to be of a rather high order.
Who will profit by this? Most cer-
tainly the State. Our common remark
that a child-bearing woman has 'done
something for her country ' shows how
much truer our instincts are than our
practical interpretation of them. This
little woman was working for the State,
turning her superb genius to the bene-
fit of the State in a unique and indis-
pensable service; and yet she is paid for
it only indirectly, or rather, not paid for
it at all, since, gloze the fact as you will
with whatever sentimental talk about
* sharing' or the * spending partner/ it
remains a fact that what she gets from
her husband is not pay but largesse.
This does not seem fair or self-re-
specting or at all calculated to encour-
age good work. I take it that when
some of our socialist friends proclaim
that child-bearing and child-rearing
are the State's most intimate concern,
they have a proposition which logically
is sound to the core. If so, the State
should pay for the service, and pay for
it in some kind of rough proportion to
its value. No one would minimize the
afiectional delights of parenthood, but
yet it seems a niggardly policy for the
State to capitalize them in order to
get out of paying its debts for services
rendered. Why should the State take
a mercenary advantage of this little
woman's delight in her talent for child-
rearing, any more than my employers,
for instance, take advantage of my
pleasure in writing? Some inkling of
this unfairness has been getting into a
good many minds lately. Some nations,
frightened into recognition of it by a
falling birth-rate, have put a bounty
on children. Our nation has here and
there made a timid beginning, such as
it is, with mother's pensions. But these
are chiefly for poor widows with depen-
dent children; hence the principle is ob-
scured and nothing has got very far.
Probably one reason is because it
is so hard to see how a compensation
for motherhood should be paid. If all
mothers were like this one, it would be
a simple matter. The best way to com-
pensate Turgenieff, Michael-Angelo,
Beethoven, Edison, would be to hand
over the money and think no more
about it. Any attempt to direct their
genius would be a hindrance and no
help. All they need is to be let alone;
and this is quite so too with this little
mother. Her genius, interest, and de-
votion to her trade could be relied on to
produce the best results, and give the
State its money's worth in full of future
citizenship.
II
But all mothers are not like this, any
more than all writers are like Tur-
genieff. In fact, so far as my observa-
tion goes, first-class talent for mother-
hood is quite as rare and precious as
first-class talent for writing. I am
aware that in making this statement
one steps on burning ground, yet I be-
lieve that if one counted up the num-
ber of people engaged in the trade of
motherhood and the number engaged
in the trade of writing, the proportion
of genius would be found to run about
the same in both. Nay more, I believe
the proportion of those who are accept-
ably doing what we may call the jour-
neyman-work of motherhood is no
higher than of those who are accept-
MOTHERHOOD AND THE STATE
159
ably doing the journeyman- work of
literature. These are they who in both
trades are working conscientiously,
with the affections deeply engaged, but
more or less incompetently. Now, if
the State contemplated paying writers,
it certainly would, and perhaps should,
take this fact into account. In the
great majority of cases, it would have
to administer the compensation in
some less direct way in order to avoid
doing more harm than good.
Just so with motherhood. The State
imperatively needs a birth-rate. It
must have citizens. Mothers bear and
rear citizens; hence mothers should be
paid for the service. So far, so good.
But if the State is paying for citizens
it should have something more than
the mere raw material of citizenship.
It may fairly ask for a certain average
training and discipline; and this is pre-
cisely what the great majority of jour-
neyman-mothers are unqualified to
provide. It is only our turbid and mawk-
ish sentiment about motherhood that
prevents our seeing how unreasonable
it is to expect this of them, — the sen-
timent that keeps us continually con-
fusing a biological function with a so-
cial talent. Suppose all men could write :
still we could all see the absurdity of
supposing that more than one in a hun-
dred million could write the Annals of
a Sportsman, or one in ten thousand
ever even be taught how to report a
fire in a fashion to satisfy the most
lenient city editor. But we do not see
the equivalent absurdity of assuming
that if every woman could be a mother
(and probably the number of sterile
women in the United States is no great-
er than that of illiterates), she would
be ipso facto able to turn out an order
or quality of work that presupposes
either genius or considerable ability.1
The mischief wrought by this confusion,
whereby we cast a monstrous and crushing bur-
den on incompetent women, is truly lamentable.
However, women unquestionably
have what our friends the economists
call a * natural monopoly' of mother-
hood, and their work is, with negligible
exceptions, about as good as they can
make it. The most pathetic sight, I
think, in a world which rather indus-
triously specializes in pathetic sights,
is the grim acquiescence of so many
women in a lifetime of work for which
they are not fit, and their heroic effort
to make an inflexible conscientiousness
do duty for the genius or the ability
which they do not possess. There are
compensations in this, too, as there
always are in processes of discipline
and abnegation. The work of these
women, unsatisfactory as it may be, is
better than we with our blundering so-
cial arrangements based on impossible
sentimental expectations, ever deserve.
But life enforces discipline enough even
when we make it as easy for each other
as we can; and there is no doubt that
the State would secure a far better
quality of citizenship if it offered terms
that took more account of human hap-
piness and did not virtually prescribe
such a dreadful sacrifice of body and
soul.
in
But again, how? Direct payment for
motherhood, as we saw, is perhaps im-
practicable except in a few special
cases. Well, then, why not attack the
problem at the other end, by lightening
the mother's labor? If we cannot see
our way to give her more pay, we can
give her less work. If we cannot fur-
nish straw, we may at least cut down
the tale of bricks to a minimum. The
best compromise at present appears
Its outcome in New York City can be partly
judged by a remarkable pamphlet called The
City where Crime is Play, the report of a unique
survey of juvenile life, made by the People's In-
stitute. I wish all my readers would write to the
Institute, 70 Fifth Ave., for a copy, — it is free,
— and read it carefully. — THE AUTHOR.
160
MOTHERHOOD AND THE STATE
to be for the State to give opportunity
whereby the mother may be relieved
of labor and responsibility in child-
rearing, as far as possible, and left free
with a larger portion of her life to regu-
late and occupy as she sees fit. This
does not settle the State's debt to her,
but it goes so far toward it that the
State would no doubt find her a com-
plaisant and delighted creditor.
Proposals of this kind have been
made by the socialists and are invari-
ably met with a cry of distress over the
'institutional child' whose fate of be-
ing state-bred instead of parent-bred
makes him as it were a monster unto
many. I cannot see the logic of this;
not because of any tenderness toward
socialism, for I have none, but because
of the fact, which those who talk in
this way apparently overlook, that our
children are state-bred to a great ex-
tent already. Probably the truth is
that when we speak of the institutional
or state-bred child we think at once
of reformatories, almshouses, work-
houses and the like. We do not think
of public schools as State institutions.
Yet that is precisely what they are; and
every child who attends one is an
institutional child. Our public-school
system is the first effort by the State
to afford the mother a partial measure
of the very relief we are talking about.
In establishing the public schools, the
State had not perhaps full sight of this
object; yet their establishment tend-
ed directly and powerfully toward it.
Now, while the public-school system
has come in for a great deal of criticism
lately, one observes with interest that
the complaint is always that it does not
do enough, does not touch the child's
life at enough points. We never hear
complaint that the schools are usurping
the function of the mother or 'under-
mining the home' — to borrow a
phrase much used by our conservative
friends. The public-school system has
been greatly extended in our day: at
one end by the kindergarten and at the
other by vocational training, manual
training, trade-schools, continuation
schools, and so on. Every one thinks
that the schools should go yet further.
No one, so far as I know, thinks that
they should be restricted or abolished,
— as it seems one should think if one's
concern about the institutional child
were logical or even intelligent.
Well, then, why not resolutely ex-
tend the public-school system to its
logical length? This would not only
satisfy every one who complains of the
system's present inefficiency, but would
also incidentally be the largest practi-
cable step the State can take toward
readjusting its iniquitous business rela-
tions with the mothers who serve it.
The school now represents only a cer-
tain limited type of activities, but the
limitation is purely arbitrary. There
is no natural reason why the school
should not be a centre where all sorts
of opportunities for intellectual, social,
and industrial improvement are of-
fered. On the contrary, it seems most
natural and logical that the school
should include all possible factors of
education such as are now furnished
separately by various types of muni-
cipal and commercial institutions —
libraries, parks, playgrounds, model
gardens, gymnasiums, theatres, moving
pictures, auditoriums, trade-schools,
business-schools, apprenticeships. It is
natural, too, that such an opportun-
ity-centre should be available all day
and every day in the year. The lim-
itation of a six-hour day and an eight-
month year is purely arbitrary.
By this simple and strictly logical
enlargement of our conception of the
public school, we should get what
amounts to a new type of municipal
institution. One could say a great deal
about the general value of such an in-
stitution as compared with our pre-
MOTHERHOOD AND THE STATE
161
sent schools, but we are concerned, for
the purposes of this paper, only with its
reactions upon motherhood. We can
trace these best, possibly, by consider-
ing such a practical example as the
public-school system of Gary, Indiana,
the only one, so far* as I am aware,
in which this radical development has
been carried out in practice. The fable
conveys a salutary warning to well-
meaning outsiders who 'in quarrels
interpose ' ; nevertheless I must suggest
to the feminists and socialists that,
in consistently overlooking the Gary
schools, they are losing some very fine
campaign material.
Children are taken in the Gary schools
at the age of six weeks, which is almost
as soon as the mother can be about.
The domestic-science classes need the
babies to practice on, — if this phrase
does not suggest vivisection or some-
thing of the kind. They get the ad-
vantage of the best equipment and the
best care, and there are never half
enough babies to go around. Gary
could take care of half the babyhood
of Indiana in its several schools. The
limit of school age is lifetime. You can
go to school as long as you live. That
is to say, adults may and do use the
schools as freely as children, and there
are inducements for them to do so.
The schools comprise every possible
opportunity for industrial and cultural
training, and moreover, they are social
centres in a complete sense. Every-
thing that happens in town is scheduled
there. The parks, gymnasiums, libra-
ries, public meetings, — everything, so
far as I could see, except churches, is .
there; everything free and wide open
from eight in the morning until ten-
thirty at night, and all the year round.
It is impossible to go into details of
management and administration. The
object, in a word, is not to provide mere
instruction, be it ever so diversified,
but to provide a complete life, a super-
VOL. 114 - NO. 2
abundance of opportunity for every
sort of good employment. The system
depends on nothing but gravitation,
the purely natural tendency which
every one has to cleave to the better
thing rather than the worse, when the
two are put in free competition, to
bring and hold children to these op-
portunities. And it works perfectly;
just as any one with a true insight into
human nature might know it would.
There is no problem of truancy and
no problem of juvenile leisure. Every
moment of the day the school is in
competition with the street and alley,
the vacant lot, freight-yard, pool-room,
and saloon; and it wins without effort.
Now, surely we can see at once the
inevitable reaction of this upon all
classes of mothers. Take first the born
genius for motherhood whom we have
been considering. Gravitation takes
her children to the school a good deal
of the time, — but it takes her there
too. She enters the life of her children
and lives it with them, sweetening and
tempering it not only for them but for
all other children with whom she is
brought in contact; thus extending the
scope of her genius beyond the limits
of her own family in an effortless and
natural way, with the aid of innumer-
able facilities which she could not oth-
erwise have; and thereby enhancing
the value of her service to the State.
Then the journeyman-mother, she
of the vast and pitiful majority whose
natural affection is sound but whose
ability is slight and weak, she too is
interested, but only by her affectional
side. She may relinquish as much ini-
tiative and executive responsibility
as she chooses, and be free to devote
herself to her children with that por-
tion of her nature only which is profit-
able for them. Then the unnatural
mother (though why, why in the name
of reason and justice do we call her
unnatural ? Is it unnatural that women,
162
MOTHERHOOD AND THE STATE
poor souls ! any more than men, should
not all like the same kind of work?),
the mother to whom children are an
accident, a nuisance, or a calamity,
may be relieved from a crushing bur-
den and her offspring kept from the
profound misfortune of her rearing.
The depraved and vicious mother may
have her influence as far as possible
counteracted, and her opportunities
for harm sharply limited. The poverty-
stricken or over-weighted mother may
go about her toil with a lighter heart,
conscious that her children are having
a better chance than she could ever
give them. Then, finally, the feminist
mother, who wants economic indepen-
dence and a larger place on the social
or political stage, may go about her
enterprise cheered by the agreeable
thought that the State, which has been
so long the unimpressionable and
stodgy object of her spirited atten-
tions, at last is measurably 'squaring*
her and enabling her children 'to live
their own lives' as largely and profit-
ably, perhaps, as she is living hers.
IV
And what, finally, is the reaction on
the home? I could answer that question
better if I knew what it means in the
mind of those who ask it. When people
speak of the home as though the term
were one of precision and definiteness,
like speaking of St. Paul's Cathedral
or the House of Representatives, I con-
fess that I cannot follow them. When
they declare that this or that * menaces
the home' or * disrupts the home,' I
can only reply, * Possibly; — but first
tell me what you mean by the home,
and then I will tell you what I think.'
If home is a place, it is practically non-
existent in a nation of migrants like
ourselves. Few Americans have ever
had the fortune to
Nattre, vivre et mourir dans la m6me maison,
or are even sensible of the nostal-
gic charm pervading this profound and
admirable verse of Sainte-Beuve. If
home means a house, I point to the
millions of Eastern desert-wanderers
who have never heard of a house. If it
means a household, a group of people
whom choice in marriage plus the acci-
dent of birth has segregated, I call at-
tention to two things. First, that the
household was never organized with
reference to children and is now less so
than ever. It is organized with refer-
ence to adults. There is relatively little
opportunity, little doing, for children
in the household. This is inevitable
and cannot be changed. Second, that
we should carefully distinguish between
the economic and sentimental reasons
for the solidarity of the household.
Formerly, when the household was
a self-dependent economic unit, these
reasons were in a sense interrelated.
Well within the memory of men now
living, all the washing, cooking, bak-
ing, butchering, canning, preserving,
gardening, tailoring, haircutting, car-
pet-weaving, dyeing, candle-making,
soap- boiling, and so on through the
long subsidiary list of 'chores,' — all
were done in the household. There was
an immense unifying and cementing
power in this. Members of a family
got at and knew each other by that
noblest side of character that express-
es itself in cooperative work. They
learned compromise, adjustment, self-
surrender; and their love for those
from whom and with whom they
learned could not help increasing.
This school was an unmercifully hard
one, but it carried incentives to mutual
affection and esteem as great as the
Nertchinsk mines or Libby Prison car-
ried for their graduates, or as any hard,
unyielding situation carries for those
who make common cause against it.
And here probably, we have the one
drop of truth in all the ocean of ver-
MOTHERHOOD AND THE STATE
163
biage which, from Payne's song down
to last night's anti-suffrage speech, has
weltered round the name of home.
But when the economic character
of the household changed, these ce-
menting and unifying influences dis-
appeared. Regret them as we may,
they are gone. No power can restore
them. No power can reproduce the
precise sentiment which grew from
them. Two graduates of Libby Prison
will always feel a deep and peculiar
regard for each other, but they cannot
bequeath that regard to their sons and
still less to their grandsons! At the
present time we have the possibility
(and of course in most cases, the fact)
of a distinct affectional life obtaining
between members of a household. But
where affection obtains, it must now
obtain per se. It is no longer sustained
and shaped by the household's econo-
mic circumstances, since the house-
hold is no longer an economic unit.
If I were asked therefore whether or
not the State is likely to 'disrupt the
home' by pushing its public-school
system to the limit of logical develop-
ment, I should be very sure, sure as
one can be of any matter which one
judges before the fact, that it would
not. A household pervaded by a dis-
interested affectional life lived and en-
joyed for its own sake, — well, nothing
can disrupt that — it is bomb-proof;
and any situation short of that will be
cleared and improved, it seems to me,
by encouraging the children to culti-
vate outside the home such measure
of affectional life as they cannot, for
whatever reason, cultivate at home.
Loving unlovely people and unlovely
things is up-hill work, too much for the
initial practice of a child's tender fibre,
and he should not have it to do. It is
work for the mature and toughened
moral sinew. And really, it is not im-
portant that a child should love this
particular person or that; the import-
ant thing is that he should learn to
lave. And he will learn this best where
his opportunities are best: best of all
from the genius for motherhood, and
next best from the journeyman-mother
whose responsibility is permitted to
end with imparting that lesson, as the
only one she is in any degree quali-
fied to teach. From any other order
of parenthood it is unlikely that he
will learn much about the great power
and philosophy of love. Better by far
that his affectional life should develop
among the contacts and incentives to
disinterested sentimental attachments ,
which he would find abounding in the
new type of public school.
Experience shows how wise it is to
leave the settlement of all this kind of
thing which we adults find so knotty
and debatable, to the instinct of the
children themselves. Of such is the
kingdom of heaven, — free to move in
the midst of opportunity, they will al-
ways go where it is best for them to be.
This is their divine, inerrant wisdom,
so uncomprehended of our logic-worn
souls. The children of the genius or the
journeyman-mother will spend much
time at home, almost as much perhaps
as at the school, — enough, at any rate,
to get its unadulterated advantages.
Children in the other categories (pace
the feminist mother for cavalierly lump-
ing her off with the unnatural and
vicious, — it is by way of logic not of in-
sult) will perhaps go home no more than
to eat and sleep. If so, so best: best
for them, and for the household whose
organization virtually excludes them.
• Every consideration of self-interest
seems to point to the complete develop-
ment of the public-school system; and
in its development the State would
find itself for the first time approxi-
mating fair play with the army of
motherhood which is giving it an in-
dispensable and at present wholly un-
requited service.
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
BY SAMUEL McCHORD CROTHERS
IN the troubled history of Ireland
the villain was the Absentee Landlord.
Nothing good "was ever said of him.
He was a parasite for whom no apo-
logy could be made. The sum of his in-
iquities was that he enjoyed property
without assuming any of the responsi-
bilities that belonged to it.
In England he might be an excellent
member of society, conscious of the du-
ties of a citizen and neighbor. But his
occasional visits to his estates across
St. George's Channel were not even for
the purpose of collecting his rents —
that he left to his agents. With some
careless companions he would spend
a rollicking fortnight or two among
his tenantry, receive their 'God bless
you's,' for nothing at all, and then re-
turn to the serious business of life.
All this was very reprehensible, and
justifies the reproaches which have
been visited on absentee landlordism.
The pleasures of the absentee landlord
were wicked pleasures, because they
were gained at the expense of others.
But this is not to deny that they were
real pleasures. Property plus respon-
sibility is a serious matter. Irrespon-
sible ownership is a rose without a
thorn. If we can come by it honestly
and without any detriment to others,
we are to be congratulated.
The most innocent form in which
this unmoral pleasure can be enjoyed
is in the ownership of an abandoned
farm. Of course one must satisfy his
social conscience by making sure that
164
the agricultural derelict was abandoned
for good cause, and that the former
owner bettered his condition by mov-
ing away. In the mountain regions of
New England it is not difficult to find
such places. At the gate of the hill
farm the genuine farmer stands aside
and says to the summer resident, * After
you.'
To one who possesses a bit of such
land, the charm lies in the sense of ir-
responsibility. One can without com-
punction do what he^will with his own,
with the comfortable assurance that
no one could do much better. This is
particularly consoling when one pro-
poses to do nothing but let it alone.
When as an absentee landlord I run
up to my ragged, unkempt acres on a
New Hampshire hilltop, I love to read
the book of Proverbs with their insist-
ence on sleepless industry.
*I went by the field of the slothful
. . . and lo ! it was all grown over with
thorns ; and nettles had covered the face
thereof and the stone wall thereof was
broken down.'
What a perfect description of my
estate!
* Then I saw and considered it well. I
looked upon it and received instruc-
tion . . .'
The sluggard saith, * Yet a little sleep
and a little slumber, a little folding of
the hands in sleep. So shall poverty
come as one that travelleth.'
I say, How true ! If I had to make my
living by farming, these words would
stir me to agricultural effort. But as
it is, they have a soothing sound. If my
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
165
neighbor does n't like the wild black-
berries, that is his misery, not mine. I
prefer the picturesque, broken-down
wall to his spick-and-span one.
If he asks why, I will not reason
with him; for does not the proverb
say, * The sluggard is wiser in his own
conceit than seven men that can render
a reason.'
That is the way I feel. I propose for
several weeks in the year to be a slug-
gard with all the rights and privileges
appertaining thereto.
'The sluggard will not plough by
reason of the cold, therefore in harvest
he shall have nothing/
My experience confirms this. But
then I did not expect to have anything.
'By much slothfulness the building
decayeth.'
This also I observe, not without a
certain measure of quiet satisfaction.
The house is not what it used to be.
How much less stiff and formal every-
thing is under the mellowing influence
of time. Nature corrects our tenden-
cy to deal too exclusively in straight
lines. What an improvement has come
with that slight sag in the roof. How
much more lovable the shingles are
than in their self-assertive youth. What
an artist the weather is in the matter of
staining. It is an Old Master retouch-
ing the work of the village painter.
Nature is toning down the mistakes of
man. A little sleep and a little slum-
ber, and the house will cease to be a
blot on the landscape.
I should not like to feel that way all
the year, for I am a great believer in
the industrial virtues when they keep
their place. When I observe people
who feel that way all the time, I feel
like remonstrating with them. When I
observe people who never feel that
way, I do not remonstrate with them
- it would do no good. But I like
now and then to escape from their
company.
ii
All this leads naturally, I hope, to
the consideration of the question which
I should like to present to the open-
minded reader — namely, the use of
history for a person who does not as-
pire to be a professional historian.
A recent congress of historians was
congratulated on the progress that had
been made * since history ceased to be
a pleasant branch of literature and had
become the work of eager and consci-
entious specialists.'
Over the painstaking work of these
scientific specialists we may rejoice just
as we rejoice over the advance in inten-
sive agriculture. And yet I should be
sorry to think that history as a pleas-
ant branch of literature is to be alto-
gether prohibited in the interest of in-
tellectual industrialism.
I suppose the eager specialists would
not approve of Thomas Fuller's ac-
count of the way in which he approach-
ed History.
'We read of King Ahasuerus that,
having his head troubled with much
business and finding himself so indis-
posed that he could not sleep, he caus-
ed the records to be brought in to him,
hoping thereby to deceive the tedious-
ness of the time, and that the pleas-
ant passages in the Chronicles would
either invite slumber or enable him to
endure waking with less molestation.
We live in a troublesome and tumult-
uous age, and he needs to have a soft
bed who can sleep soundly nowadays
amidst so much loud noise and many
impetuous rumors. Wherefore it seem-
eth to me both a safe and cheap re-
ceipt to procure quiet and repose to
the mind which complains of want of
rest, to prescribe the reading of His-
tory. Great is the pleasure and the pro-
fit thereof.'
Let not this Ahasuerus theory of
History offend the scientific historian.
166
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
There is no more real conflict than
there is between the scientific farmer
and the city worker who finds his re-
creation in an abandoned farm.
Conduct, said Matthew Arnold more
than once, is three fourths of life. Let
us be in a generous mood and not hag-
gle over fractions. Let us say that con-
duct is nine tenths of life; the other
tenth consists in having a good time.
In like manner, let us admit that nine
tenths of history is a serious study; the
other tenth is pure recreation. Then
let us follow the example of the old-
time clergyman and not allow our-
selves to be cheated out of our tithe.
Our work-a-day life is lived among
our contemporaries. All our actions
are consciously related to them, — un-
less one happens to be a very young
author who is writing a masterpiece
for the admiration of Posterity. Now,
among our contemporaries, matters are
so arranged that one thing always leads
to another thing. Not only every act
but every thought involves responsibil-
ity, and our contemporaries are always
reminding us of these relations.
If you manifest an interest in a phil-
anthropic movement, the next thing
that happens is that some one presents
you with a subscription paper. You are
expected to 'make good.'
That phrase is disconcerting. It in-
dicates that nothing stands alone. We
are involved in an endless chain. A
good word is not its own excuse for
being. It is a promise to pay, and it
is possible that when it comes due we
may not be prepared to meet our obli-
gations.
After a while we are in danger of be-
coming Malthusians. It seems as if the
population of duties increased faster
than the means of moral subsistence.
It is all very well to say, ' Look out and
not in.' But when we do so we must
expect to hear the next admonition,
'Lend a hand.' When both hands are
full, looking out ceases to be a pleasure.
It is in the attempt at self-protec-
tion that the danger to our intellectual
and emotional spontaneity comes. The
man who finds it increasingly difficult
to make both ends meet, morally
speaking, begins to economize in his
thinking and feeling. He does not
wish to make the acquaintance of new
thoughts that might involve new ex-
penditures. He will not intrude him-
self on ideals that are above his station
in life.
In the hand-to-mouth struggle for
existence he cuts off all luxuries and
develops a standardized intelligence.
This makes him safe but uninteresting.
That does not matter to him, so long
as he is young, for then he is at least
interesting to himself. But after a
time even that solace fails him. His
state is that indicated in the familiar
reports of the stock market, — ' Nar-
row, Dull and Firm.'
in
When one is in danger of falling into
such a habit of mind, it needs no skilled
physician to advise a complete change.
Geographical change is not sufficient,
for the traveler is likely to carry his
sense of responsibility with him. What
he needs is to get away from his con-
temporaries, so that he can exercise
freely faculties which he has seldom
used. In his own generation he cannot
avoid responsibility for 'doing some-
thing' about everything he sees to be
true. Let him then for his soul's
health get now and then into a period
of time where there is nothing for him
to do but to see what is going on. He
can thus entertain ideas with a care-
free mind.
Several years ago I was pleased to
see a proposal of a minister in a Penn-
sylvania valley for utilizing the rota-
tion of the earth for reducing the cost
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
167
of travel. His notion of the law of
gravitation seemed more simple than
that of most men of science in these
days. His idea seemed to be that a few
miles above the earth it is a negligible
factor, and that rising in a balloon one
could be at rest while the globe whirled
round beneath him. All the traveler
had to do was to adopt a policy of
watchful waiting. When Pekin or Sa-
marcand came into view, he would de-
scend and make himself at home.
In travel through space there may be
an objection to this plan on the score
of practicability. But it expresses pre-
cisely the way in which we may make
excursions into the past. All we have
to do is to detach ourselves from the
present, and there we are. We may
drop down into any century which at-
tracts our attention. We find interest-
ing people who are doing interesting
things. We may listen to their talk and
share their enthusiasms.
In order to get the full measure of
enjoyment, we should have acquaint-
ances at various places with whom we
are on visiting terms, or, better still,
have a little place of our own to which
we can retire. A person who is living
all the time in the twentieth century
cannot get on sympathetic terms with
bandits and bigots and other interest-
ing characters whom he would like to
know. Either he disapproves of them
or they disapprove of him. But when
we drop into a past generation, such
things do not matter.
I remember how in the Excelsior
Society we used to debate the ques-
tion, 'Was the execution of Mary
Queen of Scots justifiable? ' Sometimes
we thought it was, and sometimes we
thought it was n't. We changed sides
in the most shameless fashion. We
knew that she had been executed long
ago, and that no mistakes which we
might make would do any harm.
And there was the question,* Was the
career of Napoleon Bonaparte bene-
ficial to Europe?' I reveled in the con-
tradictory facts that we could discover.
Nothing Napoleonic was alien to us of
the Excelsior Society. It gave us some-
thing to talk about. But had I been liv-
ing in France in the time of Napoleon,
I should not have had these fine and
stimulating pleasures. There would
have been only one 'side to this inter-
esting question. To argue that the
career of Napoleon Bonaparte was not
beneficial to Europe would not have
been beneficial to me.
The pleasures of the absentee land-
lord are those to which the ordinary
historian is often indifferent. He is
like the man with the megaphone in
the 'Seeing New York' motor bus. He
tells us what we ought to see, and keeps
moving. He is interested in the se-
quence of events. Now, we may find
much more pleasure in getting ac-
quainted with people whom we meet
in their own homes. In such a case it
is better to get off the bus and find our
own way about.
Indeed a history may be so written
as not to take us away from our own
time at all. It may be simply the pro-
jection of familiar contemporary ideas
upon the past.
I have a book published in the early
didactic period of the nineteenth cent-
ury which illustrates a certain way of
imparting historical information. It
was written with the laudable inten-
tion of making history interesting to
people who didn't want to venture into
the Unfamiliar. The author thought
that if the patriarchs were conceived
of as New England selectmen, their
lives could be made as interesting as
if they were New England selectmen.
And I am not sure but that he suc-
ceeded. The book is divided into two
parts : a conversation with Adam cov-
ering the space of 930 years, and an
interview with Noah giving an account
168
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
of the Deluge and the other events
with which he was familiar. They are
represented as nice old gentlemen ra-
ther formal in their language and strict-
ly orthodox in their opinions. Adam
speaks hopefully of Methuselah, who,
he says, ' must be now about fifty-seven
years old and is a discreet and well-
principled youth.' He was very much
disturbed over the radical views of the
Tubal-Cains. There is nothing in the
book that would indicate that either
Adam or Noah had been out of Con-
necticut.
IV
A similar criticism may be made in
regard to many historical monographs.
Some particular thing with which we
are perhaps too well acquainted is
treated historically. It is shown to be
the same in all ages. This may be per-
fectly true, but it does not serve to
transport us into the realms of gold.
That is the way I felt about The His-
tory of Influenza, which I have not read
thoroughly. The author, it is needless
to say, was a physician, who, instead
of giving an account of the influenzas
he had known, treated his subject his-
torically. After one has followed in-
fluenza from the Greeks and Romans,
through the Dark Ages, the Renais-
sance, and,jthe Protestant Reformation,
human history seems one prolonged
sneeze.
The same effect is produced on my
mind when a historian, starting with a
modern political or economic theory,
attempts to explain everything that
has happened in past ages by his for-
mula. I may be interested in the facts
which he chooses to illustrate his the-
sis; but I cannot help thinking of
the facts which he leaves out because
they do not fit into his scheme. They
were very much alive once. My heart
yearns for these non-elect infants.
When one turns from the inevitable
sequences and fore-ordained uniformi-
ties of the historian with one idea, to
the experience of a single day, there
is a sense of intellectual confusion and
of emotional exhilaration. All sorts of
things are happening at the same tune.
We are dealing with
Reckoning time whose million'd accidents
Creep in 'twixt vows to change decrees of kings,
Tan sacred beauty, blunt the sharp' st intents,
Divert strong minds to the course of alt 'ring
things.
In ordinary life we have to shut our
eyes to these millioned accidents lest
we be distracted from our proper work.
We have to simplify the universe to
an absurd degree. We cannot indulge
in the Shakespearean hospitality of
thought, and we warn off irrelevant
ideas with the notice, 'No admission
except on business.'
We are like passengers on a street
car when the car collides with a butch-
er's cart. They resent having to put
their names in a little book in order to
be haled into court as witnesses. It was
not their butcher's cart.
But in our excursions into the past
there is no necessity for such economy
of attention. We are in holiday mood
and are resolved to do no manner of
work. Having no axe to grind and no
appointments to keep, we can indulge
our idle curiosity. We mingle freely
with the crowd, ready to see whatever
is going on. And we are willing to see
it as the crowd sees it, and not as the
responsible tax-payer allows himself to
scrutinize current events, anxious to
know who is to pay for the damage. In
order to get into sympathetic relations
with men of another generation we
must share their prejudices and their
ignorance of what is to happen next.
Only thus do we live their lives.
Suppose you were to meet Columbus
on his return from his second voyage,
and were to say, 'Admiral, I am proud
to meet the discoverer of America.*
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
169
This would be a tactless way of begin-
ning the conversation. He would reply
stiffly, 'Sir, you have the advantage
of me.'
It would be a mean advantage to
take of a simple-minded sailor. You
know what he has discovered, and he
does n't. Your mind is full of the Pil-
grim Fathers and George Washington
and the Louisiana Purchase and the
Monroe Doctrine and all sorts of mat-
ters which were alien to his intention.
You relate his voyage to posthumous
history in which he had no interest,
while you refuse to enter into his en-
thusiasms about the Crusades and the
Holy Sepulchre and the marvelous
shores of Cipango. Nor would you be
able to share his disappointment at
not being able to deliver in person
his letter of introduction to the Grand
Khan.
If you wish to become acquainted
with John Calvin it would be a mis-
take to take for granted that he was a
Calvinist, for the chances are that the
only Calvinists with whom you are
acquainted are of Scotch or Scotch-
Irish extraction. Their national traits
obscure the figure of the youthful
French jurist who, while he was still in
his twenties, published a radical book
called The Institutes of the Christian
Religion.
Take up the book as it comes fresh
from the press. You learn what you
can about him. They say he was a very
precocious lad, and in his thirteenth
year got an appointment as chaplain
to a bishop. But by the time he was
twenty he had become skeptical, had
entered the profession of law, and had
made a reputation among jurists. A
little later he distinguished himself by
publishing a commentary on Seneca.
Now he has turned to religious sub-
jects. It's a way these clever young
fellows have. They advance revolution-
ary opinions of their own at a time
when they should be listening to their
elders.
If you are an Englishman of the mod-
erate school you will find the young
man's way of putting things is quite
'frenchy.' These Frenchmen are bril-
liant but not safe; they have a way of
carrying their arguments to logical
conclusions which it may not be ex-
pedient for us to reach.
If you can read Calvin's Institutes
with some thrill of fear lest you be car-
ried away by dangerous novelties, it is
a sign that you have dropped into the
year 1536.
Our pleasure in observing the chang-
ing fashions of our own day is marred
by the feeling that we are in some de-
gree responsible for them. If they are
absurd we cannot smile genially upon
them for fear that this should be inter-
preted as approval. On the other hand,
if we criticize the latest fashion in dress
or in thought it only proves that we are
not so young as we once were. It is a
a great relief to get where we may be
spectators of the comedy.
When I go to an exhibition of pic-
tures which purports to be the last
word of the new art, I am not free in
my judgment. I am told that the artist
is not portraying any outward scene,
but is only painting the state of his
own mind. I hasten away for fear that
my mind may get into that state also.
It is an ignoble fear of contagion.
Then I take up the Sentimental
Magazine for 1773-74. The editor feels
that pure sentimentality is to be the
final thing in literature. It must have
an organ of its own. He guarantees
that every number of the new mag-
azine will force the tears of sensibility
from the reader's eyes.
I have no responsibility for this liter-
ary force-pump. I only want to see how
it works. If, after sufficient priming,
the tears of sensibility come, it will be
well. If they do not come, I shall feel
170
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
no self-reproach. At least I shall enjoy
thinking of the tears which other peo-
ple have shed over these pages. I do
not have to keep up with the fashion
in sentimentality.
To one who lives among his contem-
poraries all the time there is something
irritating in the perpetual opposition
of special interest to moral progress.
The monotonous answer to every ap-
peal for relief from an ancient wrong is
that the agitation is ' bad for business.'
Now, it is evident that no change is
ever possible without disturbing some-
body's business.
I find satisfaction in dropping into
the year 1675 and taking up a little
pamphlet, The Discovery of Witches, by
Mathew Hopkins, witch-finder, for the
benefit of the whole kingdom. I can
read Mathew Hopkins's plea for the
restoration of his business without any
irritation. I can really get his point of
view. Mathew Hopkins was not a fa-
natic or a theorist. He was a business-
like person who had taken up the trade
of witch-finding as another man might
be a plumber. He was not an extremist.
He utterly denied that the confession
of a witch was of any validity, if it was
drawn from her by torture or violence.
It is the practical side of witchcraft
that interests him. When he took up
the business of witch-finding it was on
a sound basis and offered a living for
an industrious and frugal practitioner.
But now the business is in a bad way.
Whatever pedple may think, there is
no money in it.
How pathetic is the statement of
present-day conditions. ^Mr. Hopkins
* demands but twenty shillings a town,
and doth sometimes ride twenty miles
for that, and hath no more for his
charges thither and back again (and it
may be stayes a weeke there) and finds
there three or four witches, or it may
be but one. Cheap enough! And this
is the greate sum he takes to maintain
his companie, with three horses ! '
That touch of honest sarcasm makes
me understand Mathew Hopkins. He
is so sure that something is wrong, and
so impervious to any considerations not
connected with shillings and pence.
That the business depression was con-
nected with a great intellectual revo-
lution did not occur to him. How pale
all rationalistic arguments must have
seemed to a man with three horses
eating their heads off in his stables!
That which gives the sense of reality
to our daily living is the multitude of
little events which make up the day.
We are not absorbed in the contempla-
tion of one great public event. There
are chance acquaintances, casual hap-
penings, changing points of view. We
meet people who know people whom
we have known. If the meeting-place
be far from home we are agreeably
surprised, and greet one another as if
we had been long-lost friends. We
compare our impressions and indulge
in reminiscences. We perhaps indulge
in a little myth-making. As we recall
half-forgotten incidents they assume
an endearing familiarity. Most of our
conversation consists of the compari-
sons of one half view with another half
view.
The sense of really living in another
age comes in the same homely way. A
chance allusion does more than a la-
bored description. We must begin with
* small talk' before we can feel at home.
The volumes of the Nicene, Ante-Ni-
cene, and Post-Nicene Fathers are not
attractive reading to one who looks at
them in the mass. But if you are
fortunate enough to stumble upon a
letter written by St. Basil the Great
to his friend Antipater, the Governor
of Cappadocia, you will at once feel
that a Church father, even though a
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
171
saint, is quite human. Basil is writing,
not about heresies but about pickled
cabbage, which his friend Antipater
had recommended for its health-giving
qualities. He has heretofore been preju-
diced against it as a vulgar vegetable,
but now that it has worked such won-
ders with his friend he will esteem it
equal to the ambrosia of the gods —
whatever that may be. This is an ex-
cellent introduction to St. Basil. Start-
ing the conversation with pickled cab-
bage, we can easily lead up to more
serious subjects.
If it happens that we can make any
little discovery of our own and find it
confirmed by somebody in a previous
generation, it puts us at our ease and
forms a natural means of approach. It
is always wise to provide for such in-
troductions to strangers. Thus, though
I am not a smoker I like to carry
matches in my pocket. One is always
liable to be accosted on the street by
some one in need of a light. To be
able to give a match is a great luxury.
It forms the basis for a momentary
friendship.
One is often able to have that same
feeling toward some one who would
otherwise be a mere historical per-
sonage. My acquaintance with Lord
Chesterfield came about in that way.
Several years ago I wrote an essay for
the Atlantic Monthly on 'The Hundred
Worst Books.' For a place in the list I
selected a book in my library entitled
Poems on Several Occasions, published
in 1749, by one Jones, a poet whose
name was unknown to me till I pe-
rused his verse. The pages were so fresh
that I cherished the belief that I was
the only reader in a century and a half.
I had the pride of possession in Jones.
It was some time after that I came
across, in Walpole's letters, an allusion
to my esteemed poet. It seems that
Colley Gibber, when he thought he was
dying, wrote to the Prime Minister
'recommending the bearer, Mr. Henry
Jones, for the vacant laurel. Lord Ches-
terfield will tell you more of him.'
I was never more astonished in my
life than when I visualized the situa-
tion, and saw my friend Jones 'the
bearer ' of a demand for the reversion
to the laureateship.
It seemed that Walpole was equally
surprised, and when he next met Lord
Chesterfield the eager question was,
Who is Jones > and why should he be
recommended for the position of poet
laureate? Lord Chesterfield answered,
'A better poet would not take the post
and a worse ought not to have it.' It
appears that Jones was an Irish brick-
layer and had made it his custom to
work a certain number of hours accord-
ing to an undeviating rule. He would
lay a layer of brick and then compose a
line of poetry, and so on till his day's
task was over. This accounts for the
marvelous evenness of his verse.
This was but a small discovery but
it gave a real pleasure, for should I
meet my Lord Chesterfield he and I
would at once have a common interest.
We both had discovered Jones, and
quite independently.
VI
Let no one think that these little
irresponsible excursions into the past
are recommended as a substitute for
the painstaking and systematic work „
of the historian. They are not. But they
have a value of their own, and may
possibly induce a state of mind that is
salutary. For there are times when the
historian gets beyond his depth and
finds it impossible to reduce his mate-
rial to an orderly and consistent narra-
tive. The best historian is sometimes
in the plight of the author of the Book of
Mormon, when he tried to disentangle
the history of his vague tribes. For
page after page he pursues his theme,
172
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
but it becomes more and more com-
plicated.
' Now there were many records kept
of the proceedings of this people, by
many of this people which are particu-
lar and very large concerning them.
But behold a hundredth part of the
proceedings of this people, yea the ac-
count of the Lamanites and of the Ne-
phites and their wars and contentions
and dissensions and their preaching,
and their prophecies and their build-
ing of ships and building of temples
and synagogues, and their sanctuaries
and their righteousness and their wick-
edness and their robbings and plunder-
ings and all manner of abominations,
cannot be contained in this work. But
behold there are many books, and
many records of every kind, and they
have been chiefly kept by the Nephites.9
There you have the real difficulty in
writing a history of the Lamanites.
There may be plenty of material, but
so long as it was collected by the
Nephites it is impossible to get the
Lamanitist point of view. For myself
1 confess that I could spare the gener-
alized accounts of these tribal wars, if
I could come in contact with a single
Lamanite, even of low degree, and find
out what he was thinking about. A
personal acquaintance with a particu-
lar individual would make 'the pro-
ceedings of this people' seem more
real.
The civil wars of England seem real
to us because we can become acquainted
with the people who fought one an-
other. We see the feud between Puritan
and Cavalier at its beginnings, and can
watch its growth. Even in the time of
Queen Bess we see that all is not affec-
tion. We enter a church and hear the
preacher allude to the Queen as 'that
untamed heifer.' As we go out we say,
* That will make trouble.' And so it did.
Not very long after, we hear a Pres-
byterian zealot, when he is asked if
certain great persons are not pillars of
the church, reply, 'Yes, caterpillars.'
That is not the kind of answer that
turneth away wrath. It is the multipli-
cation of exasperating speeches and ac-
tions which at last brings the parties
to blows. There are things which can-
not be arbitrated, chiefly because there
are so many of them.
When we take up the book of Judges
and read of heroes like Samson and
Gideon, we seem to be peering into
dim far-away times. But there is a short
story that welcomes us into the do-
mestic life of the day. It begins at the
beginning, or rather in the midst, of a
family misunderstanding. 'There was
a man of Mount Ephraim, whose name
was Micah. And he said unto his
mother, The eleven hundred shekels of
silver . . . about which thou cursedst
and spakest of also in mine ears, behold,
the silver is with me, I took it. And his
mother said, Blessed be thou of the
Lord, my Son.' The mother in her first
excitement felt that she had wholly
dedicated the eleven hundred shekels
unto the Lord for a graven image and
a molten image. But no comment is
made on the fact that she actually
took two hundred shekels of the re-
stored silver and gave them to the
founder who made thereof a graven
image and a molten image, which were
perfectly satisfactory. Somehow that
bit of thrift opens the way to a pleas-
ant acquaintance with the good man
of Mount Ephraim. We are interest-
ed in the family economics. When, a
while after, he is able to set up a priv-
ate chaplain, we rejoice. A young Le-
vite from Beth-lehem-judah passes by
and Micah bargains with him.
'And Micah said unto him, whence
comest thou? And he said unto him,
I am a Levite of Beth-lehem-judah
and I go to sojourn where I may find
a place. And Micah said unto him,
Dwell with me and be unto me a father
THE PLEASURES OF AN ABSENTEE LANDLORD
173
and a priest, and I will give thee ten
shekels of silver by the year and a suit
of apparel and thy victuals.'
We feel sure that the ten shekels
were a part of the saving of nine hun-
dred shekels, owing to the unexpected
reduction in graven images and molten
images. We rejoice with Micah when
he exclaims, ' Now know I that the Lord
will do me good, seeing I have a Levite
to my priest.' And we share his indig-
nation when the children of Dan tempt
the Levite by a call to a larger sphere
of usefulness, and he takes with him
the precious images.
'The children of Dan said unto
Micah, What aileth thee?
'And he said, Ye have taken away
my gods, which I made, and the priest,
and ye are gone away : and what have I
more. And what is this that ye say
unto me, What aileth thee?'
'And the children of Dan said unto
him. Let not thy voice be heard among
us lest angry fellows run upon thee and
thou lose thy life with the lives of thy
household. And the children of Dan
went their way, and when Micah saw
that they were too strong for him he
turned and went back unto his own
house.'
Micah was not a great person at all.
He was only an average man. But he
can be vividly realized. In the dim
ages before there was a king in Israel
there was a great deal of human nature
there. It is a pleasure to drop into the
house in the hill country of Ephraim
and talk about ephods and teraphim,
and the price of graven images, and the
salary of young Levites, and the ini-
quities of the children of Dan. When
our interest in these topics of conver-
sation is exhausted we can come back
at once to the current events of the
twentieth century.
After all, the test of a vacation is the
renewed zest with which we take up
our work on our return. The person
who lives among his contemporaries
all the time has no idea what interest-
ing people they are. They appear even
romantic when one returns to them
from a short trip abroad. There is a
moment before we begin again to do
things, when we have leisure to see
things.
Of course we must take up our re-
sponsibilities again. Our serious busi-
ness with our contemporaries is to im-
prove their conditions, their morals,
and their manners. We do not have too
much time for this work. But before
we begin again the attempt to make
them what they ought to be, we
may enjoy the moment when we have
enough freshness of vision to see them
as they are.
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
BY ANNIE WINSOR ALLEN
FROM 1837 to 1901, as we all know,
a woman was the Queen of England.
From 1837 to 1901, all good English
and American magazines, newspapers,
and novels, were edited with the idea
of pleasing women, of being suitable
to the home, and of meeting the eyes
of young persons without doing harm.
Conversation, likewise, for all decent
people, was guarded, and cultivated
adults did not talk even among them-
selves in a way unsuitable for the
ears of young people. Of course men,
among themselves, were never so care-
ful; nevertheless the conversation of a
group of English or American gentle-
men during most of that period was
such as Frenchmen, Germans, Italians,
and Spaniards dubbed ' hypocritical.'
Suddenly this has changed.
What caused this prevailing tone of
protection and solicitude through those
sixty years and more? Was it hypo-
crisy? And what was its consequence?
Did it have any effect upon actual be-
havior? Did it benefit in any way the
three generations which submitted to
it, and shall we lose anything by this
startling change which has rapidly
come over magazine, newspaper, novel,
and conversation since Queen Victoria
died?
Definitely in America, since about
1898, when the Lexow Vice Commit-
tee's activities were openly reported in
the New York newspapers, youth has
been increasingly treated as a negli-
gible portion of the reading public, the
174
home has ceased to be protected by
editors, and women are supposed to
read whatever men read. That young
girl's witticism, 'These are books I
would not let my mother read,' had
been perpetrated already in the late
nineties. Parents must now contrive
and enforce a new procedure to protect
youth if it is to be kept fresh and
sound-hearted. Publishers' etiquette
and even drawing-room etiquette have
ceased to help, — for woman has sud-
denly been taken out of the category
of the sheltered, and youth, which
shared her cloister, is overlooked.
By a curious irony the commanding
word 'Victorian' has come to connote
flabby and futile, prudish and trite,
grandmotherly and sentimental. 'Vic-
torian, in sooth! What stuff is this of
which to make victors!' The epoch
has been divided into hopelessly un-
interesting periods — Early- Victorian,
Middle- Victorian, and Later-Victor-
ian: the first, the sentimental period;
the second, the trite period; and the
third, the futile period. This view of
the nineteenth century was pronounced
in the late nineties by it-matters-
not-whom. It was hailed with delight
and gayly reechoed back and forth
among the prevalent writers and talkers
of the day. A wasted century, grown
old along with the frumpy Queen who
dominated it, seemed to them much
miscalled by that ludicrously senti-
mental name, dotingly chosen for her
at her coronation.
This is one view. Here is another.
This talking of a whole era as if its men
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
175
were cast in one mould like dolls from a
factory is easy but inaccurate. For of
course we all know that, by Galton's
law of natural production, there are
at each epoch (that is to say, in any
given year) five groups among sincere,
highly developed persons, in each of
which great men may appear.
Group A is very small: it comprises
the seers, who see ahead, and around,
above, below; always they are two
generations ahead of their own time;
they arouse the youth who are to be
the A's and B's of the next generation.
Group B is the numerous advance
guard, the van, not actually ahead, but
seeming a little in advance; its mem-
bers spread the ideas of the seers who
aroused their own youth, and invent,
for the fulfillment of those good tid-
ings, new customs that embody them.
Group C is the great mass of earnest
pilgrims, — the many who keep fully
abreast of the times; their foremost
ranks are indistinguishable from the
van, but they follow, in general, ideas
inspired by the great ones of their
fathers' youth and customs crystall-
ized by their own fathers. Somewhat
they are all touched and swayed by
the van of their own time. Not infre-
quently they even struggle in a rush
of enthusiasm to keep up with it. On
the whole, however, they incline to
seek to teach to their children by rote
whatever they learned, and their hin-
dermost members are indistinguishable
from members of the next group, D,
the numerous reluctants, who are al-
ways a little behind; these are moved
mostly by the ideals of their great-
grandfathers, and would cling if they
could to the customs set by their
grandfathers : that is, they have taken
implicitly what was taught them by
rote in their youth, and have been un-
touched by the great ones of their own
youth. Last comes Group E, the
stragglers and adventurers who are
frankly without inspiration for a pil-
grimage, but are in it for what they can
get out of it; they call the enthusiasm
of the others ' hypocrisy and cant.'
Besides all these sincere persons,
of course, there is another body, not
really on pilgrimage at all. These are
they (who shall say how many?) who
are moved simply by a weak desire to
make life easy for themselves. They
conform outwardly, so far as need be,
for comfort and a quiet life; and the
rest of the time they simply follow their
primitive selfish impulses. These are
the real hypocrites, though they, also,
call all enthusiasts hypocrites. They
are definitely more often moved by
jealousy than by admiration, by sus-
picion than by faith.
Furthermore, in addition to all these
persons who are measurably on a par
in development, there are irregular
companies innumerable. Even in the
most forward communities of the most
forward nations you always find indi-
viduals and groups who reproduce in
actual personal development the men
of any previous evolutional era you
may be looking for: cave-men, tent-
dwellers, Romans, mediseval barbari-
ans, children of the Renaissance, gen-
tlemen of the eighteenth century, all
dwelling in New York, all using elec-
tric lights, and wearing tan shoes, and
speaking some part of the English lan-
guage. They dwell in one spot in the
three dimensions of space, but in the
fourth dimension of time, there, where
the pilgrims are marching, these groups
and individuals are so far apart as to
be often out of sight of each other.
Frequently even one and the same
man (less frequently a woman) is in
different eras in different aspects, and
seldom are whole families all in the
same evolutional group. Curiously
too, among people belonging actually
in racial development all to the same
evolutional era, you will find one and
176
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
another who have stopped in personal
development, wholly or in some por-
tion, at five years old — at eleven — at
seventeen — or at thirty, and so forth.
Few indeed go on developing a year's
worth for every year they live; hence,
at seventy, few have gained seventy
years of experience and growth.
These people often appear to be real-
ly in different evolutional eras, because
in a sketchy sort of way the develop-
ment of the individual follows the de-
velopment of the race. So it happens
that frequently when a man does not
live up to the mass-standards and calls
them hypocritical, he belongs really to
an earlier age, or has not yet grown up.
Therefore it is clear that when we
talk of the 'present generation' we
generally mean a comparatively small
fraction of the whole nation. We
mean either the van or the main body
(or both taken together) of the domi-
nant minds, the sincere, highly devel-
oped people who voice their ideas and
form public opinions and conduct.
Now, in any given year, the present
generation which dominates it has al-
ready passed its thirtieth birthday.
Thus, though a new generation is born
every thirty years, each generation
lives sixty years at the very least, and
no generation begins to dominate be-
fore itself is thirty years old and the
next generation has begun to be born.
When Victoria, a girl of eighteen,
came to the throne, the * present gener-
ation' was the Early- Victorian, born
about 1780. Her own generation, the
Mid- Victorian, was born about 1810.
The next, the Late- Victorian, began
(with her own children) about 1840,
and the next, the Post- Victorian, now
the present generation, saw the world
first about 1870, let us say.
A generation's ideas and customs,
its dreams and achievements, thoughts
and fulfillments, lie recorded in its best
literature, where the few great ones and
their lesser voiceful brothers have said
their say. These, in the Victorian age,
were poets, novelists, and essayists.
Taking one of each sort for each gen-
eration we may fairly choose for the
Early- Victorians, Wordsworth, Scott,
and Hazlitt; for the Mid- Victorians,
Tennyson, Dickens, and Carlyle; for
the Late- Victorians, Browning, George
Eliot, and Huxley; and for the Post-
Victorians, perhaps Masefield, Wells,
and Shaw. (Not the much greater Kip-
ling, because he is a young Late-Victo-
rian, a ' lap-over ' — born in 1865 at the
very end of his own generation, but
really too early to be Post-Victorian.)
In order to understand the epoch
from its youth up, we must include
one more generation, the Pre- Victorian,
which formed the youth of the Early-
Victorian. This is perhaps the most
influential of all the five. And here
we cannot take prose-writers, for the
novel and the essay were still toddling,
and earnest men still used poetry to
speak their burning thoughts. Goethe,
Byron, and Shelley, these were the
men who gave greatest impetus to the
Victorian era.
Byron roused the dormant power of
personal passion in men's hearts. Shel-
ley disclosed above their heads the
wondrous spheres on spheres of disem-
bodied beauty, pure fire of freedom, and
love of spiritual perfections. Goethe
drew forth woman, dazzled and breath-
less with the joy of a new-found soul,
and showed her a wide expanse of
splendid possibility. Chivalry had
nominally queened her, but never had
voice of man given her such breadth
and richness and spirituality of infin-
ite meaning. Even in her own inner-
most secret dreams there had not been
a faint mirage of such significance for
herself. Germany accepted it as a
dream and an allegory; but America,
being in the habit of practical per-
formance promptly sequent on each
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
177
ideal, acted upon her belief, and Eng-
land strove to do so, too.
On such soaring magniloquent ideas,
bred of the French Revolution, were
the Early- Victorians formed. By such
personalities were they dominated. Un-
der this triple inspiration to personal
passion, flame-like spirituality, and the
magnification of woman, the Early-
Victorians developed; and lo, at the]mo-
ment when they were most dominant,
a lovely, modest young girl ascended
an actual throne in the first kingdom
of the world and became an arbiter
of manners for all English-speaking
peoples.
ii
^What manners had the Early- Vic-
torians beheld in their youth? In 1810,
a young lady in New York's best so-
ciety refused to spend the winter in
New York because, being lately be-
trothed, she must wear a large minia-
ture of the young gentleman round her
neck and endure coarse and embar-
rassing jokes whenever she appeared.
General Washington may be seen, in
the pencil sketches by John Trumbull,
comfortably sitting in church with his
arm around a young lady's waist, nor
was she kith or kin to him. Read the
familiar memoirs of the reign of George
IV, infer what the manners and conver-
sation must then have been, and ask
yourself seriously how comfortable you
would have felt in the midst of them.
The Early-Victorians thought these
manners unfit for the presence of a
young girl. They adjusted their de-
meanor to shield her. In consequence,
there arose from the court of Victoria
an expectation of decorum, serene and
assured, for every man or woman of
sensitive fibre. A winnowing wind,
with quiet, gleaning hand of selection
and rejection, passed over all England
and America, through every drawing-
room and across every printing-press,
VOL. 114 -NO. 2
gently up and down the thoroughfare.
No one even smoked on the streets.
Without outcry or indignation the
change was wrought, and decent folk
could go about unabashed. Of course,
indecency and cruelty, barbarism and
selfishness, did not suddenly die : they
lived, and thought the change an aw-
ful bore. Delicacy, sympathy, civiliza-
tion, and generosity were the accepted
standard, and those who by nature had
them or longed to have them, found
encouragement all about. And so the
Early- Victorians impressed propriety
upon the rising generation of Mid-
Victorians.
Then, when the Mid-Victorians
came to live their own lives, of course,
they put into detailed practice the
ideas and lessons they had learned
from the Pre- Victorians and the Early-
Victorians. Religion, ethics, philoso-
phy, poetry, and philanthropy were
their chief interests. They took them-
selves seriously, — as all of us do. The
accomplishment of the Mid- Victorians
was substantial, but perhaps the most
amazing thing about them was that
their van actually impressed its stand-
ards on the many in its own genera-
tion. This was the fruitage of what
Shelley, Byron, and Goethe had plant-
ed. By their fruits they may be known.
They did their work, — passed the Re-
form Bill in England, freed the slaves
in America, made intemperance a dis-
grace, established a general expectation
toward betterment, and recorded in
novel, poem, and essay their innumer-
able aspirations and discoveries. It
was a marvelous harvest-home. Then
first, through niceties and restrictions,
women and girls could go freely among
even strange men, wrapped in their de-
licate reserve, and gradually because of
decorums so quietly conceived and en-
forced, the free intellectual and busi-
ness intercourse of men and women be-
came serenely possible.
178
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
Thus were created those fine pro-
ducts of the Victorian age which have
made the noble liberty of American wo-
men possible; they are the unchartered
guild of modern gentlemen. Even to-
day, though so much fine work has
been marred, no man, looking round a
roomful or a earful of people, knows
how many such men may be in it. And
because he cannot guess how many
there are who will resent indecency, no
man not in liquor dares openly to in-
sult or annoy a woman. This multi-
plied perhaps, the band of hypocrites,
for 'Hypocrisy is the tribute that vice
pays to virtue ' ; there came to be pre-
valent a recognition that however in-
convenient and unnatural good con-
duct may be for one's self, it is liked by
the race at large — in others, at least.
But the total strength of a potent
tendency cannot be measured by count-
ing noses. We must ask, not what per
cent were vicious or virtuous, but how
strong was the influence of each. The
contribution of each age to future pro-
gress depends upon the vigor of the van.
It is they always who set the standard.
If they create hypocrites by setting a
standard of achievement so high that
others of their time can only talk about
it and pretend to it, then their contri-
bution is indeed notable. What they
do breaks the record. Then the aston-
ishing happens. Just as in athletics
and horse- trotting the record of one
generation becomes in a mysterious
process of development the common-
place of the next, so the standard of the
van in any one age tends presently to
become the practice of the many.
The enforcement of those nice max-
ims of civilized society has actually in-
creased the number of more civilized
persons in the rising generation. Grant-
ing that about four in each nice fam-
ily grow up nice, we get the number of
nice people doubled in each generation,
— that is, eight times as many now
as when Victoria came to the throne.
Thus they did their splendid work,
did those Mid- Victorians. Devotedly
they raised their children in a shielded
atmosphere as in an enchanted gar-
den, taught them new inhibitions, and
hoped to see in them the return of the
Golden Age. Their impressive convic-
tion, their large passionate way of be-
lieving, carried assurance to the young
minds which they formed, and the
main body of Late- Victorians grew up
implicitly trusting in what they had
been so generously taught. But these
Late- Victorians did not understand
the primitive simple reasons for their
own niceties, and therefore had not a
live fire of conviction in their action.
Inevitably, their children, the Post-
Victorians, looked and doubted. The
religious sanction which had been used
to enforce action on the unwilling and
weak-willed, had concealed the practi-
cal reasons. Therefore, when religion
slackened as it did, the children said,
'There is no reason.' And because they
did not know why their parents were
silent on so many subjects, they sup-
posed the subjects must be thought
disgraceful; yet that could not be dis-
graceful which was so natural. They
had been taught to reverence nature.
When the Mid-Victorians had seen
their ideals of character blossoming in
each other, they had been exuberantly
appreciative. But their children, bred
to think such character simply a duty,
were ' disillusioned ' when they discov-
ered that every one has faults. Intro-
spection was a new method in 1830.
By 1870 it had become worn and un-
wholesome. At last, beginning to grow
up in the '90's, the Post- Victorians
announced that, 'The ten command-
ments are mere conventionalities/ The
reason they said this so boldly and un-
expectedly is after all not far to seek.
One lesson which the Mid-Victorians
had taught passionately was the prin-
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
179
ciple of individual liberty. This their
children, the Late- Victorians, believed
implicitly. Seeing no slaves to free, for
they mostly were unobservant of the
laboring world, they applied the sacred
principle of liberty to the nearest per-
sons at hand: they freed their own
children.
in
At this inopportune moment, — or
shall we call it opportune? — science,
urged on by the Darwinian theory,
shook a finger of doubt in the face of
every creed, and every code. It was
then that the Late-Victorians lost con-
fidence because they had not under-
stood what had been taught them.
They sighed : ' We do not know what is
true; we will teach our children no-
thing; we will leave each to work out
his own personality; we will impress our
views, our hopes, our ancient faiths, on
no man, — not even on a child. Only,
pray God, we may not lose hold upon
our own faith before our time has come
to die!' So they have struggled on;
some have won out; some have fainted
by the way; some have taken up with
the new ignorance and tried to be hap-
py, self-confident, and materialistic.
What the parents did, the schools did
also, and throughout all America, at
any rate, the greater part of a whole
generation abjured responsibility.
Certes, it is the first generation,
since time was, that sought not to im-
part a rule of life to its offspring. All
animals so impart. It is a law of na-
ture. Nor could this generation really
break the law, earnestly as it tried.
By the strength of its determination
not to impress itself on others, it did
so impress itself. It not only taught
that * it is presumption to tell another
what he must do,' but carried convic-
tion of sincerity by practicing it.
This is another view of the nine-
teenth century. How did a century
which can sincerely be so described,
get to be called sentimental, trite, and
futile, grandmotherly, prudish, and
flabby? How can a century which nur-
tured sweeter manners and finer mor-
als, which elevated woman and culti-
vated sympathetic imagination, be so
derided. Who so described it? The
latest Late-Victorians and the earli-
est Post-Victorians; those children who
were set adrift some thirty years or so
ago, — ' because no man is wise enough
to direct the life of another.'
The children born in the '70's, '80's,
and '90's are now Post- Victorian men
and women in early middle life, who
begin to feel that dominance belongs to
them. What will they do with it? By
what power, and with what leave, will
they dominate? What is their creed
and code? The mass of them have been
bred to 'develop their own personal-
ity,' they have learned to question
every creed and code, every custom
and convention, from the veriest pri-
meval truism to the latest ingenious
error. They have no manual of princi-
ples, arranged by genus or species, and
divided into essential, non-essential,
subordinate, and principal, — health-
ful, harmless, and noxious, — by which
they may identify a new specimen in
ideas and even approximate to a guess
at its probable value. They have not
even an arrangement of pegs and boxes
with samples and labels pasted on each,
by which they may sort out new no-
tions as a grocer does, and know at
least where to find them again. In con-
sequence, they are singularly open to
believe the assertions of any one who
speaks with assurance and thinks he
knows what he is talking about. They
have been cast out naked into the wide
universe by scrupulous, unnatural par-
ents who imagined they were obedient
to the command of the gods and were
doing a splendid service to civilization.
Perhaps they were.
180
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
These Post-Victorians go unimped-
ed. They have a single creed, the bro-
therhood of man; and a single code, the
duty of service. The creed is identical
with that of the French Revolution.
The call of the French Revolution
was to insistence on individual rights.
This insistence worked out completely
all the good it could do through two
generations, until in the third, among
the Late- Victorians, it came to a reduc-
tio ad absurdum, 'Every man, every
woman, even every child, has the per-
sonal right to choose his own life and
to live after his own convictions ac-
cording to his own impulses/ Then
the mass of serious persons in America
were back at an inclination which
would have swiftly slid us down again
into savagery.
But belief in the brotherhood of man
and in the call to personal service
doubtless will save us, — as it saved
the world before, when primitive Chris-
tianity rescued what ancient civiliza-
tion had proved incompetent to save.
In fulfilling the one duty of service we
shall continue to progress. But how is
the present generation to know what is
true service?
Most women in polite society just
now have no clear principles; 'I won-
der,'— ' I guess/ — 'I think,' — 'I
wish I knew/ — *I have a theory/ are
their commonest phrases in expressing
ideas, and ' I believe ' has come to mean
'I think it likely/ Perhaps most men
in the same society are equally vague
in their minds, though their habit of
speech continues more positive. Said
an intelligent, sweet-natured, clean-
living, loyal Episcopalian youth not
long ago, 'The creed? What do I mean
when I say "7 believe"!' — (Thought-
fully and carefully.) — 'I mean, "I be-
lieve with all my heart and soul and
mind " the first article. And after that
— in the others — I mean gradually
less and less; it "peters out," till to-
ward the end it just means "May be
it's so/"
In general the characteristic mental
attitude in educated America to-day
ranges from a ' restless neutrality to an
anxious credulity/ through a more or
less troubled incertitude. The crystal
clarity of opinion, the passionate con-
viction of belief, habitual in the Mid-
Victorian, burns now only in single per-
sons. The community mind has it not.
Then earnest men knew, they were cer-
tain; and what men thought, women
thought too. Then 'I believe* was a
ringing, convinced credo; now it is a
tentative puto, a sort of pragmatic wil-
lingness to believe. The serious mind-
ed of the present day have not lost
faith — they never had it. They were
not given a chance to have it.
IV
Do the surviving Late- Victorians,
the present still-young generation of
grandparents, realize that around them
moves and works a whole generation
which does not know Emerson, never
read Tennyson, has not heard of Mrs.
Gaskell, and despises George Eliot?
Every book which inspired the Mid-
Victorians is 'outworn/ it is 'a back
number' to the Post- Victorians. What
have they read? They may have read
Trollope, George Meredith, and Thom-
as Hardy, those doubting Late-Victor-
ians. Many of them have read nothing
published before 1890, and practically
none go back of 1870. This means that
they have read chiefly what is expound-
ed by Wells, Shaw, Chesterton, Gals-
worthy, and Masefield, not to mention
Robert W. Chambers. Now, such liter-
ature, coming into the reader's mind
after what preceded it, frequently took
its place as refreshing and novel. But
suppose you have read nothing else,
what has Meredith or Hardy to tell
you about the conduct of your own af-
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
181
fairs, what precious secrets of civiliza-
tion do they transmit? How will Wells,
Shaw, and Galsworthy do for rulers
of life? What laws do they expound?
What inspirations do they offer?
This generation has not even been
bred to throw over tradition. It has no
idea what traditions are. Since about
1880, the general confusion of thought
seems to have kept careful thinkers si-
lent. In the '90's the stragglers, adven-
turers, and irresponsibles of the latest
Late-Victorian era were the conspic-
uous writers of books, and now in the
first years of the Post-Victorian era the
same condition seems still to prevail.
Oscar Wilde, for instance, began
about 1890, in a truly Late-Victorian
manner, to invade the helpless fold of
the ignorant Late- Victorian generation.
A Late-Victorian straggler and adven-
turer he was ; decadent we may rightly
call him, for he was of the generation
which saw the last rays of the great
light still gleaming and he might have
followed the gleam. Kipling did. Stev-
enson did. But they said old things; he
said a new thing. The practical out-
come of his subversive point of view
translated by himself, not into pretty
words but into primitive practice, ter-
rified the British public; but it is doubt-
ful whether most people in cultivated
England really understood what had
happened or saw the direct relation
between his iridescent words and his
obviously ugly deeds. The fact is that
in deeds there are few kinds to choose
from, and once one gives up the better,
one is promptly landed in the worse.
Oscar Wilde is only an instance. He
was the first of the Paradoxians, those
purveyors of the preposterous. But
quantities of his like, garbed in the
vocabulary of innocence and idealism,
are still cheapening and befouling life's
aspect to-day by the same little trick.
Here are hypocrites indeed. But exact-
ly what were the hypocrisies of which
the Victorians seemed so guilty in 1890
odd ? They were guilty of laying down
such maxims as these : —
Not to speak of what is disagreeable,
unless one must in order to serve a
good purpose.
Not to speak of what is private and
sacred, except among one's nearest
friends or on special occasions.
Not to choose, among the many
forms of expression suited to any
thought, that form which will rouse in
one's hearers disquieting emotions.
Not to introduce, by one's phrasing,
aspects of a subject which cannot pro-
perly be considered by all present; that
is, in general society, not to call a dis-
agreeable thing by a disagreeable name
or describe carefully a disagreeable act,
but to mention it, if you must, in such
terms as will not rouse unpleasant
sensations.
Not to assume positions, make
noises and gestures, use perfumes and
costumes, which will set people think-
ing and feeling things irrelevant or un-
suitable to the whole company. A
Not to make a jest upon things seri-
ous or sacred.
All these are axiomatic maxims of
civilized society. These and their like
were the Victorian hypocrisies. What
was their purpose? Their purpose was
to embody in actual conduct those
dreams of perfection which had so cap-
tured their youthful imaginations, —
Do noble things — not dream them all day long.
Byron, Shelley, and Goethe worded
the thoughts, felt the emotions, beheld
the visions, but they did not live the
life. It took — as it always must take
— two generations to fit real life to the
vision. For life is not thoughts and
emotion. Life is what we do : it is our
conduct with its consequences upon
ourselves to-morrow or next year, and
upon others immediately or next year
or in the next generation.
182
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
This conduct is our real life which
determines our total happiness and
success, because it determines the
treatment we get from our fellows and
from the insensate world. To each
man, by an illusion of interior optics,
his own real life appears to be, not
what we see him doing, but what he
feels himself feeling — his own invis-
ible sensations, emotions, aspirations,
and satisfactions. He is to himself the
centre of a weblike universe, and every
least nerve-message that comes to him
is, by a necessity of his soul's unity,
equally interesting and exciting to him.
But this subjectiveness is not life; it is
existence. Life is conduct; it is growth
and betterment; it is what follows the
emotion and desire; it is effort and
achievement or failure. Unless we do
the things, we cannot get beyond to
seek further things. As far back as
man began, he has thought and felt
delicately. The Mid-Victorians set out
to do delicately. It is this doing the
things that makes us grow up.
The youthful human creature cannot
disentangle himself from himself, his
physical being from his spiritual.
* Most of the things he thinks he knows,
he ought to know he only thinks.'
When he grows up he will understand
this. But the youthful mood is primi-
tive; to it, time is not, cause and
consequence are not. This is because
naturally or animally we regard qvery-
thing as durable. 'Now is to be eter-
nity' in my childish, animal, aesthetic
mood of mind. A child treats a toy as
if it were made of iron and his nurse as
if she could not tire, and his own joys
and sorrows and fears as if they could
never end.
Thus there are two things which can
never be understood by the man or wo-
man who has not yet got beyond the
aesthetic, sensory, animal stage. One is
the deceptiveness of himself to himself,
and the other is the illusiveness of lan-
guage. The complexity of humanity
and the insufficience of the symbol are
both invisible to him. This made it
hard for the Victorians to see their own
absurdities and makes it hard for the
Post- Victorians to see their forerun-
ners' excellences. When we grow up in
our minds, we have had experience. We
remember and we compare our various
memories. We have tried experiments
and we understand the complexities of
human affairs. But a youthful inca-
pacity to separate cause from effect,
and attendant circumstance from both,
together with an unripe dependence
upon words and aspects, has made the
injudicious read stupidity, coldness,
and narrowness into the motive force
of Victorian manners, Puritan princi-
ples, and Quaker practice. Stupid,
cold, and narrow many of those man-
ners and principles, and much of that
practice, prove to have been; but it was
because of restricted information, not
because of deficient intelligence or feel
ing. The Victorian spirit, like the Puri-
tan spirit and the Quaker spirit, was
intrinsically sincere.
It has been set down as Victorian
hypocrisy that ' they talked a lot of fus-
tian about wedded bliss, when every-
one knows that marriage is a sorry
makeshift.' Yet to many married cou-
ples, then as well as now, wedded bliss
was a sober everyday fact. Except for
that ' fustian,' the way to civilized mar-
riage would never have been found out.
It took far more universal hold than
ever the French Revolutionary princi-
ples did, and Dickens was more widely
read than Rousseau had ever been.
The same process which created the
truly happy equal marriage fostered
also self-control, self-sacrifice (we call it
self-devotion now, or personal service),
ennobling friendship, personal reserve,
modesty in riches, purity without as-
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
183
ceticism, and several other excellent
realities. Victorian notions of relative
human values and of excellence in con-
duct were incontrovertibly correct.
And any one who thinks them trite
would better try how easy it would be
to put them in practice. No truth is
or ever can be trite to any one who
uses it: this is a truism.
Of course the rapid and widespread
raising of standards increased abnor-
mally, among the Mid-Victorians, the
number of persons who conformed
without understanding and who pre-
tended to be appreciative when they
really were blankly acceptant. Hence,
there was much said and done which
was in truth grandmotherly, sentimen-
tal, flabby and trite, futile and prudish,
as well as very much that was hypo-
critical. But the spirit of the age was
highly sincere.
Still, even the sincere, able thinkers
had of course a full share of the char-
acteristically human capacity to fool
themselves. Like all mankind before
them, they frequently confused the
word with the thing, took the symbol
for the thing signified, and failed to dis-
tinguish between that part of the world
which man has created and that part
which exists independently of him.
Their notion that a thing must be so
because it ought to be so, was a mis-
take, not a sham. All self-absorbed
people make this same mistake. Think-
ing does make some things so, — sub-
jective things, all the things mental and
physical which the mind rules, — but
the insensate world cannot be ruled
that way. As an instance of the results
of subjective methods being carried into
objective life we have what their child-
ren, the Late-Victorians, produced in
philosophy and religion, — Pragmatism
and Christian Science.
Each of these is a sincere effort to
mingle the new scientific truths with
the old faiths. They are thought out
and expounded in the Mid-Victorian
manner — subjectively — through sen-
timent and discernment, through intro-
spection and from the inner conscious-
ness. Pragmatism, seeing that science
prognosticates nothing, assumes that
there is nothing to prognosticate, and
says, * 't is thinking makes it so.' Chris-
tian Science, following the same gener-
al line of reasoning, comes to the same
conclusion with different results. Both
forget that ninety-nine one-hundredths
of the universe goes on without regard
to man's existence or what he thinks —
and that ninety-nine one-hundredths
of his own personal life develops with-
out consulting his consciousness.
VI
The worst Victorian hypocrisy, of
course, is held to be prudishness: that
is, unwillingness to speak or write of
physical sex in any aspect. The Mid-
Victorians had a repulsion for the sub-
ject. Every one over forty years old to-
day knows how strong that repulsion
was. How strange it already looks!
But they were right, in their time.
Sex is the most conspicuous, the most
picturesque, the most enduring of all
facts, except self. As the '80's discov-
ered, man is endowed for evolution by
unescapable, indestructible primitive
instincts — self-preservation and race-
preservation. He has also, be it noted,
an equally indefeasible thirst for per-
fection, but this escaped the notice of
those early observers. Looked at ani-
mally, aesthetically, childishly, person-
ally (call it what you will), self-preser-
vation becomes self-protection in all its
forms, physical and emotional, verging
always upon rank selfishness; while
race-preservation, or the instinct to re-
production, becomes self-gratification.
Sex is not only unescapable and
omnipresent, but the nerve-sensations
which impel to reproduction are the
184
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
only ones which can be set in full mo-
tion by imaginary stimuli. Therefore
the Mid-Victorians were right; the
Puritans, the Quakers, were right. In
order to make progress, to get beyond
the old recurrent eddies of mental as-
sociation the attention of at least two
whole generations must be diverted
from this subject which had been so
persistently conspicuous since man was
a mere mollusk. Gross preoccupation
with self-preservation had already been
driven from completely blocking the
road of attention, by outward physical
alterations — chiefly by the growth of
trade; moreover, it was being pushed
aside by interest and morality. But
this other must be put in due subordin-
ation from within, because its origin is
from within. It must make room for
the hunger and thirst and lust after
perfection. Men had to be cured of the
habitual impression, natural to a self-
centred consciousness, that women
were always thinking about men, and
were aware of the effect on men of
their every little action. Women had
to be released from the idea that they
existed to subserve men. Abstinence
must come before temperance. To
take men's minds effectually off the
subject as an all-absorbing interest,
they must be prevented from talking
about it or in other ways referring to
it. It must become not only subordin-
ate, but subconscious. No danger of
killing it. It is primitive and unescap-
able. So long as no man can be born
into the world without its exercise by
man and woman, so long must every
man and woman born inherit it in all
its pure intensity.
All this the Mid-Victorians darkly
but convincingly discerned. They knew
nothing of conscious or subconscious,
of attention, inhibition, association of
ideas, tendency of emotion to expres-
sion, reflex action, or vasomotor nerves.
They only knew that Christ command-
ed them to crucify the flesh, that salva-
tion came through faith and self-sacri-
fice, and that self-control was essential
to a virtuous life. What they knew,
they knew from the personal observa-
tion of themselves and their forebears.
What they said, and the explanations
they gave, were in the vocabulary and
atmosphere of religion and emotion.
They had learned to feel that all which
was disagreeable must be concealed.
The idea that it all might be destroyed
or turned to good had not occurred to
them. They drew the form of their ideas
from the Bible, — the early chapters of
Genesis and the epistles of St. Paul.
They were steeped in the Bible, but
they never questioned or analyzed it.
The Old Testament was to them an
oracle. The epistles of Paul were a
voice from Heaven. In the third chap-
ter of Genesis we of to-day recognize
Jehovah, the Lord God, a God con-
ceived by man's fear and weariness,
discouragement and bewilderment —
who curses two primal instincts, re-
production and self-preservation, and
wholly overlooks this third and strong-
est of all, the love of perfection.
In the first chapter, however, is God,
the everlasting Father, the omnipotent,
the timeless One. We know that He
has appeared in all ages to all sound,
sane, large natures, because they were
balanced and in tune with the universe,
and that He pressed for recognition
close on the borders of all men's con-
sciousness. But along with the splendid
vigor of Jewish faith and conscience,
along with the wonderful tenderness
and self-consecration of early Christian
vision and rapture, our grandparents
absorbed the antique ignorance and
superstition of false science. The an-
cients knew a great deal about the
quality of virtue, but very little about
the cause of vice. Neither the origin
of good and evil, nor their relation to
character, did those worthies under-
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
185
stand at all. Nor have we more than
begun to know much more, though it
is now nineteen centuries since Paul
thought and wrote, so magnificently,
seeing through a glass darkly.
So the Puritans and the Quakers
were as right as they could possibly
have been. Serious people are often
right even when their explanations and
excuses are wrong; the Mid- Victorians
themselves often said, 'A good man's
life is better than his creed!' The
bourgeoise Queen was right; Victorian
4 hypocrisy' was right, at bottom.
VII
Civilization consists in thought and
conduct. In thought it is achieved
through ever clearer and clearer sym-
bols. In conduct it is achieved through
wiser and ever wiser inhibitions. Civ-
ilization is man's contribution to pro-
gress, and he has accomplished it by
persistently using his two original in-
ventions, his only two, — tools and
morals.
Morals, as every one knows, consist
in preventing yourself from following
a natural impulse because you wish
to avoid its secondary consequences.
That is, the moral code is a call to the
exercise of innumerable inhibitions.
Without inhibition, no civilization!
Ordinary tools, the outward mate-
rial tools of manufacture and trans-
portation and consumption, are only
a small and insignificant part of the
tools which have created civilization.
Man's really great tools are his sym-
bols. These are various: there are
words, the symbols of ideas, of memo-
ries, generalizations, and abstractions;
and there are letters, figures, diagrams,
and so forth, which are the symbols of
words; and there are customs or man-
ners which are the symbols of feelings
and purposes. Symbols are the stimuli
to thought and memory. Symbols, too,
body forth ideas which never yet man
saw or can see but with the eye of the
mind. Without symbols neither art
nor science could exist. Art is not man's
original device. The whole creation
loves beauty, strives for it, produces
it. But representative art — this is
man's own contribution. He invented
these symbols of drawing and painting
and sculpture and music, which bring
to our minds what we have seen or felt
before, or wish to have seen and felt.
Science, too, is not of man. The
whole natural world evolves by using
scientific truth. But the words and
signs by which man represents his
knowledge of truth, by which he con-
veys it to other men and condenses it
and enlarges it — these are his own
inventions.
No more is invention peculiar to
man. The natural world is constantly
inventing. The bird invents his nest —
the tiger invented his claws — each
new upward form in evolution was once
the happy invention of some * sport,'
some genius among its kind. Even
his love of perfection, his passionate
searching after God, is not man's own,
not his alone. He shares that insatiable
yearning with every atom of the uni-
verse, every cell of his own flesh, every
drop in the ocean.
But love, caritas (not eros or philos),
that offspring of imagination and
memory which created the desire for
the good of others and which prompts
to virtue and morality, this is man's
own, — and by it he is building civil-
ization slowly and blunderingly, for it
is his own invention and it runs on
quite without aid from the evolutional
forces of the universe. He maintains it
by the force of his own firm will, it is
his own creation. He has chosen it. So
soon as his will falters, it slips from
him. The cat cannot, when she ceases
to care to be a cat, slip back into an
invertebrate; but a man, so soon as he
186
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
ceases by one tittle to care to be civil-
ized, slips back just so far into a sav-
age. Does the sudden change from
Victorian reserve to a heterogeneous
vocabulary and behavior mean that
we are tired of trying to be civilized?
Are we ready to slip back a bit? We
easily endorse the abolition of spon-
taneous murder and wholesale drunk-
enness, but does not the inhibition
of spontaneous talk and of wholesale
selfishness seem too much trouble?
Are we going back to the hearty vul-
garity of the Pre-Victorian English,
or are we crossing over to the narrow,
monotonous cynicism of the tradition-
al French? Can the Continentals hail
us as converts? Or are we perhaps
issuing from a good into a better cus-
tom, from a pious into a scientific rev-
erence which will continue decency and
reserve, not because they veil what is
profane, but because they protect what
is sacred?
Every one who looks about him
without excitement must see the an-
swer. Conversation is still guarded
among decent people, but with a larger
propriety and a more comprehending
reserve. Books, magazines, and news-
papers, the best of them, are more rev-
erent and more just than ever before.
Conduct ? We cannot say so much for
conduct just now, but we may reason-
ably expect it to follow presently.
Science, that other familiar fruit of
the nineteenth century, which even
the decadent whippersnappers have
never dared deride, has laid its calm
firm hand upon us. The scientists were
the seers of the Mid-Victorian era.
Freed by the doctrine of personal lib-
erty to speak as they thought, they
spoke impersonal truths learned from
watching, not themselves, but nature,
and thereby they inspired a new epoch
in man's history. Just as the effect of
Goethe and Byron and Shelley was
not publicly felt till thirty years had
passed, so the effect of Darwin, Pas-
teur, and Mendel was not publicly felt
for thirty years. Then its first mani-
festations were in agnosticism and
materialism, and, among the lesser
minds, in scoffing and despair. Even
now, after sixty years, the scientific
method is still young, and is making
many ridiculous mistakes, but it is old
enough to be the method of the domin-
ating generation, and already it is giv-
ing us a new vocabulary. Xn order to
talk about the ills that flesh is heir to,
and about the disorders of the social
fabric, — in fact, about ' the world, the
flesh, and the devil/ — we need no long-
er draw from a vocabulary indicating
wholly personal or moral or religious
or emotional aspects. The cool phrase-
ology of impersonal fact is at our dis-
posal, unexciting, intellectual, impar-
tial. In this language we can instruct
our children, discuss conditions, and
contrive remedies, without once brush-
ing upon those sensitive nerve-ends in
our brain which carry thrills down our
spines, contract our diaphragms, and
all over our bodies set vibrating use-
lessly sensations which, reinvading our
minds we know not whence, make us
believe that emotions have visited us.
Religion, ethics, philosophy, and phi-
lanthropy to-day are ceasing, for the
van, and presently will cease for the
many, to be emotional and personal,
subjective and sensational. They have
taken on the universality of science,
releasing men into the joy and power
of infinite expansion.
Who may be the seers of the present
era none can guess — the seers always
belong in spirit to the next generation.
But the van to-day consists of those
persons who by fair fortune have not
lost hold on tradition, who were not set
adrift by their parents, or who, being
set adrift, chanced to have a compass
in their boat.
In this Post- Victorian age, the strag-
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
187
glers and adventurers have been the
first to speak vividly upon its problems.
The reluctants have had much to say.
Small men, too, have rushed in where
the great ones felt themselves unready
to speak; and such have chattered
much. Some of this much-speaking is
truth, much is nonsense, and most of it
is sufficiently sparkling and musically
well said to capture the untrained ear
of the many. The van is beginning to
be heard, but has not yet reached full
maturity. This strong scientific light
makes the world, the old, old world,
look so * new and all.' The wonder and
the mystery, the glory and the dream
are not less, they are more. But with
what words and phrases shall it be wor-
shiped! All the old warm words were
made to symbolize that old world in
the old personal way; the new words
are all impersonal, colorless, precise, —
perfect for the purpose of quiet instruc-
tion and calm discussion, but not fit for
poetry. We must go to Emerson, the
great, free, forward seer of Darwin's
own generation, if we would find poetry
adequate to our new conceptions. As
well as could be, in the old way, he has
phrased it. Anon will come another, in
a new way.
Indeed, regarded cosmically, no harm
at all has been done; a natural sequence
has been followed, another turn of the
spiral has been gone about, and the
race, a whole generation in our part of
the world, is learning one more lesson
- a truth which single wise men have
known for ages : no man liveth to him-
self or dieth to himself. But regarded
humanly, individually, domestically, —
as the pathetic biography of our own
children and grandchildren, or of our-
selves and our friends, — much harm
and suffering, confusion, and failure
have been wrought; many things still
remain to be adjusted. 'L'homme ar-
rive novice a chaque age.'
Of course with every generation the
gaps in actual custom between the evo-
lutional groups of men tend to grow
wider. The problem is, not how to in-
sure advance, but how to help bring up
the many of Group C more rapidly and
surely without so much individual
loss, and how to get at the unsorted
groups of people who are far behind
the times. The first is the problem of
the educated parent. The second is the
problem of the social worker, and is
quite another story.
VIII
Parents must again become respon-
sible. Serious parents must now con-
trive and enforce a new procedure to
protect youth from its natural errors,
and to guard it from the misapprehen-
sions of the uncivilized in our midst.
To keep ourselves and our children
fresh and sound-hearted we must ex-
ercise vigorous open-eyed choice, and
accustom them cheerfully and eagerly
to do the same.
The impatient uncomprehending
Post- Victorian thinks reserve is used
for things we are ashamed to speak of.
'What is there to be ashamed of in sex?'
he demands. Nothing to be ashamed
of (except its perversion), but much
which is too sacred, personal, delicate,
potent, and marvelous to be mentioned
at random. 'What is the use,' says the
critic, 'of getting up a lot of senti-
mental talk about virtue when we all
know perfectly well that human na-
ture is but so-so?' Nevertheless, un-
selfishness, loyalty, delicacy of feeling,
generosity, reverence, truthfulness, and
self-command are, as a matter of fact,
more admirable, and more acceptable
to the world, than greed, jealousy,
scoffing, roughness, meanness, deceit,
and irritability, common as these lat-
ter undeniably are. Moreover, those
modern oracles, the neuropathists and
psychiatrists, unanimously assert that
188
VICTORIAN HYPOCRISY
these virtues are the qualities which
men need to protect them from the
nervous disorders which beset our
generation.
A child's mind is, as it were, a pre-
cious vessel formed of the most deli-
cate material. Outside, it is finite and
has been carefully protected by evolu-
tion in the bony encasement of the
skull. Inside, it is infinite, and has by
nature no protection at all. Experi-
ence is to be used by it for nourish-
ment and growth. In the natural
world, experience comes higgledy-pig-
gledy, without regard to its effect upon
this tender human thing. Nature goes
by law. But man is a creature of
choice — and the young of man cannot
safely receive into its mind the raw,
hard, heterogeneous material of na-
tural experience. First must the mind
be carefully and firmly lined all round,
close and soft up against the sensitive
nerves, with an elastic transparent
protection of noblest truth blended
from the experience of all the long ages
through which man has been watching
and choosing; then, when the precious
vessel has been as carefully protected
by human choice on its spiritual side as
by natural evolution on its physical
side, then may and must the child
come wholly to make his own choice,
to store up his own experience for fur-
ther nourishment and growth, and to
devote himself to the duty of personal
service.
This is the century of choice, the
wonder-point of man's individual
achievement. This is the country of
freedom, the wonder-spot of man's in-
dividual liberty. Every one of us who
is Americanized is free for the pursuit
of perfection. We have life and liber-
ty; self-preservation no longer need
absorb us. We are freed, if we choose,
from the pressing consciousness of
physical sex. We are free to discover
and follow the things which are more
excellent, to pursue happiness witlj the
only snares that ever capture it.
For our children, too, we must choose,
and we must help them choose, until
they have captured for themselves the
secret qualities of essential and non-
essential, subordinate and principal,
healthful, harmless, and noxious, so
that they are qualified as independent
experts and may set forth to make fur-
ther discoveries and gain their own ex-
perience. We owe it to them to give
them as perfectly as we can all of good
that the past has had, and all of wis-
dom that it has learned. We must not
expect our children to believe that
a thing is true, or to follow a rule as
good, simply because we tell them it is,
or give it to them. They are born as
ignorant as the first cave-dwellers,
though they are as capable as civilized
men. With this fine capability they
have to go through in twenty years all
the experience that man has acquired
in twenty thousand years. Of this ex-
perience they have time to learn the
merely primitive part by actual en-
counter, but most of it is compacted
into symbols, — based on these simple
physical experiences. We must give
them the chance to learn what is true
and what is good by the shortest
proofs, and to become so reasonable
that they can accept a course of reason-
ing as an experience without having to
waste the time to prove it physically;
that is, they must learn to experience
vicariously through symbols, else they
are not civilized. Seeing the symbol,
they must apprehend the aspect sym-
bolized, never taking the symbol for
the thing and never shirking the inhi-
bitions which are necessary to gain the
good they see. Thus only can they
learn what is true service.
Then we need not worry, though all
the reluctants tremble at our temerity,
and the stragglers, adventurers, and
camp-followers call us * hypocrites ' !
AS I DRANK TEA TO-DAY
BY FANNIE STEAKNS DAVIS GIFFORD
'
As I drank tea to-day
With a dozen women, chattering, gay,
In delicate drooping gowns, in jewels like dew,
Laughing, light- voiced, — I thought of a certain hunger I knew
Hid in the heart of one, the merriest laugher there.
I saw three little dull threads in the lazy dusk of her hair;
Three little keen wrinkles about her beautiful shining eyes.
And I wished I were not so wise.
i ,
I wished that I did not know
Those symbols of pain : — that low
Under her pride and sweet warm-worded address
She was shaken with loneliness;
That the one great dream she had dared to dream was a lie,
And half of her life went wearying, 'Let me die.'
I wished that I could not hear
That murmur of mortal fear
Through the clink of silver and subtle whisper of lace.
I dared not look in her face. —
Then I thought (while I laughed aloud
With my cup at poise), 'Ah, the proud
Masques that we wear! We too,
All of us, dancing through
Some queer little pantomime each day, —
Jeweled and gloved, deft-spoken and gay, —
Ah, but God only hears
All of the follies and fears,
190 AS I DRANK TEA TO-DAY
Meanness and courage, breathed out and in
Over these tea- cups' delicate din.'
Then I looked in that woman's face,
Over its pearls and roses and lace,
And I knew that I need not fear to see
Those little dull threads, those wrinkles three,
Or hear the cry of her life. I knew
We were all of us crying too :
Crying with wonder or weariness,
Too much love or too little. Yes,
It was Life, just Life, that we hid away
Under our gossip and glad array.
And that woman's laughter and pride,
Shieldingsher heart, half-crucified,
Seemed bravely done, — although
I thought, 'Must Life hurt, hurt so?'
Till as I took her hand,
Saying good-bye, the smooth words planned
Choked in my throat. She stood there dumb,
Folded my fingers and pressed them numb,
Knowing I knew.
Ah, yes! I knew!
All of us seeking, hungering, hiding too,
In delicate drooping gowns, and jewels like stars and dew!
So we all went away:
A dozen women, chattering, gay.
OUR NEAREST, AND OUR FARTHEST, NEIGHBORS
BY MARGARET SHERWOOD
OUR nearest neighbors stand a bit
aloof, and do not visit us except for
the briefest stay. Newcomers, we are
somewhat hurt; peering out of the cor-
ners of our windows we watch and
wait, as silent, as motionless as they
when they watch us, and still they pass
us by. It is true that we have forced
our way into an old community, and
have broken soil among the undisturb-
ed trees on a green hillside still clothed
in the primeval grass of the wilderness.
Those earlier settlers, the meadow-
larks, have perhaps a right to complain
of our intrusion. Complain they do,
their notes of gentle protest coming
early in the spring, and sounding on
through warm summer days to late
autumn. What has gone wrong with
their housekeeping, I wonder, that they
so persistently lament? Certainly we
have not disturbed the homes of their
building, and are ready to go more than
half way in making friends.
As I see, though pretending not to
look, the bright, untrusting eyes that
watch us from adjacent trees, as I hear
swift wings beating retreat, I marvel
that they do such scanty justice to our
good intent. Is it because of our com-
ing that the mourning dove so mourns?
Do they not like our way of house-
keeping? It is as careful, as method-
ical, as industrious as their own. It
is, moreover, as old-fashioned, for we
like ancestral ways, and are averse to
the new-fangled devices of the ladies'
journals, — oh, horror of pink teas
and lavender luncheons ! And we share
their woodland tastes: one doorway
opens on a hill-side with a wood be-
yond, the other upon what the English
would call a copse.
It cannot be our clothes that they
object to, for our modest greens and
browns are as unobtrusive as the wear
of any bird or squirrel of them all.
Indeed, I should not think of going
abroad in the colors that certain of them
wear, — scarlet, or vivid blue, or bril-
liant orange, — for even Solomon in
all his glory was not arrayed like some
of these. Perhaps they do not like the
company we keep, yet our one meek
gray cat who strolls with us in the
evening coolness on hillside or by gar-
den path would not hurt them; only,
at sight of them, an impotent lashing
of the tail and a faint, queer snarl
recall his far-off savage ancestry. It
seems perfectly automatic and uncon-
scious, and is certainly incongruous in
the presence of the Christian virtues
which that cat has acquired from us.
He is not proud and unfriendly, but is
willing to go as far as his four paws
can carry him across that space which
separates even the friendliest beasts
from their distant human kin.
We have courted our new neighbors
with crumbs in winter-time; we have
courted them in April with string laid
out enticingly on the grass, as the start-
ing-point of home; we have tied suet to
the trees in snowy weather, and have
maintained luncheon counters of nuts
and of wheat; we have, quite in the pre-
vailing fashion in social service, estab-
191
192 OUR NEAREST, AND OUR FARTHEST, NEIGHBORS
lished a public bath. All these favors
they have accepted, with mental reser-
vations, on tip-toe for flight, a-wing at
first sight of us. We have even estab-
lished model tenements; well-lighted,
well-ventilated residences are offered
rent free. Some of them were fashioned
of cigar-boxes, some of grape-baskets;
all were covered with birch-bark to
match the trees on which they hang.
Yet the blue-birds pass by the homes
intended especially for them, and the
wren-house, made with the exact size
of doorway that the bird book pre-
scribed for the least of the sweet-sing-
ing Christendom, has never lured the
longed-for tenant to our eaves.
To that cold table, winter-set, come
jays and j uncos and chickadees. I find
on the porch-roof in the new-fallen
snow innumerable little footprints of
the latter, or see in the morning sun-
shine a whole white and gray flock feed-
ing like one, flying away like one, if I
go too near. I am always expecting the
nuthatch, who feasts royally for one
of his size, with a kind of Christmas
gusto; but he has never accepted his
invitation. When the sky is heavy with
snow about to fall, I think often that
perhaps he will come to-morrow, for,
with the inhabitants of air as with the
inhabitants of earth, necessity increases
friendliness.
Regarding these, and our few other
winter birds, meadow-larks, kinglets,
brown creepers, I often wonder in what
corners they cuddle, and whether snow,
rightly used, makes a warm blanket.
A yearning sense of hospitality in the
stinging cold weather, a desire to share
the warmth of the hearth with wee
things shut outside, human or other,
pauses here at the bounds that nature
has set. That which one has to offer
is not that which is needed; this puzzled
wish to help is touched by the chill of
philanthropy, and baffled by the lack
of understanding that must exist be-
tween those who share no common
threshold.
As for our most constant winter
guest, the jay, I cannot accept the
common scorn of him, often shown by
critics in reality no more generous than
he. Wherein eating other birds' eggs
differs from the methods commonly
employed by the fittest in surviving,
I have yet to see, and I watch him with
the remote wonder wherewith, at a
distance, I watch our predatory mer-
chant-princes masquerading in the bril-
liant plumage of philanthropists. The
jays have dash, presence; they lack
scruple, and, with their loud platform
manners, — for they seem always,
through their shrill cries, to be address-
ing an audience, — they are curiously
akin to others successful in business
and in public life. I am told that the
jay behaves better at home than when
he is away, and I respect him for that
he reverses the practice of many, and
forgive him for his noise in my yard,
knowing that he is silent in his own
doorway. I could forgive him much,
too, for the beauty of his outstretched
wings against the world of winter white
and the white birch trunks. Often, on
the coldest days, his tap-tapping at the
hard suet wakens me; from porch rail-
ing or branch of tree he watches me, his
head cocked on one side, with a judi-
cious and critical expression, and I feel,
as I watch him in return, that no crea-
ture more mentally alert crosses our
domain on feathers or on feet. Yet he
lacks something — shall I call it imag-
inative vision ? — that impels other
birds to seek far shores and new hori-
zons, in unceasing quest.
Most neighborly, of course, are the
robins; and on July mornings troops of
spotted-breasted birdlings cross our
lawn, each headed by that model father
red-breast, who, as I am told, takes
charge of the early brood while the
mother-bird is hatching out the second,
OUR NEAREST, AND OUR FARTHEST, NEIGHBORS 193
roosts with them by night among the
trees, and by day teaches them the lore
of robin life. The small, low branches
of the birch trees are evidently excel-
lent for the robin kindergarten held
here, and I can bear witness to the thor-
oughness of the pedagogical methods,
if any aerial agency requires testimo-
nials. Flying lessons, swimming lessons,
foraging lessons go on incessantly, and
all day long they search for worms.
Once, when I thought of adopting a
young robin that had fallen out of the
nest, a scientist told me that it would
require twelve feet of worms in twelve
hours, and I desisted. It is fortunate
that my own students have no such
appetites! The young things trail sol-
emnly around after their parent, two
or three at a time, like chickens ; if his
head turns but for an instant, beaks
fly wide open, as if moved by springs.
It is a pretty sight to see the deftness
wherewith he drops in a worm, the
young one squatting on the grass, or
waiting on a twig, and swallowing the
booty before the old bird has even ceas-
ed flying. The kindergarten has always
seemed to me questionable in render-
ing the child too passive, and I have
my doubts about this. Surely these fat
babies could bestir themselves a little
sooner! Though a 'mere picker up of
learning's crumbs/ with only intellect-
ual relations with the young, I cannot
help being absurdly pleased when I see
these birdlings begin to find bits for
themselves.
In the flying lessons more indepen-
dence is insisted upon from the first,
and the notes wherewith the nestlings
are urged from branch to empty air
are sharp, incisive, and full of anxiety.
More coaxing tones lure them to the
bird bath in the shallow Italian basin
on the lawn, and here they are shown
how to dip and spatter the water with
fluttering wings, and how to dry their
feathers afterward. I saw an old bird
VOL. 114 - NO. 2
teaching three at a time one day, and
then shooing them out one by one when
the bath was over. Later, one of the
young ones went back, once, twice,
three times, and stood shivering on the
brink, afraid to plunge, for all the world
like a ridiculous baby.
These marvelously competent crea-
tures converse with their young with
a wide range of notes, and ward off
from them the very appearance of
danger, valiantly fighting away the
jays, and 'ordering me to take in the
cat if he put but the tip of his gray nose
outside the door. Expert parents, en-
tirely taken up with the diet and the
physical education of their progeny,
they seem, more than most birds, to
belong to our era, and I think of them
as better able to cope with the ideals
of our present civilization than are
many of our songsters. Their cheerful,
bustling materialism, their content in
unflagging search for the necessary
worm, strike one as distinctly con-
temporary. Yet like the jays in their
alert practicality, they fail in that
charm of elusiveness and mystery that
we associate with winged things.
ii
Watching and waiting, we get
glimpses of the many-sided neighbor-
hood life about us, even of creatures
more exclusive than robins. The oldest
inhabitants, the crows, are always with
us, slowly moving on black wings
against gray clouds of winter, or con-
gregating among sunlit pine branches
in July. At the first touch of warmer
sun, the first deeper blue in the Feb-
ruary sky, they are astir; what signi-
ficance has this busy and systematic
flying, with loud caws, back and forth
along the line of trees that border the
stream? What do they discuss, what
plans do they make, when they gath-
er in vast numbers in the tree- tops?
194 OUR NEAREST, AND OUR FARTHEST, NEIGHBORS
Although distant, I half overhear de-
bates that sound far more interesting
and important than those which it is
my duty to attend; opinions are utter-
ed with more conviction, an energy of
rough speech that will not be denied.
The assembly would seem to be ap-
pointing committees to act with power,
then suddenly to resolve itself, with
outstretched wings, into a committee
of the whole.
I have always had a special admi-
ration for these neighbors who watch,
with apparent disdain, generations of
mere human life, and a special curi-
osity in regard to what they know.
Harsh oracles of primeval speech is-
sue from their throats as we draw near,
but they will not admit us to their
councils; and the way in which they
watch our approach, slowly make up
their minds in our disfavor, and fly
deliberately away, is more insulting
than sudden terror. I am told that
their success in life is largely due to
cooperative, highly organized thieving,
as yet undisturbed by any anti-trust
law, and that the social instinct is in
them very fully developed. What care
I how social they be, if they are so un-
sociable with me? Some of the subtle-
ties of their deep knowledge have been
made known, but more are as yet un-
fa thomed. Timeless, they dwell in im-
memorial mystery, and have solemn
associations with long-forgotten sun-
rises and sunsets. A sombre significance
clings to them, different from that at-
taching to any other feathered things,
sombre but not malign. Yet when, a
day or two ago, a huge crow flew so
close to the window where I was watch-
ing that I could have touched him, for
a pagan moment I shrank, for he was
as a mythological creature out of an
elder world, and I seemed to see my
doom descending on black, slow-beating
wings. For the most part, however,
though these neighbors stand aloof and
hold me in deserved contempt, I count
them friends, and find little in the world
more expressive than they, flapping
their way over distant fields and caw-
ing I know not what ancient wisdom.
A single crow in the gathering twilight,
flying toward the darkening wood, has
a look of going straight to the central
mystery of things, and in him I seem
to see
The last bird fly into the last light.
Nearer our human comprehension
are the red-winged blackbirds, in whom
we take great delight, with their fas-
cinating housekeeping among the long
swamp-grasses and reeds, through
which a many-branched stream threads
its wet way. Blue flag flowers grow
here, tall cat-tails and rushes; some-
thing— perhaps the way of the stream
with the grasses, the moist fragrance
of it all, the gurgle of the water among
the lily-pads, or the meeting of the slop-
ing meadow beyond with the wood —
brings an encompassing sense of shel-
ter, of comfort, and of home. The
blackbirds come early, with the first
faint green in the hidden hollows of the
surrounding hills; they call over bare,
brown meadows where only close-
watching eyes could see spring. As the
marsh begins to turn green, and roots
quicken, they build and sing, making
their nests by the water-side, many
near together in pleasant comradeship;
more and more protected as the grasses
grow tall and create, with their feathery
green heads and deeper green of the
blades, an exquisite shelter of delicate
shades and gradations.
These builders in the shadow and the
sun have a poetry of note and of mo-
tion that the robins lack; whistling,
chuckling softly, they sink, with what
loveliness of flight! low, low to their
nests in the reeds. The protectiveness
of the parent wings, the little answering
peep from the nest, are as something
OUR NEAREST, AND OUR FARTHEST, NEIGHBORS 195
remembered from lullaby times of long
ago. Not because of any overtures
from them, for they fly swiftly, with
menacing wings, toward us if we ven-
ture too near, writing 'thus far and
no farther' upon the twilight air, we
count them among our most prized
companions, and again and again go
reluctantly from these red-and-black-
clad neighbors who do not call, to put
on polite attire and walk sedately down
the village street, making belated visits
to those justly irate human neighbors,
who called so long, so long ago! Near
of kin these winged things seem, though
separated far in the world of physical
being, in their jealous guarding of the
threshold, their deep sense of the in-
violability of home. Through the last
days of wind and snow we watch and
wait for them, and each succeeding
summer the greater is our loneliness
when they are gone and there are no
more brave wings with touches of red
against the sky above the sunken mea-
dow. Something of the sense of loss
of vanished human companionship at-
tends our autumn walks near these
* fledged birds' nests' whence the birds
have flown; alas for these old friends,
and the white stretches of winter si-
lence that they leave behind them!
It is with me in regard to birds as
in regard to people: I have no desire
to know all, nor do I wish to catalogue
the entire species, but I sorely covet
friendly intimacy with a few. In both
cases I have a pleasant acquaintance
with some whose names I do not know.
With the flicker that I find clinging to
my screen in the morning, — having
heard his knocking at my window,
dimly, through waking and dreams, —
in all the brave beauty of his brown-
spotted, creamy breast and his red
crown, I would fain have further inter-
course, but his quick wings will not so.
I could 'desire of more acquaintance,'
too, with the evening grosbeak, who,
despite his name, called at nine o'clock
one stormy March morning, then flew
away forever.
I want to know, but never shall, the
little screech owl, whose cry, most signi-
ficant and characteristic, shrill, sweet,
and weird, sounds out from the near-
by wood and now and then from our
own trees. I hold my breath when, ly-
ing in bed, I hear him, and, even in the
dark, I see him clearly, yet not him.
Long, long ago a kind friend caught one
and gave him to me; tame him I could
not; he only stared at me with big, un-
seeing eyes, and refused to swallow the
food placed in his beak. At last I let
him go, perhaps un tactfully, in the day-
time,
Blind, and in all the loneliness of wings.
Gossip has told me about his house-
keeping: how he is thrifty, forages in
winter and stores up in a hollow tree
mice and other prey enough for a week's
housekeeping. When my own goes
wrong I sometimes wish that I could
go and board with the little owl.
I should like to be admitted to fur-
ther intimacy with these feathered folk,
but perhaps they are right in holding
me, if not at arms' length, at wings'
length, and the wings' length of a sud-
denly startled bird is something to mar-
vel at. Their wis.dom I envy, their sky
wisdom and earth wisdom, their ex-
quisite skill in building, their canny
household ways. Even through the
slight intercourse which they permit us,
marvelously they enrich our lives, as
contact with other life inevitably must,
not only through this sense of fellow-
ship in home-building and home-keep-
ing, but through the endless charm of
music, and motion, and color.
In spring the song of the oriole, un-
believably beautiful, comes from trees
near by, but he never builds close
enough. Venturing near human habi-
tations, he still jealously guards his
196 OUR NEAREST, AND OUR FARTHEST, NEIGHBORS
seclusion. Though he refuses our prof-
fered string, he sings to us, often
pouring out his heart among our trees;
then, a swift, red-golden flash, so swift
that the swaying birch-leaves seem to
go too, and he is away toward home.
He lives in the huge, stately elm at
the corner, disdaining lesser residences,
and I can hear his song, fainter but
not less appealing, from his own door-
way. His brother builds in another
elm, farther along the busy highway,
singing high and unafraid above the
puffing automobiles and the creaking
carts; and surely it is a near relative
who has his home in a clump of tall
green trees on the greener hillside.
There he sings, high and sweet, the
morning long. Toiling over books and
papers, I can hear him, and the * God-
intoxicated' bobolink who lives in the
meadow below the hill. Together they
bring back always the story of the
two nightingales, those symbolic night-
ingales who sang from the laburnum to
the young Robert Browning after that
day of days when he had first opened
his Shelley and his Keats, — too great
an intellectual and spiritual experience
for a single day of boyhood, one would
think, even for that robust poetic vi-
tality.
The long elm-branches toss in the
wind, yet the swaying nest is always
safe. On sunshiny days there are such
trills of pure and varied melody, that
I cannot work, — for oh, how he sings
one's childhood back! The music flows
across the silences as through the dis-
cords of the days ; surely the oriole has
found some inner soul of melody in all
things !
The bobolink keeps house in the
meadow-grass by the stream just over
the fence from the highway. I know
where it is, though he does not think
I know, having taken pains to alight,
singing his maddest, on reeds and grass-
es far away, and distinctly on my path
toward home. I have not called on
him, and shall not, for I too have my
reserves. His choice of a home shows
that he has learned something of the
hard wisdom of the world. Last year
he had a devastated threshold, for the
mowing machine went ruthlessly over
that loveliest spot of waving meadow-
grass where he had built. This year he
has chosen a place where the swamp-
grasses are never touched by the mow-
er's knives; surely I am right in think-
ing he is the same, our neighbor of last
year, though I cannot be sure, for there
is always a certain family likeness in
the voice.
Some relatives of his, who live a mile
or two farther, came before he did, on
a green May day. I go often to hear
them, for, as they sing, one and then
another, in that little colony of song-
sters, they bring back all the vanished
Junes, with their wild strawberries and
their fragrant hay. Yet, as I stroll along
the highway toward home, in the per-
fectness of this special June, I am glad
to hear my own near neighbor again,
and to watch his rapturous flight up-
ward, with lyric trills of song, and his
dropping low to grass or reed, where
he sways back and forth in the breeze.
It seems to me that there is an added
madness of assurance in his melodies
this summer as he sings on, unafraid,
that all's right with the world; and
I hold my breath, with a touch of the
old Greek apprehension of swift turn
of fate over too perfect moments. Are
he and Robert Browning a trifle over-
sure?
in
Many are the birds that charm us by
beauty of color and of song; there are
others that compel our eyes primarily
through sheer beauty of motion. Such
are the wide-winged gulls at the not-
distant New England shore, with the
slow and stately rhythm of their white
OUR NEAREST, AND OUR FARTHEST, NEIGHBORS 197
wings; such are the eagles that I re-
member from long ago circling majes-
tically against a clear blue sky about
the high gray cliffs of Mount Parnassus ;
such are swallows of every kind. Bank
swallows live near us, the top of certain
high sand-cliffs being pierced all along
its edge by their mysterious, enticing
thresholds that one may not cross.
Great delicacy and reserve of demeanor
is necessary in approaching them, for
they are careful of the company they
keep. This year they made no holes
in one sand-cliff where, last year, many
of them dwelt, — a mystery of choice
to us until we saw the kingfisher's nest
hollowed out there, and remembered
the grim look of the kingfisher with his
fierce crest, on a limb by the water,
watching for his prey. About our roof
these swallows circle in the open sky
at eventide against the sunset clouds;
they fly low before the coming rain, low
and higher, swaying, swinging, dipping
in joyousness of motion and grace of
untrammeled flight. The little call of
the swallow, what is it, — thanks for
the insect just caught, or greeting to
neighbor swallow, as they pass and
repass in the oncoming twilight, like
* ships that pass in the night'?
Color and grace of motion together
make up the loveliness of the blue-
bird's flight. These gentle creatures
light on branch and twig about us in
earliest spring, pair by pair, in radiance
of blue raiment against a paler sky,
but they never linger. As they sit with
their wise little heads on one side, con-
sidering, do they find us unworthy of
the close companionship of adjacent
homes? Once, long ago, a pair of them
built in a hollow tree near our doorway,
and I should rather have the grace of
another stay like this than any other
household boon, but I ask it in vain.
They call, too, in early autumn, to say
good-bye, punctilious, and yet distant.
A few days ago, in late summer, the
yard was full of them, parents and
children; some, full blue with soft,
bright breasts, others, evidently fuzzy
youngsters, with wings just growing
blue. Their little chirp, the gentlest
and sweetest of all sounds in nature,
sounded from among the birches and
the wild-cherry tree in most compan-
ionable fashion, and yet they fled, par-
ent and children, across the browning
grass, leaving us to the yellowing leaf
and the cricket's chirp, and the mel-
low loneliness of autumn.
Other bird-friends we have, and
many. The little song sparrow makes
music for us in all seasons, in all wea-
thers, even sometimes through a sleepy
snatch of song at night. The vesper
sparrow greets us on the close-shorn
hills to westward when we walk there
at sunset; and on summer afternoons,
from the shady coverts of the adjacent
wood, comes the full golden melody of
the wood thrush, with that liquid tone
which only thrushes give. I have lis-
tened, but listened in vain hereabout,
for the high, celestial note of the her-
mit, but he does not venture so near,
inhabiting some far region between us
and the heavenly hills.
Greatest of all privileges is the charm
of the minor snatches of song, the mo-
mentary glimpses of wings, often of
visitors we do not know, and yet half
understand; — we are wayfarers all!
A red-breasted grosbeak comes to chat
in friendly fashion among the twigs,
then flits away to his undiscovered
threshold. A humming-bird calls now
and then for a minute at the threshold
of larkspur or columbine; his lichen-
covered home I can imagine, though I
have no skill to follow his swift flight.
The goldfinch means a gleam of celes-
tial beauty, as does the yellow warbler;
and there was one wonderful minute
when a scarlet tanager paused in a
birch, the sunshine falling on his bright
body through the translucent leaves. ,
198 OUR NEAREST, AND OUR FARTHEST, NEIGHBORS
These and other winged visitants
we have, in wavering flight or sure,
now high, now low, drifting past birch
leaf and hollyhock, shining visitants,
with the swift splendor of sunlight on
wings of blue or red or gold, making us
wonder why a pallid modern imagina-
tion clothes angels all in white. The
old painters knew better, and on Ital-
ian canvases and walls, one may see
wings of green and azure, splendid pin-
ions of celestial creatures wearing gor-
geous markings of moth and of butter-
fly. Oftentimes quick wings pass, of
we know not what, above pergola or
sky-light; swift, nameless shadows float
over yonder waving green meadow; a
sound of wings reaches our ears though
we do not lift our eyes. In their very
elusiveness lies the deepest appeal of
this people of the air; the sordid philo-
sopher who said that a bird in the
hand was worth two in the bush was
as grossly mistaken as his kind are
wont to be, for a bird in the bush is
worth twenty times twenty in the hand.
When was anything worth having ever
capable of being held in the hand ?
The nearest, yet the farthest, of our
neighbors, one feels a wistful sense of
kinship with them, and yet, the dis-
tances, the distances ! Wordsworth's
Stay near me — do not take thy flight!
A little longer stay in sight!
in his poem to a butterfly suggests
something of the baffled longing for
companionship that marks our inter-
course with winged creatures. They
only, of all living things, know to the
full this migratory instinct that lies
deep in human nature, the need of new
horizons, the deep recurrent stirring at
the heart in spring. 'They flit on the
edges of our humaneness, akin, yet not
near of kin, piquing our desire, quicken-
ing our sense of wonder. One watches
them with dim understanding, and with
unconfessed or unrealized envy.
Of all creatures they are the least
bound in the chain of things, with their
brief term of earthly ownership, watch-
ing their nests for a single season and
then away, not clogged and hampered
by property rights, whether of real
estate, or of heavy flesh and bone. Are
not their bones filled with air? Free
of the universe are they, unencumber-
ed for the long trail, just this side of
being pure spirit. Theirs is the charm
of that which conies but in moments,
and which you may not keep; about
a home, which stands for the settled
and permanent, lies this haunting
mystery of wings that come and go be-
tween us and the sky. They touch the
soul within us, quicken the sense of
quest, for each beat of these encompas-
sing wings stirs something deep within.
They make us aware of far spaces, of
distance, freedom, mystery, infinity,
— of a sky for the human spirit to cir-
cle in, even now, even now!
SOMETHING BIG, LIKE RED BIRD
BY MARGARET PRESCOTT MONTAGUE
'GEE!' Red Bird complained, 'I
don't see what it had to go an' rain on
a Sunday afternoon for ! '
* Just - - just when we was goin' over
to the Big Spring, too,' Jimmie Little's
rather wavering voice piped in. 'An'
— an' I was goin' to git 'em to put me
somewheres where I could n't hit no-
body, an' then I was goin' to throw
rocks, an' — an' throw rocks, an*
throw rocks, just all the afternoon.'
The very thought made him twist
his little blind face from side to side
in excitement. 'Just Jimmie' he al-
ways asserted that he was. * 'Cause —
'cause, you know,' he was wont to ex-
plain, * I was raised in the Poor House
down in Lupin County an' never heard
'em say who my folks was, an' they
never did call me nothin' but just
Jimmie.'
Looking at his very small and wiz-
ened person of eight years, his hear-
ers might have been tempted to doubt
the ability of the Lupin County Poor
House to grow little blind boys, what-
ever else they might * raise ' successfully
there.
He and Red Bird, another blind boy,
whose real name was George Washing-
ton Morris, and who was Just Jimmie's
running mate and adored hero, were
seated by the open window of the boys'
sitting room at Lomax, the State school
for deaf and blind children, and were
listening to the purr of the spring rain
in the courtyard, and to the monoto-
nous slip-slop of the dripping eaves.
' Shall I read to you? ' suggested Miss
Lyman, the matron for the blind boys,
who happened upon them just then, and
was struck by their dejected attitudes.
'Is it sump'n 'bout fightin'?' Red
Bird demanded with a languid interest.
'Oh, yes! A book full of fighting,'
she promised; and, taking them up to
her room, she unlocked the doors of ro-
mance for them with the magic key of
the Boys' Froissart, and after the read-
ing was over she told them, from her
memory of an old quaintly illustrated
copy of the original, how the Bishop
of Lincoln and certain gallant gentle-
men had resolved to wear a black patch
over one eye until they should have
performed some deed of chivalry. At
that Red Bird's imagination blazed
up.
'Jimmie, let's you an' me do it! 'he
cried. 'Let 's you an' me wear patches
like the Bishop of Lincoln an' them
other fellas 'til we've done sump'n
noble, too!'
'Let's!' Jimmie assented joyfully
(he always assented to everything Red
Bird proposed). 'But, Red Bird, we got
to wear our patches over our y'ears.'
(Just Jimmie's ear was always prefixed
by a y.) "Cause — 'cause course there
ain't no sense in our wearin' patches
over our eyes ! '
'An' we got to have a beautiful lady
to sort of pay our deeds to,' his running
mate added.
This gave them pause until Red Bird
suggested Miss Lyman.
' Aire — aire you the fairest lady in
the land? ' Jimmie demanded in Frois-
199
200
SOMETHING BIG, LIKE RED BIRD
sart diction, somewhat flavored by
Lupin County.
Miss Lyman hastily denied any such
distinction.
* Course she'd say she wasn't,' Red
Bird reproved Jimmie. *Let me feel,'
he added imperiously.
With a butterfly touch his fingers
quested her smooth plump cheeks, her
hair — which was indeed very soft and
thick — and her crisp and fresh Sun-
day blouse; also he sniffed the general
clean fragrance of orris-root, and pro-
nounced the whole good.
'Well,' he said, 'you mayn't look
pretty, but we don't care nothin' 't all
'bout that so long as you feel pretty.'
Thus she was accepted as their liege
lady, and at their request accoutred
them with their patches. And if the
patches were made from the tops of
the fair lady's discarded stockings —
Oh, well, it is a rude reality that stares
too closely at romance.
Of course Red Bird was the first to
get his patch off, though even he wore
it for a week.
He and Jimmie came nightly to Miss
Lyman 's room to have her review their
day's record, and see if there was any-
thing in it sufficiently noble to justify
the removal of a patch. That is to say,
they reviewed Red Bird's. Just Jim-
mie never appeared to have anything
remarkable to show on his own account,
but he could become almost lyrical
over Red Bird's achievements. They
were both sure Miss Lyman would un-
patch the latter the day he fought
and licked Edward Saunders, a boy
almost two years older than Red Bird.
Strangely enough, however, she did not.
She even went so far as to assert that,
as Edward had merely stumbled over
Red Bird's foot by accident, she would
have considered it more worthy the
removal of a patch, had Red Bird re-
frained from the licking. And the
boys were forced to admit in private
that even the fairest ladies had strange
ideas.
But at last Fate favored Red Bird.
He was up in the blind boys' dor-
mitory one day at play- time. Spring
was in the air and the window was open.
Red Bird went over to it to feel the
wind on his cheeks, and to listen to
the myriad sounds which the play-
ground gave up: the shouts and laugh-
ter of the blind children; the slurring
scuffle of a company of deaf boys mark-
ing time as they drilled in the brick
courtyard below; and from around on
the girls' side the plaintive notes of
little Phrebe West's horn. As he lean-
ed there he turned a large orange — a
windfall from his friend Mr. Heartwell,
the deaf baker of the school — in his
hands, essaying little tentative nibbles
at it, and trying to make up his mind
as to the most delightful way of eating
it. Should he bite a hole in it then and
there and suck it dry? Or should he
peel it, divide it into segments, and,
hunting up Jimmie, do the generous
thing and divide it with him? Or
again — sudden and delightful inspira-
tion — suppose he induced Jimmie to
invest that penny he had been hoard-
ing so long, in a stick of lemon candy,
and then they would share the orange,
imbibing it through the candy, suck
and suck about, a linked sweetness long
drawn out? Fired by this plan, he was
just turning away, when something
came avalanching down the roof and
brought up in the wide gutter just out-
side his window. Red Bird jumped
back. It was so near, so strange. What
could it be?
'Who you?' he demanded backing
farther away.
There was no answer, but there was
the sound of scrambling feet against
the tin of the gutter, accompanied by
certain alarming grunts and puffs.
'Who you? ' Red Bird repeated more
sharply.
SOMETHING BIG, LIKE RED BIRD
201
The scuffling and scrambling seemed
very near, and the friendly sounds of
the playground very far away. He
was just turning to scuttle off down-
stairs to the safe companionship of the
other boys, when he bethought him
of his patch. Would the Bishop of
Lincoln and his gallant friends have
run away, even from a puffing crea-
ture that they could not see, and that
would not speak? Not likely. Again
he approached the window.
'Lady,' he said, 'see here your knight
who will not fail to die for you.'
For, of course, the sounds might
be made by a damsel in distress, and
that was the way Sir John of Hainault
had addressed the fugitive Queen of
England. Red Bird said the words
very fast, half under his breath, for, of
course, there was always the chance of
its being a grown-up who would n't
understand, and who might laugh.
If it were a distressed lady she should
answer as the Queen had to Sir John,
'Sir, I find in you more kindness and
comfort than in all the world besides.'
Red Bird strained his ears for these
flattering sentences. They failed to
come, but suddenly, in the courtyard
below, someone screamed piercingly.
"Look! Oh, my goodness! Look at that
little deaf boy up there in that gutter!
He'll fall — he'll break his neck!'
There followed the frantic sound of
running feet, but they were two flights
of stairs away, and any moment that
little boy, who was n't more than six
years old, might miss his footing and
- the courtyard three stories below
was paved with brick.
'Here you — ' Red Bird cried plung-
ing wildly for the window. Immedi-
ately, he heard the child edging out
of reach along the gutter. Goodness!
that was no way to go about rescu-
ing him! Then a sudden inspiration
flashed upon Red Bird. How he came
to think of it he never knew. He
said afterwards that sump'n sort er
snapped in his head, and that was as
near as he ever came to explaining it.
He approached the window cautiously
and held out the tempting orange. The
deaf child did not move, this time. Red
Bird put the orange to his lips and
made as if to eat it, then held it out
again, and now he heard the little boy
scuffling slowly nearer. At his back he
felt the room full of tense grown-up
watchers.
' That 's right, Red Bird, that 's right,'
Mr. Lincoln's voice encouraged him.
Gradually, as he heard the little boy
approach he withdrew farther into the
room, and at last with a final puff and
scramble the child climbed over the
sill and jumped down to safety, his
eager hands upon Red Bird's orange.
The grown-ups swooped forward and
caught him fast, and Mr. Lincoln's
hand fell upon Red Bird's shoulder.
'Good boy!' he cried in a somewhat
shaken tone. 'Good boy!'
That night Miss Lyman held a party
in her room to celebrate the removal of
Red Bird's patch. The party was small
but very select. The invited guests
were Red Bird, Just Jimmie, W-on-
the-Eyes, and the little rescued deaf
boy. The latter had not the slightest
idea of what it was all about, and not
having yet learned to talk, he could
not ask questions. W-on-the-Eyes was
the sign by which Charlie Webster,
a little deaf boy of ten, was known to
all the other deaf children of the school.
He was invited because Benny Adams
— the explorer of the gutter — was
his especial charge, Benny's mother
having intrusted him to Webster when
she sent him to school. Ever since his
arrival, Webster, and indeed the whole
deaf department, had found their hands
full. He was as likely to appear on
the ridge-pole as in the schoolroom,
and he had thrown the whole corps of
matrons into a state of consternation
202
SOMETHING BIG, LIKE RED BIRD
and wild telephoning to doctors by
calmly eating a moth-ball. Like the
Elephant's Child in the Just So Sto-
ries, by Kipling, he suffered from an
'insatiable curiosity'; and not being
able to voice any of his questions, when
touch and sight failed, he very natur-
"ally had recourse to taste for the fur-
therance of his inquiries. Doubtless the
eating of the moth-ball satisfied his
mind on that point at least. Probably
also he had derived further informa-
tion from his explorations that after-
noon of the roof and gutter outside the
blind boys' dormitory.
Charlie Webster made on his behalf
a very beautiful speech of thanks to
Red Bird. He had to make the speech
on his fingers, but Red Bird felt his
hands and understood some of his signs,
and Miss Lyman interpreted the rest
for him. Altogether it was a great oc-
casion. Everybody's heart overflowed
with good feeling and good cheer, and
Just Jimmie, who had nearly burst
with pride over his hero's achievement,
burned to imitate him. He might have
taken his patch off over and over again
for proficiency in his lessons; but this
he scorned to do. To his mind there
was nothing romantic in being able to
spell conscientious, or in repeating the
names of all the presidents in order.
For its removal that patch called for
the romantic and gallant; or, as he him-
self put it, 'some kind er fightin', or
'sump'n big like what Red Bird done.'
II
There came at last, however, a hea-
venly warm spring Sunday, when one
of the teachers, assisted by a couple of
pupils who could see a little, took all
the blind boys over to the Big Spring,
— a long happy ramble through the
perfumed woods, — and when the de-
sire of Just Jimmie's heart in the matter
of throwing stones was realized.
They placed him by the side of a creek,
which afforded an unlimited supply of
stones, and where there was a clear
space ahead with no danger of hitting
any one, and here he did indeed throw
rocks, and throw rocks, and throw rocks,
just all the afternoon. It was pure joy,
but finally even his devoted arm gave
out. He cuddled down on the bank
to rest 'jus' er minute' as he specified
to himself, but in reality to fall fast
asleep. He had dropped down, as it
happened, behind a fallen tree, so that
the teacher, when she came to gather
her flock together, failed to see him,
and supposed he was on in front with
Red Bird. And so, when Just Jimmie
sailed up to consciousness once more,
the woods were still and deserted and
he knew himself all alone. In the gen-
eral scramble of life, however, he was
rather used to being overlooked. If he
philosophized about it at all he prob-
ably put it down to the score of his
having no folks, and coming from the
Lupin County Poor House; moreover,
he had found that, given time, peo-
ple usually remembered his existence.
Therefore he had no doubt that some
one would presently return for him.
In the meantime, this out-of-door world
still lent a delightful warmth to his
small body, and brought intoxicating
spring perfumes to his nostrils. Also,
here were the stones and the creek
again, with his good right arm refreshed
by sleep, and the heart of Just Jimmie
asked no more. Sometimes the stones
went into the deep water with a full
round 'plup'; sometimes they landed in
the shallows, making a pleasant sharp
splash; sometimes — oh, joy! — they
flew clear across the creek and greeted
the ear with a delightful clip-clap, as
they skipped on the stones on the other
side; and each time Jimmie jumped
up and down, and clapped his hands
and gave vent to extraordinarily glee-
ful shouts of merriment.
SOMETHING BIG, LIKE RED BIRD
203
All at once he heard a crackling
sound in the bushes behind him, and
knew that somebody, or something,
stood there and looked at him.
After listening a moment, as no one
spoke, he took the initiative.
* Aire you a cow or a person ? ' he de-
manded.
It seemed to him that the breathing
was more human than animal, so he
was not surprised when he heard a
man's laugh. But it was the strangest
laugh Jimmie had ever heard. Just the
sound of laughter, with no mirth to
back it.
'Do I look like a cow?' a voice de-
manded.
'I dunno,5 Just Jimmie returned. 'I
ain't so very sure what a cow looks like.
I ain't seen one — not since I was two
weeks old — an' course a fella don't
recollect so awful well as fer back as
that.'
'Have n't seen a cow since you were
two weeks old!' the voice exclaimed.
'No,' said Jimmy simply, 'I ain't
seen nothin' since I was that old.'
In his desire to explain he turned his
little thin gray-mouse face, with its
blind eyes, more fully in the other's di-
rection, and the voice cried ' Oh ! ' sharp-
ly. And then after a moment it said
'Oh!' again, softly this time. 'What
are you doing out here all alone?' it
asked after a moment.
It was a man's voice, Jimmie was
sure of that, but it had a queer uncer-
tain throb in it, that he found very
disconcerting.
' I was asleep,' he explained. ' An'
an' so the fellas went off an' lef me. I
reckon they thought I was somewhere
with Red Bird.'
'But you can't stay here alone.
Where do you live?'
'I'm at Lomax. That's where all
the deaf an' blind kids goes to school/
Jimmie explained. 'It's 'bout two miles
from here, I reckon.'
'I'll take you back,' said the man.
' I '11 have to take you back. The other
can wait.'
He seemed to be arguing something
out with himself.
'Oh, you need n't to bother if you
have sump'n to do; they'll send back
for me after a while,' Jimmie assured
him.
'No — no — I'll take you,' the other
returned in that nervous jerky way of
his.
Jimmie was conscious of a certain
odor which he had encountered in
times past. Also, when he cuddled his
hand sociably into the big one that
closed on his, he found that, warm as
the day was, and large as the hand was,
the fingers nevertheless were cold and
damp, and clung to his, moreover, in
a desperate, twitchy way that almost
hurt. Somehow the clutch of those
fingers, for all that they were so big,
waked a curious protective feeling in
Just Jimmie. He did not know how to
express it, how to say that he was
sorry, nor indeed what there was to be
sorry about ; but some instinct infinitely
older than his eight years made him
endeavor, as it were, to fling a corner
of his own mantle of happiness about
the other'and so protect him — though
what there was to protect him from,
again he did not know. But as they
went their way, he began a long ram-
bling discourse on what a fine day it
had been; how nice it was to be in the
woods and throw stones; and how he
liked the spring; and at last, inspired
by his own eloquence, he drew a deep
luxurious sniff of sheer contentment,
and the perfume-laden air rushed
through his little body and into his
very soul, and 'O Gee!' cried Just
Jimmie happily, ' I certainly am glad
I 'm erlivin' ! '
Again the man laughed, another of
those sudden explosions that had no
sound of laughter.
£04
SOMETHING BIG, LIKE RED BIRD
* Glad you 're living ! ' he cried wildly.
'Glad you're living! I wish to God /
was dead!'
'Oh, that 's just 'cause you're git-
tin' over er drunk,' Jimmie assured
him cheerfully.
The man dropped his hand. 'Good
Lord ! ' he whispered, and Jimmie could
feel his startled eyes upon him. 'Good
Lord!' Then, 'What do you know
about that?' he demanded.
'Oh, I smelt it on you!' Jimmie re-
turned, crinkling his nose. 'An' there
was a fella at the Lupin County Poor
House — that's where I was raised
— allus used to say gittin' drunk
was all right if it was n't for the blue
blazes next day. He said that was —
was — Well,' he caught himself up,
'it's er word Mr. Lincoln don't 'low
none of us boys to use, but — but,'
— with sudden inspiration — ' I '11 spell
it for you.'
Carefully his fingers formed certain
letters of the manual alphabet, which
he had picked up from the deaf
children.
'Is that first letter an H?' the man
asked.
'Yes, an' it 's er E when you put your
hand like this.' (Jimmie illustrated.)
'An' you make a L — '
'I can guess the rest,' the man broke
in hastily.
' Well, that 's what the fella used to
say it felt like next day,' Jimmie con-
cluded.
Suddenly the man's hand fell hard
upon Jimmie 's shoulder and his face
stooped close to his.
'Little pal, don't you get drunk,' the
shaky voice implored. 'You would n't
find anything so nice again, not ever
again; you — you mightn't even like
to be alive — not even on spring days
when you could throw stones.'
'Oh, I won't,' Just Jimmie promised
easily. 'That fella at the Poor House,
he give me er drink onct, but I did n't
like it. Red Bird an' me, we don't keer
nothin' 't all 'bout whisky.'
'Thank God for that!' said the man.
'If there is a God,' he added.
'Why, course there's er God,' cried
Just Jimmie, even his tolerant little
soul shocked by such a display of sheer
ignorance.
He told Red Bird afterwards that
that man was the 'funniest fella he
ever did see.'
'How do you know there's a God?'
the other demanded.
'Why — why, I've knowed that ever
since I was nothin' but a little old kid.
A old nigger woman at the Poor House,
she told me all erbout God/
'And of course she knew,' the man
returned.
'Oh, yes; she knowed all right,' Just
Jimmie agreed. ' She did n't know so
very much else, but my O! she cer-
tainly did know er heap erbout God.'
' Perhaps I ' ve known too much else,'
the man said, half to himself, and his
voice sounded more discouraged and
far away than ever. 'So you were
brought up in the Poor House?' he
added after a moment.
'Yes,' said Jimmie. 'They found me
when I was a baby just thro wed erway
'longside the high-road, sorter — sorter
you know, like folks does with little
dogs an' — an' cats they ain't got no
use for — an' they never did call me
nothin' but just Jimmie, 'cause I did n't
have no folks. But — but,' he went
on with breathless eagerness, 'I know
er boy that's got three names. All the
fellas calls him Red Bird, but that's
just a kind of a nickname, 'cause he
conies from a place called Red Bird.
His real name's George — Washing-
ton — Morris ' (Jimmie pronounced the
words impressively), 'an' — an' he's
got folks, too. Folks 'at sends him post-
cards. Why, his folks they'll send him
er postcard — why — why most any
day.'
SOMETHING BIG, LIKE RED BIRD
205
And then his favorite topic of Red
Bird thus gracefully introduced, Just
Jimmie's small tongue ran happily
away on a long eulogy of his friend.
Once the man interrupted him to ask
about the patch over his ear, and that
gave him a chance to tell of his hero's
extraordinary feat, and how he, too,
burned to do 'sump'n big like Red
Bird/
The man vouchsafed almost no com-
ments; but he held fast to Jimmie's
hand, and at last they came to Lomax.
'I — I guess maybe I'd better tell
Mr. Lincoln I'm back,' Jimmie said,
conscientiously.
The man said he would like to see
Mr. Lincoln, too, so they went into
the study together. Jimmie liked to
go there. The place always held a
warm atmosphere of friendliness, and
moreover, he liked the smell of books,
and the pleasant whiff one got of type-
writer ink, and other exciting smells
which always conveyed so much to his
keen little nose.
He could not, of course, see anything
of what passed between the two men,
but he heard it all.
'I found this little chap out in the
woods all alone, and so I brought him
home/ the strange man said in that
queer shaky voice of his.
And after Mr. Lincoln had thanked
him he went on again. The words
seemed hard to say, and indeed every
now and then they stumbled and fell
away altogether into silence.
'He and I had a little talk and —
and '• - here the voice failed tempora-
rily -— 'and I'd like you to take this.9
(Jimmie knew that something was
changing hands.) ' Look out ! it 's load-
ed,' the man added sharply. After a
moment the words picked up their diffi-
cult way again. 'There is n't — is n't
any reason for my asking you to take
it except — well, there is n't any one
else for me to give it to, and somehow
I wanted to give it to some one — I
thought I was down and out — A lot
of things had happened.' (Jimmie could
hear him swallow chokingly.) 'Those
woods seemed as good a place as any
to do it in. They — they were — ' the
voice stopped altogether for a moment
— 'they were quiet, and nobody
would recognize me round here — I 'd
have dropped out without bothering
any one — and then — then I came on
this little chap — and — he thought
I was a cow!'
The voice collapsed suddenly into
laughter — that strange wild laughter
of his. 'He said he did n't recollect
so very well what a cow looked like —
he said he had n't seen one ' — Jim-
mie could hear the man swallow —
' had n't seen one — since he was two
weeks old — He came from the Lupin
County Poor House — and — and he
said he was glad he was alive.' The
voice went out abruptly, and when
the words came again they were barely
more than a whisper. ' I guess if — if
Just Jimmie finds it so good to be alive
— a fellow like me — ought n't to —
to quit. '
'Why, no; I should think not,' Mr.
Lincoln's voice acquiesced after a mo-
ment.
'If I had n't come on him throwing
stones out there in the woods, in half
an hour I 'd have been — well, been no-
where, or — or everywhere — which-
ever it is. But now — well, while Just
Jimmie plays the game so well, I '11 not
fling down my hand.'
There was a short silence, and then
the man went on again.
'He's wearing that patch over one
ear until he has performed some gallant
deed.' (The voice was still shaky, but
Just Jimmie thought this time there
was a hint of real laughter in it.) 'I —
I think it might come off now.'
'Yes,' Mr. Lincoln agreed. 'Yes; I
think so too. Suppose you take it off.'
206
SOMETHING BIG, LIKE RED BIRD
'But — but — but I ain't done no-
thin',' Just Jimmie broke in sudden-
ly, backing away. 'Red Bird's done
sump'n, an* — an' — an' — ' he was
on the verge of tears over his disap-
pointment — 'an' / wanted to do
sump'n big like fightin' or — or sump'n
like what Red Bird done.'
But the man went on fussing with
his twitching fingers over the knot that
secured the patch, and paying no at-
tention whatever to Jimmie's outburst.
And at last the latter's very small ear
emerged.
'Why, this ear's all stuffed up with
cotton! I don't believe he can hear a
thing with it!' the man cried.
' Course! ' said Just Jimmie, ' it would
n't be no sense to wear a patch if you
did n't stuff up your y'ear too.'
'Did Bird Red have cotton in his
ear?' Mr. Lincoln demanded.
' Why — why — why — why, may-
be not,' Jimmie stammered, torn be-
tween truth and loyalty.
'No eyes, and no folks, and only
about the size of my fist, and yet he
was willing to sacrifice one ear! While
I — Great Heavens!' the man burst
out.
' I ain't done nothin' ! ' Jimmie pick-
ed up his almost tearful complaint.
'It — it — ain't anything to spell, an'
— an' know 'rithmetic, an' presidents'
names. I want to do some kind of
fightin9 — or — or sump'n big like — '
Suddenly he was swept up into arms
that held him convulsively.
'You tell Red Bird you've done the
biggest kind of fighting to-day,' the
man cried, almost roughly.
For an instant Jimmie was held fast.
Then he was set down again, and Mr.
Lincoln put him out into the hall and
shut the door so promptly that Jimmie
was never sure what the sounds were
the strange man was making then; only
they made him feel shivery and glad to
snuggle up close to Red Bird who was
waiting outside.
' Gee ! that was a awful funny man,'
he confided to the latter. 'Yes, sir!
he certainly was funny, but,' he added
tolerantly, ' somehow I kinder liked the
fella.'
But there was nothing in what he
could tell Red Bird of the afternoon's
adventure to warrant the man's asser-
tion that Jimmie had done the biggest
kind of fighting, and the boys put the
statement down as just one more evi-
dence of the 'awful funniness of the
fella.' And why Just Jimmie's patch
had been removed neither of them had
the least idea.
But a queer thing began to happen.
Every week after that, Jimmie received
a postcard, just like the children who
had fathers and mothers.
'Why — why,' he announced joy-
fully, 'Why, Red Bird, seems like I've
got folks, too!'
'Just one person don't make folks,'
Red Bird retorted.
' Well — well, may be I ain't got folks
like you, Red Bird, but — but anyhow
I got a folk,' Just Jimmie amended
happily.
FATHER FRED
BY ZEPHINE HUMPHREY
His older and contemporary parish-
ioners called him that, because they
had, most of them, known him all his
life; and, though they revered him fast
enough, they loved him even more. He
was rector of the church in which he
had been born and brought up, among
whose people he had knelt as child and
boy and college youth, as deacon and
as curate.
A difficult position? So it was con-
sidered, but Father Fred did not seem
to find it hard. Or, if he did, he paid no
attention to the difficulty. He had a
simplicity and directness and an utterly
baffling humility which ignored and
disarmed criticism. Of what use was it
to carp at a priest who either remained
unaware of the carping or accepted it
gently as his natural due?
His face indicated that he had never
expected or been accustomed to have
things made easy for him. Of course
not. What should a soldier of the cross
be doing with ease? There were lines
on his forehead and about his eyes,
strong lines about his mouth. People
do more or less choose and make their
own lives. Doubtless, Father Fred's
spirit chose to perfect itself through
suffering.
His features were rather rugged for
one who bore such a gentle spirit. He
suggested comparison with a granite
cliff played upon by a tender evening
light. His lips were certainly granite;
inflexible will governed their feeling
curves, and occasionally released the
humor that always lurked in their cor-
ners. There was nothing in all the world
the owner of that mouth could be made
to do if he did not think best. His eyes
were dark and changeful, reflecting
inscrutable moods. His face was often
so pale that, glimmering in the dusk of
the chancel, it made the observer think
of Moses fresh from the mount. As
for his figure, its tall height was thin
to the point of emaciation.
Ascetic? No, not exactly. The hu-
mor of the mouth objected to that
characterization, and many a gleam
of the eyes reinforced the refusal. He
was only a very brave and gentle and
holy man.
Just as he might have chosen his
own personal, poignant reaction on life,
so was his objective opportunity pre-
cisely suited to him. But indeed it is
not well to deal with the terms subject-
ive and objective in connection with
Father Fred. He was more completely
integrated than are most of us. He was
wholly identified with his purpose : that
says everything.
Losing one's life to find it, is a Chris-
tian paradox still all too little practiced
for the good of the world. We are timid
and cautious and reasonable. We will
not understand that to let ourselves go
out of our hampering individual likes
and dislikes, is to enlarge and deepen
ourselves, to take on force and ability,
to win our souls. A man's purpose is
more entirely himself than he can ever
be.
Father Fred did not think all this
out. It is a paradox within a paradox
207
208
FATHER FRED
that a man defeats his own end when
he loses his life in order to find it. He
must lose it for the sake of his cause;
then the great, unexpected reward of
selfhood will be added to him.
Father Fred was born into his pur-
pose. More than that, the particular,
dynamic phase of it which he served
was strictly contemporaneous with
him; it and he grew up together. Al-
though he gave the impression of never
having thought of himself as apart
from it, it is probable that his utter
devotion was the work of time and
pain. He was simple by nature, but he
was too intelligent not to know what
he was not doing as well as what he
was. He said of himself once that, com-
ing to self-conscious manhood, he found
his mind endowed with a rather alarm-
ing facility. He could understand and
accept half a dozen points of view in as
many days. But he knew that no force
results from scattering, that a man
must choose. Therefore he chose, with
no hesitation, but with a resolution
that gathered into one channel the life-
giving power of many streams. That
was what gave his simplicity depth.
All his other possible purposes served
his one ruling cause.
What, now, was his purpose — this
great end that governed all his brave
young life? Well, in a way, it was no-
thing new, being simply the purpose of
the ages : the Kingdom of God. But dif-
ferent periods seem to present different
opportunities for service, and there is
at present one explicit hope which en-
lists all the love and thought and effort
of those who believe in it. To awaken
his church to a realization of its full
Catholic privilege, was the work to
which Father Fred devoted his whole
being.
To him there could be no doubt that
it was the greatest work of his genera-
tion. Unobtrusive, almost obscure, it
holds on its quiet, patient way under-
neath the din of our social reforms, our
political purgations, our science, our
stress of emancipation, all the clamor-
ous, insistent things for which we seem
to stand; and perhaps the next genera-
tion will find that the gentler movement
has achieved more than all the rest
put together. It has the same vision
as they, the same earnest longing for
righteousness. But it strikes at the
root of the evil that blocks the way,
instead of going to work on the leaves
and branches. Sin is the root, is it not?
Separation from God, disobedience.
Very well; the way to cure that is
simply to show God in the flesh, to
shame and summon humanity by hold-
ing up ever before it the sign of its own
divinity. If people truly realized that
Christ was incarnate in them and that
their lives were hid with Him in God,
the wrongs of the world would have no
choice but to right themselves at once.
The Catholic Church has always
taken its stand supremely on this one
simple, sufficient fact of the Incarna-
tion. It has surrounded its message
with all the suggestive beauty of sym-
bolism that worshiping ages have been
able to divine and hand on to one an-
other. For a symbol is nearer reality
than any attempt at direct expression.
The result is a marvelous service, a
mystic ritual, full of the sublimest
intuitions and intimations that grop-
ing humanity has ever glimpsed. It
certainly is not too much to say that
any worshiper, truly assisting at a
Catholic mass, must spring to the heart
of God and, at least for the half hour,
be gloriously good and free.
But — sad and perplexing fact!-
it has happened that a great part of the
Church has lapsed from its simplicity.
Doubtless, four hundred years ago, it
had to take itself severely in hand and
right some of the grievous errors into
which it had fallen. But that was no
reason why it should — nay, it was the
FATHER FRED
209
reason of reasons why it should not
- forget the sacramental significance
which was its soul and breath of life.
It has had a precarious time of it, trying
to uphold the noble externals without
the inner substance, and it has dissi-
pated its efforts in endless experiments.
Now, here and there, more and more,
it is beginning to realize its distraction
and loss, and it is coming back — com-
ing, coming. Or, rather, it is waking
to an appreciation of the mysteries
which it has all the time held in its
sleeping hands. Prejudice and igno-
rance make its rehabilitation a slow and
difficult matter. But that is all right;
it is willing to work and suffer. Father
Fred had need of all the resolution that
moulded his lips and of all the humor
that lurked in their corners.
He was not the first one to promote
the Catholic tendency in his church.
The rector who preceded him had in-
stigated the return. Under this good
and wise man Father Fred had served
as curate; and the two of them, work-
ing together, had built the church edi-
fice. That was a profoundly sagacious
proceeding, already a sort of fulfillment
of their high desire. For a church, de-
signed and built on1 a sacramental
theme, silently, day in, day out, de-
mands the realization of that which it
typifies. Soaring Gothic pillars and
arches, glowing windows, a noble rood
screen, a gleaming white altar, silence,
holiness — these things connote the
solemn ritual of the mass, the thrilling
daily presence of the Blessed Sacra-
ment, and all that goes to make the
spot significant of the immediate touch
of God. As the two priests brought
their church to completion and steeped
1 themselves in its spirit, it must have
seemed to them often that the King-
dom was already come.
But then it must have seemed doubly
hard to turn from the vision and un-
derstand that, instead of being imme-
VOL.1U-NO. 2
diately present, it was very remote, and
that it could not be hastened, but must
abound in delays. Father Fred's parish
was more responsive than many, but
it knew its own objections. Such shak-
ing of heads over the first cope! Such
murmurs at the idea of confession !
Such a long and indignant refusal to
forego participation at the late Cele-
bration! Admonition and concession
went hand in hand.
ii
When I first became aware of the
gradual process, I was a somewhat
idly attentive Protestant, dropping in
at the beautiful church from time to
time. I did not live in the town hal-
lowed by its presence, and my visits
were infrequent enough to impress me
vividly with the change at work. Of
course I did not understand it. I only
knew that every time I entered the
place I saw or heard something new
to fill me with love and awe. Incon-
sistent emotions on the part of a pro-
fessed agnostic! But it is one of the
peculiar characteristics of the Cath-
olic ritual that it does not wait to be
understood or accepted before it pro-
duces its effect. I received the Lord
Christ in my heart long before I knew
anything about the doctrine of the
Real Presence, and at a time when
(heaven forgive me!) I would have re-
pudiated the doctrine with scorn and
indignation.
Father Fred himself I regarded with
admiration and solicitude. He looked
so frail and so worn as, in the pulpit,
during the singing of the hymn imme-
diately before the sermon, he brooded
over his people, yearning to divine
their need. His face had a beautiful,
strong wist fulness. *O, Jerusalem, Je-
rusalem!' But why need he be quite so
inexorable, for himself or for the rest
of us? His sermons made no conces-
210
FATHER FRED
sions — none. They voiced such an
imperative summons that if we had
obeyed them literally, the floor of the
church would have been strewn with
plucked-out eyes and cut-off hands. As
it was, we went away sobered and
thoughtful, stung out of our complacent
acceptance of the limitations of hu-
man nature. Father Fred recognized
no limitations, that was evident.
The contrast between his fiery stern-
ness in the pulpit, and the shy friendli-
ness with which he waited beside the
church door afterwards, both encour-
aged and frightened me when I at last
made up my mind to speak to him. I
had a question to ask. During the
Communion service just ended, I had
been surprised by the touch of two
novel, conflicting emotions. When the
congregation had begun to steal past
me up the aisle, going to receive their
Lord at the altar, I had risen from my
knees and started to join them. Then
I had hesitated, wavered,- and had
knelt down again, baffled and perplexed.
Something at the same time called me
and held me back. If I had only known
it, the moment was deeply important
and significant. What did it mean, that
an agnostic should desire to partake
of the most imperiously assured mys-
teries in the world? And what did
it further mean, that an independent
Protestant, thus desiring, should hesi-
tate to act? My first response to the
Church went hand in hand with my
first submission.
But the rebellion proper to my in-
tellectual condition was not slow in fol-
lowing. Father Fred, looking tired and
pale and thinner than ever in his black
cassock, received my question as if he
had already divined it : Would a Congre-
gationalist be welcome at his church's
altar-rail? He looked at me soberly,
with the whole many-faceted import of
his lifelong purpose and conflict dark-
ling in his eyes. He sighed a little, he
could not help it. He was very tired,
he had not yet had any breakfast, his
sympathy had already responded to
a great many claims; and here was a
stranger enlisting him in a discussion
which his sensitive intelligence told
him must be long and grievous. But
he did not hesitate. Could I stop and
talk with him a few minuses ? Indeed,
I could not. I was tired myself; and,
though I had had plenty of breakfast,
I now wanted my dinner. All the Pro-
testant's native antagonism sprang up
in me at the priest's failure to grant
me the privilege I so inexplicably de-
sired. Well, then, might he come and
see me? I graciously consented, and
we parted with an air of having picked
up each other's gloves and looked to
our lances.
It was indeed long and grievous, the
conflict which we waged during the
next few months. But it was not al-
together painful, there was too much
humor in it. The shock of encounter
between two opposed, mutually in-
credulous points of view strikes out
many a smile as well as many a sigh.
Father Fred kindly hid most of his
smiles, savoring them on the inside
instead of on the outside of his mouth.
For the laugh was almost always on
me.
There was that primal discussion in
which I began the statement of my
position by setting forth with explicit-
ness the things I did not believe. They
were so many that I might have talked
for a week if Father Fred had not taken
advantage of my first pause for breath
to say gently, 'If it is n't too intimate
a question, would you mind telling me
some of the things which you do be-
lieve?' The request took me aback.
Agnostics have no call to believe; their
business is denial. But I could not
utter the ' Nothing ' which logic pushed
to the door of my lips. Something
deeper than logic rose up and cried
FATHER FRED
shame upon me. I sat in bewildered si-
lence a moment; then my nature made
the second of its unexpected responses
to a summoning authority. My as-
tonished ears heard my faltering voice
define a very creditable if somewhat lim-
ited creed which I had not known that
I possessed. Father Fred approved it,
and astonished me still further by pro-
ceeding to build on it a superstructure,
the fitness and reasonableness of which
I could not deny.
There was that other occasion on
which, outraged by an imperious ser-
mon on Confirmation, I forswore the
church entirely, shook its dust off my
feet; and then, in less than a week, was
reduced to an abject scheme of devices
to get back again. The natural, ob-
vious method was simply to go back;
but I thought I had to preserve some-
thing which I vaguely called my self-
respect. I had been sincerely affronted;
I must be pacified. The Confirmation
sermon had left none of the ' sects ' —
to one of which I belonged — a leg to
stand on. In truth, the zeal of the dis-
course did carry it too far; but that was
no reason why I should presently de-
liver myself of a burning criticism of
it, a denunciation which I addressed to
Father Fred himself. As a method of
getting back into the church, once I
had dispatched it, it did not strike me
as happy. 'Now I have done it,' I
thought ruefully. 'No self-respecting
person can pay the least attention to
one who arraigns him so officiously.'
But, ah, that tinsel trait, self-respect!
I had yet to learn that its absence can
give more grandeur and dignity to a life
than its presence ever bestows. Father
Fred's answer to my denunciation was
the most surprising epistle I had ever
received. I could not believe it; I rubbed
my eyes dazedly over it. He craved my
pardon, he said that he had gone too
far, he denounced himself more se-
verely than I had dreamed of doing, he
implored me not to let his blundering
stupidity come between me and the
Church who, in spite of all that he
could do to make or mar, must always
vindicate her supremacy. Not one
touch of offended priesthood, not one
hint of resentment. There was never
a nobler letter than that. As I read it,
I felt myself in the presence of a truly
great man.
The warfare between us was typical
of the whole conflict of the generation,
and I hope that the result was typical
too. Little by little, I ceased to con-
tend. Having been several times dis-
armed, dismounted, amusingly dis-
concerted by the gentle reception of
my defiant charges, I came to have dif-
ficulty in remounting my embattled
steed. Somehow, he looked ridiculous;
I was ashamed of him. Having again
and again perceived that the points
which my intellect challenged had long
ago been confessed by my heart and
my worshiping knees, I grew cautious
in my denials. They, too, had a way
of turning ridiculous. The dawn was a
slow one. The symbolic meaning of
objects which in the dark I had taken
for mere shadows, gradually unfolded
itself to my wondering eyes. Of course,
of course! As the human body stands
for the soul, expressing it and inter-
preting it, so the Church stands for
Christ, for the whole principle of world-
divinity. And, just as self-revelation
depends upon richness and fullness of
utterance, gesture, expression, inflec-
tion, so the more facets the Church
has, the more brightly it will flash its
meaning abroad. Every phase of its
ritual stands for some invaluable con-
nection between man and God.
The personal holiness of her children
has ever been the Church's greatest
vindication. They have not always
granted it her, — and surely their fail-
ure has not been her fault, — but when
they have responded, the argument
FATHER FRED
has been irresistible. I found it im-
possible to deny the peculiar potency
of the source from which Father Fred
drew his amazing saint liness. He was
continually astonishing me. I had
known good people before (thank hea-
ven, many and many of them); but
they haol often chosen to create for
themselves certain definite limitations.
Father Fred, as I said before, knew no
limitations; and his ignorance worked
both ways. He devoted himself as
whole-heartedly to the small details of
the parish work as to its vaster possi-
bilities. * Let's go and ask the Father
about it,' was the prevailing formula
with which perplexed committees, and
troubled social workers, solved their
difficulties.
At first this seemed to me all wrong.
I thought the many petty demands an
imposition on the part of the parish,
and Father Fred's patient attention to
them a waste of time and strength.
But I soon found that my criticism was
incomprehensible to the priest. 'Why,
that's what I'm here for,' he said,
with a certain courteous blankness
when I shamefacedly began to apolo-
gize for 'bothering' him with a ques-
tion about the material welfare of one
of his parishioners. The impulse was
as inevitable in me as in all the rest
of his flock; and, after a deprecation or
two, I gave over hesitating and apolo-
gizing, and was very soon running to
him as freely as every one else. Being
away from town on a visit and meeting
with a stranded forlornity who appeal-
ed to me for help, I promptly wrote a
letter of introduction to Father Fred.
Then for a long time I sat and ponder-
ed the significance of that spontaneous
act on my part; and ended by conclud-
ing that it must be a superlatively
good man whose name sprang into the
minds of his friends as the natural an-
swer to all their problems of service
and salvation.
That, with all his holiness, he should
have remained so humble and lovable,
so humanly companionable, was the
final proof of his genuineness. His vir-
tue gave no offense to the most worldly
snner.
in
The church services grew swiftly in
beauty. Father Fred was not patient
by nature — all the more marvelous
his control! — and perhaps he felt that
his time was short. At any rate, he
began to hasten the steps. The parish
responded. It was not very rich, but it
gave eagerly, lavishly. Beautiful is the
look of a church occupied by plainly
dressed people and glowing with ala-
baster-box costliness which the shabby
shoes and the worn gloves have made
possible. Incense, a sanctus bell, an
occasional glorious solemn procession,
new vestments and altar-cloths — these
lovely symbols crowded to open the
gate of heaven a little wider. Father
Fred's tired face showed an ever-deep-
ening content. Finally, just before
Passion Week, the best realization of
all took up its thrilling abode in the
church and transformed and quicken-
ed it with an awful holiness. On the
altar of the Lady Chapel, beneath a
glowing, darkling light, the Blessed
Sacrament was reserved.
Oh! that was a great day. As the un-
accustomed people passed about the
main body of the church and caught
the unfamiliar gleam between the pil-
lars, they hesitated, stopped, and knelt
where they were. Thus instantly does
the authentic touch of God prostrate
the soul. The whole dear edifice had
been lifted to heaven; or, rather, hea-
ven had come down to inhabit it. Fa-
ther Fred was not very well; but he
forgot his ailment, forgot himself, for-
got everything, as he knelt before the
altar. He lingered so long that he was
finally left alone; and in the shadowy
FATHER FRED
213
church, with its dim soaring arches, its
silence, and its one vivid heart of light,
he — but one must not try to imagine
what he felt and knew. Did he sing,
'Nunc dimittis'? One wonders.
The next day he was taken ill. The
parish was at once uneasy. He was
so frail, so other-worldly. Body and
spirit both seemed sealed to a high
doom. But supplication fought with
fear. As the menace deepened and the
uneasiness turned to alarm, a desperate
common purpose ran through all the
different scattered lives of the church
and bound them into one endeavor
which constantly, by night and day,
voiced itself before the altar where the
priest had last knelt. Ah, how they
loved him! They could not let him
go. During the six days of his illness,
there was never a moment when the
altar-lamp was not shining pityingly
on some bowed head and some implor-
ing hands.
Cruelly stricken must the heart have
been that pleaded there when the slow,
tolling strokes began to fall from the
tower and to reverberate through the
church. Oh! all in vain, then, impotent
was the entreaty. Has not God pro-
mised to answer prayer? The test
which Father Fred's death made of his
parish was bitterly hard.
But they met it triumphantly. With
tears raining down their cheeks and
sobs choking their throats, they turned
their broken supplication into a song
of praise. Thus their rector had taught
them, and thus they would do. They
lost no time about it, either. They
seemed to feel that upon them depended
the degree of bliss with which Father
Fred would enter Paradise. He had
ever been one to think of them before
himself, to consider first the effect of
a crisis upon his people. It was impos-
sible not to picture him turning back
from the gate of heaven and watching
with his anxious, yearning, summon-
ing look to see whether his church was
going to prove itself loyal or faithless.
They must not disappoint him, they
must not shame him; they must send
him on to his great reward with imme-
diate, definite proof of his worthiness.
He must bear with him the sheaves of
their acquiescence.
It was Wednesday in Holy Week
when he died. As Saint Francis, fast-
ing for forty days, ate one crust of
bread that he might not presume to
imitate his Master too closely, so
Father Fred chose to die on Wednes-
day rather than on Friday. The burial
was on Saturday. There had never
been a service like it in all the progres-
sive annals of the church. Good Fri-
day had given the people a chance to
ease their hearts by yielding themselves
to their grief; they had mourned unre-
strainedly. But on Saturday they sum-
moned themselves and one another to a
resolute pitch of triumph. The most
critical of them forgot their prejudices
in the desire to give Father Fred all
that he loved and had worked for, all
the beautiful, solemn symbols of eter-
nal truth. They counted neither the
cost nor the consequences. If they had
considered the latter, they might per-
haps have thought the occasion too
exceptional to entail ordinary results.
But surely it is not unseemly to suggest
that the rapt, triumphant face of the
priest in his coffin bore a trace of his
old, never-failing humor as the glorious
ritual came to its own in his beloved
church. A noble practice has only to
gain one complete expression to es-
tablish itself. The tear-thrilled voices
that sang the Requiem Mass on that
Easter Eve were not likely ever again
to indulge in criticism. Glad that he
had lived to such purpose, Father Fred
must have been still more glad that he
had died.
But has he died really? Or does
death mean all that we imagine? His
214
AN HOUR IN CHARTRES
presence seems to inhabit his church
more vitally than ever. May it not be
that death, dissolving the shows of
things, admits the spirit to the realm
of reality? that heaven and earth are
only the bright and dark sides of the
same truth ? In that case, Father Fred
did not leave his church when he died,
but found the streets of the New Je-
rusalem in his familiar aisle. There he
still kneels and prays, there he works.
But he has lost all his anxiety, for he
knows that he cannot fail. As for the
church, it goes ever from glory to glory,
plucking God, holding Him by new
corners of his shining robe.
AN HOUR IN CHARTRES
BY RANDOLPH S. BOURNE
THROUGH the brown French fields,
ploughed into powder, the curving
lines of their furrows stretching like
the fine grain of wood to the villages
and forests on the horizon, I rode
on Easter Monday down to Chartres.
The fruit trees were white with blos-
som, and the sombre little farmsteads,
toned to a soft gray or brown by the
winters that had passed over them, and
built in a square of almost indistin-
guishable medley of house, stable,
granary, and orchard wall, were fan-
tastically gay with their wealth of
flowers. A glimpse of black-haired
women waving vivacious aprons at
the flying train; a crowd of peasants,
holiday-garbed, assembled in a farm-
yard;'a chateau or two standing stiffly
with its clean white classic lines in its
park, which showed between rows of
poplars a flash of marble statues and
water; brown sprawling villages, climb-
ing with overlapping roofs uphill to
a gaunt church tower; delicate woods
with trees that looked as if they had
stepped out of a Corot; and the soar-
ing towers of Chartres on the horizon.
The first scene one has in Chartres
is one of those perfect things which
seem to concentrate in a composed
picture all the essential qualities of a
place, a picture that seems the very
incarnated body of a soul. A very
green little meadow, dotted with twist-
ed moss-covered trees, surrounded by
still canals down below the town; the
banks lined with slender tapering pop-
lars, such as march in solemn state
along the canals and roads of north-
ern France, and give that charming
quality to its far-reaching countryside.
Through the poplars of the meadow
gleam the white arches of a spacious
viaduct, with red roofs climbing the
slopes of the little valley through which
the canals run out of the River Eure.
Along the banks walked blue-garbed
nuns in their ' flaring white starched
caps, and dowdy red-legged soldiers,
while in the walks were children rolling
hoops and whipping tops. It was the
very essence of daily France, its peace,
its color, the sweet richness of its im-
memorial life, the charm of its perfect
blending of house and tree and grass,
all become through the centuries as
personally and as intimately French as
AN HOUR IN CHARTRES
215
the people who inhabit them and love
them, — a scene as far removed in
spirit from the prim stinginess of the
English scene as it is from the savage
largeness of our own American.
The moment when one first steps
from the station into a foreign town
never loses its thrill for me. It is al-
ways the threshold of an adventure,
the meeting of a new communal per-
sonality, to be grasped and won and
made intimate. One sniffs the air in
anticipation of what its quality is to be,
as one feels rolling toward one a wel-
come of individuality, to which one's
heart goes out in a rush of response.
To explore alone a picturesque town,
— what experience packs more of hu-
man charm and delight into itself than
this attack, for indomitable possession,
on the foreign scene? In Chartres, the
explorer darts about the narrow crook-
ed streets, discovering at every corner
some interesting house or gable or
window; catching down every turning
street some charming picture of mass-
ing houses, or tower or little square;
coming unawares upon some busy fig-
ure of a man or woman who reveals
suddenly from his occupation or ges-
ture what it really means in terms of
life to go through the daily duties and
to dwell in this town. Farther on, the
traveler watches the old roofs mass
themselves up a hill, and climbs to
church-tower or nearby rise to look
down on the clustered chimney-pots.
He flashes his eyes about at the shops
and the carts and the market-place, if
he is so lucky as to come upon the
graveled square bulging with heaped
produce and ruddy old women under
vast umbrellas. Here, he delights to
catch the postman at work, or to meet
the little boys pouring out of school,
black-aproned and bare-kneed, with
their bags under their arms; there, he
peeps straight into an open window,
and unabashedly records in his mind
the arrangement of the room and the
style of the life lived in it, — pleased
at some slight little touch of taste in
a humble apartment. Now he looks
down a long court past fantastically
squalid cottages, or up a dark stair-
way, — Wondering what is above. And
at last he slips into the chill and silent
church, makes a swift tour of aisles and
ambulatory, contrasting the gaudy lit-
tle chapels with some exquisite Gothic
detail of fretted stone, or rose-window.
Exploring ever hungrily and greedily,
he draws deep breaths and imagines
that he has always lived in the town
and is now going about native and
important business. And in this way
he assimilates, and comes away satu-
rated with, the rich spirit of the place,
a hundred pictures indelibly etched on
his mind, and a quite inexpressibly
satisfying sense of quality felt, warmly
and glowingly. Finally comes the mad
dash into the train as it pulls away,
in order to leave himself no tedious
wait while the virtue might slowly
drain out of him. And at the end there
is a last swift incomparable glimpse of
the immovable majesty of a cathedral
towering over the huddled town.
And it was in some such fashion
that I saw Chartres. The cathedral on
the hill, towering above the diminish-
ed town with so soaring a bulk as to
give one a fantastic fear that it is about
to lose balance and fall over into the
gray roofs of the old town which slide
away from it on all sides, pulls one
toward it; but one reaches i^ only
through a newer France of straight little
boulevards bordered with lines of horse-
chestnut trees remorselessly trimmed
into an interlacing screen whose top
forms a line as clean as if some gigan-
tic knife wielded from heaven had
sliced over it; through sidewalk cafes,
and new red villas, discreetly veiled
in tight little gardens by grilled iron
fences; through the broad graveled
216
AN HOUR IN CHARTRES
'Marche des Chevaux,' from which a
shady boulevard stretches down toward
my meadow and viaduct, whence one
plunges into narrow old streets, high
above which the cathedral seems to
struggle as one zigzags one's way to-
ward it.
But first, what is this soul of a people
or of an epoch that imposes so inex-
orably upon the communities, small
and large, from one end of the land to
the other, these trimmed trees, these
red- and -gray houses, this harmonious
* style* which makes even the country-
side and the woods take an individual-
ity characteristically French: a spirit
which seems wholly to disregard any
particular choices and tastes of the in-
dividuals who are actually moulding
these forms for themselves, but rather
works impersonally through the most
varied temperaments and minds? One
explains it all by * imitation,' but that
is merely to name it and not to explain
it. One never loses one's wonder, in
these foreign scenes, at the way things
hang together, so that they seem the
very emanation of a sort of vast over-
spreading communal taste, which makes
the little individual tastes of men seem
very petty and insignificant. You may
have your centuries juxtaposed, as at
Chartres, but each one is a harmony,
a toughly tenacious fabric of quality,
which not only merges material things
together into a satisfying whole, but
speaks eloquently also of the thought
and feelings, and attitudes of the time.
As I poked into the old town at Char-
tres, I asked myself where I had felt
before this quaint, gray, quiet atmo-
sphere of the seventeenth century.
Where but at Quebec, which has pre-
served so unquestioningly both the
soul and body of the old France? And
this soft, flat countryside about Char-
tres might be the He d'Orleans itself,
sleeping on the broad bosom of the
St. Lawrence. There was something
familiarly English also in these little
plastered gabled houses, through which
the jutting timbers seemed to show how
honestly, as it were, the old houses had
been holding themselves up through
the centuries. Occasionally too there
was a touch of something German, re-
miniscent of earlier centuries still, when,
paradoxical as it must seem, Europe
had a soul far more international than
in our own age, with all its incompar-
able modes of communication, — of
centuries when nationalization had not
yet made great headway upon that
European nation, culturally speaking,
whose homogeneity was the inspira-
tion of the democratic Gothic civili-
zation of the Middle Ages, and which
we are just now setting about to re-
construct.
It is a little difficult to imagine mod-
ern people living in the quaint streets
of Chartres. The holiday gave a Sab-
bath-like calm to the streets, through
which moved only a little procession of
orphans, shepherded by careful nuns,
or a soldier or two, or English tour-
ists, or families 'endimanchees.' Even
a modern shop, here and there, decked
out with an almost American glitter,
did not destroy the provincial calm of
the place, prosaic, Catholic, undisturb-
ed, as its life must be.
Progress toward the soaring cathe-
dral was difficult. The streets had the
air of twisting themselves through a re-
sisting mass of houses, with a curious
indeterminateness of direction. Start-
ing up hill, they would run down again
with you, or bring you out suddenly at
the top of a long flight of steps, or into
a little graveled place by some incred-
ibly worn old church, forlorn and de-
serted, or upon some curious old house,
straddling the sidewalk, and propped
up with carved pillars that might have
stood in some old abbey or Gothic ruin.
Or one came suddenly on the town
hall, as aristocratic in its faded red and
AN HOUR IN CHARTRES
217
buff as some contemporary marshal of
Henry of Navarre. Through streets of
fantastic names, — Street of the Great
Stag, of the Golden Sun, of the White
Horse, --one climbed toward the cath-
edral, and found it gloriously visible,
with a * place' before its facade from
which one could get the perspective of
its noble towers and not lose, as one
does at Rouen, the splendor of the
soaring piles in irritatingly diminished
foreshortening.
What must have been the soul —
not of the people, for they were but
tools of a spirit — but of the commun-
ity that raised this splendid bulk, now
so sombrely gray and worn, its great
blocks of stone curiously punctured, as
if Time had been gnawing away at
them? If it was the madness of fanati-
cism that caused the peasants to yoke
themselves to the carts and drag the
stones to rebuild their church in the
twelfth century, what a divine madness,
and how divine the reach and imagina-
tion of that social soul of theirs which
inspired this splendid form! The con-
trast between the flaming splendors of
these French facades and portals and
the primitive squalor of the decaying
houses at the foot of the cathedrals is
eloquent of a time when it must really
have been believed — O miracle of the
restern world ! — that the body and
its comforts were as" nothing, and only
the soul had life. There is an austerity
this facade of Chartres that is absent
from the flamboyant northern cathe-
Irals ; but the delicate perfection of the
lorth tower, and the noble proportions
)f the south tower, quite unlike the
lorth one but beautifully complemen-
tary to it, invest the whole picture with
in incomparable gravity and sweetness,
richly sincere nobility.
Through a little portal at the side of
the great gloomy wooden doors, iron-
ilad as if for a castle rather than a
ihurch, I slipped into the overpower-
ing majesty of the vaulted nave. In
this rich Rembrandtian duskiness the
eye only gradually distinguishes the su-
perb march of the fluted columns down
its broad and majestic length to the
beautiful choir, on which all the light
seems to converge, touching softly its
gray lines which carry the eye up until
they are lost in the vaulting above.
The air of the nave was very thick and
heavy; it seemed almost to lave the
heavy columns and to flow into the
dark side aisles. Whatever light fil-
tered into them was shut from the nave
by these columns, which, heavy as
they were, fitted themselves in perfect
purity of proportion to the vast spa-
ciousness of height and breadth. The
nave is one majestic dim vestibule be-
fore the lighted transept and choir. In
no other church have I seen this sense
of composition, this superb converg-
ence and directness of aim. The soar-
ing interior was a unity, and all the
parts flowed together in concentration
upon the supremely beautiful choir.
In this majestic vitality of Chartres,
there was something infinitely mournful
in the inevitable band of black- bonnet-
ed old women performing their devo-
tions before the altars. After dozens
of European churches, they have come
to represent for me a sort of symbol of
the receding Catholic religion; these va-
cant-faced, tragic old creatures seem a
sort of last desperate bulwark against
the encroachments of the modern spirit.
If the old cathedral could think, would
it not feel a touch of sad irony that its
majesty, so unimpairedly human and
divine, should have found little more
serviceable use to-day than to quiet the
fears and minister to the feeble hopes
of these poor old creatures? Would it
not desire to see the soul of the com-
munity at its feet grow superb enough
again to learn how to use it worth-
ily and magnificently for the glory of
humanity?
UNION PORTRAITS
II. GEORGE H. THOMAS
BY GAMALIEL BRADFORD
THOMAS ranks among the highest as
a general and is most winning as a man.
But the fact that, although a Virgin-
ian, he remained true to the Union and
fought against his state and family and
friends gives perhaps the chief interest
to the study of his character and mode
of thought.
It will be advantageous to present
first in the abstract all the arguments
that appear to justify a military man
in such a position.
First, there is the oath of allegiance.
In all countries and under all govern-
ments it has always been held that the
officer is bound to follow his flag, that
he has accepted training arid support
under the constituted authorities, and
that he is pledged to render obedience
and to devote all his efforts and his life
to carrying out the orders that come to
him from his lawful superior. A man's
conscience is, of course, higher than his
military duty, but the instances where
the two should be separated are very
rare indeed.
In the case of our Civil War there was
a great deal more to the question than
mere mechanical loyalty. For nearly
a hundred years the Union had grown
and flourished, in spite of sharp politi-
cal disputes. The possibilities of future
expansion and prosperity were enor-
mous. It needed but little prophetic
vision to look forward to wealth and
218
happiness for coming generations such
as the world had hardly ever seen be-
fore. But a man who knew what war
was, and what armies were, and what
military government was, did not need
to be told that such a future would be
gravely imperiled, if the Union were
shattered into fragments. To a man
with that knowledge, the attempt to
break up the Union was stupid, fatal,
intolerable folly. This was what Rob-
ert E. Lee meant when he said: 'I
can anticipate no greater calamity for
the country than a dissolution of the
Union.' And again, 'Secession is no-
thing but revolution.' And yet again,
'It is idle to talk of secession. Anar-
chy would have been established and
not a government by Washington,
Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, and the
other patriots of the Revolution/
It was not only the future of the
United States that was involved, but
the future of Democracy. Those who
urged secession claimed to be defending
popular government against a usurp-
ing executive. In reality nothing could
show more clearly the danger of cen-
tralization to a republic than the his-
tory of the Confederacy. And the na-
tion which was founded on state rights
ended in a tragic — or comic — exhi-
bition of building a strong central au-
thority on state wrongs. Everyone who x
longed passionately for the success of
free institutions must have appreci-
ated that there could be no greater
GEORGE H. THOMAS
219
danger to such institutions than the es-
tablishment of two or a dozen confed-
eracies watching perpetually in armed
eagerness to cut each other's throats.
A striking illustration of how forcibly
this was felt by outsiders appears in a
speech made by Disraeli in 1864, less
often quoted than are some other Eng-
lish utterances of that time : * After the
conclusion of the war we will see a dif-
erent America from that which was
known to our fathers and from that
even of which this generation has had
so much experience. It will, I believe,
be an America of diplomacy, it will
be an America of rival states and of
manoeuvring Cabinets, of frequent tur-
bulence and frequent wars.' You per-
ceive from what the good Lord, work-
ing through Thomas and others like
him, delivered us.
And if this was the patriotic view
of a broad-minded American, it might
have been equally the view of a loyal
Virginian. What was fatal to the whole
could not well be advantageous to the
parts. If the preservation of the Union
meant peace, freedom, and popular
government for Maine, Illinois, and
California, it meant the same thing
for Virginia, and the destruction of the
Union meant an abyss of possible dis-
aster for Virginia also.
Writing formerly in the Atlantic, I
had occasion to say that in the appa-
rently most remote contingency of a
secession of Massachusetts or of New
England, I should follow my state even
if the cause of such secession did not
meet with my approval. I now repeat
the statement without hesitating in the
slightest. The love of home, the might
of ancestral tradition, New England
habits of thought and habits of affec-
tion are too deeply rooted in every
fibre of my heart for me to take any
risk of being exiled from them perpetu-
ally. But it may easily be maintained
that one who followed a different course
would show a broader, a more far-see-
ing, a more self-sacrificing patriotism,
even as a New Englander.
Reasoning from analogy is always
defective and often misleading, but
when Southerners say, with Colonel
McCabe, that Thomas turned his back
on Virginia in the hour of her sorest
need, I am tempted to put the matter
thus. If a man sees his mother about
to commit suicide in a fit of temporary
insanity, which is more truly filial, to
stand reverently by and watch her do
it, or to do his best to restrain her,
even with a certain amount of brutal
violence?
So much for the line of argument
that Thomas might have used. How far
did he actually use it? Nobody knows.
His numerous admirers are ready and
eager to tell us what they thought,
and what they think he ought to have
thought and must have thought. But
the actual reliable evidence as to his
own mental processes is meagre in the
extreme.
One thing we can say at starting, as
positively as we can speak of any hu-
man motive. It is alleged that Thomas
was governed by considerations of per-
sonal advantage and promotion. The
same thing has been alleged in regard
to Lee, and with just as much truth in
one case as in the other. The charac-
ters of both men absolutely preclude
the assignment, even the consideration,
of anything so contemptible.
Further, Thomas is said to have been
influenced by his wife, who was a New
York woman. Probably he was, though
Mrs. Thomas makes the almost incom-
prehensible assertion that * never a
word passed between General Thomas
and myself, or any one of the family,
upon the subject of his remaining loyal
to the United States Government.' I
say 'almost incomprehensible,' because
the general spent the fierce winter of
1860-1861, when everybody was talk-
220
GEORGE H. THOMAS
ing politics, with his wife in New York.
And I repeat, probably he was influ-
enced. Who is not, by his surroundings
and by those he loves ? Does any one
believe that Lee was not influenced by
Mrs. Lee and by his friends and fam-
ily? But that either of these men could
be persuaded to do anything he thought
wrong, by his wife or by any one else,
is a mere dream of prejudice and party
passion.
What actual evidence we have, how-
ever, as to Thomas's attitude in that
trying time goes practically all one way
and, I think, shows beyond question
that he had his hour of doubt and diffi-
culty. The story, widely current at
the South, that Thomas wrote to the
Confederate authorities to know what
rank would be given him if he joined
them, may be rejected at once, on
Thomas's own vehement statement,
and was merely a misinterpretation of
documents to be considered shortly.
The explicit testimony of Fitzhugh
Lee that Thomas told him in New York
early in 1861 that he intended to resign
cannot, of course, be for one moment
disputed as to intentional veracity.
It is possible, however, that Lee, in
his own enthusiasm, may have taken
Thomas more positively than was
meant. Evidence less likely to be ques-
tioned by Northerners is furnished by
Keyes, who knew Thomas well before
the war and regarded him with the
greatest esteem and affection. Keyes
attributes the general's final decision to
his wife, and adds, 'Had he followed
his own inclination, he would have
joined the Confederates and fought
against the North with the same abil-
ity and valor that he displayed in our
cause.'
Further, there are two letters of
Thomas's which have a very interest-
ing connection with the point we are
discussing. On January 18, 1861, he
wrote to the Superintendent of the Vir-
ginia Military Institute, the school in
which Jackson was an instructor and
which bore something like the same
relation to the state that West Point
bears to the nation, as follows: 'In
looking over the files of the National
Intelligencer this morning, I met with
your advertisement for a commandant
of cadets and instructor of tactics at
the institute. If not already filled, I
will be under obligations if you will
inform me what salary and allowances
pertain to the situation, as from pre-
sent appearances I feel it will soon be
necessary for me to be looking up some
means of support.'
It is urged by Thomas's biographers
that this letter has no political signifi-
cance whatever, that the general was
at that time doubtful about the effects
of a severe injury recently received
which he thought might disable him
for further active service.
This explanation may be correct, but
it must be admitted that the coinci-
dence is singular and unfortunate. It
becomes much more so when we weigh
the language of another letter written
on March 12, 1861. Governor Letcher,
of Virginia, had caused the position
of chief of ordnance of the state to be
offered to Thomas, if he wished to
resign from the United States service.
Thomas replies : ' I have the honor to
state, after expressing my most sincere
thanks for your very kind offer, that it
is not my wish to leave the service of
the United States as long as it is honor-
able for me to remain in it; and there-
fore as long as my native State, Vir-
ginia, remains in the Union, it is my
purpose to remain in the Army unless
required to perform duties alike repul-
sive to honor and humanity.'
Here we have almost the identical
words of Lee as to the Union, written
at about the same time. ' I am willing
to sacrifice everything but honor Tor
its preservation.' I do not see how any
GEORGE H. THOMAS
221
unprejudiced person can doubt that up
to the middle of March, at any rate,
Thomas was divided between his loyal-
ty to the Union and his loyalty to Vir-
ginia. The only shred of actual evidence
on the other side is Colonel Hough's
report of a conversation in which his
chief declared that * his duty was clear
from the beginning.' But this conver-
sation occurred long after the struggle
was over, when time and bitter memo-
ries had accentuated everything, and
by the phrase 'from the beginning,'
the general may well have meant only
the actual beginning of the war. To
me the comment of Grant, who must
have spoken from reliable hearsay, if
not from personal knowledge, seems a
perfectly satisfactory statement of the
case. 'When the war was coming,
Thomas felt like a Virginian, and talked
like one, and had all the sentiments
then so prevalent about the rights of
slavery and sovereign states and so on.
But the more Thomas thought it over,
the more he saw the crime of treason
behind it all.'
And why should any one blame him
for hesitation in the matter? If he was
a man, with a man's heart, and not
a mere military machine, was he not
bound to hesitate? The point would
not be worth the space I have given
it, if it were not for the folly of North-
ern apologists on the one hand, who
insist that their hero must always have
thought as they did, and for the cruelty
of Southern partisans on the other, who
insinuate ignoble motives where there
is no possible foundation for them.
Whatever may have been Thomas's
doubts when the dispute was in a theo-
retical stage, the guns at Sumter settled
the question for him. When he heard
that echo, he wrote to his wife words
which are equally significant of his de-
cision and of his previous indecision:
* Whichever way he turned the matter
over in his mind, his oath of allegiance
to his Government always came up-
permost.'
A few days later than this, in the
very interesting letter of Fitz-John
Porter printed in the Official Records,
(volume 107, page 351), we see Thomas
assisting to hold others to their duty;
and from that time on there is no in-
dication of the faintest wavering or re-
gret, any more than there is with Lee
who had chosen the other side after
a bitter struggle of his own. Indeed,
with the progress of the war Thomas's
language in regard to rebels and re-
bellion becomes more and more ener-
getic, as appears in one very curious
passage regarding deserters, written in
April, 1864. ' I believe many of them
return to the enemy after recruiting
their health and strength, because they
are rebels by nature, others because
of family influence, and others like the
drunkard to his bottle, because tney
have not sufficient moral courage to
resist the natural depravity of their
hearts.' In the last clause I think we
see what Thomas would have felt to be
the just analysis of his own psycho-
logical experience. He had found the
moral courage to withstand a terrible
trial.
As shown by Grant's remark above
quoted, Thomas's attitude before the
war in regard to slavery was probably
that of the average moderate South-
erner. He was never an extensive slave-
holder. While in Texas he purchased
a slave woman for actual needs of ser-
vice, and rather than sell her again
into the hands of strangers, he sent her
home to Virginia at very considerable
expense and inconvenience.
ii
The difficulty we have met with in
getting at Thomas's state of mind dur-
ing the critical months of 1861 forms
an excellent introduction to the study
222
GEORGE H. THOMAS
of his character. There is the same dif-
ficulty in getting at his state of mind
at any other time. He was very insist-
ent that none of his private letters
should be published after his death,
and very few have been. His official
correspondence is extensive; but it is
singularly formal in character and tells
us almost nothing about the man's
soul, except that such reserve is in it-
self significant, and that even trifling
hints of self-revelation become valuable
in such a scarcity. Thus a letter that
begins 'Dear Sherman,' is almost start-
ling in its contrast to the usual staid
formulae of subordinate respect.
Not only in letters but in every-
thing was Thomas reserved, self-con-
tained, self-controlled. 'A boy of few
words, but of an excellent spirit,' was
about all the information that his bio-
grapher could gather as to his child-
hood. At West Point, where he was
graduated in 1840, in the Indian cam-
paigns, during the Mexican War, in
which he distinguished himself greatly,
and through the interval till the Civil
War came, there is a similar record:
quiet, faithful service, and no more said
than was necessary; a strong, calm, pa-
tient, dignified soldier, ready alike for
good and evil fortune. Nor did he ap-
pear differently throughout the great
conflict, from his first victory at Mill
Springs in January, 1862, through Shi-
loh and Perryville and Murfreesboro
and Chickamauga and Chattanooga
and Atlanta, to his last victory at Nash-
ville, one of the most skillful and deci-
sive battles of the war. Everywhere it
was a question of deeds, not of words,
of accomplishing the task set and mak-
ing as little fuss about it as possi-
ble. Everywhere there was shrinking
from cheap publicity and the adver-
tising through self or others which did
more for some reputations than great
fighting. When asked to become a can-
didate for the presidency after the war,
Thomas declined, giving as one reason,
'I can never consent, voluntarily, to
place myself in a position where scur-
rilous newspaper men and political
demagogues can make free with my per-
sonal character and reputation, with
impunity.'
The advantages of this splendid poise
and self-contained power in Thomas's
character will bear analysis in many
ways. Let us consider the negative ad-
vantages first. For one thing, Thomas
wras free from over-confidence. He did
not press eagerly into undertakings be-
yond his strength, and consequently he
and his army were saved the humil-
iation and demoralization that come
from drawing back.
Moreover, Thomas was free from the
brag and bluster which disfigure the
glory of so many really able soldiers.
He may have felt in his heart that he
could do great things, but he did not
proclaim it. Indeed, on this point he
erred in the direction of excessive mod-
esty. 'So modest was he that his face
would color with blushes when his
troops cheered him,' says one who
knew him well. To be sure, his enthusi-
astic biographer observes, with fine dis-
crimination, that when a modest man
does break out, he does so thoroughly.
A curious instance of this is a speech
Thomas was forced to make after the
war, in which, announcing that he was
a modest man, he went on to explain
his merits in refusing to take command
when it was offered him to the detri-
ment of his superior. A less modest
man, with his wits more about him,
would perhaps have left the remark
to some one else.
On the other hand, a much more
important illustration of the underly-
ing truth and nobility of the general's
nature appears in another speech in
which he explained the battle of Nash-
ville, and his chief concern seemed to
be to point out his great mistake in
GEORGE H. THOMAS
223
not making use of the cavalry to de-
stroy Hood completely. You will go
some distance before you find ano-
ther commander busy enlarging on the
things he ought to have done and did
not do.
Again, Thomas's reserve saved him
from the fault, too general on both
sides during the war, of speaking harsh-
ly in criticism of his superiors or his
subordinates, of allowing that jealousy
of others' success, which is perhaps in-
separable from human weakness, to
become manifest in outward speech
and action. It is rare indeed that he
expresses himself with such frankness
as about Schurz: 'I do not think he is
worth much from what I have seen of
him, and should not regret having him
go'; or in regard to an expedition of
Stoneman: 'The Stoneman raid turns
out to be a humbug. ... It seems that
when twenty-five of the enemy are
seen anywhere they are considered in
force.'
On the other hand how admirable
was the loyalty, based of course on
sound judgment, which made him un-
willing to be put in place of Buell on
the eve of battle, and in the highest
degree reluctant to succeed Rosecrans.
When the latter change was first pro-
posed, Dana writes that Thomas re-
fuses absolutely; 'he could not consent
to become the successor of Rosecrans,
because he would not do anything to
give countenance to the suspicion that
he had intrigued against his comman-
der. Besides he has as perfect con-
fidence in the capacity and fidelity of
General Rosecrans as he had in those
of General Buell.'
Even when it would have been
easy and natural to say something un-
pleasant, Thomas refrains, as in his
comments on the victory at Chatta-
nooga, won, as is usually supposed,
quite contrary to Grant's plans. 'It
will be perceived from the above report
that the original plan of operations was
somewhat modified to meet and take
the best advantage of emergencies
which necessitated material modifica-
tions of that plan. It is believed, how-
ever, that the original plan, had it
been carried out, could not possibly
have led to more successful results.'
If, as is sometimes asserted, Thomas
was jealous of Grant, the moderation
of the passage just cited is all the more
noticeable. That there was a certain
amount of the very human jealousy I
have suggested above, is possible. How
difficult it is to discriminate motives in
such a case is shown by comparing Gen-
eral Wilson's description of Grant's first
arrival at Chattanooga, wet, weary, and
wounded, and Thomas's reception of
him, with Horace Porter's account of
the same scene. According to General
Wilson, Thomas was completely out of
sorts and treated Grant with inexcus-
able rudeness, arising, Wilson thinks,
from smouldering jealousy. Porter, on
the other hand, feels that the unde-
niable remissness on Thomas's part
arose rather from preoccupation with
other cares, and he analyzes excellent-
ly the probable facts as to the relation
between the two great leaders. 'There
is very little doubt that if any other
two general officers in the service had
been placed in the same trying circum-
stances there would have been an open
rupture.'
in
So far, then, as to the negative ad-
vantages of Thomas's reserve and self-
control. But the positive advantages
were much greater. To begin with, he
was by nature businesslike, a man of
system. The story that his chief com-
plaint of the enemy at Chickamauga,
when everything was collapsing about
him, was that ' the damned scoundrels
were fighting without any system,' may
be apocryphal, though I am inclined
224
GEORGE H. THOMAS
to believe it. But all the evidence shows
that he loved to have things work by
rule, and arranged even little matters
with patient care. He was always neat
as to his dress and person. He liked
a completeness even approaching dis-
play about his camp service and equip-
age, and had formal Negro attendants
and silver tableware. All Sherman's
efforts to reduce this equipment for the
sake of example during the Atlanta
campaign were quite unavailing, yet
it does not seem to have resulted from
any instinct of aristocratic superiority,
but simply from an established habit.
In the same way, Thomas insisted upon
an elaborate administrative apparatus,
and the story goes that Sherman, after
unduly stripping himself, was very glad
to make use of his subordinate's facil-
ities in this direction.
It was the same with discipline.
Thomas was always approachable, al-
ways kindly, but he wanted no time
spent without a purpose, and even in
accomplishing a purpose wanted meth-
ods to be brief and direct. This thor-
oughly businesslike element of his char-
acter is shown by nothing better than
by the change which is said to have
taken place in the army when Thomas
succeeded Rosecrans. Rosecrans was
brilliant but erratic, full of clever
schemes, but without settled grasp on
either men or movements. Under his
control, or lack of control, adminis-
tration had become utterly haphazard
and unsystematic. With Thomas's ap-
pointment everything was altered. As
Dana wrote, in his vivid fashion, 'order
prevails instead of chaos.'
It was Thomas's habit, before start-
ing on any important movement, to see
that all pending matters of business
were attended to, all papers properly
arranged, his own signature affixed to
every document that required it. Even
matters of comparatively slight impor-
tance were not overlooked. Thus, on
the morning of December 15, 1864,
when he was riding through Nashville
to begin the battle which he knew was
the great and long-delayed crisis of his
life, he stopped his whole staff in the
street to give direction that fourteen
bushels of coal should be sent to Mr.
Harris, his neighbor. 'I was out of
coal and borrowed this number of
bushels from him the other day.' Has
not such an anecdote the real ring of
Plutarch ? is it not as fine as Socrates's
last payment of the cock to ^Escula-
pius?
This thoroughness of method shows
in all Thomas's military activity. ' The
fate of a battle may depend on a
buckle,' he once said to an officer whose
harness broke. He wanted to know
where he was going, what he was go-
ing with, what material he had with
him and against him. He provided for
all possible contingencies of accident.
* There is always a remedy for any fail-
ure of a part of Thomas's plans, or for
the delinquencies of subordinates.' He
left nothing to others that he could do
himself. 'On a march or a campaign,
he saw every part of his army every
day. ... If, when he was at the rear,
the sounds indicated contact with the
enemy, he passed on to the very front,
where he often dismounted and walk-
ed to the outer skirmish line to recon-
noitre.'
The extreme of this methodical care
is displayed in his curious remark to
Dana: 'I should have long since liked
to have an independent command, but
what I should have desired would have
been the command of an army that I
could myself have organized, distrib-
uted, disciplined, and combined.' It
is a striking piece of irony that when
Sherman left him in chief command to
confront Hood, he should have had the
exact opposite of this, an unorganized,
incoherent, scattered, chaotic army,
which he had to make before he used
GEORGE H. THOMAS
225
it. He did make it, shape it, put it to-
gether, before he would stir one step.
Then he struck the most finished, tell-
ing, perfect blow that was struck on
either side during the war.
And the natural result of this splen-
did thoroughness was a universal re-
liability. Everybody, from the com-
mander-in-chief to the camp-followers,
trusted Thomas. When he telegraphed
to Grant from Chattanooga, 'We will
hold the town till we starve,' everybody
knew there was no bluster about it,
everybody knew the town would be
held. In this connection perhaps the
grandeur and force of his character
made themselves more felt at Chicka-
mauga than even at Nashville; and the
soldiers' pet name, * Rock of Chicka-
mauga,' implies solidity and stability
more than any other qualities. When
everything is marching steadily to vic-
tory according to a preconceived plan,
you may know the power that is be-
hind, but you do not feel it directly
and vividly. But when things go Wrong,
when strong men are breaking blindly,
when disaster seems sweeping on be-
yond check or stay, then to lean back
against one magnificent will, of itself
sufficient to change fate, that indeed
gives you a sense of what human per-
sonalitv can be.
&<
It is in moments like these that a
physique such as Thomas's, with all it
expresses of the soul, is most impos-
ing. He was tall, broad, solidly built,
with firm, square shoulders and a full-
bearded face as firm and square as the
shoulders were. Some say that the
expression was stern, some say kind
and gentle. Probably it could be either
according to circumstances; and I de-
light in Garfield's comment on the eyes :
'cold gray to his enemies, but warm
blue to his friends.' Equally enthusi-
astic is Howard's denial of the charge
of coldness and severity. ' To me Gen-
eral Thomas's features never seemed
VOL. 114- NO. 2
cold. His smile of welcome was pleas-
ant and most cordial. His words and
acts drew toward him my whole heart,
particularly when I went into battle
under him.' And this is the impression
that I get most of Thomas as a bat-
tle-leader, one of immense comfort.
Others may have been more showy,
even more inspiring. To fight under
Thomas was like having a wall at your
back or a great battery to cover you.
IV
Naturally, characteristics so strongly
marked as the reserve, and poise, and
self-control we have been analyzing in
Thomas carry some defects with them.
Strongly marked characteristics al-
ways do. His love of system and the
regular way of doing things did some-
times degenerate into a defect. This
shows in little foibles of no moment
except for what they indicate. Thus
Thomas was walking one day with
Sherman and they came across a
soldier parching corn from the fields.
Thomas commended him, but cau-
tioned him not to waste any. As they
passed on, Sherman heard the fellow
mutter, 'There he goes, there goes the
old man, economizing as usual.' And
Sherman's characteristic comment is,
' economizing with corn which cost only
the labor of gathering and roasting.'
Again, it is said that Thomas hated
new clothes, and when his promotions
began to come faster than he could
wear out his uniforms, he was always
one uniform behind. Of similar trivi-
ality yet significance is the story that
when he was put into a good bed in
'a Louisville hotel, he could not sleep,
but sent for his camp cot in the middle
of the night.
More important in this line is his
criticism of the Sanitary and Christian
commissions. With all their useful-
ness, they were something of a nuisance
226
GEORGE H. THOMAS
from the point of view of system, and
Thomas complains, * They have caused
much trouble and could be easily dis-
pensed with for the good of the service,
as their duties are legitimately those of,
and should be performed by, the medi-
cal department.'
Most illuminating of all for Tho-
mas's mental constitution is his atti-
tude toward rank, promotion, and offi-
cial dignity. Advancement was slow in
coming to him at first, partly perhaps
because of his Southern antecedents,
partly also because of his quiet dis-
charge of duty without talk or polit-
ical effort. When others were placed
over him, he made no protest of am-
bition or desert, and was disposed to
bear slights which merely touched his
personal worth with dignified indiffer-
ence. But the minute he felt that the
regular order of procedure was inter-
fered with, he was ready to object.
Thus, when he is put under Mitchell,
in 1861, he writes, * Justice to myself
requires that I ask to be relieved from
duty with these troops, since the Secre-
tary has thought it necessary to super-
sede me in command, without, as I
conceive, any just cause for so doing.'
At a later date he is subordinated to
Rosecrans and protests in the same
spirit. * Although I do not claim for
myself any superior ability, yet feel-
ing conscious that no reason exists for
over-slaughing me by placing me under
my junior, I feel deeply mortified and
aggrieved at the action taken in the
matter.'
This, I think, shows clearly the in-
stinct of system, tending to harden
into a red-tape habit. We can all im-
agine how differently Sherman would
have written under similar circum-
stances, perhaps as follows: I don't care
a jot whether the man is my senior or
my junior. The one question is, can he
do the work better than I? To speak
frankly, I don't think he can.
Another curious case is Thomas's
insistence on being transferred to the
Pacific Department after the war. His
biographer admits that he did not wish
to go there, but was merely unwilling
to see his rank degraded by having
Schofield given the higher appoint-
ment.
Thomas's methodical temper is
sometimes asserted to have given rise
to a defect even more serious, that of
excessive deliberateness, not to say
slowness, in action. This much debated
question is too purely military for a
civilian to settle, but some discussion
of it is necessary.
Perhaps the most severe criticism of
Thomas comes from his own subordi-
nate, Schofield, in connection with the
Nashville campaign. Summed up very
briefly and stripped of politeness^ Scho-
field's charges are that Thomas should
have concentrated and fought Hood
earlier; that Schofield himself really
won Nashville at Franklin; that when
Nashville was fought it was Schofield 's
advice that made the victory complete;
that on the second day of the battle
Thomas's leadership was quite inade-
quate; and that Thomas's reports
cannot have been written by himself,
because he would have been incapable
of omitting to give credit for his sub-
ordinate's achievements, — a civil way
of insinuating that Thomas suppressed
the truth. All this would be indeed
overwhelming, if exact.
Milder critics insist that Thomas
was slow at Nashville, notably Grant,
both at the time and afterwards, re-
peating to Young the old story of the
general's nickname of ' Slow-Trot Tho-
mas,' acquired at West Point. But
Grant rarely let Thomas's name be
mentioned without some innuendo.
Neither did Sherman, who, though
often praising his subordinate's stead-
iness, complains of the difficulty of
keeping him moving. 'A fresh furrow
GEORGE H. THOMAS
227
in a ploughed field will stop the whole
column and all begin to intrench/
Cox, who knew Thomas well and
admired him greatly and who has none
of Schofield's obvious personal irrita-
tion, is inclined to agree with the lat-
ter that the general might have met and
defeated Hood more promptly. And
Colonel T. L. Livermore, after his mi-
nute and careful analysis of Thomas's
whole career, inclines to the belief that
in almost every one of his battles he
might have accomplished more than he
did, this being particularly the case in
regard to Chickamauga. Colonel Liver-
more, however, admits that Thomas's
greatness deserves all admiration, and
that no one would question it if it were
not for the fact that his biographers
try to exalt him by depreciating every-
body else. This they certainly do, with
more ardor than discernment.
On the point of generalship I think
we may conclude that, while perhaps
Thomas had not the headlong aggres-
siveness of Sherman and Sheridan, of
Jackson and Stuart, he had gifts so
great, so successful, and so fruitful, —
gifts not only of steadiness and far-
reaching preparation, but also of broad
conception and strategic intelligence,
- that to find fault with him is an un-
gracious and a thankless task.
So far we have considered Thomas
as a man of reserved power, of poise
and self-control, and there is a general
impression that he was cold and im-
passible, of a statuesque temperament,
little subject to human passion and
infirmity. Careful study shows that
this is less true than might be suppos-
ed. The human passions were there,
however watchfully governed.
Take ambition. Few men seem to
have been freer from its subtle influ-
ence. Thomas declined advancement
when it seemed to him unjust to others,
declined to be put in Buell's place,
declined to be put in Rosecrans's, de-
clined to let Johnson set him up as
lieutenant-general to interfere with
Grant. He declined a nomination for
the presidency because he felt himself
not fitted for it. Nor did the more solid
fruits of ambition tempt him. After
the war he was offered a handsome
house, but declined it. A large sum of
money was raised for him. He declined
it, though he was poor, and desired it
to be expended for the relief of dis-
abled soldiers.
Yet in one of the few letters that have
come to us from his early days, there is
a real human cry. 'This will be the only
opportunity I shall have of distinguish-
ing myself, and not to be able to avail
myself of it is too bad.' And there is
something equally human about a dis-
claimer of ambition in later days. 'I
have exhibited at least sufficient energy
to show that if I had been intrusted
s
with the command at that time I might
have conducted it successfully. ... I
went to my duty without a murmur,
as I am neither ambitious nor have
any political aspirations.' Now, don't
you think perhaps he was a little am-
bitious, after all?
Again, take temper. Thomas had
plenty of it under his outward calm.
His vexatious biographers declare that,
although no church member, he was
devoutly religious, and used and al-
lowed no profanity. I have no ques-
tion as to the religion, but I have
quoted some profanity above which
sounds genuine — and good — to me,
and there is more elsewhere. Also,
there is evidence of magnificent tem-
per. It is said that at West Point the
young cadet threatened to throw a
would-be hazer out of the window; but
this may have been not temper, but
policy. Later instances are indisput-
able. When an officer of his staff
GEORGE H. THOMAS
misappropriated a horse, the general
overwhelmed him with a torrent of re-
proach, drew his sword, ripped off the
officer's shoulder-straps, and forced him
to dismount and lead the horse a long
distance to its owner. On another oc-
casion a teamster was beating his mules
over the head when the commander
fell upon him with such a tumult of
invective that the fellow fled to the
woods and disappeared.
But the most interesting evidence as
to Thomas's temper is his own confes-
sion in the admirable letter he wrote
declining to be considered a candidate
for the presidency. He gives a list of
his disqualifications and places prom-
inently among them, 'I have not the
necessary control over my temper';
adding this really delightful piece of
self-analysis : * My habits of life, estab-
lished by a military training of over
twenty-five years, are such as to make
it repugnant to my self-respect to have
to induce people to do their duty by
persuasive measures. If there is any-
thing that enrages me more than an-
other, it is to see an obstinate and
self-willed man opposing what is right,
morally and legally, simply because un-
der the law he cannot be compelled to
do what is right.'
Perhaps he would not have made a
good president of the United States,
since that individual must be subject-
ed to visions of the above nature at
rather frequent intervals.
Thomas was human in other aspects,
also. He took a real human joy in
fighting and victory. When the arrival
of A. J. Smith assured success at Nash-
ville, Thomas took Smith in his arms
and hugged him. How pretty is the
story Shanks tells of the general's
eagerness in reporting Chickamauga to
Rosecrans. * Whenever I touched their
flanks, they broke, general, they broke.'
Then, catching Shanks's eye fixed upon
him, 'as if ashamed of his enthusiasm,
the blood mounted to his cheeks and
he blushed like a woman.' Sherman
says that when Atlanta was taken,
'The news seemed to Thomas almost
too good to be true. He snapped his
fingers, and almost danced.' The im-
age of Thomas dancing for joy is of a
peculiar gayety. Yet I have seen just
such men do just such things.
As to the sense of humor, some main-
tain that Thomas had it not. Every-
body has it, if you can find it. Accord-
ing to Horace Porter, the general
took great delight in the jokes of a
vaudeville entertainment with which
the officers whiled away camp tedious-
ness. One story told by Keyes, though
homely, is so accordant with Thomas's
methodical and mathematical temper-
ament that I cannot omit it. Keyes was
looking for a certain officer who was a
great chewer and spitter, and as he
sat at his desk, spat in winter into the
fireplace, in summer out of the window.
'Now,' said Thomas, 'you may come
in the window and follow up the line
of tobacco juice on the floor, or you
may descend the chimney and trace
from that, and at the intersection of
the two lines you will discover B.'
Something in the anecdote seems to
show something in the man.
If there is doubt about Thomas's
humor, there is none whatever about
his sensibility. It was, indeed, limited
in character. He was a soldier and little
else, and I find no trace in him of re-
sponsiveness to literature or art or even
the beauty of nature. Though an in-
dustrious reader, his reading was con-
fined to his profession and related sub-
jects. But as a man and a soldier his
feelings were of the keenest. The most
striking testimony to this is the con-
temporary observation of Quartermas-
ter Donaldson, writing to his superior
Meigs, of a conversation held with the
general in January, 1865. ' He feels very
sore at the rumored intention to relieve
GEORGE H. THOMAS
229
him, and the major-generalcy does
not cicatrize the wound. You know
Thomas is morbidly sensitive, and it
cuts him to the heart to think that it
was contemplated to remove him. He
does not blame the Secretary, for he
said Mr. Stan ton was a fair and just
man.'
The last sentence is as nobly char-
acteristic as the preceding one. But
the sensitiveness was there, and shows
repeatedly under the stoical calm, as
in the remark just before Nashville:
* Wilson, they treat me at Washing-
ton and at Grant's headquarters as
though I were a boy ' ; and in the retort
to Stanton, when they met after the
war was over and the secretary de-
clared that he had always trusted the
general: 'Mr. Stanton, I am sorry to
hear you make this statement. I have
not been treated as if you had confi-
dence in me.' Also, the general show-
ed a very human susceptibility in his
resentment of the criticism of Scho-
field.
And as Thomas was sensitive, so he
was kindly and tender, though his
grave manner sometimes bred the con-
trary opinion. Sherman even declares
that he was too kind for discipline, and
that at his headquarters everybody
was allowed to do as he liked. This is
Sherman's exaggeration, but Thomas
was kind to officers and men : kind, con-
siderate, approachable. The considera-
tion showed in things slight, but emi-
nently significant. For instance, it is
said that on the march, if the general
was riding hastily to the front, he
would take his staff through swamps
and thickets and leave the highway to
the trudging soldiers. So, after the war,
he was equally thoughtful of his old
followers and of the enemy. And the
proof of this is not only that his follow-
ers adored 'Old Pap,' but that in spite
of excellent grounds for animosity
Southerners usually speak of him with
more admiration and respect than of
almost any other Northern comman-
der.
Nor, in speaking of Thomas's kind-
ness, should we omit one most impor-
tant feature of it, his tender regard for
animals. Maltreatment of them roused
him to fierce indignation, and horses,
mules, dogs, cats, and even fowls, look-
ed upon him as their peculiar friend
and protector.
I wish I could say something about
the general's more intimate personal
relations. But he would have nothing
published bearing upon them and it
is right that his reticence should be re-
spected, although I feel sure that the
more closely we studied him, the more
we should love him. Oddly enough,
purely personal material does not often
get into the Official Records, yet with
Thomas, most secretive of men, we
have one of the few documents that
seem to speak directly from one heart
to another. Among the formal corre-
spondence bearing upon the battle of
Nashville we find the following brief
dispatch, — hitherto overlooked by
the general's industrious biographers.
* Mrs. F. L. Thomas, New York Hotel,
New York: We have whipped the en-
emy, taken many prisoners and consid-
erable artillery.' These are bare and
simple words. But when I think who
wrote them, who read them, and all
they meant, they bring tears to my
eyes, at any rate.
So now we understand that this high-
souled gentleman, for all his dignity
and all his serenity, was neither cold
nor stolid, and we are better prepared
to understand the startling significance
of his brief remark to one who was very
close to him: 'Colonel, I have taken a
great deal of pains to educate myself
not to feel.'
Truly, a royal and heroic figure and
one for all America to be proud of. Is
it not indeed an immortal glory for
230 A TULIP GARDEN
Virginia to have produced the noblest grows every year richer, more prosper-
soldier of the Revolution and the no- ous, more fortunate, more loyal in the
blest that fought on each side in the Union for which he helped to save
Civil War? Some day I hope to see her her, she herself, whether she wills it or
erect a worthy monument to one of not, will more and more become his
the greatest of her sons. But, as she noblest monument.
A TULIP GARDEN
•
BY AMY LOWELL
GUARDED within the old red wall's embrace,
Marshaled like soldiers in gay company,
The tulips stand arrayed. Here infantry
Wheels out into the sunlight. What bold grace
Sets off their tunics, white with crimson lace!
Here are platoons of gold-frocked cavalry
With scarlet sabres tossing in the eye
Of purple batteries, every gun in place.
Forward they come, with flaunting colors spread,
With torches burning, stepping out in time
To some quick, unheard march. Our ears are dead,
We cannot catch the tune. In pantomime
Parades that army. With our utmost powers
We hear the wind stream through a bed of flowers.
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
III. THfi TREATY OF GHENT
BY FREDERICK TREVOR HILL
EXACTLY at midday of August 7,
1814, four Americans might have been
seen earnestly consulting together in
one of the rooms of the late Baron de
Lovendeghem's residence at the corner
of Rue des Champs and Rue des Fou-
lons in the city of Ghent.
It was a notable conference, not only
because of its historical significance, but
by reason of the singularly harmonious
atmosphere which pervaded it, for the
participants had nothing in common
save the fact that they represented the
United States as Commissioners em-
powered to negotiate a treaty of peace
with England, and their earlier meet-
ings had not always been character-
ized by unanimity either of thought or
of action. In fact, as individuals, the
distinguished diplomatists in question
had acquired a very pronounced dis-
taste for one another's society during
their protracted sojourn in Belgium,
and as envoys they had been subjected
to most mortifying treatment.
Under such circumstances it was no
more than natural that the nerves of
the official family should have become
somewhat unstrung. Indeed, the only
remarkable thing about the situation
was that five men of such widely dif-
fering tastes and temperaments had
managed to live under the same roof
even for a day — to say nothing of six
weeks.
The individual who sat at the head
of the conference table was a well-
dressed, scholarly-looking, middle-aged
man, with short, clerical side-whiskers,
whose solemn, but strong, face, and
dignified, if not haughty, bearing gave
him an air of authority of which he
was apparently quite sufficiently aware.
This was John Quincy Adams, as cul-
tured and conscientious and altogether
admirable a public servant as Massa-
chusetts ever produced; and as fussy
and prolix and altogether tiresome a
companion as was ever inflicted on any
company.
Near this impeccable and irritating
gentleman sat a lank, uncouth, untidy
and generally unpresentable citizen of
the soil, redolent of tobacco and whis-
key, whose thin, hard, clean-shaven
and somewhat foxy face was softened
by his twinkling eyes and the humor-
ous expression of his mouth. Indeed,
the whole aspect of the man depend-
ed on his expression. At serious mo-
ments he looked offensively ill-temper-
ed and withered, but when he smiled
he seemed positively youthful, and his
great mass of light-colored (almost
white) hair added to this effect, giving
the impression of-a big overgrown boy,
careless of appearance and entirely un-
awed. He was, as a matter of fact, the
youngest of the group assembled at the
table, for Henry Clay was only thirty1
seven when Fate ordained that he
should be delegated to adjust a quarrel
231
232
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
which he had done his utmost to pro-
voke.1
Beside this virile and vulgar repre-
sentative of Kentucky sat a man whose
patrician face and finely formed head,
crowned with luxuriant black locks,
emphasized the marked contrast be-
tween him and his whitish-haired,
coarse-featured neighbor. But the two
men were not only physically different,
they were mentally and politically hos-
tile, for James A. Bayard, ex-United
States Senator from Delaware, had bit-
terly opposed the declaration of war
against Great Britain in 1812 and
thoroughly disapproved of the swash-
buckling, fire-eating appeals by which
Clay had influenced public opinion in
favor of the conflict. But Bayard's en-
thusiasm for peace had been consider-
ably abated by his experiences in Eu-
rope as a Peace Commissioner; and had
Clay been his companion for the fifteen
months during which he had wandered
over the Continent seeking peace but
finding none, it is possible that he might
have reached Ghent in a downright
fighting mood. Fortunately for all con-
cerned, however, his traveling compan-
ion during those trying days had been
a man whose temperament was proof
against all personal slights and whose
patience was well-nigh inexhaustible.
He was, in fact, the only one of the en-
voys who had no inherited prejudice
against England, and to whom the war
was not in any respect a family quar-
rel; for Albert Gallatin, though a loyal
American by adoption, was by birth
and inheritance a Swiss. Doubtless it
was this saving quality that had en-
abled him to remain unperturbed in
the face of the maddening delays and
1 Adams asserts in his diary that Jonathan
Russell (the fifth American Commissioner)
claimed to be Clay's junior. But Russell was
then evidently seeking an excuse for his subser-
vience to Clay. He was not present at the con-
ference of August 7.
disappointments which he and his as-
sociate had encountered during their
long diplomatic pilgrimage.
That exasperating experience com-
menced in May, 1813, when Gallatin
resigned his position as Secretary of
the Treasury in order to act with Bay-
ard as a Peace Commissioner, and sailed
from Philadelphia with his colleagues,
duly accredited to meet the representa-
tives of England at St. Petersburg,
where the Emperor of Russia was, pre-
sumably, to act as mediator between
Great Britain and the United States.
The journey proved long and tedious,
and when, at the end of ten weeks'
traveling, the envoys at last reached
their destination, they found that
England had not sent and did not
intend to send any commissioners, her
government having, in the interim, de-
clined the proffered mediation.
This was, to say the least, an awk-
ward situation, and the embarrass-
ment of the stranded envoys was in-
creased by the fact that they could not
gracefully retire from the scene, as they
were advised that the Russian Em-
peror was renewing his offer of media-
tion and that there was good reason
to suppose that England would not of-
fend him by again rejecting his friendly
offices.
Months of uncertainty had followed,
during which the luckless diplomats
were neither officials nor private citi-
zens; so when they had finally learn-
ed from a friendly correspondent that
England was willing to treat directly
with the United States, they traveled
to London on the strength of that in-
formation. But at the British capital
they had discovered that no commis-
sioners had been appointed to meet
them and that the plan for direct nego-
tiation was still very much in the air.
At last, however, they received word
that a new Commission had been ap-
pointed by the United States, consisting
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
233
of Adams, Clay, Jonathan Russell l
and themselves, and that Gothenburg
had been selected as the diplomatic
battleground. This was cheering news
indeed, but before they reached Goth-
enburg they were advised that the
meeting place had been changed to
Ghent, and there most of the party had
assembled in the last week of June,
1814.
ii
After such an experience it was, of
course, eminently fitting that the replre-
sentatives of the United States should
be properly housed. For more than a
year they had been wandering from pil-
lar to post, and the national dignity
demanded that they should acquire a
permanent abode. Doubtless it was
this fact that induced the envoys to
lease the de Lovendeghem residence
soon after their arrival in Ghent; and
had they been content to utilize it sole-
ly for the transaction of their official
business all might have passed off well.
Unfortunately, however, they invited
trouble for themselves by deciding to
live as well as work in the building, and
the friction of daily living in close quar-
ters was soon more than one of the in-
mates was able to endure; for no house
was big enough to hold John Quincy
Adams and his bete noire, Henry Clay.
Indeed, the official family had not
much more than begun to settle down
in its new abode before Adams rebelled
at dining with his associates, who * sat
long at table drinking bad wine and
smoking cigars/ and otherwise proving
anything but agreeable companions for
a man of his puritanical habits and
tastes. He accordingly took refuge at a
neighboring table d'hote, but after a few
days he swallowed his disgust (doubt-
less at the expense of his digestion) and
thereafter schooled himself to partici-
pate in all the family repasts. This self-
1 Formerly Charge d'Affaires at London.
sacrificing move was, strangely enough,
occasioned by the regret which Clay
contrived to express at his confrere's
retirement from the convivial board;
and much as the scion of New England
is to be commended for forcing himself
to rub elbows with the raw Kentuckian
whose personal habits and table man-
ners were far from pleasant, Clay is
entitled to something very like heroic
honors for diplomatically saddling him-
self with the company of a man who,
by the very excess of his virtue, was a
kill-joy to the free and easy.
With such commendable forbearance
and courtesy on the part of the pro-
tagonists in this ill-mated household,
it is probable that all personal friction
would have been reduced to a mini-
mum had the English Commissioners
arrived promptly on the scene. But
they were not on hand by the time the
Americans had completed their living
arrangements, and as day after day
slipped by without any news of them,
the waiting diplomats grew more and
more bored by their own society and
dissatisfied with their surroundings.
Adams was the only one of the party
who had had any extended experience
in diplomacy, but that did not recon-
cile his associates to his assumption of
leadership, and his inborn superiority
and pompous piety fairly maddened
them. It is not difficult to understand
this state of affairs. The voluminous
journal in which Adams recorded all
his thoughts and actions reveals the
situation at a glance.
* I usually rise between five and six,'
he wrote at about this time, ' but not so
regularly as heretofore, my hour of re-
tiring at night being more irregular. I
begin the day by reading five chapters
of the Bible and have this day finished
in course the New Testament. I then
write till nine o'clock, when I break-
fast alone in my chambers. ... I have
this month frequented too much the
234
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
theatre and public amusements. . . .
May I be cautious not to fall into any
habit of indolence or dissipation.'
No wonder this worthy but compla-
cent diarist looked askance at Clay's
all-night card parties and general air
of irresponsibility, and that the friction
between the members of that incongru-
ous menage engendered a dangerous
amount of heat as the long summer
days dragged on.
Meanwhile nothing was heard of the
British delegation, and at the end of a
month and a half the situation began
to be humiliatingly ridiculous. Here
were five Americans, who had traveled
thousands of miles to confer with Eng-
land, left to cool their heels in a little
Belgian town, without as much as a
word of apology, even of explanation.
Such contemptuous treatment would
have been offensive under any circum-
stances, but in view of their elaborate
preparations it was well calculated to
make the marooned diplomats and
their country the laughing-stock of the
whole world. It is therefore not at all
surprising that the atmosphere of the
de Lovendeghem residence was any-
thing but genial during the midsummer
of 1814.
On the evening of August 6, how-
ever, the long-expected British Com-
missioners actually arrived, but the
manner in which their advent was an-
nounced did not tend to smooth the
ruffled feathers of their opponents. On
the contrary, it added insult to injury,
for the newcomers, instead of apolo-
gizing for their tardy appearance, sent
word that they were quartered at the
Hotel Lion d'Or, where the Americans
could attend them on the morrow for
the purpose of exchanging credentials ;
and it was to consider this cool proposi-
tion that four of the five United States
Commissioners assembled at noon on
Sunday, August 7.
It did not take them long to agree
upon a course of action. Indeed, if the
representatives of Great Britain had
studied how they could best serve their
discordant adversaries, they could not
have hit upon a happier plan; for from
the moment that they were summoned
to attend at the Englishmen's lodgings
the American envoys laid aside their
personal differences and became, for the
time being at least, a unit. The imme-
diate result was that they determined
without a dissenting vote to decline the
patronizing invitation. It was not the
fire-eating Clay, however, but the ju-
dicial Adams who was for handling the
situation without gloves. The sugges-
tion which had been made to them was,
he declared, an offensive pretension to
superiority, based on the usage of am-
bassadors toward ministers of an infe-
rior order; and supporting his asser-
tion with a citation from Martens, he
moved that the British Commissioners
be advised that the representatives of
the United States would meet them at
any time and place other than their
own lodgings. Indeed, once he was in
the saddle, it was difficult to prevent
the doughty Puritan from throwing
himself headlong against the foe. But
Gallatin finally persuaded him that a
flank attack would be more effective,
and the upshot was that a note was
dispatched to the Lion d'Or, inform-
ing its distinguished patrons that the
Americans would meet them at any
place which might be mutually conveni-
ent, preferably the Hotel des Pays
Bas.
This delicate hint was not lost upon
the Englishmen, who promptly accept-
ed it, and the honors of the opening
move thus rested with those who, up
to that moment, had been playing a
lone hand in the diplomatic game.
One o'clock of August 8 was the day
and hour assigned for the first joint
conference of the Commissioners, and
at that time the Americans appeared
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
235
at the Hotel des Pays Bas, where they
learned that the British representa-
tives had already arrived. They ac-
cordingly passed at once into the apart-
ment reserved for the occasion, where
they were courteously greeted by a
man of fine appearance, whose florid,
clean-shaven, characteristically Eng-
lish face was highly intelligent and
brimful of health and vitality. This
was James, Lord Gambier, Admiral of
the White Squadron, ex-Governor of
Newfoundland, and a former lord of the
Admiralty, whose life from earliest boy-
hood had been spent at sea and whose
vessels were known in the British navy
as 'praying ships,' for his Lordship
was a stout churchman as well as a
hard fighter.
His second in command on this oc-
casion was a young man not over
thirty years of age, with a keen, clean-
shaven face, an ungracious manner, and
a very uncertain temper. This youth-
ful envoy was Henry Goulburn, Under
Secretary for War and the Colonies,
who had only recently been elected to
Parliament and who was almost un-
known in England, although destined,
before many years, to become Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer and one of
the foremost British statesmen of his
time.
The other English Commissioner was
a barrister of no particular distinc-
tion, for although Dr. William Adams
had a well-earned reputation as a spe-
cialist in certain branches of the law,
he was not a prominent member of the
English Bar, and was utterly unknown
outside his own country. In fact, the
only qualification that he possessed
for the work that lay before him was
his knowledge of practice in the Ad-
miralty courts — an advantage which
was more than offset by his brusque
manners and by his total unfamiliar-
ity with international affairs. Indeed,
Goulburn was the only member of the
party who had had any training what-
soever in diplomatic negotiations, and
it was soon apparent that the British
government did not repose much con-
fidence in its official representatives.
Probably the authorities in London
believed that the issue would be con-
trolled by events rather than by ar-
guments. But if this was not the ex-
planation of their strange selection of
plenipotentiaries, it obviously account-
ed for their delay in opening the ne-
gotiations, for the success of the Brit-
ish land forces in America during the
past seven months could not be gain-
said, and there was every prospect that
the summer campaign would greatly
increase the advantage. Certainly from
a military standpoint England could
not have hit upon a more favorable
moment for discussing a cessation of
hostilities, and doubtless the British
Ministers felt that they could practi-
cally dictate the terms of peace by
the time their negotiators appeared in
Ghent.
Under such circumstances it was to
be expected that Lord Gambier and
his associates would take a high stand
with their adversaries, and the Ameri-
icans well knew that a hard fight lay
before them. But prepared as they
were for serious work, they had no sus-
picion of the extravagant demands
upon which England had determined.
The surprise was not delayed, however,
for immediately after the interchange
of formal courtesies Goulburn proceed-
ed to outline his instructions, which
provided, among other things, for the
inclusion of the Indian allies of Great
Britain as parties to the negotiation,
and for the creation of a neutral zone
for their protection. Both of these
points, he stated, would have to be re-
garded as conditions precedent to the
conclusion of any treaty. This sounded
vague and somewhat ominous, but the
Americans made no comment, and* it
236
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
was not until after two or three for-
mal meetings that the young cabinet
official saw fit to enter upon further'
details of the British demands, which
were well calculated to make his Amer-
ican auditors stare and gasp. The neu-
tral zone for the benefit of the Indians,
he explained, was to be formed by sur-
rendering to them all of the region now
occupied by Michigan, Wisconsin, and
Illinois, most of Indiana, and part of
Ohio. This was to form a barrier be-
tween Canada and the United States,
and was not to be alienated to either
England or America. Then, parts of
Maine and New York were to be ceded
to Great Britain in a revision of the
boundary line; the forts at Niagara
and Sackett's Harbor were to be dis-
mantled, and the United States was
to agree that it would never maintain
any armed force on the Great Lakes or
the rivers emptying into them; leaving
Great Britain, however, free to do so.
To these and a few minor require-
ments the American Commissioners
listened with unfeigned astonishment.
Then Gallatin ventured to inquire what
was to become of the citizens of Mich-
igan, Illinois, and Ohio after their ter-
ritory had been handed over to the In-
dians, and was brusquely informed that
they would of course have to shift for
themselves.
This was quite sufficient to bring
the conference to a close, and merely
requesting that the propositions be
reduced to writing, Adams and his col-
leagues withdrew to their headquar-
ters. Possibly this quiet reception of
their ultimata encouraged the British
Commissioners to believe that they
had raised issues which would effect a
welcome delay in the proceedings by
forcing their opponents to seek new in-
structions from Washington. But if so,
they were speedily disillusioned, for an
official answer was promptly laid be-
fore them, refusing to proceed any fur-
ther with the negotiations on the lines
suggested.
This response would doubtless have
been even more promptly delivered
had it not been for the fact that when
Adams attempted to draft it, all his
colleagues attacked his composition,
amending and correcting it until very
little of the original remained. There
was something positively pathetic in
Adams's bewilderment at this merci-
less treatment of his carefully consid-
ered pages. He had played the school-
master so long that he could scarcely
believe his eyes and ears when he found
his authority disputed. But his col-
leagues had suffered from the worthy
doctrinaire for many weeks, and they
were in no mood to spare him when
their hour arrived. Thus Gallatin took
the sting out of all his spirited rejoin-
ders; Clay eliminated all his figurative
language; Bayard remoulded all his
pet sentences; and, as a crowning in-
sult, Russell corrected his punctuation,
his capitalization, and his spelling!
Indeed, among his four critics, the in-
dignant author had difficulty in saving
even a fraction of his precious screed,
for they all supported one another in
the work of destruction and, to his
mind, the document, as finally sub-
mitted to the British plenipotentiaries,
was a sorry piece of patchwork, wholly
insufficient and unscholarly.
It served, however, to make Lord
Gambierand hi& associates suspect that
they might, perhaps, have gone a trifle
too far and a bit too fast, and their
suspicions were confirmed when they
learned that the American Commis-
sioners were preparing to depart from
Ghent. This move might have been
planned for strategic effect, but it was
not. On the contrary, the majority of
the United States envoys were firmly
convinced that their mission was at an
end, and only one of them entertained
a different view. This solitary optim-
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
237
ist, however, according to Adams, pos-
sessed 'the inconceivable notion that
the British would recede from their
position.'
There was no tangible basis for that
* inconceivable notion.' But Clay was
an inveterate gambler, accustomed to
bluffing, and one of his favorite games
was what was then called 'brag.'
in
Ten days passed before anything
more was heard from the British Com-
missioners, for they had submitted
'the patchwork reply' to their su-
periors; and meanwhile the Americans
continued to prepare for departure. In
fact, they actually notified their land-
lord of their intention to vacate at the
end of August, but finally agreed to
continue the lease fifteen days longer
at the rate of twelve hundred francs
a month. It certainly seemed as if the
business would be concluded within
that time, for when the response of the
British Commissioners was received it
did not withdraw the objectionable de-
mands, but merely announced that the
neutral zone for the Indians need not
be regarded as a condition precedent
to further discussion. The Americans
therefore promptly replied that this
would not be satisfactory, and repeat-
ed their refusal to enter on any nego-
tiations based on such terms. Indeed,
they had determined air mg themselves
to waste no time debating impossible
conditions, but to force England to show
her hand with the least possible delay.
This bold decision was unquestion-
ably influenced by the 'brag' expert,
who continued to * sense ' the situation
with his gaming instincts. As a matter
of fact, however, the whole party had
been playing cards since its last joint
effort at drafting a reply, and there are
two entries in Adams's diary of about
this date which are eloquent proof that
while all the diplomats were gaining
experience at the card-table, some of
them were showing far greater aptitude
than the others. For instance, on Sep-
tember 4, the Puritan Abroad wrote: —
* We spent the evening at cards. The
party broke up at midnight, and after
they [the visitors] were gone Mr. Clay
won from me at a game of "all fours"
the picture of an old woman I had
drawn in the lottery. He also won from
Mr. Todd the bunch of flowers which
Mr. Russell had drawn, and which
Todd had won from Mr. Russell.'
Evidently the fever for gambling
was running scandalously high in the
diplomatic circle. Again, on the 8th,
Adams writes, ' I was up nearly an hour
before I had daylight to read or write.
Just before rising I heard Mr. Clay's
company retiring from his chamber. I
had left him with Mr. Russell, Mr.
Bentzon, and Mr. Todd, at cards.'
It was on the day following this all-
night session at 'brag' that the Eng-
lish Commissioners were informed that
their 'bluff was called,' and they has-
tened to communicate the news to
London. Indeed, by this time it was
apparent that they were plenipotenti-
aries only in name, and that their prin-
cipal function was to act as scapegoats
for the mistakes of their superiors. At
all events, in this instance thjpy were
severely taken to task by the London
authorities for having 'misunderstood
their instructions,' and were ordered
to advise the Americans that neither
the Indian barrier nor the exclusive
control of the Lakes was a prerequisite
to peace, although it would still be ne-
cessary to admit the Indians as parties
to any treaty which might result from
the negotiations.
This was, of course, a most material
concession, and to reject it as insuffi-
cient required courage, for the war had
been going steadily against the United
States all the summer, and the British
238
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
envoys saw to it that their adversaries
were advised of that fact by providing
them with the latest London papers.
This thoughtful attention, however, did
not produce its intended effect. On the
contrary, it seemed to the company
on Rue des Champs suspiciously like
Overbidding their hand,' and it was
not surprising if the ' brag ' enthusiasts
interpreted the diplomatic manoeuvres
in the terms of that game, for some
of them were certainly devoting them-
selves to its study. For example, on
the day after the British note was re-
ceived, Adams carefully recorded the
fact that ' there was another card party
in Mr. Clay's chambers last night. I
heard Mr. Bentzon retiring from it
after I had risen this morning'; and
under the same date he noted the atti-
tude of his colleagues toward the lat-
est demands from London, which in-
dicated that they would reject them
forthwith.
The framing of the formal reply to
that effect did not, however, fall upon
Adams. Indeed, the high-minded di-
arist was by this time in a very chas-
tened mood, for to his intense chagrin
his associates had continued to treat
his literary efforts most disrespectfully,
virtually tearing to pieces everything
he wrote. 'This must be in great
measure the fault of my composition,'
he naively remarked to his journal,
'and I ought to endeavor to correct
the general fault from which it pro-
ceeds.' Doubtless the estimable gentle-
man, whose humbled pride is surely
provocative of tears, did earnestly en-
deavor to correct his ponderous style;
but, although his ideas were often ap-
proved, his voluminous manuscripts
never were, and after weeks of painful
badgering he retired in favor of Galla-
tin, who thereupon assumed the duty
of drafting the official correspondence.
Under this new regime the third
rejection of Great Britain's demands
was prepared with a view to its effect
in London and with no thought of in-
fluencing the individuals to whom it
was formally addressed. Indeed, Gam-
bier and his associates, having been re-
legated by their government to the role
of messengers, were no longer regarded
as factors in the negotiation. It was
therefore with no surprise that the
Americans learned that their last com-
munication had been forwarded to Eng-
land, and that there would be another
long and wearisome delay before the
negotiations could proceed.
This was of course an inevitable con-
sequence of playing the game of ' brag '
by correspondence, but it placed the re-
presentatives of the United States at a
great disadvantage, as each day of en-
forced idleness put an additional strain
on their tempers and threatened to end
in ruining their team-work. Thus far
they had managed to conceal their per-
sonal differences and to present an un-
broken front to their adversaries. The
atmosphere of the uncongenial house-
hold, however, had long been too highly
charged for safety, and before the re-
ceipt of the fourth British note, Clay
and Adams collided, an explosion fol-
lowed, and Jonathan Russell, gather-
ing up his belongings, sought peace
and seclusion in the Hotel des Pays
Bas.
Indeed, it is quite possible that this
defection might have ended in a com-
plete disruption of the official family
had not news of the capture and par-
tial destruction of Washington cre-
ated a diversion. These discouraging
tidings were speedily followed by a
new note from the British government,
and the warring Peace Commissioners
again laid aside their private quarrels
to work for the common cause.
But the baneful effect of internal
friction was thereafter apparent in
their official conferences, for even when
it was known that the long-expected
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
239
response from Great Britain accepted
amnesty for the Indians in place of
the objectionable treaty rights, they al-
most lost sight of the significance of the
concession in sharply debating trifles.
It was finally agreed, however, that the
amnesty should be regarded as satisfac-
tory, but the drafting of the official
announcement of this fact precipitated
something very like an open quarrel.
Gallatin and Clay wanted the docu-
ment to be short. Adams insisted that
it be long, and that it be accompanied
by an argument for the cession of Can-
ada to the United States! Even the
lifelong gamblers were staggered by
such reckless plunging on the part of
the novice at cards, but the passion for
bluffing had taken possession of Adams,
and he stuck to his point until it was
summarily vetoed by the other Com-
missioners.
After this colossal attempt to out-
brag the other side, any play naturally
seemed tame, and the answer which
was finally drafted by Clay was ex-
tremely distasteful to Adams, who * dis-
liked it in all its parts' and did not
hesitate to say so. Nevertheless his
objections were overruled, and his
discomfiture was not lessened by his
successful opponent who openly 'rail-
ed at commerce and Massachusetts,
and told what wonders the people of
Kentucky would do if they should be
attacked.'
The next communication from Lon-
don, however, tended to unite the dis-
putants, for it incorporated a new de-
mand, that the existing state of the war
should be taken as the basis of the con-
templated treaty. That is to say, each
side was to be confirmed in its owner-
ship of whatever territory was then
occupied by its military forces. The ac-
ceptance of such a proposition by the
United States would have been, of
course, a virtual admission of defeat,
for Great Britain had acquired control
of a considerable area by the spring of
1814, and there was reason to believe
that she had more than held her own
during the summer months. But dis-
couraging as the war news had been,
the Americans were not ready to ad-
mit that their adversaries held more
than a temporary advantage, and they
promptly announced that unless this
was conceded the negotiations must
end then and there.
This defiant communication was at
once forwarded to London, where the
authorities hastened to lay the situa-
tion before the Duke of Wellington, of-
fering him supreme command of the
British forces in America; and the fate
of the negotiation hung on his reply.
But Wellington displayed no enthu-
siasm for the commission. On the con-
trary, he announced that while he was
ready to obey the orders of his gov-
ernment, he did not believe that the
military situation in any way justified
the demands which were being pressed
upon the United States . l The result of
this frank avowal was a withdrawal
of the claims, and an announcement of
that fact reached Ghent October 31.
IV
Meanwhile the American Commis-
sioners, finding time hanging heavy on
their hands, had resumed their petty
wrangling, the upshot of which was
that Clay finally followed Russell's ex-
ample and retired to lodgings of his
own. But this did not entirely clear the
social atmosphere, for there was some
confusion in the distribution of official
invitations, which resulted in Clay's
finding himself at a function at which
he was not expected, and both he and
1 Wellington's judgment was completely con-
firmed by the events of the war, for during Sep-
tember, 1814, England met with a series of rever-
ses which neutralized all the advantages she had
previously gained.
240
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
Russell took offense at being classed
among the secretaries when certain
courtesies were extended to the diplo-
mats by local societies. The relations
between the envoys were therefore
none too pleasant when the British
government suggested that they pre-
pare and submit the outline of a treaty,
and Adams and Clay were soon at log-
gerheads.
This time, however, the differences
between the two men were political as
well as personal, for Clay insisted on
demanding that England surrender all
her rights to the navigation of the Mis-
sissippi, which she had acquired by
a former treaty, Adams was equally
keen for the continuation of the fish-
ing rights secured by the same docu-
ment, and each was willing to sacrifice
the other's pet project to advance the
interest he espoused. The more this
subject was debated the hotter the dis-
putants became, and when Adams,
notwithstanding his resignation as offi-
cial draftsman, attempted to resume
that role, he found three fourths of his
manuscript ruthlessly eliminated by his
associates.
But accustomed as he had become
by this time to such treatment, there
was one provision in his draft for
which the zealous statesman was pre-
pared to fight, and fight for it he did
with all the resources at his command.
The gist of his proposal was that peace
should follow the mutual restoration
of all territory and property taken
by either side during the war, and that
all matters in dispute between the two
countries should be allowed to remain
exactly as they were before the war
until decided by future and pacific ne-
gotiations.
Of course under such an arrange-
ment the question of impressment of
seamen and the other issues which had
brought about the conflict would re-
main wholly unadjusted, and Clay, re-
membering his passionate crusade in
defense of American sailors, was loath
to see no vindication of their rights.
First he declared that the instructions
of the government did not admit of a
treaty based on any such proposition;
and then, being outvoted, he protested
that he would not sign any document
embodying it. But finally, after he had
backed and filled for many days, he
appended his signature.
More than two weeks passed before
any reply was received to this momen-
tous communication, and meanwhile
dispatches arrived from the Washing-
ton government expressly authorizing
the envoys to conclude peace on pre-
cisely the terms for which Adams had
so stoutly and successfully contended.
This, of course, disposed of Clay's ob-
jections, but when on November 26 the
long-expected response arrived from
England, he completely lost his tem-
per, for the British authorities, while
making no reference to the question
of the fisheries, expressly stipulated
for the continuance of Great Britain's
privileges in regard to the navigation
of the Mississippi.
This immediately precipitated a vio-
lent dispute between Adams and Clay
which threatened to bring the entire
negotiation to a disastrous close. Gal-
latin, however, handled the combat-
ants with consummate skill, displaying
such sympathy, tact, humor, and pa-
tience that his influence was irresistible,
and a compromise was finally effected
which permitted the business to pro-
ceed. This compromise took the form
of an offer on behalf of the United
States to concede to England the
right of navigating the Mississippi in
exchange for the continuation of the
fishing privileges; but Clay did not sur-
render with good grace. Indeed, he as-
serted that the Commission was making
*a damned bad treaty,' and intimated
more than once that he would not sign
ADVENTURES IN AMERICAN DIPLOMACY
241
it. But by this time Adams had re-
gained control of his temper, and when
Gallatin, losing patience, commented
severely on Clay's unseasonable trifling,
the Kentuckian yielded, and the joint
conferences were renewed.
Had the English envoys been aware
of the dangerous split in their oppo-
nents' ranks they might have man-
oeuvred effectively to widen the breach.
Not a sign of their bitter internal strife
was visible, however, when the Amer-
icans met their adversaries face to face.
To all outward appearances they were
men of one mind, with a settled policy,
ready to support each other on every
point at a moment's notice. Indeed,
their magnificent exhibition of team-
play and their solid, formidable front,
maintained with the utmost gravity,
produced a moral effect which unques-
tionably hastened the result.
But the heart-breaking compromise
which had almost rent them asunder
was not accepted by the English Com-
missioners, who, after much discussion,
finally submitted a counter-proposition
to reserve all questions concerning the
Mississippi and the fisheries for future
negotiation. The Americans immedi-
VOL.114-N0.2
ately saw that such an agreement
might be construed as a waiver of what
they deemed to be their rights. But
there was no longer any scope for
further give-and-take. Adams and his
associates therefore proposed that a
treaty be concluded without any men-
tion of either of the hotly disputed
claims, and this suggestion was event-
ually accepted by the English Com-
missioners. Still, the result was not
reached without a hard struggle, for
Gambier, Goulburn, and Dr. Adams,
although overmatched by their oppo-
nents in point of ability, displayed
good fighting qualities, and the end did
not come until the year (1814) was
drawing to a close. On Christmas Eve,
however, the Commissioners gathered
to sign the completed document, and
as Adams delivered the American cop-
ies to Lord Gambier, he expressed the
hope that it would be the last treaty
of peace between Great Britain and the
United States.
Thus ended the great game of diplo-
matic * brag ' which, played to a finish,
left each side a winner and promoted a
friendship which has lasted throughout
a hundred years.
THE AFTERNOON RIDE OF
PAUL REVERE COLUMBUS DOBBS
BY VIRGINIA BAKER
PAUL REVERE COLUMBUS DOBBS,
more generally known in the family
circle and throughout Riverport by the
abbreviated title of * Polly Clum,' stood
before his mother in an attitude of re-
spectful attention.
Mrs. Dobbs, tall, portly, and ma-
jestic, in a freshly ironed green-and-
yellow striped calico gown and a tur-
key-red turban of towering proportions,
admonished her son, punctuating her
mandates with a menacing forefinger.
'You shif'less, fedder-headed, re-
factory young one, you listen ter me
an* you listen keerful, too. I's goin'
ter Brayton ter wash fer Mis' Cunnle
Porter an' I specs ter be gone mos' all
day. I's goin' ter take C'nelia 'Melia
wid me, but de odder chilluns you done
got ter min' ter hum. An' doan' you
cut no sech monkeyshines wid 'em ez
you done cut de day yer pa an' me went
ter de gin'ral mustard. Ef you does
I'll sholy skun yer hide when I gits
back. Youhyerme?'
Polly Clum curled his toes meekly
on the kitchen floor.'
'Yas'm,' he responded earnestly,
* I 's lis'nin' wid all mah ears an' eyes/
*I specs you ter do ebery thing ter
'muse dem chilluns an' keep 'em outer
trouble,' Mrs. Dobbs continued. 'Doan'
you let Moses Pharaoh git afire, an'
doan' you let dem twins paddle in dat
tub ob bluein' water in de yard. You
know dat whateber Florindy Lady
Washin'ton does, Lucindy Queener
Scots is boun' ter foller. An' doan' you
242
let 'Mericus Poleum touch de cole poke
an' beans tell dinner time. I 's hid de
merlasses jug where none ob you cyan't
find it. You goin' ter 'bey mah deflec-
tions, huh?'
'Yas'm,' reiterated Polly Clum, 'I's
sholy goin' ter do zackly ez you tells
me, mammy.'
Mrs. Dobbs, somewhat reassured by
Polly Clum's humble and attentive
demeanor, modified her tones.
'Poll Rebere C'lumbus,' she said
solemnly, 'inter yer han's I's done
c'mitted de 'tegrity and de poppilar-
ity ob de Dobbs fambly fer de res' ob
dis day. Lib up ter de ingrejents ob yer
fambly, Polly C'lum. 'Member dat
yer pa's grandpa warn't no common,
low-down, slabe nigger from Carliny,
ner no sech place. He was brung
straight ter Rhode Islan' off 'n de gole
coast ob Africky. Neber fergit dat you
is a descenderation ob a Guinea.'
'No, mammy, I ain't a-goin' ter fer-
git it,' replied Polly Clum, rearing his
kinky crest proudly. 'All de time you
is gone I's a-goin' ter keep a-sayin',
"I's a descenderation! I's a descen-
deration!'1
: 'Member, too,' went on Mrs. Dobbs,
greatly encouraged by the evident im-
pression she had produced upon her
offspring, who usually displayed a
callous indifference to the grandeur of
the family tree, ' 'member, too, dat you
was n't baptized by no low-down, on-
regeririt name. Yer pa an' me gib you
de names ob two ob de most extin-
THE RIDE OF PAUL REVERE COLUMBUS DOBBS
243
guished pussons dat eber transmigra-
ted de yearth. Ole Gin'ral Poll Rebere
owned de fastest racehorse ob Rebo-
lutionary times. An' Cap'n C'lumbus
was a gret trabeller an' diskivered
'Merica afore Wash 'n' ton was selected
pres'dunt. You lib up ter dem names,
Polly Clum. Tain't eberybuddy done
got sech 'sponsible names ez you has.'
'Yas'm, mammy, I's goin' ter lib
right clus 'longside ob 'em,' cried Polly
Clum with enthusiasm. 'I's a-goin' ter
hole on ter dem names by de wool. I is
sholy.'
Mrs. Dobbs heaved a sigh of satis-
faction, but further admonitions on her
part were cut short by the rumble of
wheels outside the house, and the en-
trance of Americus Napoleon, shouting
excitedly, —
'Cunnle Porter done come fer you,
mammy, an' he done come in a shay!'
Mrs. Dobbs hastily shrouded her
turban in a green veil, wrapped the
two-year-old Cornelia Amelia in an an-
cient blue shawl, and hurried out to
the waiting conveyance. The children
clambered upon the fence and watched
her movements with interested eyes.
As the colonel's old gray horse started
down the dusty road, Moses Pharaoh
uttered an ear-piercing whoop expres-
sive of delight. But whether delight
at his parent's departure, or at her
departure in such state, did not appear.
Polly Clum maintained a dignified
silence until the chaise disappeared
around a curve in the road. Then, as-
suming as far as possible his mother's
tone and manner, he proceeded to is-
sue his commands for the day.
'You, Florindy Washin'ton, don't
stan' thar a-gappin' at me but hike
inter de house an' tackle dem break-
fus' dishes. 'N' you, Lucindy Queener,
lif dem lazy feets an' git Jinson John-
son ter sleep. 'Mericus Poleum, did n't
you done hyer me tell you ter grapple
de axe? Youan'Mose Pharaoh take
de bushel baxits an' romble inter de
grove an' c'lec' some kin'lin' wood.
An' you, Prunella Ar'bella, you bresh
up de kitchen floor an' doan' let any
dirt gedder under yer heels while you
is doin' it.'
Americus Napoleon, as being next
in age to Polly Clum, displayed a some-
what mutinous spirit.
'T'ink I's goin' do all de wuk an'
you do nuttin' but speechify?' he de-
manded. 'I kin lick de wool off 'n yer
haid, I kin.'
'Mericus,' Polly Clum responded
loftily, 'de 'tegrity an' de poppilarity
ob dis fambly is mistrusted ter me fer
de day, an' I's goin' ter circumspeck
'em both. You may fergit you is a
descenderation, but I's a-goin' ter
'member it. Yaas, sir. You hop out
ter dem woods.'
Silenced, if not convinced, Americus,
followed by Moses Pharaoh, betook
himself to his alloted task, and Polly
Clum entered the kitchen and perched
himself on the back of a broken chair.
Thus enthroned, he calmly chewed
spruce gum while Florinda and Pru-
nella performed their domestic labors,
stimulated to unusual diligence by oc-
casional prods of his swinging foot.
Lucinda, obedient to orders, sat
rocking the infant Jinson Johnson in
her arms while she crooned her own
particular version of the nursery
rhyme, —
Bile ober, Baby Buntin',
Yer daddy 's done gone huntin'
Ter fetch a liT rabbit skin
Ter wrop de bilin' baby in.
Incited by this suggestive ballad,
Jinson Johnson proceeded to ' bile over '
in a series of blood-curdling shrieks,
which were finally silenced only by
the sacrifice of a large lump of moist
brown sugar which the harried Queen
of Scots had abstracted from the su-
gar-bowl, that morning, for her own
delectation.
244 THE RIDE OF PAUL REVERE COLUMBUS DOBBS
When the dishes were at last finish-
ed, the kitchen tidied, and Jinson John-
son locked in saccharine slumber, Polly
Clum relaxed his dignity sufficiently to
propose an adjournment to the yard for
a game of hide-and-seek. By the time
this pastime was ended it was high
noon and the twins repaired indoors to
prepare dinner. Americus and Moses
appeared with the kindling wood, very
tired, hungry, and rebellious. Even the
cold pork, beans, and brown bread,
temptingly arranged upon the wash-
bench under the shade of a spreading
apple tree, failed to pacify the defiant
spirit of Americus.
*I tell you what, Polly Clum,' he
declared shrilly, 'I's jest ez nigh re-
lated ter Guinea folks ez you is, an' I
ain't goin' ter enjure no more ob yer
riotin' ober mah haid. Is you fed Bel-
shazzar?'
'No, I ain't,' Polly Clum answered
shortly.
'Onlessen you feed him he'll go
hongry,' returned Americus. 'Me an'
Moses Pharaoh is wukked enough dis
mawnin'. We's goin' ter loaf dis after-
noon, we is.' x
'Ef Poleum an' Mose ain't goin' ter
wuk no more, me an' Florindy an'
Prunella Ar'bella ain't goin' ter wuk,
neider,' unexpectedly proclaimed the
Queen of Scots, who, of all the Dobbs
olive branches, was considered to be the
most meek and yielding. 'We's goin'
ter set out on de woodshed step and
knit stockin's lak ladies does.'
Polly Clum's gaze swept the circle
of hostile faces. Every pair of darkly
rolling eyes sparkled defiantly. He de-
cided that diplomacy was the better
part of valor.
'I's 'tendin' ter deliber dat bull his
orations, mahself,' he said with dignity .
Ignoring Americus, he addressed Lu-
cinda. 'You is all ben berry good chil-
luns, ter-day, an' I's goin' ter projeck
a neward of merit. Arter dese dishes
is did I's goin' ter gib you all a ride
roun' de town.'
Florinda Lady Washington uttered
a squeal of mingled amazement, delight,
and fear.
'Pappy '11 sholy skun you ef you
hitch up Belshazzar,' she cried. 'He
done tole you nebber ter tech him on-
lessn he gib you remission ter.'
'Mammy done demanded me ter
'muse you an' keep you outer trouble,'
Polly Clum responded, loftily, 'an' I's
goin' ter f oiler her rejections. I kin
dribe dat bull lak he is a lamb.'
'I's afeared pappy '11 whale us,'
whimpered the Queen of Scots.
'How he goin' ter know 'bout de
ride?' questioned Americus, suddenly
veering to Polly Clum's support. ' He
ain't comin' back from Newport tell
ter-morrer. Who's goin' blab ebery
triflin' ting dat has recurred ter-day?'
' I 's done begun ter dismember sech
foolishness a'ready,' Moses Pharaoh
declared.
The twins gazed fearfully at one
another. Then, simultaneously, they
sprang to their feet and began to hustle
the dishes into the kitchen.
Polly Clum, followed by Americus
and Moses, hastened to a dilapidated
shed which occupied one corner of the
yard. Belshazzar, a large red and white
animal whose naturally fierce disposi-
tion had been humbled by age and much
hard labor, softly bellowed a welcome
as the boys entered.
While the bull contentedly ate his
dinner, the brothers drew a large tip-
cart, painted blue, from behind the
shed. This tip-cart was one of the most
valuable assets in the possession of the
Dobbs family. During the morning
hours Mr. Dobbs was accustomed to
make use of it for the purpose of col-
lecting rags, old bottles, bones, and
similar merchandise. During the after-
noon hours it was utilized as a family
equipage.
THE RIDE OF PAUL REVERE COLUMBUS DOBBS
245
Polly Clum surveyed the vehicle
critically.
1 'Pears lak dis yere kerridge oughter
'splay some desecrations,' he observed.
'You, Poleum an' Mose, hike ober ter
dat grove agin an' fotch me some neb-
bergreens.'
Moses and Americus hastened across
the road, quickly returning with sev-
eral large hemlock boughs.
Polly Clum deftly arranged these
along the side of the cart.
' Huh ! ' grunted Americus. ' How we
goin' ter see de sights? We done got
ter set on de floor ob dat cyart. Speck
we kin stretch our necks, lak geeses
does, ober dem limbs?'
'Hole your fool tongue, Poleum,' re-
sponded Polly Clum. ' I 's derangin 'dis
hyer ride. I's goin' ter put mammy's
bigges' washtub in dat cyart. Den all
you chilluns kin set on de aidge an'
res' yer feets on de tub's bottom. What
goin' hender you all from seein' de
sights, I lak ter know?'
He reentered the shed and led Bel-
shazzar forth. To the animal's horns
he fastened a much frayed and soiled
piece of sail-cloth which, hanging down
over his eyes, prevented the bull from
seeing anything save the ground. From
a peg in the shed he took down a sort
of rope cat's-cradle, with which he pro-
ceeded to harness Belshazzar to the tip-
cart. The cat's-cradle was popularly
said to be composed of every known
variety of cordage, from hawser to
signal halyards, and displayed so many
knots that rumor declared that Mrs.
Dobbs punished particularly refractory
children by compelling them to count
them over and over until exhaustion
conquered their rebellious spirits.
While Polly Clum adjusted this com-
plicated piece of handiwork, Americus
and Moses brought from the kitchen a
mammoth washtub which Mr. Dobbs
had recently constructed from a quar-
ter section of a molasses hogshead.
This they hoisted into the cart. Bel-
shazzar was then led to the front of the
house.
Lady Washington stood before the
cracked mirror in the kitchen putting
the finishing touches to her toilette.
; 'Pears lak dey stan' up lak a passel
ob squir'ls' tails,' she observed, sur-
veying with marked disapprobation the
eight stiff braids which surrounded her
head like a wooly halo. 'I's goin' ter
borry mammy's back comb an' cotch
'em all inter a hunch.'
' Ef you is goin' ter dress up in dat
comb I's goin' ter dedorn mah han's
with mammy's white mitts,' announced
the Queen of Scots.
'An' I's goin' ter membellish mah-
self with her blue necklidge,' added
Prunella Arabella.
'Better let dem beads 'lone,' warned
Florinda. 'Mammy say de cord dey
strung on li'ble ter bust any time.'
Prunella surveyed her sister loftily.
'What you t'ink?' she demanded.
'T'ink caze you'n' Lucindy Queener is
goin' on ten an' I's goin' on eight dat
I ain't ob no quinsequence? Mammy
done say yistiddy, dat I is de genteel-
est 'pearin' an' de pollutest manner-
ed pusson in de fambly. Ef you dpan'
stop noratin' 'bout necklidges I 's jest
sholy goin' ter delighten mammy 'bout
dat comb an' dem mitts ez soon'z she
'rives back from Bray ton. You better
recomsider what you done say.'
'I ain't nebber out an' out erected ye
not ter wear dem beads,' returned Lady
Washington, hastily. 'I on'y kinder
hinted a s'posin' sump'n' might hap-
pen. I sholy t'ink dat dey would set
off yer looks, Ar'bella. I done tell Lu-
cindy Queener more'n onct, dat blue
is yer mos' becomin'est color.'
'An' I tink you better both quit jaw-
in' an' come 'long fore de day ends,'
interrupted the Queen of Scots, impa-
tiently. 'De kerridge is at de do'.'
She caught up Jinson Johnson, who
246
THE RIDE OF PAUL REVERE COLUMBUS DOBBS
had wakened from his nap in a state of
cherubic amiability, and hurried from
the house, closely followed by Florinda
bearing a gay, albeit somewhat tat-
tered, patchwork bedquilt. Prunella,
triumphantly dignified, stalked majest-
ically in their wake.
The quilt was carefully placed in
the tub and the smiling infant deposited
upon it. Then the three girls clamber-
ed in and took their seats besides Mo-
ses Pharaoh and Americus, who were
already balancing themselves on the
tub's edge. Lucinda leaned back among
the hemlock boughs and carelessly
dropped one mitted hand over the side
of the cart.
'Leab dat ter hum,' she commanded,
as Polly Clum was about to slip the
tail-board into place. * How's any
pusson goin* ter extinguish us ef you
puts dat t'ing up?'
'It sholy ought ter be up,' argued
Polly Clum. ' You s'pose dat Pres 'dunt
Po'k dribes roun' in his scoach wid de
do' wide open?'
'Huh! What you know 'bout Pres'-
dunt Po'k?' the Queen retorted. 'I's
done got 'speriunce dat you ain't neb-
ber dreamt ob. What you t'ink Mis'
Po'k ride 'bout for, all nornamented wid
lace and fedders, ef 't ain't ter make
folkses gap' at her? You is mighty
donkeyfied some ways, Polly Clum.'
Polly Clum silently cast the offend-
ing board on the ground and climbed
into the cart. Gathering up the hemp-
en reins, he struck Belshazzar smartly
with their knotted ends.
'Gwan, you wuthless ole piece ob
beef!' he shouted. 'Kick up dem tur-
kle slow huffs ol? yours ef you doan'
wanter fin' yer tough hide in de tan-
yard befo' de chickens goes ter roost!
You hyer me?'
Thus admonished, Belshazzar start-
ed off at a brisk walk, switching his
tail as if conscious that unusual events
were happening. The Dobbs residence
was located in the suburbs of Riverport
and, for some little distance, the turn-
out attracted no attention. But when
Belshazzar approached the compact
part of the town, it became the cyno-
sure of all eyes. Merchants hastened
to their shop doors to gaze at it; wo-
men left their household tasks to peer
curiously from windows ; groups of chil-
dren ran after it, shouting, hooting,
and squealing with delight.
The circle of dusky faces that crowned
the washtub was radiant with pride
and satisfaction. Lucinda returned the
noisy salutations by waving her lace-
mitted hands. Florinda bowed grace-
fully to right and left, displaying the
high comb to the best advantage.
Prunella negligently fingered the blue
necklace as she occasionally bent her
head. The less aristocratic Americus
and Moses indulged in a series of grim-
aces that would have driven a monkey
wild with envy, had such an animal
been numbered among the spectators.
Polly Clum alone maintained an ap-
pearance of stately indifference to his
surroundings. The blood of a long
line of kings of the Guinea coast was
pulsing rapturously in his veins, but
he gave no visible sign of elation. He
thought of Paul Revere and felt that
he had a right to bear that hero's name.
In Riverport there were two prin-
cipal highways connected by a number
of shorter streets. Up one of these
streets plodded Belshazzar, the long
line of his followers increasing at every
corner. Dogs added their yelps and
barks to the general hubbub. A youth-
ful poet chanted in a shrill falsetto, —
Rub-a-dub-dub,
Five Dobbs in a tub,
And who do you think was there ?
Mose, Poleum, 'Cindy,
Prunelle and Florindy.
My gum! How the people all stare!
At last the boundary line of the ad-
jacent town of Oldfield was reached
THE RIDE OF PAUL REVERE COLUMBUS DOBBS
247
and the vehicle turned about. And then
occurred the catastrophe which made
the afternoon ride of Paul Revere
Columbus Dobbs as famous in the an-
nals of his native place as the mid-
night ride of his illustrious namesake
is famous in the annals of the Revo-
lution.
Belshazzar, realizing that he was
now being driven in the direction of
home, quickened his pace almost to a
trot. Up the main street bounced the
cart with a tremendous clatter and
rattle. But, just as the bull reached the
centre of the town, the piece of cord
that held his sail-cloth blinder in place
snapped and the bit of canvas fluttered
to the ground. At the same moment
a peddler's wagon, painted a glowing
vermilion, came jogging around a near-
by corner.
Belshazzar eyed this flaming appari-
tion for a second and then, with a thun-
derous bellow, charged upon it. The
peddler had barely time to swerve
aside ere the bull dashed by at a mad
gallop, his horns lowered, his angry
orbs emitting flashes of demoniac fire.
The scurrying bystanders caught a
fleeting glimpse of six ebony faces rigid
with terror and consternation. Then
the cart came into sudden and violent
contact with the town pump. It ca-
reened wildly, the thole-pin gave way,
and out of the vehicle shot the wash-
tub with its cargo of human freight.
Maddened by the shrieks of his vic-
tims, Belshazzar threw his heels high in
the air and tore on like a hurricane,
leaving a trail of tub staves, hemlock
boughs, wearing apparel, and bruised
and dust-covered Dobbses in his wake.
Americus Napoleon was the first to
recover his senses after the rude shock.
Slowly he got upon his feet and blinked
his bewildered eyes. Then he uttered
a cry of anguish that curdled the blood
in the veins of his hearers.
'Cunnle Porter's shay!' he wailed.
'It's a-comin' wid mammy in it! It's
right here clus to us ! An' mammy hez
too ken de hoss-whip out ob de socket!
O laws-a-mussy, what we pore frien'-
less chilluns goin' ter do now?'
At the sound of his voice the chaise
came to a halt, and Mrs. Dobbs de-
scended upon her offspring like a dark
avenging angel. She gazed at the blue
beads rolling in the dust, at the tooth-
less back comb lying at her feet, at the
torn and blood-stained mitts on the
hands of the terrified Queen of Scots,
at the writhing form of Jinson John-
son wrapped in the fragments of the
once gay quilt. Then she caught Polly
Clum by the woolly top-knot that crin-
kled above his brow.
'You onsanctified, distrustable, nero-
gatory descenderation ob a barbarious
Guinea nigger ! ' she began.
But Polly Clum with a mighty effort
wrenched himself from her grasp and
fled in the footsteps of Belshazzar,
leaving his less fortunate brothers and
sisters to the dire fate that awaited
them.
THE GAME
BY SIMEON STRUNSKY
OFTEN I think how monotonous life
must be to Jerome D. Travers or Fran-
cis Ouimet, — compared, that is, with
what life can offer to a player of my
quality. When Travers drives off, it is
a question whether the ball will go 245
yards or 260 yards; and a difference of
fifteen yards is obviously nothing to
thrill over. Whereas, when I send the
ball from the tee the possible range of
variation is always 100 yards, running
from 155 down to 55; provided, that
is, that the ball starts at all. To me
there is always a freshness of surprise
in having the club meet the ball, which
Travers, I dare say, has not experi-
enced in the last dozen years.
With him, of course, it is not sport,
but mathematics. A wooden club will
give one result, an iron another. The
sensation of getting greater distance
with a putting iron than with a brassie
is something Ouimet can hardly look
forward to. Always mathematics, with
this kind of swing laying the ball fif-
teen feet on the farther side of the
hole, and that kind of chop laying it
ten feet on the nearer side. I have fre-
quently thought that playing off the
finals for the golf championship is a
waste of time. All that is necessary is
to call in Professor Miinsterberg and
have him test Travers's blood-press-
ure and reaction index on the morning
of the game, and then take * Chick'
Evans's blood-pressure and reaction
index. The referee would then award
the game to Travers or to Evans by 2
248
up and 1 to play, or whatever score
Professor Miinsterberg's figures would
indicate.
The true zest of play is for the duffer.
When he swings club or racket he can
never tell what miracles of accomplish-
ment or negation it will perform. That
is not an inanimate instrument he holds
in his hands, but a living companion, a
totem comrade whom he is impelled
to propitiate, as Hiawatha crooned to
his arrow before letting it fly from the
string. And that is why duffers are pe-
culiarly qualified to write about games,
or for that matter, about everything,
— literature, music, or art, — as they
have always done. To be sufficiently
inexpert in anything is to be filled with
corresponding awe at the hidden soul
in that thing. To be sufficiently re-
moved from perfection is to worship it.
Poets, for example, are preeminently
the interpreters of life because they
make such an awful mess of the prac-
tice of living. And for the same reason
poets always retain the zest of life —
because the poet never knows whether
his next shot will land him on the green
or in the sandpit, in heaven or in the
gutter. The reader will now be aware
that in describing my status as a golfer
I am not making a suicidal confession.
On the contrary, I am presenting my
credentials.
ii
A great many people have been
searching during ever so many years for
the religion of democracy. I believe I
have found it. That is, not a religion,
THE GAME
249
if by it you mean a system completely
equipped with creed, formularies, or-
ganization, home and foreign missions,
schisms, an empty-church problem, an
underpaid-minister's problem, a Social-
ist and I.W.W. problem, and the like;
although, if I had the time to pursue
my researches, I might find a parallel to
many of these things. What I have in
mind is a great democratic rite, a cere-
monial which is solemnized on six days
in the week during six months in the
year by large masses of men with such
unfailing regularity and such unques-
tioning good faith that I cannot help
thinking of it as essentially a religious
performance.
It is a simple ceremonial, but im-
pressive, like all manifestations of the
soul of a multitude. I need only close
my eyes to call up the picture vividly:
It is a day of brilliant sunshine and a
great crowd of men is seated in the open
air, a crowd made up of all conditions,
ages, races, temperaments, and states
of mind. The crowd has sat there an
hour or more, while the afternoon sun
has slanted deeper into the west and
the shadows have crept across green-
sward and hard-baked clay to the east-
ern horizon. Then, almost with a single
motion, — the time may be somewhere
between four-thirty and five o'clock, —
this multitude of divers minds and tem-
pers rises to its feet and stands silent,
while one might count twenty perhaps.
Nothing is said; no high priest intones
prayer for this vast congregation;
nevertheless the impulse of ten thou-
sand hearts is obviously focused into
a single desire. When you have counted
twenty the crowd sinks back to the
benches. A half minute at most and
the rite is over.
I am speaking, of course, of the second
half of the seventh inning, when the
home team comes to bat. The precise
nature of this religious half-minute de-
pends on the score. If the home team
holds a safe lead of three or four runs;
if the home pitcher continues to have
everything, and the infield shows no
sign of cracking, and the outfield is n't
bothered by the sun, then I always
imagine a fervent Te Deum arising
from that inarticulate multitude, and
the peace of a great contentment fall-
ing over men's spirits as they settle
back in their seats. If the game is in
the balance you must imagine the con-
centration of ten thousand wills on the
spirit of the nine athletes in the field,
ten thousand wills telepathically pour-
ing their energies into the powerful arm
of the man in the box, into the quick
eye of the man on first base, and the
sense of justice of the umpire.
But if the outlook for victory is
gloomy, the rite does not end with the
silent prayer I have described. As the
crowd subsides to the benches there
arises a chant which I presume harks
back to the primitive litanies of the
Congo forests. Voices intone unkind
words addressed to the players on the
other team. Ten thousand voices
chanting in unison for victory, twenty
thousand feet stamping confusion to
the opposing pitcher — if this is not
worship of the most fundamental sort,
because of the most primitive sort, then
what is religion?
Consider the mere number of parti-
cipants in this national rite of the sev-
enth inning. I have said a multitude of
ten thousand. But if the day be Sat-
urday and the place of worship one of
the big cities of either of the major
leagues, the crowd may easily be twice
as large. And all over the country at
almost the same moment, exultant or
hopeful or despairing multitudes are
rising to their feet. Multiply this num-
ber of worshipers by six days — or by
seven days if you are west of the Al-
leghanies, where Sunday baseball has
somehow been reconciled with a still
vigorous Puritanism — and it is appa-
250
THE GAME
rent that a continuous wave of spiritual
ardor sweeps over this continent be-
tween three-thirty and six P.M. from
the middle of April to the middle of Oc-
tober. We can only guess at the total
number of worshipers. The three major
leagues will account for five millions.
Add the minor leagues and the state
leagues and the interurban contests —
and the total of seventh-inning com-
municants grows overwhelming. Take
the twenty-five million males of voting
age in this country, assume one visit
per head to a baseball park in the sea-
son, and the result is dazzling.
It is easier to estimate the number of
worshipers than the intensity of the
mood. I have no gauge for measuring
the spiritual fervor which exhales on
the baseball stadiums of the country
from mid- April to mid-October, grow-
ing in ardor with the procession of the
months, until it attains a climax of
orgiastic frenzy in the World's Series.
Foreigners are in the habit of calling
this an unspiritual nation. But what
nation so frequently tastes — or for
that matter has ever tasted — the emo-
tional experience of the score tied in the
ninth inning with the bases full? For-
eigners call us an unspiritual people
because they do not know the meaning
of a double-header late in September
— a double-header with two seventh
innings.
I began by renouncing any claim to
the discovery of a complete religion of
democracy. But the temptation to
point out parallels is irresistible. If
Dr. Frazer had not finished with his
Golden Bough, — or if he is thinking
of a supplementary volume, — I can
see how easily the raw material of the
sporting columns would shape itself
to religious forces and systems in his
hands. If religious ceremonial has its
origin in the play instinct of man, why
go back to remote origins like the Aus-
tralian corroboree and neglect Ty Cobb
stealing second ? If religion has its ori-
gin in primitive man's worship of the
eternal rebirth of earth's fructifying
powers with the advent of spring, how
can we neglect the vivid stirring in the
hearts of millions that marks the de-
parture of the teams for spring training
in Texas?
If I were a trained professional soci-
ologist instead of a mere spectator at
the Polo grounds, it seems to me that I
should have little trouble in tracing the
history of the game several thousand
years back of its commonly accepted
origin somewhere about 1830. I could
easily trace back the catcher's mask to
the mask worn by the medicine-man
among the Swahili of the West Coast.
The three bases and home-plate would
easily be the points of the compass, go-
ing straight back to the sun myth.
Murray pulling down a fly in left field
would hark back straight to Zoroaster
and the sun-worshipers. Millions of
primitive hunters must have anointed,
and prayed to, their weapons before
Jeff Tesreau addressed his invocation
to the spit ball; and when Mathewson
winds himself up for delivering the
ball, he is not far removed from the
sacred warrior dancer of Polynesia. If
only I were a sociologist!
An ideal faith, this religion of base-
ball, the more you examine it. See, for
instance, how it satisfies the prime re-
quirement of a true faith that it shall
ever be present in the hearts of the
faithful ; practiced not once a week on
Sunday, but six times a week — and in
the West seven times a week; professed
not only in the appointed place of wor-
ship, but in the Subway before the
game, and in the Subway after the
game, and in the offices and shops and
factories on rainy days. If a true re-
ligion is that for which a man will give
up wife and children and forget the call
of meat and drink, what shall we say
of baseball? If a true religion is not
THE GAME
251
dependent on aesthetic trappings, but
voices itself under the open sky and
among the furniture of common life,
this is again the true religion. The sta-
dium lies open to the sun, the rain, and
the wind. The mystic sense is not stim-
ulated by Gothic roof-traceries and the
dimmed light of stained-glass windows.
The congregation rises from wooden
benches on a concrete flooring; it stands
in the full light of a summer afternoon
and lets its eyes rest on walls of bill-
boards reminiscent of familiar things,
— linen collars, table-waters, tobacco,
safety-razors. Unquestionably we have
here a clear, dry, real religion of the
kind that Bernard Shaw would approve.
I have said quite enough on this
point. Otherwise I should take time to
show how this national faith has created
its own architecture, as all great reli-
gions have done. Our national contri-
bution to the building arts has so far
been confined to two forms — the sky-
scraper and the baseball stadium, cor-
responding precisely to the two great
religions of business and of play. I
know that the Greeks and Romans had
amphitheatres, and that the word sta-
dium is not of native origin. But be-
tween the Coliseum and the baseball
park there is all the difference that lies
between imperialism and democracy.
The ancient amphitheatres were built
as much for monuments as for play-
grounds. Consequently they were im-
pressed with an aesthetic character
which is totally repugnant to our idea
of a baseball park.
There is no spiritual resemblance be-
tween Vespasian's amphitheatre with
its stone and marble, its galleries and
imperial tribunes, its purple canvases
stretched out against the sun — and
our own Polo grounds. Iron girders,
green wooden benches, and a back
fence frescoed with safety-razors and
ready-made clothing — what more
would a modern man have? The ancient
amphitheatres were built for slaves
who had to be flattered and amused by
pretty things. The baseball park is for
freemen who pay for their pleasures and
can afford the ugliest that money can
buv.
t/
in
The art of keeping my eye on the
ball is something I no longer have hope
of mastering. If I fail to watch the ball
it is because I am continually watching
faces about me. The same habit pur-
sues me on the street and in all public
places — usually with unpleasant con-
sequences, though now and then I have
the reward of catching the reflection
of a great event or a tense moment in
the face of the man next to me. Then,
indeed, I am repaid ; but it is a proced-
ure fatal to the scientific pursuit of
baseball. While I am hunting in the
face of the man next to me for the re-
flection of Doyle's stinging single be-
tween first and second base, I hear a
roar and turn to find that something
dramatic has happened at third, and
a stout young man in a green hat be-
hind me says that the runner was out
by a yard and should be benched for
trying to spike the man on the bag.
The eagle vision of the stout young
man behind me always fills me with
amazement and envy. I concede his
superior knowledge of the game. He
knows every man on the field by his
walk. He recalls under what circum-
stances the identical play was pulled
off three years ago in Philadelphia. He
knows beforehand just at what mo-
ment Mr. Chance will take his left
fielder out of the game and send in a
* pinch hitter.' Long years of steady
application will no doubt supply this
kind of post-graduate expertship. But
when it is a question, not of theory, but
of a simple, concrete play which I did
happen to be watching carefully, how
is it that the man behind me can see
THE GAME
that the runner was out by a yard and
had nearly spiked the man on the bag,
whereas all I can see is a tangle of legs
and arms and a cloud of dust? My eye-
sight is normal; how does my neighbor
manage to see all that he does as quick-
ly as he does?
The answer is that he does not see.
When he declares that the runner was
out by a yard, and I turn around and
regard him with envy, it is a comfort
to have the umpire decide that the run-
ner was safe after all. It is a comfort
to hear the man behind me say that
the ball cut the plate squarely, and to
have the umpire call it a ball. It shakes
my faith somewhat in human nature,
but it strengthens my self-confidence.
Yet it fails to shake the self-confidence
of the man behind me. When I turn
about to see his crestfallen face, I find
him chewing peanut brittle in a state
of supreme calm, and as I stare at him,
fascinated by such peace of mind in the
face of discomfiture, I hear a yell and
turn to find the third baseman and all
the outfield congregated near the left
bleachers. I have made a psychological
observation, but have missed the be-
ginning of a double play.
My chagrin is temporary. As the
game goes on my self-confidence grows
enormously. I am awakening to the
fact that the man behind me knows as
little about the game as I do. When
the pitcher of the visiting team de-
livered the first ball of the first inning,
the man behind me remarked that the
pitcher did n't have anything.^ My
neighbor could tell by the pitcher's arm
action that he was stale, and he re-
called that the pitcher in question never
did last more than half a game. This
declaration of absolute belief did not
stand in the way of a contradictory
remark, made some time in the fifth
inning, with our team held so far to
two scratch hits. The stout young man
behind me then said that the visiting
pitcher was a wonder, that he had
everything, that he would keep on fan-
ning them till the cows came home,
and that he was, in fact, the best
southpaw in both leagues, having once
struck out eight men in an eleven-inn-
ing game at Boston.
When a man gives vent to such ob-
viously irreconcilable statements in less
than five innings, it is inevitable that
I should turn in my seat to get a square
look at him. But I still find him calm
and eating peanut brittle; and as I stare
at him and try to classify him, the man
at the bat does something which brings
half the crowd to its feet. By dint of
much inquiry I discover that he has
rolled a slow grounder to third and has
made his base on it. Decidedly, psy-
chology and baseball will not mix.
I suppose the stout young man be-
hind me is a Fan, — provided there is
really such a type. My own belief is
that the Fan, as the baseball writers
and cartoonists have depicted him, is a
very rare being. To the extent that he
does exist he is the creation, not of the
baseball diamond, but of the sporting
writer and the comic artist. The Fan
models himself consciously upon the
typeset before him in his favorite news-
paper. It is once more a case of nature
imitating art. If Mr. Gibson, many
years ago, had not drawn a picture
of fat men in shirt-sleeves, perspiring
freely and waving straw hats, the news-
paper artist would not have imitated
Mr. Gibson, and the baseball audience
would not have imitated the newspa-
pers. It is true that I, have seen base-
ball crowds in frenzy; but these have
been isolated moments of high tension
when all of us have been brought to
our feet with loud explosions of joy
or agony. But the perspiring, ululant
Fan in shirt-sleeves, ceaselessly waving
his straw hat, uttering imprecations
on the enemy, his enthusiasm obvious-
ly aroused by stimulants preceding his
THE GAME
253
arrival at the baseball park, is far from
being representative of the baseball
crowd.
The spirit of the audience is best ex-
pressed in quite a different sort of per-
son. He is always to be seen at the
Polo grounds, and when I think of
baseball audiences it is he who rises
before me to the exclusion of his fat,
perspiring brother with the straw hat.
He is young, tall, slender, wears blue
serge, and even on very cool days in the
early spring he goes without an over-
coat. He sits out the game with folded
arms, very erect, thin-lipped, and with
the break of a smile around the eyes.
He is usually alone, and has little to
say. He is not a snob; he will respond
to his neighbor's comments in moments
of exceptional emotional stress, but he
does not wear his heart on his sleeve.
I imagine him sitting, in very much
the same attitude, in college lecture-
rooms, or taking instructions from the
head of the office. Complete absorp-
tion under complete control — he
fascinates me. While the stout young
man behind me chatters on for his own
gratification, forgetting one moment
what he said the moment before, — an
empty-headed young man with a ten-
dency to profanity as the game goes on,
- this other trim young figure in blue
serge, with folded arms, sits immobile,
watching, watching with a calm that
must come out of real knowledge and
experience, enjoying the thing im-
mensely, but giving no other sign than
a sharper glint of the eye, a slight
opening of the lips. In a moment of
crisis, being only human, he rises with
the rest of us, but deliberately, to fol-
low the course of a high fly down the
foul line far toward the bleachers.
When the ball is caught he smiles and
sits down and folds his arms. I envy
him his capacity for drinking in enjoy-
ment without display. This is the kind
of fan I should like to be.
IV
Does my thin-lipped friend in blue
serge read the sporting page? I won-
der. My own opinion is that he does
not, except to glance through the box-
score. It is for the other man, I imag-
ine, the stout young man behind me
who detected from the first ball thrown
that the pitcher's arm was no good, and
who later identified him as the best
southpaw in the two leagues, that the
sporting page with its humor, its phil-
osophy, its art, and its poetry is edited.
The sporting page has long ceased to be
a mere chronicle of sport and has be-
come an encyclopaedia, an anthology,
a five-foot book-shelf, a little univer-
sity in itself. The life mirrored in the
pictures on the sporting page is not re-
stricted to the prize ring and the dia-
mond, though the language of the prize
ring and the baseball field is its ver-
nacular. The art of the sporting page
has expanded beyond the narrow field
of play to life itself, viewed as play.
The line of development is plain:
from pictures of the Fan at the game
the advance has been to pictures of the
Fan at home, and so on to his wife and
his young, and his Weltanschauung, un-
til now the artist frequently casts aside
all pretense of painting sport and draws
pictures of humanity. The sporting
cartoon has become a social chronicle.
It is still found on the sporting page;
partly, I suppose, because it originated
there, partly because there is no other
place in the paper where it can get so
wide an audience. It entraps the man
in the street who comes to read base-
ball and remains to study contempo-
rary life- - in violent, exaggerated form,
but life none the less.
Even poetry. Sporting columns to-
day run heavily to verse. Here, as well
as in the pictures, there has been an
evolution. From the mere rhymed
chronicle of what happened to Christy
254
THE GAME
Mathewson we have passed on to gen-
eralized reflections on life, expressed, of
course, in terms of the game. Kipling
has been the great model. His lilt and
his * punch ' are so admirably adapted
to the theme and the audience. How
many thousand parodies of 'Danny
Deever' and 'The Vampire' have the
sporting editors printed? I should hesi-
tate to say. But Kipling and his young-
er imitators, with Henley's 'Invictus'
and 'When I was a King in Babylon,'
and the late Langdon Smith's ' Evolu-
tion': 'When I was a Tadpole and
You were a Fish ' — have become the
patterns for a vast popular poetry
which deals in the main with the red-
blooded virtues, — grit, good humor,
and clean hitting, — but which drops
with surprising frequency for an op-
timist race into the mood of Ecclesi-
astes : —
Demon of Slow and of Fast Ones,
Monarch of Moisture and Smoke,
Who made Wagner swing at Anyoldthing,
And Baker look like a Joke.
And the writer goes on to remind the
former king of the boxmen that soon-
er or later 'Old Pop' Tempus asks
for waivers on the best of us, and that
Matty and Johnson must in due time
make way for
Youngsters with pep from the Texas Steppe —
The Minors wait for us all.
Yes, you prince of batsmen, who amidst
the bleachers' roar,
Strolled to the plate with your T. Cobb gait,
Hitting .364 —
alas, Old Pop Tempus has had his
way with you, too: —
Your Average now is Rancid
And the Pellet you used to maul
In Nineteen O Two has the Sign on you —
The Minors wait for us all.
Not that it matters, of course. The point
is to keep on smiling and unafraid in
Bushville as under the Main Tent, al-
ways doing one's best
To swing at the Pill with right good will,
Hitting .364.
This is evidently something more
than a sporting page. This is a cosmo-
logy-
those gentlemen who are in the
habit of sneering at professional base-
ball kindly explain why it is precisely
the professional game which has in-
spired the newspaper poets? Person-
ally I like professional baseball, and
for the very reasons why so many per-
sons profess to dislike it. The game is
played for money by men who play all
the time. They would rather win than
lose, but they are not devoured by the
passion for victory. They will play with
equal zest for Chicago to-day and for
Boston to-morrow. But when you say
all this you are really asserting what I
have discovered to be a fact, — unless
Mr. G. K. Chesterton has discovered
it before me, — that only in profession-
al sport does the true amateur spirit
survive.
By the amateur spirit I mean the
spirit which places the game above the
victory; which takes joy, though it
may be a subdued joy, in the perfect
coordination of mind and muscle and
nerve; which plays to win because vic-
tory is the best available test of abil-
ity, but which is all the time aware that
life has other interests than the stand-
ing of the clubs and the Golf Commit-
tee's official handicap. I contend that
the man who plays to live is a better
amateur than the man who lives to
play. I am not thinking now of the
actual amount of time one gives to the
game, though even then it might be
shown that Mr. Walter J. Travis de-
votes more hours to golf than Mr.
Mathewson devotes to baseball. I am
thinking rather of the adjustment of
the game to the general scheme of life.
It seems to be pretty well established
THE GAME
255
that when your ordinary amateur takes
up golf he deteriorates as a citizen, a
husband and father; but I cannot im-
agine Mr. Walter Johnson neglecting
his family in his passion for baseball.
As between the two, where do you find
the true amateur spirit?
I insist. Professional baseball lacks
the picturesque and stimulating acces-
sories of an intercollegiate game — the
age-old rivalries, the mustering of the
classes, the colors, the pretty women,
the cheering carried on by young lead-
ers to the verge of apoplexy. But after
all, why this Saturnalia of pumped-up
emotion over the winning of a game?
The winning, it will be observed, and
not the playing. Compared with such
an exhibition of the lust for victory, a
professional game with its emphasis on
the performance and not on the result,
comes much nearer to the true heart of
the play instinct. An old topic this, and
a perilous one. Before I know it I shall
be advocating the obsolete standards
of English sport, which would naturally
appeal to a duffer. Well, I will take
the consequences and boldly assert that
there is such a thing as playing too
keenly, — even when playing with per-
fect fairness, — such a thing as buck-
ing the line too hard.
It is distortion of life values. After
all, there are things worth breaking
your heart to achieve and others that
are not worth while. Francis Ouimet's
victory over Vardon and Ray is some-
thing we are justly proud of; not so
much as a display of golf, but as a dis-
play of an unrivaled capacity for rally-
ing all the forces of one's being to the
needs of the moment; for its display of
that grit and nerve on which our civil-
ization has been built so largely. Only
observe, Ouimet's victory was magnifi-
cent, but it was not play. It was fought
in the fierce spirit of the struggle for ex-
istence which it is the purpose of play
to make us forget. It was Homeric, but
who wants baseball or tennis or golf
to be Homeric? Herbert Spencer was
not merely petulant when he said that
to play billiards perfectly argued a mis-
spent life. He stated a profound truth.
To play as Ouimet did against Vardon
and Ray argues a distortion of the
values of life. What shall it profit us if
we win games and lose our sense of the
proportion of things? It is immoral.
I think Maurice McLoughlin's hur-
ricane service is immoral. I confess that
when McLoughlin soars up from the
base line like a combination Mercury
and Thor, and pours the entire strength
of his lithe, magnificent body through
the racket into the ball, it is as beauti-
ful a sight as any of the Greek sculp-
tors have left us. But I cannot share
the crowd's delight when McLough-
lin's opponent stands helpless before
that hurtling, twisting missile of fate.
What satisfaction is there in develop-
ing a tennis service which nobody can
return? The natural advantage which
the rules of the game confer on the
server ceases to be an advantage and
becomes merely a triumph of machin-
ery, even if it is human machinery. A
game of tennis which is won on aces
is opposed to the very spirit of play.
As a matter of fact, the crowd admits
this when it applauds a sharp rally over
the net, for then it is rejoicing in play,
whereas applause for an ace is simply
joy in winning. I repeat: McLoughlin
making one of his magnificent kills on
the return is play; McLoughlin making
his unreturnable services from place-
ment is merely a scientific engineer —
and nothing is more immoral than
scientific management, especially when
applied to anything really worth while
in life. Incidentally, a change in the
rules of tennis seems unavoidable. The
ball, instead of being handed over to
McLoughlin for sure destruction, will
have to be thrown into the court by the
umpire, as in polo.
256
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GARDEN OF EDEN
VI
You will now see why I am so much
drawn to the slender young man in blue
serge who sits with folded arms and
only smiles when Mr. Doyle is caught
napping on first. It is because I am
convinced that he sees the game as it
ought to be seen, — with an intense
sympathy and understanding, but,
after all, with a sense of humor which
recognizes that a great world lies out-
side the Polo grounds. You would not
think that such a world existed from
the way in which the stout young man
behind me has been carrying on. It
will be recalled that he began by in-
stantly discovering that the visiting
pitcher's arm was no good. This dis-
covery he had modified by the end of
the fourth inning to the extent that the
visiting pitcher now had everything.
At the beginning of the ninth inning
this revised opinion still held good.
The score was 2 to 0 against the home
team, and the stout young man got up
in disgust, remarking that he had no
use for a bunch of cripples who pre-
sumed to go up against a real team.
But he did not go home. He hovered
in the aisle, and when the home team,
in the second half of the ninth, bunched
four hits and won the game, the stout
young man hurled himself down the
aisle and out upon the field, shrieking
madly. But the thin young man in blue
serge got to his feet, smiled, made some
observation to his neighbor in an un-
dertone, which I failed to catch, and
walked out.
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GARDEN OF EDEN
BY J. RUSSELL SMITH
THE story of the Garden of Eden has
been extensively used by those who
would influence human action. But
strange to say, one of its most evident
lessons appears to have been over-
looked. It is for the farmer that the
well-known drama has the plainest
teaching of all. The race has been sub-
jected to needless toil because the
agriculturist has left this part of Scrip-
ture entirely to the theologians. Re-
gardless of theological differences we
can agree that the agriculture of the
Garden was good, because it support-
ed the race comfortably and without
labor. What more could it possibly do
for mankind?
The inhabitants of Eden plainly
lived without toil. They were born to
that leisure for which we strive so
fiercely in this work-a-day world. So
far as the man was concerned, the sting
of the expulsion was the fact that he
had to go forth and eat bread in the
sweat of his face. Jehovah did not en-
force this sentence at hard labor by
putting a guard over Adam. Eve was
not placed in charge, nor yet the wily
serpent. The offender was merely driven
forth from the Garden that was full of
trees. The trees had made it Paradise.
Every tree that was pleasant to the
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GARDEN OF EDEN
257
sight and good for food was there.
The inhabitants walked about in the
comfortable shade and ate. When thirst
arose, there were the juices of fruits
and palm wine.
The spontaneous products of the
Garden even supplied the first demand
for clothes. On that bitter day of ex-
pulsion these erstwhile happy harvest-
ers of tree-crops were driven forth from
this rich and fruitful shade, driven to
the fields to eat the herb of the field
and to win bread by the sweat of their
faces.
Since we are all more or less lazy, and
only some of us are religious, it is for-
sooth amazing that our^efforts at being
restored to Paradise have been limited
so exclusively to the domain of religion.
This is the more peculiar because the
religion has to be taken on faith, while
the agriculture of Paradise could be
seen and felt and tasted, and that with-
out labor. Even yet no one has striven
to restore it for the relief of a weary
world. It is high time the husbandman
took up his Scripture.
Eden is a Babylonian tale, and Baby-
lonia is a land of dates. It was so, long,
long before Abraham went up toward
Palestine out of Ur of the Chaldees.
At a time which was to him mytho-
logical, the date tree had become sa-
cred to his Semitic ancestors along the
Euphrates. It is from this Babylonia
that we now receive each autumn our
argosies of dates wherewith to regale
ourselves at Christmas time. To us
they are sweetmeats, but to the dwell-
ers in the land of dates they are a
great staple of life.
Eden was in this land of date trees,
and a visit to a date-growing oasis
makes clear the whole story of the Gar-
den and the expulsion. How terrible
was the expulsion ! Within was shade,
of which the scriptural writers speak so
often and so appreciatively, because
they had it so little in their hot and
VOL. 114- NO. 2
arid landscape. Without, the shimmer-
ing heat, the withering sun, beating
down almost like fire upon the dry and
harvestless earth, with the white glare
that arises from the bare and waterless
soil. Into this they were driven to eat
the herb of the field, which indeed they
could not get without much sweat in
their faces. Within the oasis was shade
and water; food was there; and life
without labor, or at least with little la-
bor. It is thus to-day; thus has it been
these many thousands of years. The
fashioner of that allegory of old used
the material at hand. Every listener
in the group squatting about the first
narrator of the fall and expulsion of
man had been burned by that desert
glare, soothed by the shade of the fruit-
ful tree, fed by its abundant crop —
and shaken by fear of expulsion by the
raider.
No episode in all the history of the
land was so common as the raid of the
nomads. From the treeless expanses
they swooped down upon the dwellers
in date gardens and drove them forth.
The roving nomad was always strong
in attack, the dweller in the garden was
always easy prey. One cannot rightly
guess the extent of the aeons during
which human history in Southwest
Asia consisted of one long and essen-
tially unvaried series of captures and
possessions of the oasis gardens, these
captures being followed by yet other
captures and expulsions at the hand of
other hungry victors. Hagars and Ish-
maels without number, accompanied
at times by equally hopeless men, had
gone forth to wander, to dig, or to per-
ish. This picture was in the legends,
if not in the memory, of every house-
hold. The maker of the story of Eden
used the material at hand. No other
land could then or can yet rival the
oasis in this picture it gives of the
easy life and the burning contrast of
expulsion.
258 THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GARDEN OF EDEN
ii
This easy living in the oasis is made
possible because of the workings of
that wonderful engine of production —
the date tree. That is the agricultural
lesson from Eden — that we should go
back a bit toward Paradise and learn
to use trees, which are Nature's great-
est engines of food-production. For a
few thousand years we have taken the
expulsion and curse too literally, and
have been living as the fallen Adam
was told to — by digging and sweat-
ing and growing the herbs of the field.
Trees should be made to work for us
as they do for the Semite. Little do
we of the West appreciate the potency,
the almost automatic potency, of these
botanic engines. No other type of agri-
culture produces food so easily.
Now, as for the last five or ten thou-
sand seasons, the date-tree owner be-
gins his year's work in the springtime
by climbing his tall trees to fertilize
their blossoms. The ascent is easy be-
cause of the natural steps furnished by
the notchings left by the stubs of the
leaves of past years. The blossoms of
the fruitful female palm are fertilized
by a dust of pollen shaken from a sprig
of male flowers in the hand of the hus-
bandman. This economical device per-
mits a very small proportion of male
trees to suffice and the garden can
be filled to crowding with the fecund
female trees. Once the blooms are fer-
tilized, little more is done for the tree
but watering at rather frequent inter-
vals, and this is often a light task, the
mere diversion of a stream. Many of
the palms are cultivated only one year
in three, but with this small labor they
are heavy yielders. The open feathery
palm leaves permit much light to filter
through, so that oranges, figs, and apri-
cots grow beneath the palms, and gar-
den vegetables can grow among these
lesser fruit trees. The vegetables pay
the cost, the rest is profit, and the high
values are explained.
Thus the date garden leads all other
kinds of agriculture in the amount of
food produced, and this tree merits
the title of King of Crops on the purely
civil-service basis of leadership in per-
formance. Small wonder that the pre-
historic Semite called it sacred. Pound
for pound, the date is as nutritious as
bread, and when the harvest is weigh-
ed, it is three- to twenty-fold that of
wheat. After a score of years or less,
the best wheat lands are exhausted by
continuous production; but we know
that certain oases have yielded dates
regularly since they were visited and
described by Roman writers a score
of centuries ago. They are torday so
prized that the Arab owner will refuse
five thousand dollars in gold for an
acre of good date garden. Its yield war-
rants the valuation. In May the oases
housetops beside the date garden are
covered with drying apricots; in July
and again in September the figs are
drying; in late autumn comes the great
event of the year, the date harvest.
The first thing that self-respecting
Arab families do is to fill goat-skins
with dates packed solid, and store away
enough of this staple article of diet to
last until the next harvest. The harvests
are very certain although of course
they fluctuate in amount. The surplus
dates are sold to caravan traders, who
bring barley for the coarse loaf, animals
for meat, and manufactures from over
the sea. As the necessary vegetable
gardens and other fruit trees cover
but a fraction of the space, much of
the palm area grows up in grass, which
is pulled out and carried in bunches to
feed the donkeys, and the cows and
goats that furnish the milk-supply.
Since the house of sun-dried bricks is
small, and keeping it clean is no neces-
sity, the secluded and unlettered woman
has plenty of time to run the ancient
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GARDEN OF EDEN
259
spinning-wheel, and hand-loom. Her
exercise she gets by carrying heavy
water-jars from the spring or well at
twilight. Such is the life of the oasis,
unchanged these many thousand years
since some inventive mind shaped from
it the story of Adam and Eve.
m
I would not call the American people
to go and live this life of the Arab in
his oasis, but we can well and profitably
ponder this pregnant fact. If the Arab
had to cut down his trees and live by
the crops we grow, — the herbs of the
field, — famine would sweep the oases.
By sheer starvation the population
would shrink two thirds, four fifths, or
possibly to an even greater extent. It
is the tree as a source of support for
mankind that I would emphasize.
There will be much food produced
if we properly plant all our date ter-
ritory down in Arizona at the mouth
of the American Euphrates. We are
already making a good start in that
direction, but the lesson for America is
far wider than dates, good and nutri-
tious though they are. The date is not
the only work tree of the Orient. There
are many of them. So great is their ser-
vice to man that the definition of a
garden in Syria is a place where trees
are grown, as was the Garden of Eden.
The Syrian garden is full of trees, —
walnut, almond, olive, carob, fig, apple,
peach, pear, cherry, apricot, orange,
pomegranate, and mulberry. Beneath
and between the trees the vegetables
and grains are grown.
The trees in this Syrian garden are
an important and practically necessary
part of the nutrition of the people.
Combined with grain in the form of
coarse bread, the tree-products make
a balanced and wholesome ration. For
large elements of the population, at
least one meal a day is commonly com-
posed of bread and walnuts. The wal-
nut is rich in both protein and fat, so
that this combination virtually dupli-
cates in nutrition our occidental sand-
wich of bread, butter, and meat. The
oil to which the scriptural writers so
lovingly referred is still important in
that land, and the olive tree that pro-
duces it is almost as useful to the
Syrian as the cow is to the American.
The cow gives butter and drink, and
the olive tree gives butter and food.
When the workman on the Mediterra-
nean goes from home for a day's labor,
he often takes a pocketful of olives and
a piece of bread for his lunch. Remove
butter, breakfast bacon, and fat meat
from our vocabulary, put olive oil in
their place, and we shall begin to think
the thoughts of Mediterranean cooks.
Once cooks and palates are educated,
the blood does not know the difference
between the rich globules of fat that
come to it. It is fat that the human
system wants, and it makes no final
difference whether it comes from butter,
bacon, lard, olive, cocoanut, goose, or
bear. Fat is fat, once it is in our blood.
The source from which we shall get
this fundamental of nutrition depends
in part upon our bringing-up, but even-
tually our getting it depends upon the
ease of winning it from our environ-
ment. From the standpoint of whole-
someness and digestibility, olive oil
ranks so high that it is often prescribed
for infants and invalids by American
physicians.
Wherewithal shall we be fatted? The
Syrian with the olive trees in the gar-
den (which he has) rather than with
cows in the lush pasture (which he has
not) is all unintentionally pointing to
us the way out of one of our new diffi-
culties. The price of butter mounteth
higher and yet higher, and we groan,
but groans are not generally recog-
nized in economic circles as good price-
reducers. The truth is we have had
260
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GARDEN OF EDEN
cheap lard, cheap butter, and cheap
bacon because we had cheap land for
the beasts to live on, — cheap and
plenty. The Federal government has
been giving it away for a century, but
for twenty years there has been little
more than agricultural remnants to
give, and the older lands are somewhat
impoverished. Hence land and its
products are now rising in price, and
there does not seem to be much com-
fort in sight unless we change our
methods. Prices suggest the coming
change. Already good olive oil from
across the sea is cheaper than butter
in the towns and cities of our Atlantic
seaboard. There is the vindication of
the Syrian gardener. His gray-green
olive trees with their'hoary trunks cen-
turies old are more efficient fat-makers
than our stables of cows. If we would
supply ourselves cheaply, we too must
turn from the beast to the tree.
This change may be important for
the development of the higher life of
the race. The mind and spirit of man
must surely rest under a handicap if
he is bound by the slavery of attend-
ing upon the demands of dairy cattle.
Morning and evening he must minister
unto them, and also in between times.
There is no escape on the Sabbath, or
Christmas, or the Fourth of July, or
even on Labor Day — day in and day
out those beasts demand their soul-
deadening service. It is worse than the
curse that was laid upon Adam when
he was sent forth to dig the earth and
eat the herb of the fields in the sweat
of his face. How different with the
olive-dresser! His trees require care
to be sure, but there are whole weeks
and months when they shift for them-
selves. The harvest is busy and long,
but when it is over, there is the chance
for rest, vacation, and the inviting of
soul.
But whatever may be the advantage
of occasional respite from labor, it can
scarcely be said that the Syrian keeps
olive trees rather than cows for that
reason. He has been driven to it by his
environment. The cow with her appe-
tite for grass requires level meadows
and rich pastures. The Syrian has
neither. The strong point of his coun-
try is dry rocky hills, and it is upon this
forbidding land that he plants his olives
to get his butter by the aid of this re-
markable tree stuck in the most un-
promising corners of his garden. The
poor cow would perish with the burning
of her pastures, for the Syrian summer
is one unmitigated drought from spring
until autumn. The grass withers and
assumes the dead brown of our deepest
winter. Dust characterizes the parched
landscape, but under it all, the olive,
with its leaf, hairy on one side and
glazed on the other, laughs at drought
and brings its fat fruit through to au-
tumn harvest. If the men in the Scrip-
ture lands have by the poverty of their
environment been forced to get better
devices than we now possess, may we
not, by the application of our brains,
become their copyists and apply at
home the agricultural as well as spirit-
ual lessons they have taught us?
IV
The lesson in brief is that crop-yield-
ing trees may serve fundamental needs
of great importance and make easier
our hold upon life. We are newcomers
on this continent. As Man's history
goes, we came here but yesterday, and
we are still strangers to the land and its
best uses. We found a land of trees
which we have destroyed in order to
apply and produce the crops we brought
rather than those that were best suited
to the land and to our present needs.
In many places we are busily trying
to grow the quickest yielding plants ra-
ther than those that yield best both for
man and for the land. The wheat crop
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GARDEN OF EDEN
261
often yields less than would have been
produced by some good tree crop, and
a monument of misplaced wheat is of-
ten the gashed and gullied hillside that
results. This is the most awful of all
our wasteful sins because it is the most
irreparable of our destructions. For-
tunately this remorseless destruction
may be avoided if we attack the prob-
lem with a scientific spirit, a broad view,
and the willingness to do constructive
things.
The trouble is that we have not
taken tree crops seriously. In the au-
tumn we go forth with our children and
gather a few nuts as a kind of an out-
ing, but it is little more important in
our eyes than the collecting of pretty
pebbles, and it has no appreciable in-
fluence on the family budget or the
family's nutrition. We pay some rather
high prices at times for fruits, and they
are tree crops, it is true, but what do
they amount to from the nutritive
standpoint in comparison to the trees
of the Syrian garden? Our apples,
peaches, pears, and grapes, our grape-
fruit, oranges, and lemons, are delight-
ful and wholesome and needed, but
they meet no major nutritive need.
These needs of the body are protein
for tissue, fat and carbohydrates for
energy. Except for a small amount
of sugar (and sugar is already one of
the cheapest of our foods) , our popular
fruits may properly be compared to a
refreshing drink or a succulent salad.
The Syrian garden of trees produces
major foods. The almond is high in
protein, the great factor in meat. The
walnut is high in both protein and fat;
the oil of the olive is more nutritious
than butter and far more nutritious
than any flesh of animals. The fig is a
real food, containing some protein and
much carbo-hydrate, and a greater
amount of nutriment per pound than
bread.
In many parts of the Mediterranean
basin, millions of people instinctively
recognize the fact that the chestnut is
high in starch, thus permitting it to be-
come the substitute that it is for bread
and for the potato. Even the acorn,
with an analysis surprisingly like that
of wheat, is used for food to some extent
by many tens of thousands.
We need to change our attitude
toward the trees as food-producers.
We should broaden their gift from the
class of salads and frills of nutrition,
and make it the piece de resistance, a
substitute for some of the staples we
find it so increasingly difficult to buy.
Perhaps some one may be inclined to
say that we are already using nuts as a
meat substitute. We are. We already
appreciate them so highly that they
have risen to unreasonably high prices
for which there is no excuse in the cost
of production except for the time-ele-
ment involved. We need many more
of them. Meanwhile, all the money
that we spend for nuts in a year in
this country would not buy a pound of
good beefsteak for each of us. In that
connection we should not lose sight of
the fact that the pound of beefsteak is
less nutritious than a pound of any of
several kinds of nuts.
The Syrian with his garden of trees
(like Eden) does not forget the beast.
The prodigal son did eat the husks the
swine fed on. Those husks were the
sugary pods of the carob bean, a stand-
ard article of animal food in Mediter-
ranean lands from that day to the pre-
sent. At this very moment the rich
green and bean-laden curob tree may be
seen from Palestine to Portugal, from
the edge of the Sahara to Syria and the
Riviera. It occupies the arid and rocky
corners which are not fit for other crops,
and the beans sell for a cent a pound
in competition with corn, for which
they are a substitute in almost all its
uses.
Mr. O. F. Cook, an economic botan-
262
THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GARDEN OF EDEN
1st, has recently announced that agri-
culture in the Mediterranean basin
began with tree crops like Eden, rather
than with the herbs that predominated
after the expulsion. About twenty of
these crops are yet of importance, and
the economic service that tree crops
can render is well shown by the natives
of northern Algeria. The ancient Ber-
bers who still live in the mountain terri-
tory of Kabylia were never conquered
by Roman, Goth, Vandal, Arab, or
Turk. They made their first obeisance
before the firearms of the French under
the Second Empire. Through all these
millenniums they have lived in their
populous villages perched high on the
tops of steep hills. Around them in all
directions is a zone of trees, with pas-
ture above, beginning at about three
thousand feet, and the oft-conquered
open valleys below. Here for unknown
ages the Berber has lived among and
from his trees. There are four staples
of life in Kabylia — dried figs, olives,
bread, and meat. For miles and miles
and miles there is one unending succes-
sion of villages set in this open forest of
figs and olives. Here and there the
better spots are picked out for grain
fields and a few carobs are grown to
spice up the donkey's diet of straw, and
make a tidbit for the children (St.
John's bread, we call it) . The sheep and
goats which pasture beneath the trees
furnish an occasional boiled or broiled
joint, and the much more important
wool for the inclusive flowing robe of
Arab style.
A diet of dried figs, coarse bread,
olives, oil, and occasional meat, may
seem to us somewhat monotonous, but
it has long supported a vigorous race.
A recent American agricultural ex-
plorer, Mr. Thomas Means, states that
the population of this region is twenty-
five times as dense where tree crops
are the chief dependence as it is where
the same people make their living on
the same hills by depending upon the
grains and grasses — the herbs of the
field which have characterized our agri-
culture since the Fall.
If some one objects to tree crops on
the ground that the examples here
given are from Old World peoples with
lower standards of life than ours, he
should at once remember that the same
peoples in the same countries live no
better, and if anything not so well,
when they try our type of agriculture.
Nor is there any reason to think that
tree crops would not aid effectively in
maintaining our high standard of life.
There is small reason to doubt that
the proper development of tree crops
would greatly enrich and cheapen the
food-supply of the American people
and their domestic animals. The chief
trouble seems to be that we have not
thought about it. Most of the crop
trees of value in Europe have been
introduced into this country, such as
the olive, fig, date, the acorn and cork
oak, the walnut, pistache, and almond.
Our native trees, such as the pecan,
shagbark, mulberry, honey-locust, mes-
quite, and persimmon, offer great pro-
mise if properly selected, propagated,
improved by plant-breeding, and test-
ed by experiment. All this requires sci-
entific work.
Now that we have spent a quarter of
a century developing the equipment for
the promotion of agricultural science,
the time has probably come when at-
tention can be turned in part from the
herb of the field to the more product-
ive tree that has long made the Orien-
tal garden so productive.
LIFE AND DEATH
LIFE or death. Death or life. Take or refuse.
•
What do they offer me? How shall I choose?
ii
Said Life, *I can offer you pain and distress
And trial and failure and hope to the end,
The wealth of experience, joy of success,
The love of a woman, the trust of a friend.
'Then turn not away, is't not fair in the sunshine,
To have the pure freedom of drawing the breath?'
And I marveled and turned, thinking, 'Can these be mine,
These wonderful gifts? But what sayeth Death?'
And Death said, ' Relief and a bound to Life's pleasure,
An infinite peace and an infinite rest.'
In silence I pondered it measure for measure.
Which shall I cleave unto? Which is the best?
in
Life will I take with its joy and its sorrow,
Its love and its loss and its battles with men,
Fair Life for a time thy fair gifts would I borrow,
Till Death gives them back to thy keeping again.
•
Good Death may thou never be far from my sight,
Stand thou by the wheel as I sail o'er the deep,
264 LIFE AND DEATH
Guard me surely by day and approach me by night,
Mantling me o'er with thy shadow, deep sleep.
Attend all my pleasures, bend low o'er my pen,
Join my wild gallops wherever I ride;
In feasting, in travels, in toil among men,
Let me ever be conscious of thee at my side.
Yet shall I not call thee, nor plead for thine aid,
I shall not complain and I shall not implore.
The good game with life shall be royally played,
So Death the kind seneschal stand at the door.
IV
Said Life, 'For a space here is all will avail thee,
Beyond, the course changes, I cannot see where.'
And I said in a whisper, * Death, thou wilt not fail me.'
And Death at my shoulder said, 'I will be there.'
THE BOY
BY ANNA FULLER
IT was as sudden, that transport-
ation to other scenes, to other days,
— sudden as a sea-change; yet gentle,
too, without the disconcerting chill that
a sea-change brings. Could it be some-
thing about the boy that had set old
chords vibrating?
Little more than a boy he seemed,
standing there so slim, so straight,
against the wide-spreading background
of musicians, — so quietly withdrawn
into himself, while the great orchestra
played the opening bars of the new
concerto; his, the boy's, concerto. The
violin drooped so lightly at his side; it
made her think, fantastically enough,
of a bronzed oak-leaf, clinging to its
stem — as if a sudden gust might yet
shake it loose. And in the preluding
strains of the orchestra she seemed to
hear again the rustling autumn leaves
at her feet, as she and another trod the
forest aisles in early spring.
For in Germany the forest has aisles,
diverging plainly from any given spot,
in long shimmering vistas. These end
sometimes in a point of light, there
where the forest gives upon the open.
But oftener they are lost in the black
of the distance. That was what she
had liked best to see; for then they
seemed unending. She had always been
impatient of limitations, and so she
had become entangled in them. All her
life had been a network of limitations.
She knew that now, though she had
been rather slow at making the dis-
covery.
Curious, she mused, how last year's
leaves used to linger, rustling, in those
forest aisles, far into the spring. She
wondered how that was here in Amer-
ica. City-bred, she could not recall
having visited the woods so early in the
season as all that, excepting there at
Schonheim. It was Ludwig Meyer who
had been her guide the first time; an
April day it was, the sun near its set-
ting. He had found that the Fraulein
Miss, as the countryside called her,
had no scruples about taking a solitary
ramble with a young man, and he in
his turn had been only too ready to
avail himself of her innocent latitude.
The forest spread itself over a broad
shoulder of hill, whence one looked
down upon the old gray walled town,
its huddling roofs, its massive, uncouth
Schloss, its hoary church-tower. In
sun and shade it lay there, this pictur-
esque survival of antiquity, encircled
by the winding Fulda, save to the south,
where the gardens of the townspeople,
nestling in neighborly proximity close
outside the walls, showed a roof of fruit
trees, refreshingly green in contrast to
the bare brown of ploughed fields that
lined the valley on every hand. Only
on the hills round about was grass to
be seen, kept in discreet bounds by
browsing cattle and nibbling sheep.
Her companion used to tell her about
the shepherds, their primitive customs,
their homely lore, gleaned face to face
with Nature at her homeliest. All this
and more, oh, far more, he used to tell
her, as they trod the rustling leaves,
— 'Dead Leaves in Spring.' That was
265
266
THE BOY
the title of one of his poems. She re-
membered his repeating it to her that
first day in the woods, musingly, hesita-
tingly, as if he were composing it then
and there. She found afterwards that
he was apt to be like that, musing,
hesitating. Only under strong emo-
tion did he become dynamic; and mo-
ments of strong emotion were rare with
him.
She wondered whether it was the
name on the programme that had set
her fancy pacing those forest aisles
that lose themselves in the distance, —
quite as her memories of Schonheim
were wont to do. Why, every tenth
man in Germany was a Meyer. And
yet, if not the name, what could it be?
Certainly not the face, dark, smooth-
shaven, clean-cut. There was nothing
in that to remind her of her Meyer,
Ludwig Meyer. At the sudden intru-
sion of the personal pronoun a slow
flush made itself felt — not seen. She
was not given to blushing — visibly, at
least. She had always had self-control,
in small matters and great. That was
why she was to-day a New England
spinster, sentimentalizing over the
past, here, in this brilliant auditorium,
and not a German Hausfrau, minis-
tering to husband and children — no,
grandchildren. It would have been
grandchildren by now. Thirty years
are reckoned to a generation, and for
thirty years those shadows in the for-
est had been deepening. Well, what of
it? What had the forest aisles of Ger-
many to do with her, Helen Bolles,
firmly rooted in her own environment,
playing her part in it handsomely, effi-
ciently, always to some excellent pur-
pose? She had no overweening pride in
herself, but she very well knew that
she was a useful member of society.
Had not those thirty years, every one
of them, gone to prove how right she
had been when she broke loose from
that homely, heart-searching glamour,
— the glamour of Schonheim, the gla-
mour of Ludwig Meyer? In what had
it consisted, she wondered, and how
long could it have endured, supposing
that in her untried girlhood she had
committed herself to it for all time?
•
II
Well, well, how far the mind could
travel in a few short minutes! Very
many minutes it could not have been,
for the preluding of the orchestra still
continued, still the violin hung in the
boy's light hold, — and the boy was
slim and straight.
His name was Fritz, it appeared.
Naturally, a Fritz would be straight
and slim. Ludwig had not been like
that. Rather heavy was his build, and
low; indeed, he was hardly taller than
she was herself, — a good height for a
woman, not for a man, — and he did
not carry himself well. Mere girl
though she was, she had been quick to
recognize in him the type of man who
would never force an issue, would never
emerge from his native environment.
That, too, despite the touch of genius
that came and went so tantalizingly.
What an unforgettable voice he had,
what importunate eyes! Eyes that
could burn and melt, entreat and —
renounce. The importunity was never
long sustained. In truth he was a mas-
ter-hand at renunciation; he could put
as much ardor into that as other men
squandered upon a bootless insistency.
No, Ludwig Meyer would never so
far dominate circumstance as to emerge
— to assert himself. The little town in
Hessen Cassel that was his birthplace
would be his dwelling-place to the end.
A quaint little town, intensely roman-
tic to the Helen Bolles of thirty years
ago, listening to Ludwig Meyer's tales
of its chivalrous past. A little strong-
hold it had been for the honest burghers
who had built and manned its watch-
THE BOY
267
towers, and held it inviolate against
the robber-barons who infested hill and
plain; a real city of refuge to the mer-
chant caravans, fleeing thither for shel-
ter.
She had loved the plucky little "
stronghold, when once she knew why
it was that the houses were so huddled
together, the streets hardly more than
cobbled alley- ways. She came at last
to love everything about it, — the
squawking geese that went waddling
past the house every morning on their
way to the succulent pasturage of the
river-banks; the old ferryman who
poled one across for a groschen to the
railway station when there was no time
to go round by the ancient bridge, built
hundreds of years before railroads were
dreamed of.
Dearly too had she loved the little
pair of German Frauleins, who housed
her and petted her, taught her Ger-
man, and thought her the most won-
derful young thing in the world. Their
house stood on the main thoroughfare,
lighted at night by a clumsy medi-
aeval lantern, that hung suspended
across the middle of the street directly
under her window. This ponderous
contrivance was lowered each evening
on its clanking chains to within reach
of the watchman's hand, then hoisted
aloft again, where it swung in the wind,
casting more shadows than light upon
the cobblestones. And the watchman,
his deep guttural, harsh as those clank-
ing chains ! How safe one used to feel,
snugly stowed away in one's German
feather-bed, when one heard him ad-
monishing the good burghers, in rude,
immemorial sing-song, to 'have a care
of fire and candle-light, that no harm
befall the town to-night.' Sometimes,
even now, when she was wakened in
the small hours by rushing, shrieking
automobiles, carrying belated revelers
home, her mind would recur to the
faithful watchman, and she would be
aware of a quite irrational longing for
the stillness which used to fall when,
with the pious injunction, 'And now
praise God the Lord,' he would go shuf-
fling off, his heavy step echoing fainter
and fainter in the distance.
The peace, the stillness of Schon-
heim ! There had been years when she
had hardly thought of it at all, unless
it were idly to speculate as to who
might remain among the living, now
that the dear little Frauleins had, one
after the other, adventured the long
journey, and there was no one left
to chronicle the primitive doings of
the little community. She smiled in-
wardly at thought of the delicacy with
which they had always refrained from
any mention of Ludwig Meyer's name;
a smile which went a bit awry as her
mind just grazed the squeamishness
which had deterred her from herself
making any inquiries about him. Of
one thing she had no doubt : that if still
among the living, he would surely be
there, writing his inspired lyrics, or,
when deeply moved, setting his lyrics
to music.
There was one tune that he had made
expressly for her, the Fraulein Miss. A
persistent little tune, that went sing-
ing away in one's head all day. And the
worst of it was that it somehow made
you want to cry. It had taken her quite
a long time to forget it. Perhaps she
might not have succeeded in doing so
at all if he had let her hear the words
which he said it was written for. But
he always refused. 'No, mein Frau-
lein,' he would say, *y°u are not ready
to hear those words. When you are,
they will be your words, too, and so
you will have the right to them. But
not now, not now.' And he would give
her one of those looks of his which drew
and repelled her, until there had been
nothing for it but to turn right about
face and go, — go without ever having
made those mysterious words her own.
268
THE BOY
How her family had exulted over her
when, in July, she had written them
that after all perhaps they had better
pick her up on their way to Switzerland.
They had known from the beginning
that she could never stand six months'
grind at German in that stuffy little
hole.
Yes, there had been years when she
had not thought like this of Schon-
heim, its quaintness, its stillness. But
of late, perhaps because of the increas-
ing roar and racket of the present, or
perhaps because, at fifty, evening and
bedtime do not seem quite so far away
as they do at twenty, she was be-
coming liable to a certain mood of wist-
ful reminiscence that was curiously
beguiling.
What was that poem of Ludwig
Meyer's that he had sent her after she
came away. 'Lethe' was the title. So
like Ludwig to console himself with
writing a poem, instead of really doing
something about it! Did she wish
that he had done this apocryphal some-
thing? And what would have been the
upshot of so uncharacteristic a proceed-
ing? Well, in the first place, it would
not have been Ludwig Meyer; so where
was the good of speculating?
The last two lines of the little poem
had haunted her, in a queer, poignant
way until, in sheer self-defense, she
had put the thing into English, arid so
rendered it innocuous. The original
had long since slipped her memory, but
somehow the translation had stayed by
her; no doubt because she herself had
made it. A person does not forget her
own children, — if she is lucky enough
to have any. This was the way the
poem ended : —
We must make our peace with memory,
Or our lives consume in fretting.
Those were the lines she had once found
so disquieting. They did not seem so
now; quite the contrary in fact. It must
have been the German of them that
lent them their appeal. And it was the
German of Ludwig Meyer that had
drawn her and repelled her. They were
so intimately sympathetic, yet so hope-
lessly at odds.
He was not only German, but klein-
stddtisch — little - townish — as well.
His views about women, for one thing,
though never over-emphasized, were
as mediaeval as the old church that had
stood there since Charlemagne's day,
its women, of a Sunday, herded to-
gether in the body of it, its men en-
throned in the galleries. How those
men's voices used to roar out thehymns,
reverberating from wall to wall, pound-
ing down upon the defenseless tym-
panum, until one came to feel that to
be a woman, here in Germany at any
rate, was to be a sort of anvil for Fate
to do its pounding on.
Yes, it was the German of Ludwig
Meyer that had drawn her and repell-
ed her, rendering her, nevertheless, per-
versely unsusceptible to any other ap-
peal. And so it was, — she had come to
admit the truth at last, — so it was that
she had never married; that her child-
ren were all, so to say, translations
— children of other people, who loved
her because she was kind to them and
they were grateful, or flattered, or in
need of something that she could give,
and not because they were her own
and could not help themselves.
Ill
She had not taken her eyes off the
young violinist, though she had quite
forgotten him. Now, of a sudden, she
noticed him again. How short the time
must have been that she had spent on
her impromptu travels! The boy had
not shifted his position; still the violin
hung, mute, detachable, in the droop-
ing hand, and still the orchestra held
the field. But now, shadows were deep-
ening in the bass-viols, deepening to a
THE BOY
269
portent, the listener might feel, only
that the great body of the strings was
gathering a rhythmic force and ur-
gency that dominated all the rest. One
hardly heeded the wood-winds, rising
from time to time, light of wing, keen
of flight, yet tending none could say
whither, till, at a stroke, the big brass-
es entered, with their clear, indisput-
able affirmative. Whereupon, all that
surging sound resolved itself into a
great chalice of luminous, vibrant tone,
to receive the wine of the composer's
ultimate vintage.
The soloist had lifted his violin, the
clean-cut chin resting upon it, the bow-
hand poised above. And then — the
luminous, vibrant chalice was filled.
It seemed to Helen Bolles that she
had never heard the single voice, even
of a violin, so permeate, so vivify, a
great orchestra, — heightening, sub-
duing, yet never overtopping it to the
detriment of its plastic substance, its
essential harmony, formed of a thou-
sand pulsing modulations.
She had forgotten Schonheim, she
had forgotten that identity of name she
had been speculating upon; she was
listening, as all that great audience was
listening, with a mind single to the su-
preme experience of the moment. For
a supreme experience it was, to every
music-lover there.
The first movement had gone its tri-
umphant way, the great chalice glow-
ing, expanding, vibrating, to the keen
elixir of the master-instrument, — an
elixir piercing now to the depths of it,
now glancing in prismatic colors across
its face, now brimming its furthest
edge, until, when the flood was at its
height, the radiant element freed it-
self and, soaring, as it were, on one
golden note, was lost in the empyrean.
Then once more the shadows deepened
in the great basses, even as night de-
scends upon the sea; the clamor of the
brasses was hushed, the wood-winds
ceased their fretting, and, with one last,
heaving breath of the darkening waters,
silence fell.
There was an instant's pause, long
enough for the violinist to lift his in-
strument, testing a string. Then the
storm broke, — a storm of handclap-
ping that would have kindled a musi-
cian of the Latin race to flame. But the
quiet Teuton stood there, gravely re-
garding the commotion he had evoked,
gravely inclining his head, but not
oftener than courtesy demanded, evi-
dently waiting his chance to test that
doubtful string. He was like a wary
mariner, heedful only of sheet and rud-
der, deaf to the waves thundering at
his prow.
And now he was playing again, and
to the merest accompaniment of the
orchestra, an accompaniment so sim-
ple, in its first phrasings, that it might
have been written for the piano. A new
quality had crept into his tone : drama-
tic before, it was now pure lyric. Helen
Bolles felt a stirring of premonition,
deepening throughout the opening
strains of the movement. So subtle, so
pervasive, was this sense of something
imminent, that when, at last, the old
familiar tune blossomed, as on a magic
stem, she was conscious of no surprise.
She had known all along what was
coming, — she had known what was
to be the flower of this strange, dream-
like experience.
Curiously enough, the haunting mel-
ody, so familiar to her, yet so incred-
ibly remote, no longer touched the vein
of reminiscence. Her thoughts did not
again recur to Schonheim; hardly was
she reminded of Ludwig Meyer. It
was the content of the music itself that
held her fast, the meaning, the true
meaning, of the song, the words of
which had been denied her because she
could not make them her own. But
now she perceived that no words were
needed; only the interpretation that
270
THE BOY
resides in beautiful harmony, whether
of music, or of life itself.
The simple melody was caught up
and carried forward in flowing modu-
lations, interwoven, infiltrated, with
many a gleaming light and melting
shadow, yet never losing that primal
simplicity which makes of the true
lyric a thing for all men, for all time.
And still, throughout the singular re-
vealment of her mood, she was con-
scious mainly of a new clearness of
vision, harmonizing, tranquilizing, lift-
ing her quite out of and beyond her-
self. She perceived that the little song
as Ludwig Meyer had conceived it, had
been personal, limited, — that in the
hands of this wonderful boy it had be-
come universal.
So complete was her self-enfranchise-
ment that, when the adagio was past,
— the echoes of the little song quite
blown out, as it were, in vehement
gusts of applause, — she found herself
listening to the final movement with a
mind as wholly given over to that as if
no haunting lyric had ever searched her
soul. Her joy in its splendid rhythms,
its ringing cadences, was as spontan-
eous as had been her joy in the great
snow-peaks of Switzerland whither she
had once fled, to find in those mighty
presences appeasement and new life.
And yet, when the concerto was over,
it was neither the exaltation of the
great finale, nor the still revealment
of the adagio, that filled her mind.
For, as Fritz Meyer stood bowing be-
fore the wildly applauding audience,
recalled again and again, — as he stood
there, his violin drooping like a last
year's oak-leaf at his side (for he had
not left it behind as is the wont of your
virtuoso), — her one concern was lest
that bronze oak-leaf, that had all the
voices of the forest in its keeping,
should detach itself from his loose
hold and fall, shattered and crumbling,
at his feet.
Then, presently, the tumult having
spent itself, and the audience settling
back to relax over the Freischiitz over-
ture, she found herself still keyed to an
unwonted receptivity until, of a sud-
den, and quite unaccountably, her at-
tention swerved, diverted by a trivial
recollection of the past. She caught
herself thinking of the little Landrath's
daughter at Schonheim, of the fervor
with which she would stand up and sing
the pious Agatha's song: 'Leise, leise,
fromme WeiseJ — a fervor so dispro-
portioned to her capacities that it used
to be quite pathetically droll. Queer
little round-faced, round-eyed person,
a little rosebud thing, that always had
the air of waiting to be picked and set
in a glass of water. The splendid play-
ing of the orchestra to-day was like a
merciless light cast upon the incapaci-
ties of the devout little songstress.
Indeed, so superb had been the ren-
dering of that "final number, that the
impression of it was really uppermost
in her mind as she rose at last and left
her seat. Insomuch that when, as she
passed out with the throng, a man she
knew — a man whom she had once
come rather near marrying — remark-
ed upon the sensational triumph of the
evening, she heard herself answering,
'Yes, indeed, it was extraordinary.
But, did you ever hear the Freischiitz
played like that?'
\
IV
As she descended the steps outside,
now unaccompanied, — for the man
she might have married had a wife and
daughter of his own to look after, -
she found that all the world was talk-
ing of the new concerto. She did not
herself join in the chorus; in such self-
evident encomiums she seemed to have
no part. As speedily as might be, she
disengaged herself from the crowd,
making her way toward a point, a
THE BOY
271
block distant, where her chauffeur had
orders to await her. Suddenly, close
before her, she espied the figure of the
young violinist, — the boy, as she had
called him from the first, — standing,
violin-case in hand, on the curbstone,
about to cross the street. His head was
thrown back, much as Ludwig Meyer's
used to be when he took to mental
star-gazing. So he had stayed to hear
the concert out, just as his father would
have done. His father? Why had she
thought that? The song had no doubt
been common property for years. The
composer of to-day had simply used it,
as he might have used a folk-song, as
he might have used this song, had his
name happened to be any other name
than Meyer.
She had stayed her step, in obedience
to a half- formulated purpose, and at
that instant she saw the young star-
gazer step off the curb, directly across
the path of a motor-car, — her own car,
as it chanced, coming to meet her half
way. It was moving at very moderate
speed; there was really not the slight-
est danger. But an officious fool must
needs seize the boy by the arm, and
jerk him backward. The boy was safe,
as he had been all along, but, at the
unexpected onslaught, the violin-case
was flung from his hand, straight into
the middle of the thronging roadway.
Without a moment's hesitation Helen
Bolles leaped forward and, with a swift,
rather daring movement, rescued the
instrument almost from under the feet
of a pair of prancing horses. A little
flurry of excitement stirred the lookers-
on, but it had all happened too quick-
ly for active intervention.
As she regained the sidewalk, Fritz
Meyer was at her side,
'Ah, madame,' he stammered, breath-
less with emotion. 'How can I say, in
my bad English? How can I t'ank
you?'
'And I,' she rejoined, with one of
her rare and very beautiful smiles.
'How can I thank you — in my bad
German — for your wonderful music?'
She had not at her first words been
aware that she was speaking German.
It was the flash in the boy's face that
reminded her, and already her half-
formulated purpose had taken shape.
With a word of dismissal to her chauf-
feur, she turned again to the young
musician.
' I wonder if you would be so kind as
to escort me home?' she queried. 'It
is not very far. '
' Oh, madame ! ' came eagerly. ' May
I? Dare I?'
' It is such a^fine evening for walking,
and there are things I want to speak
about.'
As they fell into step — 'Please, gra-
cious lady,' he begged, 'do not praise
my playing.'
'Nor your composition?' she asked,
endeavoring, meanwhile, to adjust her
mind to the elaborate courtesy-title,
the like of which had never afflicted
her girlish ears of long ago.
'No, nor my composition.'
'Because you are modest?'
'No, gracious lady. Because it is
such a beautiful evening, and because,
if it were not for you, I should have no
eyes for its beauty. I should be mourn-
ing my violin.'
The fall of the voice upon these words
was Ludwig Meyer's own. But she did
not find it in the least disconcerting.
It all seemed so natural, so inevitable
— as things always seem in a dream.
She would hardly have marveled, had
she found the city pavements strewn
with fallen leaves.
They had escaped the crowd, by a
way she knew; a quiet side street unin-
fested by troHey-caror shrieking motor.
Although it was mid-December, the
evening was only cool autumnal. There
were stars, but no moon.
'You don't mind my kidnapping
272
THE BOY
you?' she asked, no whit surprised at
the ease with which the German phrase
came to her, after all these years. ' You
see, I am quite old enough to be your
mother/
'My mother! But, gracious lady,
never! I am twenty-five years of age ! '
'Ah,' with mock gravity. 'That
would make your mother quite an old
woman, would n't it?'
'Oh, yes. She would be nearly fifty
if she were living. Think of it ! Nearly
half a century!' And he added, wist-
fully, 'She was so little and so young.
I don't think it was meant that she
should grow old/
'And your father? Were you named
for him?'
'No. I was named for my grand-
father. He was Landrath at Schon-
heim, where we lived. He was tall, like
me, and dark, and I think he was proud,
too, and looked down on us. But he
was no such man as my father, plain
Ludwig Meyer. Everything I have,
1 owe my father; my bit of talent, my
love of the beautiful, even the best
thing in my concerto, the little air in
the adagio that makes the tears come.
Did you notice that, gracious lady?'
He was looking into her face, and she
smiled her answer.
' So that was your father's, the little
air that makes the tears come? And
your father? Is he living?'
'He died a year ago. His last bequest
to me, — he had hardly anything else
to leave, — was the permission to use
the little song in my concerto. Before
that, no one but me had heard it since
the time, many, many years ago, he
said, when it was first written.'
'No one at all?'
'He said, no one but me.'
They walked some paces in silence.
They had come out now on the avenue,
whose broad spaces made nothing of
passing vehicles. Even the noise of
them had room to dissipate itself.
Presently — ' Was it written to
words, the little tune?'
'Yes, to his own words, I think.'
' You know the words ? '
She had spoken as under compulsion,
and with a sharp, protesting catch of
the breath. But there was nothing to
fear; she might have known that there
was nothing to fear. For —
'No,' came the reply. 'He said no
one knew them. That he himself knew
them because he had lived them. After
that I could not ask for them, could I,
gracious lady?' And again he looked
her in the face.
It was the old look, the old appeal
of voice and glance, that had once
wrought such trouble in her young
blood. To-night it was the boyishness
of it all that chiefly touched her, and
as she answered, 'No, of course you
could not,' she was thinking how this
youth, this mere stripling, whom, for
all his amazing genius, she had been
regarding as a boy, was scarcely young-
er than had been the man, whose influ-
ence, repudiated though it was long
years ago, had really, in a sense, shaped
her life.
The avenue was almost deserted. It
was the pause between the concert-
goers and the theatre folk. They had
walked half a block without speaking.
Then: 'Tell me about your brothers
and sisters.' The question was but a
stop-gap; of that she was well aware.
And indeed what mattered all the rest,
since here beside her walked the heir-
apparent?
' I have none,' he was saying. ' I was
the first. My mother died when I was
born.' His voice, Ludwig Meyer's
voice, was very wistful, very tender.
They had reached the steps of her
sightly house, facing southward on the
avenue; the house of which she had
been sole mistress now these twenty
years.
'You will come in for a moment?'
THE BOY
273
she begged. 'You will let me give you
some refreshment, after your great
evening?'
He pulled out his watch.
'Alas, no, gracious lady. I must re-
turn to my hotel. My train leaves at
midnight.'
Well, that was as it should be. It
kept the whole, dreamlike experience
in solution, as it were. She shrank from
any materialization of it.
'And where do you go next?'
As if that were of any importance !
But one gets the trick of talking.
'I don't quite know,' he deprecated.
' It is all so strange to me, this big coun-
try. But my manager knows. He says
we do not reach San Francisco until
late in the spring. It is a queer life
for a Schb'nheimer.' Then, with a lit-
tle shrug of regret, that none but a
Teuton could have given, 'I would
far rather have come in; though I have
already had my refreshment, gracious
lady.'
She was standing now on the single
broad, low step before her own door.
In a moment he would be gone.
'Shall you like the queer life?' she
asked.
'Oh, yes, I shall like it. Every place
is home to me, while I have my violin
— that the gracious lady saved for
me.'
At the word, he swept his hat from
his head, with a very foreign gesture,
and, bending above her outstretched
hand, lifted it to his lips.
Touched by the boyishness of the
act, — for there was no trace of gal-
VOL. 114 -NO. 2
lantry in voice or manner, — she leaned
forward and, resting her disengaged
hand upon the bent head, ' I do that for
your mother,' she said, very gently.
He looked up, with eyes that melted
and glistened in the half-shadow.
'The poor little mother! You pity
her too?'
'No,' she murmured, more gently
still. ' I do not pity her. I think — I
almost think — I envy her.'
And now she was standing at her
open door, listening to the receding
footsteps of the boy, — Ludwig Meyer's
boy, whose mother that was to be had
sung her little song with so much more
of feeling than of art. Till, presently,
the light step was lost, not, as had been
the old watchman's shuffling tread, in
the echoing distance, but in the hum
of an approaching automobile, — swept
away as it were, in the headlong spirit
of the age. She had no wish to recall
him. He had gone on his beautiful mis-
sion to the world, the world of to-day,
than which no world was ever more in
need of the gospel of divine harmonies.
And she? Why, how right every-
thing was, to be sure. How right it
had been from the beginning. She could
almost hear the watchman's call, echo-
ing in the distance: *And now praise
God the Lord.' And, as she stood once
more on her own hearthstone, looking
down into the glowing embers, where
so much of warmth and cheer still
dwelt, a very beautiful smile lit the
brooding face. For she knew that, at
last, after all these years, she too had
made her peace with memory.
ON NOSES
BY LUCY ELLIOT KEELER
'SOME time/ I had long promised
myself, *I will write my reminiscences
on Noses.'
'Some time,' I had still longer pro-
mised myself, *I will read Tristram
Shandy.'
Yesterday, the horizon of some
time grew nearer: * To-morrow, I will
indulge in Noses; and to-night, apro-
pos of this package of new books, I
will rejad Tristram Shandy.9
At the end of the fifteenth chapter
— pray what little hobgoblin attends
to such coincidences? — began a Shan-
dean skit on noses: Tristram's own
nose, his great-grandfather's nose, his
father's system of noses, his Uncle
Toby's dictum on noses, the tale of the
Strassburger who at the Promontory
of Noses had taken such a noble spe-
cimen for his own. The Nose having
thus served as a frigate to launch
Sterne into the gulf of a new digres-
sion, he sailed before the wind. In my
case it brings me back to terra firma.
The triangular pyramid projecting
from the centre of the face has always
had peculiar interest for me. In in-
fancy I used it as a pocket, stowing
therein an occasional bean filched from
the book's store; and I remember the
stir one such instance occasioned in the
household as well as in me, when a
canny country doctor put his open
mouth to mine and with a mighty blast
persuaded the bean to stand not upon
the order of its exit. Later, a coasting
accident left me with some nasal vacu-
ity and the ability to run a grassblade
up one nostril and down the other.
274
Thus I became persona grata at juve-
nile circuses, the price of admission for
my performance going all the way up
from five pins to three cents, my profits
invariably being paid in pins, the dis-
taff side, I suppose, very properly.
The next landmark of my theme was
that, literally. Mumble-the-peg for all
comers frequently resulted in my doing
the mumbling. Down the vista of the
years, memory still sings the fashion-
ing of the peg, its unnecessary brevity
and point, its smoothness to resist all
friction of a sympathetic earth. I hear
the thumps on its head of the handle
of the jack-knife — three knocks each
with your eyes shut and three with them
open. It never failed to be driven in to
the head; and to enable me to pull it out
with my teeth the resourceful boys dug
a hole in the ground for my nose. Once
started on the run, I was safe enough,
for I was fleet, and the peg dropped into
the big myrtle bed was seldom recov-
ered for re-pegging.
About this time, I seem to recall, I
was initiated into the idiom of the sub-
ject. I learned to count noses, *Ena,
Meena, Mina, Mo'; to follow my nose;
to be led by the nose; to have my nose
put out of joint; to thrust my nose into;
to turn my nose up at, — the latter
precipitated by the arrogance of city
children in clothes too fine to paddle in
the brook, but with abysmal ignorance
of how to climb a tree. I did not need
a Horace to tell me in delectable Latin
that it is the common way to turn up
your nose at what you yourself do not
know: I knew it already.
ON NOSES
275
About this time the literature of the
nose dawned above my horizon. There
was the wish for the yard of black pud-
ding, its dramatic attachment to the
French housewife's nose, and the de-
cent moral precipitated by its fall; and
there was the elephant's child whose
nose grew longer and longer with each
pull till it 'hurt him hijjis,' folio wed by
the consoling bit of philosophy: * Van-
tage number one — you could n't have
hit the fly with a mere smear nose',
and about then childhood bloomed into
adolescence.
Now I began to regard my nose in
the looking-glass, with results that led
to clothes-pin experiments in sleeping
hours; and fingers anxiously pressing
down knobosities as I sought to solve
why X plus Y made Z. Being told that
a liberal diet of carrots would reduce
color in the complexion, I showed a
craving for those hitherto despised veg-
etables; and hearing that lemon juice
was a panacea for nose-freckles, three-
miles-from-a-lemon was no hindrance.
At this period, also, thanks to nu-
mismatics, I mastered the distinction
between the Roman nose and the Gre-
cian; the derivation of the word aqui-
line, and the accentuating or reducing
effects of styles of coiffures and hat-
brims. Being in the conundrum stage
of humor, I used to propound an in-
volved interrogation to which I was al-
ways given the privilege of answering
myself, — * No nose can be more than
eleven inches long because if it were it
would be a foot.'
Then I saw Mansfield play Cyrano
de Bergerac. 'His nose terrifying,' read
the stage direction. His own mother
had thought him unflattering, and he
himself fostered no illusions: * Some-
times in the violet dusk I yield to
dreamy mood and think of love. With
my great devil of a nose I sniff the
April. I forget. I kindle; and then sud-
denly I see the shadow of my profile
upon the garden wall!' To the world,
however, Cyrano was proud, proud of
such an appendage, inasmuch as an
enormous nose is the index of a kind-
ly, courteous, witty, liberal, and brave
man. Many were the sprightly pleas-
antries which Cyrano's fertile fancy
showered upon his nose, — aggressive,
amicable, descriptive, inquisitive, minc-
ing, blunt, anxious, tender, learned, off-
hand, dramatic, deferent, rustic, milit-
ary, — the sum total ' not a quarter of
the tenth part of the beginning of the
first' of what might be said. And how
we adored him ! It was not a handsome
nose he reared aloft : it was his soul he
held erect; and at that age we, too, were
soulful.
Now the girl began to experience the
curious truth known to all practiced in
life, that interest in a subject forces it
to spring up on all sides. She was taken
to a picture-gallery, and Ghirlandaio's
portrait of the old man with the great
nose and the lovely smile and the ador-
ing grandchild beckoned from the near-
est wall. She paused before the portrait
of Thackeray and noticed for the first
time that he had a broken nose. She
dipped into Don Quixote only to find
new light on the Scuyer du bachelier,
Samson Carrasco, whose colossal nose
frightened Sancho. In Westminster
Abbey she learned that American van-
dals were especially fond of snapping
off the nose from the tablet erected in
memory of Major Andre, the spy. Her
first visit at Oxford was to Brasenose
College, the brass-nose knocker of
which had been lately returned to
Oxford after an absence of five and a
half centuries.
No list of my reminiscences can ig-
nore the fact that much of my omni-
vorous reading was due to the recur-
ring hope of becoming more nosey- wise.
Socrates first attracted me because he
claimed to be able to turn his promi-
nent eyes inward till they gazed full
276
ON NOSES
into each other across the narrow
bridge of his nose. Ben Jonson, Chap-
man, and Mars ton became human for
me when I heard them sentenced to
have their noses mutilated by the pub-
lic hangman for some imaginary insult
to the Scot in Eastward Ho, which they
had written in collaboration. The spir-
it of liberty in Dante's day revealed its
wild tenor when I read that his friend
Recoverino de Cerchi had his nose cut
off in a ballroom. I followed many of
Brougham's speeches, trying to discern
just where he used to punctuate his
sentences with his nose, turning it up
at the end of a long parenthesis, which
served to mark the change of subject
better than a printed mark. I ran
down a French pastor who, Diderot
said, praised with his nose, blamed
with his nose, decided and prophesied
with that expressive member; and of
whom Grimm said that whoever un-
derstood the pastor's nose had read a
great moral treatise. I learned to dis-
tinguish the portraits of the whole
Kemble family by the eagle beak which
ran through that talented tribe, and I
laughed over Gainsborough's baffled
ejaculation to Mrs. Siddons, as he threw
down his brush, 'Damn it, madame,
there is no end to your nose! ' Shandy
pere had prophetic vision when he
opined that six or seven long and jolly
noses would hoist a family into the
best vacancies in the kingdom.
My theme seems of adequate anti-
quity. Two thousand years ago the
poet Vyasa described his hero, Battle-
strong, as ' possessed of slender height,
a monstrous nose and enormous eyes.'
The Rig Veda refers contemptuously
to 'foes with no noses,' as opposed to
those gods gifted with good noses. An-
other Hindu describes his heroine thus :
'She has fair hair and fair is her nose.'
One wishes he had particularized in
what the fairness of her nose consist-
ed. We know that Lavater hated 'an
authoritative nose' in women. It was
rare, he admitted, and stood for rare
qualities, all of them bad. It suggested
to him the ' wretched pride of their si-
lence.' Does such a nose turn up or
down? Lavater does not say. Goethe,
in referring to this great physiognomist
of the eighteenth century, says it was
his duty as minister, on Sundays after
the sermon, to hold the little velvet
bag toward those going out, and to re-
ceive the donations with a blessing.
One Sunday he set himself the task of
looking at no one, but of taking note
only of hands and construing their
shape. Not only did he observe the
forms of the fingers, — the very ex-
pression of them as they dropped in
the gift did not escape his attention.
I wonder just how he carried out his
observations on women's noses, to de-
cide which were authoritative. Were
they beguiled to smell a rose in his
presence, or to sit for a silhouette, or
to remark a fresh fashion on a rival
belle?
Montaigne would have delighted in
such studies. He himself wrote a chap-
ter on Thumbs, though it was else-
where that he recorded that his father,
at the age of sixty, could go round the
dinner table on his thumbs. Whenever
this essayist found the horizon distant
and its objects vague, he 'looked at
his feet and at things in reach of his
hand.' Noses, oddly enough, seem to
have escaped him. No doubt, however,
about his flair. He had it for the mi-
nutest things of this passing show, per-
fuming even the violet, as did that un-
known writer in the Greek Anthology:
'I send thee sweet perfume, giving
grace to the perfume, not to thee; for
thyself thou canst perfume even the
perfume.' Or, like Catullus sending to
his friend Fabullus, 'perfume which
the Venuses and Loves gave to my
lady; and when you snuff its fragrance
you will pray the gods to make you no-
ON NOSES
277
thing but nose.' I have always liked the
oriental legend of Azrael holding to the
nostril of the elect an apple from the
tree of life. In the physical sense, de-
licacy of nostril was once a matter of
life and death to our ancestors, as it is
to hosts of creatures to-day. At a din-
ner party not long ago my neighbor
commented on the beauty of the roses,
regretting that he could not smell
them, and it turned out that five of
the twelve guests had lost the sense
of smell. Dean Stanley once, at men-
tion of such a catastrophe, vehemently
tapped his own nose, exclaiming, ' Here,
here!'
Coleridge, who always had an excuse
for any of his own bad habits and be-
havior, told Proctor that perhaps snuff
was the final cause of the human nose.
Must one conclude that with the fail-
ing keenness of the sense of smell man's
nose will shrink to the proportions of
those deliberately crushed down in
Crim Tartary, or those that Panta-
gruel found on the island of Enuasin,
shaped like the ace of clubs? Would
conservatives then depend for the up-
keep of noses upon the surgeon and the
physicist, or upon such an expert as
the German chemist whose name was
Nose? Would the character change in
arithmetical proportion to the exterior
changes of the face's promontory?
The Earl of Chatham used to bow so
low when he met a Bishop that his nose
could be seen between his knees. Such
suavity is more appalling than the
most exalted nose on any young 'rye.'
The common French phrase is 'lifting
the nose' rather than the eyes, grant-
ing it thus a more independent person-
ality. A modern novelist goes further
in speculative subtlety and ambidex-
terity of argumentation when he prac-
tically argues that instead of saying,
'That little squinting, humpbacked
snub-nose has a splendid soul,' we
might put it, 'That splendid soul has
a little squinting, humpbacked snub-
nose.' Certainly we all know souls
whose noses do not express them.
Madame de Sevigne went to the root
of the matter when she said of the
Dauphine that ' her face became her ill :
her wit perfectly.'
Physically beautiful men, the glory
of the race when it was young, are
almost an anachronism now. Will it
happen, militant and feminist auto-
suggested, that physically beautiful
women may become an anachronism
likewise? Shall the hidden, inner char-
acter be made incarnate in the way of
Balzac's hundreds of delineative noses,
where was a certain play of expression
which revealed the workings of the
mind? After Burne-Jones painted his
attenuated figures and Rossetti his
haunting faces, such figures and faces
became common on London streets.
Can we argue with Shandy that the ex-
cellence of the nose is in direct propor-
tion to the excellence of the wearer's or
of the artist's fancy? Or that instead
of the fancy begetting the nose, the
nose begot the fancy? This mystic and
allegorical scent has led me far, and I
am fain to follow the example of Doc-
tor McCosh when a teasing student
stopped him to inquire about some in-
tricate process of the mind,. — pull my
long nose and walk off, leaving you
plante /a, unanswered.
THE MODERNIST
AN ESSAY IN VERSE
/
BY O. W. FIRKINS
OUR age for charms untold is rhymed and feted,
But I — I like its human antics best:
The man cosmopolite, expatriated,
Who hugs the wandering planet to his breast;
The man who, with religions satiated,
Still jests at faith and finds a faith in jest;
The specialist whom ponderings deep enable
To frame an index or affix a label;
The pessimist who finds in facts horrific
Occasions for exultant self-applause;
The statesman, sure that nations grow pacific
The more they furnished are with teeth and claws;
The symbolist with verse hieroglyphic;
The cubist undisheartened by guffaws:
All, all I love, but topmost on the list
I rank, to-day, the gallant modernist.
He's what I call — in trope — the 'early riser.'
Astir when all the household are abed ;
At breakfast, primed, inestimably wiser —
The weather presaged and the journals read —
He holds forth to the dutiful surprise or
Faint thanks of those on whom is richly shed
His affluence, whom an hour's disastrous lateness
Has made his almsmen, parasites to greatness.
THE MODERNIST 279
He views time as a pyramid inverted,
Poised deftly on the apex of the Now;
Or ship whereon, by order preconcerted,
His post is always neighboring to the prow,
The spot where, as in mockery inserted,
The figurehead — his emblem — shades the bow;
Each barge, each headland, swims into his ken
Ten seconds ere it greets his fellow men.
He deems that God himself is journalistic,/
Each daytime 's issue, smoking from the press,
Remanding by succession fatalistic
All earlier dates to chaff and nothingness;
Each form, howe'er ingenious or artistic,
Born with the day, exhales with day's recess;
Time like a broom or snow-plough is designed;
Ahead lies substance — vacancy behind.
His glance is still round far horizons playing,
Where gas-jets loom like planets to the eye;
He loves in lettered fields to walk a-maying,
Where through the drifts peep buddings faint and shy;
For him the only ore that tempts assaying
Is that new-mined, bared freshly to the sky.
The past is but time's ash-heap dim and gray:
Hades is synonym for yesterday.
He loves to make in nascent reputations
Investment of discreet, precursive praise,
Which, later, when fame passes expectations,
Its dividend of honor duly pays.
The stocks are scanned: 'Those Meredith quotations
Scale high — with Bennetts all the mart's ablaze;
Wards falling slowly — water in the stock;
Hold Shaws, buy Masefields in the solid block!'
280 THE MODERNIST
He nurses fames. * This stripling Archidamus —
I've called him hopeful — Really? classed as sound
In Archer's foot-note? Why, the fellow's famous!
I think I'll risk the epithet "renowned"!
Besides, his voyages to Crete and Samos
Kind notice from the Argonaut have found.
What? two, three columns in the Polypus?
Strike out "renowned" and write "illustrious."
And, not content with altruistic nursing,
He loves to wind fame's earliest bugle-horn;
For him, Pope's motto poignantly reversing,
At every word a reputation's born;
The babe may thrive, its sponsor reimbursing,
Or if, by ailments infantile uptorn,
It dies — what matter? It finds cosiest room
For the belied prognostic in its tomb.
And then, since praise unmixed is meretricious,
A pinch of blame must season our critique;
We'll drop betwixt 'enthralling ' and * delicious/
Some muttered hint like * structurally weak';
Faults shine like merits in a phrase judicious;
* Crux writes in cipher : dub his style unique.
Pax raves: why, yes, berserker-like, convulsive.
Nex stabbed his brother: true, Nex is impulsive.'
He loves a dashing word, a phrase new-minted,
But new words age so lamentably fast;
There's * colorful,' no longer blithely tinted,
And * artistry' with damaged wares is classed;
I fear lest, too assiduously printed,
'Convincing' leave us skeptical at last;
'Mordant' has lost its tooth. We need * invasive';
'Compelling' — that's as lamblike as * persuasive.'
THE MODERNIST 281
'Not mine/ he says, 'to count tradition folly;
In youth I could read Tennyson at sight;
And Arnold, reticent and melancholy,
In whom fond antiquarians delight;
I once perused an ancient named Macaulay,
Who spake of Burke, the vanished Troglodyte;
Our libraries these prehistoric data
Guard, fossil-like, in shelves that mimic strata.
'There's Shakespeare, now, a most ingenious fellow —
Read him some idle week at Spa or Ems —
The daisies in his meads are fair and yellow,
Though Avon's force is surely not the Thames';
His works re-read from Tempest to Othello,
Yield copious store of pungent apophthegms;
A man not void of humor; and his dramas
Serve still as trestle-work for panoramas.
' The truths we love are many-hued as Iris —
Be they but fresh, they're palatable all;
With Bergson all our spirits can desire is
More draughts and lustier of the elan vital;
We '11 carve our God, like primitive Osiris,
For James' (the elder's) sake, in pieces small;
Nietzsche is godless — paeans be upraised-,
And Chesterton 's religious, Heaven be praised ! '
The age draws truth into its own mutations
(For us the ship's course guides the polar star)
It nods — responsive to our lucubrations —
Which proves that affirmations priceless are;
It turns, it winds, in unforeseen gyrations,
Which make it plain that truth is circular;
It gives itself the lie; we know by trial
The heart and pith of truth is self-denial.
282 THE MODERNIST
He joys to find the generous earth productive
Of those rich cacti called the pessimists;
He loves a soul that 's wholesomely destructive,
A soul that carries falcons on its wrists;
Malevolence is wooingly seductive;
What blandishment so sure as doubled fists?
If his god chides him: 'Dastard, slave, unbred,'
He bows in meekness: 'Master, thou hast said/
He loves each note in the incessant howling,
Emitted from his strange menagerie:
The Swedish bear, insatiately prowling,
With woman's flesh fed hourly, — grim to see;
Sp-t-zz! the cat Nietzsche with his valiant growling
At love, faith, patience, 'mouse' morality;
See, his fur sparkles! From the adjoining yard
Heard ye that baying? That's our St. Bernard!9
The clocks tick faster in the stimulation
His presence yields. That loafing earth and skies
Should twice twelve hours consume in one saltation
Affects him with intolerant surprise;
Fired newly by his kindling expectation,
The sun feels fresh encouragements to rise;
He, supple athlete, sound in wind and limb,
Keeps gray time breathless, chasing after him.
Long may it be ere Death, that grim precisian,
Halts his gay car for speeding over-fast.
Shall he incur that uttermost derision,
Consignment to the stationary past?
Must he behold from shaded fields Elysian
The saucy Now fade in the formless vast,
And Time and all Time's couriers such as he
Stalled in that mighty pound, Eternity?
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
THE FEARSOME GARTER-SNAKE
I AM accounted, among my friends,
a woman of rare courage. Humanity's
subtlest, most inveterate enemy, the
unseen disease-germ, has for me no
terrors; I tramp for hours umbrellaless
in wind and rain without dread of
catching cold; only yesterday I walked
calmly into a measles-smitten house-
hold; in China I have looked without
fear on the body of a coolie lying dead
by the wayside. Nor do I flinch in time
of misadventure : hooky cows and set-
ting hens I boldly confront; I have
ridden a bucking pony through a yel-
low-jacket's nest, have been in a motor
accident on a lonely road in Asia, four
thousand miles from a repair shop,
have traveled on an ocean liner when
fire smouldered in her cargo of cotton
bales, and on a treacherous railway
during spring freshets — and this with-
out blenching. Apprehensions of mid-
night burglars, or the possible man-
under- the-bed, trouble me not at all,
nor am I haunted by the thought that
the maid is about to leave and I may
fall downstairs and break a leg. The
bugaboos of society do not daunt me:
I vote; I occupy a gallery seat at the
opera with unruffled enjoyment; a
street gown, new this week, has a skirt
wide enough for a free step.
A fine picture of an Amazon, is it not?
A modern woman emancipated from
the shackles of timidity, submission,
and superstition which have bound her
sex for centuries. And yet in my ar-
mor of fearlessness there is a flaw.
As if each crawling specimen were
the original one that harbored Satan in
Eden, I fear the * spirited, sly snake/
Not necessarily the rattlesnake — him
I seldom meet — but the innocuous
garter-snake, common in garden, forest,
and meadow. There is no poison in his
fangs; I am not, like Achilles, vulner-
able in the heel; yet, some day, I know,
a garter-snake will twine himself about
my ankle and my screams will pierce
the empyrean.
In my little girlhood I proved by re-
peated experiments the saying, known
of every country child, that *a snake's
tail does not die until sundown,' where-
upon the snake became for me an ob-
ject of loathing more uncanny by far
than those lizards whose tails fly off at
a blow. If Fate had given me an elder
brother, if some teasing boy friend had
appeared during this period of investi-
gation, my future tremors might all
have been spared, for such an one
would have taught me, willy nilly, to
pick up the reptile by the tail, to let
him coil his cold length on my palm.
Into my hands, instead, fell a copy of
Paradise Lost, illustrated by Dore, and
the garter-snake became fixed in my
mind forever as an ally of the Evil One,
a devouring dragon in the path.
He is so often in the path ! — a terror
that makes me choose my steps with
infinite care in forest and field. In
early spring — with us the first wild
flowers bloom in February — I stoop
to pick a violet, and a garter-snake
glides from under my hand. Walking
in March on the first warm day, I can
spare but fleeting glances for the glories
of the fir woods, radiant with yellow
violets, white trilliums, and the gay,
red bells a-swing on the wild currant;
for my eye must be ever on the road
where numberless garter-snakes go
283
284
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
* streaking the ground with sinuous
trace/ In midsummer, by a trout
stream, high in the Cascade Moun-
tains, I find a serpent,
In labyrinth of many a round, self-rolled,
His head the midst,
sunning himself on a log where I must
stand to cast.
Again, I pause, entranced, in the
depth of the forest, listening to a wee,
brown wren, warbling rapturously on a
stump near by; to a russet thrush, afar
in the green aisles, singing his vesper
song; I half expect to see a faun caper
with a flourish of goat legs from behind
the trunk of a tree, I half expect to see
some fish-tailed god of the trout rise
from behind a boulder in the stream
below; then, expectant, charmed with
melody, I slide down a steep bank to
reach a pool of promise, and my de-
scending heel barely misses a striped
reptile coiled on the river's edge. He
crawls away hissing; I try to calm my
fears with the facts of evolution. Sci-
entists tell us that the snake is merely
a distant cousin of the sweet-voiced
wren and russet thrush, beloved of my
soul; but the knowledge does not lessen
my fright or temper my dislike.
In spring and summer he cumbers
the earth. Even in November, when I
cut a branch of flaming vine maple in a
suburban lot, he is there, drowsing at
the base of the shrub, and he slinks
away with a rude darting of his forked
tongue and a hint of rheumatism in
his wriggling motion. Only during our
brief and rainy winter may I walk
abroad in peace.
Nor is the garter-snake peculiar to
America.' Chance has led me to many
lands and many are the coppers I have
given to be quit of rag- clothed beggars
accompanied by pet reptiles, harmless
yet capable of twining about one's
ankle. Once, in Japan, I made a pil-
grimage to a shrine dedicated to some
god of pedestrians. It was picturesque-
ly situated on a hillside in a grove of
giant cryptomerias. The god sat framed
in hundreds of sandals left as votive
offerings : little sandals of toddling chil-
dren, larger ones of countrywomen, big
sandals of men, and one great pair of
the size of the seven-league boots. As
I gazed, twisting down among them,
long, and thick as my arm, came a
serpent; and straightway a miracle of
swift walking came to pass.
By good fortune I reached, at last,
during my travels, a snakeless Eden.
In the blessed island of St. Patrick ser-
pents may not live. Even those of the
Dublin Zoo, it is said, pine away and
die. In Ireland I sauntered by gently
flowing rivers, through meadows knee-
deep with grass, and no fear was in
my soul. Old habit, at first, made me
walk warily, but there were no snakes
in snaky places, and finally the glad
freedom was mine of walking with my
eyes on the sheep and white-washed
cottages and colleens and beech trees
and even on the lark aloft, * singing at
heaven's gate.'
Since those carefree days, St. Pat-
rick has always seemed to me a man
born before his time. What might not
that vigorous saint have accomplished
in the way of banishing reptiles from
America had he been born after Co-
lumbus ! Why did Dame History grant
the gracious gift of St. Patrick to a
small, green isle of the sea in the fifth
century, when a vast continent inhab-
ited by copper-heads, rattlers, and gar-
ter-snakes was to be discovered in the
fifteenth?
Angling is to me the sport of sports,
tramping is one of my chief joys, and
yet, like Eve, through a serpent I lose
Paradise. A son of Adam would doubt-
less trace this childish cowardice to the
long-suffering mother of us all, but
Eve's daughter must refrain. It is an
inheritance, a primitive instinct, a use-
less survival, a kind of mental vermi-
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
285
form appendix ; an inheritance, not from
Eve, I take it, but from some remote
jungle ancestress to whom all serpents
were deadly enemies, to be shunned
in the open and driven from the cave
that was her home. To this primeval
woman, this occupant of sunless cav-
erns, I owe that little twilit corner of
my brain where timidity and super-
stition dwell, where lurks the fear of
garter-snakes.
Yet I am accounted a woman of rare
courage.
THE VICARIOUS CAREER
THE applause which followed the
closing period of the address made the
sturdy rafters of the Opera House
quake. The repeated recognition of the
tribute by the Splendid One as she
slowly retreated backward up the stage
was in keeping with her personality. It
was impressive, majestic, superb, yet
not unfeminine. For the moment, she
was the young queen, and we her de-
voted subjects, vowing allegiance. I
am ready to admit that, though a mere
man and not very much of a feminist
in the narrower meaning of the term,
I was carried away with enthusiasm
like the rest. Not that I could have
recalled much of what she had said : I
remembered chiefly that it was good,
in its manner of presentation, if not in
its substance. The spell was broken
when Amelia, laying her hand upon
my arm, whispered, —
'How is that for a self-made wo-
man?'
I started, for she had touched me on
a tender spot.
'There is no such thing,' I answer-
ed; and on the way home I explained
myself.
One of my philosophic hobbies is
that the ' self-made ' man or woman is
— I was going to say a fraud, but that
implies a certain consciousness of per-
petration, so I will modify the epithet
— a victim of self-delusion. Many a
man who craves the distinction of hav-
ing made himself deserves great credit
for having availed himself of his oppor-
tunities, but the opportunities came his
way through the handiwork of another
or others. What would an actor be
without the opening made for him by
the playwright, and the choice of a psy-
chological moment by the manager?
How much should we ever hear of a
lawyer without clients, or a physician
without patients? Even a headsman
cannot rise to fame if his generation is
too virtuous to furnish its crop of capi-
tal criminals. Every one of these agen-
cies must be recognized in making up
our estimate of the man who has at-
tained success. The romancers appre-
ciate the fact. Do we ever think of
Robinson Crusoe without his man Fri-
day, or of Gulliver without his Lillipu-
tians?
' Never mind fiction,' remarked Ame-
lia, cynically, 'let's stick to history,
and talk about Lincoln and his rails,
Burritt and his anvil, Hugh Miller
and his rocks. I trust that if you ever
write an essay on how great men are
made, you will pay a suitable compli-
ment to the wood and iron and stone
that entered into the composition of
.their fame.'
I am used to Amelia's satire, so I
gratified her with a mild but non-com-
mittal chuckle, and proceeded. Pass-
ing from the more remote agencies to
those of a man's own household, you
must have seen Dietrichstein in The
Concert. Barrie, too, has hit off my
idea, though somewhat broadly, in
What Every Woman Knows. The poor
egotist who attributed all his advance
in politics to his own statesmanlike
qualities, but awoke in the last act to
discover how much he owed to his wife,
is a type by no means extinct in real
life. I half suspect that Barrie had
/
286
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
Carlyle and Jane Welsh in mind when
he wrote his play.
None of us liveth to himself, not
the strongest or most gifted; some-
where we touch elbows with our neigh-
bor and draw upon him for support,
material or moral. As a result, none of
us can justly be said to have made him-
self, or to have a wholly separate indi-
viduality. The most dominant mem-
ber of the community, though he may
boast of having made his own way in
life without help, is really a composite
product. To the public, his career ap-
pears to have been his alone; for a fact,
he embodies the careers of several per-
sons who have been so associated with
him that, if any of them had dropped
out of place, the result would have
been, perhaps not spoiled, but at least
not so complete. The Opera House is
lighted by electricity. The unthinking
credit the brilliancy of the illumination
wholly to the great dynamo; I insist
that every cog-wheel and lever and
band and pin in the entire mechanism
has a vicarious function in the produc-
tion of the current. Let one of these
break when the machinery is in full
motion, and wjiat happens?
So, let us take the case of the Splen-
did One. Would she have produced the
effect she did on that audience if she
had been an ill-nourished, anaemic, hag-
gard, careworn dowdy, instead of the
magnificent creature who could have
commanded a hearing anywhere by
merely standing up and letting us look
at her, whether we believed we were
going to hear something worth listen-
ing to or not? And who was respon-
sible for her appearance? Her dress-
maker? In part. But the most perfect
costume would have been powerless to
make up for the lack of that clear skin,
that glowing color, those sparkling
eyes, that aura of physical soundness
and energy which enveloped her so as
to prepare every man and woman in
the audience for something good to
come. I hazarded a guess that her
mother was a fine housekeeper.
'She is,' assented Amelia, 'fine at
everything that enters into home-mak-
ing. If she were n't — '
'The Splendid One would go hungry
sometimes,' I suggested, 'or all the
time; or have indigestible food to eat?
I '11 make another guess — that, if the
daughter is presiding at a committee-
meeting, or deep in the throes of com-
position, or what not, when luncheon
time comes, the mother sees to it that a
hot and fresh tidbit shall be in waiting
for her as soon as she is released. If the
daughter is out late, as to-night, for in-
stance, you may believe that the mo-
ther has an appetizing trayful of some-
thing for her to eat and drink before
she goes to bed; and if she feels like
sleeping over to-morrow morning, the
old lady will guard the approaches to
her chamber as jealously as a watch-
dog. What kind of a man is her
father?'
'A very ordinary person,' answered
Amelia, with just a hint of contempt in
her tone, 'very ordinary indeed. He is
what would be called a plodder — the
last man in the world you would expect
to have been the parent of so magnifi-
cent a creature as she. He has spent his
whole life over a counting-room desk.
His one trait which protrudes above
the level is his interest in her career.
He has not been able financially to. help
her much, but he never put anything in
the way of her doing what she had set
her heart upon.'
'I think I can picture him,' I ven-
tured. 'He is somewhat colorless, and
a little shy. After mousing all day over
his account-books, he comes home and
reads the papers. The Splendid One,
with her round of public duties, has
scant time to do that, so he tells her the
news, and comments on it, and proba-
bly clips a few of the articles he finds
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
287
that bear on subjects within her range
of thought and activity. In an unosten-
tatious way, his good name in the com-
munity has given her a standing there
which it would have taken her a long
time to win for herself. When she has
got a little money ahead, he advises her
about taking care of it. He also gives
her the benefit, when she asks him to,
of his experience and observation of
men and affairs through a life which is
from two to three times as long as hers.
And possibly there are some other
members of the household ? '
'Only one, a sister, who is common-
place like the father. She 's a good girl,
I suppose, but one who will never be
heard of. I rarely meet her anywhere
except making a call at some one's
house or in the audience on an occasion
like to-night. She went behind imme-
diately after the speech.'
* Just so. She was probably carrying
the Splendid One's cloak, gladly play-
ing the part of a maid that the star of
the evening might have that much less
to think about. Few geniuses can en-
dure distractions of a purely mundane
order. Unless I miss my guess, the
Splendid One turns over her modicum
of social duties to her sister to attend
to. The Sister makes the calls, answers
the invitations, keeps the minor house-
hold records in which the Splendid One
figures. It is the sister who takes care
of the little garden, cuts the flowers,
and arranges them for the table; it is
she who counts, and assorts, and mends
the clothes when the laundress has
done her worst with them; nay, now
that I am on the subject, how do you
know that she does not darn the stock-
ings which the Splendid One is too busy
to keep in order, or — '
'You need not go on,' interrupted
Amelia. 'You have drawn the family
portrait pretty true to life. Where did
you learn so much about them?'
'They are simply an epitome of the
family universal,' said I, feeling for my
latchkey as we walked up the path to
the front-door. 'We are apt to single
out a certain member who is in the
public glare, and say, "So-and-so has
achieved a career; the rest are nobod-
ies, or nearly so." We rarely pause to
reflect that the career of the one who
stands in the spot-light is only a part of
a joint career in which those dimly
descried figures in the gray background
are sharers. The Splendid One enjoys
hers directly, the others enjoy theirs
vicariously, but with not less real
desert.'
FAULT FOUND WITH FORTY
WHERE is that dainty sweet melan-
choly with which I hoped to regale a
sentimental disposition on the ap-
proach of the middle of middle age?
Tears from the depth of some divine despair
In looking on the happy (what, happy?) autumn
fields.
It's too provoking to find thirty-nine
looking down the west road for forty
with a come-hither in its eye. Is one
never to become wistful, ironical, ten-
der, resigned and interesting?
* Can't you feel sad over growing
old?' inquired J. sympathetically. (J.'s
interest in the phenomena of growing
old is purely academic. She has n't
had any practical experience in that
line, though her age by the Bible is a
little more than mine.)
'Why, the worst of it is, Miss
Thoughtful, I don't know what to
make of this sense of competence, and
calmness, and contented expectation
of good luck. There's nothing about
it to harmonize with forty. I 'm at my
wits' end for sorrowful and cynical feel-
ings : I have n't been able to lose an
ounce of cheerfulness; I don't know
which way to turn. Do you know I 'm
even beginning to be afraid that I'm
getting over being afraid of death.'
288
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
'But you're still afraid of pain?'
she inquired hopefully, having winter-
ed and summered with my physical
cowardice.
* Why, that 's another thing that I 'm
disappointed in, after all,' I confessed.
'I can generally imagine pain a good
deal worse than anything I ever feel,
unless it 's when a dentist touches a live
nerve; and that's really more a sort of
frantic shudder — '
'Don't talk about it!'
' Well, I don't really care to, myself.
But ordinary pain, — why, the only
thing you notice much is that it makes
you rather cross and feeble and silly.
It used to wear such a horrible thrilling
false face in my young dreams about
it; and death used to have a whole out-
fit of melodramatic properties, blue
lights, sepulchral music, and so on, — I
do feel resentful at the idea of losing all
those interesting shivers!'
'I 'm afraid I can't wait and hear
you complain any longer,' said J. 'I 'm
off for the Tuesday dancing class.'
' That 's another thing ! ' I called after
her. 'These new dances only make it
harder and harder to get the proper
tone for forty.'
I went oh thinking about it after
she 'd gone, and resigned myself as well
as I could to the prospect of a frankly
cheerful middle age. I resolutely gave
up, once for all, trying to work up pen-
sive moods and irrevocable regrets. It
was too warm for such hard work, any-
way; and I looked over my materials
and found almost nothing suitable.
There were all my friendships of
'teens and twenties perfectly intact,
fast colors, not shrunk a particle. On
most of them, in fact, the pattern
seemed to have spread, and stood out
brighter: and on one in particular I
found some gold-thread applique work
which I can't remember at all in the old
days when D. and I were cutting it out
and stitching it together.
My old Sunday silk, too, — since I
made it over the fourth or fifth time,
I believe the breadths have actually
grown wider!
My working clothes have rather
toughened with wear, and the sun and
rain are steadily bleaching my aprons
whiter.
I wish I had n't been led to expect
that my enthusiasms would wear thin
by this time. I was going to trade them
away, in that case, for a nice tin dip-
per when the rag-man came round; but
I don't see my way to dispense with
them at present. I believe those dura-
ble old enthusiasms will make me an
excellent one-piece everyday dress; it
will be cool in summer, and warm in
winter, and just right for spring and
fall.
The fact is, reader, this so-called
Middle-age is a consummate humbug.
It 's nothing in the world but that poor
little delicate Youth, grown bronzed,
broad-shouldered, (becomingly) stout,
and less addicted to amateur theatri-
cals.
Ah, well ! It 's only one more illusion
gone!
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
SEPTEMBER, 1914
PHILANTHROPY WITH STRINGS
BY EDWARD ALSWORTH ROSS
IF there is one thing on which all
men have at all times agreed, it is the
beauty and excellence of philanthropy.
In the days before the common people
had gained control, government made
no effort to relieve human suffering, and
the resources for its alleviation had to
be coaxed out of private hands. To the
ministers of relief the generous giver
seemed a saint, and so the tradition
grew up that it is unbecoming to * look
a gift horse in the mouth.'
Inevitably the gratitude and admi-
ration which the public feels for bene-
volence is taken advantage of by those
seeking to ingratiate themselves with
their fellow citizens. It has long been
recognized by the sponsors for charit-
able enterprises that the candidate for
public office offers an easy mark for
the collector. The popularity-hunter
has always appreciated the wisdom of
subscribing handsomely to benevolent
enterprises. Infamous businesses have
sought to insure tolerance for their ne-
farious operations by giving heavily
and conspicuously to charities with a
strong sentimental appeal. Liquor deal-
ers and the proprietors of gambling
houses and keepers of low resorts have
been prompt with big contributions for
the relief of visible dramatic suffering,
VOL. 114 -NO. s
such as the hunger or cold of women
and children.
In the bad old days of bank failures,
the capitalist who had slipped out of
the back door of a bank with a satchel
of loot, while the tricked depositors
were hammering in vain at the front
entrance, sought to turn aside public
odium and win his way back to respect-
ability by a consistent course of diplo-
matic and ostentatious giving. Public-
utility companies have often made a
point of subscribing to charitable and
civic undertakings, and their generos-
ity has fluctuated pretty closely with
the imminence of attack upon their
privileges and their policies.
The resort to philanthropy as a
means of propitiation becomes more
general as the public becomes more and
more critical of the ways of business.
Eight or nine years ago it was often
predicted that ' muck-raking ' would so
wound, exasperate, and alienate the
rich that the fountains of benevolence
would dry up. Exactly the opposite has
occurred. Exposure has had a wonder-
ful effect in loosening the purse-strings
of the exposed and the exposable. As
the impertinent question, * Where did
he get it?' becomes more insistent, and
busybodies with lanterns go poking
and peering about the foundations of
majestic fortunes, the rush to philan-
£90
PHILANTHROPY WITH STRINGS
thropic cover becomes ever more no-
ticeable.
All the gifts by which wrong-doers
contrive to cover their nakedness with
the mantle of respectability, cost soci-
ety more than they are worth. They
are virtually purchases of unmerited
leniency with money, and tend to break
down the moral law just as compound-
ing a felony breaks down the criminal
law. It would be well if gifts of ill-
gotten wealth were cast back into the
teeth of the giver until he gave evi-
dence of repentance and restitution.
But, from the nature of the case, a
compromising donation almost never
meets with such a reception. It is a
gift to a particular charity — a babies'
fresh-air fund, a newsboys' home, or a
rescue mission. The directors of the
charity have this work at heart and
naturally feel that the Spartan-like re-
jection of a large and much-needed
contribution would be tantamount to
engaging in moral sanitation at the
expense of the babies or newsboys or
Magdalens. Each charity, therefore, is
under a strong inducement to stick to
its own task, take thankfully whatever
money comes to it for its work, and re-
frain from facing broad questions as to
the relation between modes of wealth-
getting and the social welfare.
This is the reason why private unen-
dowed charities must, on the whole, be
listed among the static rather than the
dynamic forces in society. They have
every temptation to centre their atten-
tion on their own bit of blessed work
and to take the world as they find it.
Why should they entertain question-
ings that might oblige them to discrim-
inate between donations? What wel-
come will they have for ideas which are
likely to offend or alarm their donors?
Have they not every inducement to re-
gard the class of poor whom they serve,
and the class of rich who provide them
with the means of serving the poor, as
natural and fixed features in the so-
cial system? So we have the anomaly
that groups of people who have a very
wide knowledge of special conditions,
and who have acquired precious expe-
rience in particular lines of social ser-
vice, have little to say when projects of
social reconstruction are brought upon
the carpet. Not only do many of them
hold aloof from constructive social re-
formers, but often they throw cold water
on proposed remedies and policies
which are in successful operation else-
where.
There is another and a greater lim-
itation upon private philanthropy. Of
late we have dropped the old, simple,
soothing explanation of the cause of
human misery. Nowadays we know too
much about distress to dismiss it as
merely the result of unfitness for the
struggle for existence. We have learned
that people struggle, not in still water,
but in an agitated medium full of up-
currents and down-currents; that poor
swimmers may be borne up and good
swimmers may be carried down. It is
twenty years or more since social work-
ers took to investigating seriously the
head-waters of the endless flow of mis-
erable people defiling before them.
They have traced up the tributaries of
this flood, and instead of finding their
sources to be individual congenital de-
fects, they have found many of them to
be adverse social conditions. This being
true, the really big thing to do is not
just to handle the current of depen-
dents as it flows past, but to get at the
sources and find a way of plugging
them up. Nature cannot be changed,
— save by the slow methods of eugen-
ics, — congenital weakness cannot be
cured, but an adverse social condition
admits of being removed.
Some of these conditions can be
removed without disturbing anybody
much, unless it be the tax-payer. Such
are city congestion, or convivial social
PHILANTHROPY WITH STRINGS
291
customs, or truancy, or lack of recrea-
tion facilities. But most of the adverse
social conditions are mixed up with
some lucrative business, and you can-
not go about to abolish them without
having a business interest on your back.
The social conditions which create
down-currents are usually conditions of
work or conditions of living — including
under this latter, housing, food, and
recreation. Now, the caterers to vice
who seize upon, pervert, and exploit the
instinct of young people for pleasure,
have been pretty well outlawed, and
there is no danger lest social workers
be embarrassed by donations from that
quarter.
Few, indeed, are the legitimate char-
ities which have been brought under
any obligation to the liquor traffic,
gambling, the social evil, or the com-
mercialized theatre. Only a few years
ago, however, very respectable donors
were protesting against raising the
question of the housing of the working-
class population. Happily, the move-
ment for the betterment of housing is
now so far advanced that it has be-
come disgraceful knowingly to draw
rentals from rotten and disease-breed-
ing tenement houses. People who covet
respectability have bowed to the re-
quirements of the housing laws or else
shifted their investments to other kinds
of property. This leaves the real fight
to centre around the questions of the
conditions and pay of labor.
Now, there are few fortunes which
do not rest on businesses that are more
or less sensitive to such questions. The
proposition that the conditions of labor
need amendment if we are going to les-
sen Very much the flow of misery and
degradation, is a terrible shock to the
whole policy of reliance on private phil-
anthropy. Few indeed are the admin-
istrators of unendowed philanthropies
who can advance many steps along this
path without barking their shins.
ii
In Pennsylvania steel towns the
Young Men's Christian Association
has been quite inert with respect to any
problem 'of the steel- workers which in-
volves their relations to the company
— such as the effects of the seven-day
week, the twelve-hour day, the all-
night shift, the twenty-four-hour turn
every other week, or the preventable
work accidents; for the reason that
much of the money that runs it comes
from the officers and superintendents
of the mills.
To be sure, the Association inspires
young men to lead a cleaner life, but
what in mill towns is this problem com-
pared with the problem of conditions
of work? I talked once with an Asso-
ciation secretary about conditions in
the West Virginia coal field. In one dis-
trict where he has a strong work, the
company owns 35,000 acres of land, —
everything except the right-of-way of
the railroad through that district. The
moment one leaves the right-of-way,
the company may treat him as a tres-
passer. If an investigator goes there
without company authorization he may
be treated as a trespasser the moment
that he steps from the depot plat-
form; if a labor organizer goes in there,
the company can order him out of the
house of any employee; a missionary
going in there must have a company
permit. Moreover, a band of com-
pany sluggers, known as 'the wrecking
crew/ takes in hand any agitator or
organizer who comes in, and beats him
up so that he cannot proceed with his
purpose.
I asked the Association secretary
what he thought of this feudalism. He
replied that such a system is necessary
under the conditions and that it pro-
duces wonderful results. Prostitutes
and gamblers are kept out, there are no
saloons, liquor can be brought in only
PHILANTHROPY WITH STRINGS
on order, and the company allows no
liquor wagon to leave a case of beer at
any house where lately there has been
drunkenness or * rough-house/ This
man was a good man, but he did not
consider whether the system was mak-
ing men or making serfs. He was inter-
ested only in whether the miners drank,
and how they lived. The only Associa-
tion secretary who could succeed in
that district would be one who took
that point of view, for much of his sup-
port came from the company, which
was interested in preventing the men
from making themselves unfit for their
work.
In a certain city an energetic Asso-
ciation secretary was just completing
his fund for a fine new building. One
night his wife was called out to a case
of distress, through which he got an in-
sight into the bad conditions surround-
ing young working women in his city.
After carefully getting up his facts, he
formed a committee, secured speakers,
and announced that on Friday there
would be a public meeting to consider
the problem of the young working wo-
men in local industries. Promptly he
was summoned by telephone to meet
the directors of his Association, and
when he entered the room, one of his
Christian backers burst out upon him
with, 'What in h — 1 do you mean by
getting up this public meeting? Don't
you know I ' ve got eighty girls working
in the basement of my department
store? ' His other directors were equal-
ly stern, and he was ordered to call
off his meeting or lose all the import-
ant contributions to his building fund.
He held his meeting and immediately
thereafter resigned.
I greatly admire the Young Men's
Christian Association, and the only
reason that I mention it so often here
is because I have oftener stumbled up-
on its problems. But it is no more em-
barrassed in this respect than are the
church and the church philanthropies.
Nor are the secular charities free.
During a strike of the iron-moulders in
a mining-machinery works in a state
capital, the company declared a lock-
out and advertised throughout the
state, 'Wanted, skilled iron-moulders.
Good pay. No strike.' Some moulders
removed to the capital to get this work
and found too late that they were to
be used as strike-breakers. Two such
families sought relief of the Associated
Charities, and the secretary expostu-
lated with the president of the ma-
chinery company for bringing up-state
iron-moulders into distress by luring
them into a strike situation. The reply
he got was, 'You people can't complain
of having to handle such cases. Don't
we contribute $150 a year to your
work?'
A student of mine, after three years
of charity organization work, said to
me, 'Professor, I've quit. There's no-
thing in it. The game's too thin. We
coax money from the people who are
the beneficiaries of the abuses that pro-
duce the wrecks we deal with. They
let us deal with the wrecks, but we
can't touch or even show up the condi-
tions that produce them, because that
would affect their income/ And the
young man concluded, 'No more for
me. I'm going to be a factory inspec-
tor, or something of that sort, where I
won 't be a dead letter/
in
The head worker of a social settle-
ment, who had made plans for a much-
needed housing investigation in the
vicinity of the settlement, had to ditch
the investigation because real-estate
owners, who contributed each a few
hundred dollars a year to the settle-
ment fund, sent word that they were
able to look after their property them-
selves.
PHILANTHROPY WITH STRINGS
293
In another case, a board represent-
ing the * donor ' point of view so curbs
the head worker in his endeavors to
take part in the movements affecting
the welfare of his neighborhood, that he
avows to me that he is straining every
nerve to gain sufficient financial sup-
port in his neighborhood to justify him
in cutting loose entirely from up-town
philanthropists.
A social worker who had resided in
many settlements said to me : * Most of
the successful settlement heads that I
know are one thing to their boards and
a quite different thing to their clientele.
Unless they can play this game well,
they are lost. For if at the demand of
their boards they exclude radicals and
socialists from settlement clubs and
gatherings, censor the list of speakers
and denature the discussions before the
men's club, they lose their hold on the
neighborhood. If, on the other hand,
the settlement is a place for free speech
and the residents show a lively interest
in everything affecting the welfare of
the neighborhood, no matter what em-
ployers or corporations they may fall
afoul of, they lose their hold on the
board.'
The opposition of boards of directors
of settlements to giving any real power
in respect to policy to a house-council
consisting of the residents themselves,
or to conceding any place in its direc-
tion to representatives of the various
neighborhood associations which the
settlement has called into being, dis-
closes an attitude of patronage inspired
by upper-class ideas as to the steward-
ship of the rich over the poor.
The recent action of the entire body
of eight volunteer resident workers in
one of the oldest and most renowned
social settlements in this country, in
withdrawing from the house because
the council (half of them Wall Street
men who never come near the house
and little comprehend the needs of the
neighborhood) regarded it as an act of
insubordination for them to join the
settlement society and elect one of their
own number to the council, illustrates
how those who give mere money arro-
gate to themselves the control of the
policy of the settlement to the exclu-
sion of those who give time and serv-
ice. No wonder that the social centre,
which uses public property and stands
for community self-help, inspires so
much more hope than the social set-
tlement which represents the spirit of
philanthropy.
Talk with a working man and he will
tell you, 'To h — 1 with philanthropy!
I want not charity, but justice.' When
an injured workingman receives com-
pensation, as he does now, he can hold
his head higher than he could when he
was aided by a charity.
A wise settlement warden once de-
clared in his report that a large part
of the work at his settlement was 'of
a disappearing character.' He main-
tained a playground in the settle-
ment back-yard just long enough to
induce the park commission to estab-
lish a better one in the park across the
street. He held cooking classes in the
settlement until the public schools put
in cooking. He provided evening in-
struction for working boys until the
state put in a continuation school. He
ran a little employment office until
the state established a big, well-equip-
ped employment bureau in his neigh-
borhood.
Here is the natural and logical rela-
tion of philanthropy to social reform.
It is the function of private philan-
thropy -to pioneer, to experiment, to
try out new things and new methods,
and just as soon as it has found the
right way and standardized the meth-
od that gives results, the time has
come for the community to take over
the function. This releases a certain
amount of private time and money to
294 SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ITALY
go on and tackle something else. The
means for initiating and carrying on
experimental lines of social work must
come from private benevolence, but
the standardized lines of social work
ought to be provided for by the com-
munity or state.
Once the philanthropist set up a
drinking fountain; now there is good
city water laid on everywhere. In old-
en times kindhearted people provided
' ragged schools ' for the waifs of the al-
leys; now there are public schools for
all. Once the benevolent created funds
to provide meals for indigent prisoners
in the jails, but John Howard induced
the state to feed its prisoners. Time
was when the defectives were cared for
by charitable groups; now the state
provides for these unfortunates. There
will always be opportunity for private
philanthropy to render signal services;
but a democratic society with a proper
spirit of independence will not allow
itself to form the bad habit of leaning
upon the large private donor, but will
take as its maxim, 'Let us do it our-
selves.'
SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ITALY
BY GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
THE events which occurred through-
out Italy on June 9 and 10 of this year
have brought home to the friends of
existing social institutions everywhere
the appalling fact that the syndicalist-
ic general strike is no longer a vague
theory, but has become a stern reality,
which must be reckoned with in the fu-
ture as a constant menace to law and
order wherever syndicalism has taken
root.
Syndicalist strikes have been called
from time to time in different coun-
tries, or cities, and in various industries,
with only partial success, and more for
the purpose of practice than with any
hope of bringing about the social revo-
lution.
The so-called general strike in Russia
in 1905, which secured from the govern-
ment some more or less useful reforms,
was really a revolution on a small scale,
organized by the anarchist terrorists,
and carried on in the usual, old-
fashioned revolutionary way. In May,
1911, the few syndicalists in Hungary
joined with the socialists of all sorts
and kinds in proclaiming a general
strike at Budapest for the purpose of
forcing the Prime Minister to keep his
word and grant universal suffrage. Af-
ter serious rioting and bloodshed, fol-
lowed by pandemonium in the Cham-
ber of Deputies, order was restored on
the introduction by the Prime Minis-
ter of a suffrage bill in no sense uni-
versal in scope. The syndicalist strike
called on the French railways some
years ago, and that called in Milan last
year, both ended in miserable failure,
while in Portugal the success of the gen-
eral strike has been due far more to
the general condition of anarchy which
exists in that unhappy country, than
to the efforts of those who have organ-
ized labor agitation.
SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ITALY 295
To appreciate the significance of the
recent general strike in Italy, it is ne-
cessary to have at least some under-
standing of present-day Italian political
conditions. As in all Latin countries,
the party system, as English-speaking
peoples know it, does not exist in Italy;
its place is taken by the so-called group
system. No one group ever has a ma-
jority in the Chamber of Deputies, gov-
ernment being carried on by a combi-
nation of several groups, which may
fall apart at any moment.
The Italian Chamber is divided be-
tween the so-called constitutionalist
and anti-constitutionalist groups, — or
parties, as their members like to call
them. The constitutionalist groups are
in number some half dozen, of varying
degrees of conservatism and radicalism;
they support the present constitution,
advocate constitutional methods of
reform, and are enthusiastically mon-
archical. The anti-constitutionalist
groups include the socialists, who are
divided into several sub-groups, and
the republicans; they are opposed to
the present constitution and are revo-
lutionary.
In addition to the political groups
represented in the Chamber of Depu-
ties, there are other groups outside,
either too small or too much scattered
to elect representatives, or with theo-
ries which prevent their taking part in
parliamentary elections. Chief among
the latter are the two revolutionary
groups of syndicalists and anarchists,
who decline to compromise with con-
viction by even recognizing the just-
ice of existing social conditions to the
extent of having anything to do with
existing party politics.
The four revolutionary groups —
socialists, republicans, syndicalists, and
anarchists — shade off by impercep-
tible degrees into each other. So that
while in theory their principles could
not be further apart, in practice they
are so inextricably mixed in member-
ship and opinions as to present an al-
most hopeless puzzle to the non-Latin
observer. Thus there are socialists
with, strong anarchistic, syndicalistic,
or republican leanings, republicans
whom we should call anarchists, and
self-styled anarchists who are neither
more nor less than pure socialists. In
addition to this crossing and recrossing
of members and ideas, which serves
to unite the revolutionary groups, all
four are bound together in their oppo-
sition to the present constitution and
presumably also to the monarchy, and
in their desire to bring about the social
revolution by any possible means, as
the condition precedent to the triumph
of their various propagandas. They
therefore work together in a sort of
offensive and defensive alliance having
for its purpose the destruction of exist-
ing institutions. The socialists and
republicans are 'possibilists,' that is,
they are willing to use constitutional
and legislative means, as well as un-
constitutional and revolutionary, for
the triumph of the cause; while the
anarchists and syndicalists are *im-
possibilists,' rejecting all means except
those of the revolution, although they
are perfectly willing to profit by the
work of their allies.
The leaders explain this somewhat
inconsistent state of affairs by saying
that after the social revolution has been
accomplished it will be time enough to
talk of dividing the spoils, and that
meanwhile it is puerile to lay too much
stress on consistency of principles.
They say that the destruction of so-
ciety by any and all possible means is
the main thing, and that when the pro-
letariat has come to its own, political
conditions will adjust themselves with-
out great difficulty.
This unholy alliance has been the
296 SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ITALY
subject of grave concern to German
and English socialists, who have feared
that the anarchistic and syndicalistic
leanings of their Italian comrades
would discredit their cause throughout
the world, just as in France it has been
greatly injured by M. Herve and his
* united socialists.'
The membership of the four revolu-
tionary groups is chiefly proletarian,
with a small admixture of professional
men and shopkeepers, belonging to the
little bourgeoisie. But membership in
a political group by no means exhausts
the political activity of the Italian
workingman, who in addition belongs
to his trade-union or sindacato, and to
the Camera del Lavoro, the local labor
exchange, similar to the French Bourse
du Travail.
The unions and camere include mem-
bers of all parties, even avowed mon-
archists; but they are dominated every-
where by the anti-constitutionalists. In
some cities the republicans have their
own exchanges or headquarters, which
they call Casa del Popolo, or People's
House.
Organized labor speaks through the
Confederazione Generate del Lavoro, —
the national body, — composed of dele-
gates from all the unions and all the
camere del lavoro. In other words, labor
is twice represented in the central or-
ganization : first by trades in the unions
and second geographically by the ca-
mere. The executive committee of the
confederazione is made up without
much regard to nice political distinc-
tions, being united in the cause of the
revolution, which for its members is
the cause of labor. When important
matters are under discussion the cen-
tral body, which sits at Rome, usually
confers with the executive committees
of the revolutionary parties within and
outside of the Chamber.
Having the social revolution as its
purpose it can easily be understood why
the syndicalist general strike should
have appealed so forcibly to the Italian
proletariat, for on paper, at least, it is
one of the most plausible, if one of the
wickedest, revolutionary schemes that
has ever been presented. At the risk
of being didactic it may be well to sum-
marize very briefly the purposes of the
new school which is playing so rapidly
increasing a part in the politics of labor.
ii
Syndicalism is that new form of col-
lectivism which advocates the concen-
tration, in the hands of each industry,
of its own instruments of production.
Each industry, and not each trade, is
to constitute a great labor-union which
will be self-governing and self-regulat-
ing. The various industrial groups or
unions are to be united by a central
committee for the purpose of exchang-
ing products. Every citizen will belong
to an industrial union, and all will be
equal, for there will be no more bosses,
no more capitalists, no more oppressors.
This new social condition is to be
brought about by the general strike.
On a given day all work in a given
country is to stop. The troops are call-
ed out, but the army having been care-
fully prepared, the soldiers decline to
fire on the strikers and fraternize with
them. In course of time the capitalists,
finding that no one will work for them,
abandon their factories to the strikers,
who at once begin to operate them
under syndicalistic auspices and the
revolution is complete.
Fantastic as this proposal is, syndi-
calism has made great progress every-
where. In France it controls the Con-
federation Generate du Travail, which
is the confederation of the trade-unions
and labor exchanges; in England it has
many followers; and in the United
States it is known as the Industrial
Workers of the World.
SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ITALY 297
What must never be forgotten in dis-
cussing the chief weapon in the arse-
nal of the syndicalists, — the general
strike, - - is that it differs from the ordi-
nary strike with which we are familiar,
in that it is not called for the redress of
grievances, or the raising of wages, or
the betterment of labor conditions, but
that its purpose is purely political. The
ultimate object of the general strike is
of course the social revolution, but until
times are ripe for that great cataclysm,
it is urged that the general strike
should be employed whenever possible
for the purpose of injuring capital and
therefore weakening existing society,
of fighting existing governments, and,
by demonstrating its power, of show-
ing to the world the strength of the la-
bor cause. Syndicalism itself has made
great progress in Italy, and its meth-
ods, especially the general strike, have
been enthusiastically adopted by all
the revolutionary parties. While it is
as difficult to determine the exact num-
ber of syndicalists in any movement as
it is to separate the members of the
other revolutionary groups, it is cer-
tain that the influence of syndicalism
in Italy is very great, and that it has
become as much a menace to law and
order there, as it has in France.
Last April, at what we should call
the * annual convention' of the Gene-
ral Confederation of Labor, the ques-
tion of the general strike as a protest
against the killing of workmen during
labor troubles was thoroughly dis-
cussed. After the matter had been sub-
mitted to the various camere del lavoro
it was determined that whenever there-
after a workman was killed by the
public authorities as the result of labor
agitation, the general strike should be
called for not less than twenty-four
hours and not more than forty-eight.
It was emphasized that this was to be
a general strike of protest, and in no
sense for the purpose of bringing about
the revolution. The evident intention
of the executive committee was to take
the first opportunity of showing Italy
the strength of organized labor, and the
perfection of its organization.
The events which led up to the gen-
eral strike last June were sordid in the
extreme. Briefly they were as follows.
Nearly two years ago a private sol-
dier named Maseti shot the lieutenant
colonel of his regiment, and was com-
mitted to the asylum as a dangerous
lunatic. Some months ago another
private soldier, named Mororri, was
sentenced to one of the disciplinary
companies for various offences against
the regulations. Both soldiers came
from Ancona and appear to have been
anarchists. Early in June, Enrico Mal-
atesta, leader of the Ancona anarchists
and proprietor of the local anarchist
newspaper, thinking the time oppor-
tune, in conjunction with the local syn-
dicalists, socialists, and republicans,
called a public outdoor meeting for
June 7, the day of the Statute, or Con-
stitution, — equivalent to our Fourth
of July, — for the^ purpose of expressing
sympathy with the two convicts and
protest against the disciplinary com-
panies in particular and the army in
general.
The Prime Minister, Salandra, for-
bade the meeting, as he feared that it
would clash with the patriotic gath3r-
ing to be held at the same hour in a
neighboring square. The meeting was
nevertheless held in the headquarters
of the republican organization, and
after it had adjourned, the audience,
consisting of several hundred men and
boys, marched to the square where the
Statuto was being celebrated, for the
purpose of making trouble. The police
drove them back to the republican club,
in which many of them took refuge,
and began throwing on the heads of
the police, and of the soldiers who had
been hastily summoned, bricks, paving
298 SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ITALY
stones, and furniture. Presently shots
were fired from behind the blinds of an
upper window of the club and thirteen
of the police replied, firing twenty-'
eight shots in all. Whereupon the lieu-
tenant in command immediately with-
drew his men. Of the rioters, three
were killed and five wounded, and of
the police seventeen were wounded.
By order of the Prime Minister the
thirteen policemen who had fired were
arrested and locked up pending judi-
cial investigation into their conduct.
The next day the executive commit-
tee of the Confederazione Generate del
Lav&ro met at Rome, and after consul-
tation with the socialist and republi-
can deputies, decreed a general strike
throughout Italy, to begin the next day
and to last until further orders, as
a protest against 'the murder of the
martyrs of Ancona.'
The only city that refused to obey
the decree was Padua, while the gov-
ernment employees, including fully half
of the railroad hands and nearly all the
postal telegraph and telephone people,
remained at work. The army, navy,
and police were absolutely loyal . Whil e
the markets, in most cities, were al-
lowed to open for an hour each morn-
ing of the strike, nothing whatever was
permitted to enter the gates. A few
trains were sent through to their desti-
nations under police escort, and the
central post and telegraph offices were
kept open although no letters or tele-
grams were delivered. The trains and
all public and private vehicles were
stopped, all factories and shops were
closed, no bread was baked, and even
the restaurants and cafes were forced
to put up their shutters. An exception
was, however, made in favor of the
wine and eating-shops frequented by
the workers. In only a few instances
were the electric lights put out, for ev-
erywhere the lighting plants were heav-
ily guarded, engineer troops operating
them wherever necessary. No news-
papers were published, and for two days
no news was obtainable except the
most exaggerated rumors passed from
mouth to mouth.
Except in these comparatively minor
particulars, for forty-eight hours the in-
dustrial life of Italy was entirely sus-
pended. The morning of the first day
passed quietly, but by afternoon dis-
order became frequent, and by evening
almost everywhere there was more or
less serious rioting. Before the night
was over lamps and windows had been
broken, barricades had been thrown
up and torn down, and almost every
city had its list of dead and wounded
rioters and policemen to add to that
of Ancona.
The most serious disturbances were
in Romagna and the Marches, and for
several days Ancona, Ravenna, and the
neighboring towns were completely cut
off from the rest of the world. In An-
cona the anarchist Malatesta presided
over a sort of revolutionary tribunal
which issued passes to citizens and
questioned arrivals in the town. Shops
were broken into and pillaged, and a
condition of near anarchy prevailed.
At Ravenna a commissary of police
was .murdered, and General Aliardi and
seven officers who were with him were
held prisoners for five hours and made
to give up their swords; while at Fa-
briano the republic was declared and
the red flag hoisted from the municipio.
It seems certain that for a time the
majority of people at Ravenna believed
that the republic had been proclaimed
at Rome, and that the King had fled
the country.
On the evening of the second day,
June 10, the strike authorities recon-
vened, and while the anarchists and
syndicalists urged the indefinite con-
tinuance of the strike with an avowed
revolutionary purpose, they were out-
voted by the socialists and republicans,
SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ITALY 299
and the order was issued to return to
work.
This order was generally obeyed and
by the next day the greater part of
Italy had resumed its normal life ex-
actly as though it had never been inter-
rupted. To this statement, however,
there were important exceptions. Dis-
order continued in Romagna and the
Marches for nearly a week more, and
order was not completely restored in
Milan and Naples for another forty-
eight hours.
While no official statistics have been
published, it is probable that the list of
casualties included about ten police-
men and soldiers killed, and one hun-
dred wounded more or less severely,
with twice that number of killed and
wounded among the strikers. A great
amount of property was destroyed, in-
cluding two railway stations and a
church in Romagna, and a number of
houses that were burned in the coun-
try; in addition, shops were looted and
citizens robbed in a majority of the
cities in the kingdom.
Take it all in all, from the point of
view of those who called the strike, it
was a complete and triumphant suc-
cess. Its machinery worked without a
hitch, smoothly and perfectly. While
it is probable, almost certain, as the
recent local elections have shown, that
the majority of the Italian people, in-
cluding many of the peasants, almost
all the shopkeepers and a consider-
able minority of the artisans, were op-
posed and are opposed to the principle
of the general strike, yet so well was it
organized, so terrified was the supine
majority by the militant minority, that
not a tradesman, not a laborer, not an
artisan, dared to follow his usual avo-
cation.
The government acted with what
seemed to be great, although perhaps
justifiable, weakness. It must not be
forgotten that the Salandra ministry is
a stop-gap, governing during one of the
intervals in which Signor Giolitti has
seen fit to lay down the cares of office.
Signor Salandra has no great party be-
hind him, but remains in office by the
grace of a combination of various con-
stitutionalist groups. As parliament
was in session during the strike, Salan-
dra considered it absolutely necessary
that he should receive a vote of confid-
ence by a large majority; he believed
that anything else would have meant
the revolution. To obtain the required
vote he thought himself forced to han-
dle the situation with extreme caution
so as to offend the susceptibilities of
as few deputies as possible. Had he
acted with greater vigor, the Chamber
might have turned against him. This
policy of extreme caution he communi-
cated to the prefects, who are remov-
able arbitrarily by him, so that in each
province the authorities showed great
unwillingness to meet the situation
frankly.
The Italian, like all continental po-
lice, are armed as soldiers, with revol-
ver, rifle, and sword-bayonet. They
must either use their weapons to kill,
or not at all, for there is no half-way
course. As the military were ordered
by the prefects only to use their weap-
ons when their lives were in danger, it
followed that the mob did very much
what it pleased. The police and sol-
diers were unable to give protection to
shopkeepers who wanted to open their
shops, or to workpeople who wanted to
work; in fact they seem to have ad-
vised a general compliance with the
wishes of the strikers. Comparatively
few arrests were made, and after the
strike was over, all the important lead-
ers in disorder, including Malatesta,
were allowed to leave the country. A
few hundred New York policemen, arm-
ed with night- sticks, and command-
ed by a New York police inspector,
would probably have restored a city
300 SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ITALY
in Italy to normal conditions in a few
hours.
Had the second day of the strike not
been so rainy as to damp the enthusi-
asm of the mob, it is altogether prob-
able that it would have got out of hand,
with nobody knows what ultimate
consequences.
As it was, the strike was a grim warn-
ing to the government and to the nation
that under favorable conditions it is
quite possible that a minority of the
people may destroy the whole social
and political fabric of modern Italy. A
lawless but well- organized minority
frightened the authorities, terrified the
public, and paralyzed the activities of
nearly thirty million people for over
forty-eight hours. Had the strike been
called originally as a revolutionary act,
and not as a mere protest, it might even
then have succeeded.
It is difficult to explain the success
of the movement, for to any one who
knows the Italian character it is al-
most past belief that a majority of law-
abiding, patriotic Italians should have
quietly submitted to the dictates of the
mob. It is a far cry from the patriotic
enthusiasm of two years ago to the
apathy which permitted bands of riot-
ers to tear down Italian flags and to in-
sult Italian officers. The Italian spirit
has not changed, for the Italians of to-
day are the sons of those who brought
United Italy into being and are the
self-same men who fought the war in
Tripoli.
Yet as the days go by the revolution-
ary groups, with their ally, the General
Confederation of Labor, are spread-
ing the seeds of internationalism and
anti-patriotism, and like all similar
bodies the world over are preaching
what they call the doctrine of human
brotherhood, which, however, as they
practice it, means nothing but extreme
selfishness.
Patriotism has not died out in Italy
any more than it has in any other coun-
try; but it is a curious phenomenon,
significant of the new spirit which is
abroad, that for the moment Italy for-
got that she was Italian. It cannot be
that all the sacrifices of half a century
have been in vain, that the new Italy,
which her children have brought into
being with such devotion and such love,
will pass, and that the work of Cavour
and Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel
will come to nothing in the excesses of
Malatesta and his gang.
in
Whether the present government is
willing or able to learn the very obvi-
ous lesson that the strike teaches, re-
mains to be seen. If Italy is to attain
that economic and industrial prosper-
ity and social happiness which all her
friends desire for her, during the years
of her upbuilding she must not only
have peace abroad, but good order at
home. Living on the crater of a vol-
cano of social revolution, that may ex-
plode at any moment, is not conducive
to industrial development or social
progress.
There are many Italians who serious-
ly advocate a war with Austria as the
only means of quelling the revolution-
ary spirit. As the Turkish war, which is
scarcely over, had not the slightest in-
fluence in preventing the growth of the
revolutionary propaganda, a war with
any other power would be no more
effective. The causes of discontent are
too deep and too far-reaching to be re-
moved by the waving of flags or the
singing of patriotic songs.
The Italian workman is suffering
from too much and too little education.
He knows just enough to understand
that all is not as it should be with him,
and not enough to seek a reasonable
cure for his ills. He is intelligent
enough to desire to better his condition
SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ITALY 301
and ignorant enough to blame every
one but himself because his condition
does not improve. Modern Italy has
made great progress, at least upon the
surface, but beneath there still remains
much to be accomplished if United
Italy is to become a really great power
in industry and commerce. Italians
boast that the number of illiterates has
been reduced to twenty per cent of the
total population. Assuming that this
figure is correct, it still means a fearful
prevalence of ignorance which must be
largely done away with if Italian work-
ingmen are even to approximate the
intelligence of our own.
The great problem which confronts
government in Italy is how to spread
education and improve sanitary and
social conditions, - -all of which require
great expenditure, — while at the same
time paying the enormous cost of a
modern navy, and an army which num-
bers a quarter of a million men on a
peace footing.
Italy assumed the obligations and
claimed the rights of a first-class power
long before she was economically able
to do so. Her membership in the Tri-
ple Alliance has been maintained only
at the cost of tremendous sacrifice at
home. Money which should have gone
to the development of Italy, has been
used to keep up the pomp of her state
and circumstance abroad, while the
prosperity of her people has been large-
ly forgotten in the glory of German
friendship.
Of course it is now too late to repair
the mistakes of the past, for Italian
pride will never consent to an acknow-
ledgment that Italy is not a great pow-
er in every sense. Until, therefore, she
really becomes one, the sacrifices of
her people must continue. If the day
is to dawn when Italy shall actually
take her place as the industrial and eco-
nomic equal of her great ally, Germany,
it must be preceded by years of strict
economy in public expenditure, wise
economic and social legislation, and,
above all, impartial justice and great
firmness at the head of affairs.
Italy undoubtedly has a great future
before her, if her people are willing to
do their best. It is entirely in their
hands, whether she will gradually de-
velop into a mighty power, strong poli-*
tically and industrially, or whether she
will drift on the seas of opportunism,
blown hither and thither by every po-
litical fancy of the moment, wasting
her strength, her wealth, and her life
in useless experiments and in extrava-
gant expenditures. But it is as true in
her case, as it is in that of any other
nation, that industrial, political, and
social progress can be achieved only
through law and order, never through
lawlessness and anarchy.
THE DECADENCE OF HUMAN HEREDITY
BY S. J. HOLMES
IN any discussion of the possible
decadence of the human stock it is ne-
cessary to distinguish clearly between
progress in knowledge and institutions
and progress in the congenital endow-
ment of the race. It is quite obvious
that within historic times improvement
in the former has been out of all pro-
portion to the development of the lat-
ter. Mankind, especially in the do-
mains of western civilization, has come
to regard progress as the natural if not
necessary course of things. It is only
recently that we have begun to realize
that the rapid and impressive advances
in civilization that have been made, by
no means indicate an improvement in
the innate qualities of human beings,
and that these advances may even go
along with race-deterioration.
Whether or not the hereditary en-
dowment of the civilized races of man
is undergoing a process of deteriora-
tion is a problem of the greatest pos-
sible moment. It is not a simple prob-
lem. It is not to be solved a priori on
the basis of assumptions regarding the
withdrawal of natural selection. It is
a problem to be solved only by the
accumulation of many data and by a
knowledge of the factors at work in the
modification of the hereditary forces
among human peoples.
To obtain an insight into the factors
of human evolution it is essential to
have an accurate knowledge of the
factors which are responsible for the
evolution of the lower animals. On this
302
subject biologists are unfortunately by
no means agreed. The factor of use-
inheritance, upon which many biolo-
gists formerly laid so much stress, has
rapidly lost adherents, and I think it
must be conceded that if it is operative
at all it is a factor of minor importance.
Despite the modern criticisms of nat-
ural selection, with which I confess I
have small sympathy, the doctrine of
selection in one or another of its modi-
fications stands to-day as the only
naturalistic hypothesis which contains
any principle of explanation of progres-
sive adaptive evolution.
We have no reason to suppose that
man, so far as the early stages of his
biological evolution are concerned, is a
result of the operation of any factors
essentially different from those which
have brought the lower animals up
from the most primitive forms of life.
At the present time we have no reason-
able recourse from the conclusion that
man owes his origin to selection, and
that only by selection in some form
can his congenital endowments be
improved.
II
The evolution of human society and
civilization has gradually brought man-
kind under conditions of existence
which are so far different from those
prevailing during the infancy of the
race that the character of the stock can
scarcely fail to be seriously modified.
To judge from the remarkable superi-
ority of the brain-power of man over
that of the primates, the early" periods
THE DECADENCE OF HUMAN HEREDITY
303
of human or the later stages of pre-
human evolution must have been ex-
ceptionally favorable to the selection of
individuals of superior mental endow-
ment. So far as our vision can pene-
trate into the darkness of these times,
mankind occupied itself quite largely in
the destructive, but eugenically whole-
some, occupation of fighting, — fighting
not only with large beasts of the field,
but also — and this is probably much
more important from the standpoint
of evolution — with other clans and
tribes of the human species.
The advent of man is the expression
of the superiority of brains over brute
force in the struggle for life. While we
may never recover the history of the
period between the primates and prim-
itive man, what we know of the gen-
eral factors of evolution justifies us in
the conjecture that it was a period of
intense struggle, with a lively elimina-
tion of the unfit.
The course of human history as far
back as we can follow it is one of
warfare of tribe with tribe, and na-
tion with nation, the conquerors of one
age being overcome by new invaders
of another lineage in the next. Along
with this perpetual conflict, and to
a considerable degree because of it,
man has not only increased greatly in
intelligence, but has developed those
attributes of courage, reliability, loy-
alty, and mutual helpfulness which
make for social solidarity and corpo-
rate efficiency. Gruesome as the strug-
gle for existence may be to contem-
plate, and fraught as it has been with
pain and sorrow, it is a process to
which the race is largely indebted for
its congenital improvement. It may
be that it is an unfortunate method
of bringing highly endowed creatures
into the world, but it is Nature's way.
And Nature is quite indifferent as to
whether we approve it or not. What
Nature is interested in, to speak figu-
ratively, is success in the struggle for
existence. There is no evidence that
she cares a fig for progress; only so far
as progress increases the chances of
survival, is it any of Nature's concern.
And at any time she is perfectly ready
to undo all her work, and to reduce a
highly complex organism to the most
degenerate of creatures, whenever the
conditions favor simplicity of organ-
ization. Degeneration from a highly
evolved state has occurred time after
time in the course of evolution, and the
possession of a complex organization
is not the slightest guaranty of further
improvement, or even of a secure hold
on the position that has been attained.
There are many forces in human
society which make for degeneration,
and our safety lies in, clearly recogniz-
ing them. Only recently is the civilized
world becoming awakened to the dele-
terious influence of modern warfare.
Dr. D. S. Jordan, in his addresses on
the * Blood of the Nation,' and the
'Human Harvest,' has set forth in a
clear and forcible manner the sad havoc
which war has played in eliminating
the best of the human breed. In times
of conflict, the men of manly vigor,
brains, and courage go to the front
to die by thousands in the cause of
national defense. The weak, the cow-
ardly, the mercenary, the degenerate,
remain behind, to multiply. The loss
to any nation resulting from the con-
tinual draining away of its best blood
can scarcely fail to weaken it, until it
may eventually fall a prey to the en-
croachments of its neighbors. Jordan,
following several historians of note,
attributes the downfall of Greece and
Rome, the gradual decay of Spain and
other nations, largely to this reversal
of selection. Whether or not this is the
principal cause of decadence in the
instances cited, it is very probable that
the continual sapping of strength con-
sequent upon the sacrifice of hundreds
304
THE DECADENCE OF HUMAN HEREDITY
of thousands of their best men has been
a powerful influence in undermining
the physical and mental heredity of
these nations.
While modern civilized warfare is
one of the most potent agencies for the
elimination of the best blood and the
propagation of weaklings, there can be
little doubt that this influence of war
is limited to comparatively recent
times. It is because warfare has be-
come civilized that, eugenically consid-
ered, it is such a powerful influence
for race-deterioration. Early struggles
were wars of extermination in which
the unfit had little chance. The Poly-
nesians commonly massacred all of the
conquered tribe, including men, wo-
men, and children. The same practice
was common among the primitive
Australians, the natives of New Guinea
and New Zealand. The Kaffirs and
many other African tribes extermin-
ated completely the peoples whom they
conquered; and among many tribes of
North American Indians such wars
of extermination were frequent. Wars
of extermination among the more civil-
ized Egyptians, Persians, and Hebrews
were by no means rare. Of the Amo-
rites, whom Jehovah delivered into the
hands of his chosen people, it is said in
Deuteronomy, 'And we took all his
cities at that time . . . utterly destroy-
ing the men, women, and children of
every city. But all the cattle and the
spoil of the cities, we took for a prey to
ourselves.' And in the campaigns of
Joshua it was the rule that the men,
women, and children of the conquered
cities should all be put to the sword.
When complete extermination was
not practiced, the vanquished were
commonly enslaved, or subjected to
such conditions that they languished or
eventually died out, the Hebrew peo-
ple forming a luminous exception to
the rule in their persistence through
the vicissitudes of conquest, practical
enslavement, and all kinds of subse-
quent persecution. In the conflict
among primitive societies not only was
the best-endowed individual most apt
to survive in the hand-to-hand encoun-
ters which were tjien in vogue, but the
groups in which strength, intelligence,
organization, and mutual service were
most highly developed, would easily
triumph over groups with less individ-
ual efficiency or social coherence. The
population was replenished by the most
efficient members of society instead of
the weaklings, so that the influence of
primitive conflict stands diametrically
opposed to the effect of modern civil-
ized warfare upon the hereditary en'
dowment of the race.
in
But apart from conflict, the weak in
barbaric times had little chance to per-
petuate their defects. Where exogamy
prevailed, a man had to be able to cap-
ture a wife or go without one, and in
many tribes wives were only to be won
after a trial of strength or skill. Among
the Chippewa Indians, says Richard-
son, * any one may challenge another to
wrestle, and if he overcomes, may carry
off his wife as a prize. The bereaved
husband meets his loss with resignation,
which custom prescribes in such a case,
and seeks his revenge by taking the
wife of another man weaker than him-
self.'
Among many primitive peoples it
was customary to eliminate epileptics,
idiots, lunatics, and persons afflicted
with incurable ills; and the practice of
putting to death weak, deformed, and
sickly children was extremely preva-
lent. The custom among the Spartans
of raising only their stronger children
will occur to every one; even Aristotle
advocates the rule that nothing imper-
fect or maimed shall be brought up.
And Plato, who elaborated the most
THE DECADENCE OF HUMAN HEREDITY
305
rigid eugenic programme ever devised,
recommends that the children of the
more depraved, and such others as are
in any way imperfect, be hidden away
in some secret and obscure place.
Eugenics is by no means a modern
science. Primitive peoples took it
much more seriously and practiced it
more consistently than we do to-day.
There can be no manner of doubt that
the weak, the deformed, the foolish,
the insane and degenerate of all kinds,
have a much greater opportunity to
survive and propagate their defects
than they commonly had among prim-
itive peoples.
It is scarcely necessary to dwell upon
the greatly reduced influence of nat-
ural selection that has been brought
about by the advance of medicine and
surgery and the knowledge of how to
check and control many epidemics that
formerly decimated the human race.
Defects of eyesight, hearing, and many
other qualities, no longer entail the ex-
tinction of their possessors. Natural
selection still operates on the human
species, and will always continue to
do so, but our medical skill and our
fostering of the weak greatly reduce its
potency.
When we compare the various pre-
sent influences tending to improve the
human breed with those operative in
past times, the prospect seems rather
gloomy for the future of the human
family. We no longer have the elimina-
tion of the weak through tribal strife,
but in its place the highly deleteri-
ous influence of modern war, which has
not only worked incalculable injury
in recent centuries, but probably has
more evil in store for us. We no longer
leave the weak and imperfect infants
to perish, but do everything in our
power to rear them, and then give them
full liberty to perpetuate their defects.
Except during their period of actual
confinement in asylums, no restriction
VOL. 114 -NO. 3
is generally placed on the multiplica-
tion of the insane. With sixteen excep-
tions, there are no states in the union
which forbid the marriage of the fee-
ble-minded, and while other states re-
gard such marriages as void, there is
no penalty incurred either by the con-
tracting parties or by the person who
solemnizes the union, and consequently
matings among the feeble-minded are
of common occurrence. In only fifteen
states is there any prohibition upon
the marriage of the insane. Only in
Indiana and in Washington is there
any restriction placed upon the mar-
riage of confirmed criminals. There are
few creatures so degenerate but that
most of the states of our enlightened
country give them full sanction to
perpetuate their impure stock, and the
conditions in most European countries
in this respect are considerably worse
than in the United States. Through
ignorance, indifference, false ideas con-
cerning * personal liberty,' and the ab-
sorption of legislators in matters of
more immediate political expediency,
we are permitting the accumulation of
a vicious and defective heredity which
would not be tolerated among most
primitive peoples.
IV
This disappearance of most of the
eugenic influences operative in the
early history of mankind is not the
worst danger, bad as it is, that besets
us. Society, as at present organized,
tends to withdraw its best blood from
contributing its share to the heritage
of the next generation. While it is
unjustifiable to estimate the eugenic
worth of a family in terms of wealth
or social position, and while what are
called the lower ranks of society often
contain its best blood, the classes that
have become distinguished through
their culture or their achievements
306
THE DECADENCE OF HUMAN HEREDITY
M
certainly have a hereditary endow-
ment considerably above the average.
Pearson has shown that mental ability
is inherited to about the same degree as
various physical characteristics. This
fact combined with the important
conclusion, also established by Pearson,
that less than twenty-five per cent of
the married couples, or from one sixth
to one eighth of the total population,
produce over fifty per cent of the next
generation, shows how very important
it is that this one sixth or one eighth
should be drawn from the better ele-
ment of society. If the population is re-
cruited even a little more from the less
desirable individuals in each genera-
tion, it will not take many generations
for the bad stock to replace the good.
It is a well-known fact that the edu-
cated classes, represented by such pro-
fessions as lawyers, clergymen, doctors,
and professors, as a rule marry late
and produce few children, whereas the
feeble-minded, the shiftless, and the
imprudent usually have a birth-rate
far above the average. Graduates from
our colleges and universities have as
a general rule scarcely enough child-
ren to perpetuate their families. The
average number of children of the
graduates of Harvard is less than two,
and the record of Yale is no better
than this. The showing of various
other colleges and universities is but
little better.
Judging from the statistics avail-
able on the subject, education is prov-
ing a formidable obstacle to eugenic
progress. The one redeeming feature
about it is that as students are sent
to colleges and universities in ever-in-
creasing proportions to the population,
those who are selected for higher edu-
cation are coming to be less representa-
tive of the best brains of the country.
It is a common opinion that the general
quality of our undergraduates is dete-
riorating, but if this be true the rea-
sons may be found in various influences
other than eugenic factors.
Still, the fact that the college com-
munities include so many of the off-
spring of people of exceptional talent
and achievement is a circumstance that
is continually depriving the race of its
best blood. There can be no doubt
that under our present regime the more
intellectual families are rapidly disap-
pearing. It is from mediocrity and
from the levels below mediocrity that
the population is replenished. The dan-
ger of degeneration from this fact is all
the greater because the evil is insidious
and unobtrusive. If society could be
brought to realize how enormous may
be the loss entailed by the gradual ex-
tinction of those families which furnish
the intellectual leaders of the race, it
would bestir itself with a great deal
more vigor to provide a remedy for the
situation.
Society may accomplish much by
checking the multiplication of the
feeble-minded, the criminals, and the
insane; but how to keep from being
swallowed up in the fecundity of med-
iocrity is a much more difficult prob-
lem. We can get along with a small
percentage of the mentally and mor-
ally defective much better than we can
afford to lose the priceless blood that
gives us our great men.
I have indicated some of the causes
which, so far as can be judged, have
been and are making for the deteriora-
tion of the race. It may be asked, how-
ever: Is it known as a matter of fact
that the race is deteriorating? Can it
be proved by statistics that the race is
really on the down grade?
At the present time it must be ad-
mitted that the actual statistical proof
of race-deterioration is very incom-
plete. We simply do not have the sta-
THE DECADENCE OF HUMAN HEREDITY
307
tistics to show whether our inheritance
has improved or deteriorated. But
from our knowledge of the evolution-
ary factors at work in human society
it is scarcely possible to avoid the con-
clusion that a certain amount of deca-
dence is inevitable. We know that
mental and moral defects are inherited;
we know that the stocks with a record
of intellectual achievement are multi-
plying with relative and increasing
slowness; we know that the physically
and mentally unfit reproduce more
rapidly than under the conditions of
more primitive civilization, and that
their progeny are fostered and allowed
to continue their defects. Amid all the
influences tending to lessen the fertility
of the more desirable classes of human
beings there is scarcely any factor,
beyond a relatively feeble remnant of
natural selection, which is working for
the perpetuation of the best blood.
With our present statistics it is diffi-
cult to disentangle the effects of envi-
ronment from the effects of a vitiated
inheritance. In the United States there
has been during several decades a gen-
eral increase in crime. How much this
is to be attributed to immigration and
changed environmental conditions it
is impossible to say. Crime in Europe
is also on the increase, but here again
we cannot estimate the relative roles of
hereditary and environmental factors.
It is the same with insanity. Dur-
ing the thirteen years before 1903 the
insane in institutions in the United
States increased 100 per cent, while the
population as a whole increased 30 per
cent. Since 1859 the insane in Eng-
land and Wales have increased over
230 per cent while the general popula-
tion has increased 77 per cent. Of
these insane, 47,000, over one third,
were married.
This increase, which may be paral-
leled by statistics from other countries,
may be due in part to the fact that a
relatively larger part of the insane are
put into asylums; it may be due in part
to changed conditions of social and
economic life; but our rapidly accumu-
lating knowledge of the heredity of
insanity makes it probable — and we
can only say probable — that much of
it is due to an increase of hereditary
defects. That our knowledge of the
subject is just emerging from a chaotic
state is evinced by the statement of
Kraepelin, one of the very highest au-
thorities, in the seventh edition of his
Psychiatric, that 'we must regard the
statistics of heredity in insanity mere-
ly as facts of experience without find-
ing in them the expression of a law
which should hold in every case.' In
the past few years certain forms of
insanity have been found to follow a
very definite law in their hereditary
transmission. Through the careful in-
vestigation of a number of family re-
cords in England and in America it has
been established that insanity is fre-
quently inherited in Mendelian fash-
ion, and that where there are no in-
sane among the near relatives of the
afflicted person, there are usually neu-
ropathic tendencies which manifest
themselves in nervous disorders. When
neuropathic mates with neuropathic
the result is a fearful harvest of neu-
ropathic offspring.
The studies of Goddard on the he-
redity of feeble-mindedness, — and
feeblemindedness is on the increase in
England and America, — and those of
Davenport and Weeks on the inheri-
tance of epilepsy, have shown that the
same kind of transmission prevails in
these cases. Dr. Wilmarth, on the basis
of his observations of families of the
feeble-minded, estimates ' that at least
two thirds of the feeble-minded have
defective relations.'
It is possible to object that the in-
crease in insanity and feeble-minded-
ness during recent decades may not
308
THE DECADENCE OP HUMAN HEREDITY
mean increasing pollution of human
blood; but since the traits mentioned
are so strongly inherited, and those
possessing them are allowed to multi-
ply with so little restriction, it seems
very probable that we are having a
gradual accumulation of a vitiated he-
redity. Whether the hereditary defect-
ives are increasing or not, we do not
want them; and the duty of society to
PRIMITIVE MAN
Natural Selection, actively operating.
Sexual Selection, frequently working for race-
improvement.
Elimination of defectives.
War tending to the multiplication of the best
stock.
Relative fecundity of best endowed.
All along the line the eugenic factors
were more potent in primitive than in
civilized man. Not only are the forces
working for race-improvement becom-
ing weaker as civilization advances,
but as a result of civilization there have
arisen tendencies which operate strong-
ly against the weakened forces of eugen-
ic progress. About all we have left to
counteract these untoward agencies is
a very uncertain measure of sexual se-
lection and the remnant of natural se-
lection which medical science has not
succeeded in disposing of.
What it is feasible to do to remedy
this unfortunate situation is one of the
most important of the problems that
confront the human race. My aim in
the present article, however, is diag-
check their multiplication by all safe
and humane means is perfectly plain.
In order to estimate the probable
trend of human evolution it may be
instructive to represent in tabular form
the various influences tending to mod-
ify our racial inheritance at the pre-
sent time as compared with those af-
fecting mankind in the earlier stages
of its evolution.
CIVILIZED MAN
Natural Selection, reduced in intensity.
Sexual Selection, of doubtful eugenic value.
Preservation of defectives.
War tending to elimination of the best stock.
Relative sterility of best endowed.
nosis rather than the prescription of
remedies. Nevertheless, I cannot re-
frain from pointing out that there is
one measure, the prevention of the
multiplication of the defective classes,
which is so obvious a duty and so fea-
sible a project that the continuation
of our present laissez-faire policy is
nothing short of a crime to society.
The removal of the pollution of human
inheritance that comes from the worst
one or two per cent of its stock would,
in a few generations, go a very long
way toward reducing the numbers in
our insane asylums, poorhouses, and
jails. This much in the way of eugenic
reform can easily be accomplished.
The other aspects of the problem are
matters for further reflection.
OKHOY BABU'S ADVENTURE
BY CHARLES JOHNSTON
'YouR HONOR!' Okhoy Babu inter-
rupted, with that oily smile of his, 'I
request an adjournment of the court, if
your Honor pleases! I have just heard
of important new evidence in this
case ! '
Indranath Babu, my chief clerk, be-
gan to frown and cluck with his tongue.
He was long-nosed and very dark, with
a face like a wise bird; a fine fellow
for all his ugliness, and to be trusted.
He had that trick of clucking, like an
offended wren, when things were go-
ing awry, and I had learned to watch
for it.
So Indranath Babu clucked and
frowned, and Okhoy Babu stood expec-
tant, with his fat smile that was at
once servile and cynical. I did not like
Okhoy Babu, but that was hardly a
ground for refusing an adjournment.
It was one of those bloodthirsty
boundary disputes that every now and
then come in from the outlying villa-
ges. Hari Dass and Kishto Dass had
fallen out about a field and had clubbed
each other so vigorously with bamboos
that I had been called out at two in the
morning to take their dying deposi-
tions ;Osho tosh Babu, the subdivision-
al surgeon, meanwhile stirring them up
with strong spirits of ammonia. They
Were not yet dead, however, and might
pull through, so the police and I had
gathered in an armful of their club-men,
and I was trying to get at the rights of
the story in my dingy little court.
I was tired, after a long and irritat-
ing morning which had included a veri-
fication of the subdivisional stock of
stamps — soaked together into slabs
during the rains — and the dispensing
of enough opium and hashish to demor-
alize a city. Further, it was tiffin time.
So I ignored the clucking of Indranath
Babu, in spite of ripe experience.
'How long do you want, Babu?'
' I shall be ready to go on later in the
afternoon, your Honor! An hour or
two, not more!'
'Three o'clock?'
'Very good, your Honor!'
So the court adjourned and went to
tiffin, while Indranath Babu frowned
and gathered up the papers of the case.
I inhabited a funny little Board-of-
Works bungalow close to the court-
house, and lunched in the half-dark-
ness of the central room to escape the
midday glare. Poonaswamy of the
crimson turban fed me indifferent well
on local moorghee, — which is to say,
chicken, — with curried rice and vege-
tables from the bazaar. That was
according to precedent. But Okhoy
Babu added a diversion. 4
With a dashing carelessness I would
not have believed him capable of, he
came across the grass with a troop of
witnesses and squatted down under a
tree not twenty yards off in a ring of
purple shade, and began one of those
little rehearsals which do so much for
an effective case in court.
It was rather like an open-air Sun-
day-school, Okhoy Babu reciting, and
his witnesses repeating in chorus— that
came to me as a murmur across the
309
310
OKHOY BABU'S ADVENTURE
grass. I realized now why that offend-
ed wren, Indranath Babu, had clucked
and frowned.
After a while the Babu and his schol-
ars trooped away again, letter-perfect
by this time. I rolled a cigarette and
smoked in the coolest of the verandas,
and schemed the undoing of Okhoy
Babu.
Three o'clock came. I took my seat
in court. Indranath Babu had the case
called . An old gray-beard testified first ;
Okhoy Babu was careful of precedence.
Among other things, the gray-beard
said, —
'I know that the field belonged to
Hari Dass, because I was present when
his father planted a tree in it.'
Then Okhoy Babu called a middle-
aged man, who, among other testimony,
declared, —
' I know the tree which the father of
Hari Dass planted. The field is his/
Then a young fellow came, swagger-
ing, and grinned familiarly at the
court. He said, —
'When I was a boy, I often climbed
in the tree which was planted by the
father of Hari Dass. Hari Dass caught
me and beat me. So I know the field is
his.' I
Something flashed through my mind :
the Elders and Susanna. — 'A Daniel
come to judgment!' — Okhoy Babu,
you once attended missionary school,
but I don't believe you read the apoc-
ryphal books ! At any rate it was worth
trying.
So I stopped Okhoy Babu in mid-
career, and had my court policeman
gather all those witnesses into my pri-
vate room, with strict orders to let no
one else in. Okhoy Babu was puzzled
but smiled energetically. Indranath
Babu, scenting fun, suspended his om-
inous clucking, but his brow was still
furrowed.
I had the elderly party brought back
first.
'You were present when the father
of Hari Dass planted a tree in his
field?'
'I was present, your Honor!' an-
swered the elderly party, glancing round
toward his counsel.
'Do not look at the Babu! Look at
me! ' I held his eye. 'What kind of a
tree was it?'
The elderly party blinked, cleared
his throat, and finally said, —
' It was a — cocoanut tree, your
Honor!'
Okhoy Babu began to wriggle round
toward the door of my room.
'Please remain where you are, Babu!
The witnesses are quite safe!'
' Yes, your Honor ! ' and Okhoy Ba-
bu smiled a large but rueful smile.
Then I told my policeman to admit
the middle-aged man.
'You remember the tree which the
father of Hari Dass planted ? '
' I remember it very well, your Hon-
or!' and, curiously enough, he too look-
ed round to Okhoy Babu.
'Never mind the Babu. Turn to-
ward me. What sort of tree was it?'
He too winced and pursed his lips.
'It was a — date-palm, your Hon-
or!'
Okhoy Babu's face was worth watch-
ing. Indranath Babu's brow was
smooth and in his eyes was a look of
deep content.
I had the young fellow in.
'You climbed the tree in the field of
Hari Dass, and Hari Dass caught you
and beat you?'
'Yes, your Worship!'
'What kind of tree was it?'
He brazened it out; did not look
round at Okhoy Babu but said boldly, —
' A jack tree, your Worship ! ' — which
is a kind of bread-fruit, with green,
hedge-hog fruits as big as your head.
By this time Okhoy Babu was on
thorns.
From the remaining witnesses, I col-
OKHOY BABU'S ADVENTURE
311
lected a few more kinds of tree. Then
I called my policeman : -
* Constable! Take these witnesses
back into my room and keep them!'
Then to Indranath Babu: —
'Babu, please make out warrants for
perjury against all these witnesses;
and as for you, Okhoy Babu — '
But Okhoy Babu was gone. A cloud
of dust whirling down the road to the
bazaar indicated his line of motion.
I watched him through the unglazed
window, considered a while, and decid-
ed not to decide. I was well content to
lose Okhoy Babu, for all the clucking
of my chief clerk.
n
That was late in October. A month
later I was in camp, on the western bor-
der of the subdivision. I had been go-
ing over the wage-books of the village
watchmen, examining the nice, oily lit-
tle chaps in the school, hearing them
do Euclid in Bengali, and trying to
hold a Local Board election, where the
free and independent voters had evi-
dently got their instructions from their
landlord, the local zemindar, and voted
for him with meek unanimity. Great
are democratic institutions in a land
like India!
Evening had come, and I had made
arrangments to return to Berhampore
by palki, to arrive the next forenoon.
Poonaswamy of the red turban had fed
me on wooden-flavored moorghee and
tiny potatoes, with really good coffee
and a cigarette, and I was ready to
go.
The palki-bearers were standing
about, whispering and laughing; big,
stalwart chaps, grayish-yellow in color,
with large cheek-bones and huge
hands and feet. There was evidently a
lot of Santal blood in that part of the
subdivision.
An awkward thing to get into, a pal-
ki. You have to sit down on the ground
and crawl in, and when in, you must
lie down; there isn't room to sit up
without bumping your head. Just a
long box with a sliding side-door, and
swung on two long bamboos; comfort-
able enough, though, to sleep in.
So, feeling decidedly self-conscious,
I sat me on mother earth, and crawled
sideways into my box.
'All ready! To Berhampore!'
It was one of those lovely evenings
that the beginning of the cold season
brings, not too warm, and scented like
a garden. My bearers swung the palki
up on their shoulders and pattered off
barefoot in the dust, chanting a jig-jog
song that Kipling renders, ' Let us take
and heave him over! Let us take and
heave him over.'
We took a short cut across the wide
rice-fields and by the edge of a bit of
forest. There were huge trees, their
boughs twisted together, and hung with
masses of a kind of wild cucumber
whose tendrils were like enormous
skeins of yellow floss silk, with here and
there a scarlet fruit hanging down, like
a huge Easter-egg. A fine wildness
about it all.
'Let us take and heave him over!
Let us take and heave him over ! '
They could, too, with the greatest
ease . Here am I, twenty or thirty miles
from the nearest man of white race,
absolutely defenseless, unarmed, amid
three hundred thousand natives, ac-
cording to the last census, who might
easily enough have a grudge to wreak;
but I am trusting myself to their ten-
der mercies in complete confidence. I
suppose a Deputy Magistrate could
not disappear without some stir! The
paternal government would look him
up. ... Might not do him much good,
though. . . . However . . .
At this point I went to sleep. . . .
Something very soothing about the
jog-jog of a palki and that 'heave-
312
OKHOY BABU'S ADVENTURE
him-over ' song and the patter of bare
feet on the earth. . . .
Once, during the night, I was wak-
ened by the wild, diabolic yelling of
jackals, an inferno broken loose in the
midnight jungle. Something startling
and hair-raising about jackals; they be-
gin so unexpectedly. ... But I rolled
over and went to sleep again, with the
patter-patter in my ears.
Then we came to a stop, and there
was some kind of a row among the pal-
ki-bearers. That wakened me again. I
pulled open the sliding-door, and, in the
curt phrase of Anglo-India, said, —
'Shut up, dogs, and let me sleep!'
They did, and I slept — till morning
this time, waking when it was full sun-
light, with the expectation of recog-
nizing the Berhampore landmarks by
the roadside.
One thing intrigued me: we seemed
to be jolting uphill. But theVe is n't a
hill within thirty miles of Berhampore,
or anywhere in the delta; not even a
mound as big as an ant-hill. So I slid
the door open to see.
* Where the mischief — ?'
We were in thick jungle, a hillside
apparently, with a kind of cattle-track
running up it, under huge, matted trees
laced together with creepers like tan-
gled skeins of yarn thrown over the
branches. A kind of green gloom, and
a fresh coolness in the air.
I shouted to the bearers to stop.
They stopped, and I crawled out, in the
wormlike, undignified fashion insepar-
able from palkis, and repeated my
question : —
* Where the mischief are we ? '
I repeated my question in English,
chiefly for my own benefit, in Bengali,
in Hindustani. The bearers only
grinned sheepishly and shook their
heads.
. I was very angry and made vigorous
use of the vocative case and the imper-
ative mood. I might as well have spok-
en in pluperfect subjunctives, for they
evidently did not understand a word.
Like the harmattan wind, I raged my-
self out, and saw that it was perfectly
useless to talk to these gray-yellow
dunderheads, who grinned foolishly at
my best objurgations.
I began to realize that I was getting
hungry. Also, I wanted a smoke.
Fortunately this last want was easi-
ly supplied. I had the makings and
matches. So I sat down on a rock -
there isn't a rock in Berhampore, or in
all the delta, for that matter - - and roll-
ed and lit a cigarette. That appealed
to those yellow-gray kidnappers. They
produced tobacco leaf from their dingy
shoulder-cloths, a knot in the corner of
which forms a Bengali pocket, and be-
gan to roll al fresco cigars. They even
had the cheek to borrow my matches
— with such child-like innocence in
their eyes that I gave them. So we all
smoked, out there in the jungle. They
were very respectful, nay, deferential,
for all their kidnapping, and if I had
had some breakfast, say some good
coffee and rolls, it would not have been
half bad . But I was beastly hungry and
getting hungrier. What had become of
Poonaswamy of the scarlet turban, I
could not even speculate on.
Finally I appealed to an old chap
among the bearers — there were right
of them, two relays — who had crisp
white hair on his head and jowl, and a
mat of white hair on his chest. I said
to him in English, —
'Old gentleman, please get me some
breakfast ! '
He shook his head and replied, at
great length, in a tongue of which I did
not know a word, but which I guessed
to be the San tali of the hills. We can
see them, pale blue on the horizon,
from the western edge of the subdivi-
sion. As we were palpably among hills,
— or at least upon one hill; you could-
n't see much of anything, because of
OKHOY BABU'S ADVENTURE
313
the dense jungle,- -and as there were
n't any other hills, I supposed they
must be the ones. So the old gentle-
man talked, very eloquently, and with
gestures; but from all his eloquence no
breakfast supervened. I was n't even
certain that he was talking about
breakfast, but I was quite certain that
I wanted mine.
So I fell back on a language more
practical than Esperanto or Volapuk
— I opened my mouth and pointed
down my throat. That evidently went
home. The old gentleman's face lighted
up, he smiled luminqusly and pointed
up the trail through the forest. Then
he pointed to the sliding door of the
pal ki. That was good sense. If break-
fast would not come to me, I must go
to breakfast, and the palki was the on-
ly way. I did not even consider walk-
ing back along the track we had come,
because I knew that, in that direction,
breakfast was at least forty miles off,
and the jungle fairly well stocked with
big game, — leopards, tigers, to say
nothing of snakes, — and my only
weapons were a box of matches and a
pencil.
So I sat down on the ground, and
slid back into the palki, to the evident
relief of my bearers, who shouldered
me and went forward, seemingly much
rejoiced in their minds.
About noon — I had beguiled the
hours, and tried to beguile my appe-
tite with cigarettes — we came to a
clearing, and they set the palki down.
A horribly undignified way to make
one's entrance, crawling out of a beast-
ly box, but it had to be done. A crowd
was there to receive us, the same gray-
yellow folk with big cheek-bones, chief-
ly adorned with peacock feathers stuck
jauntily in their hair; and, among the
leaf-mat huts, a mob of women and
children.
I got on my feet and looked about.
The crowd gathered about deferen-
tially, saluting by bringing their fin-
ger-tips up to their foreheads and then
stretching out their arms, as if they
were going to dive; apparently San tali
for 'Good morning!'
The old gentleman from among my
bearers then saluted a revered old per-
son in the crowd, and made a little
speech. The old person seemed pleased.
He said something monosyllabic and
unintelligible to my bearer and then
stepped forward, and said to me, in
fairly good Bengali, —
' Incarnation of Virtue ! We offer you
respectful salutations ! '
I replied that I was glad of it, and
asked, —
* Where are we? Who are you? And
why, in the name of Mahadeb, have
you brought me here?'
Here is his astounding reply, just as
he made it : —
* Umbrella of the Poor! This is a vil-
lage of Men, whom the Bengalis call
Santals. We have a Babu. We are
going to kill him, and we wished your
Honor to be present, to see!'
'We have a Babu, and we are going
to kill him' — just that. It took my
breath away.
Astonishment, the desire to gain
time, and primitive instinct, worked
together in my reply: —
'That is all very well. But you must
not kill him until I have had some
breakfast.'
So they fed me, under the village fig
tree: india-rubber-like moorghee, with
curried vegetables, and the finest rice
I ever tasted. But no coffee, and I par-
ticularly wanted coffee.
As I ate, the dignified elderly person
sat beside me, very affable and friendly.
I approached the question obliquely : —
'How does it come that you speak
such good Bengali?'
My speech was really more polite
than that. These Oriental tongues
have shades.
314
OKHOY -BABU'S ADVENTURE
'I spent ten years in Berhampore,'
he replied very courteously, 'in the
Sudder jail. I was on road-gang work
at Kandi, and the foreman — a Ben-
gali pig — hit me, so I killed him. The
judge asked who did it, and I of course
told him, so I was sent t.o jail. There
I learned Bengali, and, because of my
knowledge of English law, my people
have elected me Headman.' And he
smiled, very much pleased with him-
self.
Yes; English law; but how about kill-
ing babus? I put it a little less direct-
ly, but it amounted to that.
He said that, of course, this was dif-
ferent. He would make it all plain after
breakfast, and then they would kill the
Babu. Everything should be done in
an orderly way.
All the men had spears, as well as
their jaunty peacock-feathers. I, as I
have said, was armed with a lead pencil ;
not even a fountain-pen. If it came to
physical force, it was a blue look-out
for the Babu. Fine, vigorous men, too;
manly, open faces. One could not
browbeat them, as if they were Ben-
galis. I began to be anxious about that
Babu.
After breakfast, a cigarette. I drew
it out as long as possible and consider-
ed. Oh, Indranath Babu, why are you
not here, to warn me off shoals by your
clucking? I wish you were, but, since
you are not, I must go it alone.
So, my cigarette ended, — and I felt
rather like a condemned man with his
last cigar, at the end of which the pro-
ceedings are to culminate, we all went
to the village grove, where the prisoner
was brought, tightly bound, haggard,
disheveled, wild-eyed. A Bengali, un-
doubtedly, but a very ill-used Bengali,
physically speaking.
Suddenly I caught his eye. He was
making signs. I went over to him, in
the midst of his guard of sturdy spear-
men.
He half- whispered, in English, -
' Sir ! Do you not know me ? ' I looked
closer. *I am Okhoy Kumar Ganguli,
pleader of your Honor's court.'
'Ah! Okhoy Babu!' He flashed back
into my memory, as he had disap-
peared in a cloud of dust down the vil-
lage road, on the day of the perjury
case. With equal rapidity it flashed in-
to my mind that if I wanted to get the
Babu clear, I must show no sign of ever
having seen him before. So I shook my
head and turned away to the fine old
graduate of Berhampore jail.
We took our seats in a circle in the
grove, on stools of wicker-work shaped
like dice-boxes. I recognized the pat-
tern. We have them made on contract
in the jail. Evidently the old headman
had brought the arts back with him. I
sat in the centre of a half-circle, made
venerable, I hoped, by a big pith hel-
met. The old headman, whose name,
I believe, was Soondra Manjee, sat at
my right hand; the stalwart men with
spears, gaudy in their peacock-feather
crests, completed the half-circle. At
its focus Okhoy Babu squatted on the
earth, with a knot of spear-men about
him. He was tightly bound and evi-
dently galled by his thongs. I pitied
Okhoy Babu. It remained to be seen
whether I should not very soon have
even better cause.
The women gathered closer, fine-
looking, some of them, and not so cowed
and abashed as Bengali women. Most
of them had flowers in their hair. They
had brass bracelets and rings, too, and
bright-colored muslin saris — a long
strip of cloth, draped into a skirt and
bodice, that showed their fine, grace-
ful, upstanding figures admirably.
But Okhoy Babu was not thinking
of feminine beauty or adornments of
Ashoka flowers, — at least, his face did
not suggest it. It was grim earnest
with him. I would do my best for
Okhoy Babu, but I had my doubts.
OKHOY BABU'S ADVENTURE
315
We opened the proceedings. The old
gentleman stood up and made a little
speech in Santali. I guessed the sub-
ject : their exceeding good-luck in hav-
ing caught a magistrate, albeit a very
young one, whose presence would reg-
ularize their proceedings. I knew he
was talking about me, as every one
looked in my direction and the women
smiled. The men were too dignified
for that, but their big, childlike eyes
spoke.
Then old Soondra Manjee turned to
me and said, —
'Your Honor, we are ready/ in his
best Bengali.
Okhoy Babu winced and shrank to-
gether. Evidently he was not ready at
all.
So, as severely as I could, I asked, —
'Of what is the prisoner guilty?'
'Your Honor!' Okhoy Babu began,
in English. That would be fatal. So I
said to him, in a tone that evidently
went home, -
'Don't talk to me, you thundering
idiot, if you wish to save your neck!'
Okhoy Babu sighed deeply, but had
the wisdom to shut up.
So I asked again, —
'Of what is the prisoner guilty?'
'Your Honor,' said the fine old San-
tali, with genuine moral indignation,
'the Babu told a lie! He came to us,
one month ago, hungry and sick. We
sheltered him and fed him. After two
days, he began to make mischief! There
are the boundary stones; they mark the
limit of our territory and the territory
of the Bengalis. This Babu told us he
would show us how to move the boun-
dary stones — secretly, in the night —
so as to enlarge our lands and double
the size of our rice-fields. The Babu is
a cheat and a liar, so we are, of course,
going to kill him/
Oh, tribe of honest men ! I like those
Santalis. And the fine Italian hand of
my Okhoy Babu! He ran like a hare to
escape trial for perjury, in the matter
of that cocoanut, date, jack, and so-on
tree in the field of Hari Dass, and
straightway set himself to seduce the
blameless Santalis and lead them into
guile.
Babu, for two or three minutes, I se-
riously considered saying, ' Let the law
take its course!' Perhaps what check-
ed me was the consideration of how
you would squeal while you were being
speared. At any rate British legalism
won the day, and I determined to save
you for a more regular tribunal.
How to do it, though? I thought first
of trying to explain the English law,
making clear to them that they would
be guilty of murder and riot and da-
coity and ever so many things. Then
I thought of asserting the right of
eminent domain over the Babu — of
claiming him as my own peculiar prey.
But I was pretty sure they would ask,
'Will your Honor promise to kill him?'
And various considerations would pre-
vent my doing that. To get him away
by strategy just entered my mind, to
leave it again instantly. I could not risk
having these honest men hand down
among their village traditions, that they
had trusted a white man and that he
had cheated them.
Then I noticed something curious
enough, — but the nature of woman is
inscrutable.
A singularly pretty girl, light-color-
ed, with pretty eyes and quantities of
glossy hair decked with crimson flow-
ers, her lithe, graceful young body
charmingly set off by the sari with its
pattern of rose-colored twigs, had been
edging closer to Okhoy Babu, and now,
eluding the vigilance of the guards, she
gave him a cocoanut shell of water,
which he greedily drank, and, — oh,
mysterious feminine heart ! — she was
patting his cheek. I began to see day-
light.
The first thing was, to gain time. So
316
OKHOY BABU'S ADVENTURE
I made a quick decision and, rising,
said in my best Bengali, —
'The Babu is evidently a wicked
man, and deserving of death. He has
lied, and he has advised you to lie. But
to-day is the seventh day of the moon '
— fortunately I had noticed the even-
ing before — 'and this is, therefore, an
inauspicious day for you to put the
Babu to death/
That was true enough. Any day
would be, for they would have to stand
trial for murder, and very possibly hang
for it. But they did not take my words
in that sense. Indeed, they looked gen-
uinely frightened. They were chock-
full of superstition, and they had near-
ly killed a Babu — on the wrong day!
They were genuinely glad that I had
come. I saw that, and went on more
confidently, —
'Not before the tenth day will the
time be auspicious. Therefore let the
Babu be left bound in a hut, with none
to keep him company, and let us wait
until the auspicious day. Meanwhile,
if the village wishes to hold a feast in
honor of the Sahib, the Sahib will gra-
ciously be pleased to take part in it.'
The joy, the feasting, the rice-wine
generously flowing, the wild song and
dance — all this must go unrecorded.
Babu Okhoy Kumar Ganguli was not
present at the feast. He languished in
his cell — that is, in a leaf hut at the
jungle-edge of the village.
That night, after a long day's revel-
ry, the village slept well. All, that is,
excepting the Deputy Magistrate, who
kept an alert ear, and, it would seem,
that pretty girl with the crimson blos-
soms in her hair. Early in the night,
the Deputy Magistrate, who was en-
joying the moonlight, as the sentries
snored over their fires, saw a lithe fig-
ure steal over to the prison-hut. Then
there was silence, but for a faint sound
of rending leaves; then the Deputy
Magistrate went to his own hut, for
matches, and smoked a philosophic
cigarette. Then he went to sleep. . . .
Babu, I hope you have good legs and
wind, for an hour after sunrise your
inexplicable absence was discovered;
the absence, too, of that pretty girl with
the crimson flowers in her dark, glossy
hair. I hope your legs and your wind
are good, for, ten minutes after these
discoveries, forty able-bodied Santalis,
whose power of wind and limb was
unquestionable, were on your trail,
armed with boar-spears. And I think,
that if they caught up with you, they
would finish you without benefit of
magistrate!
Shortly thereafter, I succeeded in
scraping together half-a-dozen hoary-
headed men, past the age for Babu-bait-
ing, who consented to carry my palki,
and, with sincere regret, I bade fare-
well to the Santal country; regret, in
part, for that I had in fact contributed
to deceive these honest men for such a
one as Okhoy Babu, procurer of per-
jury. But not for the sake of Okhoy;
for the honor of the law.
NOSTALGIA
BY KATHARINE FULLERTON GEROULD
I HAVE not trod those burning sands,
I have not plumbed those frozen seas;
My palace was not made with hands,
My sails are furled from every breeze.
I sit behind a curtained pane
And gaze into a village street;
Homeward, at eve, return again
My indolent, untraveled feet.
But in the books you bring to me,
I find strange places that I knew:
Cathay or Ind or Muscovy,
The Isles of Spice or Khatmandhu.
I close my eyes and call it back —
The tedium of the caravan,
The jackals howling on our track,
The wile and sloth of savage man.
My homesickness was born with me
Whom the ancestral walls enclose;
But it is nice as memory,
And chooses only what it knows.
And when the page divines aright,
I do not shrink or find it far;
But answer, as an exile might,
* That is my home, and there my star ! '
UNION PORTRAITS
III. WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
BY GAMALIEL BRADFORD
IT is curious to turn from the study
of Thomas to the study of Sherman.
Thomas instinctively hides himself. To
get at his soul you have to watch keen-
ly, to pick up fine threads of self-revel-
ation in a waste of conventional formal-
ity and follow their light tissue with the
closest care. Sherman turns himself in-
side out even in an official document.
He wore his coat unbuttoned, and his
heart also; exposed its inmost lining to
all the winds of heaven — and all the
eyes of curious reporters, whom he de-
tested for seeing and recording what
was there and what was not. This per-
petual exposure is almost as baffling
as Thomas's concealment, though in
another fashion. We like a soul to be
open, and clean, and wind-blown. But
I am not sure that we like to see it al-
ways thrashing on the clothes-line.
* Typically American ' is a loose term
and gets looser every day. But Ropes
and many others have applied it to
Sherman, and with singular justice.
Few figures of the war have more
marked American characteristics than
he. Lincoln is often instanced. But
Lincoln had strange depths, even yet
unexplored, which do not seem Amer-
ican at all. Grant was too quiet.
Sherman was never quiet, physically
or mentally. Like so many Americans
who do things, he had not robust
318
health. In 1846, on his way to Califor-
nia, he gave up smoking. ' The reason
was, it hurt my breast. . . . The habit
shall never be resumed.' It was re-
sumed, and given up again, and invet-
erate, as the hurt was. But no hurt
made flag that indefatigable, unfalter-
ing, resistless energy. * Blessed with a
vitality that only yields to absolute
death,' he says of himself. Assuredly
he was so blessed. One who did not
love him observed, * With a clear idea of
what he wanted and an unyielding de-
termination to have it, he made himself
and everybody around him uncomfort-
able, till his demands were gratified.'
His character was written all over
him. The tall, spare, wiry figure, the
fine-featured, wrinkle-netted face, ex-
pressed the man. He had auburn hair,
and one lock of it behind would stick
straight out when he was eager or ex-
cited. I never think of Sherman with-
out seeing that lock.
His manner was even more expres-
sive than his features. He was always
in movement, striding up and down,
when he talked, if possible; if not,
moving head, or hands, or feet. When
Horace Porter first went to him
from Grant, he found Sherman in his
slippers, reading a newspaper, and all
through the conversation the news-
paper was frantically twisted and one
foot was in and out of its slipper perpet-
ually. The general's talk was hurried,
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
319
vigorous, incisive, punctuated with
strange, sharp, and uncouth gestures.
' In giving his instructions and orders,'
says one acute observer, 'he will take
a person by the shoulder and push him
off as he talks, follow him to the door
all the time talking and urging him
away. His quick, restless manner al-
most invariably results in the confu-
sion of the person whom he is thus in-
structing, but Sherman himself never
gets confused. At the same time he
never gets composed.'
As he was American in look and man-
ner, so he was eminently American in
the movement of his life. He himself
writes, 'It does seem that nature for
some wise purpose . . . does ordain
that man shall migrate, clear out from
the place of his birth.' He migrated, at
any rate, like a bird or the thought of
a poet. Born in Ohio, in 1820, he pass-
ed apparently a tranquil boyhood. But
with youth his adventures began . From
West Point he went to Florida, from
Florida to South Carolina. Then came
California, then New York, then New
Orleans, California again, New York
again, St. Louis, and again New Orle-
ans. Remember that in those days the
journey from New York to San Fran-
cisco was like a journey round the
world at present.
Nor was all this divagation merely
military. Sherman was soldier only in
part. At other times he was banker,
farmer, lawyer, president of a railroad,
president of a college. Only heroic self-
restraint saved him from being an art-
ist. 'I have great love for painting and
find that sometimes I am so fascinated
that it amounts to pain to lay down the
brush, placing me in doubt whether I
had better stop now before it swallows
all attention, to the neglect of all my
duties, discard it altogether, or keep
on. What would you advise?' Here is
the first and last time he ever mentions
painting.
After this twenty years' Odyssey,
just at the beginning of the war, he gets
a spell at home with Penelope and the
budding Telemachus, and observes, —
with a sigh, — ' I must try and allay this
feeling of change and venture that has
made me a wanderer. If possible I will
settle down — fast and positive.'
The war comes. He rides and rages
through Bull Run, Shiloh, Vicksburg,
Chattanooga, like a comet through
Georgia and the Carolinas, to the high-
est war can give him, and to peace.
But he never settles down — never.
II
Some men whose feet are thus tire-
lessly wandering, tread a very narrow
region in their minds, just as others'
minds rove widely while their feet are
still. With Sherman there was inces-
sant movement of both mind and body.
He had the busiest imagination in all
these various careers, saw all possibili-
ties of chance and accident and en-
deavored to provide for them, turned
over a dozen courses of action before he
hit the one that would answer his pur-
pose best. At the beginning of the war
others tried to accomplish full results
with half measures, could not stretch
prevision to the scope of effort neces-
sary to avert the immense train of dam-
age and disaster. Sherman saw and fore-
saw everything, and because he pre-
dicted the vastness of the struggle and
demanded means adequate to meet it,
those in authority, and the press men
whose imagination was always hugely
busy at short range, decried and al-
most displaced him as a sheer, unbal-
anced lunatic.
All through the war this acute imag-
ination of military possibility and ne-
cessity marked him more than almost
any one. Sometimes, doubtless, it led
him to curious extremes, as in his ad-
vice to Sheridan in November, 1864:
320
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
*I am satisfied, and have been all the
time, that the problem of the war con-
sists in the awful fact that the present
class of men who rule the South must
be killed outright rather than in the
conquest of territory . . . therefore I
shall expect you on any and all occa-
sions to make bloody results/
An imagination so vivid and ener-
getic has its dangers. One is the mis-
representation of fact, especially in the
past. Perhaps Sherman was careless in
this matter. His attitude is partly in-
dicated in his remark to a newspaper
man who had written a sketch of him:
'You make more than a dozen mis-
takes of facts, which I need not correct,
as I don't desire my biography till I
am dead.* This is all very well, but if
a man does not correct his biography
while living, his chance of doing it later
is limited.
Sherman's Memoirs have been bit-
terly attacked on the score of inaccu-
racy. 'His story is often widely at Vari-
ance with the Official Records, and
with every one's recollection, except
his own,' says Colonel Stone; and Pro-
fessor Royce comments thus on the
Calif ornian portion: 'In fact, not only
antecedent probability, but sound tes-
timony, is against General Sherman's
memory, a memory which, for the rest,
was hardly meant by the Creator for
purely historical purposes, genial and
amusing though its productions may
be/
The general's remark in the preface
to the revised edition of the Memoirs —
revised chiefly by the printing of pro-
tests in an appendix — is most happily
characteristic. I am, he says in sub-
stance, writing my own memoirs, not
those of other people.
As to this question of accuracy, how-
ever, it is essential not to overlook the
testimony of Grant, who declared that
Sherman was thoroughly accurate, that
he always kept a diary, and that the
Memoirs were founded on that diary
in all matters of fact.
Another serious danger of a too act-
ive imagination is that it may go far
outside the province that belongs to
it. This was certainly the tendency of
Sherman's. Not content with giving
sleepless hours to devising all sorts of
schemes for the military destruction of
the enemy, he ranged far into politics,
conceived and ceaselessly suggested
measures financial and political which
would aid in bringing about the mili-
tary result. Many other generals had
this habit, just as many politicians con-
trived to win victories in a back cor-
ner of an office; but few whirled out
of their proper sphere with such break-
neck velocity as Sherman. He was al-
ways delivering huge screeds of polit-
ical comment, oral or written, to the
North, to the South, to soldiers, to
civilians, to officials, to laymen.
Hear one of his wildest outbursts on
the general conduct of the war. * To se-
cure the safety of the navigation of the
Mississippi River I would slay millions.
On that point I am not only insane, but
mad. . . . For every bullet shot at a
steam-boat, I would shoot a thousand
30-pounder Parrotts into even helpless
towns on Red, Ouachita, Yazoo, or
wherever a boat can float or soldier
march/ Do you wonder that some
thought the general a little unreli-
able?
Hear him again on the deserts of the
South. 'To the petulant and persist-
ent secessionist, why, death is mercy,
and the quicker he or she is disposed of,
the better. Satan and the rebel saints
of Heaven were allowed a continued
existence in hell merely to swell their
just punishment. To such as would re-
bel against a government so mild and
just as ours was in peace, a punish-
ment equal would not be unjust/
It is this abstract and imaginative
fury, constantly suggestive of the doc-
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
321
trinaire idealists of the French Revo-
lution, which makes Sherman appear
decidedly at a disadvantage in his cor-
respondence with Hood concerning the
treatment of Atlanta, and again in
his correspondence with Hardee before
Savannah.
As to details of policy there is the
same fertility of suggestion, the same
imperious decisiveness. Finance? Are
you short of currency? Use cotton.
Tie it up in neat weighed bales, and it
will at least be better than your Con-
federate shinplasters. The draft? The
draft? Certainly enforce the draft.
'Unless you enact a law denying all
citizens between the ages of 18 and
45 who do not enlist and serve three
years faithfully, all right of suffrage,
or to hold office after the war is over,
you will have trouble.' Niggers? Now
what can you do with Niggers? They
are not fit for soldiers, they are not fit
for citizens, they are just fit for labor
that white men cannot do. *I would
not if I could abolish or modify slav-
ery/ he wrote in December, 1859.
The influence of all this varied think-
ing was doubled by a really demonic
power of expression. Sherman's dis-
I patches became letters, his letters pam-
phlets. Some accuse him of loquacity.
This is absurd. His style is vigorous,
pointed, energetic as his person. His
abundance of words, great as it is, is
lame and impotent to the hurry of his
thought. This is the real significance
of his ludicrous remark, 'I am not
much of a talker'; and again, 'Excuse
so long a letter, which is very unusual
from me/ Not much of a talker! Oh,
ye gods! The point really is that he
talked vastly much, but he could have
talked vastly more. On the whole, I am
glad that he did not.
Those at whom he launched these
verbal whirlwinds did not always ap-
preciate them, or profit. Men thought
he talked too freely, - * more than was
VOL.114 -NO. 3
proper/ was the opinion of the judi-
cious Villard. At the beginning of the
war Halleck gave his subordinate a
kind and helpful caution, warning him
that his use of his tongue was, to say
the least, indiscreet. What is most
charming in this connection is Sher-
man's way of receiving such good coun-
sel. He knows the danger. He will do
all he can to avoid it. 'We as soldiers
best fulfill our parts by minding our
own business, and I will try to do that/
'I will try and hold my tongue and
pen and give my undivided attention
to the military duties devolving on
me/
He might as well have tried to dam
his beloved Mississippi. Listen to the
comment of one excellent observer on
the general's conversational proclivi-
ties: 'He must talk, quick, sharp, and
yet not harshly, all the time making
his odd gestures, which, no less than
the intonation of his voice, serve to em-
phasize his language. He cannot bear
a clog upon his thoughts nor an inter-
ruption to his language. He admits of
no opposition. He overrides every-
thing. He never hesitates at interrupt-
ing any one, but cannot bear to be
interrupted himself/
The most striking instance of Sher-
man's talking and writing tendency to
digress into politics was his agreement
with Johnston upon terms of peace at
the close of the war. In his zeal to car-
ry out his ideas of the public good the
Union commander certainly exceeded
the ordinary limits of military negotia-
tion. It is equally true that Stan ton
and Halleck were unnecessarily rough
and discourteous in disapproving of
his arrangements. Nevertheless, their
ill-judged harshness did not justify
Sherman's violent outburst to his own
subordinate, Logan. 'If such be the
welcome the East gives to the West,
we can but let them make war and fight
it out themselves/
322
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
in
What I have written so far must not
be held to imply that Sherman was a
dreamer, a mere visionary, who lived
in the clouds. His whole career, and
his immense accomplishment, would
make such a suggestion absurd. Rich
and eager as his imagination was, it was
always subject to the closest bonds of
logic and reasoning. It was this that
made his conclusions not only abund-
ant, but positive. 'My opinions are all
very positive,' he writes, 'and there is
no reason why you should not know
them/ To him, at any rate, they ap-
peared to be based on arguments which
he had examined and found irrefragable.
It is curious that some who knew
him well have denied that he was a rea-
soner. Professor Boyd declared that
he leaped to results by intuition, that
he could not give reasons, and that his
letters contained, not reasons, but con-
clusions. This seems to me a misappre-
hension. It was not that he could not
give reasons, but that he would not.
He was a soldier, a man of action. He
could not stop to make plain his men-
tal processes to a bungler like you or
me. Paper would not suffice to hold his
conclusions. How then should he both-
er with explaining the long and devious
paths by which he came to them? His
own view of his logical activity is de-
lightful. 'I am too fast, but there are
principles of government as sure to re-
sult from war as in law, religion or any
moral science. Some prefer to jump to
the conclusion by reason. Others prefer
to follow developments by the slower
and surer road of experience/ Even
more delightful is his adjustment of the
whole matter to the somewhat aca-
demic level of Professor Boyd : * Never
give reasons for what you think or do
until you must. Maybe, after a while,
a better reason will pop into your
head/
This blending of iron logic with vivid
imagination is most characteristic of
Sherman always. His imagination
made him wonderfully, charmingly tol-
erant, up to a certain point, of the
views of others, and even, where he
had not concluded positively, distrust-
ful of his own. He begs to be checked,
if inclined to exceed proper authority.
With winning self-criticism he assures
Grant that 'Rosecrans and Burnside
and Sherman would be ashamed of
petty quarrels if you were behind and
near them/ And what an admirable
piece of analysis is his comparison of
himself with Grant and McClernand.
McClernand, he says, sees clearly what
is near, but very little beyond. 'My
style is the reverse. I am somewhat
blind to what occurs near me, but have
a clear perception of things and events
remote. Grant possesses the happy
medium, and it is for this reason I ad-
mire him/
But if Sherman was broad-minded
and gently tolerant up to a certain
point, beyond that he ceased to be so,
and then his energetic logic made him
refuse all compromise. He was, if I
may use the phrase, fiercely reason-
able. Just because he saw so far and
saw so clearly, it seemed to him that
there could be nothing worth consid-
ering beyond the limits of his vision.
To serve under him, when you shared
his views, or when you trusted him
wholly, must have been a joy; but it
was surely purgatory when you dis-
liked him and he disliked you. If he
was once convinced that you were in
the wrong, nothing too savage could
be done to set you intellectually right,
for your own good. In other words, as
an officer of the Inquisition he would
have been unmatched in ingenuity and
in severity.
Probably the most amusing as well
as the most instructive of his intoler-
ances was his animosity toward news-
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
323
paper men. No working general on
either side enjoyed them or permitted
them more freedom than policy abso-
lutely required. But Sherman detested
them. It has been shrewdly pointed
out that he was too much like them to
love them, and that as a war correspon-
dent he could probably have earned a
much larger salary than as a general.
It has been suggested, also, that his
professed hatred of publicity arose from
a desire to supply his own, which he
was royally able to do.
Be this as it may, the general is nev-
er more entertaining than when speak-
ing his mind about the press. Some-
times he lashes it with sarcasm. 'We
have picked up the barges, and will
save some provisions, but none of the
reporters "floated." They were so deep-
ly laden with weighty matter that they
must have sunk. In the language of
our Dutch captain, "What a pity for
religion is this war!" but in our afflic-
tion we can console ourselves with the
pious reflection that there are plenty
more left of the same sort.* Sometimes
he lectures it paternally and endeavors
to put these children of the evil one in-
to the right way. 'Now I am again in
authority over you and you must heed
my advice. Freedom of speech and
freedom of the press, precious relics of
former history, must not be construed
too largely. You must print nothing
that prejudices government, or excites
envy, hatred, and malice in a commun-
ity. Persons in authority must not be
abused.'
Is not every word of that delicious?
And for misbehavior he would in all
cases exact the severest penalty. * Even
in peace times I would make every
publisher liable in money for the truth
of everything he prints/ Oh, stern
idealist,
Hereafter in a better world than this
I shall desire more love and knowledge of you.
As newspapers represented free
speech, and as free speech is insepar-
ably bound up with democracy, Sher-
man's mistrust of popular government
grew all through the war. Personally he
was the most democratic of men. Also,
he was convinced that one political or-
ganization must prevail over the whole
United States. But as to the final
character of that organization he was
somewhat doubtful. 'This country
must be united by the silken bonds of
a generous and kindly Union if possible,
or by the harsh steel bands of a despot-
ism otherwise. Of course, we all prefer
the former.' Of course he did prefer it.
Still, the editors sometimes tried his
patience. Once, when it was over-tried,
he wrote, 'The rapid popular change
almost makes me monarchist, and raises
the question whether the self-interest
of one man is not a safer criterion than •
the wild opinions of ignorant men.'
The nice combination of restless fan-
cy with rigorous logic which we have
been analyzing probably reached its
climax in Sherman's career with the
celebrated and dramatic march from
Atlanta to the seaboard: Hardly any
other general, North or South, would
have conceived anything so unusual.
Sober critics, at the time and since,
have condemned it from the purely
military point of view. If justifiable, its
justification must be found in those
larger political arguments which delight-
ed its contriver. It was forged almost
as a dream in that eager and fertile
workshop from which dreams came
so thickly. But the point is that, con-
ceived as a dream, it was worked out
with minutely reasoned care, so that in
the end success attended almost every
step. It was no dream to lead a hun-
dred thousand men two hundred miles
through a hostile country and bring
them out in perfect fighting trim and
with a confidence in their cpmmander
which had grown at every step they
took.
324
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
IV
So we see that, for all his visions
and all his theories, Sherman was an in-
tensely practical man. Dreams to him
were simply rich possibilities of fact.
Except as they could be realized, he
took no interest in them. And he de-
voted himself to realizing them with all
the masterful energy of his nature. *I
must have facts, knocks, and must go
on/
Everybody recognizes that he stud-
ied his troops closely, kept careful
count of just what men he had and
what sort of men, and the same for the
enemy. It is remarkable that, when so
many generals allowed their imagina-
tions to run away with them in over-
estimating the number opposed, Sher-
'man more often calculated under than,
over.
Again, he was notable as a provider.
He figured his needs carefully and
made everything yield to them. Tracks
must be kept clear, trains must be kept
running, non-combatants must be dis-
regarded, even though high authority
appealed for them. No difficulties were
recognized and no excuses would serve.
To a hesitating quartermaster the curt
answer was, 'If you don't have my
army supplied, and keep it supplied,
we '11 eat your mules up, sir — eat your
mules up.'
In other matters of organization
Sherman had the same instinct for sys-
tem and disliked what interfered with
it. He objected, as Thomas did, to the
intrusion even of philanthropy into the
sphere of his command : * The sanitary
and Christian Commissions are enough
to eradicate all traces of Christian-
ity out of our minds.' Yet, while he
exacted absolute subordination from
others, he was ready and eager to obey
the orders of his superiors, even though
he might not approve of them.
There is difference of opinion as to
the minuteness with which he planned
for possible contingencies. Schofield
thinks that in this regard he was ne-
glectful of detail. Possibly. But the
activity of his imagination led him to
consider and reconsider all the essen-
tials of accident. And it was rare that
either circumstances or the enemy con-
fronted him with a situation which he
had not already taken into account, -
in most cases with adequate precaution.
The greatest test of a general's prac-
tical ability is his skill in handling men.
Perhaps others surpassed Sherman in
this, but, considering his temperament,
his success was wonderful. His great-
est lack was patience. When things did
not suit him, he could be very disagree-
able, as with Hooker. On the other
hand, he had three admirable qualities,
sympathy, simplicity, sincerity. He
could understand a man's difficulties.
He could step right down from his dig-
nity and take hold of them. He had
no hesitation in telling you what he
thought, and you knew it was exactly
what he did think.
With his equals and superiors this
frankness is especially fine. How gen-
uine, how free from offense because of
that genuineness, and how helpful, are
his letters of advice and caution to
Grant, who was large enough to take
them as they were meant and profit
by them. Those addressed indirectly
to Buell are no less creditable, though
perhaps not received in quite the same
spirit.
With his own subordinates Sher-
man's human qualities were even more
effective. The soldiers delighted in * the
old man's' brusqueness and oddities.
* Uncle Billy ' was a quaint figure such
as simple minds love to mock at and
tell tales of. It is alleged that strict
discipline was not always observed in
Sherman's armies. If so, it was because
the commander cared nothing for pa-
rade troops. He was too busy with
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
325
what was essential to bother with what
was not. But if discipline means in-
stant readiness to go when and where
ordered, Sherman's men were disci-
plined enough. They had confidence
in their chief. Even when he seemed
to be leading them out into the dark-
ness, away from all support and all
communication, they never hesitated
to follow. He said everything would be
right, and they knew it would. What
is more, they loved him. In spite of his
wrinkled face and his harsh speech and
his uncouth ways, they loved him, be-
cause they knew that he was honest
and fearless, and thought more about
them than he did about himself.
Through all this discussion, the read-
er will constantly have appreciated
what I meant by calling Sherman typ-
ically American. Though by profession
and habit a soldier, in his union of the
theoretical and practical he was essen-
tially the man of business who is to-day
everywhere the most prominent and
characteristic American figure. Let us
see how thoroughly the business qual-
ity entered into the various aspects of
Sherman's career.
To begin with, he was a vast and
tireless worker. 'His industry was pro-
digious,' says Grant. 'He worked all
the time, and with an enthusiasm, a
patience, and a good humor that gave
him great power with his army/ He
was no shirk, no man to throw on to
others anything that he could do him-
self. On the contrary, if others failed
him, he would do double. 'They have
not sent me a single officer from Wash-
ington, and so engrossed are they with
Missouri that they don't do us justice.
The more necessity for us to strain
every nerve.'
Again, fighting, with him, was rather
a business than a pleasure. His per-
sonal courage was, of course, beyond
question. But some have questioned
whether, as a consequence of his imagi-
native and sensitive temperament, he
was not somewhat less clear-headed
and capable under the pressure of com-
bat than when planning a battle or a
campaign. General Howard asserts
that 'his intense suggestive faculties
seemed often to be impaired by the ac-
tual conflict.' On the other hand, Cox
and Schofield both testify that where
others grew excited Sherman grew cool,
and that in the presence of immediate
danger he dropped theoretical discus-
sion and settled all difficulties with per-
emptory sternness. 'On the battle-
fields where he commands Sherman's
nervous manner is toned down. He
grates his teeth and his lips are closed
more firmly, giving an expression of
greater determination to his counte-
nance/
In any case, although he calls being
at the head of a strong column of troops,
in the execution of some task that re-
quires brain, the highest pleasure of
war, yet it is evident that to him fight-
ing was chiefly a means to an end; in
other words, a matter of business, to be
carried on calmly, carefully, and intel-
ligently as such. 'Neither of us/ he
says of Grant and himself, 'naturally
was a combative man/ In the same
spirit, though infinitely careful of his
troops, he viewed slaughter with indif-
ference when the necessities of business
required it. 'Tell Morgan/ he said,
' that we will lose 4000 men before we
take Vicksburg, and we may as well
lose them here as anywhere/
The same businesslike tone appears
in Sherman's attitude toward ambi-
tion and glory. Like every man who
does things, he wished posterity to
speak well of him, to speak highly of
him, and he would have been the last
to deny it. But he was singularly free
from the petty vanities of show and
326
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
adulation which disfigure the biogra-
phy of so many generals. As he rather
affected a shabby appearance, so he
rather affected an avoidance of news-
paper notoriety. ' I never see my name
in print without a feeling of contami-
nation, and I will undertake to forego
half of my salary, if the newspapers
will ignore my name.' Even as regards
more substantial recognition he was
somewhat reluctant, not from undue
modesty, for no one ever better gauged
his own achievements, but because he
feared that sudden exaltation meant a
sudden fall. Early in his career he ex-
pressed his wish to remain in the back-
ground, and when promotion came his
first feeling was that he had not yet
deserved it. Few men on the road to
distinction have expressed themselves
more sensibly than he does in his ad-
mirable letter of advice to Buell. 'To
us, with an angry, embittered enemy
in front and all around us, it looks
childish, foolish, yea, criminal — for
sensible men to be away off to the rear,
sitting in security, torturing their brains
and writing on reams of foolscap to fill
a gap which the future historian will
dispose of by a very short, and maybe,
an unimportant chapter, or even par-
agraph. . . . Like in a race, the end is
all that is remembered by the great
world.'
It is in this purely business instinct,
the combining of theory with practice
for a business purpose, that we must
seek the explanation of the most curi-
ous problem in Sherman's career, his
harsh and barbarous treatment of the
invaded enemy. No man was by na-
ture less cruel than he. No general ex-
presses himself in the earlier part of the
war more decidedly against plundering
and vandalism. He urges upon his sub-
ordinates consideration for non-com-
batants: 'War at best is barbarism,
but to involve all — children, women,
old and helpless — is more than can
be justified.' He deplores the lack of
discipline which makes possible the
excesses of the soldiers. * I am free to
admit that we all deserve to be killed
unless we can produce a state of disci-
pline when such disgraceful acts can-
not be committed unpunished.' He is
even almost ready to resign his posi-
tion, he feels the disgrace so keenly.
'The amount of burning, stealing, and
plundering done by our army makes
me ashamed of it. I would quit the
service if I could, because I feel we are
drifting to the worst sort of vandalism.'
Then he has an army of his own,
marches straight into the South, and
leaves a trail behind which makes him
not only execrated by his enemies, but
typical in modern warfare for destruc-
tion and plunder. And all just as a
sheer matter of business. The war must
be ended, and the way to end it was not
merely to defeat armies in the field but
to bring desolation and misery to the
humblest homes of the Confederacy.
He may not have said * War is hell,' but
assuredly he acted it. He may not
have burned Columbia, but he did
write officially, 'I should not hesitate
to burn Savannah, Charleston, and
Wilmington, or either of them, if the
garrisons were needed.' And he sum-
med up the whole bare naked theory
in one tremendous passage, as charac-
teristic of the man as of the meth-
ods he employed : ' Of necessity in war
the commander on the spot is the judge,
and may take your house, your fields,
your everything, and turn you all out,
helpless, to starve. It may be wrong,
but that don't alter the case. In war
you can't help yourselves, and the only
possible remedy is to stop war . . . Our
duty is not to build up; it is rather to
destroy both the rebel army and what-
ever of wealth or property it has found-
ed its boasted strength upon.'
As an admirable concrete illustration
of this thoroughly businesslike frame
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
327
of mind, take the following little touch.
At the bottom of a page of the Memoirs
we read the solemn injunction, 'There
should be no neglect of the dead.' Turn
the page and we find out why: 'be-
cause it has a bad effect on the living/
In enlarging on this fiercely practical
element in Sherman I have not meant
to give the impression that he was a
mere machine man, without nerves or
emotions. Quite the contrary was the
case. He was all nerves, at least on the
surface; for I have a shrewd suspicion
that, as with so many Americans, the
dance of the muscles was a helpful out-
let for inward restlessness. To every
emotional stimulus he responded with
the utmost vivacity. A fair day al-
most distracts him from the rush of bat-
tle, and in a formal report he writes,
'The scene was enchanting; too beau-
tiful to be disturbed by the harsh cla-
mor of war; but the Chattahoochee lay
beyond and I had to reach it.' On the
other hand, when the news of South
Carolina's secession came to him in
New Orleans, he burst into tears.
Also, he was irritable, as every one
admits, had sharp outbursts of temper
when things went wrong. This ap-
peared in many little matters as well
as in the great historical scene when he
showed his bitter, if justifiable, wrath
against Stanton by refusing to take his
hand before the eyes of the country and
the world. As with his other faults,
Sherman was quick to recognize this
one, illustrating Grant's excellent com-
ment on him, 'Sherman is impetuous,
faulty, but he sees his faults as well as
any man.' Speaking once of his com-
panion in arms, McPherson, the general
said, 'He is as good an officer as I am,
is younger, and has a better temper.'
Again, as Sherman was irritable, so
he was susceptible of depression and
discouragement. The term melancho-
ly, so applicable to Lincoln, has no sig-
nificance here. Sherman's downheart-
edness is far better expressed by the
very American word for a very Ameri-
can thing,- -disgusted. His low spirits
had always a perfectly tangible cause,
and a moment's change in external cir-
cumstances could remove them. But
while they lasted, they were very low
indeed, and his expressive organiza-
tion made them widely manifest. Read
Villard's account of the behavior which
led to the widespread belief that the
general was insane. His fear as to the
future of the Union was so great that
it clung to him day and night like an
obsession. 'He lived at the Gait House,
occupying rooms on the ground floor.
He paced by the hour up and down
the corridor leading to them, smoking
and obviously absorbed in oppressive
thoughts. He did this to such an ex-
tent that it was generally noticed and
remarked upon by the guests and em-
ployees of the hotel. His strange ways
led to gossip, and it was soon whispered
about that he was suffering from men-
tal depression.'
For the internal view of these moods
take a passage from Sherman's own
letters on a slightly different occasion.
' My feelings prompted me to forbear
and tire consequence is my family and
friends are almost cold to me, and they
feel and say that I have failed at the
critical moment of my life. It may be
I am but a chip on the whirling tide of
time* destined to be cast on the shore
as a worthless weed.'
Then would come the rebound, and
natural vivacity and gayety would am-
ply justify the remark of one who knew
him well, that, ' Of a happy nature him-
self, he strove to make all around him
happy.' For laughter as a leisurely or-
nament of life Sherman had too little
time. The humorous wrinkles were
crossed and crowded out by wrinkles of
care and passionate endeavor. But he
had in a high degree the American gift
of shrewd, witty words that either tickle
328
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
or sting. How apt is his description
of Beauregard, 'bursting with French
despair.' How merry is his account of
a lawsuit he would wish to have con-
ducted. 'I would give one hundred dol-
lars to be free to take Levy's case —
put St. Ange on the stand and make
him describe his drive to Judge Boyce's
and back — he first described the jour-
ney as enough to kill any horse, but
now that his horse is lame he insists it
was a sweet ride and not enough to hurt
a colt. There is plenty of fun in the
case.' How apt and merry both is his
recommendation of some Negro troops
to McPherson. Mark Twain might
have written it. 'There are about one
hundred Negroes fit for service enrolled
under the venerable George Washing-
ton, who, mounted on a sprained horse,
with his hat plumed with the ostrich
feather, his full belly girt with a stout
belt, from which hangs a stout cleaver,
and followed by his trusty orderly on
foot, makes an army on your flank that
ought to give you every assurance of
safety from that exposed quarter.'
The nerves which were so susceptible
to comedy were also responsive to the
pathos of life. Very little acquaintance
with Sherman is needed to show that
his imagination made him quickly
aware of the sufferings of others and his
energy hastened to relieve them. This
is evident at all stages of his career,
whether he was visiting the bedside of
a sick cadet in his Southern college, or
interfering to protect some poor widow
from the misery his abstract theories
of destruction had brought upon her.
'The poor woman is distracted and
cannot rest. She will soon be as pros-
trate as her dying daughter. Either the
army must move or she.'
And though neither fantastic nor
morbid, Sherman was as sensitive in his
conscientiousness as in his sympathy.
Where he thought he had done injust-
ice, he would not rest till he had made it
right. However his eager fancy might
lead him into misstatements, no man
was more scrupulous about telling the
truth as he knew it. Above all, he was
rigidly insistent on financial honesty.
In commercial as well as in military
pursuits, he would tolerate no trans-
action which had the slightest taint.
Even such a trivial matter as sending
home insignificant souvenirs troubled
him. 'I could collect plenty of tro-
phies but have always refrained and
think it best I should. Others do col-
lect trophies and send home, but I pre-
fer not to do it.'
Upon what foundation of religion
this strict morality was based is a curi-
ous study. Considering his freedom of
expression in other respects, there are
singularly few religious references in
Sherman's letters. If he was at all lack-
ing in positive beliefs, such uncertainty
was at any rate not of the rather abject
type so exquisitely mocked by Voltaire
in his story of the Swiss captain who
withdrew into a thicket before battle
and prayed, 'O my God, if there is a
God, please save my soul, if' I have a
soul.' It is probable, however, from oc-
casional allusions to the matter, that
Sherman cherished some broad religi-
ous beliefs rather positively, but that
his essential effort was to forward the
cause of good in the world and to love
his fellow men. In other words, here
again his religion was that of millions
of other honest, earnest, hard-working
Americans : that is, a religion made up,
in about equal parts, qf reverence and
indifference, and perhaps well express-
ed in the phrase of one of them, 'I am
doing my work, let God do his.'
VI
To complete the picture it will be
well to point out some defects, or shall
we say limitations, of this vital, intri-
cate, most fascinating character, though
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN
329
these limitations are hard to seize and
still harder to define.
To begin with, you feel a little ex-
cess of purpose in his life. Purpose is
a splendid thing, a thoroughly Amer-
ican thing; it moves the world like the
lever of Archimedes. But purpose for
breakfast, luncheon, and dinner does
grow wearisome. A day of mere quiet
is good for every one. I do not believe
Sherman ever had an hour. To live
with him must have been like living
with a bumble-bee.
Then I feel that Sherman had not
depth quite in proportion to his ample
breadth and variety. There were ele-
ments in life that he never touched . The
most striking illustration of this is in
his letters. I read his official corre-
spondence and I was astonished at the
freedom and ease with which the man
poured forth his thoughts and feelings
on matters that others were inclined to
treat merely formally. I said to myself,
what a treasure of self-revelation in
things of the soul his personal letters
will be. Well, when I turned to the per-
sonal letters, they added little or no-
thing to the official. To his brother and
his wife he writes exactly as to a sub-
ordinate, or a department official, or an
editor. He says all he has to say to ev-
erybody and anybody. It will be urged
that only those portions of his private
correspondence which bear on public
interests have been published. But
that is not the point. It is what he does
write that counts, not what he does
not. His letters to the girl he loved
would make excellent weekly corre-
spondence for a newspaper. Take a cu-
rious instance. He begins an affection-
ate letter to his daughter. Before he
has written a page, he drifts into polit-
ical discussion and concludes that he is
writing to the mother, not to the daugh-
ter at all.
Another odd case of this living for
publicity is Sherman's insertion in his
Memoirs of the letter referring to his
son Willie's death. The paper in itself
is touching. The father's affection for
his son, as for all his family, is evident-
ly strong and true. But the introduc-
tion of such a letter in such a way
would have been utterly impossible for
a nature like that of Thomas.
Ami since I have mentioned Thom-
as, let me refer to still another matter
which will help to make plain the sub-
tle point I am elucidating. To both
Thomas and Lee, grateful fellow citi-
zens made offer of a house purchased
by subscription. Both Thomas and Lee
refused, requesting that the money
might be given to poor and suffering
soldiers. A similar offer was suggested
for Sherman. Though unwilling to take
anything for himself, he was ready to
accept it for his family, provided it was
accompanied with bonds sufficient to
pay the taxes. There was nothing in
the least discreditable about this, noth-
ing even indelicate. It may be that
the nicety of Thomas was overstrain-
ed. But the difference of attitude illus-
trates exactly what I am attempting
to analyze.
May we use the painter's phrase, and
say that Sherman's character lacked
atmosphere, lacked that something of
depth and mystery which makes the in-
describle, inexhaustible charm of Lin-
coln? Sherman is like one of our clear,
blue January days, with a fresh north
wind. It stimulates you. It inspires
you. But crisp, vivid, intoxicating as
it is, it seems to me that too prolonged
enjoyment of such weather would dry
my soul till the vague fragrance of im-
mortality was all gone out of it.
Yet in his defects, as in his excellen-
ces, he was, we may repeat, a typical
American. Perhaps I cannot better
emphasize the absurdity of that word
* typical/ than by expressing the wish
that there were many more Americans
like him.
TELEPHONE
BY JOSEPH HUSBAND
THERE was a continuous sound of
many voices; a steady cadence in which
no individual note dominated; a hun-
dred women's voices incessantly repeat-
ing brief sentences with a rising inflec-
tion at the end, each sentence lost in
the continuous tumult of sound. In a
long line, perched on high stools, they
sat before the black panels which rose
behind their narrow desk. Into the
transmitters — hung from their necks
— they articulated their strange con-
fused chorus. And apparently without
relation to the words they uttered, a
hundred pairs of hands reached back
and forth across the panels, weaving
interminably a never-to-be-completed
pattern on its finely checkered face.
On the panels a thousand little lights
blinked white and disappeared. Tiny
sparks of ruby and green flashed and
were gone. Untiring, the white stars
flickered in and out, and behind them
raced the tireless hands, weaving a
strange pattern with the long green
cords. And unbroken, unintelligible,
the murmur of the girls' voices vibrated
unceasingly.
Outside, under the gray sky of a
rainy day, the life of the city was at the
flood. Over slim wires, buried in con-
duits below the trampled street, or high
strung, swinging in the rising wind, the
voices of a thousand people told their
thousand messages to waiting ears. A
passing thought, perhaps, that you
would have me hear; with a single
movement you lift the transmitter
from the hook beside you; white flash-
es the tiny lamp on the black panel; a
330
girl's hand sweeps across the board and
plugs in the connection. Space, useless,
is swept aside; though actual miles may
intervene I am suddenly beside you.
Messages of business that can make
or ruin, death, love, infidelity, appeal!
Automatically, surely, she weaves back
and forth across the panels. Clotho,
Lachesis and Atropos, — Parcae of the
switch-board !
Here is the throbbing pulse of the
city bared and visible. Night is over;
with rapidly increasing frequency the
flashing drops of light indicate that the
activity of day has begun. Every ac-
tion must be expressed in words, and,
bared and concentrated, that word-cur-
rent of the city rises like a gathering
wave. From ten in the morning to five
minutes after, the tide is at the flood.
The flicker of lights is dazzling; the
girls' hands race dizzily behind their
flashing summons. Business is at its
height. But here on another row of
panels the occasional flash of lights of-
fers a curious contrast: this is a panel
for a part of the residence district;
from seven to eight in the evening its
lights will glow with activity. Then
business is over and the downtown
panels will be darkened. Here is a visu-
al shifting of scene and interest. Work
over, the social engagements are made,
and business is forgotten. There is a
friendly gossiping along the wires.
Night has come, and a dozen girls
watch the long, deserted boards. Like
the occasional glimmer of a cab lamp
late upon the street, the signals, one by
one, flash and are gone. The world is
TELEPHONE
331
fast asleep. Far down at the end of
the panel a signal brightens. ' Number
please ? ' — * Police ! ' It was a woman's
voice. From the card index 'Central*
picks out the street address which cor-
responds to the number, and the near-
est station is advised of the call. Had
the woman no time to finish her mes-
sage? There is another light burning
on the panel. Already she is forgotten
and the slim hands are making another
connection. Police or doctor, — the
night calls are laden with portent.
What interests the world to-day?
Does something disturb the minds of
men? The flashing panels answer. As
surely as the sun will rise to-morrow
will the increased throb of light betray
the fevered interest of mankind. Five
o'clock! usually there is a slacking up,
but not to-day. Heavier than at the
busiest five minutes in the whole twen-
ty-four hours, come the calls for con-
nections. Did the White Sox win their
game? It is the final of the series. Who
was elected? Politics to-day runs high.
War? The troops are off; marines have
landed! Strikes, fires, or the sinking
ship; the racing hands weave faster;
the steady hum of the girls' voices ac-
celerates almost imperceptibly. Here
beats the pulse upon the surface; they
know its normal rise and fall; by its fe-
vered beat they can read diversion or
disaster.
Back over the years the superinten-
dent recalled the various events which
had been dramatically visualized on
the switch-board panels. Twelve years
ago, about; the panels were fewer then.
It was almost five o'clock in the after-
noon; in a quarter of an hour the day
operators would be leaving, tired from
their long labor at the board. The
lights were flashing slowly, perfectly re-
cording the slackened beat of business.
Five minutes to five, — a wave of white
light seemed to flare across the down-
town panels, suddenly, unexpectedly.
Ignorant of the cause, the girls plug-
ged in the desired connections. Every
one seemed to be calling out to the resi-
dence sections. For a brief minute there
was a pause — The flood of light was
gone as abruptly as it had come. Then
like a flame across the residence pan-
els gleamed the signals, calling back,
a hundredfold, back to the stores and
offices.
The men had heard first the terri-
ble rumor. Their messages across the
wires to their homes had sought the
answer to their first thought that she,
that they, were safe. And then back, in
anguished women's voices, came frantic
appeals for names of the missing. For
long hours through the night the white-
faced girls held to their posts; and in
their tired eyes the signals burned fev-
erishly. That night Chicago shudder-
ed in its grief, — for in the flames of the
Iroquois Theatre, at a holiday matinee,
had gone out the lives of countless
women, men, and little children.
THE CRITICS OF THE COLLEGE
BY HENRY S. PRITCHETT
*I AM nothing, if not critical/ said
lago of himself. His phrase aptly de-
scribes a tendency of our day. We live
in a social order self-conscious and
critical.
One touch of nature makes the whole world
kin —
That all with one consent praise newborn gawds,
Though they are made and moulded of things
past.
This critical spirit — this touch of
nature which makes the whole world
kin — has characterized every com-
plex civilization. Even in their decay,
Greece and Rome developed their crit-
ics — not only keen, but wise. In our
day the critics are perhaps no wiser,
but they are more numerous. In a peo-
ple given over, as ours is, to the daily
paper and to the uplift magazine, the
touch of nature is intensified. We are
a nation of critics.
Uncomfortable as this is for all of us
who live in glass houses, we dare not
forget that the ability to learn from
just criticism is perhaps the highest
test of civilization. Individual success
is measured by it; the progress of an in-
stitution or a state is conditioned upon
the capacity to avail itself of criticism.
It must be confessed that few attain
that serene plane where the critic is
really welcome. Charm he never so
wisely, your critic is generally an Ahith-
ophel. Those who most need to heed
him call him academic, and after that
nobody pays any further attention to
what he says. One does not need a long
memory to recall the rise of criticism of
our railway management, The critics
332
objected to rebates; to railway politics;
to discrimination between shippers.
They were laughed at as academic. To-
day these abuses are being stamped
out by legislative and executive action
far more drastic than anything that
these academic critics ever dreamed of.
Who knows but that some future presi-
dent may appoint an interstate college
commission whose function it shall
be to squeeze the water out of the col-
leges, just as President Wilson is pre-
paring to squeeze it out of the other
trusts?
For it is inevitable that in an age so
critical our chief agency of higher edu-
cation should come in for its full share
of censure. Furthermore, the critics
assume (of course unreasonably) that
the college, as an exponent of our high-
est intelligence, will receive these cen-
sures with a sweet reasonableness and
will promptly bring forth fruits of re-
form.
Whatever be the origin of this crit-
icism of the college, though much of it
be wide of the mark and some of it un-
just, it still remains true that in no way
can the college justify itself more com-
pletely than by meeting such criticism
in good temper, by dealing with it pa-
tiently and honestly; and while it dis-
cards the censures of the carping, by
availing itself of whatsoever wisdom
such criticism offers.
Who are the critics of the college,
and what are they saying about it?
THE CRITICS OP THE COLLEGE
333
To make a catalogue of the critics
and their complaints would outrun the
limit of a magazine. Everything about
the college is under the fire of the crit-
ics - - its government and administra-
tion, its teaching, its financial conduct,
its ideals of social life, its right to exist
at all. These criticisms run into details
so varied as to confuse the general read-
er, and for that matter the student of
education. Is it possible so to classify
them under a few heads as to show in
the first place the points of view of
the critics, and secondly to indicate the
nature and sweep of their criticisms?
It is this which I have attempted to
do.
The first difficulty which one meets
in such an effort arises out of the incon-
gruities of our educational situation.
In our country the very name college
has no definite meaning.
In the United States there are ap-
proximately nine hundred institutions
called colleges and empowered to grant
degrees. Illinois, Iowa, Ohio, and Penn-
sylvania have more than forty each;
Georgia, Missouri, New York, North
Carolina, Tennessee, and Texas, more
than thirty each. Iowa has one such
degree-granting college for each 50,000
of her inhabitants, Ohio one for each
100,000, Massachusetts one for each
200,000, and New York one for each
300,000. England has one degree-
granting institution for every three mil-
lions.
These establishments bearing the
name college differ so widely in what
they undertake to do and in the meth-
ods by which they undertake to do it,
that they cannot be discussed as if
they belonged to a homogeneous group.
Some of them are real-estate ventures.
A very large proportion are prepara-
tory schools in whole or in part. The
majority of them have vague and un-
certain relations to the system of
schools in their region.
Many attempts have been made to
simplify this situation. The suggestion
most often put forward is that colleges
should be segregated into groups com-
parable with each other, as the Amer-
ican Medical Association classifies the
medical schools, so that the public
may know whether a given institution
is a No. 1 college, a No. 2 college, or a
No. 3 college, just as it now thinks of
the medical schools as belonging to
Class A, B, or C. A study intended to
provide an approximate grouping of
colleges was prepared a few years ago
in the office of the United States Com-
missioner of Education, but under the
gentle pressure of politics the results
have never been allowed to reach the
public eye.
There are, in truth, no specific marks
by which colleges can be sharply di-
vided into classes, and this notwith-
standing the fact that many things
about a college can be sharply and de-
finitely appraised. For example, it is
quite possible to determine whether a
given college maintains a wholesome
and fruitful relation to the public-
school system, whether it has a reason-
able and honestly enforced system of
admission to its classes, whether it of-
fers courses which are of high quality
given by good teachers, whether its
laboratories and its physical equip-
ment are of a generous and suitable
kind.
All this does not enable one to sep-
arate colleges into sharply divided class-
es. These, are externals. It is not so
easy to determine in what way are de-
fined the intellectual and moral forces
which ought to form the real college.
Take a single matter, that of entrance
requirements. An arbitrary standard
of comparison in this matter cannot be
instituted. A college having a lower
standard of entrance requirements
than another may be maintaining a
much better relation to the public-
334
THE CRITICS OF THE COLLEGE
school system; it may be proceeding
with far greater honesty; it may be ex-
ercising a much stronger influence for
education and enlightenment than an-
other whose standards of admission
are artificially higher. In other words,
nearly all these matters of which we
talk so much — such as admission re-
quirements, courses of study, labora-
tory equipment — are relative, not ab-
solute.
Are there any absolute criteria upon
which colleges may be classified?
There probably are not; and if there
were, so long as the use of such criteria
is affected by the personal equation of
the man who applies them, there is
nothing definitive in the conclusions.
There is no sure method by which the
college goats may be separated from
the college sheep. Like all human in-
stitutions, however, the things which
differentiate colleges most surely from
one another are not complex intellec-
tual qualities, but rather the funda-
mental moral ones. Colleges can be
classified more accurately upon a com-
parison of their relative honesty than
upon the basis of their relative intellec-
tuality.
To be convinced of this one needs to
visit many colleges. He must be able
to think in terms of education in the
nation rather than in terms of the aspi-
rations of his own particular college;
he must visualize education as one
thing from elementary school to uni-
versity, not as a series of unconnected
things. When he has had this experi-
ence he will come, slowly it may be,
but none the less surely, to the conclu-
sion that the test applied to banks and
churches and all other human agencies
— the test of common honesty — is on
the whole the most fair and the most
applicable in any attempt to differen-
tiate among colleges.
Not only is this method of compar-
ing colleges fair and just, but the col-
leges furnish the means for its uni-
versal application. Every college sets
before the public a statement of its of-
ferings, in the form of an annual cata-
logue. If one will take the time and
labor and expense (for it is at once a
time-consuming, laborious, and expen-
sive process) to compare the offerings
of a number of colleges as presented in
their catalogues with the actual fulfil-
ment of these claims as carried out on
the college campus, he will conclude that
an honest catalogue is the noblest work
of a college and the surest mark of col-
lege virtue.
Perhaps the college catalogue is no-
where so misleading as in its references
to what President Wilson once called
the side shows. Many colleges lend the
shelter of their charters to various tech-
nical or professional schools which they
neither support nor control, such as
conservatories of music, commercial
schools, medical schools, engineering
schools, and graduate schools. Many a
good college which guards its bachelor-
of-arts degree with watchful care will,
without the quiver of an eyelash, shel-
ter a weak engineering school or a com-
mercial medical school of the lowest
type. The tenderest part of the college
conscience lies apparently in the bach-
elor-of-arts course, and the most cal-
lous in the medical course.
There are few colleges which have
not felt the effect of the universal
scramble for numbers, few which have
not become in greater or less measure
agencies of promotion, few which do
not participate, hi some degree at least,
in our national tendency to superficial-
ity; but on the whole one may with
some fair degree of justice divide these
900 colleges into two groups — those
which publish catalogues measurably
honest and those which do not. Now
the criticisms which I have undertaken
to summarize are those which are di-
rected at the first group. This simpli-
THE CRITICS OF THE COLLEGE
335
fies the matter enormously. Not only
do we get rid at one stroke of the great
mass of material, but we reduce the
criticisms to matters of large college
policy instead of matters of detail.
With regard to the second group one
may only reflect, 'If they do these
things in the green tree, what shall be
done in the dry?'
And now, having concluded this long
introduction, let us turn to our crit-
ics and their criticisms.
ii
/
The serious critics of the college fall
into three groups : the college teachers,
students of the social order, and the
business men. To state the matter in a
different way, the college is being crit-
icized to-day from three points of view :
that of the college teacher, that of the
social reformer, and that of the busi-
ness man.
Of these the college teacher is the
most severe, and no other critic has so
long a bill of indictment or one con-
taining so many specifications. His
charges may be reduced to something
like the following. The college, as it is
conducted to-day, provides intellectual
offerings of great variety and of high
intrinsic value, but fails to create an
atmosphere in which these opportuni-
ties appeal to students. Good courses,
good teachers, unequaled equipment,
characterize the modern American col-
lege; a rare table is spread for the
student, but there is no appetite for
the feast. Scholarly enthusiasm among
undergraduates is absent save in rare
cases, and scholarly attainment com-
mands no reward and little attention.
The college has become a place where
othep things than intellectual power
count.
The reasons for this state of affairs
are stated by the teachers to be these.
Colleges, they say, are ruled by presi-
dents and college boards having lit-
tle interest in the ideals of the teacher
and little sympathy for them. Rarely
is the president himself a teacher. The
president and the board are swayed
by the all-devouring lust for numbers,
and everything is sacrificed to that
end. To maintain such numbers the
standards are lowered, examinations
are made easy, discipline is softened. In
consequence, complains the college pro-
fessor, other interests than intellectual
ones absorb the minds of the college
community.
The most injurious of these he be-
lieves to be intercollegiate athletics,
whose overshadowing importance has
affected not only the intellectual life,
but the moral and social life as well,
and has gone far to increase the scale of
expenditures of the college boy. Only
a board of trustees and a college presi-
dent out of sympathy with the ideals
of the true college would tolerate this
situation, says the college teacher, and
lays the blame in the main on the pro-
moter president.
The remedy which the college teach-
er proposes for all this is to reorgan-
ize the college government: to create
a small board of trustees in the place
of the present large one, composed of
men of college training whose function
shall be primarily to find the ways
and means; to appoint a president who
shall be gather an intellectual leader
than an administrator and promoter;
and to turn over to the faculty the gov-
ernment of the college in such measure
as shall enable its members to carry
out their ideals of intellectual and mor-
al standards and to maintain what they
believe to be the true purposes of the
college. If the college is turned over to
us, say the teachers, we will make it
once more a centre of intellectual life,
not a promotion agency or an athletic
training-ground .
The criticisms directed against the
336
THE CRITICS OF THE COLLEGE
college from the point of view of the so-
cial reformer run along two lines. One
has to do with the ideal of democracy
and the other with that of religion. It
is impossible to discuss one without the
other. There is a strong tendency in
the college, say these critics, to forget
that ideal of democracy which we call
American, to segregate rich and poor
into different groups, to increase class
distinctions in our society rather than
to diminish them, to make the groups
of students who attend the colleges
rather more conscious of class than less
so.
Another group of social reformers in-
sists that the college, which was twen-
ty-five years ago distinctly a religious
agency with a definite religious atmos-
phere, has become, if not irreligious, at
least unreligious; that there exists in
few colleges an active religious spirit
such as makes itself felt upon any stud-
ent who enters the college circle. On
account of these two changes, the re-
formers say, the colleges are accentuat-
ing the tendency of the country away
from democratic and away from religi-
ous ideals.
The third criticism comes from the
business world, and is directed both
against the college as an organization
and against the quality of the product
which the college turns out. As an or-
ganization, say the business men, the
college is expensive, uncritical of its
own processes, and grows continually
by accretion. Departments, studies,
and new divisions are added; nothing
is ever subtracted. As an organization,
the business man claims, the college
never receives the critical administra-
tive examination to which all other or-
ganizations are compelled to submit.
While a newly started college may
therefore, they say, be soundly organ-
ized, all colleges become after a greater
or less time ill organized and expensive
beyond a reasonable limit. In the sec-
ond place, say the business men, not-
withstanding the very great expendi-
tures of the college, the men it turns
out are on the whole ill-trained, are
able to do nothing well, as a class are
not fond of work, and need in most cas-
es a thorough breaking-in and addition-
al discipline before they are available
for serious occupations. The college,
therefore, they say, is not only poorly
organized and inordinately expensive,
but unsuccessful in what it undertakes
to do; and it makes no serious effort to
remedy these obvious defects.
i
in
How far are these criticisms justi-
fied?
This question I do not undertake to
answer. The Carnegie Foundation, as
is well known, exercises but a modest
function in educational criticism. I
have endeavored rather to classify the
criticisms and to reduce them to some
form in which they may be applicable
to groups of colleges and to large poli-
cies.
It is of small value to prove that this
or that study is being ill-taught. No
outside critic can better such details.
The criticisms which are here brought
together are fundamental. They are
directed at the organization and the
government of every college. If they
are true criticisms, they are worthy
of the very closest attention on the
part of those who govern colleges and
of those who teach in them; and again
I venture to recall the fact that the
ability to make use of intelligent crit-
icism is the surest mark of a high order
of civilization.
I venture only to call attention brief-
ly to the source of the criticisms them-
selves, and the claims which these vari-
ous groups have upon the attention of
college trustees, of college presidents,
and of college faculties.
THE CRITICS OF THE COLLEGE
337
That the criticism of the college
teacher is in large measure deserved
there can be small doubt on the part of
any one who cares to know the facts.
The rage for numbers, the hot pursuit
of gifts, the extraordinary demoraliza-
tion due to intercollegiate athletics, are
all factors in bringing about the situa-
tion of which the teacher complains
and in which he himself is a factor.
The indictment he brings against the
government of the colleges is in a very
large number of cases true. Outside of
a few of the older colleges, governing
boards are unwieldy in size, and their
members are selected generally upon
material grounds. It is entirely natural
that such boards should choose for
president a promoter rather than a
scholar. The lack of a capable govern-
ing board is to-day perhaps the greatest
weakness in our college organization,
and it is the point at which reform
must begin if the evils which are now
recognized and admitted are to be
corrected.
Whether the remedy which the teach-
er puts forward, that the governance
of the college be handed over to the
faculty, will solve these difficulties is
another question. I have not yet en-
countered a teacher critic who favored
the revision or even the scrutiny of his
own work or his own budget.
The distortion of our present college
relations produces upon the mind of a
European visitor an effect of which we
are seldom conscious. We have gradu-
ally grown accustomed to a situation
in which athletics overshadows all else.
To the European this discovery comes
with something of a shock. A distin-
guished teacher and jurist recently vis-
ited a number of oui" universities in a
study of legal education. His dismay
and astonishment at the overpowering
role of college athletics were complete,
and he expressed the naive hope that in
some way the candidates for law might
VOL, IU -NO. 3.
get their pre-legal education without be-
ing exposed to the demoralizing atmo-
sphere of the college !
The charge that the college is un-
democratic and unreligious has never
seemed to me to have the weight which
certain reformers attach to it. Our
American colleges, even the older and
richer ones, still remain wholesome,
democratic centres of student life.
There are few places in the world where
a human being finds himself in more
sincere relations.
My own experience makes me sus-
pect that, in general, the reformer un-
derestimates the capacity of the Amer-
ican college student for serious things.
The American youth is strongly in-
clined to pursue heartily those things
which represent in the society in which
he lives the prizes of life. He throws
himself into athletics with such vigor
because, on the whole, in the present
college regime it seems the most impor-
tant thing to do, the thing which really
demands enthusiasm and devotion and
hard work, the thing which brings re-
cognition and reward.
As for the religious side of student
life, that reflects the prevailing attitude
of the American people, with this dif-
ference. The college student is going
through an experience in which he is
learning to place growing emphasis
upon intellectual sincerity. At such a
period in the development of any hu-
man being the forms of religion are
sure to be looked at critically, but
there has never been a time in our
history when the college student was
more ready to take kindly to a simple,
straightforward conception of religion,
or when he was more ready to accept
the ideal of religious service and of un-
selfish devotion. The tendencies of the
college life still seem to me to be demo-
cratic, and if the college boy does some-
times put his devotion and his effort
into the wrong thing, it is because he
338
THE CRITICS OF THE COLLEGE
believes, in the environment in which
he lives, that thing to be of most im-
portance.
Concerning the complaint of the
business man, what I have to say has
to do, not with the accuracy of his
charge, but with the point of view from
which it comes.
Two reasons have combined in the
last two decades to make business men
more critical of the college. The first
lies in the fact that only within the last
twenty-five years has the business
man's son, as a rule, gone to college;
and business men are now beginning to
test in great numbers in the records of
their own sons the result of present-day
college training. It is very difficult to
convince an energetic, alert, driving
business man that the college is a fruit-
ful agency in education when his sons
come home lacking serious purpose, de-
ficient in the elements of an education,
unable to write a good letter, and utter-
ly uninterested in the details or the de-
velopment of business. The son who
comes out of college a failure is to the
business man an argumentum ad homi-
nem hard to overcome.
A second reason for the accentuation
of criticism from business men is found
in the systematic exploitation of busi-
ness men by the colleges. The busi-
ness world has begun to feel that it is
giving so much money to support the
colleges that it has a right to know how
the money is spent and what results
from it.
We read in the daily papers half-
humorous allusions to the college pre-
sident as a beggar, but few appreciate
how large a business college-begging
has become. It is a business; and it
has come to be prosecuted in the most
systematic and persistent way. The
amount of money annually 'lifted' in
cities like New York, Boston, Phila-
delphia, Chicago, and St. Louis, as the
result of these systematic and continu-
ous efforts, aggregates many millions.
When a new college is organized in any
part of the United States, the first
move is to send an agent — generally
the president, sometimes a salaried so-
licitor — to canvass first the Eastern
cities, then the near-by cities. In New
York the business men have for the last
twenty years subscribed to nearly all
such efforts as a matter of course. It
has been assumed that any college was
necessarily a good thing to help. The
business man has had no means of
scrutinizing these efforts. He gives as
the Lord sends his rain, to the just and
to the unjust. The total which he con-
tributes is enormous.
The applications made to these men
would in many cases not bear the sim-
plest scrutiny. The causes which they
represent vary from actual frauds to
the most sincere and praiseworthy edu-
cational efforts. The amount of fraud
connected with the business of solicit-
ing money for colleges will astonish any
one who has not looked into it. There
are enterprises in this country bearing
the name college or university which
have never taught a class, which have
not a single college building, but which
have for years collected money from a
confiding public.
Such cases are, of course, extreme.
Nearly always the college beggar is sin-
cere in the belief that his institution
represents a real cause. I have rarely
found an educational enterprise whose
promoters did not believe that it repre-
sented an unusual and unique oppor-
tunity. The most unsanitary and im-
possible medical school persuades itself
that students are somehow better off
with it than they would be under better
conditions.
Some years ago the collector for a
small institution, a college in name
only, came to me and suggested that if
1 would give him a recommendation for
his college, he thought he could collect
THE CRITICS OF THE COLLEGE
339
a large sum of money from some chari-
tably inclined men and women of New
York. My reply was that, in my judg-
ment, his institution was in no position
to solicit such aid. In the first place,
it was not a college; in the second
place, it was essentially a proprietary
institution; in the third place, it was
engaged in demoralizing the public-
school system of the state in which it
stood. For all these reasons I declined
to be a factor in the situation. Three
weeks later he called with the utmost
good nature, merely to say good-bye,
and as he left, he added, *I got the
money all right.'
It is the realization of these two
things which has made the business
men more critical toward the college.
First, they have been conscious of
many failures which touch them close-
ly. In the second place, they have be-
come more and more sensitive to the
fact that they are contributing at an
enormously increasing rate to institu-
tions of whose merit they begin to
have serious doubts.
The charge which the business man
makes against the college is practically
that of inefficiency. The word has a
very offensive sound in the ears of the
college man. I am creditably informed
that in some college faculties the word
efficient is no longer considered fit for
decent society.
This feeling on the part of the college
professor is readily understood. The
word efficiency has been overworked
and badly applied. It is perfectly true
that one cannot gauge the work and
cost of an educational agency by the
hard-and-fast tests of business. No one
has seriously proposed to do this save
a few extraordinary state officers. In
one state a board was at one time ap-
pointed to test the efficiency of every
teacher. The absurdity of the proposal
was enough to dispose of it.
This crude use of the term has,
however, been no justification for the
extreme tenderness of many college pro-
fessors and presidents. College profes-
sors are human and colleges are human
institutions. Selfishness and waste may
flourish in them as in other organiza-
tions. What the business man has said
in criticism of them is almost equiva-
lent to what the college professor him-
self has said. It is simply expressed in
terms of business vernacular. There
are in our country to-day institutions
which spend annually larger sums than
any single institution of learning ever
spent in the previous history of the
world.
These vast sums have been used at
times selfishly. The college tends to
grow all the time by accretion. It has
not set itself to study its own organi-
zation and improvement. What the
business man really means to say in his
charge of inefficiency is that the college
president and the college professor, in-
stead of continually asking more mon-
ey, instead of always urging the needs
of this department or that, should seri-
ously set themselves to examine What
they are doing with the money gener-
ously supplied them in the last quarter
century.
After all, this suggestion is not very
far from that which is implied in the
criticism of the college teacher. It is
not that the teacher or the college shall
be judged by impossible materialistic
criteria, but that the college make its
own examination and that there should
be some sort of relation between the
vast endowments of the colleges and
the work which they actually perform.
IV
How far do these criticisms apply to
the women's colleges?
I think it may be fairly said that the
women's colleges are not open to exact-
ly the same sort of criticism as men's
340
THE CRITICS OF THE COLLEGE
colleges. First of all, they have not
shared to the same degree the flood of
money which has gone to the older
men's colleges; secondly, intercollegi-
ate athletics has certainly not distorted
their ideals of college life; and finally,
it will be admitted that the young wo-
man in such a college takes her work
on the average more seriously and
more conscientiously than her brother
who goes to Harvard or Yale or Prince-
ton.
There is a feeling that, notwithstand-
ing her greater seriousness cind more
conscientious attitude toward study,
the college girl does not get quite so
much out of college as her brother. The
youth who goes to college does not cut
himself off during these four years from
participation in the social order. Some-
times he sees much more of the fasci-
nating young women of the college
town than he had ever seen of those
at home in his previous history. As a
rule, he comes out of college with what
might be called a more normal social
experience than his sister who goes to
a woman's college.
Whether justly or unjustly, the col-
lege world believes that the woman's
college is a somewhat secluded institu-
tion separated from other social life,
and that on the whole the young "wo-
man in such a college gets more study,
but less development as a member of
society than falls to the lot of the av-
erage youth.
It is my pleasant duty now and again
to attend a commencement in one of
the old-time colleges for women. They
exist now only in remote parts of our
country. The curriculum would be be-
neath contempt from the standpoint of
the modern woman's college. It has
scarcely begun to have psychology, and
every one understands what a rudimen-
tary stage that signifies. Yet I confess
that there is something very charming
about these old-time schools; and while
the girls lack psychology, they seem to
know a deal about other matters. I
have noticed that invariably such col-
leges are placed conveniently near a
man's college or a military academy or
some similar institution; and there are
nearly always interesting goings on be-
tween these two. They have a social
life in common, which adds spice to the
chapters on psychology. I have won-
dered sometimes whether, after all,
this arrangement did not make for a
social education that looked toward
charm and consideration for others and
a knowledge of human nature; and in
this sinful world charm and a know-
ledge of human nature serve many good
ends.
A notable opportunity is offered at
Bryn Mawr for such reciprocity. At its
door stands one of the best American
colleges. What a charming arrange-
ment it would be if there were some so-
cial interchange between Bryn Mawr
and Haverford! It seems an odd social
conception which permits them to sit
side by side year in and year out and
take no notice of each other's existence.
Of course, the fact that both these col-
leges are under the auspices of the same
body of Christians makes an addition-
al difficulty in any social rapproche-
ment; but, after all, this might not
prove an insuperable obstacle. What
delightful opportunities are available
for Barnard and Radcliffe!
I venture a single word more with re-
gard to all these criticisms. All that
such criticisms can do is to point the
way by which those who are charged
with the responsibility may bring
about reforms. One can at least say that
these criticisms call for a sincere self-
examination on the part of the colleges,
a self-examination on the part not only
of those who teach, but of those who
govern — a self-examination in which
the trustees shall make clear to them-
selves their own function and the fit-
THE CRITICS OF THE COLLEGE
341
ness of their organization to perform
this function; in which the president
shall make clear to himself his own du-
ty and his own relations; and in which
the members of the faculty shall shoul-
der honestly the actual problems of
their teaching, shall squarely take the
responsibility for the use of the large
sums of money now entrusted to them,
and shall sincerely undertake to an-
swer the question whether or not the
responsibility for the present failings of
the college does not rest partly with
them.
To one whose work day by day brings
him in contact not only with many col-
leges, but with many business men,
with many social workers, there is a
feature of the whole college situation
which always brings a reassurance of
comfort and of confidence.
Notwithstanding the weaknesses of
the college to-day, notwithstanding the
fact that many a youth comes away
from it injured for life rather than
helped, notwithstanding the fact that
it has not yet resolutely faced the pre-
sent-day problems, the fact still re-
mains that it is the best agency society
has yet devised for the training of lead-
ers; and I apprehend that this remains
true largely for the reason that, not-
withstanding all these weaknesses, the
youth during his college life is under
the sway of ideals which make him
for all the rest of his life — in part, at
least — an idealist. These ideals are not
always the highest. In too many cases
the boy gets them from the training
coach rather than from the teacher,
from an obscure instructor rather than
from an experienced professor, from the
college treasurer rather than from the
college president; but nevertheless they
express devotion, service, unselfish-
ness, patriotism. It is because the
college is still a place in which ideals
grow that the college remains the most
fruitful training place for the world's
leaders.
POSSESSING PRUDENCE
BY AMY WENTWORTH STONE
'A LIE'S an abomination unto the
Lord a hundred and twenty-four, a
lie's an abomination unto the Lord a
hundred and twenty-five, a lie's an
abomination unto the Lord a hundred
and twenty-six,' recited Prudence Jane,
and paused.
* Go on,' said Aunt Annie, looking up
from her sewing and fixing her eyes
severely on the small blue back across
the room.
Prudence Jane, with the heels of her
little ankle-ties together and her hands
clasped tightly behind her, was standing
in the corner, saying what was known
in the family as her punish-sentence.
Whenever she had been unusually
naughty she had to say one four hun-
dred times up in Aunt Annie's room.
It was, no doubt, a silly sort of punish-
ment, but it was one that Prudence
Jane strongly objected to — and that,
after all, is the essence of a punishment.
Prudence Jane had seven teasing, mim-
icking brothers, and whenever one of
them caught her saying a punish-sen-
tence it was days before she heard the
last of it. Already in the garden below
there was audible a shrill voice singing,
'A lie is an a&ora-i-na-tion un-to the
Lord,' to the tune of * Has anybody here
seen Kelly?' And out of the corner of
her eye, that was supposed to be fas-
tened on the rosebuds of Aunt Annie's
wall-paper, Prudence Jane could see
an impudent little person in corduroys,
straddling the gravel walk and squint-
ing up at the window.
342
'Is "a lie's an abomination" in the
Bible?' inquired Prudence Jane.
'Yes,' said Aunt Annie, 'go on.'
'Where?' demanded Prudence Jane.
'Where?' repeated Aunt Annie a
little blankly. 'Why — why — in the
middle of the Bible. Don't you listen
to the minister, Prudence Jane?'
'The middle of the minister's Bible?'
pursued Prudence Jane.
'Yes, of course,' said Aunt Annie,
' Prudence Jane, if you don't go on at
once I shall have you say it five hun-
dred times.'
'A lie's an abomination unto the
Lord a hundred and twenty-seven,' re-
sumed Prudence Jane hastily.
Prudence Jane's sentences varied
from day to day, it being Aunt Annie's
idea to fit the sentence to the crime
whenever possible. Thus, for being late
to school it was, naturally, 'Procrasti-
nation is the thief of time.' While for
telling Lena, the cook, that Uncle Ar-
thur had said she was more of a lady
than Aunt Annie, the sentence had been
nothing less than, 'Truth crushed to
earth will rise again.'
This particular fib had been very dis-
astrous in its consequences. We will
not dwell upon them here. They make
a story in themselves. Suffice it to say
that there was no possible excuse for
Prudence Jane.
It was otherwise with the fib for
which she was this morning serving a
sentence up in Aunt Annie's room.
Those who also have been named after
their two grandmothers will at once
forgive Prudence Jane for telling the
POSSESSING PRUDENCE
343
new minister, the very first time she
met him, that her name was Imogen
Rose. It was, to be sure, a stupid little
fib, and was therefore quite unworthy
of Prudence Jane. For Prudence Jane
almost never told stupid little fibs. The
fibs of Prudence Jane were little mas-
terpieces, with a finish and distinction
all their own. Her brother Will, who
adored her, and had a large mind, de-
clared when he came home from college
that she was the greatest mistress of
imaginative fiction since George Eliot.
Her Aunt Annie, who had not had the
advantages of a college course, and who
roomed with Prudence Jane, said that
she was a 'simple little liar.*
Now this was unfair of Aunt Annie,
for whatever else Prudence Jane might
be, she was not simple. Even her looks
belied her. With her big confiding eyes,
as round and blue as two forget-me-
nots, and her pale yellow hair held de-
murely back from her forehead by a
blue ribbon fillet, she gave an impres-
sion of gentle innocence that was alto-
gether misleading.
'She is so like little Bertie,' dear old
Grandma Piper would say; 'that same
frail, flower-like look that he had to-
ward the last. I almost tremble some-
times. Have n't you noticed a trans-
parency about her lately, Annie?'
But Aunt Annie never had.
It may be said in passing that there
was only one person to whom Prudence
Jane was really transparent, and that
was her youngest brother, Peter. Peter
was a square, solid little person, with
a vacant countenance; but nothing im-
portant that Prudence Jane did es-
caped him.
'Just to look into that sweet little
face is enough for me,' Grandma Good-
win would declare; 'I don't want any-
body to tell me that Prudence Jane
is untruthful.- No child could look
straight at you out of her little soul as
she always does, and tell a fib. The
trouble is they don't understand her
at home. I 've always said Annie Piper
had a suspicious nature.'
To do Aunt Annie justice, it should
be said that rooming with Prudence
Jane did not tend to cultivate in one a
nature that was trustful and confiding.
And yet at heart Prudence Jane was
really not at all the incorrigible little
fibber that she seemed. She told fibs,
not because she wished to deceive, but
because the dull facts of life were so
much less interesting than the lively
little romances that she could make up
out of her own head. When one is a
creative genius one naturally rebels at
being shackled to anything so tedious
as a fact. Prudence Jane, looking back
over a day, could rarely separate the
things that had really happened from
those that she had invented.
Her brother Horace, who was study-
ing law, said that he would give a hun-
dred dollars to see Prudence Jane on
the witness stand. This was one night
at supper when she was being cross-
examined by Aunt Annie. For five min-
utes she had kept the family spell-
bound by a circumstantial account of
how that afternoon she had seen an au-
tomobile truck, loaded with a thousand
boxes of eggs, go over the embankment.
With eggs at sixty-five cents a dozen
this was really a very shocking tale.
'Prudence Jane,' said Aunt Annie,
who had private sources of informa-
tion, 'you know well enough that no
truck went over the embankment.
Whatever do you mean by telling such
an outrageous fib?'
Prudence Jane looked across the
supper table at her aunt out of two
round candid eyes.
'That was n't a fib; that was just a
story,' she explained.
'Well, it wasn't true; and stories
that are n't true are very wicked,' said
Aunt Annie with decision.
'Are all the stories in books true?'
S44
POSSESSING PRUDENCE
inquired Prudence Jane, the picture of
innocence behind her bowl of bread and
milk.
'No,' Aunt Annie was forced to ad-
mit, 'but stories written in books are
different. The writers don't mean for
us to believe them.'
'Do they say so in the books?' went
on Prudence Jane relentlessly.
* Of course not,' said Aunt Annie, 'we
know their stories are n't true, so they
don't deceive us.'
'But you always know my stories
are n't true too,' objected Prudence
Jane, 'so I don't deceive you either.'
'Prudence Jane,' said Aunt Annie,
'I shan't argue with you. You are a
very naughty little girl. I sometimes
think that you don't belong to us at
all; you're so different from your bro-
thers.'
This was true. All the other little
Pipers had been simple, virtuous chil-
dren, with imaginations under perfect
control — ' a remarkable family ' every-
body had said, until the Pipers became
quite complacent about themselves.
This was why Prudence Jane seemed
like such a judgment upon them. They
had waited long and patiently, as Aunt
Annie put it, for Providence to see fit
to send them a dear little girl to inherit
her grandmothers' names — and they
received Prudence Jane. Had she ap-
peared at an earlier date, or had there
been another girl in the family, she
might have escaped either the Pru-
dence or the Jane. But for fifteen years
little masculine Pipers had arrived in
the household with unbroken regular-
ity, and been named, one by one, after
all the available grandfathers and un-
cles. For the last one, indeed, there had
not been even a cousin left, and he had
been christened by common consent
Peter Piper. And still the grandmo-
thers waited.
From the moment, therefore, when
bluff old Doctor Jones looked in upon
a parlor full of aunts, and announced
that it was 'a girl at last, by Jove,'
there had been no choice left for Pru-
dence Jane. The only point discussed
in the solemn family conclave was as
to whether she should not be Jane Pru-
dence.
'Oh, for mercy's sake, call the poor
little kid Jurisprudence, and be done
with it,' said a flippant uncle - - and
that had settled it. Prudence Jane was
duly entered at the end of the list in the
middle of the Family Bible, and her
career began.
Through eight years she was just un-
mitigated Prudence Jane, - - not a syl-
lable of it could ever be omitted lest one
grandmother or the other be slighted, -
and then suddenly one day she decided
that it was a combination no longer to
be borne. She hated her name with all
her little soul; therefore she would dis-
card it and take another. This sounded
simple, but there were, in fact, several
complications. The most important was
Aunt Annie. Never a really progressive
spirit, in this matter of names Aunt
Annie showed herself to be an out-
and-out stand-patter.
'You wish that you had been called
Gwendolin?' she echoed in horror, as
she combed out the pale yellow hair at
bed- time. 'Why, Prudence Jane, I'm
ashamed of you. Gwendolin is a very
silly name indeed, and you have two
such noble ones. I only hope that you
will grow up to be like the beautiful
grandmammas who gave them to you '
— which was a truly lovely little bit of
optimism on Aunt Annie's part.
II
Prudence Jane did not consult Aunt
Annie further. That very night, how-
ever, staring up into the darkness from
her little white bed, she decided upon a
new combination. And when the Rev-
erend Mr. Sanders came up to her the
POSSESSING PRUDENCE
345
next day after Sunday School, and in-
quired kindly what little girl this was,
Prudence Jane was quite prepared to
tell him, with the transparent look that
so frightened dear old Grandma Piper,
that it was Imogen Rose.
She fully meant to inform her family
of this interesting change as soon as she
got home from Sunday School, but
when she tiptoed into the parlor Aunt
Annie, in all the majesty of her plum-
colored satin, was sitting in a straight-
backed chair reading The Christian
Word and Work, and looked unrecep-
tive to new ideas. So Prudence Jane
tiptoed out again, to await a more favo-
rable moment. Unfortunately, before
that moment arrived she had a falling-
out with her brother Peter. This was a
mistake, for it was the part of prudence
always to make an ally of Peter Piper.
He had discovered Prudence Jane flat
on the floor in a corner of the library,
scratching her name out of the Family
Bible with an ink eraser.
'Did the minister tell you to write
Imogen in ? ' he inquired blandly, as he
stood in the doorway with his hands in
his corduroys.
'None of your business,' retorted
Prudence Jane, closing the Bible with
a bang and sitting down upon it.
The result was that Peter Piper,
from whom nothing was ever hid-
den, went off" and told Aunt Annie all
about Imogen Rose and the minister.
Whereupon Aunt Annie, with her usual
limited point of view, had pronounced
it a very monstrous fib indeed, and had
sent Prudence Jane instantly into the
corner.
'A lie's an abomination unto the
Lord three hundred and ninety-eight,
a lie's an abomination unto the Lord
three hundred and ninety-nine, a lie's
an abomination unto the Lord four
hundred,' finished Prudence Jane at a
canter, and whisked around from her
corner.
Aunt Annie beckoned with solemn
finger.
* To-morrow, Prudence Jane,' she
said, looking across the sewing-table,
* I am going to take you to see the min-
ister and you must tell him yourself
what your real name is, and what a
dreadful story you have told him. I
shall ask him what he thinks should be
done with a little girl who cannot speak
the truth. I 'm sure I don't know what
he will say. But we can't deceive a
minister. They always know when
they hear a fib.'
'Do they?' asked Prudence Jane,
openly interested, her round eyes fast-
ened upon her aunt.
* Always,' replied Aunt Annie rashly.
'Then why do I have to go and tell
him?' asked Prudence Jane.
'Prudence Jane,' said Aunt Annie,
'you are a very saucy little girl, and
I'm sure I don't know what is going
to become of you.'
Prudence Jane walked slowly out of
the room. She was considering what
Aunt Annie had said about ministers,
and she wondered if it were true. As
she went tripping down the stairs she
decided to put the Reverend Mr. San-
ders to a test the very next time she
met him. And that was why it was so
surprising, when she peeked through
the hall window at the foot of the stairs,
to behold him diligently wiping his feet
on the door-mat.
'How do you do,' said Prudence Jane
politely, as she opened the door.
'Why, good afternoon, Imogen,' said
the minister, shaking hands cordially.
Prudence Jane made the little knix
that she had learned at German school.
It was always the finishing touch to
Prudence Jane. The Reverend Mr.
Sanders looked down upon it with a
most friendly smile.
'Is your aunt at home?' he asked,
placing his hat on the table and fol-
lowing Prudence Jane into the parlor.
346
POSSESSING PRUDENCE
'Yes,' she said with simple candor.
A fib of that sort was quite beneath
Prudence Jane.
Then she sat down on a velvet sofa,
spread out her little blue skirt, folded
her hands in her lap and crossed her
ankle-ties. She had never in her life
looked so much like little Bertie. The
Reverend Mr. Sanders, regarding her
from an opposite chair, waited for her
to open her lips and say, ' Speak, Lord,
for thy servant heareth.' Instead, this
is what she said: —
'Is Eliza Anna Bomination your
grandmother?'
'I beg pardon/ said the Reverend
Mr. Sanders.
' Is she dead and gone to heaven, and
that 's why you say * * unto the Lord " ? '
continued Prudence Jane.
'I wonder, Imogen,' he said, 'if you
would mind beginning over again.'
'I say, is Eliza Anna Bomination
your grandmother? ' repeated Prudence
Jane. 'Aunt Annie says she's writ-
ten down in the middle of your Bible
where all people's relations are, and
she sounded like a grandmother; they
always have such horrid names.'
The minister looked across at the vel-
vet sofa with eyes that entirely contra-
dicted the gravity of his face.
'No,' he said, 'I'm sorry, but she
is n't. I wish she were. I never heard
of such a jolly grandmother.'
'Is she an aunt?' pursued his small
interlocutor.
'I'm afraid that she's not even re-
lated by marriage,' he replied.
'Is n't she written down in the mid-
dle of your Bible at all? ' said Prudence
Jane.
The minister shook his head.
'No,' he said, 'I'm afraid not.'
'Then Aunt Annie told a whopper,'
announced Prudence Jane with satis-
faction.
'We should not malign the absent,'
said the Reverend Mr. Sanders. 'And
that being the case, suppose you go up
at this point, Imogen, and tell your
Aunt Annie that I am here.'
Prudence Jane wondered what 'ma-
ligning the absent' was. She distrusted
gentlemen who made cryptic remarks
of this sort. It was a way her brother
Horace had. She saw that the moment
had now arrived to test Aunt Annie's
theory about ministers and fibs.
'She can't come down,' she replied.
'Can't come down?' repeated the
minister.
'No,' said Prudence Jane, looking at
him out of the depths of her forget-me-
not eyes, ' she 's washed her hair.'
' Oh,' said the Reverend Mr. Sanders,
in the tone of one who finds the conver-
sation getting definitely beyond him.
At this moment an apparition with
a round face and a pair of corduroy
shoulders suddenly darkened the open
window.
'A lie is an a-frora-i-na-tion un-to the
Lord,' it sang and, catching sight of the
clerical back, vanished hastily.
'Interesting chorus,' observed the
Reverend Mr. Sanders.
Prudence Jane paid no heed to this
interruption.
'It's hanging down her back now,'
she pursued, launching upon the details
with her usual aplomb. ' It comes clear
down to here.' And standing up, she
indicated a point halfway between her
ankle- ties and the bottom of her ridicu-
lous skirt.
The minister gazed fascinated. Pru-
dence Jane sat down again.
'She washed it with Packer's Tar
Soap,' she said, her eyes fixed upon her
victim.
She was quite unable to make out
whether Aunt Annie was right about
ministers or not. The Reverend Mr.
Sanders looked like the Sphinx.
'She gave a piece to a gentleman
once,' went on Prudence Jane, warm-
ing to her work. 'He wasn't a very
POSSESSING PRUDENCE
347
nice gentleman. He was a — a — ' she
hesitated a moment over a fitting cli-
max, — 'a — a Piskerpalyan,' she fin-
ished.
* Mercy! ' said the Reverend Mr. San-
ders, finding his voice at last. 'And
what, may I ask, are you?'
Prudence Jane looked faintly sur-
prised.
'I,' she said, with pride and compo-
sure, 'am an Orthy Dox Congo Gation-
ist.'
'Yes,' said the Reverend Mr. San-
ders, 'so I suspected from the first.'
And now what did he mean by that,
thought Prudence Jane to herself. She
could no longer see his face. He had
turned abruptly in his chair and was
watching something through the aper-
ture in the portieres.
Prudence Jane heard the thump of
a pair of shoes plodding up the stairs
and along the upper hall. She knew
that it was Peter Piper going to find
Aunt Annie. There was a stir in the
room overhead, then the muffled sound
of a rocking-chair suddenly abandon-
ed, followed by the swish of skirts
coming along the passage and down
the stairs.
Prudence Jane sat with parted lips
on the edge of the sofa.
The Reverend Mr. Sanders looked
decidedly nervous, but he rose and pre-
sented a bold front to whatever might
be coming to him through those por-
tieres. In another moment they were
pushed hastily aside, and Aunt Annie,
crowned with a quite faultless coiffure,
hurried into the room.
'Why, Mr. Sanders,' she said, 'I did
not know until this minute that you
were here.'
Then her eye fell upon her niece.
Prudence Jane was now standing in
front of the sofa, tracing the pattern of
the carpet with the toe of an ankle-
tie.
'Why didn't you tell me that Mr.
Sanders was waiting?' demanded Aunt
Annie sternly.
Prudence Jane continued to gaze at
the carpet.
'Mr. Sanders,' said Aunt Annie, who
never postponed a disagreeable duty,
'we have a little girl here who cannot
speak the truth, and we are going to
ask you to tell us what becomes of peo-
ple who tell wrong stories.'
The Reverend Mr. Sanders looked
ill at ease.
'Come here,' continued Aunt Annie,
holding out her hand toward the velvet
sofa.
Prudence Jane moved reluctantly
across the room.
'And now,' went on the voice of the
accuser, 'she has even deceived her
minister, and she has come to make
her little confession. Tell Mr. Sanders,'
directed Aunt Annie, ' the truth about
that wicked fib.'
'Which one?' inquired Prudence
Jane meekly.
'You know very well which,' an-
swered her exasperated aunt, 'the last
one.'
Prudence Jane lifted her blue eyes
from the carpet and looked straight at
the unfortunate Mr. Sanders.
'She did n't give any of it to the Pis-
kerpalyan,' she said.
Then she turned and walked dis-
creetly through the portieres. She felt
that it was no moment to stay and
learn what became of little girls who
told whoppers.
'Did n't give who what?' she could
hear Aunt Annie saying vaguely on the
other side of the curtains. But Prud-
ence Jane decided to let her minister
explain.
EUGENICS AND COMMON SENSE
BY H. FIELDING-HALL
THERE is nothing, I think, that brings
home to one more conclusively the uni-
ty of life, and therefore the unity of
knowledge of that life, than the attempt
to study any particular subject by it-
self and confine yourself to it alone.
You find very soon that you cannot do
so. No aspect of life can be separated
from the rest and understood even in
any small degree without some know-
ledge of the rest of life. No part of life
stands alone. Every phenomenon of
life is the result, not of one or two caus-
es alone, but of the interaction of in-
numerable causes. To get near the un-
derstanding of only one item you must
be able to estimate more or less truly
all the forces that make life, and the ob-
jective of life. As with the eddy of a
river, to estimate it you must know,
not merely the eddy but much also of
the river, its volume and its speed, the
density of its waters, the configuration
of its banks and its general direction.
The observation of the eddy only would
lead you into the wildest fallacies.
When I began over twenty years ago
to study crime and its cause this fact
soon became impressed upon me. To
study crime alone would lead me no-
where. Crime was but an eddy in life's
current, and to know the eddy I must
know much of the current. I must un-
derstand something of life, of that hu-
manity in which crime is but a defect,
not necessarily of the criminal. I must
do my best to master many aspects of
that life.
348
And among the first of the studies
which I found it necessary to pursue
was that which is called heredity. I
must learn all I could about heredity,
because at that time many scientific
men declared that all crime was hered-
itary, inevitably bequeathed from fa-
ther to son and therefore incurable and
hopeless.
Now, my own experience and obser-
vation told me just the opposite; I was
unable to find in life one single instance
where I could confidently say that a
tendency to crime was inherited. Ev-
ery case I investigated showed me the
reverse, — that it was not hereditary.
Whatever might be inherited, it was
not a tendency to crime. I therefore
read and reread Lombroso and the
writers of his school with great care and
constant application to facts as I found
them. And very soon I discovered the
underlying fallacies, not of their facts
but, even where their facts were true,
of their reasoning from those facts.
Lombroso and his school had studied
only the eddy and ignored the stream;
they had observed and measured the
criminal when made, and neither nor-
mal human nature nor the criminal be-
fore he was made. They found certain
stigmata on criminals; they inferred a
connection between these and crime;
they ignored the fact that the stigmata
occur on the non-criminal. I think
that, in Europe at least, this hereditary
theory of crime is dead.
Now this method of arguing from a
few facts gained in a very narrow field
is a very common cause of error.
EUGENICS AND COMMON SENSE
349
But my interest in heredity had been
awakened and has never since died. It
is a subject I am never weary of. It is
true that, being neither a biologist nor
a doctor, I cannot make discoveries of
my own, but I try to keep abreast of
all discoveries that are made, and to
bring them to the touchstone of life.
I do not dispute facts, but I examine
most carefully the exact value of those
facts. I collate them with facts of life
arrived at in quite other ways than by
biology, and I examine all reasoning
based on those facts.
Thus this new * science ' of Eugenics
has no more interested student than
myself. I am aware that there must be
something in heredity, I have no idea
what it is; I am very desirous to learn;
but on the other hand I will never al-
low my wish for knowledge to lead me
into accepting what is not absolutely
proved to be true. I would never con-
done a general inference from a re-
stricted observation, and I would bring
in every fact I have learned of other
sides of life to correct biology. For in-
stance, if biology asserts that it has es-
tablished a theory to which sociology
emphatically denies any truth in ob-
served human nature, I would prefer
the latter till the two could be recon-
ciled. Because life is the stream and
biology only an eddy.
ii
Let us turn then to Eugenics as at
present taught and see what truth we
can find in it. I shall quote some of its
first principles from a leading ^Eugenic
textbook and make some remarks on
them, and then I shall give you some
facts from life. Within an article it is
impossible to do more than this, but I
think it will suffice.
To begin with, is there such a thing
as heredity ? A father has blue eyes and
so has his son. Is there a special energy
or force that did this? Suppose his son
has brown eyes - - did heredity stop
acting? Was it, so to speak, turned off?
That is absurd. The forces which
caused the boy's eyes in one case to be
like the father's and in the next case
unlike, were the same. No one doubts
that. No new force or energy had been
introduced.
Heredity therefore is not a thing in
itself. It has no existence in fact; it de-
notes no constant actual living force.
It is simply a noun derived from the ad-
jective hereditary. Hereditary means
handed down from parent to child, —
simply that and nothing more. An es-
tate is hereditary. The brown eyes
were as truly hereditary as the blue,
no more, no less. As all life proceeds
from life, all life in every detail is hered-
itary. Try to realize and be certain
of this; it will prevent you from fall-
ing into errors. It is commonly said,
for instance, that certain qualities are
hereditary and others are not. For in-
stance, a genius suddenly appearing of
commonplace progenitors is said not
to be hereditary. But a genius is born,
so he must be hereditary in the true
sense; genius is not acquired.
Thus in common- usage the word
heredity is abused and twisted into
meaning something it does not mean,
namely, a tendency in children to re-
produce the more or less unusual qual-
ities of parents. It is assumed that
there is such a general tendency. But
it has never been proved.
So much for the word; now let us
take some of the arguments. 'Man is
an organism — an animal ; and the laws
of improvement of corn and of race-
horses hold true for him also.' That is
the first assertion; what truth is there
in it? Let us consider. Man's body has
developed in many thousands of years
from being an animal, and in many ten
thousands of years from being a plant;
does that prove that he is still nothing
350
EUGENICS AND COMMON SENSE
but a plant or an animal, that in his
evolution he has not added very much
to what went before, quite enough to
upset any theories formed from what
plants and animals do? Do the higher
qualities of brain and emotion count
for nothing at all? There seems no
objection to Eugenists classing them-
selves with cabbages and dogs and
cats, but does the rest of the world
accept this for itself? Are you con-
tent to be described and treated as a
beast, and a beast only? Each reader
will answer that for himself no doubt,
and I need not elaborate the point. It
is the cheerful and veracious founda-
tion of Eugenics.
Let us continue. The Eugenist takes
man purely as a plant or as an animal;
he wants to breed him just as animals
are bred, so let us consider how plants
and animals are bred and what the re-
sult has been. He says: * Surely the hu-
man product is superior to poultry/ —
the very foundation of his whole argu-
ment is that it is not; however, let us
go on, — 'and as we may now predict
with precision the characters of the off-
spring of a particular pair of pedigreed
poultry so it may be some time with
man.'
The writer here, and he subsequent-
ly elaborates the point, wants the read-
er to believe that scientific precision
has been reached in breeding plants
and animals, that no exceptions exist
to their laws, and that consequently
no such failures in breeding mankind
could occur under the Eugenist system
as occur at present.
But this statement is entirely untrue.
There is no such certainty. Even as re-
gards purely physical traits it is untrue,
and it must be remembered that scien-
tific breeding has been concerned only
with these, to the exclusion of all else.
There are an enormous number of fail-
ures. If, for instance, you mate the
winner of the Derby with the winner of
the Oaks, shall you obtain colts and
fillies which will unfailingly inherit the
speed of their parents? Look at the
stud-book for answer. Even in plants,
where success is more general, the num-
ber of failures is enormous compared to
the successes. The rule is not absolute
or nearly so. The successes of Bur-
bank cannot compare with his failures,
and mendelism has many exceptions.
Still, let us go on. Let us assume
with the Eugenists/ that we really are
no different from cabbages and roses,
or horses and dogs, — that every rule
which applies to them applies to us, —
and let us see what the scientific breed-
ing of plants and animals has effected.
What has been the result?
Well, the result has been astonish-
ing. The simple little wild Persian rose,
for instance, has been improved into
the gorgeous blooms of our gardens;
the small, rather sour apple has become
the Albemarle Pippin; the wild dog has
become the great Dane, the mastiff,
the bull- dog, the pug; and the barb
mixed with the Frisian horse has be-
come the thoroughbred. In size, in
beauty, in variety, in qualities useful
to mankind, plants and animals have
been improved out of recognition.
That is quite true. But what of the
other qualities? What, for instance, of
health and intelligence? Have these
also increased pari passu with the in-
crease in size? Go to a nursery gar-
dener, to a racing stable, to a dog-
fancier, and inquire. You will learn
this: the extraordinary improvement in
size and shape has been gained at the
cost of ajl other qualities. Thorough-
bred plants and animals are very ten-
der, they require most assiduous atten-
tion, they have to be nursed like babies.
They have no stamina, and they have
no brains. They are so delicate that un-
less they are continually protected and
doctored they are devoured by disease.
A rose-grower's outfit now includes in-
EUGENICS AND COMMON SENSE
351
numerable medicines without which
his blooms would be destroyed. If you
abandon a garden of any cultivated
flowers for a few years, the vigorous
and hardy wild plants will choke all
your improved stock; nothing will be
left save perhaps a few lucky plants
which have managed to evolve as it
were backwards and regain some of
their virility by abandoning their ac-
quired splendor. In free competition
the improved plant does not stand the
ghost of a chance with its unimproved
brothers. The struggle ends irfevitably
and tragically.
It is exactly the same with improved
birds and animals. In open competition
for a livelihood thoroughbred stock
would be doomed. It has no constitu-
tion, it cannot get a living for itself,
cannot bear exposure, must be cared
for like an invalid. Read for instance
the history of the cavalry and mounted
infantry horses in the Boer War. The
fine-bred stock from England was use-
less. It died in heaps. It was only hor-
ses from places where they are brought
up semi-wild, as in the Argentine and
Australian runs, that were of any use.
Even they did not compare with the
Boer ponies.
A further fact, and one still more im-
portant to remark, is that all tame
stock is incomparably inferior in intel-
lect to wild stock. There is so little
opportunity for people of civilized na-
tions nowadays to observe wild ani-
mals that this fact is often overlooked.
But the difference is startling. Look at
a pack of wild dogs, as I often have.
They hunt with a science and precision
that tame fox-hounds have no idea of,
even when directed by huntsmen and
whips. A pack of wild dogs will mark
down a stag — they always select stags
with big heads if possible — in a piece
of forest surrounded by grass. They
will post sentries at the exits and the
rest of the pack will go to the end and
beat the jungle through. When the
stag breaks, the sentries at the exit
give tongue and warn the rest who im-
mediately run to their call.
There is no one who like myself has
kept both wild and domesticated ani-
mals as pets who has not noticed that
the latter are fools to the former. It is
a commonplace of knowledge. Here is
a story in illustration, from the life of
the elder Dumas.
He had a dog and a fox both chain-
ed up near the house. One day he gave
a bone to each, putting it just out of
reach, to see what would happen. Well,
at first, both acted in the same way,
they strained at the chain. The fox,
however, soon found out the useless-
ness of this and sat down to consider.
Then he got up, turned round so as to
add the length of his body to that of
the chain, reached the bone with his
hind leg, and having scraped it within
reach, sat down to eat it. But the dog
not only could not think of this himself,
but even when he saw the fox do it, he
could not imitate it.
The more scientifically bred animals
are, the less brain they have. If you
want a dog who will be an intelligent
and sympathetic companion, which do
you choose, the dog bred by * science*
or the dog bred by the natural selec-
tion of mutual love, the thoroughbred
or the mongrel ? All experience says the
latter. Therefore, suppose the Eugen-
ists had their way and established a
state, what would the inhabitants of
that state be like in a few generations?
They would be tall, broad, muscular,
beautiful, delicate to a degree, useless
save for athletic contests or beauty
shows, always in the doctor's hands, —
Eugenic doctor of course, — brainless,
incapable of affection, almost wanting
in courage, to a great extent sterile;
and in the end, if the state did not die
of inanition first, some more virile and
intelligent race, say the Hottentots or
352
EUGENICS AND COMMON SENSE
Andamese, would come and eat its in-
habitants. The Eugenic Utopia would
end in the digestive apparatus of a sav-
age. Sic transit gloria Eugenics. No-
thing could be more certain than that.
in
Now, leaving plants and animals be-
hind us, let us come to man, and see
what Eugenists have discovered.
They declare that certain diseases
are transmitted to children; greater
authorities deny that disease ever is or
ever could be so transmitted. So much
for that. They have found a few not-
able cases where a feeble-minded pro-
genitor, such as Jukes, produced gener-
ations like himself. They found a few
cases where able and talented parents
did the same; they have in some cases
traced certains defects for several gen-
erations. That is absolutely all.
Of the much greater number of cases
where the quality is not transmitted
they make no mention. Let me there-
fore again repeat what Buckle said on
such systems of argument; it should
never be forgotten: 'We often hear of
hereditary talents, hereditary vices, and
hereditary virtues; but whoever will
critically examine the evidence will see
that we have no proof of their exist-
ence. The way in which they are com-
monly proved is in the highest degree
illogical, the usual course being for
writers to collect instances of some men-
tal peculiarity found in parent and
child and then to infer that the peculi-
arity was bequeathed. By this mode of
reasoning we might demonstrate any
proposition, since in all large fields of
inquiry there are a sufficient number of
empirical coincidences to make a plaus-
ible case in favor of whatever view a
man chooses to advocate. But this is
not the way in which truth is discover-
ed; and we ought to inquire not only
how many cases there are of heredi-
tary talents, and so forth, but also how
many there are of such qualities not
being hereditary.' Do the Eugenists
do this?
Arguing as the Eugenists do, you
could prove anything. For instance, I
know families where the men for gen-
erations have been wounded or kill-
ed in action. The Battyes of Indian
fame are such a family. Let us argue
about this like the Eugenists. 'When
men are wounded they become defect-
ive; they are a great expense to the
State for pensions and are no more
good; when they are killed they can't
fight any more and their widows and
children have to be provided for. All
this is a great burden to the country.
Getting wounded or killed is undoubt-
edly a hereditary taint. Therefore we
should breed our soldiers from stock
which has never had any one killed or
wounded among its predecessors, and
therefore may be certain not to get in-
to any danger should war break out/
Again, as Lombroso and many oth-
ers have shown, genius and great abili-
ty are usually associated with disease,
the reason being that great men are
often over-engined for their physique,
which takes its revenge. Their diseas-
es are really wounds received in war-
fare. The Eugenists would eliminate
all disease and with it all ability. For
instance they would have prevented
Lord Bacon from being born. Now
whether Bacon did or did not write
Shakespeare's plays, he was one of the
greatest men we have ever produced.
He sheds a lustre on us yet. We would
not change him for a wilderness of
Eugenists. And what of the world ro-
mance of Browning and his wife?
Their arguments in this whole mat-
ter teem with fallacies. Because con-
sumption often occurred in generation
after generation it used to be assumed
to be hereditary. We know now that it
is not. What seems to be hereditary is
EUGENICS AND COMMON SENSE
353
a certain diathesis, which under unfa-
vorable circumstances may result in a
feeble consumptive, in others may give
us a Rhodes or a Keats. They know
that, yet they argue in exactly the old
way in other cases.
Thus in the biological field no discov-
ery has yet been made of any certain
law of inheritance even in the smallest
matters of physique and appearance.
An athlete not only does not always
have athletic sons, but he often has
none at all; and so with other matters.
As to the greater matters of intelli-
gence and virility, nothing whatever is
known. And be it remembered that the
progress of mankind is a progress of in-
telligence, not of physique. Have Eu-
genists still to learn this? Apparently
they have.1
And now, leaving this little eddy
called biology, let us go into the wide
stream of life, and see what is known
there. Let us consider the process by
which man has evolved so far, and
what the experience and observation of
thousands of years have taught us. Let
us look at what the Eugenist is pleased
to call ' the present haphazard method
of mating that obtains even among cul-
tured people.' What is that method?
Well, it is usually called falling in love.
There is between young men and
maidens a general mutual attraction.
They like to look at each other, to talk,
to touch each other. It is far stronger
with men than girls, but it is in both.
It is, however, for the most part gen-
eral and vague. Then at some time or
other this general warmth is concen-
trated upon one object. He falls in
love and she as a rule returns it. What
is the meaning of this selection? Why
1 If the reader wishes to read what perhaps
the greatest living biologist, who is also a thinker,
has to say of Eugenics, I commend to him the
address of Professor William Bateson to the In-
ternational Congress of Medicine in London. It
is given in the British Medical Gazette for August
16, 1913.
VOL. 174 -NO. 3
does something within him pick her
out unconsciously from all other wo-
men? Why does she echo to the call?
It is the cry of Nature wanting child-
ren for her future, saying to him, ' She
is thy mate. Only thus can be born
such children as I desire, strong in emo-
tion, in intelligence, in brain. Such are
what I want.'
Therefore, to get her way Nature
creates a passion and promises a hap-
piness.
That is what the world knows, has
always known, and never can forget.
It knows that love is life. Suppose the
Eugenists could have their way and
banish love, who would care to live?
What purpose would life have? x It
would have none. There would be no
life, only an existence wearisome and
dull. The world feels that love is beau-
tiful, it sees in practice that it is true.
Love makes the world, love keeps it, on-
ly to love shall it be given in the future.
Therefore have poets sung it and story-
tellers told of it; therefore do eyes
shine and cheeks burn for it. Therefore
is it the soul of art, of music, of litera-
ture. Fancy the future Eugenic novel
or play. Scene, a drawing-room, with
a young woman in it. Enter to her a
young man led by a Eugenist doctor,
who says to her, * My wise young lady,
let me introduce to you Mr. Dash. He
has been carefully selected as your
mate.' And to him, 'Young man, be-
hold the mother of your future child-
ren.' Does it not read charmingly?
You see that the Eugenist omits love.
He knows nothing about it or about
the world. I never realized how extra-
ordinarily ignorant Eugenists were of
human nature till I heard a recent Eu-
genic lecture. In that, among other
things, the lecturer said that if nowa-
days there arose a new Cleopatra she
would be relegated at once to the wards
of an asylum; and his audience laugh-
ed with pleasure. It delighted them to
354
EUGENICS AND COMMON SENSE
think how superior each of themselves
was to such a famous woman, and they
gloated over it.
Yet I had other thoughts and among
them these: — How mediocrity hates
eminence! When the Eugenists seize
Cleopatra, what will Mark Antony be
doing? When the Eugenists shall have
built their lethal chamber for the fee-
ble-minded, who should be its first in-
habitants?
Love is the motive power of the
world. It is the purifying and regener-
ating power. Even 'degenerates' who
should really love each other would
have more intelligent children than a
healthy couple mated without love.
Children are the sparks struck out
as by flint and steel which meet. The
stronger their momentum when they
meet, the greater and brighter the flash.
All the world save the Eugenists knows
that.
Love is the one thing which makes
life worth living. It has its reward.
And if you neglect or sin against it the
punishment is sure. Nemesis comes
slowly but it comes surely.
Though the mills of God grind slowly
Yet they grind exceeding small.
Whenever an individual or a class or a
nation has sinned against love, has it
not paid? Has it not paid the utmost
penalty of death? No lesson is more
certainly written on the page of history
than is this.
Whenever an individual has married
without love, his children, if he have
any, are useless. When a class has de-
nied love and instituted marriage for
money, for position, for family, it has
decayed and disappeared. Whenever
by its marriage customs a people has
sinned against love, how great has been
the penalty! Look at the decadence of
India since the mating of children with-
out love was introduced by religion.
India once led the world. It does not
so lead now. And why? Principally
for that reason.
Remember what was written in the
Kural thousands of years ago: 'That
only lives which is instinct with love.
That which has not love is but a rotten
carcass covered with skin. And from
putridity what will you get but mag-
gots?'
So would the Eugenists have mar-
riage.
This is often called the age of sci-
ence, and truly. We have Christian
Science, and Eugenics. What next?
PAGAN MORALS
BY EMILY JAMES PUTNAM
As M. Bergson remarks, it is very
fatiguing to be a human being. If we
compare ourselves with the other ani-
mals we see how hard our case is. We
have in the first place to stand upright,
a feat for which we are not yet com-
pletely adapted. And then we are
obliged to do more or less thinking,
however skillfully we may reduce the
amount. Above all we are compelled
by a number of constraining influences
to be to a certain degree consciously
'good.' Whenever we begin to think
about the perplexing question of good-
ness, to wonder why we are almost all
driven more or less spasmodically to
strive for it and to complain because it
is so elusive, so hard to attain even
with the best will in the world, so un-
certain in its aims and claims and sanc-
tions, so troublesome and yet so indis-
pensable, we are driven back to the
Greeks.
The man in the street is not likely
to name as the foremost attribute of
the Greeks their moral success, and yet
he ought to. They, first of men, made
a discovery about morals which must
be our salvation if we are to be saved,
and their interest in the subject is ob-
scured for us only by the multiplicity
of their claims on our attention. If,
like the Hebrews, they had stripped
life of all its agrements, if they had
had no sense of beauty or of humor, no
splendid achievements of pure litera-
ture, of politics, or of science, we should
see them, as we see the Hebrews, con-
sumed by their concern for righteous-
ness.
Among people like the English-
speaking communities who instinctive-
ly avoid whenever possible the pain and
strain of thought, a happy literary for-
mula comes easily to have the paralyz-
ing effect of a taboo. The freest minds
are the source of the most compelling
formulas, and they therefore quite
unintentionally rivet new bonds upon
their contemporaries in the place of
those they strike off. Thus Matthew
Arnold, a man given to thinking for
himself, provided his age with a num-
ber of catchwords which dispensed
those who used them from giving any
further thought to the subjects to which
they apply. I suppose no one reads
Matthew Arnold to-day, but his most
striking formulas Have passed into the
tradition of English speech and go
marching indefinitely on. One of the
most telling and most misleading is his
famous chapter-heading, * Hebraism
and Hellenism.' There are in the chap-
ter itself paragraphs which if carefully
read go far to minimize the antithesis
suggested by the title. But a man who
is writing under so taking a caption
can hardly help being carried on by
auto-suggestion to the symmetrical
rounding out of its implications. Thus
Arnold begins by stating plumply that
'the final aim of both Hellenism and
Hebraism, as of all great spiritual dis-
ciplines, is no doubt the same: man's
perfection or salvation. The very lan-
guage which they both of them use in
schooling us to reach this aim is often
355
356
PAGAN MORALS
identical. Even where their language
indicates by variation — sometimes a
broad variation, often a but slight and
subtle variation - - the different courses
of thought which are uppermost in
each discipline, even then the unity of
the final end and aim is still apparent/
And he goes on to explain that the dif-
ference is mainly one of temperament
and of method.
So far he is sound and consistent,
though we may be permitted to doubt
whether he puts his finger on the pre-
cise difference of method that consti-
tutes the antithesis. But toward the
end of his brilliant chapter he insensi-
bly swings back to the vulgar error he
elsewhere strives to combat. He has
forgotten that the Greek equally with
the Hebrew was concerned ' for man's
perfection or salvation/ And he com-
mits the historic blunder of confound-
ing the Hellenism of Hellas with the
so-called Hellenism of the Revival of
Learning. * The Renascence, ' he writes,
' that great reawakening of Hellenism,
that irresistible return of humanity to
nature and to seeing things as they
are, which in art, in literature, and in
physics, produced such splendid fruits,
had, like the anterior Hellenism of the
Pagan world, a side of moral weak-
ness, and of relaxation or insensibility
of the moral fibre, which in Italy
showed itself with the most startling
plainness, but which in France, Eng-
land, and other countries was very ap-
parent too/
His title has been too much for him.
If Hebraism consists largely in moral
earnestness, Hellenism must have 'a
side of moral weakness/ But even if the
chapter were the most complete correc-
tion of the implication of its heading,
perhaps only one person has read the
chapter for every thousand who have
been subjected to the injurious effect
of the title. The total result has been
to stereotype the conception of Hellen-
ism formed by the Lutheran movement
and affirmed by the anticlassical reac-
tion which followed the French Rev-
olution. According to this conception
the Greek was a happy faun, obeying
the voice of appetite and burdened by
no consciousness of sin. If we recall the
individual Greeks who are best known
to us from childhood, — - Odysseus,
Achilles, (Edipus, Solon, Leonidas, Per-
icles, Socrates, Archimedes, — it is an
astonishing tribute to the strength of
formula that the resultant composite
photograph can be made to resemble a
happy faun.
II
There is nevertheless a very real dis-
tinction between Hebraism and Hel-
lenism in the field of morals. It cannot
be expressed by saying that the one
made 'better' men than the other. It
would be easy enough to show that He-
braism as well as Hellenism had 'a side
of moral weakness/ One superiority of
the Greek from our point of view was
his rather extraordinary love of truth.
Homer is full of the sacredness of the
oath, of which Zeus was guardian. I
know a little boy who had become fami-
liar with the words and deeds of the
Homeric heroes and knew that one of
the most perverse of them had de-
clared with sincerity, 'Hateful to me
as hell is he who hides one thing in his
heart and tells another/ This boy was
next introduced to the stories of the
Hebrews and listened with wondering
eyes to the extraordinary tale of greed
and falsehood which centres about the
name of Jacob. He was waiting for the
curse of heaven to fall upon the traitor,
but when the narrative went on to tell
how Jehovah approved the deed and
said to Jacob, 'Thou shalt spread
abroad to the west and to the east and
to the north and to the south, and in
thee and in thy seed shall all the fami-
lies of the earth be blessed,' the little
PAGAN MORALS
357
boy cried out in his bewilderment, 'But
was n't that naughty of Jehovah?'
A striking case of the superior con-
scientiousness of the Greeks in regard
to truth comes out in a story told
by Herodotus. Hipparchus, tyrant of
Athens in the sixth century, a man
whom the Greeks themselves would not
have pointed out as a type of virtue,
banished his friend Onomacritus, edi-
tor of the prophecies of Musseus, be-
cause Onomacritus foisted into the
writings of Musaeus a prophecy of his
own. With this strict critical sense of
the sanctity of documents, which per-
ished with Hellenism and has come to
life only in the scholarly conscience of
our own day, we may compare the atti-
tude of the Hebrew priest of the fifth
century before Christ, who, from the
highest motives, systematically revised,
expurgated, and augmented the sacred
writings and imposed the new edition
on the people as of immemorial anti-
quity.
Such comparisons between pot and
kettle are not however really fruitful.
The truly instructive contrast between
Hebraism and Hellenism is based on
the fact that they typify most conven-
iently the two sorts of sanction which
have in varying combinations operated
everywhere in the world to make men
consciously practice what they believe
to be right.
Many causes of course operate to
make men unconsciously choose the
right, working for the survival of the
individual and of the group. But when
a man gives a reason for his moral
. choices it falls under one of two heads.
He has either a theory, utilitarian,
hedonistic, or transcendental, in ac-
cordance with which he acts; or he acts
in obedience to some law which he
acknowledges to be authoritative even
in extreme cases where it conflicts with
his reason. Under one of these heads
or the other, the rational or the jural,
can be ranged every reason which any
one has ever given for making a moral
choice. Perhaps most men use both
types in varying proportions; certainly
every social group is governed by both.
Most religions rely mainly on the jural
principle, but many strive to conciliate
law with reason. And rational systems
on the other hand often tend to crystal-
lize into laws which exact and receive
obedience after changing circumstan-
ces have destroyed their rational basis.
The taboo everywhere is jural. We
may be able to see in certain cases a
sanitary or economic ground for a ta-
boo, but it is not that ground that
makes it binding. It is no more bind-
ing than other tabooes which lack that
ground, and the great majority of which
we have knowledge do lack it. The
taboo, however, is not yet morality,
though it is on the way to become so.
It is gradually softened into custom;
custom becomes after a time self-con-
scious and critical; and thus morality
is born.
Now it is evident that the chief prob-
lem of morality everywhere and at. all
times lies in the fact that the old order
is always changing. In regard to moral
ideas as to all other ideas, the human
procession straggles along like an early
people on the trek; a few leaders press
forward in advance, the mass do as
they are told and cling to each other
for mutual comfort and assurance,
bands of heretics here and there fall off
to find a better way or to settle in an at-
tractive spot, declaring they will seek
no further ; and at the end of the column
are the incompetent and the lazy, beg-
ging to be left behind to die.
In this irregular advance through an
uncharted land toward an unknown
goal, the leaders have always upon their
shoulders the burden of their responsi-
bility toward the weaker brethren. The
choice of the moment for breaking up
the last camp and pressing on again
358
PAGAN MORALS
into the wilderness becomes in itself
the nicest of moral questions. Ethics
are * alike fantastic if too new or old.'
All manner of anomalies and contra-
dictions are born of the fact that where
men long to find a set of laws as rigor-
ous and of as universal application as
those of mathematics, they find merely
a group of principles themselves open
to dispute and needing at every turn
the labor of comprehension and of ap-
plication. In this situation many a
good man has violated his conscience
to obey the law, and many a good man
by obeying his conscience in spite of
the law has so weakened a rule that was
helpful to others as to have become a
stumbling-block. Thus there are ap-
parently cases in which it is wrong to do
right. 'You seem to think honesty as
easy as blind-man's-buff/ says one of
Stevenson's characters. * I don't. It 's
some difference of definition.'
in
As part of the great effort not to
think, the jural conception of morals,
the notion that morals are, like geome-
try or blind-man's-buff, amenable to
ascertainable and universally binding
laws, has been of unquestionable use-
fulness to the race, but it has enjoyed a
popularity out of all proportion to its
usefulness. Some of its drawbacks may
most conveniently be noted in connec-
tion with Hebraism, which is its fullest
and most enduring expression. Mr.
Dewey and Mr. Tufts remark that the
Decalogue is the mother of casuistry,
and that the habit of looking to law for
guidance * fixes attention not upon the
positive good in an act, nor upon the
underlying agent's disposition which
forms its spirit, nor upon the unique
occasion and context which form its at-
mosphere, but upon its literal conform-
ity with Rule A, Class I, Species 1,
sub-head (1), and so forth. The effect
of this is inevitably to narrow the scope
and lessen the depth of conduct. It
tempts some to hunt for that classifi-
cation of their act which will make it
the most convenient or profitable for
themselves. With others, this regard
for the letter makes conduct formal and
pedantic. It gives rise to a rigid and
hard type of character illustrated
among the Pharisees of olden and the
Puritans of modern time.'
The drawbacks here dwelt upon are
all in the nature of injuries to the moral
sense of the individual. It might con-
ceivably be the case that the general
social welfare would be so furthered by
the punctilious observance of an im-
mutable moral code that the sacrifice
of the highest spiritual life of the indi-
vidual would be worth the price. In
point of fact, however, society suffers
from it as much as the individual. The
prevalence of such a code tends to ren-
der society static. Certain groups have
never emerged from the primitive jural
stage of taboo, and are tied hand and
foot by it. Two things happen when
conduct, in itself a conservative thing,
is in close alliance with religion, which
is even more conservative and there-
fore opposes very great resistance to
modification. In the first place the pre-
occupation with law becomes so great
that there is no room left in life for
other considerations. And in the sec-
ond place, as the unchangeable code be-
comes obsolete, the people bound by it
falls out of sympathy with more pro-
gressive peoples and is left behind as
they advance.
The Hebrews suffered in both these
ways. In the first place the struggle for
life and the observance of the law ex-
hausted their energies and left them no
time for art, for science, or for general
literature. The meagreness of their in-
tellectual life as long as they remained
a nation was not only a misfortune to
themselves but has remained a misfor-
PAGAN MORALS
359
tune for Europe, since the revivals of
Hebraism which take place from time
to time always include in their princi-
ples a presumption against art, science,
and general literature. It will be seen,
however, when we glance at Hellenism,
that though these fields of life are re-
fractory, or at best irrelevant, to the
§law, they afford, like every other field,
the constant occasion for moral choice
based on reason, and were not con-
ceived by the Greeks, as by some mod-
erns, as unmoral, but as having ethical
bearings of the very highest importance.
In the second place the Hebrews were
very greatly hampered in social ad-
vance by the static character of their
institutions. Of course their institu-
tions were not actually rigid, or the
group would not have had the measure
of national success it did enjoy. Even
Jehovah was obliged in the long run to
alter his political opinions and approve
of monarchy after having long opposed
it. But the social and economic re-
forms so passionately urged by Amos
and Isaiah never came to pass.
The jural system of morals of the He-
brews rapidly reasserted itself in Chris-
tian theory, although the founder of
Christianity died in protest against the
law. The Church of Rome affirmed the
principle with all its consequences from
the hieratic point of view, and the Re-
formation affirmed it from the docu-
mentary point of view . Modern thought
is saturated with it. Kant's categorical
imperative is descended from the Deca-
logue much more directly than he would
have liked to believe. On the other hand
it has become plainer than ever during
the last hundred years that morality is
a growing thing, changing with chang-
ing conditions, varying from land to
land and from age to age; that its for-
mulas are to be accepted as provisional,
not permanent, and that its natural
sanctions are powerful enough to make
it persist. 'La vertu, sans doute, est de
tous les pays et de tous les ages. Sa
presence est partout necessaire, le peu-
ple ne subsiste que par elle.' This be-
lief in the social origin, the progressive
character, and the natural sanction of
ethics is the belief of the Greeks. They
were the first of mankind to hold it, and
the weight of their prestige sufficed to
keep it alive in the world through the
centuries when the jural view pre-
vailed. It is still far from triumphant.
The force of authority is still over-
whelming. We are just beginning to
struggle back to the state of mind
which was native to the Greeks, and,
thanks to them, was enjoyed even by
the Romans, a people astonishingly
like ourselves in their spiritual limita-
tions.
IV
The Greek of course began like all
other men by practicing the primitive
morality of custom, and the primitive
morality of custom is that of the ant
and the bee, a morality careful of the
welfare of the group, careless of the sin-
gle life. We are accustomed in our own
day to see it practiced only under mili-
tary forms, and -even there it has been
considerably modified by civil stand-
ards, so that the world is astounded
when it sees, as in the case of the
Japanese, the old psychology of the
group in full action with its light es-
teem of t1* •» single life.
Bu/ . early society it is not only in
warfare but throughout life that the
individual is subordinated to the group.
His every act if it is to be pronounced
good must be performed in the custom-
ary way, and his very opinions are the
common possession of his people. We
who are feeling in various ways the ill
effects of a long period of laissez-faire
individualism are naturally returning
or trying to return to the more social
view of ethics, and to the conception of
solidarity as the chief ethical motive.
360
PAGAN MORALS
But the old groups are gone and, living
in a welter of cross-classification, it is
hard for a man to decide whether his
allegiance is due to his race, his nation,
his trade-union, his church, or his social
stratum.
The Greek, on the other hand, when
history begins, was discovering individ-
ualism and criticizing custom, not mere-
ly this or that custom, but custom in
general and as a principle; and the crit-
icism of custom is the beginning of ra-
tional ethics. We cannot tell how early
the process began. When Archelaus,
the last of the Ionic philosophers and
the master of Socrates, remarks * that
the just and the base exist not by na-
ture but by convention,' the terms
have already a technical ring. At
about the same time Democritus, who
understood his universe so well, point-
ed out that ' the institutions of society
are human creations, while the void
and atoms exist by nature,' a distinc-
tion as inconceivable to the savage as
to the bee. When remarks like this can
be made by different thinkers in dif-
ferent connections, the conception they
involve must be well established and
generally understood. • In Aristotle's
time it was hoary with antiquity; it
was, says he, * a universal mode of argu-
ing with the ancients, — namely the
opposition of nature and convention.'
The discovery, then, that social and
political institutions are made by man
and are therefore subject to alteration
and adaptation, is one of the great
achievements of Hellenism. It is the
first law of Greek ethics; and the sec-
ond is of almost equal importance, for
it teaches that in discussing questions
of right and wrong, the term ' man '
must always be held to mean * man-in-
society.' The raison d'etre of the state
is to cause its citizens to live nobly, and
right conduct is the subject-matter of
political science. These two principles
were never abandoned by Greek ethics
in general. Of course the advance of
individualism brought into greater pro-
minence the subjective aspect of ethics,
the necessity that the heart should be
'right,' the necessity of faith as well as
of works. And certain schools in later
days advocated a measure of with-
drawal from the world. But self-per-
fection in isolation was never a Greek
ideal, for isolation was in itself im-
moral by definition.
The notion that the conventional
usages and sanctions of conduct were
not based on nature led, of course, not
only to the searching investigations of
serious men but to the paradoxes of the
Nietzsches of the fifth century before
Christ. 'So entirely astray are you,'
says Thrasymachus to Socrates, 'in
your ideas about the just and unjust as
not even to know that justice and the
just are in reality another's good; that
is to say, the interest of the ruler and
stronger, and the loss of the subject
and servant; and injustice the oppo-
site; for the unjust is lord over the
truly simple and just: he is the stronger,
and his subjects do what is for his inter-
est, and minister to his happiness, which
is very far from being their own.'
When the question was thus round-
ly and uncompromisingly stated, the
Greeks set themselves to answer it. So
far from showing a deficiency of inter-
est in moral conduct, they may be said
without exaggeration to have had no
important interests that did not con-
sciously involve the ethical motive. It
is held up as a defect in their system of
classifying sciences that they had so
much difficulty in disentangling morals
from politics that even Aristotle de-
clares that * politics deals with right
conduct.' But this difficulty arose from
one of their soundest notions, - - the
loss of which from the world has been
a calamity, — the notion, namely, that
a state is to be judged not by the num-
ber of its inhabitants, for it may easily
PAGAN MORALS
361
have too many inhabitants, nor by its
aggregate wealth, for that may be ill-
distributed, nor by its success in main-
taining order, for a tyrant can main-
tain order even more readily than can
a self-governing body, but by the high
type of life lived by its citizens. In
other words, if ethics was not detached
from politics, it was because politics
was saturated with ethics. It is a com-
monplace that the great historians of
Greece, Herodotus and Thucydides,
different as they were in temperament
and in method, agreed in this, that they
were profoundly struck by the moral
aspect of political acts. The speeches
in Thucydides are full of the theory of
international ethics. There is plenty
of Macchiavellianism in them, which
produces its full psychological effect.
When the Athenians in Sicily were
trying to secure active support from
Camarina, their envoy laid down the
maxim that 'to a tyrant or to an im-
perial city nothing is inconsistent that
is expedient.' With the crime of Me-
los behind them and the flight from
Syracuse before, these words have all
the grisly, ironic import that formed
one of the sources of interest in Greek
tragedy.
If politics and ethics, which seem to
us to be separate things, were never ful-
ly dissociated by the Greeks, because
the body-politic had a primarily ethi-
cal purpose, it followed that all the
other sciences and arts, which were in
the service of the state to a degree we
can hardly imagine, were also followed
with a consciously ethical aim.
To us, who instinctively associate
ethics with dogma, it appears that the
only safe course for science and art is
to keep clear altogether of the ethical
question. We remember how strong a
resistance the great organized custodi-
ans of ethics have presented to the con-
clusions of natural science, and how
disagreeably the nonconformist con-
science is affected by (for instance) the
nude in art. It is not unusual for the
friends of science and art, when discour-
aged by these manifestations, to refer
with envious yearning to the freedom
from ethical bias that surrounded the
work of Greek artists and men of sci-
ence. The truth is of course that it was
the absence of dogma only that made
Greek art and science free; as for eth-
ics, it was the postulate of their activ-
ity. But Greek ethics did not require of
a man of science that his results should
square with preconceived ideas; it re-
quired on the contrary that he should
prosecute his task with patience, integ-
rity and courage. The best Greek
thought would not have shuddered at
the labors of Darwin because one of
their by-products might be the weak-
ening of a set of conventional motives
for action; it would on the contrary
have recognized and applauded the
high qualities of self-devotion, persis-
tence, and truthfulness which went to
form his method, noting, however, one
failing which it would have declared
immoral, — the exaggerated use of a
single set of faculties which in the long
run deadened his responsiveness to the
stimuli of literature and art.
The ethical motive was as strong in
Greek art as in Greek science. Spring-
ing from the religious motive, Greek art
always retained the consciousness of
a * purpose,' but this purpose was the
simple interpretation of beauty which
the Greeks held to be a divine thing
and of overwhelming ethical import-
ance. 'Conscientiousness' in the art-
ist's sense was the law of Greek pro-
duction. The Parthenon is a triumph
of character as well as of genius, and
from the Parthenon to the shards of
water-bottles the remnants of Greek
craftsmanship show us hardly a trace
of hasty or scamped work.
But over and beyond his standard as
a workman there stood in the mind of
362
PAGAN MORALS
the Greek artist his responsibility to the
state. He was working, not as the mod-
ern artist does, for a little group of con-
noisseurs, but for a whole people sensi-
tive beyond what we can understand to
the stimuli of art. The execution of an
important statue was to a Greek city
what the installation of a proper water
supply is to a modern city, in the fact
that it affected everybody. A people
thus permeated with ethical fdeas
would naturally take a keen interest in
replying to the fundamental questions
asked by the paradoxologists of the
fifth century. Socrates in particular de-
voted his life to answering these ques-
tions, and all the answers ever offered
from that day to this (except those of
jural systems based on supernatural
authority) are descended in one way or
another from views of his. To the pro-
position that 'virtue is a convention*
he opposed the proposition that ' virtue
is a science,' with the corollaries that
virtue can be taught and that all sin
is ignorance. This theory in various
forms underlay all subsequent views of
conduct.
Virtue never seemed to the Greeks
to be as easy as blind-man's-buff. A
man's successful conduct of life was
in their view as purely a function of
his intellectual faculty as was his suc-
cess at a game of chess. He who can
foresee the greatest number of moves
is the best player. If a man could attain
omniscience and so behold the re-
lations and effects of an action as they
ramify to infinity, he would never act
amiss. The wise man is accordingly the
good man, and the charming goodness
of babes and sucklings is a happy acci-
dent, but it is not virtue/ An immense
responsibility was therefore thrown up-
on education, whose primary aim was
to be the moulding of character. And
the method of education was to be the
formation of reasoned moral habits as
a substitute for the unreasoned unmor-
al habits of primitive man.
The Greeks thus in a very short
space of time after they first began to
consider the matter systematically, ap-
plied to conduct, which in their judg-
ment was not 'three fourths' but four
fourths of life, a psychology which the
most modern science can but corrob-
orate. 'Consciousness,' says Professor
Angell, 'occupies a curious middle
ground between hereditary reflex and
automatic activities upon the one hand
and acquired habitual activities upon
the other.' In ethics as in every other
field, the Greeks saw first of men that
the work of consciousness is never done.
No final set of moral habits can ever be
established. Changing conditions make
any given set inappropriate, and wis-
dom must be ever occupied with the
work of modification. It is in the light
of this conception of right conduct as
a science and the widest of sciences,
capable of being perfectly grasped by
omniscience alone, that the doctrine of
expediency laid down by the Athenian
envoy in Thucydides would make the
Greek shudder as he always did before
the spectacle of vfipis, that is of con-
duct based on unsufficient data. The
famous 'irony' of Greek tragedy con-
sists in the fact that a character in the
play is acting with ignorance or with
unwisdom. Every one in the audience
knows something, a fact or a principle,
which is strongly relevant to his case
but of which he is himself unaware.
The little ironies of life and the great
ironies of history have no other source.
SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS
EDITED BY CAROLINE TICKNOR
THERE are, no doubt, as many ideal-
ists to-day as there were in the nota-
ble epoch which produced Brook Farm
and the Concord School of Philosophy.
But they are not idealists of the old
school.
The new school of idealists contains
few poets, and its exponents express
themselves in social service of splendid,
practical proportions. They are, it is
true, persons of ' vision,' but their 'clear
sight ' reveals to them the coming man
as an improved physiological specimen,
rather than a newly awakened spirit.
The idealism of which George Wil-
liam Curtis is a most admirable exam-
ple, was the idealism of the poet; that
of to-day is the idealism of the philan-
thropist. And it is well for us to pause
amid the strenuous social conditions
which now prevail, for a half-hour's
consideration of the more tranquilliz-
ing idealism of the old school.
George William Curtis was a true
poet; as such, he saw and felt, and he
expressed himself in the language of
poetry. As a producer of immortal
verse, he did not rise to the first rank,
although he has bequeathed us some
poems of exquisite feeling and work-
manship. He did not regard poetry as
his vocation, nor did he lay claim to
poetic laurels, yet the imprint of his
keen poetic sensibilities is stamped
on all of his literary work, and the
poetic strain echoes through all his
silvery oratory.
Curtis was born in Providence,
Rhode Island, in 1824, and he early
made up his mind to enter the pro-
fession of letters. It has been usual
to ascribe the direction of his career to
the influence of his juvenile experience
at Brook Farm, where he dwelt from
1840 to 1844, but one must not forget
that the Brook Farm ideal was in his
mind before he joined that Utopian
community, which he did at sixteen
years of age.
The following correspondence with
Mrs. Whitman opens in 1845, the year
after Curtis had left Brook Farm. At
this period he was a lithe, slender
young man, handsome of feature, with
blue eyes, wavy brown hair and a most
winning smile. His bearing was one of
extreme grace and dignity and his man-
ners were those of the natural aristo-
crat, who treats all his fellow beings
with the most exquisite consideration.
The literary career of Curtis began
in 1846, when he was but twenty-two
years old. Many bright stars were just
then in the American firmament. Irv-
ing, Dana, Bryant, and Cooper were at
the height of their powers. Longfellow,
Whittier, and Hawthorne were ascend-
ing; the tragic career of Edgar Allan
Poe was nearing its close; Holmes was
but thirty-seven, and Emerson forty-
two.
At this time Sarah Helen Whitman's
home in Providence was the literary
centre about which revolved the intel-
lectual men and women of her day, and
Mrs. Whitman herself was adored as
the high-priestess of Poetry and Let-
ters in the distinguished circle of which
363
364 SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS
she was the most conspicuous orna-
ment. Endowed with beauty, great
charm of voice and manner, and a mag-
netic personality, she drew about her,
not only the gifted men and women of
her own city, but those from all parts
of the world; and Mrs. Browning, writ-
ing from Italy, declared that Sarah
Helen Whitman was the one woman in
America whom she most desired to
meet.
Mrs. Whitman's exquisite sonnets to
Poe have been pronounced second only
to Mrs. Browning's Sonnets from the
Portuguese, and her best work surely
entitles her to the leading place which
has been assigned her among the poet-
esses of New England.
Mrs. Whitman was born in 1803, and
in 1828 she married John Winslow
Whitman, a Boston lawyer, who died
in 1833. Her romantic engagement to
Edgar Allan Poe did not occur until
1848, a few months before the latter's
death, and was broken off on the eve of
marriage, following Poe's appearance
at the home of his betrothed in a state
of intoxication.
To the end of her life, Mrs. Whit-
man remained loyal to Poe and to her
genuine affection for him, and though
she deplored his faults and weaknesses,
she looked upon him as a great spirit
groping toward the light, a man of bril-
liant intellect, splendid imagination,
and marvelous gift of expression. Her-
self a poet, she thoroughly apprecia-
ted his poetic gift; a critic, she could
measure his keen insight into literary
values; a mistress of English style, she
recognized in his creative touch the
master-hand. And when, after his
death, Poe's critics and detractors put
forth their unjust and bitter denuncia-
tions of the man, it was Mrs. Whitman
who came forward to champion him
with simple dignity, in her little volume
entitled Edgar Poe and his Critics, of
which Curtis wrote in Harper's Weekly,
in 1860, it is 'the brave woman's arm
thrust through the slide to serve as a
bolt against the enemy ... it is not a
eulogy: it is a criticism which is pro-
found by force of sympathy and vigor-
ous by its clear comprehension.'
At the time of her engagement to Poe
Mrs. Whitman was forty-five years old
and he thirty-nine, but her freshness
of spirit and charm of presence must
have made her seem by far the younger
of the two. Only from the pictures
drawn by friends who had known and
studied the original can we gather
something of the illusive charm and
extraordinary fascination which this
remarkable woman exerted up to the
time of her death, at seventy-five years
of age. No one ever associated the idea
of age with her, and she is represented
as lying beautiful as a bride in death,
her brown hair scarcely touched with
gray.
Besides having many suitors, Mrs.
Whitman had countless warm friends
among those men and women who
were the intellectual leaders of her day,
and with whom she carried on an ex-
tensive correspondence in regard to the
literary, social, and spiritual move-
ments of the times. She had a peculiar
gift of sympathetic appreciation, and
was able to give to each that especial
response which he, or she, most craved.
The following letters, chosen from a
correspondence which extended over a
period of fifteen years, speak for them-
selves and for the two poets whom they
concerned. They were accompanied
by many pages of verse forwarded by
Curtis for Mrs. Whitman's criticism.
He was at this time twenty-one and
she forty- two.
The first letter, dated at Concord,
in April, 1845, reveals the writer keen-
ly enjoying the natural beauties about
him, as well as the opportunity to en-
ter into the intellectual life of Haw-
thorne, Emerson, and others, with
SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS 365
whom Curtis delighted to discuss all
that was near his heart concerning the
literary life which beckoned him per-
sistently, and the alluring field of po-
etry, which he at first believed himself
peculiarly fitted to enter.
ii
CONCORD, April 9, 1845.
MY DEAR MRS. WHITMAN, -
May I say a few words about poetry
and poets to you, hoping so to provoke
from you a closer criticism upon my
verses than you have yet given me. . . .
It was a great delight to me to find
in you the insight into the poetical part
of poetry, which I find in so very few
persons. That you could realize, as I
had so long done without sympathy,
that the charm of a poem was not the
tho't, nor the melody, but a subtle
poetical perception, which gives the
character to the tho't, and which from
the nature of things, is melodious, and
so in its natural expression constitutes
poetry. — Shall I say that the poetical
sense is so rare among men, so much
rarer than the intellectual, that the
most approved of the poems of the
great masters are not the most poeti-
cal? that As You Like It is less tho't-
ful but more purely poetical than
Hamlet? and that Tennyson is more
truly a poet than Wordsworth?
And to the perfect poet belongs this
fineness of perception and, of equal
necessity, faculty of expression. The
prose poets of whom we hear, are men
who have the first but not the second,
and therefore they are the true audi-
ence of the poet and his only critics,
as men who have a delicate apprecia-
tion of form and color are unworking
painters, and so constitute the only
valuable spectators of pictures. They
cannot be called painters, nor can the
first class be called poets.
Byron had the faculty but not the
perception. He did not see things
poetically. With Shelley, I think more
and more, poetry was an elegant and
passionate pursuit. He was too much
a scholar. This is seen in the forms his
poems took. The principal ones are
moulded in the antique Grecian style.
With Keats, poetry was an intense life.
It was a vital, golden fire that burned
him up. Wordsworth is a man of tho't,
who gives it a rhythmical form.
Milton would have been more pure-
ly a poet, if he had been a Catholic,
rather than an ultra Protestant. There
is a severity in his poetry, which makes
him the favorite of intellectual men, —
but is a little too hard — not oriental
enough to satisfy poetical men.
In Shakespeare was the wonderful
blending — the delicate harmony —
but his sonnets would have been cre-
dential enough to his fit audience.
Because in this sphere of man the
intellect rules, therefore that declares
upon all things. Those books are eter-
nal, those poets Olympian whom it
crowns. But it is a singular fantasy
of Nature, that the intellect is always
too intellectual to rightly estimate the
value of poetry, which is the higher lan-
guage of this sphere.
Music, so imperfect here, foreshad-
ows a state more refined and delicate.
It is a womanly accomplishment, be-
cause it is sentiment, and the instinct
declares its nature, when it celebrates
heaven as the state where glorified
souls chant around the Throne. Poetry
is the adaptation of music to an intel-
lectual sphere. But it must therefore
be revealed thro' souls too fine to be
measured justly by the intellect.
I hope that you will guess my tho't
from these fragmentary hints and will
answer it and my questions as speedily
as you will. Direct simply to me,
Concord, Massachusetts.
Truly yours,
G. W. CURTIS.
366 SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS
CONCORD, May 8, 18&5.
MY DEAR FRIEND, —
I had attributed your silence to some
sufficient reason, like the real one, and
your letter, tho' late, was not unexpect-
ed and very grateful. I am glad that
you ask me to write to you, for in this
spring it seems that I must tell all, of
the singular beauty that diffuses itself
so widely. . . .
This afternoon I paddled out on Wai-
den Pond — a beautiful sheet of water
not far away. It was formerly wooded
with heavy pine banks to the edge, but
recently the woods have been cut from
part of the shore. It has a retired,
virgin beauty, and not even the rail-
road, which passes close by one side,
can banish its flower of privacy. It is
deep and still; and this afternoon the
sun toward the setting threw the dark
shadows of the pines upon the surface
like a mute anthem to the spirits of
the lake. Landscapes often impress
me like strains of music, and so mu-
sic gives me a sense of sunniness and
gloom, which is more subtle than any-
thing I see. The woods yearn to be
dissolved in music, when the wind sings
in the trees, and only a wail lingers be-
cause it may not be so — or is it a wail
because I cannot understand the bur-
then? The winds that have blown so
constantly during the spring fell griev-
ingly against my face, as if I was vexed
with'them, and as if they sighed because
I was not of a nature fine enough to
be mingled with their triumph. . . .
Recently I have been reading Mil-
ton, much. There is a solemn simpli-
city in the Paradise Lost. It is almost
too severe. The few classical allusions
dropped in the course of the story are
like gushes of warm south moisture in
the heart of a steady fresh north wind.
The poem is bracing like ocean air. . . .
But while the genius of Milton has
the grace of stately mountain heights,
and the solemn melody of cathedral
music, it seems to lack the delicate aeri-
al grace of folded clouds and the lines
of hills in the dim horizon, and the low
gushing music of birds disappearing in
the sky. His poetry is fuller of rapt
serene contemplation, than of subtle
sentiment. We ascend to heaven upon
angel wings, fanning a majestic mel-
ody, but are not wafted thither on the
note of a thrush. Must not the organ
tone and the thrush singing be blended
in the tune of melody, each retaining
its own character, and tinged with each
other's? Milton's genius is hardly sug-
gestive enough. He was a man made
positive by his life and culture. It fell
to him as a statesman to speak very
decidedly, and the poet could not quite
shake off the tone. I should hardly
think his nature was very rich, but he
had so cultivated and adorned himself,
that it was almost as good. Do you re-
member what Keats says of him?
Sincerely your friend,
G. W. CURTIS.
CONCORD, June 2, 1845.
I am glad that you speak so truly of
Keats. It is rare to find any one who
has the just appreciation of his genius.
It is of that nature which is too much
condemned, or too much praised. And
that because either one does not under-
stand him, or if so, the prospect which
he opens is the most ravishing to a
poet. There lay in him the keenest and
most delicate perception and the tru-
est feeling. Tho't was all fused with
sentiment. Poetry was to him an ele-
ment such as music would be to some
natures. His blood seemed to thrill,
rather than flow thro' his veins, and I
always picture him as in ecstasy. But
all his life and poetry are hints, they
are the rarest tinted leaflets folded
close in the bud. If they do not flower,
there can be no regret. The influence
of such beauty is true and deep, because
it was budded beauty and not flowered.
SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS 367
How often, walking in the woods, I
have seen a drooping anemone bud
which revealed a more delicate grace
than the fairest flower. It figures the
intensity of feeling which closes the
eyes of a lover in the presence of his
mistress; yes, and the relation itself
which exists between them - - a hope,
a promise, the morning red before the
sunrise. . . .
The essay of Shelley to which you
refer, I will look at again. I read it some
time since, and was not much pleased
generally. I have never seen any prose
upon poetry which pleased me much.
Sir Philip Sidney's is beautiful to read,
so is Emerson's, but I wait. The Poet
is still an unexpressed mystery. He is
a phantom when you would clutch him,
but a beautiful blessing angel when
you sit in the shadow of his wings.
I look with interest for your article on
Mr. Emerson. It is much to be the con-
temporary, how much to be the neigh-
bor of a man whom I cannot class but
with Plato and Bacon, and the other
great teachers. I feel that you will
speak golden words of him, and I shall
be very prompt to tell you what I
think of the article.
I spoke to Mr. Hawthorne. He says
that Mr. Langley, the publisher, is the
business man, that different prices are
paid to various authors, and that an
engagement should be made previous-
ly. There has been some difficulty
about the payment of the Democratic,
I believe, but do not know precisely
what. Mr. Hawthorne says, that Mr.
O'Sullivan the editor is an honorable
man. He values the articles.
Your friend,
G. W. CURTIS.
CONCORD, June 22,
I have delayed writing until I should
have returned from a trip to Wachu-
sett mountain, and until I had read
your article. The first I have done, the
second not yet. Knowing that Mr.
Emerson had it, I spoke to him of it,
regretting that I had not seen it first,
to correct some errors of which I had
been advised. He was very curious to
know the author, for he said tho' it
was headed 'By a Disciple,' it was evi-
dently written from a purely indepen-
dent point, and he seemed to do such
excellent justice to it, altho' he said it
had the usual vice of kindness, which
he says of all reviews of himself, that
when he told me he tho't he ought to
know who wrote it, I ventured to tell
him. I hope I have not done wrong.
Henry Thoreau also said it was not by
a Disciple in any ordinary sense. It is
his copy which is here, and he wishes
me to make it as perfect as I can. This
week I shall see it, and will then write
you.
I went to Wachusett with Mr. Haw-
thorne and Mr. Bradford. It has long
lured me from its post in the western
horizon. And as I climbed the green
sides, I felt as an artist must feel, who
first treads the ground of Italy. . . .
Monadnock was the only single ob-
'ject visible from the summit. It is a
rough sharp mountain and Wachusett
is rounded and delicate, and the femi-
nine character of the one was in beauti-
ful contrast with the masculine of the
other.
It would be a long tale, the history
of the beautiful walks we had. My re-
gret was at returning. It seemed proper
to go on from mountain to mountain
thro' the summer, until winter sent me
home again; and to return and find
that the hill had relapsed into the old
mystery, and was still as wonderful as
before, was one of the best results of
the journey.
Have you read Consuelo, George
Sand's novel? I may say great novel,
for after Wilhelm Meister, I know none
superior. It is long but it is a picture
of no less genius than Goethe's and
368 SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS
Raphael's. I mean it leaves the same
satisfaction. . . .
There are very few copies in the
country. I read Mr. Emerson's, for he
and Mr. Hawthorne and Miss Fuller
first spoke of it.
You shall certainly speak of the
manuscripts whenever you choose,
altho' they are not good. If you hear
any opinion expressed, will you not let
me know it, if it be most entire con-
demnation. I am sure that is my voca-
tion, but I am not sure that I shall
effect anything. I must labor very long
and very hard before I can come even
to the foot of a statue. Perhaps after
all my life is only to fill up some chink
and the Fates have granted me this
versifying talent as a plum for con-
tent. My life seems very aimless be-
cause I pursue my profession entirely
in secret, while outwardly I am aban-
doned to the sun and wind. That will
be good for me; while all the plants are
so carefully trained by the gardeners,
let one grow in the clear, open air. Yet
it is not without pain that I hear those
who are very dear to me grieve that I
am running to waste. At least, if my
life does not justify itself, I am fain to
hope they will feel it was meant to be
what it was. It seems very bold, but
I am sure of it.
I shall write you again very soon if
you do not tire of my long letters.
Your friend,
G. W. CURTIS.
June 28, 18J.5.
I read with great delight your arti-
cle. It is the best I have seen upon Mr.
Emerson. I might say that it finds
more of a system of philosophy than
I think he is conscious of, altho', after
all, you only indicate the central tho't
which animates his writings, and say
such good things of philosophy that
it loses that very rigid outline which
marks it in the Schools. I am glad that
you treat him as a prophet rather than
poet. My feeling about the latter is
very strong, and yet few contempora-
ries write verses which I love so much.
I wish you might have seen Mr. E.
and Mr. Hawthorne for the last year,
casually and at all times, as I have
done ; that I might know if you would
not at last say, the wise Emerson, the
poetic Hawthorne. I am going to show
some of my verses to the latter. I do
not care to do so to the former. And
I do it with some trembling, as I did
to you, for I feel that he knows what is
poetry, and what is poetical, — what
is the power of the poet — and what
the force of talented imitation.
Your friend,
G. W. C.
CONCORD, August 6, lSlf.5,
I returned yesterday from the Berk-
shire hills, and shall be on the wing
again on Friday for the White moun-
tains. There is something inspiriting
in the mountain air which I have never
perceived before. I suppose that one
is astonished in such a region that his
tho'ts do not at once expand and soar
to a corresponding spiritual altitude,
but the mountains and the sea are seed
too large to ripen their flower very
speedily. . . .
I felt very strongly the want of some
sound, corresponding to the grandeur
of the landscape. That the ocean gives
you if you wake at night upon the sea
shore, the low murmur of the water
presses a sense of its constant presence
upon the mind, — in the pause of light
conversation, the same sound rises like
a vast tho'tful bass to which all tho't
should be tuned, and in the rigid si-
lence of the Winter there is no silence
there, but a music that deepens and
strengthens the stillness. Among the
hills when the darkness shuts them
from the eye, only the memory can re-
tain them. Awakening after a sleep of
SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS 369
years among them, there would be no
presence in the air to suggest them,
but awaking near the sea the first con-
sciousness would receive its tone from
that.
Yet while the eye could possess them,
the hills were very impressive. Man-
tled with green their strength was sub-
dued to tenderness, so that the influ-
ence was, in character, like that of a
man of delicate strength and beauty.
They folded the valleys with such gen-
tle superiority, as if the world beat on
their outer sides with heavy waves in
vain. And the sloping sunset light was
more soft and striking than I remem-
ber to have seen. The sudden dark
shades upon the hillsides and the fairy
green of the distant bare slopes turned
to the West, and pervading all, a sin-
gular freshness and glow in the atmo-
sphere made a bath of beauty wherein
Diana should have laved and arisen
more purely human.
G. W. CURTIS.
CONCORD, October 1,
MY DEAR FRIEND, —
I hope your long silence portends no
illness, at which you hinted in your
last letter to me, which I received just
as I was on the wing for the White
hills, and answered only by a few songs,
or has the Autumn which lies round the
horizon like a beautifully hued serpent
crushing the flower of Summer, fasci-
nated you to silence with its soft, calm
eyes? This seems the prime of the sea-
son, for the trees are yet full of leaves
and thickness and the mass of various
color is solid, — before this month is
over the woods will grow sere and wan,
and so the splendid result of the year
becomes its mausoleum. . . .
Yesterday afternoon I sat upon the
cliff, a lofty pile of rock, the abrupt
end of a hill over the river, and above a
wood of birch and pines, and there the
wind blew without any hindrance. It
VOL. 114 -NO. 3
was a most monopolizing sound. It
was not so much the inability to read
or write or pursue any peaceable busi-
ness of that sort which turned me whol-
ly to the wind, but it was a special
character in its own tone, which if I
had tho't of in the stillest Summer
evening would have called me from
anything else. The singular magnifi-
cent beauty, which had lain all the long
warm months so quietly, now break-
ing up into final splendor and decay,
thundered in my ear its wail of death.
The water rolled and wrestled in the
river, the pine trees bent over the
slight birches, withered leaves flew high
and sadly in the air, and I the only
unmoved, I pushing on to a fuller and
fairer maturity, here or somewhere, re-
ceived upon my face the rush of the
wind and in my heart its inward agony.
I took off my cap and it streamed thro*
my hair. Why could not I bend with the
trees and sing as they sang? Far away
in the North, the cold, white North,
where the Winter lies in wait, lay the
outlines of mountains against the gray
horizon. The sound of their lonely
beauty was like that of the wind. Rug-
ged and grim and dim, and long after
the spring sun has drawn the green
grass from out the winter, here they
will still be white with snow.
When the sun set, the wind died.
Then the silence was more mournful
than the sound, — - like the air thro'
which a dirge has just passed, which
still cherishes the soul of its sadness.
I came slowly home thro' the woods.
The crickets sang as usual, the trees
stood steady and still. Jupiter arose
in the east — Mars and Saturn in the
southeast ; and the earth swung noise-
lessly with them as if the stars, so pure
and cold and steadfast, should not hear
its wail or suspect a grief.
And so will each day be, each more
desperate, till there 'are no leaves to
sigh and rustle upon the trees or fly in
370 SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CUKTIS
the air, and the waves are chained, and
the splendor quenched by the rigid
winter. Yet soft warm days now and
then, and the brief, beautiful Indian
summer, will show that there are more
summers in store. . . .
Thro' the summer Mr. Hawthorne
had the 'Orpheus' — the smaller long
poem, and some of the smaller verses.
It was most grateful to me to hear him
say what he did, for I have great faith
in his perception. 'The Poet' I did not
show him. The 'Orpheus' he thinks
may be corrected and improved by cor-
rection, which I felt when you suggest-
ed something of the same sort before.
I will do that during the autumn or
winter.
Concord loses very much to me in
his final departure, which takes place
to-morrow, Friday. He is a fountain
of deep, still water, where the stars may
be seen at noon.
Mr. Emerson is writing lectures up-
on Plato, Goethe, Swedenborg, Mon-
taigne, and Shakespeare.
I have been most of the day with
Ellery Channing, whom I like very
much. If I was to remain here thro'
the winter I should know him much
better than I ever have, for I have seen
him very little, since I have lived here.
I am not afraid of silence in my
friends, so you shall write only when
you care and can.
Your friend,
G. W. CURTIS.
in
The month of November finds the
young poet in New York, recalling re-
gretfully the pastoral surroundings of
Concord, and endeavoring to adjust
himself to the whirl and bustle of the
city where the 'muse' flourishes under
difficulties and poets pine for solitude.
Some two months later he writes
from the same place that he has been
invited to join Ellery Channing in a
trip to Italy, an unexpected proposition
which may be looked upon as a mile-
stone in the career of Curtis, whose first
important literary contribution sprang
from this ideal sojourn in the old world.
NEW YORK, November 27, '46.
MY DEAR FRIEND, —
I always feel lonely when I first come
to N. Y. for such constant and vigor-
ous labor outlaws one whose path lies
elsewhere. ... I grow thin and pale
here. Everything that men do seems
so small. Their life is a card-house
built over the eternal gulf. And the
priests, the ministers of the soul, are
not as I dreamed, care-worn and wast-
ed like devoted physicians in a plague-
stricken city, but comfortable and
smiling men, — and as I sit in the warm
church richly painted and gilded and
cushioned and the smooth voice utters
smoothly what the man believes, for I
do not question his sincerity, then the
history of men in the past and the dai-
ly history of the world and of the city
where we are, the woe, the misery, the
wordless despair of thousands, rushes
upon my mind, and by the unspiritual
face of the preacher, I see the thorn-
crowned head of Jesus and the features
pale with sorrow for sin, not with
agony for suffering, and looking with
eyes too sad for tears upon the silent
audience, imploring the priest to speak
as to men who are wandering and wait-
ing and looking for the peace to which
the necessity of life drives them, and
which is the crown of flowers for their
bloody hours. Then bursts in the or-
gan and the flowing, gushing, soothing
music lifts me above the crowd like
celestial wings, and the face I see be-
comes milder and softer, more beauti-
ful as the melody is finer and fuller, and
peace, deeper than sorrow, bathes it
like dew, and it fades from my sight as
the music swells, as stars fade in the
SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS 371
morning, and in the wavering, dying,
permeating sound, I feel the soul of
that heavenly beauty. ... I study
Italian vigorously 3 hours a day. I
read German and French about 2, and
just now Swedenborg and Festus oc-
cupy the rest of my leisure. I find
Time, the true 'celestial Railroad/ At
Jno. Dwight's request I wrote an ac-
count of the Symphony of Mendels-
sohn's for the Harbinger. It will be
entitled ' Music in New York.' It is the
hardest thing in the world to write
about music, for the best part of the
impression is so evanescent and deli-
cate, tho' deep, like the influence of
sunset clouds: one wants to dip his
brush in them if he must paint them. '
NEW YORK, February 6, 1846.
MY DEAR FRIEND,—
What should surprise me the other
day like a bird flying into the midst of
the winter silence, but a proposition
from Ellery Channing for us to accom-
pany himself and George Bradford to
Italy in May, and there pass a year?
I tho't at once that I could not go, as
a lover looks coldly upon the mistress
whom he adores, but I found that the
direct proposal had kindled the long
dormant spark into a flame, and that
sooner or later it would elevate me to
that soft celestial atmosphere, which
spiritually and physically belongs to
Italy. Burrill leans upon his hand and
thinks intently about it. He wants to
postpone, to study the language more
thoroughly, to read the history of the
country, until every stone and tower
shall tell readily what it is and has been.
But I seldom think about things. A
proposition comes to my mind and is
ripened into action without any influ-
ence wilfully upon my part, like a nest-
egg hatched by the sun and not by the
parental warmth. So this idea of Italy
lies cooking, and what the issue will be
is not at all certain. I think it very
doubtful if we go in the spring. If we
do not, we shall lose our party which is
so pleasant to my fancy, but we shall
gain a better knowledge of the language
than we have now. If I went I should
regard it as a preparation for going
again hereafter, and yet I feel as if I
should be very unwilling to come home
again when once there.
Since Ellery's letter came I have been
reading Saddle books and Italian trav-
el. Shelley's letters from Italy please
me very much. They are so full of
delicate appreciation of the country
and all its influences. He was so finely
wrought that it seems the air must have
passed into his frame and mingled
many a golden secret with his being,
which no tongue can utter and no
coarser nature feel. There was a spirit-
ual voluptuousness in his nature which
Italy alone could satisfy, and which
constituted in him so much of his poet-
ical feeling and fancy. The same thing
was in Keats, but in him more fiery
and intense. It sucked up his whole
being at times, so that its expression
syllabled fire and passion, as in the in-
vocation to the moon in Endymion. In
Shelley it was less ardent and never of
that fierce lavishness which it was in
Keats. . . .
The Muse knows not these brick
walls, I have written scarcely a line
since I have been here, and have left
the * Orpheus ' and the long poem I read
you for alteration and re-formation in
the summer. I have meant to copy
some portions for you and will do so.
You will find it hard to read this but
I always write fast about Keats.
Your friend,
G. W. C.
N.Y., January 20, '46.
MY DEAR FRIEND, —
You will have seen from my last let-
ter that I did not sympathise with Miss
Fuller's view of Cromwell, but I tho't
372 SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS
her review of Longfellow one of the best
things that I ever saw of hers. How is
it that we differ so much, for you say
while those on Cromwell were among
her best, those upon Longfellow were
among the worst. She seemed to me to
give him with great tenderness and
consideration and due appreciation his
just place. She did not abruptly say,
* you are no poet,' but having expressed
her views of poetry and the poet, meas-
ured him by it. He failed by that
[measure], as he has long ago by mine
and by that of his best friends, and
those most calculated to appreciate
him, one of whom told me he was
sorry for Mr. Longfellow, for he did
not seem to understand that his popu-
larity must so soon abate, nor had he
courage and character enough to sus-
tain the consciousness when it should
come. His verses are pleasing to me,
but I see a thousand old Teutons look-
ing thro' his eyes and giving them the
light they have. Very many seem trans-
lations from the German; the imagery
and the circumstances are not his own,
but are pleasant to him from associa-
tion and study. Miss Fuller's criti-
cism of imagery I think unjust. It is
overflowing another and drowning him
in her individuality; but in the main
I should say with her, that Mr. Long-
fellow is an elegant scholar, a man of
good taste and delicate mind, who is
fluent and sweet, but writes from a vein
of sentiment which is not sound, and
is too little inspired to write anything
important.
You speak of Poe's article upon Miss
Barrett. 1 should much like to see any-
thing really good of his. With the ex-
ception of his volume of poems I know
nothing of him save a tale in one of the
reviews a month ago, which was only
like an offensive odor. There seems to
be a vein of something in him, but if of
gold he is laboring thro' many baser
veins, and may at last reach it. In one
of the foreign reviews I found a recent
article upon Miss B. It was on the
whole just, altho' I am struck with the
utter want of sympathy between crit-
ics and their prey. This review dis-
posed of the lady as a jockey disposes
of horses. And yet I love to have those
whom I love pass thro' this coldest or-
deal and show that they have some-
thing for it. If the diamond in the head
does not show itself to such critics, at
least they rejoice in the brightness of
the eyes. My love must be so beauti-
ful that the blind can rejoice, them-
selves feeling the perfect form.
I love Shelley so much and am so
much indebted to him for pleasant
hours that it seems cruel to deny him
the name which was evidently his dear-
est dream and hope to possess. And yet
it was finely said to me once, after I
had unconsciously perceived the same
thing, 'Reading Shelley is like search-
ing for gold dust in shining sand.' It is
perpetually suggested to you but never
found. He seems to want an infinite
background, his poems are not stars
against the depthless sky. But they
are bright and beautiful and if he is not
so much to me as he once was, he is still
a dove in 'heaven's sweetest air.' You
probably liked Miss Fuller's notice of
him. It expressed a great debt. . . .
I think we have no right to complain
that the breath of God is stayed, in a
century which has borne Napoleon,
Washington, Swedenborg, Goethe, and
Beethoven. If you observe the pro-
gramme of Mr. Emerson's lectures, out
of six great men whom he finds in his-
tory, three are from his own century.
I am reading Chaucer too, arid dashed
thro' the Countess of Rudolstadt, the se-
quel to Consueloy last week. It is not
so sunnily beautiful as that, altho' a
fine work. A life of Mozart I found in-
teresting, also some tragedies of Ford's.
So I drift, and toward every flower
which attracts me, I turn my boat.
SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS 373
Have you read Margaret ? It is a book
of great and peculiar interest. One of
the most original books I have met
for a long time, altho' it is very long
and thick, to read. And the character
of Margaret does not develop so per-
fectly as I expected from the beginning.
I have flooded you with my Biographia
Literaria; if you escape undrowned and
have vigor left, let me hear from you
soon.
Your friend,
G. W. C.
NEW YORK, May 2, 1846.
MY DEAR FRIEND, -
I hope the spring brings you health
as well as pleasure. Although I suppose
there must be an intense sadness in the
beauty, when we do not have in our-
selves the health which is the first con-
dition of beauty. But I always think
that when the spring comes and those
whom the winter has imprisoned can
once more walk in the green fields and
smell the fresh flowers, fresh and won-
derful always, altho' every year brings
the same, they will then regain the lost
treasures in the fragrance all around
them. A walk yesterday in the late
afternoon, and twilight, quite beyond
the city where I could hear the frogs
and the home- fly ing and twittering
birds, and see a short lane stretching
thro' a green border of bushes and
grass, and losing itself against woods
beyond, lifted me entirely out of my
winter life, unlocked all the fountains
of spring feeling, and gave me the feel-
ing of surprise and delight, which every
season awakens.
It is a great thing that Nature al-
ways appears so perfect and novel to
us. Even the best of men do not do so.
They do not seem to have an infinite
richness altho' that may be because we
too are human, and that we can never
be, or, rather, are never so simply re-
lated to other human beings. And yet
as if to show the real superiority of a
real man, an artist of genius shows us
on his canvas the landscape that we
loved, arrayed in a more subtle and
delicate beauty than we have ever
seen upon it, because his genius is a
finer glass than our common percep-
tions and he gives us the representa-
tion of that.
This winter I have been more really
interested in art than ever before, and
probably the longer a man lives in the
country, the finer will be his taste and
appreciation of whatever is good in art,
because Nature is the basis and nurse
of the grandest art, which is surely not
a copy or imitation, but while it is
faithful to the minutest detail of Na-
ture, is a reproduction of it thro' the
genius which sees the inner meaning
and beauty of the natural image and
so presents it in a serener and more
graceful form. This is true perhaps
only of parts, for was there ever a
picture which satisfied one as a beauti-
ful face or landscape does? I certain-
ly ought not to say it, for even now
I am writing some little verses where
' the Painter who paints best ' and ' the
sculptor of most skill ' are the sun and
moon. . . .
I shall probably not write you from
New York for a long time, as I shall
go up the river to-morrow and pass a
few days with the Cranches at Fish-
kill and soon after go to the East. We
shall probably sail on the 1st of Au-
gust, for the ship which sails in Sep-
tember is not a good one. Our French
and Italian quarters are over, and I
feel quite at home in the speaking of
the former. Practice will perfect the
latter.
I shall see you in Providence in the
summer, altho' I feel I shall not have
much to show for the long time since
I saw you last.
Truly your friend,
G. W. C.
374 SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS
CONCORD, June 12, 1846.
Shall we not one day be of so delicate
a perception, that we can catch the
secret of this summer air which now
flows by us so alluringly and silently?
Often in the midst of beautiful days
and places it seems to me there is some
fairy revelry proceeding all around me,
which I cannot appreciate, and which
comes to me as sadness and longing,
like the echo of festal music saddened
by distance. Often walking homeward
from the village in the moonlight, I
wish for wings to move silently and not
disturb the repose of the night, by my
echoing footsteps. To tread as softly
as the dew falls, to speak in cadences
like the whisper of leaves and the gush-
ing of brooks, to feel in our lives, not
only the superior possibility, but the
real depth and delicacy, which lies
around us in Nature, — is a tho't that
often haunts me . How cold we are when
we meet, how reserved, how proud.
Even the warmest, tenderest hearts are
crushed by a weight of self-conscious-
ness. Everybody should be a messen-
ger of beauty for the soul that follows,
like the long-haired beautiful heralds
sent before the Heroes of Gods of
old, and yet we cannot sit gracefully,
scarcely comfortably, in our chairs.
The landscape is so gentle and beau-
tiful here and I am so pleasantly situ-
ated with some old Brook Farm friends,
hearty, homely and quiet people, that
I am sorry my summer is not to be
passed here. Already I feel how sorry
I shall be when I must really say good-
bye and separate from all I know, for
even Burrill will not go. with me, but
has the best reasons for remaining in
America. It will be a crisis in my life in
various ways, and 1 have a singular
curiosity about the influence of Europe
upon myself. . . . Association and art,
and an indefinable individuality of ex-
ternal Nature constitute my charm for
Italy, and with a general reading one
has all the material ready. As the
time comes, it seems to me as if I looked
more closely, almost more tenderly up-
on our country here, — the landscape I
mean. Nature is such a splendid mute
bride, whose lips we constantly watch
expecting to see them overflow with
music, with melodious explanations of
all that her beauty has hinted and
nourished. . . . To-day in a newspaper
I chanced to see a poem of Bryant's,
an old one I think, called 'June.' The
end is remarkably fine, — you will re-
member it: speaking of his grave made
in June and of all that he would wish
to have around it, and those he would
wish to come, he concludes of himself,
Whose part in all the pomp that fills
The circuit of the Summer hills,
Is — that his grave is green.
That seems to me very fine. Bryant
interested me very much as I saw him
occasionally in the winter. I did not
know him personally, but his head is
so rocky and strong and commanding.
I realize more than ever the transpar-
ent simplicity and sincere beauty of his
poetry. It is like buttercups and daisies,
which we are apt to disregard and yet
which give a deeper beauty to the land-
scape and are fed with all the hues and
airs of heaven.
I have read a good deal of Browning,
but neither ' Paracelsus ' nor * Sordel-
lo.' The * Bells and Pomegranates' are
full of richness and luxuriant imagina-
tion. What says Miss Barrett about
them, 'cut down deep in the middle,'
* blood veined,' or something like it?
I do not know any poetry now which
seems to show that a keen, rushing
sense of life tingles to the very finger
tips of the poet as this does. It is only
too wild, too salient. . . . Browning,
as you will suppose, is often clumsy and
obscure, but always real, he always
holds fast to his tho't, whether it is a
good one or a bad one and never sacri-
fices it to anything. A poet never
SOME EARLY LETTERS OF GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS 375
should do that, but also he should
never be necessitated to do it. He
speaks in numbers for the numbers
come.
Do you observe how, in speaking of
men of genius, we incline to measure
them by the standard of entire genius,
forgetting that every such man has but
a ray, and makes beautiful only what
that ray shines upon? I have been
very much amused by several persons
saying that Ellery Channing could not
be a true poet, because he went to Eu-
rope and left his wife as he did. They
tho't of the great perfect man, whom
we choose to call poet, and who is sup-
posed to fulfill all the duties of life as
well as he sings, while Ellery is a sel-
fish, indolent person (tho' a good deal
more and better) who certainly does
write good poetry. It is a terrible situ-
ation for them. They have hitherto
perhaps tho't him a poet, but the true
poet- -would he have done so? Aut
Caesar aut nihil. Good night, I hope I
have not wearied you by so long a talk,
if so, you must take it by easy stages,
as we used to read Xenophon did — the
only Greek fact I remember. . . .
Sunday. A soft genial day, the flow-
er of June weather as June is the flower
of the year. By chance I laid my hand
upon Whittier's Poems, a book I al-
ways have by me on Sundays. . . . Did
you know that Ida Russell is very inti-
mate with Whittier, so that I have
sometimes heard that they were en-
gaged . She pointed him out to me once,
in an Anti-Slavery convention. He is
a thin man, with a sad almost sharp
face, and dark hair. He moved silently
and lonelily among the crowd, and
seemed like a strain of his poetry im-
personized. Mr. Hawthorne told me
that he came to see him once, and
he was much pleased with his quiet
manner.
I have written to ask Mr. H. to go
to Monadnock mountain with me this
week, but I am afraid his duties, for
he is a Custom house officer, will not
permit.
Here I am at the end of my paper,
and yet I could say a great deal more.
1 wish we were sitting together on some
shady bank of the Seekonk, and gliding
down the sunny hours with conversa-
tion as simple and natural as its course,
not so anxious for tho't as gentle union
with the feeling and the silence of the
day. The Sabbath feeling, I shall not
have in Italy; that will be one of the
great changes or the great losses. Do
you remember in Margaret the descrip-
tion of a Sunday morning in June? I
shall go from Concord by the first of
July and be in Providence a week or
two afterwards. If you can, write; if
not, farewell until I see you.
Your friend,
G. W. C.
PROVIDENCE, July 25, 1846.
MY DEAR FRIEND, —
I am sorry not to see you this after-
noon, but as I could have remained but
a few moments it is perhaps as well,
but a warm shake of the hand is better
than this.
Good-bye, for that is all that I have
to say. I owe you more than I can say,
. . . Farewell and may all good angels
bless you.
Your friend,
GEORGE WM. CURTIS.
With the conclusion of this letter,
the early phase of Curtis's career is
closed, and having passed this mile-
stone, he enters that wider sphere in
which his future activities are to be so
successfully employed.
His correspondence with Mrs. Whit-
man, which was later renewed, was
continued at intervals for many years.
He ever turned with unfailing confid-
ence to consult his early friend in re-
gard to his later literary work, and in
376
CHRIST'S TABLE
1860, one finds him appealing to her
judgment when he writes: —
'Tell me "certain true" whether
Trumps is worth publishing as a book? '
Throughout his life, Curtis retained
those characteristics which are so clear-
ly outlined in his early letters, namely
his sentiment, his love of music and of
nature, his worship of art and beauty,
and his chivalrous attitude toward all
mankind. His early promise was am-
ply fulfilled, even though it failed to
blossom primarily in the poetic field,
and he must ever remain in the eyes of
posterity, what his friend Winter has
pronounced him: -
'The illustrious orator, the wise and
gentle philosopher, the serene and deli-
cate artist, the incorruptible patriot,
the supreme gentleman/
CHRIST'S TABLE
BY MARGARET PRESCOTT MONTAGUE
O CHRIST! O Christ! The hands! The eager hands,
The tired hands! The praying tragic grip
Of fingers on the rail ! The speechless lip
That moving cries and cries its sore demands!
We come, O Christ, in trooping wistful bands,
With yearning hearts and thirsty souls to sip;
We kneel, we wait, we pray, in fellowship
Of need — Lord Christ ! One glimpse of Promised Lands !
•
It comes — the whispered word, the cup, the tray,
My Body and my Blood, the Bread, the Wine.
The hands receive, the lips accept. We pray —
0 Christ! We pray! . . . Peace and be still. The line
Moves on ... Forgive, O! Lord! forgive to-day
The tortured flesh that faithless craved a sign!
ENGLISH AS HUMANE LETTERS
BY FRANK AYDELOTTE
THE non-academic part of the world,
which in spite of the growth of the state
universities is still a large part, takes
great delight in the notion of the col-
lege graduate, trained in the lore of his-
tory, the mysteries of science, and the
graces of poetry, wearing out his shoe-
leather in a vain search for a job. The
joke, or the fact behind it, has made its
impression on the trainers of the col-
lege youth, so that in every centre of
learning one finds eager effort to make
our education practical. A certain
amount of the same kind of talk is to
be heard in England, even at Oxford,
but less of it, for the simple reason that
English education of the last few gen-
erations, however remote it may seem
in its methods, has been obviously
practical in its results. Oxford and
Cambridge men have ruled brilliantly
the greatest empire in the world, they
have given England one of the most
democratic governments and almost the
cleanest politics on earth, they have
played their part with credit in busi-
ness and in every profession.
Until quite recently Oxford educa-
tion took its tone and character main-
ly from training of one kind — the
course in the classics which the Uni-
versity calls Literce Humaniores and
which the undergraduates call ' Greats/
It is this training which has made the
young Englishman an educated man,
has given him efficiency in the prac-
tical world, and has made him above
all else a gentleman. To-day Oxford is
undergoing a gradual change, the most
marked feature of which is the expan-
sion of the curriculum; but the school
of classics still retains its prestige in
spite of the invasion of other studies.
The reason for its prestige and for its
greatness is apparent in the nature of
the course.
The work of the course divides
readily into two parts. The first, which
corresponds roughly to our American
'classical course,' is a careful study of
the principal Greek and Latin poets,
orators, and dramatists. The second
and more important part is a thorough
study of the classic historians and phil-
osophers, including both but laying
stress upon the one or the other as the
undergraduate chooses. The study of
Greek philosophy includes the study of
modern philosophy as well. Taken as a
whole Literce Humaniores is a study
not merely of the aesthetic qualities
of Greek and Latin literature but of
Greek and Roman thought, and as
such it offers the undergraduate what
it is no exaggeration to call the key to
modern civilization.
Probably no training in modern lit-
erature can be made to equal this in
intellectual value. However that may
be, any very extensive study of the
classics is apparently impossible in
America. The tide has been flowing
in the direction of the moderns, and
while it may turn back again, in all
likelihood it will not soon. English lit-
erature is for us what the classics were
to our grandfathers in this country and
in England, and as perhaps the great-
est modern literature, it has, aside from
the question of language, one obvious
377
378
ENGLISH AS HUMANE LETTERS
advantage over the classics as a means
of popular education : it is permeated
with the modern spirit, it is a record of
modern thought, it deals directly with
the intellectual problems and the con-
ditions which face us, with the world as
it has been refashioned by Christianity
and modern science. The popularity of
the study of English may be due part-
ly to coeducation, but it is also due
partly to this fact.
The popularity of the study of Eng-
lish, however, need not blind us to the
very unsatisfactory nature of its re-
sults. Whatever good things it may do
for our undergraduates it does not
teach them to think, does not offer
them any severe intellectual discipline;
it is not a go'od course for the man to
take who wants to develop that power
of sane, keen thinking which is the dis-
tinguishing mark of a liberal education.
This fact is even more apparent in
the case of the students who give their
attention mainly to belles-lettres, to the
appreciation of literature, than in those
who confine themselves to philology or
literary history. The popular outcry
against linguistics and source-hunting
does not go to the root of the matter.
Among English professors and English
students alike are many able men who
have sought in philology and in the
history of literature something solid,
something of real intellectual value,
something 'to bite on,' which they
could not find in courses in literary
'appreciation.' And for that point of
view there is this justification, that
most of the graduates from our literary
courses who are comparatively free
from philology, and are not at all ab-
sorbed in the minutiae of literary history,
are lamentably deficient in power of
thought, in the ability to understand
literature — woefully lacking in real
literary interests. Literary power is
power to think and power to feel in
the sense in which feeling becomes il-
lumination and yields a result similar
to the result of thought. This illumi-
nation our training in English litera-
ture seems somehow not to give.
There are of course many shining ex-
ceptions to what is here said, but the
above is on the whole a fair statement
of the fact, and it is a fact to be very seri-
ously considered. Since we have in this
country no immediate prospect of a re-
turn to the classics as the vehicle of
general literary education, and since
English literature is daily becoming a
more and more popular subject, the
question of all questions for us is how
to make of it a liberal study. The ques-
tion is not pedagogical in the sense in
which that word is usually understood;
it is really literary: what are the more
humane and what the less humane as-
pects of English letters?
The obvious answer, if my analysis
of the reasons for the effectiveness of
the Oxford course in the classics is
sound, is to make our study of English
literature a study of English thought.
When we treat English authors as mere
entertainers whose business it is to pro-
vide elegant amusement for our idle
hours, we are guilty of a misconception
as to the meaning of literature which is
denounced specifically or implicitly by
every great critic in our language, and
which is certain to prevent all or al-
most all the possible good results of our
study. The answer is to get entirely
away from that theory of literature
and to realize that the poets and novel-
ists and essayists are men who are try-
ing to unify and explain life to us, and
to give us the zest for it which their
divine vision has brought to them. We
must face literature squarely, recog-
nize in it a record of the meaning of our
civilization, and, without confusing it
for a moment with history or philoso-
phy, give full weight to its historical
and social and philosophical bearings.
Finally, in order to give our students
ENGLISH AS HUMANE LETTERS
379
any love of literature which will be
more serious than an idle flirtation, we
must make plain to them that their
first business is not to ' appreciate ' but
to understand.
It may seem self-evident, that the
value of the work of any great man of
letters lies in the record of what may
be called, in the wide sense explained
above, his thought about life; and that
the student must have some idea of
this before he will know how to read
profitably, and before the study of lit-
erary history or of the technique of any
literary form can have for him much
meaning. However self-evident such
an idea may seem, it is constantly ig-
nored. We go on teaching the history
of literature and the technique of lit-
erary forms to our students before they
have any elementary notions of the
significance of literature itself, which
alone would make such study profit-
able. We talk about the ' style ' of this
author and that, paying scantiest at-
tention to his ideas, omitting the sub-
stance to contemplate the form. How-
ever tortuous and super-subtle the lore
of our subject may seem from other
points of view, in this sense it is super-
ficial. The one treatment of English
literature which would give the study
of it literary value or make it a part of
a liberal education is that treatment
which lays emphasis primarily on what
English authors have to say about life,
what were the problems of life which
they were trying to solve, what to them
were its mysteries and its meaning". To
talk frankly and thoughtfully about
these questions, to get to the bottom,
to make our teaching the expression of
what we really believe about the deep-
est things of life, — the things about
which the poets are talking, — to do
this most of us are either too lazy or too
blase.
Much of our greatest English litera-
ture is read by the American under-
graduate, if at all, not in the English
department, but in the department of
philosophy or sociology or history or
theology or the fine arts. We have
gradually narrowed the content of our
literary courses until we have little left
except descriptions of nature, love
stories, and lyrics. The habit of using
books filled with brief selections from
a large number of authors prevents the
student from getting any clear and
complete notion of what any English
man of letters was really trying to say.
The study of the development of lite-
rary forms has crowded out the study
of literary thought. We give years to
the study of * style* in courses which,
in their selection of illustrative read-
ing, tacitly deny that definition of style
which is always on our lips. If the
style is of the man, can we not perhaps
understand its secret better by study-
ing the man himself, by placing our at-
tention less upon externals and more
upon his thought?
Such a study of English literature
would demand much more, both of in-
structor and student, than is usually
demanded at present. It would demand
hard and careful thinking, it would
reach out into domains of thought
which our habit of rigid departmental
specialization has led us to believe we
have no business to enter. It would
involve consideration of the thought
of other nations which has influen-
ced our own intellectual leaders. It
would mean the acquisition of some
conception of that complex body of
thought which we know as western
civilization, and, in the case of our
keenest students, it would lead event-
ually to a study of the classics as well.
Such a study of English literature
would remove the reproach of formal-
ism and shallowness which we deserve
at present because of our too exclu-
sive preoccupation with metaphysical
falsities about style and about the
380
ENGLISH AS HUMANE LETTERS
* evolution ' of literary forms. It would
mean a study of men and of currents
of thought rather than of separate lyr-
ics and 'minor poems,' selected and
printed in textbooks because of their
convenience for separate assignment
and class-discussion. It would mean
attempting less and doing it better;
keeping undergraduate study to a few
important men" and a few influential
movements, instead of spreading it over
the whole history of English literature
from Beowulf to Bridges. The under-
graduates would be distinctly better off
if they heard less about minor eight-
eenth-century poets and minor Eliza-
bethan dramatists, and instead read
more of Bacon and more of our great
nineteenth-century thinkers on social
and religious and scientific questions.
Literature, so taught, would become a
more thoughtful, a humaner, a more
really literary study, and its students
would be in a position to apprehend
better the meaning of the glib-formula,
'Literature is a criticism of life.'
Not the least of the benefits from
such a change in attitude would be a
change in the form and content of un-
dergraduate essays. We should have
fewer light and airy descriptions, few-
er inane stories, fewer self-conscious
apings of Lamb and Stevenson, and in
their place more serious efforts to say
what a certain book or poem or para-
graph or phrase means when one thinks
about it. The result would be that
many problems of English composition
would solve themselves, and the sub-
ject (as a separate study) would prob-
ably disappear from our universities,
to the great relief and advantage of all
concerned. We should need all the
student's writing as a test and record
of his understanding of what he read.
Of course if English literature were
really made a thoughtful study with
the majority, many of its votaries
who seek in it merely a graceful ac-
complishment or the means of being
wafted up to a degree on flowery beds
of ease, would be driven away. In the
survivors we might look for results
which we do not find at present: an
adequate mastery of a few books and
a few questions, some real comprehen-
sion of the significance of literature,
some genuine intellectual interests,
and, above all, capacity for thought
which, as it is the one result of educa-
tion really to be called practical, is also
the one literary quality. So pursued,
the study of English letters might be-
come, if not equal in value to the study
of the Greek and Roman classics, at
any rate a more humane pursuit.
A LITTLE MOTHER
BY FLORENCE GILMORE
I HAD been on the train for hours and
was very tired. All morning I had seen
only 'a level, thinly wooded country,
never beautiful or picturesque. The
magazine with which I had armed my-
self, fondly imagining that it would be
a protection against the tedium of a
six-hour trip, had proved dull to a de-
gree that defies expression . There was
no one to talk to, for the only other
passengers were a fat woman who slept
most of the time, and, when she was
awake, read a novel and languidly
munched peanuts, and four traveling
salesmen who harped on boots and
shoes and notions until I became so
weary listening to them that I firm-
ly resolved that, come what might, I
would never again use any of the
things they sold.
At one o'clock, having finished my
luncheon, I sank back in my seat and
looked out of the window, thinking irri-
tably how I must be bored for another
hour. The train was then standing at
a country station exactly like thirty or
forty others we had passed during the
morning. What looked to be the same
stiff-legged station-master was hurry-
ing back and forth; the same shabbily
dressed men loafed about; the same
small boys ran hither and thither in
every one's way; the same young girls
giggled, and nudged one another, and
giggled again.
Turning from my window with a
long-drawn sigh, I saw that a little girl
had got on the train and was taking
the seat across the aisle from mine.
What impressed me most in that first
glance was her quaint primness. Her
hair hung down her back in the neatest
of long braids, and was fastened with
the neatest of small black bows. Her
stiffly starched gingham dress was
spotless and her gloves looked like new.
She had a sweet, round, rosy little
face, but it was graver than any other
child's I have ever seen. Watching
her, I wondered if she ever played, if
she ever broke her toys and tore her
clothes and forgot to do the things she
had been told but a moment before,
like many, many, dear, naughty little
girls I know.
Interested by the quaintness of the
child, I reopened my magazine and
watched her from behind it . As soon as
she was seated she carefully arranged
her belongings on the seat facing her:
a satchel, a box, and a large apple.
She took off her hat, and spying a news-
paper which I had thrown aside, asked
me for it. * Perhaps the dust would
spoil the flowers,' she said. *I don't
like to run the risk.'
I asked her a few questions then.
She was not shy, and was evidently in-
clined to be friendly, for as soon as she
had disposed her belongings to her sat-
isfaction, she crossed the aisle and sat
beside me.
*I want to keep my hat as nice as
new, because mamma trimmed it her-
self. Papa and I think it is the beauti-
fulest hat we have ever seen. We are
very proud of it. You see, mamma is
sick all the time. She can't even sew
except once in a great while. She has
awful pains, and she is weak, and can
381
382
A LITTLE MOTHER
hardly ever get out of bed, so papa
and I are very good to her and take
care of her all we can. She says we
spoil her, but she's only joking, don't
you think so? It's only children that
get spoiled, is n't it?'
I said that I believed so; and after a
moment, to break the silence that fol-
lowed, I asked her if she had any bro-
thers and sisters. I felt certain that she
had not. She would have been less
staid had she been accustomed to the
companionship of other children.
'I had three brothers,' she answered,
'but they all died before I was born,
and two little sisters — twins; and they
died when they were just one hour old.'
She looked puzzled after she had said
this and an instant later she corrected
herself: —
'The twins really were n't old at all;
they were just — just one hour young.''
And having settled this point to her
satisfaction, she looked into my face
and added seriously, 'I have often
thought about it. I believe that when
my brothers and sisters came they did
not like it here, so God did n't make
them stay, but took them straight to
heaven.'
'And you liked it, and did stay,' I
said, drawing my conclusion from her
premises.
'I? Oh, I like it pretty well. Some-
times things are inconvenient, and
they're often uncomfortable, but it
is n't bad if you have people to be good
to.'
She lapsed into silence after this, and
resting her chin on her hand stared
thoughtfully through the window.
Eager to hear more of her strange little
thoughts, I racked my brain for some-
thing to say, and at last, nothing start-
ling or original suggesting itself, I ask-
ed, 'Have you been long away from
home? '
'For four weeks. Mamma got so
sick she had to be taken to a hospital,
and then papa sent me to stay at
grandma's.'
' And of course she has been spoiling
you — after the manner of grandmo-
thers!' I said, smiling.
The child looked doubtful, and made
no direct answer. After a time she ex-
plained in her quaint, decided way, —
' Mothers and grandmothers are dif-
ferent. Grandmothers give little girls
cookies and they don't tell them to go
to bed at half- past seven; but they
have n't such good ways of tucking
people in bed, and their kisses are n't
the same.
* I did n't know until yesterday that
I was going home to-day,' she went on
after a scarcely perceptible pause. 'I
had a hard time to get presents for
mamma. I had made two daisy chains;
they were ready; and all day yesterday
I was trying to think of some other
things that would be nice and could n't
make her tired. Papa and I always try
not to let her grow tired, but she often
does, anyhow.'
She crossed the aisle, and getting
the box I had noticed when she enter-
ed the car, opened it and proudly dis-
played two chains of withered daisies,
a bird's egg wrapped in cotton, several
picture cards, and a stiff, new cotton
handkerchief with a gorgeous border.
*A11 these are for her!' she said. 'The
daisies have faded but she won't mind
that. I know, because once before I
made her a daisy chain and it withered
before I got home, but she liked it as it
was. She really liked it very much.
She told me so, and even if she had n't
I could have told from the way she
smiled. A big boy gave me the bird's
egg. Then, I had a nickel grandma
gave me last week, and for a long time
I could n't decide whether to buy this
handkerchief or a pin with a diamond
in it; but papa gave her a pin on her
birthday and she 's never had any kind
of handkerchiefs except plain white
A LITTLE MOTHER
383
ones : that 's what decided me. This one
is very pretty, don't you think so? '
I blinked at the flaming colors and
murmured something noncommittal.
The child hardly paused for breath
before she continued her quaint chatter.
She loved to talk, and as 1 was only too
glad to have some one — any one —
to listen to, all went well.
'It seems a long time since I left
papa and mamma. I can hardly wait
to see them. I was never away from
home before. Do you think she 's well
enough to be at the station ? She 's been
at a hospital, you know, and papa says
that a hospital's a place where they
make people well.'
I told her not to count on finding her
mother grown quite strong in so short
a time. ,
* Is n't it wonderful how things hap-
pen just when you don't expect them
to!' she exclaimed, not heeding my
warning in the least. 'When I got out
of bed yesterday morning I did n't
know I was going to see her and papa
so soon! I was just throwing them a
kiss from my window when grandma
called me. She had been crying, and
she told me that papa wanted me at
home. I suppose it was because she
was going to lose me that she cried.
I'd been very good to her. But I did
n't feel a bit like crying. I was glad
all inside of me. And by and by Mrs.
Dodge, who knew mamma when she
was no bigger than I am, she came to
see grandma and they talked and
talked, and she cried too. I saw her. I
think she must have caught the tears
from grandma like I did the measles
from our butcher's little boy/
As she chattered my heart grew
heavy. I understood that her mother
was dead; buried, too, no doubt. Poor
motherless child! Poor, poor child!
And she had no suspicion of the truth.
She was all eagerness, all hope.
When we reached R we got off
the train together, but the moment she
caught sight of her father she forgot
my existence. I looked at him with
keen, sympathetic interest. He ap-
peared to be almost fifty years of age.
His face was kindly and rather hand-
some. He lifted his little girl into his
arms and almost smothered her with
kisses; then they walked away, hand
in hand, and I lost sight of them in the
crowd. I was not sorry. I wondered
how he could tell her.
Ten minutes later, having attended
to my baggage, I passed out of the sta-
tion and saw them again. The father
had lifted the child on the low stone
wall that runs along that side of the
building, and was talking to her, gen-
tly and seriously. Her big eyes were
fastened on his and great tears were
pouring unheeded over her cheeks.
She still held her apple. The box was
tucked under one arm, but the lid was
gone and the precious daisy chains
were hanging out of it. She did not see
me, and I hurried past them.
My car was long in coming, and
feeling restless I walked a square or
two and let it overtake me. When I
seated myself in it I found to my re-
gret that I was face to face with the
father and child. She was as pale as
he now; her hat hung uncherished at
the back of her neck, and from time
to time tears rolled down her cheeks. I
have never seen another face bespeak
such utter desolation.
Her father held one of her hands
tightly clasped in his, but for some
minutes neither of them spoke. Once
or twice she did try to ask him some-
thing, but although she opened her
lips, no sound came.
At length he said gently, 'You'll
have to be very good to me now, Ruth.
There's no one else to take care of me.'
She looked up at him then. Her
eyes brightened a little and a faint
smile spread slowly over her tear-
ARTIIl'K SV1MONS AND IMPRESSIONISM
stained face. 'Yes. papa,,' she an
suered. \\ilh a little motherly air; and
sighed, and snui^led closer to him.
After a second she spoke a.^ain. ra-
Iher more briskly, 'You'd better cat
this apple right a\\a\. N on haxen't
had your dinner, and it's afternoon, she whispered.
You might gel sick, if \ou are n't more
careful.'
lie look the apple and obediently
hied to cat some of il. and Kulh
\\alched him with sal isfacl ion. 'I'm
to take ftnrh <M>od care of you!'
ARTHUR SYMONS AND IMPUKSSION1S
BY WILBUR MARSHALL UKIk\N
THB cessation of Mr. Arthur Sy-
mons's writing has brought poignant ly
to mind the fact, of a peculiarly self
contained and self-conscious aesthetic
personality. As a perfected instrument
for impressionism he was unique, per-
haps, among writers of English. To
have used that instrument is to have
made ourselves debtors to his wisdom
- and still more at times to his divine
folly. x
There are few of Symons's readers
who would willingly have missed eit her
his wisdom or unwisdom. Tohaxe read
his Cities, especially his Seville and
.W.i.sriw. is lo have learned the pleas-
ures of broken lights in the emotions.
to have traversed the long road from
the genius loci of the ancients to the
.vr'H/jWu/.v </r.v plticc* of the modern
French psychologist. To haxe read his
/Vdj/*, Acting and Music is to have
enjoyed to the last degree that versa-
tility as well as refinement of appreci-
ation toward which the modern spirit
moves, its exacting skepticism, its sad
inconsequence and glorious irrespon
sibility. And finally, to ha\e read his
poems- is not. that to have felt the
temper of the instrument itself, the re
sidual moods of a life of impressions,
themselves inexpressible in prose; to
have read his Spiritual Adventures - is
not that to have learned also how such
an instrument of impressions is formed :
the heats and colds alike, the exclu-
sions as well as the ailirmations? Side-
lights O11 the quest for beauty. the\
show forth the transports of the ah
straction of beauty from life, but also
its revenges.
No one \\ho has read Symons at all
widely will doubt (he propriety of de-
scribing his niftier as the abstraction of
beautv from life. He is al\\a\s con
scious of himself as an instrument of
sensation. The words 'abstract' and
'disengage* are constantly on his lips
AVhel her it be a moment of his ou n ex
perience or a. glimpse of na t u re. w het her
the mood of a man or of a eit \ . in an\
case it is some quintessential soul of
things that he will disengage, drop 1\\
drop, from the passing moments It is
in no \\ise different in his criticism.
Apparently it is. if ain thin;:, \\ilh pie
ference that he applieshis delicate po\\
ers to that form of experience which.
SVMONS AND IMPHKSStONISM
as Plait) said, is thrice removed from
reality. In Jirl, whether il he (lie un-
conscious eolleelive art of a city, or
the conscious sacrificial and individual
art of a genius, he finds I he processes
of disl ilia (ion a I least twice performed,
once by the action of life experience,
and once by the reconstructions of the
artist. In these sublimations of life
he is at home, the instinetive sloth of
his temperament -for there ean be
no other word- predisposing him to
this parasitical relation to life. In art, to
use his own words, 'reality already has
an atmosphere,' and in the disengag-
ing of the atmosphere from the thing
he finds his highest joy.
Symons seeks, and ean find, an ad-
venture among these lordly if diaphan-
ous mansions of the soul. Indeed the
possibility of adventure is extraordi-
narily great; his facility and breadth of
appreciation are marvels of cultivation,
no less than of original endowment.
But one is impressed with an equally
extraordinary limitation. While no
eon temporary Knglish critic has played
the light of his temperament over a
wider range of arts and experiences,
none, it is curious to note, is so ab-
stracted and monotonous in his stand-
point. A hatred of the commonplace
has driven him far afield, but by a
curious paradox he finds, not * native*
moments, but always the predestined
commonplaces of his own soul. In his
search for beauty he has looked at
life from every angle; strangeness has
been sought rather than refused; there
has been an arduous and discreet cult-
ivation of the continual slight nov-
elty. But as soon as he gets these
strangenesses and exotics into his
hands, they all take on the same color.
Amid all the variety of his apprecia-
tions there is a persistent monotony of
realization.
This curious monotony is perhaps
the most striking note of his verse. I
VOL. 114 -NO. 3
know of no two volumes of poems in
which the titles exhibit a wider range of
subjects, or subjects more stimulating
to the imagination. I also know of
none when1 the imagination is so cir-
cumscribed by a certain unity of mood.
9f V
If his N/VAw/rY/rVf are indeed but the out-
line and the black and white of poetry,
it is not because the objects and expe-
riences of which he writes are them-
selves colorless and without the vital
suggestions of the rounded form. As
native moments they are full of color
and rieJi in the promise of emotion. It
is rather because in passing through his
soul they have undergone a process of
abstraction which leaves them but the
achromatic thinness of a mood. If his
London Nights are all pitched to one
key, so that to have read one is in a
sense to have read them all, it is not be-
cause the phantoms that flit through
those restless nights are without vari-
ety. Here also there is that arduous,
* Vt always discreet, cultivation of the
continual slight novelty. It is rather
that all are predetermined to resolve
themselves into one ground tone -
and that, too, a tone singularly like the
recurrent mood of a dream. In the
Loom of Dreams, — so one of the poems
of the collection is called, - - there is,
as he himself becomes finally aware, a
fatal magic which, no matter how va-
ried and many-colored the threads of
life may be, always weaves the same
pattern.
I have emphasized this curious ef-
fect of monotony, not because it is ne-
cessarily opposed either to beauty or
to aesthetic effectiveness. In its way
Symons's verse is both beautiful and
effective. There is indeed something
to be said for his own opinion that a
certain monotony is essential to art,
— for his feeling that the Russian land-
scape as one approaches Moscow, with
its almost unbearable vast ness and
monotony, gives rise to a mood akin
386
ARTHUR SYMONS AND IMPRESSION
to that produced by the greatest art.
Great beauty is never afraid of single-
ness of heart; one of the secrets of ef-
fectiveness is reiteration. Nor have I
emphasized such monotony as some-
thing undesired and wholly unsought.
That Symons, in fact, desired it secret-
ly, with a strange sympathetic submis-
sion, even though it was closely fol-
lowed by the shadows of ennui and
monomania, one easily learns from
that marvelous * impression/ An Au-
tumn City : that city of Aries in which
the 'soul of autumn made itself a
body/ that city whose pleasing mono-
tony he contrasts with the variety of
the empty sunlight and the obvious sea
of Marseilles. Here the single tone
of the dripping rain, the one air of
the cathedral repeated over and over
again, the single unchanging odor of
the place, and the repetition of primi-
tive peasant faces — all fuse into a uni-
ty of mood singularly pleasing to the
nerves.
Neither as unbeautiful, therefore,
nor yet as undesired, does this mono-
tony impress itself upon us, but rather
as something inevitable and inexorable.
For this fundamental sameness of real-
ization, amid the greatest variety of ap-
preciations, is, if I mistake not, one of
the marks of impressionism, of that at-
titude of mind and will peculiar to the
cult of the aesthetic instrument. In
place of simplicity of conception there
is this sameness of realization; for the
unity of creative passion, there is the
unity of the relaxed mood. The genus,
it is true, may have many species, the
fundamental mood may have a vari-
ety of emotional accompaniments and
overtones. It may have all the cloying
sweetness of William Morris's Earthly
Paradise; it may be toned with the
wistful speculation of Walter Pater's
prose; it may have the bitter-sweet of
Rossetti, or the sterile, dogged joys of
Symons himself, — but in any case
there is the same reiterated undertone,
the sense of a will moving about in
worlds unrealized. Dreamers they all
are, wandering in a dreamless day.
Whether then, retaining the one gener-
ous belief that nothing that has ever
interested the human mind can whol-
ly lose its worth, they may seek to ex-
tract from the past a timeless value;
or, once deceived by the too facile con-
solations of romance, they may snatch
enjoyment from the soulless appear-
ances of the moment; in either case it
is the enjoyment of the mood after the
dogma about which it has formed is
gone, the sad residuum of an indeter-
minate idealism.
ii
Symons's collection of poems, Lon-
don Nights, is dedicated to Paul Ver-
laine; his Days and Nights to Walter
Pater. If he has learned much of his
art from the former, some of whose
poems he has translated, it is safe to
say that he has got much of his philo-
sophy from the latter. The former may
have taught him the technical secrets
of a most delicate detachment of ap-
pearance from reality; the latter has
given him the theory of that detach-
ment.
To be sure, Symons practices his mas-
ter's creed with a difference, his temp-
erament allowing him to extract from
nature the essences of many things
which Pater's coldness will not let him
touch. Yet in both there is that same
fastidiousness of taste that finds na-
ture tasteless, and that will not allow
them to take the raw emotion, 'the
big, foolish, dirty thing/ just as it
is. In both there is the same sedate and
sombre lack of humor, a necessary con-
sequence of their finding nature taste-
less. In both, and back of all, there is
the same deep-seated and instinct-
ive hatred of the commonplace, which,
Aj>THUR SYMONS AND IMPRESSIONISM
387
whether c or acquired, is the
/. i rpnt ant .f , , ,
source ot both 1 mosophy and the
practice of the aesthete and the impres-
sionist.
As it happens, one may find in Pater
a statement of this very creed ; a state-
ment not only exquisite in the accuracy
of its self-revelation, but also serving
as the superscription for almost every-
thing that Symons has written. 'It
is easy,' so Pater tells us in his essay
on Winckelmann, * to indulge the com-
monplace metaphysical instinct. But
a taste for metaphysics may be one
of the things that we must renounce
if we mean to mould our lives to aes-
thetic perfection. Philosophy,' he con-
tinues, * serves culture, not by a fan-
cied gift of absolute or transcendental
knowledge, but by suggesting ques-
tions which help one to detect the pas-
sions, the strangenesses, luo v,j rW>iS
of life/
In these two articles of his creed,
- not only the denial of the instinct
for the real behind appearance, for this
and this only is the metaphysical in-
stinct at bottom, but also the pervert-
ed use of this instinct to stimulate the
passions, the strangenesses, the con-
trasts of life, — the * perfect aesthete '
stands revealed. With true insight the
hater of the commonplace denies the
metaphysical instinct in all its forms,
for it is not only commonplace, but is
the most common of all things. It is
the feeling for the roots of reality, for
the solidarity of instinct, of which the
several instincts are but feeble an-
ticipations; it is the primal lust. De-
nial, frustration of this primal lust is
the philosophy of impressionism. In
the matter of the elemental and com-
mon instincts of life, the perfect
aesthete will, as Symons confesses in
the matter of love, 'cultivate diverse
imaginings, strange reticences, only
way it is always the vulgar final fact of
realization, in short the metaphysical
instinct, from which such an one
shrinks.
With Pater this vulgar instinct for
the real back of appearance is to be
renounced. With others, as with Sy-
mons himself, there is rather a per-
verse and inevitable frustration of the
instinct. In the first chapter of his
Spiritual Adventures, entitled 'A Pre-
lude to Life,' he not only confesses an
early — almost congenital — hatred of
the elemental and commonplace, but in
his 'impressions' of his early self re-
veals a form of experience that amounts
almost to a dissociation of appearance
and reality. In that mere chain of un-
connected emotions and sensations, so
obscure and meaningless at first, one
finally receives an impression of ex-
traordinary lucidity and outrightness.
One comes to see that of just these
detached, abstracted moments, was
his life composed. The singular sensi-
tiveness to life's impressions combined
with an equally singular impenetra-
bility to life's interests, — this, one
comes to see, is not a pose but a pre-
possession.
The tales which make up the body of
the Adventures are studies in just such
aesthetic dissociations. In Christian
Trevalga the bondage to the passing
sensation is one of tones. For him mu-
sic becomes the only reality. Some-
thing more than the soul of humanity
expressing itself in melody; it is a real
thing that may be hurt. Cut off from
the vulgar but full and resonant emo-
tions of humanity, the musician comes
to find unearthly feelings in the tones
themselves.
All this, it is true, does not take place
without a struggle. Trevalga tries to
find himself, to become real again by
falling in love, and in this experience
that the one vulgar final act remain for a time he again touches real things,
an unadmitted fact/ In some obscure But his master is imperious and, real-
388
ARTHUR SYMONS AND IMPRESSION'
ity again receding, the mastery of ap-
pearances passes over into a perma-
nent hallucination.
In The Death of Peter Waydelin it is
the tragedy of the lust and dominance
of the eye. An initial slightly novel
way of seeing things, an obscure facility
for abstracting color, light, and shade
from its meanings, passes finally into
a permanent set of the eye in which
all things are seen with a monotonous
tinge of green, and into a distortion of
the soul in which all things are bathed
in illusion.
In these two studies of 'art for art's
sake' there are indeed striking hints
of the psychology of the musician and
painter, but even more interesting is
the philosophy of impressionism that
emerges. * There had been, it was clear
to me,' the fictitious observer of Way-
delin remarks, 'some obscure martyr-
dom going on, not the less for art's sake
because it came out of the very neces-
sity of things.'
Such a creed is apparently inevitable
at some stage of the development of the
artist. The affinity for impressionism
and unreality is inherent in the artistic
temperament. In the diary which he
kept at Venice, Wagner speaks of the
magical effect of the square of St.
Mark's, *as of 'a wholly distant out-
lived world ' admirably fitting his wish
for solitude. 'Nothing to strike one as
directly real life. Everything is objec-
tive like a work of art.' He speaks of
its 'thoroughly theatrical suggestion,
through its absolute uniqueness and its
sea of utter strangers void of all con-
cern for me — merely distracting one's
fancy.' Half-aesthetic states of still an-
other type are eagerly sought by the
artist to prolong the isolation, 'the in-
stant made eternity'; those of the
'Absinthe-Drinker,' who, as in the
poem of Symons of that name, gently
waves the visible world away, or of his
* Opium Smoker' who is engulfed and
drowned, deliciou .iied with the
cerements of eter.,«^-; Whether as the
unasked gift of the moment, or as
the artificial widening and deepening
of the specious present, it is such ex-
periences, so congenial to the artistic
temperament, that lead to the belief
that 'the complete and perfect artist
is from all eternity separated from
reality.'
For many this is but a phase of expe-
rience; 'tired of eternal unreality, they
reach out into that very thing that is
forbidden them.' For others again, as
for Symons himself, the contradiction
in the artist's temperament remains
permanent. Thus it is that the obscure
martyrdom of the artist is a part of
Symons's creed, — for him there must
be no longer merely the conscious de-
nial of the metaphysical instinct, but
sohic fatal and inexorable frustration
of the commonplace instinct for real-
ity itself; no longer merely a sense of
aesthetic perfection, but a prescience
of the monotony of sterile realizations.
This it is that pervades the Spiritual
Adventures, this is the burden of his
critical philosophy of beauty.
In his Romantic Movement, written
with the avowed intention of exalt-
ing the work of Blake, Coleridge, and
Shelley as the final criterion of poetry,
Symons speaks of Shelley as 'an en-
chanter who never mistakes the images
he calls up for realities,' and yet he im-
mediately adds, with a contradiction
that would be inexplicable were it not
involved in his whole philosophy, ' that
Prometheus is a cloudy procession of
phantoms seen in a divine hallucina-
tion!' In his own experience, accord-
ingly, this contradiction is never re-
solved. Condemned to the unreality of
existences that he has transformed to
mere appearances, he is yet constantly
aware of a mystical reality that has
escaped him in the process. He .com-
plains that he is 'too much possessed
ARTHUR SYMONS AND IMPRESSIONISM
389
by the apparent and unreal.' He re-
grets the corporeal and worldly limita-
tions that shut him out from the mys-
tical. In short - - if you are vouch-
safed the divine hallucination, you will
have absolute poetry; if, on the other
hand, as he confesses in his own case,
this be not attained, you will have -
well, impressionism! In any case -
and this is the sum of the matter — the
blood of the martvrs is the seed of
v
beauty.
in
Abstraction, disengagement of beau-
ty from life - - such is Symons's con-
scious goal. An obscure, though none
the less real, martyrdom of sense and
sentiment is its recognized condition.
One would like to know just what
this beauty, this aesthetic perfection is,
and by what it*y; -*o be known. Such
a definition is not to be found in Sy-
mons's writings; though not without
his standards, he never defines them
directly. One finds, it is true, certain
secondary qualities that are fairly
constant, — the strangeness that ro-
manticism adds to beauty, the mono-
tony that accompanies the greatest art.
It is only between the lines that one
learns to read, and finally to formulate
to himself, a certain obscure ideal of
pure beauty, of beauty pure and unde-
filed, not without its tone of curious
asceticism.
Pater somewhere speaks of a trans-
parent, diaphanous type of soul that
would value every single experience at
its timeless worth, not caring to add
to or abstract from it. What he seems
to mean is that in such a soul, each
experience, freed from its pragmatic
reality, could will its own intention
with uninhibited purity. The solidarity
of sense and instinct being broken up,
the demands of the thing, of our own
and other wills being denied, the abso-
luteness of each experience would be
purchased by its unreality. In this
artificial suppression of all relations
would lie the veritable unreality of the
life that art thus offers us, but also its
supreme beauty. Some such purity
of appreciation, the result of the inhi-
bition of thought-relations, constitutes
the aesthetic perfection.
Purity of impression has a well-de-
fined meaning for the impressionist of
ear and eye. Has purity of apprecia-
tion a similar intent for the virtuoso of
feeling and mood? For the former, as
we have seen in Symons's studies of
the martyrs of these two senses, it is in
just this freedom of the color or tone
from its pragmatic reality, this free-
dom in which it wills its own intention
with uninhibited purity, that beauty is
to be found. The light and color of
things, so the impressionist in painting
would say, are to be given in art as
they are intrinsically for consciousness,
not as they are as instruments of know-
ledge — before they have begun to
serve as means of knowledge, or after
they have ceased thus to function. In
so far as they enter into the subjective
feeling of the individual, sensations are
pleasant or unpleasant; in so far as
they serve the purposes of knowledge,
they are true or false; in so far as in
and for themselves they are appreciat-
ed and brought to expression, they are
aesthetically true or untrue, and there-
fore beautiful or ugly.
Not essentially different is the ideal
of the virtuoso of the soul. Here, too,
as Symons indeed tells us, the purpose
of art is to show man what he is to
himself alone, and his feeling as it is
for itself alone. As in the case of the
sensations, art is to ignore those spe-
cial demands of pragmatic reality,
through which they are changed and
improved, so in the case of feelings
and emotions, she is to remove all
those moral purposes, all the limita-
tions which spring from the complexity
390
ARTHUR SYMONS AND IMPRESSIONISM
of the social life, or from the rigidity
of individual character, allowing the
feeling to live itself out in individual
purity. A violent passion, a profound
melancholy, sweeps over the soul. A
thousand different elements meet and
interpenetrate, without precise con-
tours, without the least tendency to
become externalized, to take the com-
monplace mould of social habit or moral
form. This is the price of their origin-
ality. Description, as ordinarily under-
stood, means just this : to give them this
form and mould; but then, instead of
describing our feelings, we have really
taken from them their unique color
and aroma, and have substituted a
juxtaposition of inert states translated
into social counters. But beauty is the
opposite of all this; not thus, but ra-
ther by a reversal of this process, is
the disengagement of beauty from life
to be attained.
Thus, an essential similarity of in-
tention, as of realization, belongs (pace
the New Laocoon /) alike to the im-
pressionist of sense and of sentiment.
They also share a common weakness —
a disregard for the structural elements
of reality. It has been said of a Manet
or a Monet, that in their passion for at-
mosphere, the mere object becomes in-
different— 'just enough suggestion of
form to supply solar reflections and to
hang saturated vapors upon, sufficed
them.' May it not also be said of a
Symons, that in his passion for nu-
ances of experience, the soul itself be-
comes indifferent; that he seeks just
enough suggestion of character to sup-
ply the reflections of passions or to
serve as a peg upon which to hang de-
tached and vaporous emotions? If it
may be said of the impressionists of
color that, for the purposes of their
studies, they come to cease to work ex-
cept in the face of a sensation, and lose
the power of deliberate construction,
may it not be said of these impression-
ists of the soul that to them is finally
very little more left than a power to vi-
brate with wonderful promptness to any
transient sensation or emotion? The
very delicacy and tremulous fluency
of Symons's touch is but an outward
and visible sign of this inner emotion-
alism. The deliberate disregard of all
those rigid qualities, whether prejudice
or obligation, that constitute the form
of the soul, results in a fluidity of val-
ues which, while not without a unique
quality of beauty, represents an ex-
cessive sacrifice to the ideal of per-
fected appreciation.
IV
The poets of romance are always
singing of love; the realists of novel
and drama never cease to think and
talk of sex. Both of -^ese we may call
morbid valuations; yet in some obscure
way all the extensions of the meta-
physical instinct seem to find their
roots here. Doubtless it is not wholly
true that, as Symons has put it into
the mouth of ' Lust ' to say, —
Love was born
To be the world's delight and scorn,
That man might veil, his eyes being dim,
My own infinity in him; —
doubtless it is not entirely true that
all the refractions of the infinite, in
morals, in art, in religion, are but
* broken lights' of love. Nevertheless
it must be. recognized that all the tragic
possibilities of the human will may be
seen reflected in this one dark pool.
Certainly the morbid frustration of the
metaphysical instinct, half deliberate
violence, half obscure martyrdom, the
whole tragedy of abstraction of beauty
from life, is at its deepest point in
the poem from which these lines are
taken.
The possibilities of delight and scorn
are for Symons varied indeed, as varied
as his London Nights, but the ground
ARTHUR SYMONS AND IMPRESSIONISM
391
tones resolve themselves into two ulti-
mate moods, both sterile, half-scornful
joys of a vicious abstraction. In one
mood he hails the simplicity of pure
lust. He finds, in a poem such as * Ideal-
ism,' an inexpressible delight in the
knowledge that the woman has no
soul, no possibilities of mind or heart,
but is merely 'this masterpiece of
flesh.' Again in * Liber Amoris ' he finds
a rapture in the thought of love sinking
from the infinite — and just enough
to last one night.
In quite another mood, however,
and one almost as frequent, he seeks
all the subtleties, diverse imaginings,
and strange reticences of love, 'only
that the one final vulgar act remain an
unadmitted fact.'
In either case it is a vicious abstrac-
tionism, turning realities into appear-
ances, a lust for realization moving
about in wor/<,is unrealized.
To this sophisticated use of the
metaphysical instinct the philosophy
of impressionism naturally gravitates,
And the end thereof is decadence.
Frustration of this instinct for the real
is of necessity followed by perversion
and sterilization of the emotions. For
all these emotions which the artist
seeks to detect, and in which he luxu-
riates, presuppose the absolute reality
of their objects. A passion by its very
nature is a claim to absoluteness, a
projection into infinity. The tragic is
impossible without certain fixed pre-
possessions or prejudices concerning
the real. The sentiment 'of sublim-
ity appears only where the absolute
shows itself for a moment, where an
elevation above or descent below the
milieu of experience causes it to show
its face.
All these emotions, to be rich and
full, must presuppose the structural
elements of the soul which the impres-
sionist disregards. To feel them one
must assume the rigid prepossessions,
the absolutes, on which they live and
from which they draw their blood. All
these must be intensely real. But it is
as- a spiritual parasite, clinging to life
by the tentacles of make-believe, that
the impressionist and illusionist live,
and luxuriate in their emotions. Trag-
edy, strangeness, even sublimity of a
kind — all are there, but somehow they
are substitutes, unreal, and without
heart, frustrate ghosts of passions that
are spent.
There is, in fact, in Symons's writ-
ings, especially in his poetry, a certain
curious tone, - - not unrelated to the
monotony of which we have spoken, —
describable only as a sort of parasitic
sublimity. It flashes out here and
there in his shorter poems, but it is felt
most surely in the longer ones, such as
' The Dance of the Seven Deadly Sins '
and 'Faust and Helena.' One need not
deny the thrill of these poems to recog-
nize that it is specious; one need not
deny the sublimity of vices raised to
the infinite, to realize that this very
sublimity is achieved only by a morbid
contrast with the really structural ele-
ments of life. The sentiment is there,
but it is parasitic. It lives only in the
world of morbid valuations, only so
long as the sentiment of the absolute is
lent to images and ideas that will not
bear its weight.
Nowhere does Symons show this spe-
cious, perverted sublimity more com-
pletely than when he touches religious
emotion, as in 'Seward Lackland.' If
his frequent enjoyment of religious im-
ages and emotions without their dog-
matic core of belief is an unpleasant
travesty of religion, this picture of en-
joyment of the sacrifice of one's soul
for the glory of God, this orgy of mor-
bid valuations, becomes well-nigh un-
bearable.
One wishes that the aesthetic would
leave God out of the business; that,
as Laplace in his phenomenalism, so
392
ARTHUR SYMONS AND IMPRESSIONISM
Symons in his impressionism, should
say, ' I have no need of this hypothe-
sis/ But no! He does need it, precisely
for his inverted sublimities. One "al-
most feels that, like the decadent in one
of Jokai's novels, he might easily use a
night of debauchery as an exquisite
preparation for the enjoyment of Gre-
gorian tones.
After all, then, Symons does indulge
the metaphysical instinct. Indeed he
explicitly says that * poetry and meta-
physics are alike a disengaging, though
for different ends, of the absolute ele-
ment in things.' And if, again, with
Pater and the other impressionists, he
holds that music is the most metaphys-
ical of the arts, it is because, for him at
least, 'it comes to us with a divine
hallucination, chills us a little with its
airs from heaven and elsewhere, and
breaks down for an instant the too sol-
id walls of the world, showing us the
gulf/
It is all a question of the end. And
his end is to feel and to show the
gulf! He is metaphysical for the same
reason that he is anything else — for
the sake of the sensation. Would he
not, one is constrained to ask, ra-
ther find the gulf than the solid plat-
form of the world? Is it not just the
chill of the gulf that he finds delight-
ful, perhaps because of his very fever
and restlessness?
In the Prelude to Life Symons speaks
of his feverish delight in the mere see-
ing of London. 'I grasped at all these
sights,* so the account runs, 'with the
same futile energy as a dog that I once
saw standing in an Irish stream, and
snapping at the bubbles that ran con-
tinually past him on the water. Life
ran past me continually and I tried to
make all the bubbles my own.' Doubt-
less all this began with a mere delight
in appearances, the sheer joy of living,
the animal fondness for sparkle and
movement. But it ended in being a
desperately serious, if futile occupa-
tion. It became a kind of spiritual
avarice. Symons has indeed, a curious
soul-affinity for the miser, whose pas-
sion he seems to understand. That
which is/ least comprehensible to most
men, the hoarding of the mere empty
counters of exchange, is for him full of
a real if perverted poetry. He speaks
of the respect for money as for the
most serious thing in the world: 'the
symbol of a physical necessity,' it is
true, but 'a thing having no real ex-
istence in itself, no importance to the
mind that refuses to realize its exist-
ence.' Only the miser really possesses
it in itself, for the miser is the idealist,
the poet of gold! Symons's spiritual
avarice is greedy of the poetry of the
passing moment, the goVden moments
through which life passes on its way.
Nothing that he has written has such
convincing personal reality as his pic-
ture of Avarice in 'The Dance of the
Seven Deadly Sins,' — that Avarice
which
Hoards the moments love let slip . . .
Embracing all things that exist,
All kisses that all lips have kissed!
Surely we have here what the philos-
ophers call the bad Infinite, and the
sterile, ugly Absolute. It is a trick a
vicious abstractionism can play in life,
as well as in philosophy.
One of the romanticists to whom
Symons devotes a short section, a
certain Darly, says of himself, 'My
whole life has been an abstraction -
such must be my work.' It is not
strange that Symons finds 'every
word ' of the short letter in which this
sentence occurs, 'a revelation.' It was
a revelation precisely because it re-
vealed a truth that was also personal.
I am not sure but that he would have
called his own life an extraction, rather
ARTHUR SYMONS AND IMPRESSIONISM
393
than an abstraction, if one may be
suffered this play with words, — one
long process of extracting the essence
or quintessence of beauty from life
and its moments; from men and from
cities ; from music and from plays ; from
the soul and from the flesh; never,
however, taking the thing as it was,
but rather in that morbid valuation
in which one seeks to render moments
of sensation and emotion absolute, to
widen instants to eternities, and in
which one finds only the bare iden-
tities of love, the sameness of London
Nights, and finally a life that is but
a dream.
Yet with it all, this avarice remains
his one abiding passion. In 'Satiety'
he tells us, —
I loathe the laggard moments as they pass
(the futile energy with which he
snapped at the passing moment has
changed to
Yet if all power to taste the dear deceit
Be not outworn and perished utterly,
Lend me some last illusion e'er I be
A clod, perhaps, at rest within a clod.
In contrast to all this there come to
mind the words of a splendid little
spendthrift of life; words which, al-
though they may shock us with their
vulgar freshness, seem almost made to
throw into the face of such as Mr.
Symons : -
'I don't care a rap for remembering/
she cries; ' I care for you. This moment
could n't be better until the next mo-
ment comes. That's how it takes me.
Why should we hoard? We are n't go-
ing out presently like Japanese lan-
terns in a gale. It 's the poor dears who
do, who know they will, who can't
keep it up, who need to clutch at way-
side flowers and put 'em in little books
for remembrance. Flattened flowers
are n't for the likes of us. Moments,
indeed! We like each other fresh and
fresh. It is n't illusion for us. We, too,
just love each other — the real identi-
cal other all the time/
Is this mere tynavado — this careless-
ness and extravagance? Or is it the
fruit of a discipline that Symons seems
never to have known? Perhaps it is
but that deeper metaphysical instinct
which he deliberately frustrated and
renounced.
MAURICE BARRES AND THE YOUTH OF FRANCE
BY RANDOLPH S. BOURNE
PERHAPS the most significant expe-
rience that comes to one who lives for
a time in France is the vivid personal
realization that above all the concrete
manifestations of industry and religion,
politics and letters, there is France, and
that her thought and action, politics
and poetry, national endeavor and
daily life, are woven together into an
intimate cultural fabric of a richness
and tenacity of which we have little
knowledge at home in our heterogen-
eous America.
In this wondrous city of Paris, where
art is the occasion for continual intel-
lectual warfare, and ideas cause dS-
bddes, one cannot read the journals or
see the play, or even walk the streets,
yellow with their flood of books, with-
out seeming to touch everywhere the
soul of France. Everything has its
style, everything has its spirit charac-
teristically French, and the nation, as a
whole, is proudly conscious of it. And,
more significant still to the American
who watches his language go to pieces
under the strain put upon it by the ex-
igencies of the pulsating American life,
there is a language here which con-
serves all these attitudes and nuances
of feeling, and may still, unlike our
modern English, express both simplic-
ity and ardor with perfect freedom
from banality.
But, best of all, one finds in France
a true jeunesse, a younger generation,
into whose hands the precious fabric of
the national culture is given for conser-
394
vation and use. In France, unlike our
Anglo-Saxondom, youth, like woman
and democracy, seems to be taken seri-
ously; it is the thinking youth who meas-
ure for the nation the direction and
force of the spiritual currents of the
day, and stamp upon the age its char-
acteristic impress. And the older gen-
eration, having played its role of youth,
is not averse to devoting itself to dis-
covering what the new jeunes gens
are thinking and dreaming. By means
of enquetes, or a sort of social intro-
spection, the literary journals keep the
public informed as to the intellectual
tendencies of youth, even, in these lat-
ter days, of the feminine youth as well,
and thus seek to make on every side
youth articulate. The French educa-
tion seems to set for its goal, above all
things, the achievement of clarity of
thought and expression. And the first
result seems to be that in French youth
introspection is robbed of the morbid
terrors which so affright the Anglo-
Saxon, destitute as he is of the faculty
of expression and thus forced to watch
his own thoughts. Because of our less
developed social sense, our introspec-
tions are forcibly kept individual, while
to the Frenchman it is always not what
I find in my soul, but what we find in
our soul that matters. No writing is so
personal as the French; even the phil-
osopher and sociologist will often take
the reader along the personal progress
of his thought, colored as it may be
with emotional reactions. Where the
English writer would prefer the oracu-
larly impersonal truth, the Frenchman
MAURICE BARRES AND THE YOUTH OF FRANCE 395
is not ashamed to exhibit his * caring'
for the truth and effectiveness of his
idea.
This faculty of social introspection
and self-consciousness of the French
genius has luminous results for those
minds, both at home and abroad, who
would feel the French soul of the mo-
ment. For it means that the influential
writers of the age, having worked
through their own adjustment of youth,
their conflict with the issues of the day,
leave behind them the record of their
progress for the eager youth of the gen-
eration pressing on their heels. They
portray with incomparable art their
emotions and ideas, their weakness as
well as their strength, not in egoism,
but that these other minds may find
themselves in them. And then in turn
the writers reflect that reflection in the
rising literary youth, thus sensitively
reacting to the change of spiritual cur-
rent, and keeping their own thought
ever progressively fresh and young.
ii
Such has been the course of the
thought of Maurice Barres, acknow-
ledged in all circles as the most influen-
tial writer of the day in France. In the
progress of his romances, which are
half essays, and his essays which are
half romances, is reflected the trend of
the French spirit of the last twenty-
five years. The nationalism which is
the theme of his delicate works has be-
come, after many twistings and turn-
ings, the gospel of the modern French
youth. And his books present the most
perfect picture we have of that evolu-
tion.
The youth of Barres himself was
spent in the years of disenchantment
which followed the great war, the war
that was a spiritual as well as a phys-
ical defeat. The almost mystical con-
fidence in the power of the French
genius to triumph over brute force had
disappeared before the mailed fist of
the Prussian. Even the Utopian flame,
the revolutionary enthusiasm which
might have rejuvenated the spirit of the
people, was utterly stamped out in the
ferocity of the suppression of the Com-
mune. The apathy and torpor of the
younger generation in this atmosphere
of defeat are faithfully pictured in Les
Deradnes, based on Barres's own days
at the Lycee. Here he found an educa-
tion, built upon, the philosophy of Kant
and his German followers, as if France
were making a pathetic attempt, in the
same way in which the Orientals are
acting to-day with regard to the West-
ern world, to absorb the ideas which
had made the strength of her victor.
But in these ideas, 'les plus hautes et
les plus desolees,' the youth of Barres's
day found no fortification of soul. The
atmosphere of detached rationalism,
the divorce of pure reason and pure sen-
sibility, so uncongenial to the personal
and artistic French spirit, could only
tear up the youth from their French
soil, without transplanting them into
the rich German ground. Such phil-
osophy could only make those who ab-
sorbed it candidates for nihilism. Ab-
juring this, the thought of Barres set
itself, almost unconsciously, the task
of re-acclimatizing the French spirit, of
restoring its faith in itself.
But the difficulty of this task was
aggravated by the scientific skepticism
which was raging at the time. Taine
had been hammering home, in a de-
tached Anglo-Saxon way, the truths
of scientific determinism, while Renan
had been questioning, with destructive
irony, the spiritual values upon which
the established order had founded its
codes and impressed them upon the
soul of youth. These two masters with
their disciples held the field between
them, and what idealism did show it-
self among the literary youth, deso-
396 MAURICE BARRIES AND THE YOUTH OF FRANCE
lated by national defeat and material-
istic skepticism, found a forced refuge
in an unreal world of symbolistic poet-
ry, an artificial and dilettante world of
sensuality which was as foreign to the
French spirit of clarity and grace as
was the philosophy of Kant.
But Barres's own thought took a dif-
ferent road. Instead of turning to a
world of mystical sensation, like Ver-
laine, Baudelaire, and Mallarme, he
turns, like Descartes before him, to find
what he has in his owji soul that has
escaped the wreck of things. In dilet-
tante fashion indeed, and in somewhat
insincere imitation of the introspective
methods of the old Church fathers, he
submits his reactions to minute analy-
sis, and works out a quaint sort of sen-
suous stoicism, a wistful, half-mocking
cult of the individual, the 'moi,' the
power of being * un homme libre/ a free
man.
But such individualism in a soul
which was searching for the French
genius, always incorrigibly social, could
only be unstable and ephemeral, and it
is because Barres's thought felt the
wider appeal of the nation's soul that
he is the most eagerly read French writ-
er to-day, while the symbolist contem-
poraries of his youth have passed like
their own fleeting sensations. Already
in Le Culte du Moi, with its pictures of
his native Lorraine countryside into
which he withdraws with his friend to
meditate, one feels the suggestion of
the larger collective life to which he
must soon be sensitive. In a phrase
which only a French mind, perhaps,
can understand, he says, 'Be skepti-
cal— and ardent!' That cause which
is to excite his ardor is to be the life of
Lorraine with its quiet beauty, its re-
covered peace, its procession of passing
generations; and through Lorraine, the
national collectivity of France. With
that precise and beautiful social intui-
tion of the French genius, this 'jnoi'
of Barres, unsatisfied with itself, reach-
es out and finds itself not an individual
in a fortuitous collection, but a link in
a great chain, a focus of innumerable
rays of culture, tradition, and race. He
recognizes that he 'represents a mo-
ment in the development of a race, an
instant in a long culture, a gesture
among a thousand gestures, of a force
which preceded him and will survive
him.' And with Lorraine as the text, a
theme which at once calls to his own
mind a rich treasury of tradition and
stirs in the mind of the French reader
the feelings of assertion and revenge,
Barres proceeds, after the insufficiency
of the 'cult of himself has been es-
tablished in Le Jardin de B6r6nice,
and Sur VCEil des Barbares, to a recon-
struction of French nationalism. In
Au Service de VAllemagne, Les Amities
FrangaiseSy La Colline Inspiree, the vir-
tues of his Lorraine — the pathos of its
immemorial labor, the fidelity of its
soldiers and priests, the design and
balance of its city, Nancy, the sober
order of its old society — all give a text
for the exposition under a thousand
forms of the French genius in its purity
and vigor.
in
In his later articles and speeches,
this exposition develops into a genu-
ine philosophy of nationalism, — a na-
tionalism which shall mean the de-
fense and conservation of French art
and ideas and manners as well as her
military reorganization and defense; a
patriotism which shall define a French-
man as 'one who has come to a con-
sciousness of his own formation,' 'who
has put himself at the single point of
view of the French life,' and feels with-
in himself all the thousand strands of
the past and present which make him
what he is. He preaches a return of art
to the old principles of clarity, balance,
and design, the art of 'la continuite
MAURICE BARKIS AND THE YOUTH OF FRANCE 397
francaise,' and a new Catholicism, re-
cognizing the social meaning of the
* communion of saints,' — the ideal col-
lective life where the hunger of the
'moi individuel' is satisfied by the
*moi social.' And finally, a cult of
France, symbolized in 'la terre et les
morts,' - the land and its dead, —
with its worshipers bound together in
interwoven links of amities, a conscious-
ness of a common background of living
truth.
This is the nationalism which has
called the youth of the rising genera-
tion back to a defense of ' 1'esprit fran-
cais,' and surely traditionalism has
never been preached in such seductive
terms! A traditionalism from which
all the blind, compressing forces of the
social groups have been withdrawn, so
that one feels only the nourishing influ-
ences of a rich common culture in which
our individual souls are steeped, and
which each generation carries on freely,
consciously, gladly, because of its im-
mortal power to express the traits of
the race's genius, — this is a gospel to
which one could give one's self with
wistfulness and love!
And to such an appeal, touching with
a subtle and delicate style all the chords
of the French soul, Barres would have
found the youth of France responding
en masse during those early years of
the nineties when his doctrines of na-
tionalism were first taking shape, if the
astounding drama of French thought
had not provided an intermediate
scene, which, bursting like a bombshell
upon the nation in the Dreyfus affair,
showed in its ugliest forms the actual
obscurantism of these national institu-
tions of church and army and race
which Barres was beginning to present
in his lovely colors of idealization. The
affaire, 'which seemed to the outside
world simply a matter of the triumph
of individual justice, was for France a
colossal combat of ideas, and as a result
the national storehouses of tradition
were revealed as lodging-places for the
basest of prejudices and blind injus-
tices, rather than for the rich common
culture of France. While the recon-
struction of the national genius had
been going on in minds like that of
Barres, an international socialism had
been growing up by its side. The ex-
iled Communards had been filtering
back; industrial development had made
the working-classes restless; Paris was
reasserting her position as the cosmo-
politan capital of Europe; and the blind
fury with which the military and eccle-
siastical circles pursued the unfortun-
ate Jew threw all these new elements
of internationalism and humanitarian-
ism into one solid block.
The victory of the humanitarian par-
ty was so overwhelming that Church
and Army were almost as effectually
erased from the spirit of France as had
been the revolutionary socialism after
the sanguinary reprisals of the Com-
mune. And in the debacle of tradi-
tional institutions, this new spirit of
nationalism, which Barres had been
so carefully constructing, went down.
France entered upon a decade of secu-
lar democracy, a golden age of inter-
nationalist and socialist feeling. The
middle-class political parties leaned
toward socialist action, the syndical-
ist organization of the workers made
rapid progress, the peace movement be-
came popular, the Church was dena-
tionalized, the age of VHumanite seem-
ed to have come. The new nationalism
had developed at a bound into inter-
nationalism.
The great prophets who emerged
from the devastating conflict were An-
atole France and Emile Zola. France,
with his metaphysical skepticism and
humanitarian socialism, seemed to com-
bine that disillusionment and ardor
which Barres had preached in his ' cult
of himself.' Zola, on the other hand,
398
MAURICE BARRES AND THE YOUTH OF FRANCE
satisfied the hunger for realism which
represented the reaction against the
dreamy symbolism of the poets who
went down too in the wreck of tradi-
tionalism, while in his dogged battle for
justice he struck a new and profounder
sincerity into the hearts of the French
youth. Together, these two writers
seem to have held the field between
them for more than a decade, express-
ing the wider aspirations of the time,
and yet, in the case at least of Anatole
France, not losing the delicate touch
of irony and grace which is perhaps
the finest and most subtle quality of
the French genius.
IV
To the visitor to-day in France who
asks what the younger generation is
thinking and dreaming, it seems that
that golden age has passed. The reac-
tion has occurred, the nationalism of
Barres, checked by the affaire, has at
last asserted itself, and the youth of
France find their spirit called home to
defend the national spirit against the
enemies within and without. For sud-
denly the golden age was struck by the
electrifying menaces of Germany at
Agadir, and in a flash the whole situa-
tion seemed to be revealed. * While you
have been indulging,' reaction said, * in
these dreams of social Utopias at home
and perpetual peace abroad, you have
left the nation undefended, you have
weakened her so that her hereditary
enemy does not fear to flout her in the
face of Europe.'
The old feelings began to be re-
newed, the burden of Lorraine began
again to reverberate through the
French soul. On top of Agadir came
the great railway strike with its threat
of syndicalist revolution. To the fright-
ened bourgeoisie, alarmed at the power
they had been giving to the workers,
the golden age suddenly revealed itself
as the criminal idleness of fantastic
reverie. To-day, after four years, one
finds the reaction in full swing. Mili-
tary service, which had seemed a bitter
and barely tolerable evil, is actually
increased by one-half, and is hailed as
the sacrifice which the youth of France
must be prepared to make for the na-
tion. The pacifist internationalism
now assumes the guise of a chimerical
dream, and the old national antagon-
isms loom again. The Church, whose
fall was viewed almost with indiffer-
ence, now begins to seem lovely in her
desolation; her political and social pow-
er shattered, the thoughtful youth be-
gin to respond to her aesthetic appeal.
Even royalism, under the leadership of
some of the most able intellects of the
day, begins to raise its head, and to
preach a cult of the crown as the sym-
bol of the social order and spiritual
cohesion, without which a true nation-
alism is impossible.
In the numerous symposiums of the
journals, the 'social introspections' of
the day, one sees the trend of these ten-
dencies and the influence of Barres,
whose position, one is told, is almost
without a parallel since Chateaubriand.
Physically and spiritually the youth of
France seem to be setting themselves
to the defense of Tesprit Francais.'
The hard and decivilizing life of the
caserne is accepted for its long three
years as a necessary sacrifice against
the threats of the foe to the east. Po-
litically, a restlessness seems to be evi-
dent, a discontent with the feebleness
and colorlessness of the republican
state, and a curious drawing together
of the extreme Left and the extreme
Right, in an equal hatred, though from
opposite horizons, of the smug capital-
ism of the day, — a rapprochement for
the founding of the Great State, which
shall bind the nation together in a sort
of imperial democracy, ministering to
the needs of all the people and raising
MAURICE BARRfcS AND THE YOUTH OF FRANCE 399
them to its ideals of splendor, honor,
and national defense.
Spiritually one finds a renaissance of
religious faith, — mystical and social,
however, rather than dogmatic; for a
new prophet, Bergson, has arisen to
justify the intuitional approach to the
reality of the life-force, unmediated by
the cold concepts of science. Yet,
while he shelters mystical appreciation,
he seems to glorify the life of action, at
whose service he puts the intelligence.
So that the youth of the day, following
him, are both more mystical than the
realistic followers of Zola and the ra-
tionalistic followers of Anatole France,
and at the same time more resolute and
active, more eager for the combat with
life, than were the humanitarians of the
preceding decade. This taste for action
finds expression in the new popularity
of sports, and the expressed admiration
which one finds for the individualism
of the Anglo-Saxon. All these tenden-
cies seem to mark the reappearance of
a fusion of thought and action, of intel-
ligence and feeling, which is the charac-
teristic charm of the French genius. In
the midst of what seems like reaction,
this new spirit is searching for a nation-
al self-consciousness which shall clearly
see, strongly feel, and sanely act. In
the search for the nationalisme intt-
grale of Barres, the youth of to-day, one
feels, are seeking the nourishing qual-
ities of the traditional trait, the rich-
ness of a common culture which, has
a right to make traditionalism seem
seductive and beautiful.
For this new cult of nationalism is a
very different thing from what it would
have been if it had succeeded when first
preached by Barres, unpurified by the
humanitarian socialism of the golden
age. The new national consciousness
is not a mere chauvinism, but sounds
deeper notes of genuine social reform
at home. Social work, of the sort that
is testifying to a generally awakened
social consciousness in America, is at-
tracting great numbers of the youth
of both sexes in France to-day. The so-
ciological philosophy has made great
advances in the last decade in France,
and is influencing an important young-
er school of writers, who call them-
selves unanimistes. Much of the more
youthful writing of the day bears wit-
ness to the enthusiastic discovery of
William James, and of our divine poet
of democracy, Walt Whitman.
So, if the French youth of the pres-
ent day, inspired by the traditionalist
Barres, are coming to know their own
national genius anew, they are coming
to a knowledge of it immensely enrich-
ed and fertilized by the liberation of
those years of socialism and a broad-
ly ranging humanism. A traditional-
ism, rich and appealing like that of
Barres, but colored by this new social
and pragmatic feeling, seems the best
of guaranties that the younger genera-
tion in France, no matter what the
dread exigencies of national circum-
stance, will not go very permanently
or very far along the path of obscuran-
tism and reaction.
THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE
BY CHARLES A. BOSTON
A WRITER in the Atlantic Monthly
for January, 1913, contrasted the pro-
fessional standards of the lawyer and
the physician, to the obvious discredit
of the former. He expressed surprise
that within two professions touching
life upon matters of equal importance,
— professions of ancient dignity and
learning, and inviting to their service
men of equal and rare ability, — there
should in the same community be so
different a spirit.
The inside daily workings of a pro-
fession are scarcely of sufficient interest
to attract the attention of a magazine
reader, or to merit their description in
a magazine article, but when the pro-
fession is arraigned and attacked, then,
after the manner of its system, it may
justly be heard to reply. A reply, how-
ever, calls for a formulation of the
charges, and, still following the fashion
of the lawyer, in an endeavor to get at
the substance of the charges, I find
they can be summarized as inertia,
technicality, faulty criminal procedure,
neglect of duty to society, and unjust
methods in advocacy.
But before I leave my text to launch
out into an endeavor to state what a
lawyer really is, and what his ideals not
only should be, but are, let me point
out that a contrast between physicians
and lawyers is not either a sure or a
safe way to detect or to correct a law-
yer's faults. If we analyze the praise
which in the article in question is meted
out to a physician, and contrast it
4QQ
with the depreciation of the lawyer, we
shall find that in essence the physician
is commended for aiding his patient
to escape the penalties imposed by na-
ture, while the lawyer is condemned
for aiding his client to escape the pen-
alties imposed by man; nature's penal-
ties are exact, and repentance and sub-
sequent good works can do little to
mitigate them, and the physician can
counteract them only by aiding his
patient to avoid them through others
of nature's laws. Man's laws and pen-
alties alike are uncertain, but the law-
yer is condemned for aiding his client
to escape their rigor by appeals to oth-
ers of these laws, usually characterized
by critics as technicalities.
Physicians utilize their knowledge of
the habits of the human body to re-
store a disordered organism to efficient
activity; anything which will do this
is available for their use, and all they
need to do to push forward their pro-
fession is to enlarge the sphere of their
knowledge.
But lawyers can push forward their
profession only by a more stupendous
task, not of discovery, but of influence;
having conceived the existing fault,
they must first devise a means of cor-
recting it, which will not in practice do
more harm than good, and then they
must induce the law-making power to
accept it.
Lawyers have a much more difficult
task as reformers than physicians. A
single physician practices upon a single
individual, and the success of his effort
is the restoration of his patient. If we
THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE 401
should apply to the physician the duty
measured by his larger obligation to
society, conceived in the same spirit as
the lawyer's larger duty of which we
have read, we might easily proclaim
that it is the physician's duty to kill
his patient under certain circumstances
in the interest of mankind. But we
readily see the fallacy of this argument,
because we can recognize that the phy-
sician's real duty to society is quite
consistent with his duty to his patient,
for his duty to each is the same. So it
may also be with the lawyer in his
relation to his client; it is not now,
and never was, his social duty to aban-
don or betray his client; and the law-
yer's duty to society, such as it is, is
in nowise inconsistent with his being
hired for his client's needs. Indeed, his-
torically considered, it was the client's
need, and nothing else, which gave rise
to the brood of lawyers, and assigned
them a recognized place in our judicial
system.
If all men would settle their disputes
amicably there would be little need of
civil courts or judges; and if all men
obeyed the laws, no need of criminal
tribunals, and little need of lawyers.
But before lawyers were, as an actual
historical creation, men invaded rights
and disobeyed laws; and before law-
yers, and above them, were and are
laws. And lawyers did not make the
laws, but they must obey and observe
them, and they must proceed as the
laws require.
Laws may be divided into two great
classes — those which concern rights,
characterized as substantive laws; and
those which concern the method of se-
curing those rights, classed as remedial
laws; and among remedial laws fall
those which regulate the manner of pro-
cedure in the courts, and which, more
frequently than substantive laws, give
rise to what are commonly styled the
technicalities of law.
VOL. 114 - NO. ?
II
It is possible, but not necessarily
true, that lawyers could reform the
laws of procedure. It is too true that
many of them are satisfied with the
existing defects of procedure, and merit
the description inert, but this is cer-
tainly not true of the whole profession.
The truth is, the profession alone can-
not reform procedure, because it is
crystallized in our law, and legislators
or people, as the case may be, will not
submit to change. For instance, taking
pattern by, but improving upon, the
English practice of a single court with
separate branches appropriate for dif-
ferent sorts of work, and with rules of
court, easy of change, to regulate and
do away with most of the absurd tech-
nicalities of practice, a vigorous effort,
inaugurated by lawyers, was made a
few years ago in New Jersey to insti-
tute a model single court with neces-
sary divisions, and with model and
simple rules; but when the necessary
changes in the state constitution to ef-
fect these results were submitted to the
people, the people rejected them, large-
ly because, as I understand, they want-
ed no changes suggested by lawyers.
It is but fair to say, however, that I
am also informed that there was no
unanimity among the lawyers them-
selves. Since then the Legislature of
New Jersey, acting on the initiative of
lawyers, has utilized its power to make
a simple and model body of rules which
are designed primarily to eliminate
much of the truly despicable technical-
ity of practice. But this required legis-
lative action, without which the law-
yers were quite powerless to reform
the practice.
For the United States courts sitting
in equity, Congress enacted in 1842
that the Supreme Court should make
the rules of practice; and the result is
that there never were more than 94
402 THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE
rules, and these have recently been re-
duced to 81. Congress has never, how-
ever, permitted the Court to make
rules for practice at law, but has en-
acted that the practice at law in the
Federal courts shall follow the state
practice in the several states, thus giv-
ing rise to 48 different systems or sets
of rules or practice at law, and of these
the New York Code of Civil Procedure
alone now contains about 2800 sections.
And it has contained 3441 sections.
Now a committee of the American Bar
Association, composed exclusively of
lawyers, is urging Congress to do with
the practice at law in the Federal
courts what it has been content to do
with the practice in equity for a cen-
tury and a quarter, and let the courts
make the rules of practice.
When the Supreme Court recently
remodeled and simplified its rules in
equity it was to committees of lawyers
in each of the nine Federal circuits
that it submitted the formulation of
suggestions for simplification and im-
provement; and in New York, by the
grace of the Legislature of 1913, a
committee of five lawyers is now con-
sidering a plan to simplify into a con-
cise system its monstrous Code of
Civil Procedure. The lawyers, in fact,
instead of being inert, are so far as I
know the only persons who are really
moving to introduce practical reforms
of procedure.
Before we can properly compare
physicians and lawyers, to the discred-
it of the latter, we must first imagine
physicians under a state system of
medicine, in which not only broad
theories of general practice, but also
specific remedies and regulated doses
are prescribed by a law-making power
beyond the control of the physician,
and under which the patient is himself
clamoring for the administration of the
theory, the remedy, and the dose pre-
scribed by law, and the physician is
liable for malpractice if he makes any
novel departure and fails.
If the lawyer should disregard all
absurdity, anachronism, and formal-
ism, and follow his highest concepts
of ideal justice, he would be liable to
encounter the technical attacks of an
adversary, which, according to exist-
ing law, the judge under his official
oath, must recognize. And, if judge,
advocate, and adversary should all ac-
cept the same ideals, their disposition
of the cause might be at variance with
actual law.
The simple truth is that all men are
not agreed; that no technicality, no
anachronism, and no absurdity has its
place in the law which did not in its
origin appeal to some man as reason-
able, or was not introduced into the
law to promote some one's idea of jus-
tice. It is not lawyers who are at fault,
but the law; and until lawyers are given
the law-making power they should not
be blamed for the faults of the laws.
in
The worst charge that can be laid at
the lawyer's door, in respect to defec-
tive laws, whether procedural or sub-
stantive, is that, in the interest of his
client, he takes advantage of the law
as it is, or as he claims it is, instead of
as it ought to be in the opinion of his
critic.
It is always a serious question how
far a lawyer may sacrifice the legal
rights of his client to his own sense of
right and justice; but as a possible re-
sult, I suggest that a lawyer who sacri-
fices his client's actual rights to his own
ideal sense of propriety, which is at va-
riance with the legal measure of those
rights, may be liable in damages for
the departure. With us in the United
States it is not generally believed that
a lawyer is bound to accept a client
or a cause (as I understand an English
LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE 403
barrister, generally speaking, is), and
to that extent he may refrain from
prosecuting or defending a cause which
he deems unjust; nor is he bound to ad-
vance any illegal proposition, nor to
maintain any position which he deems
to be untenable; but it is, probably, his
legal duty to his client, having accept-
ed his cause or defense, to insist upon
every right, whether procedural or sub-
stantive, the waiver of which would be
disadvantageous to his client.
In short a lawyer is not the free agent
that his critic would have us believe;
he, as much as any one else, is the vic-
tim of a system which he did not ori-
ginate, and for which he is not solely
responsible. And as a matter of fact,
through such agencies as the American
Bar Association, the lawyers, as a pro-
fession, are doing a great deal toward
a reform of law, of procedure, and of
legal ethics. But as a profession they
have no authoritative means of expres-
sion. The American Bar Association
is a purely voluntary association; so
are most, if not all, of the various state
and county bar associations, and while
they may resolve and may advise, and
may formulate canons of legal ethics,
and recommend simplification of prac-
tice, and the abolition of legal absurdi-
ties, they are really powerless until
they get legislators and governors and
people to rectify what they point out;
and this process needs time.
With a proper reform of procedure
it is to be hoped that there will come,
in a large measure, the disappearance
of what is generally deemed absurd
technicality. And lawyers, who are not
in fact inert, are moving vigorously to
that end. No lawyer is familiar with
the practice in all of the states, and
none can speak for all of the states;
but as in England many of the absurdi-
ties of practice were abolished in 1873
upon the giving to the High Court of
Judicature of the power to make and
enforce its own rules, so, I understand,
they have largely disappeared in Con-
necticut with the introduction of the
simplified practice of 1879; and it is
to be hoped that the same experience
will follow from the model rules adopt-
ed in New Jersey in 1912, and by the
Supreme Court of the United States
for equity practice in 1913. And it
does not seem too much to hope that
a similar expectation may be founded
on the efforts now making through the
American Bar Association to induce
Congress to allow the Supreme Court
to formulate uniform rules of practice
at law for the Federal courts, and on
the forthcoming report to the New
York Legislature of 1915 of the com-
mission for the simplification of the
New York practice.
IV
Criminal procedure is in another
category. Lawyers as a class do not
practice in the criminal courts except
in the rural communities, and the crit-
icism of criminal procedure does not
arise from rural trials. It is from cele-
brated cases in urban communities,
which receive widespread public atten-
tion, and wide newspaper notoriety,
that we learn to suspect criminal pro-
cedure of its faults. But if we pause
to analyze these fancied miscarriages
of justice, we shall find that the blame
attaching to lawyers or judges is really
slight. I have yet to learn that any
of our jails are empty. And when
we learn of the escape from conviction
of some celebrated wrongdoer, who is
popularly supposed to be worthy of
punishment, it is not the lawyer, but
the jury, which has acquitted, after
the prosecuting officer has had an op-
portunity to present his case, and the
judge to expound the law impartially.
And when, after conviction, the ac-
cused escapes on appeal, or secures a
404 THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE
new trial, it is usually because the
judges are administering and applying
a law which they did not make, but
which the obligations of an oath com-
pel them to enforce impartially.
One of the most widely exploited
cases of this character was that in Mis-
souri in which a conviction was re-
versed because of the absence of 'the'
from an indictment; an absurdity,
perhaps, in itself, but a mandatory re-
quirement of the Constitution which
the judges had no part in passing, and
which they were sworn to support.
And when in some celebrated case, and
after a long trial, the jury convicts and
the court on appeal confirms, then the
most vigorous efforts are made, fre-
quently by the critics of the courts
themselves, to reverse their action by
appeal to the pardoning power.
The defects of criminal procedure,
such as they may be, are, like the de-
fects of civil procedure, the faults of
laws and lawmakers, and not of judges
or lawyers. A lawyer may avail himself
of them for the advantage of his client
because of his conception of his duty
to his client, but the defects which al-
low him to do this are not of his mak-
ing. Here again, however, the ques-
tion of ethical duty arises, whether he
may or should avail himself, in behalf
of his client, of some provision of law
which somebody else, or even he him-
self, disapproves as tending to defeat
the ends of justice.
This question affords me the oppor-
tunity to consider what the lawyer is,
and by what rules he should be gov-
erned in seeking to utilize the law of
the land in the interest of his client.
Was the office of lawyer instituted
for the protection of society, as op-
posed to the individual? Is it an office,
as alleged, which society maintains for
its own benefit, as distinguished from
the individual need of the man who
hires the lawyer? In truth and as
a matter of fact, no! Whatever may
have been the origin, need, or history
of lawyers in other systems of juris-
prudence, in ours the office is derived
with the courts directly from England.
And in England, whatever may have
been the limits which its incumbents
must not transgress in fulfillment of
their duties to society, the origin and
concept of the office related distinctly
to the needs of the individual. It was
to meet individual needs, and not the
needs of society (save as society is
composed of individuals) , that the office
was inaugurated. Any one can be a
student of laws, and proficient in his
knowledge of them, but only one who
is duly admitted to practice by com-
plying with legal regulations can be-
come or be a lawyer, in the official and
the popular sense. And there was a
time, in England, when in the official
sense lawyers did not exist; they have
a distinct, traceable origin, in which
we can find the first germs of their offi-
cial duty.
Fundamentally and historically a
lawyer's first duty is to his client,
though he may not lawfully transgress
certain other duties in his miscon-
ceived fidelity to his employer; and the
man who maintains that lawyers are
instituted and maintained by society
for its own benefit, rather than for the
benefit of the clients who hire them,
is merely applying to an existing insti-
tution his own theories of what it ought
to be, rather than stating what in its
origin it was.
In the United States a lawyer now
exercises the threefold function of ad-
viser, representative, and advocate.
The office of attorney, in the English
courts, is said to have originated in a
royal ordinance of King Edward I,
in 1295; and the reason for its creation
is said to have been the hardship to
the individual defendant of going per-
sonally from distant parts of the king-
THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE 405
dom to attend the King's Court. These
attorneys appear to have been at the
outset agents merely, standingvin the
place of their principals; and so fully
was the agency idea recognized that
it is said that at one time an infant or
an outlaw might be an attorney. Start-
ing from this basis, as an office, the
function of the lawyer developed until
now he must be of good moral charac-
ter and learned in the law, and must
be examined for competency, duly ad-
mitted to the bar, and sworn to sup-
port the national and state constitu-
tions, and to administer his office to
the best of his ability.
It is historical error, therefore, to
liken a lawyer to a priest, or to treat
a lawyer as if he were a development
from the priesthood, or his craft a
priestcraft, or his concept of law re-
vealed truth. Even among those law-
yers who are criticized as being back-
ward, inert, or otherwise reprehensible
(although personally honest), the real
basis of criticism, as I perceive it, is a
too great fidelity to the interests of a
client, and a willingness to utilize the
law as it is, or as they think, or claim,
it is, to the advantage of a client, who
employs them, when, if they were
merely indifferent, and were speculat-
ing philosophically upon the true inter-
ests of society, or were themselves mak-
ing law, they would act otherwise. But
this relates wholly to the lawyer as
advocate; and it eliminates that vast
body of cases never coming to light,
but infinitely greater in number, in
which the lawyer is adviser.
Although the lawyer as advocate
looms large in the public mind through
the usually sensational account of his
activities which comes to public atten-
tion through the press, and in urban
communities where these activities are
most frequently made known, they are
relatively insignificant when numeri-
cally considered, For instance, in my
own judicial district, comprising the
Borough of Manhattan, in the city
of New York, there are about 12,000
lawyers, while there are awaiting trial
in the Supreme Court usually about
13,000 cases, an average of only two
pending cases to each lawyer, allowing
for two lawyers in each case; but of
these only 2416 cases are disposed of
by trial in one year; so that the business
of advocacy can bring the average law-
yer in my community into court for a
formal trial only in one case in about
three years. Yet, there is doubtless
more litigation in the aggregate in New
York County than anywhere else in
the United States, though perhaps not
so much per lawyer. It will be seen
therefore, if this county be taken as a
type, that, relatively considered, ad-
vocacy is necessarily a small part of the
average lawyer's occupation. In fact,
of course, some lawyers devote their
attention much more largely to advo-
cacy and are in the courts frequently,
while others are never seen there; but
I am speaking of the average.
Lawyers as a body are not without
a code of honor, and though the laws
have not defined this code, lawyers have
to some extent done so, by their tradi-
tions and voluntary acts. One finds the
same general outlines of ethical pro-
priety in a lawyer's conduct expressed
in the regulations of Rome, the Code
of Christian V of Denmark, promul-
gated in 1683, the practices of the
French Bar, the traditions of the Eng-
lish Bar, the oaths in the German
States, the oath of office in the Swiss
Canton of Geneva, the statutory oath
of the State of Washington, the code
provisions of several western states,
and the recently formulated canons of
ethics of the American Bar Associa-
tion, adopted in 1908. While these dif^
406 THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE
fer in detail, in underlying substance
and dominant principle they are al-
ways much the same, and they all alike
advocate and enjoin a high ideal of
conduct whose controlling motive is
altruistic. And yet throughout the en-
tire period opportunity has been nei-
ther wanting nor neglected for writers
to point the finger of scorn at the prac-
tices of lawyers. I am convinced that
so far as this has any basis in the tradi-
tions of the profession itself, it arises
from superficiality and misunderstand-
ing on the part of the critic.
This is leaving out of consideration
those black sheep within the profes-
sion, who disgrace it by their abuses.
Whatever may be said of them they
are relatively few in number, and
thrive, so far as they do thrive, merely
because of the failure of those inter-
ested, or charged with the duty, to
utilize the remedies against them which
the law itself, as well as the traditions
of the profession, afford. I am not dis-
cussing those who abuse their office by
violating its recognized obligations,
but only the profession itself and its
traditional standards. These are actu-
ally high, despite what in ignorance
may be said to the contrary, but they
do not embrace what some modern and
enthusiastic progressives think they
do or should embrace. For instance,
while lawyers as individuals have ever
actually been foremost in public ser-
vice, and notably so in our own coun-
try, and while they are especially well
equipped for it through their know-
ledge of history and laws, there is no
tradition of the profession that they
are public servants in the sense that
they owe any duty to the public to
bring about change. Every substantial
change for the better seems in fact to
owe its permanent formulation to the
activity of some legally trained mind,
but I am not aware that it is recog-
nized by any .tradition of the profes-
sion that a lawyer as such owes any
duty to society as a constructive re-
former.
The most perplexing ethical ques-
tions arise out of his position as advo-
cate or attorney; in his position as ad-
viser and counselor he may be free to
counsel or dissuade, according to the
very highest or even the most quixotic
ideals; but when he has accepted re-
sponsibility as an attorney represent-
ing his client's rights, or as an advocate
to plead his client's cause, then he is,
or may be, pressed between the upper
and nether millstones of inclination and
duty.
For instance, it may be of great im-
portance to the community that the
truth should be known respecting a
disputed fact, and it may be that a
client may have confided the truth to
his lawyer; but, whatever a lawyer may
be personally inclined to do in respect
to the disclosure of this truth, and
whatever he may advise or whatever
course he may adopt by way of inaction
or refusal to proceed after learning the
truth, he cannot 'by any legal process
be compelled, nor will he be permitted,
if he desires, to disclose it in evidence
without his client's consent. If it were
his own secret, he could loudly pro-
claim it, but as it is his client's secret,
the law will not permit him to disclose
it unless his client first waives the per-
sonal privilege accorded to him.
Now, this is the law, and not the
mere arbitrary tradition of the profes-
sion. And like all law, it has its foun-
dation in reason.
And so sound has this reason seemed
to be that there is a progressive legis-
lative wave operative in the United
States, which in many states has now
extended the rule to priests and phy-
sicians, and in some to trained nurses,
while the height of absurdity in the
application of the principle appears to
have been reached when it was urged
THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE 407
(but happily without success) in Iowa
that the same secrecy should be ob-
served and enforced in respect to the
knowledge obtained by a veterinary
surgeon in the treatment of a horse.
But, adverting to the principle itself,
which imposes this silence on a law-
yer, it has its foundation in the belief
that the proper administration of jus-
tice requires that there should be the
most complete freedom of exchange of
confidences between lawyer and client,
in order that the client may be induced
to speak the truth and not to deceive
his own lawyer; and it is assumed that
with a knowledge of the truth the law-
yer will be constrained to act properly,
and justice will be more adequately
served, than if through fear of enforced
disclosure the client should deceive his
own lawyer and set him on the wrong
track.
But the honorable traditions of the
profession will not permit the lawyer,
as an ethical possibility, to use his know-
ledge of the facts actively to mislead.
One of the ethical problems which is
endlessly discussed, but upon which
lawyers appear almost without excep-
tion to be agreed, is the duty of the
lawyer in defending one accused of
crime, whom he knows, or has substan-
tial reason to believe, to be guilty. In
this one case lawyers as a class appear
to be arrayed against a prevalent but
superficial contrary sentiment in the
community; they acknowledge and as-
sert that such a defense may be pro-
perly undertaken. But even here, the
proper ethical limits of such a defense
are well understood.
A lawyer may not properly seek to
divert suspicion from his own client,
by pointing out another innocent indi-
vidual as the offender, or by present-
ing false evidence in support of an-
other theory; in each instance his only
justifiable course is one of silence in
respect to the actual facts, and of re-
quiring the opposition to proceed to
procure a verdict in strict accordance
with law, and after sustaining the bur-
den of proof which the law imposes
upon the prosecution. In short, to act
strictly upon the defensive. Yet it still
may be asked why lawyers justify this
course, when the interests of the com-
munity require conviction. Once again
there is a reason, which appeals to law-
yers as sound. In this view the peace
and well-being of society, which is
composed of individual units, depend
upon the strict administration of crim-
inal law. Its loose administration has,
in time past, filled the world with un-
speakable woe. The guaranty of due
process of law, the writ of habeas cor-
pus, the requirement of indictment by
a grand jury, the privilege of counsel
in criminal causes, and the right of
trial by jury, are all remedies which
bitter experience in the past with the
loose or wicked administration of law,
and particularly of criminal law, has
demanded. The theory of the lawyer
is really the theory of a constructive
statesman, that the peace and well-
being of society, as demonstrated by
centuries of experience, make it desir-
able that criminal justice should be
slow and careful, in order to prevent
the sacrifice of innocent and law-abid-
ing men. For, if the guilty cannot un-
der the operation of the system be dis-
tinguished from the innocent, save by
confession of his guilt, then, in order
to relax the difficulties of conviction,
requirements which are the actual
safeguards of the innocent, and in
reality of every man in the community
who is liable to be suspected, are apt
to be obliterated or weakened. Every
precaution against wrongful convic-
tion of an innocent man, which experi-
ence has demonstrated to be desirable
to that end, is equally available as the
right of a man who asserts himself to
be innocent.
408 THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE
It must be remembered that the
criminal law is only a crude device at
best. It is man-made and not divine;
it is not accurate; it does not measure
moral guilt; only to a limited extent
does it allow for provocation or tempta-
tion; it rarely allows for ignorance,
and never for training, education, or
environment; it is not necessarily tem-
pered by mercy; mercy where allowed
is usually optional with the individual
judge; it makes no allowance for re-
pentance; it is frequently cruel to the
convict, not necessarily fitting the pun-
ishment to the crime or to the crimi-
nal; and it is always cruel to his de-
pendents if he has previously met his
obligations to them. And so consid-
ered, real justice may frequently be as
well achieved by the sobering effect
of a trial and acquittal, as by a convic-
tion and punishment. It by no means
follows that a man who has once com-
mitted murder may not become and
be thenceforth a desirable citizen, if
acquitted of his crime. Our present
system succeeds to one much older
which mercifully recognized a right of
sanctuary and asylum for the guilty.
We have abolished that right, except
in the case of purely political offenders
who have escaped to foreign lands.
And the mere right to be defended by
counsel and to be convicted by the due
process of the law of the land, without
personally or by counsel actively con-
tributing to the result, is a meagre
substitute, of which society itself, and
its professed friends and spokesmen,
have no right to complain until they
reconstruct the criminal law along
more accurately just lines, and impose
upon the lawyer the duty of being the
foe, instead of the friend, of his client.
But, in fact, this consideration of the
duty of a lawyer in the case suggested
is but an academic discussion, rarely
of any practical application, because
in actual practice the cases where it
would apply are few, after we have
eliminated those in which the lawyer
has rejected a defense because it is not
acceptable to him, or has advised his
client to rjlead guilty and take the usu-
ally lighter consequences, because they
both know his guilt and know that he
is likely to be convicted; and after we
have eliminated also the possibility
that although guilty of some offense,
it may not be the crime charged, and
the other possibilities that the lawyer
himself may not be fully advised, or
that the client may consider himself
guilty when in truth and under the law
he is not.
In some cases the law itself gives
no recognition to the plea of guilty,
but requires a trial to take place at
all events, to determine the degree of
guilt. This is true in New York in *e-
spect to the crime of murder in the first
degree.
Nor can a lawyer always escape the
defense of a guilty man. A situation
may arise in which he may be com-
pelled to defend. It may be assumed,
for instance, that if every counselor at
a given bar voluntarily rejected the
cause of an accused able to pay, he
might appeal to the court to assign
counsel for his defense, and that in such
case, as well as in the more common
one of the impoverished accused, it
would be a duty to accept the assign-
ment. In that event the counsel, though
he might advise a plea of guilty, would
have no right to enter it against the
protest of his client, but would be legal-
ly bound to see that he secured a fair
trial, and that, if convicted, his convic-
tion should be upon the evidence, and
in accordance with law.
So it may be seen that extreme
cases may arise in which it is the legal
duty of the lawyer to defend a man
whom he knows to be guilty, and in
which he has no option. But ordin-
arily he can escape such a predicament,
THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE 409
because in the United States he is
ordinarily free to reject a case which is
tendered to him, if its defense is dis-
tasteful or abhorrent to him.
When the lawyer's personal interest
alone is considered, or he seeks to sub-
vert the law to secure to his clients
what is legally denied to them, then
the traditions and common precepts
of the profession lay out for him a true
and narrow course. These traditions
have been formulated in the canons
adopted by the American Bar Associa-
tion, as a purely voluntary statement
of the more common precepts of pro-
fessional propriety. Space does not
permit their full enumeration here, but
the following quotation is an excellent
summary : —
'But above all a lawyer will find his
highest honor in a deserved reputation
for fidelity to private trust and to pub-
lic duty, as an honest man and as a
patriotic and loyal citizen.'
VI
Lawyers have always been and
doubtless always will be condemned
by those who picture to themselves a
distorted type, examples of which un-
fortunately do exist and have existed,
who use their knowledge of the law to
impose upon or circumvent the inno-
cent and ignorant. But this type is
as much condemned by the profession
itself as by the most severe critic; it is
not in any respect representative, and
where it flourishes it does so in spite
of professional traditions, and because
either of the secret manner in which it
works, or of the absence of efficient
machinery in the courts to follow up
and punish professional misdeeds.
Lawyers themselves are also moving
forward more actively than ever before
to weed this class out of the profession.
They come into it and stay in it for
purely commercial reasons, and there
ought to be no substantial difficulty
in disbarring them when discovered.
The members of the Association of the
Bar of the City of New York have
an active force of professional aids at
work in the solution of this problem;
the Committee on Grievances consists
of volunteers who devote themselves to
the work systematically throughout the
year, meeting for the purpose of sifting
complaints and taking evidence, on an
average, more than one afternoon a
week; its investigating and paid pro-
fessional force, consisting largely of
lawyers, costs the Association about
$23,000 a year, every cent of which is
contributed, in the first place, by law-
yers, members of the Association, and
only a small fraction of which is re-
turned out of the county treasury in
case of successful prosecution. The
New York County Lawyers' Associa-
tion, with much smaller resources, does
a similar work. The first-mentioned
committee entertained and investi-
gated, in 1912, 927 specific complaints
against lawyers, and 29 complaints
respecting the manner of administer-
ing justice in the county; and, in 1913,
819 complaints against lawyers, and
8 matters involving the administra-
tion of justice. This is a sample of the
voluntary and expensive work which
lawyers themselves, in a single commu-
nity, are doing to meet the criticisms
which are leveled against members of
their profession, and it is practical and
efficient work, and in that respect
differs widely from much ill-founded
criticism.
Conservatism is not necessarily an
offense against society; it is frequently
the excellent brake which prevents or
retards a too facile descent of a dan-
gerous declivity toward disorganiza-
tion and anarchy. The law represents
order, and order abhors a noisy and
ill-considered clamor for change. Sub-
stantive law is fundamentally, accorcl-
410 THE LAWYER'S CONSCIENCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE
ing as its source is traditional or statu-
tory, a formulated expression of the
habits of the people as interpreted by
the lawmakers, or else an effort by the
latter to make a portioji of the people
change their habits and adopt those
which appeal favorably to the legisla-
tors; the latter class of laws is a fruit-
ful source of discord, for reasons which
are psychological and human. Lawyers
as a body are unquestionably conser-
vative, but from the ranks of the pro-
fession have always come some of the
most efficient of reformers, when the
time was ripe for their reforms.
The duty of advocating change is,
however, not a professional one. It
might be desirable to find all lawyers in
the front rank of progress, but it is no
professional duty to be there, and as
many men have many minds, it is not
surprising that there are differences of
view among lawyers respecting the true
direction of the line of actual progress.
I have said little to confute the
charge that advocacy takes from its
practitioner the rounded view of his
duty to the man who is not his client.
Advocacy is one of the professional
duties of a* lawyer, although it is not
pursued so frequently as might be
supposed.
Advocacy, in its larger sense, in-
cludes the conduct of the trial and the
supervision of the testimony elicited,
as well as the final argument thereon.
It is an advocate's right, and may be
his duty, to raise a legal objection to
the admission of evidence. The advo-
cate who now observes the ideals of
his profession does not make futile or
unfounded objections, nor does he in
argument contend for unreasonable
hypotheses. The average critic con-
ceives some crafty Sergeant Buzfuz as
the typical advocate and properly con-
demns him; and occasionally one meets
such a man in practice; but when an
advocate resorts to such pettifoggery,
it should be obvious to the court in
respect to points of law, and to the
jury in respect to matters of fact, and
should, and I believe does, bring its
merited reward of condemnation and
failure. As for the tenets of the pro-
fession, however, its canon advocates
candor and fairness in all such matters;
and as for the opinion of the profession,
it holds in greater contempt a success-
ful pettifogger than does the layman,
who either patronizes or praises.
From an intimate acquaintance with
the activities of the profession, I am
satisfied that in its ranks are the fore-
most of practical reformers of the law;
that as a whole it is not inert; that it
neglects no duty which it owes to soci-
ety; that it deprecates unjust methods
of advocacy; that it is not responsible
for any faulty criminal procedure, or
for the so-called technicality of the law;
that its precepts are highly honorable
and specific; that it commends to its
members high standards of individual
conduct; and that where it advocates
or excuses behavior which appears to
the casual critic reprehensible, such as
the defense of one known to be guilty,
it is for reasons of public policy, and
with entire fidelity to the true interests
of society. I am satisfied that the pro-
fession itself cannot be justly arraigned
for any violation of duty, or of any
obligation which society has imposed
upon it, or which it owes to society.
Where individual members of the pro-
fession have done reprehensible things,
it has been in violation of professional
standards, and not in conformity with
them; and though lawyers as a body
have not been alert at all times and
places to detect and punish the short-
comings of their fellows, even here
there is greater activity at present
than ever before in the history of this
country, as I could show in detail if I
had not already transgressed the rea-
sonable limits of this article.
THE USELESS VIRTUES
BY RALPH BARTON PERRY
IF all the good advice that has ever
been given were to be brought togeth-
er and compared, it would probably be
discovered that every piece could be
matched with a contrary piece given
by somebody else. The world's prac-
tical wisdom does not form a consistent
system. No one man could possibly
believe all of it at the same time. For
example, there is equally good author-
ity for believing that woman is the
tyrant of man, and for believing that
she is his puppet. Victor Hugo tells
us that 'men are women's playthings;
woman is the devil's'; while another
Frenchman, Michelet, tells us that
* nearly every folly committed by wo-
man is born of the stupidity or evil in-
fluence of man.' But it may be argued
that in this case it is the very paradox
itself which is proverbial. Take the less
familiar example of self-consciousness.
There are the moralists whose primary
maxim is the Delphic oracle, 'Know
thyself.' 'We should every night call
ourselves to an account,' says Seneca. %
'What infirmity have I mastered to-
day? What passion opposed? What
temptation resisted? What virtue ac-
quired? Our vices will abate of them-
selves if they be brought every day
to the shrift.' This is accounted wise,
and carries conviction to conscience.
But so does the contrary preaching of
Carlyle, with his tirade against the
' unhealthy state of self-sentience, self-
survey, precursor and prognostic of
still worse health.'
It is horrible to contemplate the vol-
ume of discordant advice that is poured
from pulpits, platforms, and editorial
columns into the ears of that hapless
reprobate, the plain man. It is perhaps
fortunate that so little of it is followed.
For it is always one-sided. It is charac-
teristic of most advice and exhortation
that it is only a part of the truth. It is
an exaggeration of that particular half-
truth which the exhorter thinks is
timely, and which he believes is going
to be offset by contrary influences. It
is a push against some existing over-
tendency, an attempt to stem some
tide that is running too high, and in the
hope of securing that balance and mod-
eration in which right conduct always
consists.
This is my apology for appearing
with an exhortation which on the face
of it may appear to be strained or even
absurd. For I propose, in a sense, to
preach against efficiency or. success. I do
so not because I do not see their im-
portance, but because I suspect that my
reader will already know their import-
ance well enough, and possibly even
too well. Or if he does not, there are
many who can proclaim that import-
ance more eloquently than I. There
is something abroad, an irresistible
social impulse, which is tending to pro-
mote the useful virtues, to encourage
thrift, initiative, industry, cooperation,
civic pride, and all those qualities of
mind and will that make communi-
ties sound and prosperous. But were I
to join the general praise of efficiency
and utility, I should be seeing only
411 "
412
THE USELESS VIRTUES
half the truth. And I know that if I
were to follow the line of less resistance
and urge what everybody already
wants, I should be forfeiting the great-
er opportunity of speaking a word for
that half-truth which has difficulty in
getting a hearing and needs the strong
support of every teacher or preacher.
I want therefore to make out as strong
a case as I can for what may in a sense
be called the useless virtues, for those
qualities of mind and will which can-
not be measured by the standard of
efficiency, but whose very value is in-
separable from the fact that they do not
immediately contribute to practical
^success.
n
First of all it is necessary that we
should reflect upon the meaning of a
word that is perpetually in our mouths,
the word 'practical.5 It is not custom-
ary for us to reflect upon its meaning at
all. It is supposed to express a finality.
To call a thing practical is to praise it;
to call it unpractical is to condemn it.
It never occurs to us as a rule that
practicality is a special kind of value.
If that did occur to us, then of course
we should be in the position of admit-
ting that there is at least one other kind
of value from which it may be distin-
guished. And this would be equivalent
to admitting that when we call a thing
practical or unpractical we have not,
as is usually assumed, provided suffi-
cient grounds for approving or reject-
ing it.
Let me select a homely example
which will bring out what appears to
me to be the meaning of practicality.
Suppose a man to be driven to the
roof of a burning building, while a
crowd is gathered below to offer help
or suggestions. Jones shouts, 'Get a
ladder!' or indicates where one may
be had, or gets one himself. Brown
points out an adjacent roof by which
the refugee may pass to a place of
safety. Several Smiths fetch a blanket
and hold it to break his fall. Socrates
who has happened by, and who ap-
pears to be less agitated than the rest,
remarks (largely to himself, for he can
find few to listen to him), 'I wonder
what the man really wants. He ap-
pears to be desperately anxious to save
his life. But is his life after all so pro-
digiously important as to warrant all
this excitement? Has he good reasons
for wishing to save himself? And what
a poorly organized community this is,
that such a thing should be allowed to
occur! Why are buildings not fire-
proof? What carelessness can have
started the fire?* But before Socrates
can proceed further with his rumina-
tions he is roughly brushed aside. If
he receives any consideration at all he
will be regarded as a poor lunatic, or
philosopher, or college professor.
Now which among these men is the
practical man, and which the unprac-
tical ? I do not suppose that there can
be the slightest doubt in any one's
mind. The Joneses, the Browns, and
the Smiths are the practical men, and
Socrates (there is rarely even one such
in any crowd) is theoretical, academic,
a creature of mere intellect; harmless
enough if he will only stay at home
and write books which nobody reads,
but very much in the way when there
is something to be done.
But what is the precise difference be-
tween the Joneses, the Browns, and the
Smiths on the one hand, and Socrates
on the other? It appears to me that it
comes down to this. The practical men
accept circumstances as they find
them; they take it for granted that the
man wants to escape from the roof, and
they regard the fire as an existing fact,
which is not, for the moment at least,
to be explained, but to be acted on.
They do not go behind this concrete
and present situation, except so far as
THE USELESS VIRTUES
413
to assume on the victim's part the nor-
mal instinct of self-preservation. Tak-
ing these things for granted, without
consciously reflecting upon them at
all, they can devote all their faculties
and energies to contriving a remedy.
In so far as their minds are engaged at
all they will be bent upon finding the
means that will fit the situation. In
this way the problem is enormously
simplified, and there is strong likeli-
hood of a prompt and effectual solu-
tion. If the crowd were made up en-
tirely of Socrateses pondering all the
whys and wherefores, life would be
lost before any conclusions whatsoever
would have been reached. To be practi-
cal, in short, is to confine one's atten-
tion to the effectual meeting of existing
emergencies.
President Cleveland invented a
phrase which is an almost perfect ex-
pression of the attitude of practicality.
There is nothing profound about it,
nor does it possess any striking literary
merit; but it never fails to appeal, and
has become a part of our common
speech, so thoroughly does it coincide
with the bias of common sense. He
once remarked, as every one knows, 'It
is a condition, and not a theory, that
confronts us.' I do not remember what
condition it was that confronted us; but
the practical man is always confronted
by a condition. I shall suggest present-
ly that every condition does in truth in-
volve a theory; but if so, the practical
man ignores it. His practicality lies in
confining himself to finding an act
which will meet the condition. He has
a family which must be supported, or
an industrial plant which must be made
to pay, or an examination which must
be passed, or a game which must be
won, or an office to which he proposes
to be elected. His problem is the com-
paratively narrow and simple problem
of finding the instrument to fit the oc-
casion and achieve the result.
As a nation, we are commonly ac-
cused by unsympathetic Europeans of
being excessively practical. We are
supposed to specialize in practicality.
Thus, when England wants a railroad
system reorganized she looks to Amer-
ica for a manager ; and when Germany
wants to make a better record in the
Olympic games she sends to America
for a trainer. There is less demand in
Europe for American poets and musi-
cal composers, and, I regret to say, for
American philosophers. Now we may
believe that this reputation is not de-
served, or we may glory in it. But
in either case we can afford at least to
see just what it means. Consider for
a moment the verdict of one of our
harshest critics, Mr. Lowes Dickinson
of Cambridge University. 'I am in-
clined to think,' he says, 'that the real
end which Americans set before them-
selves is Acceleration. To be always
moving, and always moving faster,
that they think is the beatific life; and
with their happy detachment from phi-
losophy and speculation, they are not
troubled by the question, Whither? If
they are asked by Europeans, as they
sometimes are, what is the point of go-
ing so fast? their only feeling is one of
genuine astonishment. Why, they re-
ply, you go fast! And what more can
be said?'
Now no doubt this is a libel upon
the American people, and might justly
be resented. Or it might perhaps be
proved that Mr. Dickinson's felloyv
countrymen are just as guilty in intent
as we are; that they want to move fast,
but, failing to do it, try to make out
that the game is n't worth the candle,
and that their rival's victory is hollow
and fruitless, as a man who saw that he
was losing a race might withdraw and
try to persuade the spectators that it
was a very childish and undignified
proceeding anyhow. There would
doubtless be a dash of truth in such a
414
THE USELESS VIRTUES
retort, just enough to enable you to get
the laugh on the other fellow. But it
would be a shrewder thing to detect
the truth in the criticism, learn one's
fault, correct it, and leave the critic
himself to stagnate in his own com-
placency.
Now Mr. Dickinson's criticism
brings out cleverly enough the mean-
ing of that practicality on which we
pride ourselves, and which we hastily
assume to be an absolute standard.
Practicality means skill, energy, speed,
quantity of performance, without re-
ference to the profitableness of the re-
sult. Not that the result may not in
point of fact be profitable — but the
question is not raised. The profitable-
ness of the result is assumed from the
fact that everybody is mad about it.
As the popular song puts it, * every-
body's doing it.' Whatever everybody
is doing recommends itself without
further justification. Whatever e very-
body 's doing is 'the thing to do.' A
man is willing to wear anything appar-
ently, if his tailor says ' they 're wearing
them that way.' So we eagerly adopt
the pursuits that we find in vogue;
and apply ourselves to making a good
showing.
Most people, perhaps, appear to be
dividing their energies between three
pursuits: making money, dancing, and
playing baseball, or watching some one
else play it. To make as much money
as possible, to dance as well or as often
as possible, and to defeat your oppo-
nent in sport, either personally or vi-
cariously through a favorite team, —
these tasks absorb the energies of the
typical practical man. He does not
adopt and follow a plan of life by con-
scious reflection, but he is constantly
in a current of life, which flows now
this way and now that, and sweeps him
along with it. Or the practical man is
like a man who finds himself in a great
throng of athletes who are matching
their skill and speed and prowess
against one another. He goes in for
this or that, spurred by emulation, and
seeks to outstrip his competitors in
some race without concerning himself
with the direction of the course, and the
place in which he will find himself at
the end of the race.
There is a false proverb which teach-
es us that whatever is worth doing is
worth doing well. I call it false because
it is so evident that there are some
things which are only worth doing pro-
vided one is willing to do them ill. It
is a part of practical wisdom to know
what it is worth while to exert one's
self about, and what may be done in a
spirit of playful carelessness. But there
is a more popular maxim which is so
widely observed that it is never formu-
lated — the maxim that whatever is
done well is worth doing. This, I take
it, is the maxim of the practical man.
Do what the next man is doing, but go
him one better. Make a record. There
is a whole code of life in this passion
for records. To make or hold a record
means to excel everybody else in a pre-
cisely measurable degree. To excel
everybody else in an activity in which
everybody else would like to excel, to
hold the most coveted record, this would
represent the supreme practical suc-
cess.
in
We should now be sufficiently clear
in our minds as to what practicality
means. But it. is evident that our crit-
ics in judging us to be a peculiarly prac-
tical people mean to accuse us of a
fault; and we shall not have understood
the criticism until we have come to see
wherein the fault lies. It is evident that
Mr. Dickinson, for example, means to
convey the idea that this question,
Whither? which is said to trouble us
so little, is an important question; and
that we are making a serious mistake
THE USELESS VIRTUES
415
in ignoring it. He would mean, I think,
to go further, and assert that this ques-
tion, Whither? is the most important
question. When we examine the mat-
ter more narrowly, it appears to come
to this.
The very same instance of successful
effort may be glorious or ridiculous,
according as the result is itself worth
while or not. I remember an adven-
ture of my own that is in point. I left
Cambridge with a friend to catch a six
o'clock boat for Portland, Maine. We
had been delayed in starting and upon
consulting our watches in the car we
found that unless we adopted extraor-
dinary measures we should miss the
boat. So we leaped from the car and
hailed a passing cab. We bribed the
driver to whip his horse into a gallop.
As we approached the dock we saw the
boat moving. Jumping from the cab
with bags in hand, we ran down the
dock and leaped aboard, flushed with
our triumph. We had exerted our-
selves desperately; we had been quick-
witted and skillful; and I suspect that
we had created a record. We had cer-
tainly succeeded. But when our excite-
ment and breathlessness subsided we
discovered that the boat was just arriv-
ing; and that it would not depart for
several hours. Then something very ex-
traordinary happened to our triumph.
It suddenly collapsed and shriveled
into a sorry joke. We felt ashamed
and ridiculous, and sought to hide our
diminished heads in the impersonal
throng of bystanders.
I wonder if there is any better defini-
tion of that most hateful of predica-
ments, which we describe as * having
made a fool of one's self,' than to say
that it is to have exerted one's self for an
end that turns out to be worthless in the
attainment. Suppose a man to have de-
voted himself passionately to the accu-
mulation of riches, to have spent him-
self, literally, in getting them, and to
have prided himself on his skill and
efficiency, only to find that the riches
do not amount to anything when he
has them ; so that although he has been
so extraordinarily busy in doing, he has
in reality done nothing. Such a man
might well feel in the flat and empty
years of his ebbing life that he had
played the fool; and that he might bet-
ter have been less busy, if only he might
then have taken a little time to think
ahead and select some worthy goal
before throwing himself headlong into
the pursuit.
A moment's thought about the ends
themselves, looking before you leap,
curiously inquiring into the itinerary
before joining the procession, a little
cool philosophy before the heat of ac-
tion, disinterested reflection, these are
what I mean by the useless virtues -
the unpractical wisdom of Socrates.
Surely such wisdom has its place. You
cannot make life up out of it altogether.
Socrates in his most Socratic moods
will not make an effective member of
the fire brigade. There are times for ac-
tion, and when they come the man of
the hour is he who has no doubts, but
only instincts and habits. Our instincts
and habits, however, take care of them-
selves better than does our cool reflec-
tion. The mood of practicality is the
vulgar mood ; not in the sense of being
debased, but in the sense of being usual
or typical. For the individual it is the
line of less resistance. Being usual, it
sets the standards by which a man is
judged by the crowd. It is favored by
that popular prejudice called common
sense. It requires no exhortation of
mine in order to get a hearing. There-
fore I urge, doubtless with some exag-
geration, the value of the rarer but not
less indispensable mood.
It would seem that practical effi-
ciency and disinterested reflection
might then divide life between them,
each having its appropriate season, and
416
THE USELESS VIRTUES
each requiring in society at large its
special organs and devotees. But since
we are for the moment the partisans of
disinterested reflection, let us recog-
nize a certain advantage that it has
over its rival — the advantage, name-
ly, of magnanimity. I mean that while
disinterested reflection acknowledges
the merit of its rival, practical efficien-
cy in its haste and narrow bent is likely
to be blind and intolerant. If I were
asked, * What, in the name of common
sense, is philosophy?' I should be un-
able to answer. There is no answer.
For amongst the categories of common
sense there is no provision for philos-
ophy. With a person wholly dominated
by common sense, caught and swept
along in the tide of practical endeavor,
or wholly dominated by social habit,
the philosophical part is in disuse and
may be atrophied altogether. But if I
ask, 'What, in the name of philosophy,
is common sense?' I can find an an-
swer — just such an answer perhaps as
we are now giving. In short, disinter-
ested reflection is more inclusive, and
more circumspect, than practicality.
But I have not even yet exhausted
the peculiar merits of the unpractical
value of disinterested reflection. I have
spoken of its importance as testing the
value of ends, and so confirming or dis-
crediting our more impetuous practical
endeavor. But there is another point.
I refer to the advantage of unapplied
knowledge as giving man resource-
fulness and adaptability, a capacity to
meet novel situations. Let me attempt
to make my meaning clear.
We praise science in these days, and
most of us prefer it to poetry or philos-
ophy, because we can see the use of it.
It is characteristic of our practical
standards that we regard such men
as Watts, Bell, Morse, and Edison as
typifying the value of science. The in-
ventor, the engineer, is the man of solid
achievement. Why? Because, again, he
supplies that for which the need is
already felt. We want light, commu-
nication, and transportation, and such
men as these give us what we want.
Therefore we are grateful. Similarly,
the man who discovers a cure for can-
cer will be a hero among men. There
is a powerful demand, an eager long-
ing for that which he will have to give,
and his reward will be ready for him
when he comes. Now we need not dis-
parage his glory. But this is perfectly
certain: when the discovery is made,'
it will be due to the store of physical,
chemical, physiological, and anatomi-
cal truth which has been accumulated
by men who were animated mainly by
theoretical motives. These investiga-
tors have devoted themselves to win-
ning knowledge for which there was
at the time no practical demand. This
means that they had to be sustained by
something else than the popular ap-
plause which greets the man with the
remedy. Such men are sustained no
doubt by the encouragement of their
fellow investigators, or by the patron-
age of the state. But they rely more
than the inventor or engineer upon the
inward support of their own love of
truth, and upon a certain just pride of
the intellect, such as Kepler felt when
he wrote in the Preface to his Welthar-
monik : ' Here I cast the die, and write a
book to be read, whether by contem-
poraries or by posterity, ,1 care not;
it can wait for readers thousands of
years, seeing that God himself waited
six thousand years for some one to con-
template his work/
But I had not meant to be sentimen-
tal about it, or to claim a greater hero-
ism for the detached investigator. In-
deed there is a sense in which his con-
duct is less praiseworthy, in so far as it
is often self-regarding or unsocial, lack-
ing in that motive of service which we
rightly require of perfect conduct. It
is sufficient that we should see that
THE USELESS VIRTUES
417
what he does is indispensable. It is
through his efforts that man is put into
possession of a stock of free and unap-
propriated ideas with which to meet
unexpected and unpredictable emer-
gencies, or on which to construct new
hypotheses. It is this possession of an
ample margin of knowledge over the
recognized practical necessities, of in-
tellectual capital, so to speak, that is the
condition of progress. It is this which
more than anything else marks the dif-
ference between man and the brute, or
between progressive societies and those
static, barbarian societies in which hu-
man energy is exhausted by the effort
to preserve existence with no hope of
betterment.
IV
It is now evident enough that what I
have called useless virtues, or unprac-
tical values, are not divorced from life
in any absolute or ultimate sense. We
may as well declare once and for all
that there is no virtue or value whatso-
ever that is divorced from life in such a
sense. That it is impossible that know-
ledge should be absolutely useless is
self-evident. For to know at all is to
know the world we live in; and to know
it is to bring it within the range of ac-
tion, pave the way to the control of it.
VOL. 114 -NO. 3
The better we know our world the more
effectually we can live in it. This holds
unqualifiedly. But there is a very great
difference between what we might
more correctly call long-range and
short-range practicality.
What we usually speak of as practi-
cal would correspond to what I here
speak of as short-range practicality. It
means a readiness to meet the immedi-
ate occasion as is dictated by the mo-
mentary desire. Such practicality is a
perpetual meeting of emergencies. It is
a sort of living from hand to mouth, an
uninspired and unillumined opportun-
ism. That which is ordinarily, or from
this standpoint, condemned as unprac-
tical, and which is unpractical from this
narrow standpoint, may now be called
long-range practicality. That is to say,
it is that prevision, that thorough in-
tellectual equipment, that wisdom as
to the ultimate and comparative worth
of things, without which there can be
no security nor any confirming sense of
genuine achievement. It is that which
makes the difference between making a
fool of one's self, however earnestly or
even successfully, and living in a man-
ner which would be able to endure the
test of time, and would not appear
ridiculous in the eyes of one who was a
witness of eternity.
THE FLAVOR OF THINGS
BY ROBERT M. GAY
'Life is sweet, brother.' — MB. PETULENGRO.
THERE can be no doubt that for
some people mathematics has flavor,
even though for me it is as the apples
of Sodom. I have known people who
seemed to be in love with the triangles.
Permutations and combinations and
the doctrine of chances filled their souls
with elation; they would rather wander
over the area of a parallelogram than
over the greenest meadow under hea-
ven, collecting angles and sides as an-
other would daisies and buttercups,
and chasing the unknown quantity as
another might a butterfly.
I envy these people this faculty
which I can never hope to acquire. I
used to try to work up a factitious en-
thusiasm for geometry by naming angle
A Abraham, B Benjamin, C Cornelius,
and so on; side AB then became Abra-
jamin, side BC Benjanelius, side AC
Abranelius, and the perimeter Abrajam-
inelius, — the last a name of Miltonic
sonorousness, mouth-filling, and per-
fectly pronounceable if one scanned it
as catalectic trochaic tetrameter.
Although I never had the courage to
introduce them to my teachers, I re-
garded the Abrajaminelian family with
some affection until one day I tried to
name the perimeter of a dodecagon,
when I came to the conclusion that it
would require less time to learn the
proposition by heart than to learn the
name; and from that day I gave up all
attempt to infuse an adventitious in-
terest into Legendre, and simply mem-
orized him.
418
I have heard geometry described as
a * beautiful science,' but —
If she be not fair to me,
What care I how fair she be?
To me she was an obstacle in the path
of knowledge, invisible, not hostile,
but palpable and stubborn as the Boyg
that gave Peer Gynt so much trouble.
I tried in vain to squirm and wriggle
past her. There is a possibility that I
should still be blindly bumping that
obstruction halfway up the Mathemat-
ical Mountains if my professor of
solid geometry had not opportunely
departed from college leaving no class-
records behind him. I passed — by an
intervention of Providence — and my
days of pure mathematics were over;
but I felt no undue elation, for ap-
plied mathematics remained. If I had
impressed my instructors before as
half-witted, here I was wholly witless.
One cannot apply what one does not
possess.
From a child I had had an obscure
distrust of mechanism of all kinds.
The people of Erewhon, you remem-
ber, feared it because they thought it
had a soul : I feared it because it seemed
to me to have none, until I discovered
that its soul was mathematical, a new
ground for trepidation. Even yet I
cannot feel warmly toward a machine.
I can gape with wonder as well as any-
body as I watch the white paper fed
in at one end of a press in, say, the
Herald Building, and the Sunday Illus-
trated Supplement taken out at the
other; but my wonder is only polite,
merely intellectual; there is no heart
THE FLAVOR OF THINGS
419
in it. My half hour spent thus has been
instructive, it may be, but joyless.
This curious diffidence, amounting
to a covert hostility, I felt also in the
presence of the celestial mechanics. I
had no sense of comfort in the company
of the stars and planets. For a while
I might be interested in the inhabitants
of Mars, but Jupiter's satellites and
Saturn's rings could arouse no emo-
tional response in me. I irrationally
found more to wonder at in a moon
of green cheese than in a burned-out
world.
Try as I may to overcome the aver-
sions of my youth, I cannot help think-
ing of the quadratics and binomials
of days long gone, whenever I look at
a fly-wheel or a piston. Across the glo-
ries of the heavens I detect a shadow
cast over my spirit when I tried on a
college examination to explain parallax.
At the time — for a day or two — I
was rather proud of that explanation.
Desiring, as usual, to get a picture of
the thing, I used, I remember, the an-
alogy of an umbrella. If it were raining,
I said, and you had an open umbrella
and you held it perpendicularly over
you and then ran, you would get wet-
ter than if you merely walked. Just
what the connection was, I am — and
doubtless was — unable to say; but it
seemed very neat. I chuckled over it,
and felt as if at last I was beginning to
get ahead in astronomy. And then,
briefly and coldly, the professor pro-
nounced my analogy bosh, and the only
glimmer of originality I ever evinced
in his subject winked and went out.
If mathematics, pure and applied,
had no flavor for me but an unpleasant
one, I have no one to blame, I suppose,
but myself, although, of course, I did
blame my teachers. All through my
boyhood I held the entirely unreason-
able view that mathematicians were
only slightly human, having, in fact,
like their subject, no souls. Their sub-
ject as they presented it to me had a
striking resemblance to the working of
a machine, clean, precise, cold; it made
me shiver. I felt for it the contempt of
youth. Each science in turn I loved, as
long as it had to do with things; but
the moment mathematics entered, as
it always did, soon or late, my love, as
milk at the addition of certain bac-
teria, curdled and turned bitter.
Only the other day I listened to a
lecturer on sun-spots expatiating on the
enfranchising and ennobling power of
his science, teaching as it does the
majesty of God and his handiwork.
I agreed, of course. Theoretically, I
knew he was right; yet, as for myself,
I could not help preferring to wonder
at the hand of the Almighty in the
creation of a dandelion, a sparrow, a
flounder.
The best that's known
Of the heavenly bodies does them credit small.
View'd close the Moon's fair ball
Is of ill objects worst,
A corpse in Night's highway, naked, fire-scarr'd,
accurst;
And now they tell
That the Sun is plainly seen to boil and burst
Too horribly for hell.
The poet speaks enthusiastically, as
poets will; besides, he was a Catholic
and may have been affected by doc-
trine; I cannot wholly ratify his senti-
ments, yet I can understand them and
sympathize.
Botanist and biologist friends call
upon me to admire a paramoecium or a
spirogyra; they will grow quite enthu-
siastic over one, as you or I might over
a dog or a baby. I can share their emo-
tions, to a degree; these little creatures,
as the same poet observes, 'at the least
do live'; yet I find that I cannot love
a paramoecium or a spirogyra, strep-
tococcus and micrococcus arouse no
friendly feelings, oscillaria and spiril-
lum can never compete for my affec-
tions with a calf or a puppy. I can
sympathize imaginatively with the
420
THE FLAVOR OF THINGS
microscopist who watches the contor-
tions of an amceba or a polyp, its table-
manners and general deportment; I
can sit much longer at the microscope
than at the telescope, and feel more
comfortable there (Gulliver seems to
have been more at his ease among the
Lilliputians than among the Brobding-
nagians); yet, once more, the hour
spent thus has been instructive rather
than joyous.
When I was a little boy, I used to get
a great deal of satisfaction out of strok-
ing a kitten or a puppy, or crushing a
lilac leaf-bud for its spring fragrance,
or smelling newly turned soil, or tast-
ing the sharp acid of a grape tendril, or
feeling the green coolness of the skin of
a frog. I could pore for long minutes
over a lump of pudding-stone, a bean-
seedling, a chrysalis, a knot in a joist in
the attic. There was a curious con-
tentment to be found in these things.
My pockets were always full of shells
and stones, twigs and bugs; my room
in the attic, of Indian relics, fragments
of ore, birds' eggs, oak-galls, dry seeds
and sea-weeds, bottled spiders, but-
terflies on corks. All the lessons of the
schoolroom seemed of no consequence
compared with Things so full of inti-
macy, of friendliness.
All children love things in this way,
because of their appeal to the senses;
and I suppose that all older people do,
too, though they may not know it. My
teachers used to try to make me see
that a bird's egg or a hornet's nest is
unimportant in comparison with the
pageant of history, the beautiful me-
chanism of arithmetic; but what child
cares anything about matters of ab-
stract importance? I had a fondness
for the hornet's nest because I could
feel of it, poke a stick in at the door,
and picture the fiery little termagants
flying in and out, chewing their paper-
pulp, building their walls. What had
Washington praying at Valley Forge,
or even Lawrence refusing to give up
the ship, to contribute comparable with
this? Yet few even of my companions
understood the ridiculous pleasure I
found in carrying a crab's claw in my
pocket, although they, too, after their
own fashion, worshiped things. Their
things were electric batteries and print-
ing-presses and steam-engines.
My bosom-passion was for living
things, — beast, bird, amphibian, rep-
tile, fish, crustacean, insect, mollusc,
worm, they were all one, if they were
alive; and, wanting these, which could
not well be carried in pockets or kept
in bedrooms, I loved their reliques.
While I was studiously collecting the
disjecta membra of the animal and vege- x
table kingdoms, however, I did not
realize that I was also laying up a store
of memories that would in time make
these seem about the only real things
in the world. Here is the point. The
common or curious but everyday ob-
jects of nature have for me a flavor so
rich that they seem charmed, talis-
manic; they are my philosopher's
stone, my quintessence, my One Thing
which can charge the base metal of
thought with the gold of feeling.
It is thus, I suppose, that poets and
mystics are made, who see in the veri-
est stick or stone a symbol of one of the
infinities. That I cannot do so, that I
cannot make this passion the basis of
a romanticism or a symbolism or a
pantheism, is due, it may be, to my
teachers who carefully discouraged any
such nonsense. Practical people, they
early taught me that ' life is real, life is
earnest.' In church, too, I was duly
informed that we are pilgrims and
strangers traveling through a barren
land.
Such instructions, running counter
as they did to all I learned when left to
myself, produced a curious state of an-
archy in my microcosm. Belonging by
nature to the class of the poetical and
THE FLAVOR OF THINGS
421
by education to the class of the prac-
tical, I find myself torn between the
desire to loiter and the desire to get
on, passively to enjoy and actively to
do. A practical conscience is fighting
with a poetical immorality.
I do not seem to be alone in this am-
biguity. I see only an occasional per-
son whom I could call completely prac-
tical, who treats things as if they were
algebraic symbols, loving them only
as they help him on in some enterprise
or toward some goal. I find, on the
contrary, the most hard-headed men
and women collecting and cherishing
books and prints and rose-bushes and
tulips and stamps and coins and Co-
lonial furniture and teapots and cats
and dogs. Whether openly or secretly,
brazenly or sheepishly, they are, nine
tenths of them, addicted to the boy's
habit of filling his pockets with incon-
siderable nothings which he can finger
and fondle. Nearly all of them defend
their hobby on practical grounds, as
educative, or restful, or cultural, or
what not, yet one and all are really fol-
lowing an instinct. If you could get
them to be honest, they would confess
that from these useless objects they de-
rive a satisfaction that they cannot ex-
plain but that has its seat, not in any
motives of practicality, not even, as
many think, wholly in a sense of pos-
session, but in the things themselves
as things. The things are rich in im-
plications, adumbrations, of course,
fully felt perhaps only by the possessor,
yet, notwithstanding the accretions of
memory and fancy, still things, appeal-
ing now, as in childhood, to the senses
with warmth and friendliness, as only
objects of sense can. They are charmed
things. ' Every one of them is like the
first link in a long chain of associated
ideas. Like the dwelling place of in-
fancy revisited in manhood, like the
song of our country heard in a strange
land, they produce upon us an effect
wholly independent of their intrinsic
value.'
Macaulay here is speaking of the
connotation of words, that which gives
most of its flavor to literature. It seems
to me, however, that words, wonder-
ful as they are in their power to set
the mind running, still lag far behind
things. They are at their best only
secondhand. The phrase ' an old rusty
spade,' suggests little except an anti-
quated implement for digging; but as
a thing, an old spade may call up
thoughts of death and the grave, snow
forts, 'green gardens, buried treasure,
— all the digging and ditching since
Adam delved and Eve span.
I cannot think that it is entirely
mundane to make such a to-do about
that which we are accustomed to call
the material. Although it is becoming
old-fashioned to confess to a liking for
domesticity, there are still few honest
people who do not become attached to
a home if they live in it long enough.
It may be filled with surprisingly ugly
furniture, and pictures such as may jar
upon the finer sensibilities of the visi-
tor, yet the ugliest becomes lovely with
time.
Next to the fellowship of the family,
it is the furniture that makes the home,
and old furniture is best. We become
fond of a chair or a table or a bed al-
most as we do of a person, because, as
we say, of its associations. Now, I
look upon things as the furniture of
the world, furniture that was there
when we came into it and will be there
when we go out, — veritable antiques
with all the charm of age about them.
Try to picture a world empty of things
material and furnished only with math-
ematical formulae, and with social theo-
ries, theological speculations, and phil-
osophic systems. Try to imagine —
But no. These matters 'must be not
thought after these ways; so, it will
make us mad.'
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
Our forefathers had an interesting
theory that swallows lived on air. Be-
cause the birds were observed to fly
with their mouths open and never to
come to ground, it was concluded that
they must be classed with the knights
of the Round Table and the chamele-
ons as aerophagi. There are many
aerophagi abroad in the land to-day,
high-flying folk who live on airy isms
and ologies, and who are scornful of
those who long for less windy food.
Why one man loves things and an-
other theories, or why one loves things
for their connotations and another for
their use, or why one loves some kinds
of things above all others, remains as
inexplicable as why one cannot abide
a gaping pig, why one a harmless neces-
sary cat. It is all taste and tempera-
ment.
Yet there are times when I grow tired
of socialism and industrialism and syn-
dicalism and Nietzscheism and Berg-
sonism and feminism; times when I do
not want to be a reformer or an up-
lifter or even a public-spirited citizen;
when * I do not hunger for a well-stored
mind ' and am tired of books, and of
talking about them and urging others
to read them. With much bandying-
about these become unreal ; one is filled
with doubt about them, about their
very existence, at least about their
importance. It is in such moods that
one longs for the kitten or puppy, the
lilac leaf-buds, the bean seedling, the
chrysalis, the frog.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
SOME LETTERS I HAVE KNOWN
THE preservation of letters amounts
to something like a mania with people
who regard every scrap of a friend's
handwriting as sacred and to be treas-
ured as one of the heirlooms of the fam-
ily. They give great trouble to those
who come after them. In old garrets
may be found bundles of letters, tied
up in their faded ribbons, which, if pos-
terity is wise, will be tossed without
hesitation into the fire. Let us open
one of them. The writer is in distress.
Four cooks, all equally worthless, have
come and have been dismissed in as
many weeks. The roof has been leak-
ing and a carpet upon an upper floor
is destroyed (underlined). 'Poor Aunt
Martha!' her niece had exclaimed as
she read this ' chronicle of small beer,'
'her troubles have once more inspired
her pen! The last time she wrote, we
were loudly called upon for sympathy
in the calamity of her new black silk
dress which the dressmaker RUINED!'
(doubly underlined and with an excla-
mation point).
Still, I recall the charming letters
which occasionally came from an Eng-
lish lady to her friends on this side of
the Atlantic, in about the year 1840.
On the arrival of one of these letters we
were invited to the reading. In the
evening, after dinner, we assembled in
the drawing-room, sitting around the
table or by the fireside, with our needle-
work, and listened with rapt attention
while a member of the party read these
interesting letters. They were written
on large paper of the foolscap size,, in
double columns, like the pages of a
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
423
magazine. Their style was pictur-
esque, often poetical, not without an
element of romance when she told of
the marriage of her young niece, beau-
tiful and accomplished, and going off
to India with her brave young soldier
bridegroom.
In contrast to these were the letters
a dear old lady used to receive from her
daughter, married and living in a New
England town. They were in brief sen-
tences reminding us of what the mathe-
matical gentleman said of the Diction-
ary: 'This is all mere assertion, no-
thing is proved.' In an afternoon call
we were told, * I have received a letter
from Harriet; would you like to hear
it?' Of course we would, so it was
brought forth and read to us with that
slow precision which is adopted by
many elderly people in reading hand-
writing which must be treated with re-
spect, and not hurried over glibly as if
it were merely printed matter. It was
a neat little epistle, all the little 'i's9
were dotted, all the little '2V crossed.
At the top of the page the date was
duly written, the day of the month,
the year of Our Lord. Then it began:
MY DEAR MOTHER: —
I received your letter two weeks ago
yesterday. I was glad to hear from
you. We are all well. Tommy has re-
covered from the measles. The house-
cleaning is finished. The garden looks
very pretty. There are a good many
roses. I have a new bonnet. It is of
white straw; it is trimmed with pale
green ribbon; it looks very neat. Mrs.
Wilson called yesterday, she is very
pleasant. I am coming to see you in
August. I shall bring Tommy with me.
I hope you keep well.
Your affectionate daughter,
HARRIET L. STEBBINS.
Now, is n't that a good letter?' we
are asked. Good indeed! Is not the
mother told, concisely, all that she
wishes to know about her daughter's
welfare ? Can we not see Harriet in her
well-ordered house, taking strict care
of everything; seeing that the house-
cleaning is thoroughly done; nursing
Tommy through the measles; taking
the pleasant Mrs. Wilson into the gar-
den; cutting a bunch of roses for her?
When the letter is finished it is care-
fully folded and returned to its envelope
with a happy smile. 'What a pretty
hand Harriet writes!' she says. Once
we nearly lost our composure when,
after regarding the envelope admiring-
ly for a few seconds, the mother ex-
claimed rapturously, 'How true that
stamp is put on!' Certainly Harriet
was a paragon ! She did everything well,
even to the sticking on of a postage
stamp. Has not genius itself been de-
fined as 'the infinite capacity for tak-
ing pains'?
Of love letters much has been writ-
ten. It is not necessary to expatiate
upon the love letters of the man, who
through long years of waiting and dis-
couragement continues faithful to the
end of his life. Nor yet upon the ephem-
eral love letters of the too ardent youth,
who, after a few months have passed,
devoutly wishes those letters never
had been written. We shall speak only
to the love letters of an Italian count,
which diverted the inmates of a board-
ing house in New York City during a
winter not many years ago. In the au-
tumn there had arrived an old lady,
unlovely in appearance, somewhat gro-
tesque in apparel, lately returned from
Italy, where she had met the goodlook-
ing, but impecunious, young count,
who, having been told that she was a
rich American, made love to her and
wrote her the most impassioned love
letters. She did not let concealment
prey upon her. Nearly every one in
the house was taken into her confi-
dence and shown the letters. One
424
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
evening, at dessert, she tossed an apple
paring over her shoulder, and asked
her neighbor at the table, ' Can you see
what letter that makes?' 'It looks
more like a "Q'! than anything else/
was the reply. 'I wish it were a"G",'
she said. The count's name was Gio-
vanni. She wore an aspect of bland
content, which, as the season wore on,
gave place to a green and yellow melan-
choly. * When have you heard from the
count?' she was asked one day. 'I
think he is offended with me,' she an-
swered sadly. 'He wanted me to ask
Mr. Carnegie to pay off the mortgage
on his villa.' 'How much is the mort-
gage?' 'Seventeen thousand dollars. I
could not go to see Mr. Carnegie. I
wrote to him and asked him to come
and see me, but he has never answered
my letter.' After this, no more was
heard of Count Giovanni and his love
letters.
Letters, as well as money, have been
known to remove an obstacle to a mar-
riage. When I was a young girl my
mother had a pretty young maid
named Angeline, who had a follower,
a young man whose position in life
was a peg higher than her own in the
social scale. His brother, a prosperous
grocer, and his brother's wife, made
ineffectual attempts to undo the en-
tanglement, but the young fellow was
faithful. He used to spend all his spare
evenings in the kitchen with Angeline
and take her out on Sunday after-
noons, when she imagined that she
looked like a lady, — for she spent all
of her wages upon clothes, and, like
a certain lady's maid, 'affected the
latest fashions, but was a failure in
gloves.' Despite the fact that he was
so attentive, she had grave fears that
he might prove inconstant. She was of
a morbid temperament and confessed
that she sometimes came downstairs in
the night and hid the carving-knife, for
fear she might do herself an injury,
illogically concluding that she could
not find it if she were seized with a
desire to cut her throat. After one of
these nights, she would appear in the
morning with a countenance of gloom.
'Are you not well, Angeline? ' she would
be asked. 'Oh, yes, ma'am, I am very
well, only I just feel as if I should n't
never see Hen again.' 'Why, did you
quarrel last night ? ' ' Oh, no, ma'am, we
don't never quarrel!' 'Then what is
the matter?' 'Nothin' ain't the mat-
ter, only I just feel as if I should n't
never see Hen again.'
In spite of these dark forebodings,
the evening visits continued, till one
afternoon Hen came to say good-bye.
He had suddenly decided to go to Chi-
cago to seek his fortune. Then it was
feared that the poor girl might indeed
never see her lover again. It was not
long, however, before a letter came to
Angeline from Chicago, written in a
sprawling hand, grammar and spelling
cast to the winds. Hen was prospering.
He described his boarding house as
'very pleasant, no atention is n't paid to
mear form, like the big hotels.' As usu-
al, the poor girl's happiness was over-
clouded by doubt and fears. How
could she ever answer this beautiful
letter? In her dilemma she appealed to
my little sister, whose handwriting was
remarkably pretty, and whose disposi-
tion was sweet and obliging. In the
evening, after her work was finished,
Angeline would come to my sister and
the two together would compose the
innocent little letters. Sometimes there
would be a quotation from a song. I re-
member one: —
Never from memory will fade those bright hours,
(that is, the evenings in the kitchen)
So sacred to friendship and thee.
As may be supposed, words could
hardly express the young man's emo-
tion when he received these refined let-
ters. His pride in his Angeline knew no
bounds. The correspondence continued
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
425
at intervals till the next June, when
the lover came back to be married.
'It was them letters as done it,' said
the sister, Marthy, envious of what she
considered Angeline's good fortune.
Let us hope that they were happy ever
after.
' Man was made to mourn ' over the
invention of the picture post-card, and
'countless thousands mourn' when
they see it come, as it does, from every
corner of the globe, sent forth broad-
cast by indolent and selfish people.
They will not trouble themselves to
write the letter which would have af-
forded comfort and relief to the hearts
of parents and friends, pining for some
definite intelligence of far-away child-
ren or relatives. It was not bad ad-
vice which the old lady, who had no
use for adverbs, gave her daughter,
who was embarking for six months
travel in foreign lands. The barren
brevity of her letters from school had
too often brought disappointment to
her mother's heart. 'Don't you dare/
said the old lady, 'to send me any of
those trashy picture-cards. I can buy
as many of them as I want from the
Pyramid down at the corner. I don't
want no view of the Coliseum (the
Colisyum, she called it) ; everybody who
goes to Rome sends me a Colisyum
card. Foolish things — I just burn 'em
all up. Why don't they wait till the
building is finished ? I suppose the con-
tractors keep puttin' them off, as they
did us when we was buildin'. No, don't
you think you can put me off with none
of them. Wherever you be, just set
down and write me a letter, and write
satisfactory, and write particular, and
write explicit, and, above all, write
comprehensible! '
Against the plain post-card no objec-
tion can be made. Its usefulness, in
emergencies, is undeniable, and the
amount of information which can some-
times be spread over its surface is sur-
prising. There is a lady who conducts
her entire correspondence through this
channel. She reveals secrets supposed
to be the most profound, relates mis-
demeanors and indiscretions with a
reckless disregard of the consequences.
One of her cards reads like the dis-
course of Jingle in the Pickwick Papers:
for instance: —
'Dick Dawson dead — they say
morphine. Flirtatious Julia Mitchell.
Scandalous! Mrs. Dick resentful. Wore
red dress at funeral. Beautiful summer.
Roses and strawberries, profusion.'
Then, later: —
'July weather, great heat. Mrs.
Dawson still resentful — has found
Julia's letters to Dick — shown them
about everywhere — says she will
hound Julia to the day of her death.'
Her confidence is unbounded in the
integrity of postmen and bell-boys,
while the latter may be seen any morn-
ing, sitting on the doorsteps of apart-
ment houses, making merry over the
post-card correspondence.
Woe to the man whose conscience
slumbers, seared with a hot iron, when
letters come to him pleading, often
pathetically, for the payment of debts.
A poor French wine-merchant once
confided to a gentleman the trouble he
had with a man who had been long
owing him for some wine. 'At last,' he
said, ' I wrote to him. My God ! he was
very angry. He said I thought he
would not pay. It was not that — I
would not care if he did not pay for
three years. It was the silence, you
understand. When your letters are
not answered, the first time you say,
' He have not received them," the
second time you say, " He is away,"
the third time you say, "He is seeck,"
the next time you say, " He wants to
steal me that money!'1
It is related of another merchant
that, impatient at the long delay of a
customer in settling his accounts with
426
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
him, he said at last to his young clerk,
'Write to that man and tell him that
I can wait no longer ! ' * What shall I
write to him?' the young man asked.
The merchant was hurried and an-
swered crossly and without thought,
* Something or nothing, and that soon ! '
In a few days a check came from the
delinquent, paying the entire amount
of his indebtedness. Surprised, the mer-
chant asked his clerk, ' What did you
write to that man?' 'Just what you
told me to,' the young man answered.
*I did not tell you what to write.' 'Yes,
you did; you said, "Something or no-
thing, and that soon." I wrote that.'
True, O Uncle Joshua, it takes some
one more wise than a fool to * compose
a letter.'
ASYLUMS FOR THE HOPELESSLY
. SANE
THESE are courageous, intelligent
days, when the world is taking itself
in hand and studying its own wants,
with the effect of divining some needs
which our fathers crassly ignored. Our
psychological development enables us
more and more to look below the obvi-
ous surface of the demands of our civil-
ization. Among other things, we are
beginning to feel the necessity of erect-
ing a few asylums for the hopelessly
sane. The progress, if not the actual
safety, of the commonwealth requires
them.
Fortunately, there would never have
to be many such institutions in exist-
ence; for sanity in its advanced stages
is not a disease widely prevalent among
human communities, and incipient san-
ity can generally be checked. But the
demand might support a supply of one
to every state.
What are the symptoms of sanity,
and what are the dangers inherent in
its development? Some of us know
only too well. We have tried to deal
with sane people. But others, more
fortunate, have never felt the chilly
blanketing of the malign influence, its
distortion of the generous values of
life, and they have to have their eyes
opened to the thwarting peril.
Sanity holds such a wise equipoise
among the conflicting forces of a none
too sagacious world that it never gets
pulled in any one direction more than
in another. That sounds all right.
Yes, the insidious nature of sanity is
to sound all right. But some of the
forces of the world are much better
than others; some are so gloriously ex-
cellent that they should be yielded to
utterly, followed without reserve to
their extreme conclusion. What are
such forces to make of a person who
says, 'Ah, well, yes, that does all very
well; but you go too fast and too far,
you become undignified. I agree with
you, cautiously, up to a certain point.
There I draw the line.' Sane people are
always drawing lines. That is one of
the surest indications of their malady.
As if the hard-and-fast lines of our hu-
man destiny were not already drawn
close enough! As if, enlisted in a good
cause, we had any business to set our-
selves boundaries!
Sanity is Argus-eyed, and sees a
great many sides to every question.
That, again, sounds very well. Surely,
a catholic disposition is all to the good.
But it does not look deep enough to
compare one side with another; for, if it
did, its individual temperament would
compel it to preference. The great or-
ganization that has monopolized the
term catholic, has a single vision and
emphatic preferences. But it may be
that sanity dispenses with individual
temperament, and so foregoes the very
standard of choice. At any rate, by
its wide tolerant recognition, it com-
mits itself to a policy of passivity in
an active world.
But is sanity tolerant? If it were, it
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
427
would at least be harmless, and there
would be no need for the Sane Asy-
lums. Unfortunately, like all its other
characteristics, tolerance graces it only
up to a certain point. Beyond that, a
decided negation takes possession of
it and makes it a grim force in the
world.
One has only to study the history of
humanity's greatest movements to see
how this works out. The early Church
went careering madly, bent wholly,
fiercely, on righteousness, cutting off
its hands, plucking out its eyes in every
direction. The Kingdom might per-
haps have come as soon as the disciples
expected if that 6lan had continued.
But then Constantine arose, at the
same time giving the new religion its
first organized chance and teaching it
its first lessons in worldly wisdom.
' Very well ; you have your good points ;
I will help you — especially since, if I
don't, you seem likely to make things
unpleasant for me. But you go too far.
You must learn self-control. I will set
you an example by deferring my bap-
tism till the hour of my death.' Per-
haps it is ungracious to criticize the
first Christian emperor; but certainly
since his day, the Church has ceased
plucking out its eyes, and no longer
succeeds in making things effectively
unpleasant for anybody. It would
speak volumes if some Tammany mag-
nate, some iniquitous factory overseer,
should feel the necessity of committing
himself to baptism rather than suffer
the slings and arrows of some outrag-
eous religious denomination. Unhap-
pily, it speaks other volumes that no
one does.
Enthusiasm is too sensitive and spir-
itual an essence not to suffer from the
shock and chill of encounter with pru-
dence. It draws in its tentacles, con-
tracts; and, when it recovers itself,
finds itself a changed being in a hard-
ening world. There is then nothing for
it but to go slowly; for hard things re-
quire deliberate manipulation. Only
things made molten by a fire of love
and zeal flow swiftly into place.
One sees, then, how fatal the touch
of sanity may be. It is not precisely
contagious, for most of us — thank
heaven ! — have no germs of it in us ;
but it is very arresting. It interrupts
the momentum by which many a good
cause, if left to itself, would have car-
ried all before it. When the world at
last makes up its mind to become and
to do that which it promised nineteen
hundred years ago, it will have to be-
gin by locking all its strictly sane peo-
ple out of the way.
But if sanity is so thwarting, does it
follow, on the other hand, that mad-
ness is the disposition which best suits
human life? Natural selection seems to
have found it so. Everybody is mad
when he is most spontaneously, most,
effectively himself. For then he is
literally beside himself, carried out of,
away from himself, lost to his own
recognition in the mighty sweep of his
cause. He does not stop to weigh and
consider, to balance expediencies; he
lets himself go, and, almost without
knowing it, accomplishes great things.
He who is not mad when he is in love is
a pretty poor kind of lover; and what
are we all but desperate lovers of
Heaven ?
Madness is an attribute of youth,
and sanity of maturity. That is the
reason why a beneficent Providence
has decreed that the span of human life
shall be so comparatively short, and
that nations and civilizations shall be
so frequently dissolved and dispersed.
Only when people and countries are
young, do they make vigorous history.
When they take to turning on them-
selves and asking soberly, 'Is this
worth while? Are we not becoming
ridiculous? ' they have to be safely an-
nihilated. Then the world-progress,
428
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
sorely interrupted and impeded, can
gather itself together and go on again.
This is all quite too bad. For youth's
inexperience is its serious handicap;
and maturity's wisdom might stand it
in good stead, if it were not taken in
such over-doses that it becomes a poi-
son. If people and nations could only
conserve their madness through the
whole course of their experimenting
lives, learning the rules of the game
while still devoting their passionate at-
tention to the goal, they might end by
making some really great and brilliant
achievements.
Perhaps, then, sanitariums would be
better than asylums for our sane. In-
stead of waiting till they become hope-
less and then committing them perma-
nently, it might be well to note the first
symptoms and take them in hand. For
the groundwork of human nature is so
vital and healthy that, if it is encour-
aged, it can almost always throw off
incipient sanity. The methods of such
sanitariums would be interesting to
devise. Patients not too far advanced
in their malady would have a good
time. They would be constrained to
devote themselves recklessly to what-
ever they held most dear (provided the
causes were approved worthy); they
would be made to take risks, commit
imprudences. By some ingenious ar-
rangement of the daily curriculum,
they would be constantly given the
choice between that which is spontane-
ous, vital, and that which is reasonable;
and, when they chose the latter, they
would be hissed. A fine place, such a
sanitarium! Stimulating, inspiring, in-
vigorating. We should all of us want
to go there, for very love of the stand-
ard, for very joy in the great contagion
of enthusiasm. Sane and insane alike,
we should look upon the experience as a
sort of religious * retreat/
Ah! it is a desperate business, this
life, to which we are so obscurely, so
inexplicably committed. Our only
chance with it is to take it desperately.
It is infinitely greater than we are, it
knows what it is about, its cosmic in-
tentions endure. We are wise when we
let ourselves go with it; we are very
silly when we weigh and reserve our al-
legiance. So, then, the sane are the
only insane? That is possible.
IN A TRAIN WITH LAMB
I WAS riding in a train with Charles
Lamb — who never rode in one in all
his shadowed life. I doubt whether he
would have cared for it. When he
went to Coleridge's or to Mackery End
by coach there was a slowness of tran-
sit that did not forebode the putting
of great distances between himself and
his beloved London. But a train! —
whizz and clang ! and many miles away
from Fleet Street in an incredibly
short space of time! He would have
fancied the impossibility of ever going
back over such a distance. Of course,
in reality, the going back would have
been as swift; but Charles Lamb no
more dwelt amid realities than did I
reflect reality when I wrote of riding
with him in a train. What I truly
meant was that I had his essays with
me; and as I was buried in " Schoolmas-
ters New and Old" the subconscious
contrast was in my mind between the
coach of which he told — the leisurely
and I hope comfortable coach — and
my clanking train which was making a
blur of all the beauty near at hand and
leaving for the eye's delight only the
more distant landscape.
It was in raising my eyes from the
book for a second to look at the distant
hills — misty, as I love hills best -
that I brought about a longer interrup-
tion of my reading than I had intend-
ed. My own fault, of course, for de-
serting the page; one who wants to find
the crock of gold should never allow his
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
429
eyes to leave the guiding fairy. But
Lamb so vividly described the bore
with whom he was riding in the coach
that I forewent for a moment the de-
light of his page to reflect with sardonic
and not sufficiently guilty pleasure on
the boredom of visiting relatives whom
I had escaped by a far from truthful
story that I must make a journey into
the country. Yet, 'a feller has to
fish ' — and as I laid my hand affec-
tionately on the rod which stood be-
side me I reflected that the imperative
in the line quoted afforded at least
some salve for conscience. And it was
with this feeling of stifled scruples that
I was turning back to the volume when
the man who sat between me and the
window spoke.
I had no further noted him in taking
my seat than to observe that he was
bulky and left me none too much room.
Now, as he spoke and I perforce looked
at him, I saw that his face was mate
to his body in its bulkiness, and that
there was little in it to indicate com-
panionship for me.
He pointed to a building of galvan-
ized iron which was going up at the
farther edge of a marsh over which we
were traveling.
'Do you happen to know what that
is intended for?' he inquired.
With politeness that denoted a total
lack of interest I replied that I did
not.
* I heard that big woolen mills are to
be put up in this neighborhood,' he said,
'and I wondered if that could be the
building.'
I did not know, I was sure. I lack
the temperament which enables one to
turn abruptly away from a bore — and
although perhaps not encouraged, he
was at least not sufficiently discouraged
by my reticence to be prevented from
saying, —
'There would be a fine opening for a
big woolen mill here.'
I tried to think of something pat to
the occasion — I could not; I saw
something opposite in the form of a
flock of grazing sheep, but was afraid
that mention of them would make him
further discursive, and depended upon
nods and half-muttered negatives and
assents to silence him. But this was
not easy. He was interested in woolen
mills and craved conversation about
them. Then the recollection that a
chewing-gum factory was to be erected
in the neighborhood furnished a cud
for his audible reflections to several
minutes' extent. The wonder to me
was that he could be so interested in
these things, yet talk so stupidly of
them. I am not one of the bookish sort
who look upon books as the only
worth-while topic of conversation; but
one who cannot talk well upon the only
things he knows, as was the case with
this man, should talk only to himself.
I was becoming desperate when the
delightful reflection came upon me that
I was going through an episode such
as had befallen Lamb on the stage-
coach — that I had deserted an ac-
count of his distressing experience only
to plunge into something similar. So
absorbed did I become in dwelling
upon the comparison that I ceased lis-
tening to what the man was saying
till he leaned toward me and asked, —
'May I inquire what you are read-
ing?'
I wanted to shout with laughter. It
was with real effort that I suppressed
at least a chuckle. What an opportun-
ity! He should see the book — his at-
tention should be called to the passage
wherein Lamb drew the schoolmaster
who must have been one of my neigh-
bor's ancestors. With my finger ready
to point to the passage as one especial-
ly worth reading, I extended the book
to him.
'Lamb,' I said.
I had regarded him as a man who,
430
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
should a waiter say, 'Lamb, sir? ' would
look epicureanly reflective. What
other application of the word could ap-
peal to him?
But at my reply his heavy face grew
all a-sparkle.
'Lamb!' he cried. 'I hope for your
sake that you love him as I do. To
know him is enough to make one happy
for life.'
By this time he had the volume in
his hand, and my changed heart was
beating in sympathy with his.
He flipped the pages rapidly, slowly,
glancing here and there, reading here
and there, sometimes to himself with
great inner rumblings, sometimes to me
— until I impatiently but politely took
the book from him and had my share
of glance and comment. He liked some
passages better than I did — I liked
others better than he did. For some
our admiration was equally shared.
'What a fellow!' he said. 'Remem-
ber his friend George! — what was his
other name? Well, it does n't matter.
But you remember, don't you, how he
was leaving Lamb's house one night,
and fell into the river; and Lamb and
others fished him out, all but drowned;
and how the soppy eccentric stood
there and said, happy over his own
perception, " Huh, I knew all the time
that I was in the river"?'
What joy to meet a man who knows
and loves your favorite story of all
stories !
With equal gusto I reviewed Lamb's
letter in which he wrote of his journey
home from the doctor's party astride a
friend's back — it having been a party
of the sort that makes walking difficult
for a true devotee of gin. So overjoyed
was my new acquaintance at the re-
awakened memory of this letter that
he thumped me heartily on the back to
emphasize his delight. Now, I am sens-
itive about being thumped on the back,
but on this occasion it seemed to be
quite in keeping with the boisterous-
ness of the doctor's party.
It was with real regret that I pre-
pared to leave him at my journey's
end — real regret until he said, 'Sorry
you're going; we have n't had time to
go through my favorite essay, "School-
masters New and Old." Then I was
rather glad that we had to part.
FLAT PROSE
SOME time ago a writer in the Atlan-
tic protested against the taboo on
'beautiful prose.' He asserted that the
usual organs of publication, especially
in America, reject with deadly certain-
ty all contributions whose style sug-
gests that melodious rhythm which De
Quincey and Ruskin made fashionable
for their generations, and Stevenson re-
vived in the nineties. He complained
that the writer is no longer allowed to
write as well as he can; that he must
abstract all unnecessary color of phrase,
all warmth of connotation and grace of
rhythm from his style, lest he should
seem to be striving for 'atmosphere/
instead of going about his proper busi-
ness, which is to fill the greedy stom-
ach of the public with facts.
Unfortunately, this timely fighter in
a good cause was too enamored of the
art whose suppression he was bewailing.
He so far forgot himself as to make his
own style 'beautiful' in the old-time
fashion, and thus must have roused the
prejudice of the multitude, who had to
study such style in college, and knew
from sad experience that it takes longer
to read than the other kind.
But there are other and safer ways
of combating the taste foT flat prose.
One might be to print parallel columns
of 'newspaper English' (which they
threaten now to teach in the schools)
until the eye sickened of its deadly
monotony. This is a bad way. The av-
erage reader would not see the point.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
431
Paragraphs from a dozen American pa-
pers, all couched in the same utilita-
rian dialect, - - simple but not always
clear, concise yet seldom accurate, em-
phatic but as ugly as the clank of an
automobile chain, — why, we read
thousands of such lines daily! We
think in such English; we talk in it;
to revolt from this style, to which the
Associated Press has given the largest
circulation on record, would be like
protesting against the nitrogen in our
air.
And who wants to bring back color,
rhythm, beauty, a sense of the innate
value of words, to the news column,
or even to the editorial page! It takes
too long to read them now.
Books and magazines require a dif-
ferent reckoning. The author is still
allowed to let himself go occasionally
in books — especially in sentimental
books. But the magazines, with few
exceptions, have shut down the lid, and
are keeping the stylistic afflatus under
strict compression. No use to show
them what they might publish if, with
due exclusion of the merely pretty, the
sing-song, and the weakly ornate, they
were willing to let a little style escape.
With complete cowardice, they will
turn the general into the particular,
and insist that in any case they will not
publish you. Far better, it seems to
me, to warn editors and the * practical
public' as to what apparently is going
to happen if ambitious authors are tied
down much longer to flat prose.
It is not generally known, I believe,
that post-impressionism has escaped
from the field of pictorial art, and is
running rampant in literature. At pre-
sent, Miss Gertrude Stein is the chief
culprit. Indeed, she may be called the
founder of a coterie, if not of a school.
Her art has been defined recently by
one of her admirers, who is also the
subject, or victim, of the word-portrait
from which I intend later to quote in
illustration of my argument. 'Ger-
trude Stein,' says Miss Dodge, 'is do-
ing with words what Picasso is doing
with paint. She is impelling language
to induce new states of consciousness,
and in doing so language becomes with
her a creative art rather than a mirror
of history.' This, being written in psy-
chological and not in post-impression-
ist English, is fairly intelligible. But it
does not touch the root of the matter.
Miss Stein, the writer continues, uses
' words that appeal to her as having the
meaning they seem to have [that is, if
'diuturnity' suggests a tumble down-
stairs, it means a tumble downstairs].
To present her impressions she chooses
words for their inherent quality ra-
ther than their accepted meaning.'
Let us watch the creative artist at
her toil. The title of this particular
word-picture is 'Portrait of Mabel
Dodge at the Villa Curonia.' As the
portrait itself has a beginning, but no
middle, and only a faintly indicated
end, I believe — though in my ignor-
ance of just what it all means I am not
sure — that I can quote at random
without offense to the impressions de-
rivable from the text.
Here then are a few paragraphs
where the inherent quality of the words
is said to induce new states of con-
sciousness : —
' Bargaining is something and there
is not that success. The intention is
what if application has that accident
results are reappearing. They did not
darken. That was not an adulteration.
. . . There is that particular half of di-
recting that there is that particular
whole direction that is not all the meas-
ure of any combination. Gliding is not
heavily moving. Looking is not vanish-
ing. Laughing is not evaporation.
' Praying has intention and relieving
that situation is not solemn. There
comes that way.
' There is all there is when there has
432
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
all there has where there is what there
is. That is what is done when there
is done what is done and the union is
won and the division is the explicit
visit. There is not all of any visit.*
After a hundred lines of this I wish
to scream, I wish to burn the book, I
am in agony. It is not because I know
that words cannot be torn loose from
their meanings without insulting the
intellect. It is not because I see that
this is a prime example of the * confu-
sion of the arts.' No, my feeling is
purely physical. Some one has applied
an egg-beater to my brain.
But having calmed myself by a sed-
ative of flat prose from the paper, I
realize that Miss Stein is more sinned
against than sinning. She is merely a
red flag waved by the Zeitgeist.
For this is the sort of thing we are
bound to get if the lid is kept down on
the stylists much longer. Repression
has always bred revolt. Revolt breeds
extravagance. And extravagance leads
to absurdity. And yet even in the ab-
surd, a sympathetic observer may de-
tect a purpose which is honest and
right. Miss Stein has indubitably writ-
ten nonsense, but she began with sense.
For words have their sound-values as
well as their sense-values, and prose
rhythms do convey to the mind emo-
tions that mere denotation cannot give.
Rewrite the solemn glory of Old Testa-
ment diction in the flat colorless prose
which just now is demanded, and won-
der at the difference. Translate 'the
multitudinous seas incarnadine' into
' making the ocean red,' — or, for more
pertinent instances, imagine a Carlyle,
an Emerson, a Lamb forced to exclude
from his vocabulary every word not
readily understood by the multitude,
to iron out all whimseys, all melodies
from his phrasing, and to plunk down
his words one after the other in the or-
der of elementary thought.
I am willing to fight to the last drop
of ink against any attempt to bring
back ' fine writing ' and ornate rhetoric
into prose. * Expression is the dress of
thought,' and plain thinking and plain
facts look best in simple clothing. Nev-
ertheless, if we must write our stories,
our essays, our novels, and (who
knows) our poems in the flat prose of
the news column, — if the editors will
sit on the lid, — well, the public will
get what it pays for, but sooner or la-
ter the spirit of style will ferment, will
work, will grow violent under restraint.
There will be reaction, explosion, revo-
lution. The public will get its flat
prose, and — in addition — not one,
but a hundred Gertrude Steins.'
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
OCTOBER, 1914
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
BY FRANCIS E. LEUPP
IN a recent number of the Atlantic
Monthly an English writer sketches the
political and social changes which have
come over the British Isles within the
last generation.1 His survey is made
with particular reference to the mooted
point, how far representative govern-
ment has been promoted or impaired
by these changes; and at the conclu-
sion of his article he goes to the bot-
tom of the whole business by asking
what, after all, is 'real representation.'
In the United States, within the corre-
sponding period, we have been experi-
encing changes as momentous as those
in the mother country, and the same
fundamental question confronts us as
we glance over the fields in which they
have occurred.
Representation, considered without
special reference to domestic politics,
may take any one of several forms.
The envoy, for example, represents his
sovereign in a manner quite unlike that
in which the guardian represents his
ward. The envoy must make himself
as nearly as practicable the mirror and
echo of his sovereign, whose idiosyn-
crasies and passing whims he must re-
flect with equal faithfulness, whether
1 'England and Ireland/ by H. FIELDING-
HALL, in the Atlantic for December. 1913.
VOL. 114 -NO. 4
they appeal to his common sense or
revolt it. The guardian, on the other
hand, however well settled the terms of
his appointment, and regardless of the
share the ward may have been allowed
in his selection, is clothed with a discre-
tion for the exercise of which he is held
to as strict account as for his honesty.
Of alternative courses open to -him in
any instance, the one promising imme-
diate profit and eagerly desired by the
ward, the other presenting fewer super-
ficial attractions but pointing to larger
advantages in the future, he is bound
to take that which, according to his own
best judgment, will be for the ward's
greater eventual benefit. Then, there
is the representative relation of the
attorney, who, though accepting the
client's instructions with his retainer,
is nevertheless subject to the higher
obligations of professional ethics, and
must be ever mindful that he is an offi-
cer of the court as well as a private
practitioner. Finally, there is the fam-
iliar illustration of the stockholder in
a corporate enterprise, who assigns to
a proxy the right to vote in his stead
on matters of vital importance, not
only leaving to this representative ab-
solute freedom of action, but approv-
ing and validating in advance every
step he may take.
So it will be seen that representation
434
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
is a term not so easy to define as one
might suppose, and especially difficult
when we use it to describe the duty of
a public servant. Does it mean that
the man we put into office shall always
do there just what we should have done
if we had been handling the same af-
fairs directly? Or does it mean that,
in a crisis where his judgment and ours
differ with respect to a large question
which he has had a better opportunity
than we to study at close range, he is to
obey our orders in defiance of his per-
sonal conviction that to do so would
make for our ultimate injury? Or does
it mean that if the code of official ethics
adopted and maintained for the com-
mon good stands in the way of his ac-
complishing some purpose on which we
individually have set our hearts, he
shall disregard it in the assertion of his
representative character? Or does it
mean that, when we put him where he
is, we turned over to him every power,
right, and privilege we possessed in the
premises, and deliberately estopped
ourselves from further interference in
the business we intrusted to him?
II
At one time or another, and wholly
or in part, representative government
in the United States has passed through
all these phases. In great emergencies,
like that presented by the Civil War
and its immediate sequelae, the people
with practical unanimity surrendered to
the government at Washington all au-
thority, to be exercised as might seem
best on any occasion. It was the sense
that they had done this, and were bound
to stand by their bargain, that kept
the country generally quiet in the face
of repeated trespasses by the military
power upon the civil domain, and per-
mitted the piling up of the public debt,
the resort to an irredeemable paper cur-
rency, the imposition of extraordinary
taxes, the recruiting of the army by
conscription, the unceremonious seizure
and destruction of private property,
the arbitrary creation and division of
states, the wholesale emancipation of
the slaves by executive proclamation,
and many other measures which, un-
der different conditions, would have
been condemned as despotic. We have
seen a senator sent to Coventry for
voting his convictions at an impeach-
ment trial, although he was doing only
what he had solemnly sworn to do.
We have seen a reelection refused to
one President because he told the
truth, as he saw it, about the tariff, in
pursuance of his constitutional duty
to recommend to the consideration of
Congress 'such measures as he shall
judge necessary and expedient,' and to
another because he kept too strictly
within the limits set by the organic law
upon his jurisdiction.
The fathers of the Constitution had
their own notion of what representa-
tion meant. With them, it was obvious-
ly the relation of guardian to ward ; and
their debates in the convention of 1787
showed that, in their opinion, the safe-
ty of the republic depended on avoid-
ing an undue intimacy between the
twain, by taking care that the ward
should not have too much to say about
the choice of the guardian. The prole-
tariat were to have their welfare safe-
guarded, of course, but it was not for
them to meddle with the machinery es-
tablished for this purpose, since pre-
sumptively they would not know what
was best for them. The right to vote
ought to be restricted to the class who
would use it wisely, and probably a
property qualification would furnish
the most effective gauge for separating
that class from the others. When this
proposition was before the Conven-
tion, Mr. Dickinson of Maryland spoke
in favor of it. 'The freeholders of the
country,' he declared, 'are the best
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
435
guardians of liberty, and the restriction
of the right to them is a necessary de-
fense against the dangerous influence
of the multitudes without property and
without principle, with which our coun-
try, like all others, will in time abound.'
'The time/ said Gouverneur Morris
of New York, ' is not distant when this
country will abound with mechanics
and manufacturers, who will receive
their bread from their employers. Will
such men be the secure and faithful
guardians of liberty — the impregna-
ble barriers against aristocracy? The
ignorant and the dependent can be as
little trusted with the public interest
as children ! '
* Viewing the subject in its merits
alone,' said Madison of Virginia, 'the
freeholders of the country would be
the safest depositories of republican
liberty. In future times, a great major-
ity of the people will not only be with-
out property in land, but property of
any sort. These will either combine
under the influence of their common
situation, or, what is more probable,
they will become the tools of opulence
and ambition ; in which case, there will
be equal danger on another side.'
And thus it went. Even Franklin,
with all his unaristocratic antecedents,
and his repugnance to the idea of con-
ferring the ballot upon property while
denying it to human beings, based his
most powerful plea on what seemed a
purely sentimental theory, that the
possession of the elective franchise
would of itself inspire nobility of char-
acter in the citizen. Considerations of
prudence finally prevailed to turn the
whole issue over to the states, letting
them individually decide to whom,
within their own borders, they would
grant the ballot and to whom refuse
it. In those days, so strong was the
sense of the value of property as a
means of grace for the administration
of a public trust, that it was soberly
proposed to require a certain degree of
wealth of every one who aspired to an
important office — that the President,
for instance, should be possessed of not
less than one hundred thousand dol-
lars, a judge of fifty thousand, and a
member of Congress of a fortune of
proportionate size.
How slender was the faith of the
delegates generally in the discretion
and integrity of the masses of the
people, is plain from the distinction
made between the methods prescribed
for choosing the members of the two
houses of Congress, and between the
lengths of their respective terms; from
the confining of the consideration of
foreign treaties to the indirectly chosen
Senate; from the indirect process laid
down for the election of President; from
the power vested in the President thus
elected to appoint the judiciary, and of-
ficers who represent the United States
in dealing with other nations; and from
the inclusion of the executive with
Congress as a part of the law-making
machinery. The direct share of the
people in all this was narrowed down
practically to the election of their re-
presentatives in Congress, who were to
have the initiation of measures affect-
ing taxation, and an equal share with
the Senate in all legislation. In order
that the great body of citizens should
have a fairly frequent hearing for their
views on public questions, the member-
ship of the House of Representatives
was to be completely renewed once in
two years. This, it was believed, would
provide for the prompt reflection of all
changes of opinion among a constitu-
ency recognized as liable to fickleness;
but, lest such changes should be too
frequent for the country's good, there
stood the Senate, free from immediate
responsibility to the populace, and in-
trenched behind a fixed term of six
years, ready to act as a steadying force.
The Senate's function of compelling
436
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
deliberation has been illustrated in
many ways, but in none better than
by one of the apocryphal stories of
George Washington on which an earlier
generation was brought up. He was
said to have been asked at a friend's
table, why we had aped the feudal in-
stitutions of Great Britain to the extent
of having a select as well as a popular
house in our Congress. His hostess had
just helped him to a cup of tea, so hot
that it was sending forth a cloud of
steam. He poured a part of the tea into
his saucer, and let it stand long enough
to cool before drinking. * This cup, 'said
he, 'is the House of Representatives.
Its contents have come directly from
the people, who may be in a state of
great excitement. This saucer is the
Senate, in which I can hold the scald-
ing liquid till its heat has subsided
enough to make it safe to drink.'
Carrying the same idea a stage fur-
ther, the Constitution empowered the
President to halt the enactment of a
proposed law till he could set forth any
reasons he might have for regarding it
as ill-advised or inopportune, and thus
procure its review in a calmer spirit.
The restriction of all foreign negotia-
tions to the President and Senate, also,
was designed to put wholly outside of
a volatile atmosphere the considera-
tion of matters which might bring our
government into collision with others.
And with respect to the judiciary, the
influence of popular passion and im-
pulse was to be nullified by lifting the
Federal bench out of the arena of poli-
tics, where the decision of a magistrate
in some critical case might be more or
less swayed by his dread of incurring
the disfavor of his constituents.
in
All this was a century and a quarter
ago. In the interval the population of
the United States has risen from four
million to nearly one hundred million
souls, with a proportional multiplica-
tion of social and economic problems,
particularly in the present generation,
when the increase in the population
has been more than equaled by the in-
crease of its density around certain
centres of industrial activity. What
the fathers foresaw has come to pass:
an enormous multitude of our people is
without property, or with very little.
Yet manhood suffrage prevails in al-
most all the states, and, in the few
where any restrictions whatever are
imposed, those restrictions are mostly
educational tests of an elementary or-
der. The property qualification which
loomed so large in the minds of Dick-
-inson and Morris and Madison, and
which was widely adopted in the early
days, is now everywhere obsolete or ob-
solescent. Large wealth has accumu-
lated in the hands of a small minority
of our people. Human nature mean-
while has remained human nature, and
the class cleavage has followed finan-
cial lines rather than lines of ancestry
or of worldly knowledge, with the re-
sult that the citizen with insignificant
means or no means at all is set in an-
tagonism to the citizen with plenty.
Class-consciousness manifests itself
in politics, because politics furnishes
the machinery for representation, and
representation for legislation; and the
whole trend of modern legislation has
been in the direction of satisfying the
demands of the masses for direct relief
or enlarged opportunity. The primitive
assumption that government is mere-
ly a form of organization to be sup-
ported by the people for their common
convenience, with functions limited
to the maintenance of order, the ad-
justment of controverted rights, and
the protection of the persons and pro-
perty subject to its jurisdiction, has
been gradually working over into an
assumption that it is the business of
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
437
this government, at least, to support
the people.
For indications marking stages in
such a process, read in the national
statute-book the laws requiring a rigid
inspection of meat products; penalizing
the adulteration of foods and drugs;
establishing a postal savings system to
encourage thrift among the poor; com-
pelling the use of special appliances on
railroads to make the handling of trains
less dangerous for employees; prescrib-
ing the length of a day's work in sun-
dry occupations; creating bureaus to
investigate, and incidentally to expose
to public criticism, the methods pur-
sued in privately owned industries and
in the employment of particular class-
es of laborers; condemning to destruc-
tion a once profitable line of manufac-
ture because its raw materials were
unwholesome for its artisans to work
with; making employers liable for in-
juries suffered by their workmen while
on duty; excluding from our shores
sundry classes of immigrants lest they
underbid our citizens in the labor mar-
kets; constructing mammoth reclam-
ation projects for the benefit of the
farmers of the arid West; making war
upon lotteries and the prostitute traf-
fic; and for a score of cognate purposes
entirely beyond the contemplation of
the framers of the Constitution. These,
indeed, appear to be but the initiatory
features of a new epoch, if we believe
that President Wilson will carry his
anti-trust, agricultural-education, and
farmer-loan programmes to success,
and if we are prepared to treat seri-
ously the efforts of certain members
of Congress to commit that body to a
policy regarding marriage and divorce,
to the regulation of stock and produce
exchanges, and to the exemption of
labor organizations from the operation
of the laws against monopoly.
These things are in addition to a
heap of legislation enacted in the sev-
eral states, some of which is consistent,
while much is more or less in conflict,
with the United States laws on the
same subjects. In order to reconcile
the discordant elements as far as may
be, the boundaries which used to sep-
arate state from Federal jurisdiction
are in process of being obliterated.
Here is, of course, a radical departure
from the plans of the Constitution-
makers, who never lost sight of the ori-
•gin of the republic as a mere union of
independent sovereignties for the bet-
ter assurance of their joint defense
against domestic insurrection and hos-
tilities from without. The national
ideal is now invading every field of
legislation, supplanting both the ideal
of state sovereignty and the federal
theory, and running parallel with the
struggle for self-assertion among the
masses of the people and their more
and more clamorous insistence that
the will of the numerical majority shall
override all considerations of differen-
ces in intelligence, education, or social
condition.
Whoever has watched the movement
with a discerning eye must read in it,
I think, the gradual transformation of
a representative government under a
thin veil of democracy, which we in-
herited, into a democracy with a few
superficial insignia of representative
government, cherished rather for mem-
ory's sake than for any faith in their
virtues.
The Constitution is distinguished
no less for its elasticity than for its
strength. When circumstances have
called into existence a public policy
for which no explicit sanction could
be found in its text, resort has been had
to some clause which would stretch if
pulled hard enough. Thus, when all
state-bank currency had to be driven
out of existence, a prohibitory tax was
levied under the right of Congress to
lay and collect taxes; when the great
438
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
carrying corporations seemed to need
government oversight, the power of
Congress to regulate commerce be-
tween the states was invoked; and
when any novel demand could not be
met otherwise, the 'general welfare'
clause of the preamble and the first
section of article one proved of timely
convenience. Neither the eleven para-
graphs added before the close of the
eighteenth century to supply a few
omissions discovered in the original
text, nor the Twelfth Amendment,
adopted in 1804 to make the electo-
ral system more workable, affected
the spirit of the Constitution as first
promulgated; so it may be said with
truth that the republic conducted its
business for seventy-five years under a
charter essentially unaltered. The far-
reaching results of the Civil War made
necessary the Thirteenth, Fourteenth,
and Fifteenth amendments, but these
were followed by more than forty years
of quiescence.
IV
The purpose of this brief historical
review is to emphasize the reluctance
of the American people in. the past to
tamper with their Constitution, and
hence the revolutionary significance of
the Sixteenth and Seventeenth amend-
ments, proclaimed in 1913. Both have
in view the expedition of the democra-
tizing process which has already been
noted. The Sixteenth Amendment re-
cognizes the increasing power of indi-
vidual wealth throughout the country,
and is designed to compel the assump-
tion by the moneyed class of a larger
share of the common burden. To this
end it sweeps away state barriers, and
authorizes the national government to
impose a tax on incomes without re-
gard to the distribution of population
or representation. It clears the way
for the capture of the possessor of great
riches wherever found, and for calling
him to the same account as his neigh-
bor who has little or nothing — or, as
it has worked out in the exemption pro-
visions of the present act, to an ac-
count far more severe.
The Seventeenth Amendment, by
which the choice of senators is trans-
ferred from the legislatures of the sev-
eral states to the people thereof, was
doubtless the outgrowth of a widespread
distrust of legislatures. It recalls the
answer of a notorious speculator who
flourished in my youth, and whose ven-
tures depended often on the success of
his lobby work, to the question why he
took so languid an interest in the pre-
liminaries to an election impending in
his state.V It is cheaper to buy the leg-
islature after election than the voters
before it.' Whether the remark was
earnestly made, or in cynical humor,
it spread like wildfire, it was so at one
with what was known of the character
of its author, and comported so well
with the sense of suspicion that lurked
in the popular mind regarding the up-
rightness of law-makers of the rank
commonly sent to the state capitals.
About this time, also, began a series
of deadlocks in the legislatures which
had senators to elect, and one or two
of them occurred at critical junctures
when it was important to a state to
have a full representation at Washing-
ton. Finally, the indirect method of
election, which kept the Senate always
at arm's length from the people, and
gave it the name of an American House
of Lords, became more and more an ob-
ject of notice and attack in the press.
Some of the most censorious critics
insisted that the Senate had outgrown
whatever of usefulness it might once
have possessed, and would better be
discarded altogether; this brought a
more conservative group of citizens to
its defense, and a compromise between
the two extremes of view was reached
on the basis of letting the people of a
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
439
state express in some way their prefer-
ence between senatorial candidates, as
a guide to the legislature. And, while
several plans of this sort were under
discussion, came Tillman.
Long after the Civil War had ended
Negro slavery, most of the South clung
to its aristocratic traditions of public
service with intense tenacity. Its lead-
ers were not ' men of the people ' either
by descent or in sympathies. Their an-
cestors had been conspicuous figures in
their respective States for several gen-
erations; they were scions of Revolu-
tionary stock or of the navy of 1812, or
sprung from families which had given
governors, legislators, or judges to the
.community in trying times of old. All
were well versed in American history,
many had won local fame as orators,
and there were few who had not both
the ancient and the English classics
at their tongues' command. The loss
of their slaves and the deterioration of
their plantations had left them finan-
cially stranded, and some salaried of-
fice seemed to the worshipful yeomanry
around them to offer the best means of
providing for their needs. So a stream
of blue blood poured from the South
into Congress, and especially into the
Senate, from the hour that the Recon-
struction bogey was exorcised from
Southern politics.
The first break came when Benjamin
R. Tillman, the head of an insurgent
movement among the inelegant rustics
of South Carolina, succeeded in getting
himself elected Governor, and forcing
the legislature to drop Wade Hampton
and send John L. M. Irby to the Sen-
ate. A little later he came himself. A
' farmer ' — not a * planter ' — by occu-
pation, redolent of the upturned soil in
appearance, manners, and speech, and
accused by local gossips of having sat in
a wagon in an open marketplace and
sold the produce of his acres, it would
be hard to imagine a sharper human
contrast than was presented by this
man and his immediate predecessor,
Matthew C. Butler, every line in whose
face bore witness to his pedigree, and
whose voice and bearing were those of
a well-bred citizen of the world. I re-
member the despairing comment of a
South Carolinian of distinguished lin-
eage who was in Washington when the
news arrived that Tillman had defeat-
ed Butler: 'This means that the end
is at hand!' He read the omen aright.
The oligarchy which had ruled the
South for more than a century by vir-
tue of the strain of rulership in its
blood, was facing everywhere a disas-
ter from which there could be no recov-
ery. The common people were learning
their strength, and had begun to make
use of it.
If doubt remained in any mind of the
meaning of Tillman's election, it was
dispelled with his first irruption as a
debater in the Senate, when he said,
'I am the only farmer in this august
body. Yet out of seventy million peo-
ple in this country, thirty-five million
are engaged in agriculture. If, then, one
farmer has broken down the barriers
and forced his way here, upon his head
rests the responsibility of giving utter-
ance to the feelings, the aspirations
of his fellows. Before I get through,
you will realize that I speak plainly
and bluntly . . . the language of the
common people; for I am one of them,
and I expect to tell you how they feel,
and what they think, and what they
want ! ' And proceeding to discuss cer-
tain questions which he said had been
threshed out by lawyers, and corpor-
ation magnates, and nearly everybody
else, but had 'not yet been handled on
the pitchfork of the farmer,' he laid
about him savagely, particularly de-
nouncing the Cleveland administration
for having betrayed the Democratic
party and surrendered the nation into
the control of a plutarchy.
440
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
The ' pitchfork speech ' was the sen-
sation of the day; but whoever sup-
posed that it was to remain a unique
oratorical curio was destined to be
speedily undeceived. Every slogan of
revolt raised in national politics since
then, from the nasal wails of Teller at
St. Louis to the leonine roars of John-
son at Chicago, has had for its burden
the same grievance that Tillman voiced :
The clique in power represents not the
masses but the classes! The men who
hold the captains' commissions under
its banner are not of the people, or in
close accord with the people; whereas
the candidates put forward by the re-
monstrants have this supreme excel-
lence, that they come from the people,
believe in the people, think with the
people, and are prepared to obey the
wishes of the people at every turn and
to the last extreme. Economic and fin-
ancial issues such as engaged the best
thought and finest eloquence of the wise
men who sat in the Capitol a genera-
tion ago, and through them captured
the attention of their constituents, hold
a secondary place in the popular inter-
est now, the first place having been
usurped by social and humane prob-
lems which formerly were regarded as
outside the pale of governmental activ-
ity; and Congress has been steadily
growing, as we have seen, more and
more responsive to this latter-day bent
of the public mind.
Thus, between the foundation of the
republic and the present hour, the gen-
eral conception of what Congress ought
to be and do has passed from one pole
to the other: from the theory that a
member was to be chosen because of
his superior antecedents and culture,
his greater independence of spirit, his
wider experience, and his larger stake
at hazard than the bulk of his constitu-
ency, to a demand for a man who is no
better than his neighbors,' and who
consequently will not be above doing
what they wish to have done, whatever
his private convictions or inclinations
may be.
Drop into the gallery of either cham-
ber to-day, and you will hear your fel-
low visitors discussing men and meas-
ures on a more parochial basis than in
the old times. Such personalities as
enter into their conversation take the
form of comments on Jim Smith's ef-
forts to get an appropriation for a new
postoffice building in his home town,
with all the work and wages it would
bring there; on the probable falling-off
in Tom Jones's farmer vote now that
his supply of free seeds is cut down; on
Bill Robinson's genius as a hustler, de-
monstrated by his getting the Indian
reservation in his district irrigated and
then opened for homestead settlement.
Spend a whole day in the gallery, and
you will hardly hear a visitor boast of
being a constituent of Henry Tomp-
kins because he has earned the chair-
manship of the Ways and Means Com-
mittee, or framed the winning act for
a revision of the navigation laws. In
other words, despite the wider spread
of the national spirit, what a Congress-
man does for the nation counts for less
now with most of the people in his dis-
trict than what he does for his imme-
diate neighbors, albeit the one service
is largely a matter of cleverness while
the other calls for statesmanship. This
is human nature, doubtless; perhaps,
also, it accords with the well-cherished
ideal of representation, that the unit
should be as small as practicable.
As might have been foreseen, one ef-
fect of bringing Congress nearer to the
people has been the elimination from
the national legislature of many of its
notable figures. A generation ago the
Senate held a picturesque group of his-
tory-builders. It included Conkling,
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
441
who daily reserved his appearance in the
chamber till the other senators were
seated and the scene set, and whose
majestic march down the middle aisle
reminded one of the entrance of the
king in a Shakespearean drama; Blaine,
who had only to rise for a perfunctory
motion in order to smite the galleries
with a spell of expectant silence and
capture the eyes and ears of his col-
leagues; Hamlin, in his old-fashioned
swallow-tail coat, whose association
with the memory of Lincoln seemed to
draw the great war wonderfully near ;
Edmunds and Hoar, conserving, in
their range of thought and speech, the
best traditions of New England states-
manship; Hampton and Bayard, exhal-
ing the flavor of the old South; David
Davis, who twice had held the fate of
the country in his hand; Chandler and
Ingalls and Mahone, guerilla-fighters
but powers in their way; Allison and
Cockrell, Sanders, Gordon, Voorhees,
Hawley, Hill, and a dozen others whose
names and stories were household
words from one end of the United
States to the other.
In the House, during the same peri-
od, sat Reed, the despot, and Kasson,
the diplomatist; Carlisle, the logician,
and Morrison, the bludgeon-bearer;
Blackburn, the fiery, and Wheeler, the
spider-like; Kelley and Randall, the
protectionist twins; Wilson, the pol-
ished, and Hepburn, the blunt; Alexan-
der H. Stephens in his wheel-chair;
Knott, the witty, and Holman, the fru-
gal; Bland and Butterworth, Bragg
and Curtin, Sherman and Mills and
Reagan. Cannon, whose recent retire-
ment about exhausts this strain, was
then well past his apprenticeship. In
their several fields, these were efficient
workers. They had force, shrewdness,
individuality; their modes of self-ex-
pression had a quality challenging to
the attention and compelling to the
memory. Their purely human charac-
teristics were so pronounced and so
well advertised that they were recog-
nized wherever they appeared, even
schoolchildren making their acquain-
tance through the cartoons. When they
left the centre of the stage, something
went with them out of our public life
which may never be replaced. Wheth-
er they were, or were not, as truly ' re-
presentative ' of their constituents as
their successors are, they were unques-
tionably, as a rule, of a higher type
than the average of the body politic;
and however history may rank them
as to their total value to their country,
it is but just to say that they helped
keep their generation steady, and lent
color and spice to the contemporary
chronicles.
Of course, I have not forgotten the
presence in Congress, as I write, of a
Root and a La Follette, a Champ Clark
and an Underwood; but it is doubtful
whether the most nearly unique per-
sonality in the present group can make
the same impression on the minds of
his countrymen that some of the old
fellows made. Moreover, admitting
whatever may be said of the increasing-
ly representative character of recent
Congresses, assuming representation to
be another name for reflection, the
question is pertinent, whether this is a
virtue to be acclaimed under all cir-
cumstances. Are there not occasions
when disobedience in the servant is
worth more to the master than obedi-
ence? Where is the senator, trained in
the rigorous school of representation
so loudly commended by an impatient
populace to-day, whom we could trust
to snap party ties, turn his back on
sectional claims, and defy the instruc-
tions of his state, as Lucius Lamar did
when he voted against the silver heresy
for conscience* sake? And where is the
state that would respond now, as Mis-
sissippi did then, by reversing its own
attitude in approval of the senator's
442
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
manliness? How many men sitting in
either chamber of the present Congress
should we look to see, if another crisis
arose like that reached in the railroad
strikes of 1894, stepping out of their
party ranks to uphold the hands of
a hostile administration in a struggle
with mob violence over a labor ques-
tion, like Cushman Davis of Minne-
sota when he came to the support of
President Cleveland? In both Lamar's
case and Davis's, popular sentiment
seemed to press in one direction, while
the judgment of the man elected to
expound and enforce it pressed in an-
other.
A man who stood * closer to the peo-
ple ' and shared their desires more lit-
erally, or who, regardless of his own
convictions, felt that the first duty of
a representative was to represent the
opinions of his principal, would not
have taken the course of Davis or La-
mar; and not only would a worthy
cause have suffered, but the moral in-
fluence of such timely courage would
have been lost to the republic.
VI
If space permitted, it would be inter-
esting to inquire how much further the
democratizing trend of the day is likely
to go, in the elimination of indirection
from our methods of selecting public
servants. For example, we are already
launching a presidential primary plan,
designed to dispense with party nomi-
nating conventions, and, in theory at
least, to come nearer to a popular des-
ignation of candidates. When we re-
member how shortly the senatorial
primary plan preceded the adoption of
a constitutional amendment for the
popular election of senators, would it
be strange to see another amendment
soon started on its way, providing for
the choice of the President by direct
popular vote? We might also comment
on the significance of the recent propo-
sal to abolish secret sessions of the Sen-
ate. This project, certainly, is quite in
keeping with the general disposition to
hold the representatives of the people
to a stricter account, for it means that
no senator should take advantage of
emptied galleries and locked doors to
speak or vote as he would not have
dared to do while in full view. Whether
open executive sessions might not also
tend to encourage demagogism, is apart
from the main question.
This doubt, however, suggests a
broader one: whether the popular re-
volt against all the old institutions is
going to bring about the results direct-
ly aimed at. Are the people going to
rule themselves any more under the
new regime than they did under the
old? Will not what is gained in one di-
rection be equaled, or more than equal-
ed, by what is lost in another? Most of
mankind prefer following a leader to
picking out a path for themselves, so
long as they are permitted to cherish a
few illusions of ultimate authority; and
the leader who has acquired the habit
of telling his fellow partisans what they
had better do and then proceeding to
the task himself, slips easily into a way
of telling them what they must do
and what they shall do. The People's
Party, as will be recalled, was founded
on the theory that the people were
tired of being bossed. The convention
at which it was organized was, for that
reason, not a delegate but a mass con-
vention ; nevertheless, even as early as
that, some of its prominent members
quarreled among themselves as to who
should steer its deliberations. A few
years later I attended one of its na-
tional gatherings, where the presiding
officer, a man of giant frame, strident
voice, and commanding personality,
took the whole business into his own
hands. Towering above the babel, he
would put motions into mouths which
DO OUR REPRESENTATIVES REPRESENT?
443
had never so much as opened; call for
votes, and declare them carried or lost
as he saw fit; and adjourn a session,
and set the hour for reassembling,
with the utmost indifference to what
anybody else might desire.
Walking with him to his hotel after
one such monodramatic morning, I
remarked, 'You seem to have your
convention well in hand.'
He scanned my face keenly to dis-
cover whether I was serious or in jest,
and then answered, with a broad smile,
'Well, you see, these people are mostly
farmers. They don't know much about
parliamentary forms. I understand
pretty well what they want to do;
and, with such a crowd to handle, the
"short cut" is usually the best/
Loud applause from many sides
greeted the revolt against the rule of
Speaker Cannon in the House of Repre-
sentatives five or six years ago. Yet
Cannon was not the only autocrat, or
even the most notable, in the history of
his place and era : he merely chanced to
be reigning when the time arrived for
an upheaval. Sometimes, indeed, the
autocracy of a Speaker has been the
salvation of a situation. Mr. Carlisle,
famous as the fairest-minded and gent-
lest of the men who have filled the
high chair in the House, obeyed an im-
pulse of patriotism as opposed to the
obvious preferences of a majority of his
fellow members when, in the first ses-
sion of the Forty-ninth Congress, he
held back the committee appointments
till the Christmas recess, in order that
the committee on coinage might be
surely under control of safe men. As
a specimen of bossism, this does not
seem to fall far behind the course taken
by his successor, 'Czar' Reed, when
the Senate sent over an act for the free
and unlimited coinage of silver, and he
refused to lay it before the House in
the usual way, but privately referred
it where it would be kept under cover
till the sound-money members could
mature their plans for dealing with it.
How much of the present fine financial
credit of the United States is due to the
arbitrary domination of these two men
during a crucial epoch, few persons
realize who were not in the thick of
affairs at the capital while the life-and-
death struggle over the fifty-cent dollar
was going on.
Even Tillman, the first Goth to scale
the wall of a supercivilized Senate,
has a record in the same line. He rose
to eminence, as we have seen, as
the champion of popular government
against an oligarchy; but he made his
second campaign for the governorship
of South Carolina on the plea that he
could not give his state a reform ad-
ministration unless he could have con-
trol of its legislature. ' Turn out these
driftwood legislators,' he shouted from
every stump, 'and send me a legisla-
ture that will do what I say, and I'll
give you reform!'
So we come back to the question :
What is real representation? Is it rep-
resentation of the intelligence, or of the
obtuseness or folly, of the community?
Is it responsible representation, or pup-
pet-like? Is it what our fathers had in
mind, or what we have got, or what
our children seem destined to receive?
Which is the better represented: the ,
community which commits its inter-
ests freely to the keeping of an able,
well-trained, patriotic man, who is too
discerning to confuse right with wrong
or individual privilege with the general
good, and too self-respecting to be
afraid of his constituents; or the com-
munity which insists on leasing the soul
of its representative, as well as his
hands and his brain, for the price of
his annual salary, and dictating abso-
lutely his conduct while in office? Or
at what stage between these two ex-
tremes can it be said with most truth
that our representatives represent?
THE REASONS BEHIND THE WAR
BY ROLAND G. USHER
THE ostensible cause for Austria's
declaration of war against Servia lay
in the alleged unsatisfactory character
of the Servian reply to the Austrian de-
mand for suppression of anti-Austrian
propaganda and societies by system-
atic measures in which Austria should
herself take an active part. Not only
the nature of the demands, but the lan-
guage in which they were couched, the
circumstances of their presentation,
and of the receipt of the reply, render
it probable that Austria wished to force
upon Servia the solution by war of an
infinitely larger issue than that raised
by the murder of the unfortunate Arch-
duke and his wife. Indeed, the funda-
mental antipathies between Austria
and Servia, already centuries old, the
strength of national feeling, and the
scope of national ambition, are signifi-
cant among the causes of this war. To
settle by peaceful means such a tangle
of interests, racial, political, and com-
mercial, in any fashion mutually agree-
able, has so long proved futile, that
this present war is tinged for the com-
batants with inevitability, and almost
with divine sanction.
To Americans, far from the tramp of
armies and safe from the aggression of
covetous neighbors, such militant en-
thusiasm, such driving force of tradi-
tion and patriotism, is literally incom-
prehensible. And to explain a war
begun in aggression, couched in the
terms of arrogance, based upon the con-
sciousness of vastly superior strength,
444
to those who have not themselves ex-
perienced such emotions and ambitions,
above all, to lend to it the color of in-
evitability which is so clear to Austrian
and Serb, involves the explanation of
many factors not at first obviously
related to the issue itself.
ii
To the Austrian, the war is literally
a war of self-preservation. Austria has
probably the least homogeneous popu-
lation of all the great powers, and of
that heterogeneous mixture the Slavs
form a large and unruly part. In
Southeastern Austria, in Styria and
Carinthia, in Bosnia and Herzegovina
are millions of men, racial cousins of
the Servians so near them, who have
long chafed under the Austrian yoke
and as constantly dreamed of the glad
day when they should be liberated by
some great revolution of all Slavs to-
gether in the name of their religion and
their nationality.
The creation from these Austrian
subjects and their Balkan neighbors
of a great monarchy has been more
than an aspiration for many years,
and for the last year or two much
more than a hope. The Emperor of
Austria, Francis Joseph, is old and the
numerous conspirators in his domin-
ions have believed that his death would
afford an excellent opportunity for the
great revolt and the dawn of freedom.
The Hungarians, they believe, would
not elect his successor king; the Bo-
hemians would likewise decline to
THE REASONS BEHIND THE WAR
445
choose him; the Poles, the Ruthenes,
the Croatians and Slavonians would all
cast off the yoke together and become
simultaneously free and independent
nations. So successful has this propa-
ganda been, so wide is its support
among all classes of the community,
and so far-reaching are its ramifica-
tions, that the Austrians have believed
their supremacy seriously imperiled
and the continuance of the Hapsburg
Empire in its present form almost a
matter which superior force alone could
decide in their favor.
Needless to add, in Servia these mal-
contents found their natural leader;
there they found refuge, there they
obtained funds. To believe that the
Servian government would of its own
volition do more than avoid official
connection with these schemes was to
believe that they would renounce their
national ambition and play traitor to
those who looked to them for leader-
ship. The true inwardness of the Aus-
trian demands is only too apparent:
they were such as Austria knew in ad-
vance that the Servians could not and
would not accept in the spirit in which
they were made. Yet, a war which
should crush Servia to earth, rob her if
possible of political independence, of a
quantity of men and treasure, and
thus render her incapable of leading
the malcontents in Austria's own do-
mains, seemed at this crisis, with the
Emperor at death's door and the Arch-
duke dead, and an unknown quantity
next in succession, literally the only
chance of maintaining the Hapsburg
monarchy and of securing it lease of
life for another generation.
From the actual war the leaders ex-
pect great results. It will knit the
various peoples together and give them
a common object to strive for and a
common victory to celebrate. Already
the semi-official press at Vienna is
exulting in the 'fact,' now * apparent
to Europe/ 'that Austria-Hungary is
not only a political and constitutional
entity, but also a national reality.' It
is a war of self-preservation, a war to
end once for all the attempts of Servia
to disrupt the Empire; such is the offi-
cial manifesto of the Emperor.
It is none the less a war of ambition
and aggression. For centuries Austria
has dreamed of dominating southeast-
ern Europe, of ruling the Balkans, of
possessing a sea-coast on the Adriatic
and ^Egean, where stately ships flying
the Austrian flag and laden with the
commerce of the world should lie at
anchor. The economic backwardness
of many of her provinces has been at-
tributed to the difficulty and expense of
communication overland with the rest
of the world, to the fact that she is be-
hind all the other nations save Rus-
sia. These nations buy and sell each
other's produce rather than hers, and
tax her produce heavily for transporta-
tion. A direct outlet to the world's trade,
undisputed control of some really sig-
nificant strip of sea-coast possessed of
really fine harbors, are indispensable
for development and expansion.
Much has already been attained : an
outlet to the sea, possession of enough
land to control access to it, but a coast
whose extent is limited and whose ap-
proaches are in large measure domi-
nated by other nations. Control of
Albania and Montenegro would give
the Austrians what they wish, but only
the control of Servia can assure their
peaceful possession of it. Servia men-
aces Austria's connections with Trieste,
with the lower Adriatic through Alba-
nia; she controls the shortest and best
roads to the ^Egean at Salonika and to
the ports of the lower Adriatic; a canal
from the Danube to the ^Egean is re-
ported perfectly feasible but its route
lies through Servian territory.
When to these facts we add the lead-
ership of the malcontents in south-
446
THE REASONS BEHIND THE WAR
eastern Austria, and the possible es-
tablishment of a strong Slav state in
control of all Austria's present ap-
proaches to the Adriatic, and directly
athwart the path of all her roads to the
Mediterranean, we can begin to com-
prehend the significance that the pre-
sent war has for Austrians. If on the
one hand it is to preserve the Austria
that is from disruption, it is on the
other none the less certainly an attempt
to insure the future of the Austria that
is to be.
Short of Servia's virtual annihilation,
Austria cannot rest. The protestation
said to have been made to Russia that
no accessions of territory were con-
templated is probably true; the annex-
ation of Servia would so greatly change
the balance of power in the Adriatic
as to menace decidedly Italy's interests
and risk the rupture of the Triple Alli-
ance. During the Balkan wars, Servia,
despite her gain in prestige, suffered
such great losses in men and resources
that Austria scarcely risks failure in
the military operations, and will cer-
tainly further weaken Servia in men
and resources to a point which will very
likely render her impotent for harm
(even though independent and in pos-
session of her present boundaries) for
some generations to come. This result,
however, clearly cannot be assured by
negotiations or diplomatic pourparlers.
War, destructive war alone, can ac-
complish the desired result; and upon
that Austria has resolved.
in
It was obvious to the Austrians that
these considerations were familiar to
every diplomatist in Europe, and that
in every foreign capital their motives
would be only too completely under-
stood. There were states, as powerful
as they, whose interests would be much
injured by the annihilation of Servia.
Still, the Austrians thought that there
was a fair chance that they might be al-
lowed to deal with Servia unmolested.
Not only would the fears of general
European war make all other nations
slow to interfere, but it seemed almost
certain that the domestic difficulties of
the Triple Entente would prevent Eng-
land, France, or Russia from moving,
while the striking advantages the Triple
Alliance would obtain in its general
position from Austria's control of Ser-
via, and consequently of Albania and
Montenegro, would insure the neutral-
ity of Germany and Italy, her own
sworn allies.
England has not faced in many,
many years a problem as difficult of
solution as the Ulster crisis. So abso-
lutely equal in size have been the Eng-
lish parties for some years that neither
can single-handed form a majority and
control the House of Commons; each
is dependent for ministerial existence
on the support of the Irish National-
ists, some eighty in number, who hold
therefore, literally, the balance in Eng-
lish politics. Realizing the helplessness
of both of the great English parties, the
Nationalists recently delivered their
ultimatum to the Cabinet : they would
support no government which did not
actually propose and pass a Home Rule
bill satisfactory to them.
No sooner, however, did the bill ap-
proach its final stages than agitation
began in Ulster against it. Descend-
ants of English colonists in Ireland,
the titles to their lands the result of
confiscation, Protestants in religion,
Orangemen in 1798, they would not
trust the Nationalist Catholics in the
face of the accumulated religious and
political hatreds, the legacy of Ireland's
past. They declared that they would
not accept Home Rule, and would make
good their defiance in the field. A pro-
visional government was set up; troops
enrolled, armed, and drilled; money
THE REASONS BEHIND THE WAR
447
subscribed; and for some weeks they
awaited with scant patience the out-
come of the negotiations at London.
The Nationalists, for their part, de-
clined to allow the exclusion of Ulster.
Ireland is poor at best ; the new govern-
ment would have a difficult financial
problem to solve, even with the aid of
English subsidies; and if Ulster, the
richest and most important commercial
centre of Ireland, were to be excluded,
the experiment would become practi-
cally unworkable. Moreover, Home
Rule predicated the existence of a na-
tion in Ireland, and the Nationalists
could not accept the Ulster doctrine,
which contradicted the very premises
of Home Rule. The Nationalists de-
clined Home Rule without Ulster; the
Ulster men were determined to accept
nothing less than the complete exclu-
sion of the Ulster Protestant area from
the operation of the bill.
Neither party was willing to wait;
both were armed; both clamored for
an immediate end of the long suspense
and the restoration of settled condi-
tions. And now, when conferences and
compromises had failed to break the
deadlock, when the troops had fired
on Nationalists in Dublin, when the
probability of civil war in Ireland was
growing nearer daily, Austria declared
war upon Servia. If the Triple Alliance
was awaiting a moment when England
would be embarrassed at home, they
certainly chose their moment well.
In addition, the House of Commons
had manifested its hostility to the Bud-
get and had found fault with the allo-
cation to Mr. Lloyd George's social
legislation of funds which many would
assign to the army and navy. A cabinet
crisis was impending, the government's
majority was restless and uneasy over
many things, and the Unionists seemed
scarcely less divided. There had been
complaints from influential quarters
that the personnel of the navy was in-
sufficient to mobilize the fleets England
possesses. Recruiting had not been suc-
cessful lately, and the quota of men was
probably somewhat smaller than it
should be. Naturally this reduced in
Austrian eyes the apparent discrep-
ancy between the size of the English
and German fleets.
Then out of the difficulties Hindu
emigrants had recently experienced in
South Africa and Canada, had grown
serious problems of imperial relation-
ship. Canada declared she would not
have Hindus in Canada at all; South
Africa denied them equality of status;
the Hindus demanded as British sub-
jects freedom of emigration and equal-
ity of status in all British dominions.
So serious a rift in the Imperial struc-
ture had not appeared for years. Hith-
erto, England had been able to yield
and so relieve the tension; but to yield
to the self-governing colonies at this
time meant an agitation in India at
a particularly critical period in world-
politics, an agitation which would only
too obviously lend color and weight to
the anti-English movement, and might
even be interpreted to demonstrate its
inherent justice.
France, the Austrians saw, was also
less fitted than usual to strike or resist.
Recently most sensational disclosures
of the bad condition of the army were
made in the Chamber. The artillery,
supposedly the best part of the French
army, was frankly stated to be old or
defective; the ammunition old and in-
sufficient in quantity, or of the wrong
size. Frontier forts in strategic posi-
tions dated from the Franco-Prussian
War, and had not even been properly
repaired, much less rendered efficient
from the point of view of modern war-
fare. The aeroplane squadrons, on
which so much reliance had been placed,
were said to be only on paper: the num-
ber of machines very deficient; many
of old and unstable types; the personnel
448
THE REASONS BEHIND THE WAR
of the service much ^mailer than the
peace footing required, to say nothing
of mobilization; the landing places bad-
ly selected, and insufficient in area; the
sheds too small and too large a propor-
tion of them fixed. These charges the
Minister of War was compelled to ad-
mit were in substance correct. Then,
because of the ministerial crisis, the
Caillaux scandal involving most of the
Parliamentary leaders, and the strength
of the opposition to the three-years'
service, financial provision for the in-
crease of the French army had not been
completed, and the execution therefore
of most of the provisions of the recent
army law was hardly more than in a
preparatory stage. The French Presi-
dent, the Premier, the Minister of For-
eign Affairs, with other notables, and
the two best units of the fleet, were also
in the Baltic visiting foreign potentates
on July 23, when Austria delivered her
ultimatum. France was thus, Austria
thought, in many ways estopped from
taking prompt offensive action. And
England's hands were tied!
Russia, the Austrians believed, had
not yet recovered from the Japanese
war and was not now capable of a seri-
ous, sustained effort at a time when her
allies, France and England, might also
be compelled to make a sustained ef-
fort. France, viewing with misgiving
the magnitude of the expenditures on
the army (even though the loan was
eventually subscribed by the patriotic
bourgeoisie forty times over), would
view with great reluctance, thought
Austria, the financing of Russia in the
event of European war. England, with
her own fleet to man and supply, would
not single-handed be ajale to finance
Russia, the Austrians concluded. Be-
sides, the serious labor difficulties in
Russia, and the imperative necessity of
gathering the coming harvest, would
cause the Russians to hesitate long be-
fore interfering on Servia's behalf.
The probable and natural allies of
the Triple Entente were also particu-
larly busy or otherwise incapacitated
from action. The most powerful, if the
most unlikely, the United States, with-
out a really large modern army, was
facing the possibility of trouble in
Mexico which would unquestionably
require all her efforts for at least a
twelvemonth, and would also very
likely cause the Americans to hesitate
before joining in any European im-
broglio. The Balkan States, long sworn
enemies of Austrian expansion, were
too exhausted from the two recent wars
to be very dangerous, and Bulgaria,
smarting from her humiliation at Ser-
via's hands, might indeed actually join
Austria in the event of a general con-
flagration, and could certainly be relied
upon to remain neutral if the war were
limited to Austria and Servia. Greece
and Montenegro, who would very likely
join Servia, the Austrians do not fear.
IV
Thus there was a reasonable chance
that the Powers would not interfere to
save Servia from chastisement. If they
did, and a general European war re-
sulted, there had not been in twenty
years anything like as favorable an
opportunity for the Triple Alliance or
one as disadvantageous for the Triple
Entente. The stake was so immense,
the results of success would be so stu-
pendous, so out of proportion, in the case
of the Triple Alliance, with what they
might lose, that the issue of war might
even be courted with some assurance.
Should they win, substantial accessions
of territory, money indemnities, and a
vastly increased prestige would be the
least they could confidently expect.
The schemes of the Pan-Germanists
indeed reach to the creation of a vast
confederation of states including pres-
ent Germany, Holland, Belgium, Den-
THE REASONS BEHIND THE WAR
449
mark, Austria-Hungary, Italy, the Bal-
kans, Turkey, and Asia Minor — a great
belt of territory reaching 'from the
North Sea to the Persian Gulf, from the
Baltic to the Mediterranean/ as one of
their slogans has it. The Confedera-
tion would have all-rail connection with
the Persian Gulf via Vienna, Constan-
tinople, and the Bagdad Railway. It
would give the trade of the East a route
to the European markets far quicker
and possibly cheaper than the all-sea
route via Suez. It would be invulner-
able to attacks from the English fleet,
and would itself render the present
English chain of communications with
the Far East untenable.
Of this great scheme (supposing it to
be, as many claim, the veritable secret
policy of the Triple Alliance) the un-
disputed possession of the Balkans by
the Triple Alliance is the most import-
ant single factor. If the Triple En-
tente did not interfere, Austria would
crush Servia and make the Triple Alli-
ance the dominant influence in the
Balkans. If it did act, even if it acted
promptly, Austria could surely occupy
the Balkans quickly enough to render
the position of immense advantage in
the general war, for the Balkans cover
the rear of the Triple Alliance.
As to a general assault upon the
Triple Entente, the Triple Alliance has
long seen two obvious methods, both in
the opinion of many likely to be suc-
cessful: the one, a long waiting game
where the rapid growth of the popula-
tion in Germany, Austria, and Italy,
and the decline of the rate of growth in
France, England, and Russia, would in
time give the Alliance a real prepon-
derance in numbers; the other, a short
quick blow at some moment when the
Triple Alliance could bring all its
strength to bear and when the Triple
Entente could not. The former meant,
not improbably, many years of waiting,
and in those years much might happen.
VOL. 114 -NO. 4
Thoroughly alive to the situation, the
Triple Entente had already under exe-
cution the preliminaries of so vast an
increase of offensive force, and show-
ed such a determination to maintain
a naval and military preponderance,
that there would be no alternative but
waiting, once these schemes were per-
fected. The French, and particularly
the Russian, army was to be increased,
not only in size, but in efficiency and
equipment; and an influential minor-
ity in England, with apparent popular
support, was agitating conscription.
The English navy was to be much in-
creased in fighting force by manning at
war strength in the near future a much
larger proportion of ships than ever be-
fore. Chief est of all, the Russians were
building in the Baltic a really formid-
able fleet, capable of contesting the
Baltic with Germany and of threaten-
ing the rear of the German fleet in the
Atlantic to such an extent that united
fleet action in the North Sea would be-
come an impossibility. This meant of
course that the German fleet might lose
its power of terrorizing England, for,
once divided between the Atlantic and
Baltic, it would not be large enough
(under present legislation) to meet the
English fleet, and certainly could not
risk an attack from the English and
Russian fleets in front and rear.
If they were to fight at all, they must
fight now. Next summer might be too
late. Now the actual offensive force of
their rivals was proportionately less
than it might be again for ten years,
and their difficulties at home were
collectively and individually greater
than any of the three has seen for a
generation.
So far as the fulfillment of the schemes
of Pan-Germanism is concerned, the
moment is more than opportune and
will not return. Part of the objective
of the Pan-Germanists is the control of
the trade of the Far East and the lion's
450
THE REASONS BEHIND THE WAR
share in the development of China,
Africa, and South America. Already
they threaten England's control of the
Suez route, and, if a general action with
Germany seemed likely in the North
Sea, the English might so weaken the
Mediterranean fleet to insure a pre-
ponderance in the Channel, that Italy,
Austria, and Turkey might sweep the
Mediterranean clear and take Suez.
Then, assuming that all went at least
not badly in the North, India and the
East could be quickly overrun and con-
trol so firmly established that nothing
short of a catastrophe in Europe could
undo it.
One thing alone might stand in the
way. The opening of the Panama Canal
this coming year would provide the
Triple Entente with another sea route
to the East, through which third- and
fourth-rate English ships could pass in
sufficient numbers to dispose of any
force which the Triple Alliance could
spare from the Mediterranean. The
results, even of victory for the Triple
Alliance, will be limited to Europe, in
all probability, once the Panama gate-
way to the Pacific is available.
Again, it seemed to Austria advis-
able to move before the Balkan nations
had recovered from the physical and
financial exhaustion of the recent war.
Weak, they could easily be overrun
and were of little advantage as allies to
the Triple Entente; strong, they might
become thorns in the flesh, constantly
menacing the rear. Turkey on the
other hand is not by any means so
much exhausted by the war, and its
army, just reorganized by the new Ger-
man military mission, should prove,
thought Austria, of sufficient account
to keep Greece busy. Then, for the mo-
ment, the Turkish navy controlled the
yEgean by virtue of the recent purchase
from Brazil of a first-class battleship.
Although the Greeks had just bought
two battleships from the United States
— of older construction to be sure, but
still formidable — they would not be
on the scene ready for action for some
weeks.
For the nonce, factors at home were
as favorable to the Triple Alliance as
they were unfavorable to the Triple
Entente. The new German army meas-
ures were practically completed; the
Austrian and Italian armies strength-
ened and improved. The German
fleet's efficiency had been enormously
increased by placing all the modern
ships on a war footing. No domestic
difficulties of importance hampered the
action of any of the three governments.
They were, moreover, only too well
aware that the situation was likely in
the immediate future to change for the
worse.
First and foremost, the age and ill-
health of the Emperor of Austria made
his death possible at any time, and even
the partial disruption of his Empire
would without question destroy the
offensive (and perhaps the defensive)
force of the Triple Alliance and provide
the Triple Entente with a favorable
opportunity for aggression which they
would not be likely to let pass. The
Hungarian plans for independence were
no secret; the schemes for the creation
of a third Slav monarchy out of South-
ern Austria were far advanced among
the plotters, and had had support (as a
necessary compromise) from influential
statesmen in Vienna at one time or
another. The murder of the Archduke
was, it was feared, part of this scheme,
and prompt action against the chief
offenders was meant to postpone or
prevent its execution.
From the accession to the throne
of a complicated empire like Austria-
Hungary — in a few years or perhaps
months — of a young man, whose po-
litical capacity and training were cer-
tainly not above the average, little
good could be anticipated. If he could
THE REASONS BEHIND THE WAR
451
hold together this jumble of races and
religions, this tangle of political and
national interests, and keep the Dual
Monarchy alive, he would accomplish
the maximum that could be expected
of him. No doubt there were in all
parts of the Empire able and patriotic
ministers who could govern for him,
yet the personal ability and influence
of Francis Joseph has alone harmon-
ized these ministers' views and given
Austria a consistent foreign policy and
the aspect of a single nation in the
world's councils.
Was it to be expected that a young
and unknown man would be able to
discharge duties which had constant-
ly taxed the ability of a singularly
capable and unusually popular mon-
arch? In Austria, the Emperor really
is sovereign, and must personally dis-
charge functions requiring the utmost
degree of intelligence, skill, tact, and
information. Was it likely that the heir
apparent possessed these? There was
everything to gain, not only for the
Triple Alliance but for Austria herself,
if the war could be at least begun by
Francis Joseph. Victory would insure
the future of the monarchy, and if de-
feat were the measure dealt by the
Fates, better far that Francis Joseph
himself should tide over the first mo-
ments of humiliation and readjust-
ment, and that he should have charge
of diplomatic negotiations which could
not fail to be of the utmost delicacy
and consequence.
In addition to these grave apprehen-
sions were the fears that the growing
socialism in Germany, much of which
would be elsewhere simple political
discontent with autocratic government
and the class system of voting, might
force the rulers to share some of their
power with * the mob.' Never has mili-
tarism in Germany been as strong' as
it is to-day. Witness the white-wash-
ing and virtual acquittal of the of-
fenders in the Krupp scandals and the
Zabern incident, in the face of an over-
whelming chorus of disapproval from
every possible organ of public opinion.
The moment was, from this point of
view also, favorable.
These were the real causes of the
Austro-Servian war: the disadvantage
of the moment to the Triple Entente,
its advantages to the Triple Alliance;
the belief that the balance might be-
fore long swing so decisively the other
way that action might become impos-
sible and might even so decidedly favor
the Triple Entente that the latter could
take the field with almost complete
assurance of success.
Let us beware of saying that Aus-
tria advisedly began a general Euro-
pean war or that Germany was anxious
to fight. They have neither of them
ever been anxious to fight for what
they are determined to have, unless
they can obtain it in no other way.
The crippling of Servia was, from the
point of view of Austrian domestic
politics, long decided upon; from the
point of view of the interests of the
Triple Alliance as a whole, it was highly
desirable, and, if successful, would al-
low them to dominate the Balkans; but
it was a movement of such a character,
involving so great a change in the bal-
ance of power in Europe and affecting
so gravely the interests of other nations,
that it could not be undertaken, ex-
cept at a time when the situation made
the Triple Alliance willing to accept
the issue of a general conflagration
should the Triple Entente be also will-
ing to undertake it. Properly speaking,
therefore, the true causes of the declar-
ation of war upon Servia by Austria
lie less in the domestic relations of the
two countries than in the general Eu-
ropean situation in the fourth week of
July, 1914.
OUR LADY POVERTY
BY AGNES REPPLIER
THE last people to read the literature
of poverty are the poor, and this fact
may be cited as one of the ameliorations
of their lot. If they were assured day
after day that they were degraded and
enslaved, it would be a trifle hard for
them to cherish their respectability,
and enjoy their freedom. If their mis-
ery were dinned into their ears, they
would naturally cease being cheerful.
If they were convinced that tears are
their portion, they would no longer have
the temerity to laugh. Indeed their
mirth is frankly repellent to the dolor-
ous writers of to-day.
A burst of hollow laughter from a hopeless heart
is permitted as seemly and in charac-
ter; even the poet of the slums grants
this outlet for emotion; but the rude
sounds which denote hilarity disturb
the sympathetic soul. One agitated
lady describes with shrinking horror
the merriment of the scrub-women go-
ing to their labor. All the dignity, all
the sacredness of womanhood are de-
filed by these poor old creatures tramp-
ing through the chill dawn; and yet,
and yet, — oh, mockery of nobler aspi-
rations! — 'The scrub-women were go-
ing to work, and they went laughing!'
The dismalness of serious writers, es-
pecially if humanity be their theme, is
steeping us in gloom. The obsession of
sorrow seems the most reasonable of all
obsessions, because facts can be crowd-
ed upon facts (to the general exclusion
of truth) by way of argument and illus-
452
tration. And should facts fail, there
are bitter generalizations which shroud
us 'like a pall.
Behind all music we can hear
The insistent note of hunger-fear;
Beyond all beauty we can see
The land's defenseless misery.
Mr. Percy Mackaye in his preface to
that treatise on eugenics which he has
christened To-Morrow, and humorous-
ly designated as a play, makes this in-
spiriting statement : * Our world is hide-
ously unhappy, and the insufferable
sense of that unhappiness is the conse-
cration of modern leaders in art. Real-
ism is splendidly their incentive/
This opens up a cheering vista for
the public. If the dramatists of the
near future are to have no finer conse-
cration than an insufferable sense of
unhappiness, we must turn for amuse-
ment to lectures and organ recitals. If
novelists and poets are to be hallowed
by grief, there will be nothing left for
light-hearted readers save the study of
political economy, erstwhile called the
* dismal science,' but now, by compari-
son, gay. No artist yet was ever born
of an insufferable sense of unhappiness.
No leader and helper of men was ever
bedewed with tears. The world is old,
and the world is wide. Of what use are
we in its tumultuous life, if we do not
know its joys, its griefs, its high emo-
tions, its call to courage, and the echo
of the laughter of the ages?
Perhaps the only literature of pov-
erty (I use the word * literature' in a
purely courteous sense) which was ever
written for the poor is that amazing
' OUR LADY POVERTY'
453
issue of tracts, Village Politics, Tales
for the Common People, and scores of
similar productions, which a hundred
years ago were let loose upon rural
England. The moral in all of them is
the same, and is expressed with engag-
ing simplicity: * Don't give trouble to
people better off than yourself.' The
fact that many of these tracts had a
prodigious sale points to their distribu-
tion — by the rich — in quarters where
it was thought that they would do most
good. They were probably read in the
same spirit as that in which a Sunday-
school library was read by two small
and unregenerate boys of my ac-
quaintance, who worked through whole
shelves at a fixed rate, ten cents for a
short book, twenty-five cents for a long
one, • • the money paid by a pious
grandmother, and a point of honor
not to skip.
The smug complacency of Hannah
More and her sisterhood was rudely dis-
turbed by Ebenezer Elliott, who pub-
lished his Corn-Law Rhymer, with its
profound pity and its somewhat impo-
tent wrath, in 1831. England woke up
to the disturbing conviction that men
and women were starving, — always a
disagreeable thing to contemplate, —
and the Corn Laws were repealed; but
the ' Rhymes ' were probably as little
known to the laborer of 1831 as was
Piers Plowman to the laborer of 1392.
Langland — to whom partial critics
have for five hundred years ascribed
this great poem of discontent — was
keenly alive to the value of husbandry
as a theme; and his ploughman came
in time to be recognized as the people's
suffering representative; but the poet,
after the fashion of poets, wrote for ' let-
tered clerks,' of which class he was a
shining example, his praiseworthy pur-
pose in life being to avoid 'common
men's work.' In the last century, Les
Miserables was called the * Epic of the
Poor'; but its readers were, for the
most part, as comfortably remote from
poverty as Victor Hugo himself, and
as alive to the advantages of wealth.
In this age of print, the literature of
poverty has swollen to an enormous
bulk. Statistical books, explicit and
contradictory. Hopeful books by so-
cial workers who see salvation in girls'
clubs and refined dancing. Hopeless
books by other social workers who be-
lieve — or, at least, who say — that
the employed are enslaved by the em-
ployer, and that women and children
are the prey of men. Highly colored
books by adventurous young journal-
ists who have masqueraded (for copy's
sake) as mill and factory hands. Gray
books by casual observers who are
paralyzed by the mere sight of a slum.
Furious books by rabid socialists who
hold that the poor will never be up-
lifted while there is left in the world a
man rich enough to pay them wages.
Imaginative books by poets and novel-
ists who deal in realism to the exclu-
sion of reality. All this profusion and
confusion of matter is thrust upon us
month after month, while the working-
man reads his newspaper, and the
working-girl reads A Coronet of Shame,
or Lost in Fate's Fearful Abyss.
It was Mr. George Gissing who, in
his studies of the poor, first made pop-
ular the invective style; who hurled at
London such epithets as 'pest-strick-
en,' ' city of the damned,' ' intimacies of
abomination,' 'utmost limits of dread,'
— phrases which have been faithfully
copied by shuddering defamers of New
York and Chicago. Mr. John Burns,
for example, after a brief visit to the
United States, said that Chicago was
a pocket edition of hell; and subse-
quently, without, we hope, any per-
sonal experience to back him, said that
hell was a pocket edition of Chicago.
Americans have borrowed these flow-
ers of speech from England, and have
invaded her territory. Was it because
454
'OUR LADY POVERTY'
he could find no poverty at home wor-
thy of his strenuous pen, that Mr.
Jack London crossed the sea to write
up the streets of Whitechapel and Spit-
alfields, already so abundantly exploit-
ed by English authors? Was there any-
thing he could add to the dark pictures
of Mr. Gissing, or to the more convin-
cing studies of Mr. Arthur Morrison,
who has lit up the gloom with a grim
humor, not very mirthful, but acutely
and unimpeachably human? Mr. Gis-
sing's poor have money for nothing but
beer (it would be a bold writer who
denied his starvelings beer); but Mr.
Morrison sees his way occasionally to
bacon, and tea, and tinned beef, and
even, at rare intervals, to a pompous
funeral, provided that the money for
mutes can be saved from the sick man's
diet. He is the legitimate successor of
Dickens, and Dickens knew his field
from experience rather than from ob-
servation. The lighthouse-keeper sees
the storm, but the cabin boy feels it.
In the annals of poverty there are
few pages more poignant than the one
which describes the sick child, Charles
Dickens, taken home from work by a
kind-hearted lad, and his shame lest
this boy should learn that 'home' for
him meant the debtors' prison. In vain
he tried to get rid of his conductor, Bob
Fagin by name, protesting that he was
well enough to walk alone. Bob knew
he was not, and stuck to his side. To-
gether they pushed along until little
Charles was fainting with weakness
and fatigue. Then in desperation he
pretended that he lived in a decent
house near Southwark bridge, and
darted up the steps with a joyous air of
being at last in haven, only to creep
down again when Bob's back was
turned, and drag his slow steps to the
Marshalsea.
Out of this dismal and precocious ex-
perience sprang two results, — a pas-
sionate resolve not to be what circum-
stances were conspiring to make him,
and an insight into the uncalculating
habits which deepen and soften pov-
erty. Dickens — once free of institu-
tions — wrote of the poor, even of the
London poor, with amazing geniality;
but it cannot be denied that his infal-
lible recipe for brightening up the scene
is the timely introduction of a pot of
porter, or a pitcher of steaming flip.
If we try to think of him writing in a
prohibition state, we shall realize that
he owed as much to beer and punch as
ever Horace did to wine. Imagination
fails to grasp either of them in the role
of a water-drinker. The poor of Dick-
ens are a sturdy lot, but they are jovial
only in their cups. His wholesome ha-
tred of institutions would have been
intensified could he have lived to hear
the Camberwell Board of Guardians
decide — at the instigation, alas ! of a
woman member — that the single mug
of beer which for years had solaced the
inmates of Camberwell Workhouse on
Christmas Day, should hereafter be
abolished as an immoral indulgence.
The generous ghost of Dickens must
have groaned in Heaven over that mel-
ancholy and mean reform.
ii
'To achieve what man may, to bear
what man must,' — since the struggle
for life began, this has been the purpose
and the pride of humanity. We Amer-
icans were trained from childhood to
believe that while, in the final issue,
each of us must answer for himself, the
country — our country — gave to all
scope for effort, and chance of victory.
This was not mere Fourth of July
oratory, nor the fervent utterances
of presidential campaigns. It was a
serious and a sober faith, based upon
some knowledge of the Constitution,
some inheritance of experience, some
element of democracy which flavored
4 OUR LADY POVERTY'
455
our early lives. The mere sense of space
carried with it a profound and eager
hopefulness. Those of us whose fathers
or whose grandfathers had crossed the
sea to escape from more cramping
conditions, felt this atmosphere of in-
dependence keenly and consciously.
Those of us whose fathers or whose
grandfathers brought up their families
in an alien land with decent industry
and thrift, were aware, even in child-
hood, that the Republic had fostered
our growth. Therefore am I pardon-
ably bewildered when I hear American
workmen called ' slaves ' and * prisoners
of starvation,' and American employ-
ers called 'base oppressors,' and 'des-
pots on their thrones.' This fantastic
nomenclature seems immeasurably re-
moved from the temperate language
in which were formulated the temper-
ate convictions of my youth.
The assumption that the American
laborer to-day stands where the French
laborer stood before the Revolution,
where the English laborer stood before
the passing of the first Reform Bill and
the repeal of the Corn Laws, shows a
lack of historical perspective. The'as-
sumption that all strikes represent an
agonized protest against tyranny, an
agonized appeal from injustice, is a per-
version of truth. The assumption that
child-labor in the United States is the
blot upon civilization that it was in
England seventy years ago, denies the
duty of comparison. If the people who
write verses about 'Labor Crucified'
would make a table of the wages paid
to skilled and unskilled workmen, from
the Chicago carpenter to the Philadel-
phia street-cleaner, they might sing in
a more cheerful strain. If the people
who to-day echo the bitterest lines^of
Mrs. Browning's 'Cry of the Children'
would ascertain and bear in mind the
proportion of little boys and girls who
are going to school in the United States,
how many years they average, and how
much the country pays for their educa-
tion, they might spare us some violent
invectives. Even Mr. Robert Hunter
permits himself the use of the word
' cannibalism ' when speaking of child-
workers, and this in the face of legisla-
tion which every year extends its area,
and grows more stringently protective.
There is a great deal of loose writing
on this important theme, and it stands
in the way of amendment. It is as-
sumed that parents are seldom or never
to blame for sending their children to
work. The mill-owner snatches them
from their mothers' arms. It is as-
sumed that the child who works would
— if there were no employment for
him — be at school, or at play, happy,
healthy, and well-nourished. No one
even alludes to the cruel poverty of the
South, which, for generations before
the cotton mills were built, stunted the
growth and sapped the strength of
Southern children. They lived, we are
told, a 'wholesome rural life,' and the
greed of the capitalist is alone respon-
sible for the blighting of their pastoral
paradise.
There is no need to write like this.
The question at issue is a grave and
simple one. It makes its appeal to the
conscience and the sense of the nation,
and every year sees some measure of
reform. If a baby girl in an American
city, a child of three or five, is forced
to toil all day, winding artificial daisy
stems at a penny a hundred, let the
name of her employer and the place of
her employment be made public. The
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty
to Children can deal peremptorily with
such a case. It is not even the privilege
of parents to work a little child so re-
lentlessly. If the pathetic story is not
supported by facts, or is not in accord
with facts, it is neither wise nor well to
publish it. Why should a sober peri-
odical, like the Child-Labor Bulletin,
devoted to a good cause, print a poem
456
4 OUR LADY POVERTY'
called ' A Song of the Factory,' in
which happy children are portrayed as
sporting in beautiful meadows,
Idling among the feathery blooms,
until a sort of ogre comes along, builds
a factory, drives the poor innocents
into it, and compels them to
Crouch all day by the spindles, wizened, and
wan, and old,
earning * his bread.' Apparently — and
this is the gist of the matter — they
have no need to earn bread for them-
selves. The accompanying illustra-
tions show us on one page a prettily
dressed little girl sitting daisy-crowned
in the fields, and, on the other page, a
ragged and tattered little girl with a
shawl over her head going to the work
which has but too plainly impoverished
her. Hansel and Gretel are not more
distinctly within the boundaries of
fairyland than are these entrapped
children. The witch is not more dis-
tinctly a child-eating hobgoblin than
is the capitalist of such fervid song.
The sickly and unreasoning tone
which pervades the literature of pover-
ty is demoralizing. There is nothing
helpful in the assumption that effort is
vain, resistance hopeless, and the world
monstrously cruel. The dominating
element of such prose and verse is a
bleak despair, unmanly, unwomanly,
inhuman. Out of the abundance of
material before me, I quote a single
poem, published in the New York Call,
reprinted in the Survey, and christened
mockingly, —
THE STRAIGHT ROAD
They got y', kid, they got y', just like I said they
would;
You tried to walk the narrow path,
You tried, and got an awful laugh;
And laughs are all y' did get, kid, they got y*
good!
They never saw the little kid, — the kid I used to
know,
The little bare-legged girl back home.
The little girl that played alone,
They don't know half the things I know, kid;
ain't it so?
They got y', kid, they got y', — you know they got
y' right;
They waited till they saw y' limp,
Then introduced y' to the pimp,
Ah, you were down then, kid, and couldn't fight.
I guess you know what some don't know, and
others know damn well,
That sweatshops don't grow angel's wings,
That workin* girls is easy things,
And poverty's the straightest road to hell.
And this is what our Lady Poverty,
bride of Saint Francis, friend of all holi-
ness, counsel of all perfection, has come
to mean in these years of grace! She
who was once the surest guide to Hea-
ven now leads her chosen ones to Hell.
She who was once beloved by the de-
vout and honored by the just, is now
a scandal and a shame, the friend of
harlotry, the instigator of crime. Even
a true poet like Francis Thompson
laments that the poverty exalted by
Christ should have been cast down
from her high caste.
All men did admire
Her modest looks, her ragged, sweet attire
In which the ribboned shoe could not compete
With her clear simple feet.
But Satan, envying Thee thy one ewe-lamb,
With Wealth, World's Beauty and Felicity
Was not content, till last unthought-of she
Was his to damn.
Thine ingrate, ignorant lamb
He won from Thee; kissed, spurned, and made of
her
This thing which qualms the air,
Vile, terrible, old,
Whereat the red blood of the Day runs cold.
These are the words of one to whom
the London gutters were for years a
home, and whose strengthless manhood
lay inert under a burden of pain he had
no courage to lift. Yet never was suf-
ferer more shone upon by kindness than
was Francis Thompson; never was man
better fitted to testify to the goodness
of a bad world. And he did bear such
'OUR LADY POVERTY'
457
brave testimony again and yet again,
so that the bulk of his verse is alien to
pessimism-, — * every stanza an act of
faith, and a declaration of good will.'
The demoralizing quality of such
stuff as 'The Straight Road,' which is
forced upon us with increasing perti-
nacity, is its denial of kindness, its
evading of obligation. Temptation is
not only the occasion, but the justifier
of sin, — a point of view which plays
havoc with our common standard of
morality. When a vicious young mil-
lionaire like Harry Thaw runs amuck
through his crude and evil environ-
ment, we sigh and say, 'His money
ruined him.' When a poor young wo-
man abandons her weary frugalities for
the questionable pleasures of prostitu-
tion, we sigh and say, 'Her poverty
drove her to it.' Where then does good-
ness dwell? What part does honor
play? The Sieur de Joinville, in his
memoirs of Saint Louis, tells us that a
certain man, sore beset by the pres-
sure of temptation, sought counsel
from the Bishop of Paris, 'whose Chris-
tian name was William. ' And thiswise
William of Paris said to him: 'The
castle of Montl'hery stands in the safe
heart of France, and no invading hosts
assail it. But the castle of La Rochelle
in Poitou stands on the line of battle.
Day and night it must be guarded from
assault, and it has suffered grievously.
Which gentleman, think you, the King
holds high in favor, the governor of
Montl'hery, or the governor of La Ro-
chelle? The post of danger is the post
of glory, and he who is sorely wounded
in the combat is honored by God and
man.
in
There are those whose ardor for hu-
manity finds a congenial vent in the de-
nouncement of all they see about them,
- all the institutions of their country,
all the laborious processes of civiliza-
tion. Sociologists of this type speak
and write of an ordinary American city
in terms which Dante might have en-
vied. Nobody, it would seem, is ever
cured in its hospitals; they only lie on
' cots of pain.' Nobody is ever reformed
in its reformatories. Nobody is reared
to decency in its asylums. Nobody
is — apparently — educated in its
schools. Its industries are ravenous
beasts, sucking the blood of workers;
its poor are ' shackled slaves ' ; its hum-
ble homes are 'dens.' I have heard a
philanthropic lecturer talk to the poor
upon the housing of the poor. She
threw on a screen enlarged photographs
of narrow streets and tenement rooms
which looked to me unspeakably
dreary, but which the working-women
around me gazed at in mild perplexity,
seeing nothing amiss, and wondering
that their residences should be held up
to this unseemly scorn. They did not
do as did the angry Italians of a New
Jersey town, — smash the invidious
pictures which shamed their homes;
they sat in stolid silence and discomfit-
ure, dimly conscious of an unresented
insult.
It is hard to grasp a point of view
immeasurably remote from our own;
but what can we understand of other
lives unless we do this difficult thing?
Old women in the out-wards of an
almshouse (of all earthly abodes the
saddest) have boasted to me that their
floors were scrubbed every other day,
and their sheets changed once a week;
and this braggart humor stunned my
senses until I called to mind the floor
and the bed of one of them (an extra-
ordinarily dirty old woman) whom I
had known in other years. Last winter
the workers in a settlement house were
called upon at midnight to succor a
woman who had been kicked and beat-
en into unconsciousness by a drunken
husband. The poor creature was all
one bleeding bruise. When she was
I
458
'OUR LADY POVERTY
revived, her dim eyes traveled over the
horrified faces about her. ' It 's pretty
bad/ she gasped, 'it's mighty bad';
and then, with another look at the
group of protecting, pitying spinsters,
* but it must be something fierce to
be an old maid.'
The city is a good friend to the poor.
It gives them day nurseries for their
babies, kindergartens for their little
children, schools for their boys and
girls, playgrounds, swimming pools, re-
creation piers, reading-rooms, libra-
ries, churches, clubs, hospitals, cheap
amusements, open-air concerts,employ-
ment agencies, the companionship of
their kind, and the chance of a friend
at need. In return, the poor love the
city, and cling to it with reasonable
but somewhat stifling affection. They
know that the hardest thing in life is to
be isolated, — ' unrelated,' to use Car-
lyle's apt word; and they escape this
fate by eschewing the much-lauded
fields and farms. They know also that
in the country they must stand or fall
by their own unaided efforts, they must
learn the hard lesson of self-reliance.
Many of them propose to live, as did
the astute author of Piers Plowman, ' in
the town, and on the town as well.'
Moreover, pleasure means as much to
them as it does to the rest of us. We
hardly needed Mr. Chesterton to tell
us that a visit to a corner saloon may
be just as exciting an event to a tene-
ment-house dweller, as a dinner at a
gold-and-marble hotel is to the average
middle-class citizen; and that the tene-
ment-house dweller may be just as mod-
erate in his potations: —
Merrily taking twopenny rum, and cheese with a
pocket knife.
Poverty, we are assured, is an ' error,'
like ill-health and crime. It is an ana-
chronism in civilization, a stain upon
a wisely governed land. But into our
country which, after a human fashion,
is both wise and foolish, pours the pov-
erty of Europe. Hundreds of thous-
ands of immigrants with but a few dol-
lars between them and want; with scant
equipment, physical or mental, for the
struggle of life; with an inheritance of
feebleness from ill-nourished genera-
tions before them, — this is the prob-
lem which the United States faces
courageously, and solves as best she
can. What she cannot do is miracu-
lously to convert poverty into plenty,
— certainly not before the next year
doubles, and the third year trebles the
miracle-seeking multitude. She cannot
properly house or profitably employ a
million of immigrants before the next
million is clamoring at her doors. Nor
is she even given a fair chance to ac-
complish her giant task. The dema-
gogues who are employed in the con-
genial sport of railroad baiting, and
who are enjoying beyond measure the
fun of chivying business interests into
dusty corners, are the ones to lift up
their voices in shrill appeal for the
army of the unemployed. They refuse
to connect one phenomenon with the
other. The notion that crippling indus-
tries will benefit the industrious is not
so new as it seems. ^Esop must have
had a clear insight into its workings
when he wrote the fable of the goose
that laid the golden egg.
The City of New York expends, ac-
cording to a recent report of the Hos-
pital Investigating Committee, more
than a million of dollars a year for the
care of sick, defective, and otherwise
helpless aliens. It expended in 1913
nearly four hundred thousand dollars
for the care of aliens who had been in
this country less than five years. This
is the record of our greatest city, the
one in which the astute immigrant takes
up his abode. The education she gives
her little foreign-born children com-
prises for the most part manual and vo-
cational training, clinics for the defec-
tive, schools for the incorrigible, free or
'OUR LADY POVERTY'
459
cost-price lunches, doctoring, dentistry,
the care of trained nurses, and a score
of similar attentions unknown to an
earlier generation, undreamed of in the
countries whence these children come.
In return for such fostering care, New
York is held up to execration because
she has the money to pay the taxes
which are expended in this fashion, be-
cause she lays the golden egg which
benefits the poor of twenty nations.
Her unemployed (reinforced hugely
from less favored communities) riot in
her streets and churches, and agitators
curse her for a thing of evil, a city of
palaces and slums, corroded with the
Shame of lives that lie
Couched in ease, while down the streets
Pain and want go by.
The only people who take short views
of life are the poor, the poor whose
daily wage is spent on their daily needs.
Clerks and bookkeepers and small
tradesmen (toilers upon whose strug-
gle for decency and independence no-
body ever wastes a word of sympathy)
may fret over the uncertainty of their
future, the narrow margin which lies
between them and want. But the
workman and his family have a cour-
age of their own, the courage of the sol-
dier who does not spend the night be-
fore battle calculating his chances of a
gun-shot wound, or of a legless future.
It is exasperating to hear a teamster's
wife cheerfully announce the coming of
her tenth baby; but the calmness with
which she faces the situation has in it
something human and elemental. It is
exasperating to see the teamster risk
illness and loss of work (he might at
least pull off his wet clothes when he
gets home) ; but' he tells you he has not
gone to his grave with a cold yet, and
this careless confidence saves him as
much as it costs. I read recently an
economist's sorrowful complaint that
families, in need of the necessities of
life, go to moving-picture shows; that
women, with their husbands' scanty
earnings in their hands, take their chil-
dren to these blithesome entertain-
ments instead of buying the Sunday
dinner. It sounds like the citizens who
buy motor cars instead of paying off
the mortgages on their homes, and it is
an error of judgment which the work-
ingman is little likely to condone; but
that the pleasure-seeking impulse —
which social workers assign exclusively
to the spirit of youth — should mutiny
in a matron's bones suggests survivals
of cheerfulness, high lights amid the
gloom.
The deprecation of earthly anxiety
taught by the Gospels, the precedence
given to the poor by the New Testa-
ment, the value placed upon voluntary
poverty by the Christian Church, —
these things have for nineteen hundred
years helped in the moulding of men.
There still remain some leaven of cour-
age, some savor of philosophy, some
echoes of ancient wisdom (heard often-
est from uneducated men) , some laugh-
ter loud and careless as the laughter
of the Middle Ages, some slow sense
of justice, not easy to pervert. These
qualities are perhaps as helpful as the
* divine discontent' fostered by enthu-
siasts for sorrow, the cowardice bred
by insistence upon trouble and anxiety,
the rancor engendered by invectives
against earth and heaven. No lot is
bettered by having its hardships em-
phasized. No man is helped by the
drowning of his courage, the destruction
of his good-will, the paralyzing grip of
Envy with squinting eyes,
Sick of a strange disease, his neighbor's health.
THE REVELATION OF THE MIDDLE YEARS
BY CORNELIA A. P. COMER
DEAR PETER: —
Yesterday at luncheon, when you
flourished your napkin and declared
vigorously that you could n't see why
anybody should care about living after
forty, as, of course, ' one never had any
new experiences after that age; it was
just the same old things over and over,'
— did you notice that none of your el-
ders attempted to answer you serious-
ly? Your mother was slightly shocked,
your father grinned a little grimly, and
I was so busy trying to remember
whether I was nineteen or twenty-two
when I made precisely that remark,
also at luncheon, to a slightly shocked
and slightly amused family, that I,
too, let your declamation pass unchal-
lenged.
Thinking it over to-day, remember-
ing how terribly in earnest I was in my
own young belief that everything of
interest must happen before one was
forty, probably even before one was
thirty, and that the rest of life was a
useless by-product, I began to wonder
if it was possible to tell you anything
about the real connotations of middle
age. Can I say it so it will reach you?
Can I 'get it across'? Perhaps not, but
I can try!
Why try? you may ask disdainfully.
You don't care a row of pins! A fellow
of your age knows pretty well what he
thinks about things, and it's as clear
as mud that middle age is — well, just
simply dull. Its eyes are on the side-
walk, and its nose to the grindstone.
What is there in that to inspire a chap
or make him look forward to it with ex-
460
pectation, not to say enthusiasm? Old
age now — one knows a few pretty de-
cent old fellows who seem to have got
something out of the game and show
up as fairly contented, but middle age
— Oh bosh! Did n't that man Osier say
there was nothing in it? That shows!
Well, Peter-boy, here's the point;
you will learn for yourself in time what
there is in middle age. Yet if you could
understand it a little now, you would
look forward to the forties and fifties
with keen expectation. This, in itself,
would cheat the thieving years of the
one great thing they do often take
away.
Did you ever notice in what consists
the exact difference between a young
face and a face somewhat older? The
distinction was brought home to me
with a shock in my girlhood. Visiting
in a strange city, I was told by an ac-
quaintance that I had a double there.
' Yes, she looks exactly like you. Older,
of course, but awfully similar. She
lives somewhere out on the Shelburne
car-line. Have n't you ever seen her?
Do look out for her ! It 's so amusing to
see replicas of one's self. Don't you
know the woman I mean?' This last
sentence was addressed to my hostess
who demurred. 'Ye-es, I've seen her,
but I don't think there is such a start-
ling likeness. Still, there is a little
something — '
After that, of course, the girl that I
was watched eagerly for her double,
hoping possibly (the young do have
these vanities!) to be a little flattered
and a little inspired by the sight of her.
THE REVELATION OF THE MIDDLE YEARS
461
She might suggest new possibilities,
constitute a fresh ideal.
Once that winter I encountered her
on the Shelburne car-line, recognized
her at once and — disapproved of her
at sight ! Yes, she was very like. The
eyes, the chin, the shape of the face,
were all as familiar as the looking-
glass. What was it that was different
and depressing? The girl sat in her cor-
ner while the car leisurely jogged down
town, studying the face of the woman
across the aisle. How did one know
she was anywhere from seven to twelve
years one's senior since, at that, she
was still young? What betrayed it?
Her skin was smooth, her color fresh.
Yet something, certainly, was very dif-
ferent. Slowly it dawned upon the girl.
The elder face showed no eagerness; it
was no longer avid of life as was the
face that met her own in the mirror.
It was done with expectation.
'That/ said the girl to herself, 'is
the real difference between us. That is
what makes one grow old. But has it
got to come? If there's nothing more
to expect on earth, surely there 's all of
heaven left to hope for! Now, if one
could get that into one's face — '
I am not defending this naive young
assumption that our eternal hopes are
worth while as first aids to beauty.
I'm only telling you that youth is ex-
pectation, and how I found it out.
Youth is expectation. In the more
happily born and reared, it is expecta-
tion of experience; in earthy, less for-
tunate temperaments, it is expectation
of pleasure. With their inevitable dis-
appointments, we need not deal here.
You, Peter, think yourself clear-
sighted in that you hope not to live be-
yond forty. Experience alone is so real
and so dear to you that you can con-
ceive of no value in life without it, and
by experience you rightly mean such
vicissitudes, such events, as throw light
into dark places, enrich your inner life,
increase your perceptions. You are of
those who desire, above all things, to
know.
An experience has two parts, the ob-
jective happening and the subjective
reaction upon it. The wonder and de-
light of the latter gives value to the
former. A real perception is a kind of
act of creation. You seem to be coop-
erating with God when you perceive
what He means. Your instinct that this
is the priceless thing is surely right; as
surely wrong is your naive belief that
thirty or forty years will drain you of
the possibility of such reactions. Yet
that belief is based, I make no doubt,
upon the silence of your elders as to the
actual content of life between thirty-
five and fifty.
We hear much talk lately about the
'conspiracy of silence' in regard to sex.
One might with equal truth proclaim
such a conspiracy in regard to soul.
And it would be quite as just to say a
'conspiracy of disbelief exists among
the young! I asked some of the wisest
folk I know about the possibility of
telling our juniors what chiefly endears
middle-age to us who possess it, and
they shook their heads. 'Yes, you can
try. We all ought to try. But they
won't believe it. One has to learn these
things for one's self.'
What is growing older, anyhow?
When you and your contemporaries
think of it crudely, physically, it seems
to you the wearing out of the body,
baldness, wrinkles, obesity, a harden-
ing of the arteries, a general stiffening
of the members and the faculties,
making responsiveness to life difficult
or impossible.
Viewing it on a less material plane,
you see in it a wearing-down of ideals,
a crushing-out of the dreams, a loss of
the glory.
As I see it, growing older is the pro-
cess of the reconciliation of the spirit to
462
THE REVELATION OF THE MIDDLE YEARS
life. Living is simply getting acquaint-
ed with the world we live in. The real
purpose of a body is that it shall be
used up, worn out — and then thrown
away — in feeding the spirit. What-
ever happens to you in the outer world
translates itself, finally, into such sus-
tenance. That is what it is for, just as
the purpose of food is not to look pret-
ty on china plates, but to be trans-
formed into blood and muscle. It is in
the natural order of things that the
body should be thus used and ex-
hausted; the unnatural and horrible
thing is that the body should be worn
out and yet the spirit remain unnour-
ished.
People chatter endlessly nowadays
about * teaching' the young this or
that. The problem is not so simple.
For, while you all accept unquestion-
ingly the scientific facts and theories
that are offered you, and build upon
them, you also take ethical and philo-
sophical statements with a certain re-
serve, waiting for the sanctions of your
own experience. I am far from being a
defender of logic, but this is surely il-
logical.
As a matter of fact, ethics is far more
stable than physical science. The lat-
ter has recently had occasion to revise
its whole theory of matter, while the
theory of conduct remains unchanged.
The Origin of Species is already out of
date, and monumental undertakings
like the Synthetic Philosophy are disre-
garded, but the Ten Commandments
and the Golden Rule remain intact and
unassailable. They are being redis-
covered daily, with much pomp, by
those brilliant social investigators who
were not brought up to accept them as
basal.
How do we get our obiter dicta about
life, you ask? My dear Peter, it is very
simple; they are as much laboratory
products as the rules about reagent
bottles. Experience is the laboratory
of the spirit — that very experience
which you are already finding so pre-
cious that you assert that the years can
have no value without it.
You can accept the statements of
thoroughly qualified elders about what
life is and teaches as absolutely as you
accept the statements of your chemis-
try professor about the reagent bottles.
But first you must make sure that they
have passed their examinations and
taken their degrees summa cum laude
in the schools of experience.
You will not have much trouble in
assorting people with reference to their
ability as spiritual advisers. The thing
sifts itself down finally to the prag-
matic test, efficiency for the end desired.
Will it work?
Thirty-odd years ago your grand-
mother employed a German laundress,
a shrewd, devout, hard-working widow.
By the toil of her hands at the current
wages of a dollar and a quarter a day,
she acquired a comfortable home with
an orchard, garden-patch, and grass for
the cow, and brought up four children
to walk through life with self-respect
and industry. As a child I used to hang
about the steaming tubs to hear her
talk of the eternal verities, — her favor-
ite theme, — for I knew blindly, as chil-
dren do, that here was the real thing.
I can see now the exultation shining in
her face as she told us about 'my
Charley who went to Chicago/ and
found himself up against that particu-
larly unholy portion of this wicked
world. 'But my Charley, he is a good
boy. He goes straight. An' he writes
me an' says " T'ank God we got a mud-
der who taught us for why we live an'
for why we work."
Her eyes were as those of one who
says, 'Lord, now lettest Thou thy serv-
ant depart in peace,' for she had suc-
ceeded in passing her revelation on.
Her children had seasoned their loaves
with her leaven — and this is parental
THE REVELATION OF THE MIDDLE YEARS
463
success. She is living to-day, near
ninety, an honored inmate in the home
of 'my Mary who married the minis-
ter,' with grandchildren worthy of
their blood.
When you find folk whose account of
* for why we live and for why we work '
gets results that can be passed on in
this way, it is perfectly safe to trust
their dicta. Scrub-women or seers,
they are masters of the only art that
matters.
Few of us are so successful as this
woman in transmitting knowledge.
Daily there goes down to the grave
unspoken wisdom enough to run the
world a thousand years. Your fault,
Peter, for how can we speak if you will
not hear?
Think of the long procession of dull
people that you pass daily on the
street, noticing them only as the drab
background for the young faces which,
to you, shine out like stars. They seem
unimportant folk, and you find them
as stupid as babies do grown-ups —
yet these are they who know the secrets
of the Seven Stars and Plato's Year!
They have solved the long problem of
work; they have irrigated deserts,
washed down hills, tunneled moun-
tains, sailed strange seas, controlled
vast engines. They have also fronted
death fearlessly and been convinced of
immortality. They have looked at
Love aghast and found in themselves
infinite springs of tenderness to quench
the flames of lust and greed. They have
created new bodies and new souls. Ly-
ing in king's houses or fouled in the
mire, starved, gorged, scorched, frozen,
lifted up to heaven, cast down to hell
- from all this have they learned
nothing?
Peter, the great process which is be-
ing completed behind these countless
quiet faces is the same process which
had begun in you when you told me
shyly at fifteen that * it was so interest-
ing to sit still and watch your judg-
ment being formed.'
This was your way of saying that a
sense of the many-sidedness of things
was already born in you, and that you
were beginning to weigh those contra-
dictory aspects and find pleasure in the
process.
Later on, as your education grew
more interesting to you, you confided
to me the gradual growth of a cosmic
theory that had begun to outline itself
in your brain. In this, everything you
learned seemed miraculously to find a
place, as if it were a great picture-puz-
zle whose fragments were doled out to
you one by one. You observed how
physics and astronomy and chemistry
and ancient history, and even mathe-
matics, fitted into one another's cor-
ners. You got fleeting glimpses of
other men's cosmic theories, not alone
in books, where they are least convinc-
ing, but in real life. Your professor of
physics accidentally betrayed a deep-
buried hope that ether might be the
very substance of the Eternal, inclus-
ive of all things. You heard and re-
membered an ardent mathematician
saying that his science was ' the short-
est cut to infinity — and God.' The
little assistant in geology, of whom you
thought patronizingly, flashed out one
day and gave you a glimpse of all cre-
ation groaning and travailing through
endless prehistoric ages to find and
bring forth Man — on whom is laid
henceforward the everlasting obliga-
tion to show himself no less than spirit
and worthy the age-long struggle of his
making.
And so, by this and by that, the pic-
ture grew. It was as if the vast tapes-
try of the cosmos swung in great folds
before you. Dimly you discerned a
pattern that was above your seeing.
Flashes of wonderful color, fragments
of great design, tantalized your vision.
They excited and uplifted you, rein-
464
THE REVELATION OF THE MIDDLE YEARS
forcing all that you would soonest be-
lieve as to the Star-Builder. Never
completed, still unfolding, in the im-
mensities of a space that your mind
could conceive neither as finite nor in-
finite, the universe held you expect-
ant. All knowledge and speculation
were absorbed into this great dim pat-
tern, that was still more than they.
For no matter how daring and how
comprehensive our cosmic theory, we
fall short of the audacities and subtle-
ties of God.
Into that far-hung cosmic pattern
you also tried to fit your individual life
and your mother's faith. You did not,
perhaps, try very hard; for at the same
time you found most sermons dull and
most dogmas unintelligible. The forms
in which Christianity was offered you
did not suit the shape of your mind. So,
you did not very definitely connect
your religious instruction with these
other things it was thrilling you greatly
to learn. Healthy, contented, clean,
and only normally selfish, you have
not as yet very greatly needed a reli-
gion that will stand the strain of life.
But I cannot give you any satisfactory
account of the connotations of mid-
dle age without talking about such a
religion.
Don't lose patience with me at this
point, Peter, because my sentences are
getting long and my enthusiasm is
mounting high. It 's not so easy as you
might think to put the deepest things
one knows into plain words — for it
breaks a law of being that almost all
men keep.
Let us go back to your desire to know;
it does not mean that you wish to be
either a philosopher or a scientist. Ei-
ther is admittedly unsatisfactory from
the point of view of that cosmic outline
you are so keen about. Scientists must
confine themselves to facts and, ten-
tatively, to such theories as may best
explain facts; philosophers have usually
felt that they must be logical.
Because you are still at school to
books, your respect for facts and logic
is, deservedly, immense. But outside
of fact and beyond logic there lies a
domain of knowledge as irrefragable as
the contributions of either to our con-
sciousness, and more necessary to nor-
mal existence. There have always been
things that the commonest man knew.
When this knowledge is turned toward
everyday matters we call it common
sense, and it is the fixative that holds
the charcoal sketch of civilization on
the map; when it is turned toward the
things of the spirit, it constitutes that
natural religion which is the basis of all
our supra-material life.
The common man has never based
his life, his dogmas, his institutions
upon anything told him by scientist or
philosopher. He has based them upon
these things he knew, these intuitions,
these gifts of insight. There his heart
is fixed.
These gifts of insight have had
small philosophical recognition. How-
ever, you may now classify them under
'data of immediacy' if you like. In
this guise they have recently acquired
good standing. Bergson is officially
best known as a philosopher by the ro-
mantic and exciting outline he suggests
of a universe spinning its own future
and its own God out of the perpetually
changing stream of time-stuff, under
the compulsion laid on it of a vital ur-
gency. But one suspects that the real
reason why Creative Evolution (which 1
recommend you to read and use as a
basis for your speculations in a field
which it does not enter) sold like a pop-
ular novel and was dipped into and
tasted by thousands of readers usually
indifferent to philosophy, had no con-
nection with this exposition of duration.
Its popularity is due, rather, to its re-
habilitation of intuition, showing it
THE REVELATION OF THE MIDDLE YEARS
465
as equally authoritative with intellect.
Bergson demonstrated the undeniable
fact that our ' godlike intellect ' is, after
all, wrought out by the reactions of
matter upon our perception, is built
up, cell by cell, from our contact with
the material world. It is, therefore, a
wonderful instrument, indeed, but one
which can be used to advantage only
upon such stuff as it is wrought from.
You may safely use logic upon matter,
since matter shaped your thinking-
machine. Upon spirit, it follows that
you must use intuition, since only so
is spirit apprehended.
At the back of his brain, the plain
man has known this all along. Berg-
son, cogent and brilliant, has shown
the philosophers that the plain man
was in the right.
The common man is not born aware
of all the things that he knows he
knows. He stumbles upon them as he
lives along. Typical experience runs in
this fashion.
A youth is told that he has an im-
mortal soul; that God made the world
and cares actively for it; that a super-
human exemplar came to rescue man.
He accepts this teaching tentatively.
He is conscious of something that
seems to be a soul and hopes it was not
made to die. The universe seems to de-
mand a Creator who is an indwelling
spirit — but to believe that God is in-
deed a Father seems to savor of con-
ceit. He recognizes the value of the
Christ-example.
He goes ahead, trying to be a fairly
decent sort, sometimes having spiritual
illuminations of his own and sometimes
not, sometimes approximating Chris-
tian standards and sometimes not,
hoping that God, if there is a God, will
see that he is trying not to impede the
Universal Will.
Life does not let him alone. Sooner
or later the big experiences come. Per-
haps one loved by him dies. Beside
VOL. 114 - NO. 4
that still figure he suddenly perceives
that death is not what he thought it.
The peace in that quiet face is so
absolutely the peace of clay which a
spirit has ceased to inform, that it is a
revelation. He is not here, he is risen!
cries the heart with such authority
that the youth believes — because he
cannot do otherwise. He no longer
hopes that the soul lives, — he knows
with a certainty that, once felt, is never
shaken. Every human being who has
undoubting faith in immortality came
to it thus. There is no other road to
that assurance.
So it goes through the years. Each
successive experience is equally a rev-
elation; each, perhaps, equally a re-
versal of what he expects; each un-
doubtedly discloses how the soul is
enmeshed with the body, eternity knit
into the web of time.
It is impossible to over-state the
authority, the overwhelming validity
of the great experiences of life. Death
— love — birth — work — creative ef-
fort — pain, above all, pain ! — each
adds something definite, precious, en-
during, to the soul's stock of treasure.
These are the things that shall not be
taken away. They are the bricks we
build into the House of Life; they are
the foundation-stones of our Eternal
City.
The quality, the character, of con-
viction that the great experiences
bring is of such a nature as cannot be
foreseen or imagined. As it is impos-
sible to imagine a taste or an odor
never sensed, so it is impossible to fore-
cast these gifts of experience. They
impinge upon consciousness, poignant
and wonderful. They pass, and leave
you with a conviction as much deeper
than an intellectual assent as the emo-
tions are older than the brain.
To tell you what each one of these-
experiences makes clear would be too
long a task. But the whole structure^
466
THE REVELATION OF THE MIDDLE YEARS
of society is reared on them. Examine
the Family, the State, the Church, and
see this for yourself. Man has put the
gifts of insight into institutions and
put them into dogmas.
Each generation revamps the outer
garment of these vital things a bit, to
suit itself. There is bound to be some
misfit apparent between the style of
any age and the taste of its successor.
Therefore to youth, which lacks en-
tirely the basal experience, all dogma
appears blind and most institutions
appear faulty. Wherefore youth would
discard old doctrines and make the
world over rapidly, in utter ignorance
of the stuff it is handling.
Forgive me, Peter, if I bore you by
talking about dogmas for a few mi-
nutes. Since I learned what they are,
they have interested me madly. Before
that, I was as indifferent as yourself.
A dogma is something cryptic, a big ex-
perience crammed into a few words.
If you are willing to put into its unrav-
eling half the enthusiasm of an Assyri-
ologist translating a difficult inscrip-
tion, or of a naturalist putting together
fossil remains, you will have your re-
ward. You will find out that, whatever
words the fathers used, they meant
what we mean, but meant it more in-
tensely. They were more passionately
spiritual than we, those old dogmatists,
and less given to expression. So they
packed each word fuller of expression
than it would hold.
Says a recent essayist, 'Unless the
words "salvation by grace" had at one
time stood for the most powerful con-
viction of the most holy minds, we
should never have heard the phrase.' 1
It would be possible to give you the
exact equivalent of that doctrine in
our modern spiritual life, but I will
spare you — to-day!
I must not protract my preaching,
1 John Jay Chapman: Non-resistance.
but I would like you to know that
something like this happens with refer-
ence to spiritual development: if you
accept the fundamental statements of
our religion in your youth, you will find
life a long, painful and beautiful pro-
cess of verifying and enriching them.
If you put aside those statements in
your youth and yet have the strength
to live uprightly and deal justly, ac-
cording to the moral code which Chris-
tianity has forced upon the world even
as the sun forces spring on the earth,
— in short, if you are a Christian in all
but the name, and face life with an
open mind, you will find it a long, pain-
ful, but wonderful process of evolving a
religion which tallies in essentials with
that which you put aside.
You may be willing to accept the re-
ligion that you make yourself; you may
look askance at the claims of revealed
religion; yet they are one and the same
revelation. The Light that lighteth
every man that cometh into the world
is no farthing candle but an illumina-
tion as steadfast as the sun.
Call yourself Christian or free-
thinker,— your feet are within the
Way while you accept life loyally and
get out of it what it holds in trust for
every man.
On this point Christ himself was ex-
plicit, and more liberal than his inter-
preters. 'If a man do the will of my
Father which is in heaven, he sha*ll
know of the doctrine, whether it be
true or false.' In other words, salva-
tion may begin at the * works' end or
at the 'faith' end — it may be proved
as readily from one approach as from
the other by those ' men of good will '
to whom the angels sang.
Intuition and experience have built
up institutions as well as doctrines.
For a single instance : man felt the sa-
credness of procreation, the veritable
ties of blood. From these perceptions
resulted marriage and family. Only
THE REVELATION OF THE MIDDLE YEARS
467
when you look at those institutions
from the outside do you believe the
babblers who declare that they will
crumble.
Seeing marriage as it can be with
the eyes of your youth, a union fair
and firm and sweet, the tale of its his-
torical evolution may revolt you. It
will not, if you have the key. From
savagery upward, through brutal ages,
blind with lust, the race has still been
groping to express that basal percep-
tion of an enduring alliance for a won-
derful end. Perhaps it is still done
clumsily at best, but the profound in-
tent is there.
Needless to expound to you all doc-
trines or institutions as they show
themselves to me. The thing to make
clear to you is that, one by one, as you
climb the ascent of the years, these il-
luminations arrive; one by one you will
accept them and fit them into that
cosmic picture you have already begun
to build so enthusiastically out of the
gifts of intellect. The completion of
that picture demands the deepest in-
sights of your spirit as well as the keen-
est energies of your intellect.
Take it from me, if you can, that, at
long last, a time comes when we are
suddenly conscious that we have * gone
observing matters' so extensively and
to such purpose that we have a certain
vital and dependable knowledge of the
pattern of the tapestry so far as this
earth and our human existences are
concerned. This does not mean that it
is clear to us — but that it is percept-
ibly less obscure. Out of the mass of
detail emerge the great principles, the
salient things, the things that make the
pattern. We have watched the honest
man across the street and the scoundrel
next door so long that we have actu-
ally seen with these eyes righteousness
rewarded and iniquity in torment.
Where we have seen a son disappoint
parents who had a right to expect
much, we have also lived to see the
•
grandchild who more than atones for
his father's failure. The world begins
to make sense.
This does not mean that if you have
been submerged in the life of the senses
for forty or fifty years, you will be re-
warded by heightened perceptions of
things spiritual. One finds what one
seeks. It is the rule of the game that
you must do your part. But if you
question men and women among those
roughly classified as right-living and
right-thinking, you will find them aware
of a time when their insight into all
life is quickened and enlarged. The
bread they have been casting on the
waters begins to return. Harvest ar-
rives. They not only see further into
other lives, but they recognize that
what has happened to themselves in
the outer world has been but food for
their spirits. They begin to see, also,
that the events which have gone to
make their life do not in themselves
matter greatly. 'Cold and damp, are
they not as rich experiences as warmth
and dry ness? 'asks the sage. * Richer!'
replies the spirit that has learned the
final lesson of wresting profit from
pain.
Then — then the dry bones of the
thousand axioms and platitudes which
foretold these events arise, take on
flesh, and go marching across the plains
of life like a conquering army! It is a
wonderful sight!
To read a face as you pass it; to pre-
dict the outcome of a life; to rest confi-
dently in the moral order of things be-
cause you cannot disbelieve what you
have seen, — - the period when these
perceptions begin to arrive is perhaps
the most stimulating and exciting of
our whole lives. For to most of us
it is undoubtedly a surprise that the
things that we have always believed
are really true! We rub our eyes and
look about us.
468
THE REVELATION OF THE MIDDLE YEARS
So — this is that despised and dread-
ed middle age! Even more than youth,
it is the land of revelation. It is the
Shining Country if you have chosen the
better part that makes it so. I cannot
exaggerate the wonder and delight of
seeing things * work out ' as they inevit-
ably do work out. This is the flowering
of our slow years of struggle and of
growth.
I climb, that was a clod;
I run, whose steps were slow;
I reap the very wheat of God
That once had none to sow.
Don't think me complacent if I tell
you that the revelation of the middle
years, * knocking a window through to
eternity ' as it does, is a glory no less ex-
ultant than the glory of youth that you
know so well. And to reach this point
means that you immediately begin to
look forward with confidence. There is
restored to you that expectation which
is youth's very heart.
With this in mind, do you see the im-
port of what you said yesterday about
not living after forty? You were un-
consciously exhibiting the blind loy-
alty, even to the death, of young things
to the conditions of their growth. If
experiences indeed ceased just as you
became able to interpret them richly,
you would be justified in demanding
that life, too, should cease. What hap-
pens is not that they cease, but that
they pass more and more into the
sphere of the life within.
Of those antiquated doctrines whose
phraseology has become meaningless
to us, the one I best understand is ac-
counted the blindest of all — that of
the Unpardonable Sin!
The common man is convinced from
within of the foundations on which he
builds him a world. All these data re-
garding God, the soul, the family, on
which he builds, have been verified for
him by the intuitions beyond price
which accompany experience. In those
intuitions he so clearly feels the touch
of spirit on spirit that to deny them in
action is to defile them, and works out
for him as literal destruction. He ' goes
to pieces' before our very eyes.
Thus the Holy Ghost is surely the
still, small voice that bides forever in
experience. We shut ourselves off
from it only by denying the validity of
our deepest insights, and thereby au-
tomatically condemn ourselves to ces-
sation of growth — which is death and
damnation. The unpardonable sin,
then, is not, as we childishly supposed,
some irrational wrath of an offended
deity but a logical necessity. You can-
not fill the cup if you shut the faucet.
The universe cannot compel you to
grow if you will not grow. The thing
is in your hands. But your refusal is
irretrievable. Thus, for those who
would know, it is * worth while to be
good ' because their payment comes in
cosmic gold — in increased percep-
tions, in deeper insights.
In your own phrase, life is no * tight
wad,' Peter, nor is experience a nig-
gard. The years may give you nothing
else, neither homes nor friends nor gold
nor lovers, but they are lavish with the
stuff from which wisdom is distilled. I
gather from this that wisdom is the one
thing nominated in the bond between
Creator and created.
Now — the sermon is over. Have I
made you understand anything of the
attitude that lies behind wisdom and
the meaning of middle age? How can
one tell if one has * put it across' ? Per-
haps my words convey to you — just
nothing. The phrases and formulae that
seem luminous to me may be as far
from fitting your mind as those of the
old dogmatists and mystics.
Out of all possible aspects of middle
age, this most vital one is that which
your elders most desire you to under-
stand. And with all my doubts, I feel
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
469
one certainty. Those who would know
shall be satisfied. I do not know your
path, but I know your goal, — for each
man goeth to his own place. Your cos-
mic tapestry, woven, thread by thread,
from the facts of science, from the con-
clusions of philosophy, from the intu-
itions of the race verified by your own
contacts with experience, will content
you at the end.
Most fundamental in the pattern,
most marvelous in color, most daring
in design, will be such parts of it as
are the gift of the plain man's insight.
He has led the way. The dogmatists
and mystics, the saints and seers, the
preachers and teachers, are all merely
aiming to express those things which
the plain man knows but never tells.
Sacred, unshared, unspoken, they lie
at the core of being; they are the cen-
tral flame.
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
BY CHARLES JOHNSTON
*HUZOOB!' said the corporal of the
Treasury guard in that ridiculously
squeaky voice of his, as he saluted with
an air of respectful apprehension; 'the
men of the Nizam Bahadur are at the
door.'
' Very good/ 1 answered. * Are we all
ready for them, Babu?'
* Quite ready, sir/ said Dinanath
Babu, the Treasurer.
We were seated at the table in the
Treasury chamber, which was abomin-
ably hot and stuffy, strongly smelling
of spider-webs and bats; abominably
hot, though it was still only the begin-
ning of April, and the hot season had
nearly three months to run, through
the gamut of hot, hotter, hottest, be-
fore we got to the hot wet blanket of
the greater rains. Stuffy and dingy and
abominably hot; not in the least sug-
gesting Oriental treasure or the halls
of Aladdin. Merely a big, grubby, ill-
lighted room on the ground floor, that
looked as if it had been last white-
washed in the days before the Mutiny
of 1857; — and, by the way, it was in
these very barracks, ever since given
up to civil uses, that the great Mutiny
began.
Nothing at all to suggest Oriental
treasure. Never a bowl of rubies or a
cup of gold. But we had plenty of
treasure there, none the less. There
were eight huge sea-chests around the
room, each with two big padlocks of
different shapes. One key I had, as
Treasury Officer; Babu Dinanath Chat-
ter ji, as Treasurer, had the other. It
was the same with the outer door. So
neither of us could get into the room
or the big sea-chests, unless the other
were present; and as I was not very
likely to assist Dinanath Babu to loot,
and as Dinanath Babu was not very
likely to assist me, the paternal gov-
ernment felt reasonably safe.
Yet we had, as I say, plenty of treas-
ure, well worth any man's looting. For
in each sea-chest, stacked around its
470
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
cavernous inside, were thirty columns
of little bags, made of closely netted
whipcord, ten bags to the column; and
in each bag a thousand silver rupees,
like white fish glinting in the net. Ten
thousand rupees to the column; three
hundred thousand — three lakhs — to
the chest; and eight chests in all. Nor
was that all. We had also a sheaf of
high-denomination notes, and a bag of
gold mohurs; say in the neighborhood
of three millions. And the men of the
Nizam were at the door, heavily armed
with service rifles, and determined to
carry off a substantial portion of our
treasure.
The corporal with the shrill voice,
was, as I have said, apprehensive.
Dinanath Babu was perfectly cool. I
was not; far from it. I was abomin-
ably hot, in spite of a very light suit
of tussore silk. Hot, and decidedly un-
comfortable.
Yet the cause of my discomfort was
not the presence of these ferocious
armed Moslems at the door, nor my
certain knowledge that they would
never depart empty-handed, although
that might seem cause enough. What
really fretted me was that visitation
of Providence called prickly heat, de-
ployed in loose order on my shoulders
and spine. Truth to tell, in the face of
that armed force I was as little dis-
turbed as Dinanath Babu himself; and
even the timidly saluting corporal was
nervous from quite other reasons. Sud-
denly wakened on guard, he had for-
gotten part of his accoutrements, and
had come into the presence incom-
plete.
Discipline must be vindicated.
* Corporal! Go and get your belt!'
He went, very shamefaced, and, re-
turning, once more made the announce-
ment, - i
'Huzoor! The men of the Nizam
Bahadur are at the door.'
We were, as I have said, altogether
unafraid, even the corporal. We had
expected them, and were prepared.
'Bid the Nizam's sergeant enter.'
The corporal saluted, withdrew, and
immediately returned, escorting the
Nizam Bahadur's sergeant, in his cu-
riously irregular-looking uniform : dark
green tunic, whitish trousers, and white
turban with a green tassel. Long,
pointed shoes and a sword-bayonet
completed his rig.
The sergeant stood before the table
and saluted the Treasury Officer with
grave dignity. He was magnificent in
his huge, fuzzy whiskers and dark, seri-
ous eyes. The Treasury Officer fitly re-
sponded to the salute.
'Huzoor!' said the sergeant. 'We
have come for the money for the Ni-
zam Bahadur.'
'Very good, sergeant. You have the
paper?'
He fished it out of his breast pocket.
The paper demanded so many thou-
sand rupees in notes, so many thou-
sands in silver, and a few score in cop-
pers, annas and pice : twenty thousand
rupees in all, which should go to the
up-keep, for the term of one calendar
month, of the Palace, the Nizamat
buildings and College, the maintenance
of many younger brothers, nephews,
nieces, sisters, cousins, and aunts of
the Nizam. It was, in fact, the pension
of His Highness, duly payable under
treaty between his family and the pa-
ternal government. We paid it to him
on the first of each month.
The counting of the money was a
ritual in itself. We began it in this way :
Dinanath Babu, going to one of the
sea-chests, already opened by its two
several keys, heaved forth one of the
network bags. Bringing it to the table,
behind which sat the Treasury Officer,
and before which stood the Nizamat
sergeant, he untied and unwound the
string that confined its throat, and,
turning it about, poured a little pile of
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
471
silver rupees on the table. Thereon
the Treasury Officer stretched forth his
hand, and took, first, the paper which
contained the history of that partic-
ular bag, duly signed by himself, and
then a big handful of rupees. From
these, with the right hand, he counted
out little piles of ten, each time taking
just five between fingers and thumb,
until five little piles stood on the table,
the sergeant meanwhile following with
alert, serious eyes.
Then a big pair of scales was set on
the table, splendid in nickel and brass,
and into one scale 'I put the counted
fifty rupees, to serve as a weight,
pouring rupees into the other from a
loose handful, until the scale-pan just
moved and remained evenly poised.
That made our first hundred, which
was then used as a weight, against
which nine handfuls were successively
balanced, until the first thousand was
completed. Satisfactorily, it came out
exactly even, tallying with what was
written in the bag.
So we weighed out the remaining
thousands required to be in silver, add-
ed certain thousands in high-denomin-
ation notes, - - hundreds and fifties, —
and topped off with a box of mint-new
copper annas and pice, the former six-
teen to the rupee, the latter, four to the
anna. There is a still smaller copper
coin, a tiny piece called a pie; of these
we added a quart or so, to be given in
largesse to the needy; for the Nizam
Bahadur has a charitable heart, and
giving is still one of the cardinal virtues
in India.
Then the sergeant and the Babu and
the corporal, duly recalled to that end,
heaved the whole twenty thousand in
their arms, and we went outside to
load it on the bullock- wagon. As we
appeared in the blistering sunlight, the
army rose to its feet from the grass and
saluted, all ten of it, with admirable
discipline and alacrity. Its uniform
was like the sergeant's, lacking stripes
and sword-bayonet, and with Enfield
rifles and cartridge-pouches added. Al-
together, an admirable little army, ad-
equate to the responsible duty of con-
voying twenty thousand rupees up
the long red road under the cocoanut
palms to the Nizamat palace.
WThen the sergeant had signed the
receipt in duplicate, with my own coun-
ter-signature and the Babu's pointed
handwriting added in confirmation,
the sergeant shouted, "Tshun!' in his
best English, followed immediately by
* Marsh!' and the bullock-cart, with
five of the army on either side and
the sergeant guarding the rear, set
forth on its northward march, herald-
ed by a frightful shriek from an un-
greased axle; a horrid, blood-chilling
shriek repeated with, damnable itera-
tion, though happily sinking to desper-
ate feebleness through distance, as the
bullock-cart swung around the corner
under the big banyan tree and made
its way along the Burra Lai Dighy,
which is to say the Great Red Tank,
red corresponding to the primitive
ideal of beauty. I am well persuaded
that, as soon as the civil station was
out of sight, the whole army mounted
on the bullock-cart, the fuzzy sergeant
included, and that, thus arranged, the
cortege crawled its leisurely way north-
ward beneath the palm trees. I don't
suppose the bullocks found this pro-
ceeding at all out of the ordinary, or
to be resented. Their minds had never
been disturbed by rumors of the Royal
Humane Society.
As soon as things were fixed up in
the Treasury, we turned the keys in
our double locks; and, metamorphosed
from Treasury Officer into Assistant
Magistrate, I went off to another dingy
room to try Abkari cases : prosecutions
of blear-eyed, brown persons charged
with distilling illicit rice-wine under the
stark radiance of the Indian moon.
472
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
Tiffin made a pleasing interlude, and
by five the day's work was done. Sun-
dry malefactors were laid by the heels.
Sundry others were let loose, and all
was well.
I strolled over to the club, to watch
the tennis, and found, to my joy, that
the Collector Mem-Sahib was dispens-
ing tea. A cup of her fine Darjhiling
and a cigarette allayed the pang of
mortality and even soothed my prickly
heat, and, finding a cool seat on the
veranda, I began a spirited flirtation
with little Madge Paterson, youngest
of the four Paterson maidens, and a
particular friend of mine.
* Watch Molly ! ' she said. ' Is n't she
playing splendidly! Golly 1 Look at
that serve!'
Molly's partner was the little Maha-
raja of Ghorabazar, with sixteen sum-
mers to his credit, and a pedigree that
went back to the Ramayana. We and
the Colonnas and the O'Neills are all
parvenus by comparison. A charming
boy, with light golden skin, smooth as
silk, beautifully formed hands, and
bright, devilishly mischievous eyes. A
ripping tennis-player, too, cool and
quick and agile as steel. At receptions
and parties he wore pounds of gold-
lace strewn thick as treacle over his
blue velvet tunic, with diamond but-
tons as big as filberts. But now he was
in plain white, save for a jaunty little
cap of cloth of gold.
He and Molly Paterson were knock-
ing things about, all their own way.
They were beating Jones, the Junior
Police Sahib, and young Ali Mirza, a
Nizamat nephew, into a cocked hat;
and it was not the fault of Ali Mirza.
In spite of his superb clothes, green
satin trousers, scarlet satin jacket, and
blue and gold cap, he was all over the
court, a cross between a rainbow and a
lightning-flash, but it was all no use.
Young Jones — a conceited young ass,
most of us thought him — fumbled
every ball that came his way, and lost
more points than even his many-col-
ored partner could make up. Watch-
ing that party-colored set, I fell a-
musing.
Oh, most benevolent and wonderful
British Indian Government, what a
miracle of assimilation you accomplish
here! — a Hindu prince whose family
was old and splendid when Romulus
founded Rome; one of the wild, con-
quering Moslems; a fine and haughty
Briton like young Jones — a touch of
irony here; and, fourth, a Eurasian girl.
An awfully nice girl; everybody liked
Molly; but a Eurasian. Her grandmo-
ther was a Bhootia woman; the dear
old mother's high cheek-bones showed
it; and Paterson too, with his nice gray
whiskers and honest face, had at least
'a touch of the tarbrush.' Truly, a
miracle of assimilation !
' I say ! ' Little Madge was speaking.
'Yes, Madge?'
'Don't they play well together? —
Molly and the Maharaja, I mean. I
say — ?'
'Yes?'
Madge cocked her little, dark head
comically on one side.
'Is n't it a pity he can't marry
her?'
'Who can't marry who, Madge?'
'Why, I've just said! Molly and
him, of course!'
'The Maharaja?' I was genuinely
taken aback. What a fancy the child
had!
'Of course!' she said; 'Molly and
him. And then I'd be a princess, and
live in a palace, and, oh, yes — '
'Well?'
'You could come and visit me, and
— bring me sugar-plums.'
'Oh, but I could n't, Madge. For
you'd be a Hindu princess, and you
know they don't have visitors — ex-
cept lady visitors, of course.'
'Yes/ Madge answered incisively.
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
473
* Is n't that such stuff! But Molly 'd
change all that. See if she would n't!
And then you could come.'
'I've got an idea, Madge.' Madge,
by the way, was ten.
'Yes?' she queried.
4 1 'm sure he 's younger than Molly,
and that, you know, would never
do.'
'Oh, of course!' she answered. 'I
never thought of that. As Shakespeare
says, "Let the woman take — "?'
'Just so, Madge. Now, supposing
you married him yourself, instead of
Molly. You 'd be a real princess, then.'
'Now you're talking rubbish,' said
Madge, severely.
It could not be denied. I was.
The set ended and we all dispersed,
the station folk going to dress for din-
ner, while the visitors drove off. The
little Maharaja had a high English dog-
cart which he drove himself, and he
went off at a spanking trot behind a
big Australian horse — a Waler, as our
phrase goes, from New South Wales.
We saw him whirl off into the twilight
as we turned toward our bungalows,
some of us walking, others driving.
II
We dined that evening, as it hap-
pened, at the Collector Sahib's. The
whole station was there, including
Paterson and Molly. Paterson, by the
way, was our Civil Engineer, of Rivers
and Roads.
I sat next Molly, and was talking to
her about Madge; also about the other
two dark little dots, Milly and Meg,
aged eleven and twelve, when we heard
a horse come thundering along the side
of the square at a hand-gallop, and
stop sharply, with a rush of scuffling
feet, at the Collector Sahib's door. We
all stopped talking, and looked at the
Collector Sahib.
His head chuprassi came in and,
bending down, whispered something to
him in Hindustani. The Collector Sa-
hib started.
'What?' he said. 'The deuce you
say!'
The man repeated. The Collector
Sahib rose, rather hastily for a man in
general so cool and poised, and went
out into the front room, a kind of in-
formal office opening by wide doors on
the veranda.
Two minutes later, he reappeared at
the door of the dining-room. I caught
his eye. He signed to me to come, and
disappeared again. Hastily making
my excuses to Molly and the Collector
Mem-Sahib, I went to the front room,
in no small wonder.
Was it a murder or a dacoity or an
uprising? Anything may happen, any-
thing may spring up to the surface of
the still, dark river of Indian life that
runs so unfathomably deep.
'I say!' the Collector Sahib ejacu-
lated, in a voice for him very excited,
though his tone was low. 'Here's a
pretty pair of shoes! What do you
think has happened?'
I ventured no guesses.
'The Nizam's pay hasn't arrived!
They waited two or three hours beyond
the usual time, and then sent men
out to look. Not a sign! So they've
sent a fellow here.'
As Treasury Officer, I took that to
heart. Short of the looting of the
Treasury, nothing more serious could
have happened.
'You got it sent off all right, did n't
you? Who came for it?'
'The usual chap — Khoda Baksh, I
think his name is. Yes, Khoda Baksh,
the big up-country chap with the fuzzy
beard.'
' I know. Well, he 's gone. Sunk into
the earth, and the whole Nizamat guard
with him — to say nothing of the bul-
lock-cart, and twenty thousand rupees.
There were notes, of course?'
474
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
'Yes, about the usual amount.'
'Well, we must stop them at once.
You can get the numbers first thing in
the morning. But the silver — Better
take my turn-turn and drive to the
palace. See if you can find any traces
— and reassure the old gentleman.
I '11 tell them to harness the turn- turn.
Take these two chuprassis with you.
Better take this, too'; and he drew a
revolver from the drawer of the desk.
* Though it's inconceivable to me that
there's been violence. You have your
light overcoat? '
Within a quarter of an hour I was
driving, as fast as the Collector Sahib's
fine trotter could carry me, up that
long road beneath the cocoanut palms,
where the fateful bullock-cart had dis-
appeared in the hour before noon.
There was no moon, but the stars were
gleaming in the purple night, big stars,
like colored lamps, hanging down clear
from the background of the sky. I
drove almost directly toward the Pole
Star, hanging low among the palm
trees, covered, now and then, by a
dark, waving frond.
It was an extraordinary drive. No
one spoke. The bare fact I knew, and
doubtless the Nizam's messenger had
told it all, with such embellishments as
might occur to him, to the chuprassis
and syces. So we were all thinking
about it tremendously, though no one
spoke.
As I have said, short of revolution,
nothing more catastrophic could have
happened in that quiet district. Twen-
ty thousand rupees gone in broad
daylight I Even divided by twelve —
allowing a share and a half for the
sergeant, and a half-share for the bul-
lock-driver — it would make the for-
tune of every man in the Nizamat
army. Were they, with Khoda Baksh
at their head, making their way across
country, under cover of the night, to-
ward the forests of the Santal Hills?
But those high-denomination notes —
no one in his senses would try to make
off with those! And for the life of me,
I could not think of Khoda Baksh as a
highway robber; no, nor those honest
Moslems of the army either. In the
way of loot, yes. But when it was en-
trusted to them, never.
Then what the mischief could have
happened? A raid of wild Hillmen
from across the railroad? They used to
raid, in the old days. But could a suffi-
cient band conceivably get right into
the very heart of the district, without
our hearing of them? And the Niza-
mat guard was fully armed, good En-
field rifles, with ten or twenty rounds of
ammunition each; I knew the details,
for I made out their licenses 'to have
and carry arms.' To knock out ten
men, well armed with rifles, even if a
surprise volley had been poured into
them, would mean something of a bat-
tle. And a battle like that, in broad
daylight too, could hardly take place
without some echo of it reaching us;
indeed, it would instantly start a wild
panic, a tornado. Yet, until the Niza-
mat outrider came, not a sound, not
a whisper even, on the stillness of the
Indian night! The whole thing was
astonishing, inconceivable.
So the thing stormed around the
chambers of my mind, as I sent the
Collector's trotter along that arrow-
straight road; red brick, pounded and
rolled, what we call a * pukka' road;
* baked,' that is, the Indian word for
anything matured and authentic. It
stormed about my mind; yet I remem-
ber that, just as the quiet heavens with
the big, silent stars, looked down on us,
very serenely, so there was that in me
that looked down on the turmoil of
thoughts and guesses, very serene:
* Why all this stir, little man ! '
I made a change of horses at the half-
way stable, drove past the big, heavy
gates of the little Maharaja's enclosed
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
475
courtyard and palace, and presently
entered the big, imposing doorway of
the Nizamat buildings.
I noticed that the guard-house was
curiously empty and still. It sudden-
ly flashed into my mind: * Of course!
The army is gone!'
It was about ten by that time.
Lights were moving among the build-
ings, and, hurrying up the main stair-
way, I found the great reception room
brilliantly lighted. On the ivory-rim-
med sofas and in gilded chairs, dark
gentlemen, brilliantly clad, were seat-
ed, — inwardly perturbed, outwardly
calm. In the midst sat His Highness
himself, grave as always, pensive, ra-
ther pathetic, and, to-night, palpably
discomposed.
The words of Arjuna in the Bhaga-
vad Gita flashed into my mind — it was
not so long since my Sanskrit * exams ' :
— ' I behold fathers, sons, and grand-
sires, uncles, fathers-in-law, wives' bro-
thers, kinsmen,' — the wKole Nizamat
family of the sterner sex. The sisters,
cousins, and aunts, being zenana ladies,
were naturally missing. Each gentle-
man, saving only the Nizam, had a
little leather bag, like a Tyrolese tobac-
co-pouch, on his knee or in his hand.
The scene was eloquent : they had come
for their share of the monthly pay.
As I stood in the doorway, while, led
by His Highness, they all ceremoni-
ously rose, it suddenly flashed into my
mind that I had been so busy guessing
at the mystery, that I had not given a
thought to what I was to say. It was,
in effect, 'Do not be alarmed, gentle-
men. You will get your money all
right. Never fear!'
I was very much embarrassed in face
of those serious dark gentlemen, the
youngest of whom was several years
my senior. And to this day I do not re-
member in what terms I made the ex-
planations and assurances. One thing
only emerged clearly : the army had not
arrived; the twenty thousand rupees
were gone.
Even before I left the civil station,
the Collector Sahib had set the police
in motion throughout the district, and
had sent a runner to the nearest tele-
graph station, which was fifteen miles
away, to notify the Calcutta Treasury
and the Bank of Bengal. For the Col-
lector, the thing was serious in every
way. He was answerable for every-
thing within the district, and particu-
larly for the financial side of things.
And twenty thousand rupees meant a
full year's pay. But it was inconceiv-
able— yes, of course! But still the
money was gone. That fact there was
no getting over.
Ill
I got back to the station after mid-
night. Early the next morning, I set
forth to try to get on the track of the
missing army, a thing impossible in the
darkness of the night before. I found it
a horribly embarrassing thing to do.
Of course it was all very easy to drive
leisurely up the red road beneath the
cocoanut palms, carefully scrutinizing
the road and its sides for traces of a
scuffle, or for wheel- tracks going off in-
to the jungle. Off the pukka roadbed
the ground was soft enough; the ruts
and footprints would have been very
conspicuous. But they were not there.
That part of it, as I say, was easy
enough. But when it came to knocking
at the door of a Bengali notable, and
asking him if he had seen the missing
army; asking this, in a tongue one
spoke haltingly, of people with keen,
sarcastic eyes, — that was a job that
made me squirm.
Fortunately, most fortunately, I had
the Collector Sahib's head chuprassi
with me. He had all the aplomb I
lacked. He was a Moslem. Bengali
notables did n't bother him. Indeed,
476
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
his assurance, his self-confidence, was
superb. He hammered lustily on doors,
and when they were opened, cleared his
throat with a resounding 'Ahem!' and
slapped the brass plate of office — the
chaprash — on his red shoulder-sash,
and, brow-beating and bullying, he
told his errand ; each time with the air
of accusing his interlocutor of direct
complicity, or at least criminal know-
ledge of the theft. When I add that his
manner to me was humbly deferential,
you can realize what a comfort that
knavish chuprassi was.
Well, we went carefully over the
road, up to the Nizamat palace and
back, and found never a trace. Later,
we beat the by-roads throughout the
district, meanwhile anxiously awaiting
news from up or down the railway line.
But not a word! Not a sign! The
whole thing was gone, cavalcade and
buffalo-cart and twenty thousand ru-
pees, leaving no more trace than a stone
dropped into deep water. We had the
ripples on the pool when the rider gal-
loped up, that first evening. But after
that, never a word or a sign.
It was getting very serious for the
Collector Sahib, and serious also for
the rest of us, including the Assistant-
Magistrate-and-Treasury-Officer. So
we very naturally set about our remain-
ing tasks with uncommon diligence and
zeal.
For weeks I had had a detail of
work: a visit to the Ghorabazar Ma-
harani, the mother of Molly's young
tennis-partner, about a disputed land-
title. I had to go up and take her evi-
dence. That, among other bits of post-
poned work, was now brought hastily
forth and pushed forward.
So, once more, I drove up the red
road beneath the palm trees and, pre-
ceded by my brazen-faced chuprassi,
made my way into the reception-room
of the Maharani's palace, a huge, splen-
did rppm, with costly, quaint furniture
and flat, highly colored Indian oil-
paintings on the walls. A curtain hung,
across an alcove. There the Maharani
was installed, it being etiquette that I
might speak to her only through the
curtain, not setting profane eyes upon
her at all.
Even then, I might not speak to her
direct. She might only whisper, and
her son, standing half behind the cur-
tain, caught her words, and repeated
them aloud to me.
One of our Brahman deputy magis-
trates was there before me, to help out
with the formalities, and we soon got
to work, thrashing over the question of
the disputed boundary. Her little lady-
ship, for so I judged her to be, by the
moderate stature of her son and the
mouse-like gentleness of her whispers,
gave her evidence with astonishing lu-
cidity, considering that she had never
seen the outer world since the days
when, a tiny maid of seven, she was
married to the late Maharaja.
We had come to a halt, while I was
writing down the details of her de-
scription, when, suddenly, above the
squeaking of my quill, which was the
only noise that broke the silence, there
came the sound of a manly voice, muf-
fled by distance, chanting some native
song.
My ear caught it before my mind
did, for I was wrestling with a difficult
Bengali phrase, and I particularly did
not wish to ask the Deputy Babu. It
came again, that muffled war-chant,
and I found myself associating it, in
half-conscious thought, with the guard-
house of the Nizamat palace.
The little Maharaja was watching
me with half-closed eyes, his, fine face
as still as a god's; yes, just like a gold
statue of Gautama Buddha. The Bud-
dha, by the way, was a cousin of his
ancestor's, so the likeness was natural
enough !
Once more that muffled phrase of
HOW THE ARMY WAS KIDNAPPED
477
song, and, as background, the mind-
picture of the Nizamat guard-house.
What the dickens did * Barabareshu '
mean in Bengali?
Suddenly I sat bolt upright, and
looked the little Maharaja full in the
face. His lips were slightly compress-
ed. Otherwise he still wore the air of
the Buddha in contemplation. Then,
from behind the curtain, came the
faintest, most ethereal giggle. The Ma-
harani was laughing. My suspicions
were confirmed.
' Prince,' I said rising, * I am — great-
ly interested — in that song. Will you
be so good as — to lead me to the
singer?'
There was a little ripple of silvery
laughter behind the curtain, and a sud-
den giggling whisper. The young Ma-
haraja interpreted: —
* Sir, my mother says — my mother
begs you — she says — it is only a
boy's prank.'
'Come, please,' I said, trying not to
smile. A prank, perhaps, but pretty
serious.
We went along a passage and down
a stairway, finally entering a huge hall,
set with pillars, which seemed to fill the
basement of the entire palace. It had
no windows, and was dimly lighted by
a few cocoanut-oil lamps, such as you
might find in the tombs at Mycenae.
There, on the straw that covered the
floor, I saw — - the whole Nizamat
army, evidently fuddled, the sergeant,
stripped of his green tunic, dreamily
singing that Urdu war-song that I had
heard once, as we drove past the Niza-
mat guard-house. The two bullocks
were there, snuffling about in the straw;
the bullock- wagon also; and on it, to
my great relief, I saw the box of mon-
eys, its seals unbroken, evidently un-
touched.
I looked at the little Maharaja with
some severity.
'How did this happen, Prince?'
The Buddha-like serenity of his face
suddenly broke into a charming boy-
ish smile, and his eyes were full of lum-
inous mischief.
'Well,' he explained, 'they were just
opposite my gate when I overtook
them, and — they seemed so thirsty
— and tired. So I asked them to come
in. — I could not ask my guests to go
again I'
'But where are their rifles?'
'I had them put away, for safety,
while the men slept,' he explained,
again with that delicious smile.
'How did they come to be asleep?'
'I wonder,' he said. 'I fancy — do
you know, I think it was the sher-
bet!'
Further investigation showed that
he had been quenching their thirst on
iced punch made of green Chartreuse.
No wonder their wits had fled.
Well, we got that army on its feet
again, and I accompanied it to the
Nizam's palace, making what explana-
tions I could on behalf of the little
Maharaja.
The dear old Nizam listened to me
in wonder, then chuckled, then burst
out laughing: —
' Tut tut tut ! ' he said, ' to give liquor
to my good Mussulmans!'
We had the little Maharaja up be-
fore the Collector Sahib, for a wigging,
bearing in mind his little mother's plea.
At first he was obdurate, his face firm
as a gold statue.
'Did not his ancestors rob mine?'
he asked, with good historic backing.
Then suddenly the Buddha-face broke
into that charming, irresistible smile.
'And besides,' he said, 'it was Saint
April's day.'
PROSERPINA AND THE SEA-NYMPHS
BY GKACE HAZARD CONKLING
PROSERPINA
I TIRE of these embroideries.
Now I have gilded all my stars,
And plumed with light my ilex trees,
And made the moon and sun, there is
The sea to finish. Only this
Eludes my eager hand and mars
The beauty of my tapestry.
Which color of the changeful sea
Would she most love, my mother? Blue
Superbly shadowed like her hood,
Or blazing, like her peacock? — hue
Of dawn or wine, or purple silk
With foamy fringes white as milk?
There is a gray-green, much her mood
In early Spring. — Nay, I must go
And ask the sea-nymphs. They will know.
- SEA-NYMPHS SINGING
Mother Ceres' daughter
Straying down the shore,
Brings with her a beauty
Never known before.
(Who had heard, until she came,
Such a ripple of a name?)
PROSERPINA
I hear them singing on the shore,
My little .sisters of the sea!
PROSERPINA AND THE SEA-NYMPHS 479
Surely I can return before
The golden lonesome afternoon
Leans toward the dusk?
/ shall come soon
And weave a miracle for thee,
My mother, out of showered light
Upon great waters: and to-night,
Give thee my tapestry of dreams,
And sing thee what the sisters sing.
— Too bright the sea! Unreal it seems,
And so aloof, I hardly know,
With all its glory changing so,
How I dare try embroidering —
Oh, they are there, all wet and cool
From out the foam, and beautiful!
SEA-NYMPHS SINGING
Is there any flower
Delicate as she?
Only tender-breathing
Sea-anemone.
(Maidens, was there ever heard
Such a little limpid word?)
PROSERPINA
Laugh, laugh again, for I so love
Your glittering laughter in the sun,
Like sudden wave-crests fashioned of
Bubbles and rainbows! Did you say
Nobody knew you came away?
Then I am not the only one
Truant along these yellow sands!
(How soft your little starfish hands!)
Now tell me, darlings, is it true
You travel far within the sea,
And drive the dolphins two and two?
480 PROSERPINA AND THE SEA-NYMPHS
And arc there islands rooted deep,
That you must scale like mountains steep,
To find out what their names may be?
(/ made an island, once, a shore
Dazzled with surf.) — Oh, tell me more!
SEA-NYMPHS
Fair the clustered islands,
Deep the coral wells!
You who bring us flowers,
Do you like our shells?
These, all jeweled, only grow
On an island that we know.
Who has felt its beauty
Cannot go away.
It is like a crystal
Irised in bright spray —
There is untold mystery
In the islands of the sea!
One is all a garden,
One has sands of gold.
One is built of silver:
One is very old,
Made of coral and most fair.
One conceals the GORQONS* lair.
Shells of many islands
Blossoming from foam,
See, they make a necklace!
Will you wear it home?
Asphodels are sweet, but ours
Are the everlasting flowers.
PROSERPINA AND THE SEA-NYMPHS 481
PROSERPINA
And I shall keep them evermore!
But in the April-colored mead
Beyond the crescent of the shore,
There are such lilies! Let me get
Enough of them, with violet
And hyacinth as I may need,
To make you each a coronal !
You will not have to wait at all,
They are so many, and so sweet!
Throw me your little dripping kiss !
I
Look, there are wings upon my feet,
Wait for me! —
(Alone) (Now, you asphodels,
Rose-lined and petaled like sea-shells,
Could any fate be strange as this —
The nymphs' green tresses to confine,
And plunge full fathom-deep in brine?)
I never thought to make them say
The wisest color for my sea!
Corn-flower blue it was to-day,
And veined with topaz — If I go
Much farther, now the sun is low,
The sisters will not wait for me.
But April only once a year
Comes true! — What loveliness is here —
These unknown flowers waxen-white,
That glimmer in a starry crowd
A-shiver with their own delight?
Mother must tell me. — Are they real?
Whence the sharp terror that I feel?
Dread Darkness — art thou god or cloud
Enfolding me f
My mother, oh,
Hear thou, and make him let me go!
VOL. 114 -NO. 4
482
PROSERPINA AND THE SEA-NYMPHS
SEA-NYMPHS SINGING, FAR AWAY
Do you see her coming?
Did you hear her call?
There is sudden menace
In the sky, and all
The bright waters have gone gray.
Little friend , we dare not stay!
THE FRIENDLESS MAJORITY
BY O. W. FIRKINS
IN these days any one with a pity
for outcasts cannot fail to sympathize
with the friendless majority. Emerson
with his epochal 'Self-Reliance,' Re-
nan with his victorious 'Caliban,' Ibsen
with his scornful * Enemy of the Peo-
ple,' have made abuse of the majority a
favorite — almost a popular — recrea-
tion, and able speakers to-day find no
difficulty in proving the unworthiness
of the larger human aggregates to the
satisfaction of from two thirds to nine
tenths of the responsive audience. Per-
sonally, I always disliked the majority,
as long as the crowd was on its side,
but I find that it tends to grow inter-
esting, almost sympathetic, in the hour
of its rejection and abandonment. I
still like to hear our nobler youth urged
to rebel against the despotism of social
usage or political inertia, but, as phil-
osopher, I suspect that, in the great
cyclic process of man versus men, the
verdict is sometimes given a little too
hastily and absolutely for the plaintiff.
When Mrs. Grundy herself is sent to
Coventry, human nature cannot re-
press a smile, but society at large is a
bigger thing than Mrs. Grundy, and
the right of mankind to be heard in its
own defense may be conceded by the
most spleenful of individualists.
I wonder if the censors of the major-
ity— commonly indebted to its homes,
its schools, its churches, for the train-
ing of that intelligence and conscience
with which they rake its institutions
fore and aft — have ever stopped to
imagine the consequences of the relax-
ing on all sides of that respect for the
opinions of mankind which — let us
frankly confess — so often obstructs
and retards the progress of particular
reforms. Genius would be liberated?
Yes; if we are willing to compliment
the majority to the extent of admitting
its capacity to bridle even genius. But,
conceding this capacity, let us remem-
ber that the fools would be liberated by
the same act, and the proportion of ge-
niuses to fools in this inequitable planet
is not of a kind to confirm hope in the
optimistic reformer. Open the doors of
your penitentiary, and you may possi-
bly release a Giordano Bruno or John
Brown of Ossawatomie (though the
THE FRIENDLESS MAJORITY
483
likelihood of such result is inappreci-
able), and you will very certainly cast
out into the world some hundreds of
forgers, embezzlers, and assassins.
If you wish to ignore that particular
embodiment of social opinion which is
called law and has clubs and gallows
and electricity on its side, the case is
quite as clear where the application of
the social influence is merely psycho-
logical. Release a given social assem-
blage from adherence to the manners of
the day, and, for one person in whom
an original thought or generous act is
set free, there will be fifty in whom
the same license will unbind an act of
greed, an ineptitude, a frivolity, or an
impertinence.
These things are interferences with
progress, obstructions to true life, and
when we reflect that the normal effect
of social disfavor is not to prevent but
simply to defer the accomplishment of
great reforms, it requires some courage
to assert that the postponement of the
good is too high a price to pay for the
suppression of the evil.
Society need not follow the counsel
of imbeciles. Granted: but the time
lost in convincing them of the hopeless-
ness of their projects is time that can
be ill spared from tillage and shoemak-
ing and leechcraft. You may be proof
against the importunities of the sly
agent, but if you had to walk to your
threshold fifty times a day even for the
purpose of shutting the door in his face,
the consumption of your time would
hurt your business. Nuisances are
plentiful, in spite of all restraints; most
of us would like to be * cranks ' if the
social penalties were removed ; and the
one thing that keeps the breed from
multiplying to ten times its present
strength is the odium inseparable from
the name.
The truth is that imitation, with the
docility which is its source, secures to
the dullards and the weaklings a vir-
tual participation in the good sense and
right feeling of the wiser few. Men are
kept orderly, clean, and decent through
the strength of this obsequiousness to
social opinion which the prophets of
individualism are in such haste to de-
plore. The social code no doubt al-
ways involves much inadequacy, much
stupidity, some hypocrisy, and some
wickedness; but, taken by and large,
the average of its prescriptions has
probably been higher in every age than
the average of undirected and unfet-
tered individual impulse. Many of the
things embodied in that wide-ranging,
multifarious thing called the sense of
the community are undoubtedly right,
since they were once the distinctions
of heroic minorities or the discoveries
of fearless individuals.
It is the poor scourged majority in-
deed that supports the right of free
speech, in the strength of which its un-
grateful assailants address themselves
to the task of its flagellation. While re-
formers are hot in affirmations of its
stupidity, the purblind thing almost
justifies their censures by the absurd
magnanimity with which it protects
their lives, defends their property,
counts their votes, or transports their
diatribes against itself with unerring
precision in its hospitable mail-bags.
The majority learns slowly, it is true,
and the minority feels in its presence
the same impatience which the bright
lad in the district school exhibits when
the sturdy bumpkin at his side spells
out his words with stolid persistence
from the tattered reading-book. But
the bumpkin has an excellent memory,
and may be pardoned for a little honest
bewilderment when his teachers change
their mind.
Men fail to see the value of consoli-
dation in a race, a nation, or a party.
The Germans love music as a people,
the French literature, the English lib-
erty, in the same way; the nationality,
484
THE FRIENDLESS MAJORITY
the solidarity, of the support accorded
to the chosen ideal reinforces its grip
upon every individual. The love of
music, of literature, of liberty, is forti-
fied in each instance by that much-
decried but mighty force, the love of
agreement. Even reformers are glad to
touch men on what we may call their
corporate or federal side. The aboli-
tionist, the single-tax man, appeals to
common justice, to common humanity;
he invokes not merely the voice of the
individual conscience, but the immemo-
rial concurrence of men in high princi-
ples, in the support of which their wish
to stand well with one another is inex-
tricably bound up with their personal
loyalty to right and justice.
What is the first act of a revolting mi-
nority? To organize; that is, to profit
by men's wish to stand together; the
very principle which, incarnate in the
unsympathetic majority, is for the mo-
ment defeating their own project. In-
deed, the closeness of the tie which unites
the members of small sects is common-
ly the force that nerves them to en-
dure their segregation from the people
at large. It is a curious fact that, to
persuade men to rebel, the first step
is, necessarily, to render them docile.
Men are opportunist even in their vili-
fications of majorities. What recogni-
tion has the reformer for the individu-
alism that opposes his measure? What
censures has he for the gregariousness
which rallies ultimately to its support?
The propagandists view the mental in-
dependence of their fellows in the same
light in which the United States view-
ed the independence of Texas, — as the
needful preliminary to annexation.
The solidarity of mankind lightens
the task of the reformer by simplifying
the argument of his opponents. Here
are fifty million people, possibly, com-
mitted to the repression of socialism:
but among all the fifty millions there
are not more than half a dozen reasons
and two or three feelings. It is clear
that the paucity of objections greatly
simplifies the intellectual problem of
the socialist agitator. If there were
fifty million reasons — the mind shud-
ders at the possibility.
There have been periods in history
such as the Stephen Marcel regime in
France, the period of the Long Parlia-
ment in England, and the reign of Jo-
seph II in Austria, when the bonds of
precedent were relaxed and the facility
and fecundity of reform were unexam-
pled. What was the issue of this accel-
erated progress? The reforms disap-
peared with the celerity of a gamester's
winnings. In these matters, you have
to choose between the nail, hard to
drive but practically irremovable, and
the pin, yielding itself equally to inser-
tion or displacement. The abolition of
chattel slavery is fixed with adamantine
permanence to-day by that very ten-
acity and solidarity of mankind which
offered such stubborn resistance to its
triumph. Cannot the opposition to the
industrial slavery of the present hour
well afford to undergo a similar proba-
tion in the foresight of an equal guar-
antee? Is not England, obtuse and ob-
stinate but unshakable, better in these
respects than France, responsive and
plastic but unsure? Because removal
from one dwelling-house to another is
sometimes necessary and always trou-
blesome, shall society live in a wagon?
Do not be too impatient, O panting re-
former, of the stupidity that postpones
the victory of your plans; to-morrow it
will be defending your conquest more
effectually than your own wisdom!
There is another consideration which
should temper the complaints which
the meliorists direct against the inertia
of society. In a social organism where
all the parts were centrifugal, individ-
uality would have no significance, no
eminence, no prestige. The heretic
should not cry out too savagely against
THE FRIENDLESS MAJORITY
485
that orthodoxy which supplies him
with a vocation. The leaven is more
active than the dough, but it cannot
decently complain of the dough, which
provides both an occasion for its use
and an advertisement of its power,
without which indeed it would be no-
thing but an ineffectual and acrid fer-
ment. If it objects that the dough is
too tardy and backward in yielding to
its solicitations, might not that good
creature reply with some plausibility
that this delay was the most caustic of
comments on the effectiveness of the
yeast? The kindlings are slow to ig-
nite: may it not be the phosphorus in-
stead of the shavings that is wet?
What is the inertness of the major-
ity but a louder summons and more
insistent challenge to the energy and
constancy of the prophets of the truth?
In an age of narrowing adventure and
multiplying securities, would we re-
move, even if we could, any of those
social rigors and asperities which con-
stitute almost our sole remaining war-
rant that heroism shall not perish from
the earth? Would we consent to ob-
literate at one stroke the long anguish
and infamy of the anti-slavery conflict
in the United States, if the act of efface-
ment embraced in its sweep the mem-
ory of Garrison and Phillips, of Love-
joy and John Brown, of the Gettys-
burg Address, the 'Laus Deo,' and the
* Commemoration Ode ' ? Better oblo-
quy with its attendant and compensa-
tory glories than the listless neutrality
which effaces both.
I am not fond of the companionship
of majorities: they are massive, they
are phlegmatic ; in social intercourse
they fail to shine. For personal delec-
tation give me a rebel, — a species
which I like well enough to feel kindly
disposed toward the social conditions
which insure his emergence arid affirm
his usefulness. I am angry with rebels
only when they want to rebuild the
universe on a plan which leaves no
room in the edifice for their own ac-
commodation. Look at the summary
of the desiderata: namely, the virtual
certainty of the ultimate success of any
high cause, a virtual guarantee of per-
manence to that success, a degree of
difficulty and delay which insures the
elimination of those spurious reforms
which fail to command the persever-
ance and fortitude of their adherents,
and, lastly, a standing appeal to those
capacities for heroism that lie dormant
in mankind. What more could we ask,
and what else do we have?
GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID
OF SORCERY
BY VIRGINIA BAKER
GRANDFATHER CRANE sat beside the
kitchen fire. It was a midsummer af-
ternoon, but he was wrapped in a quilt-
ed double-gown of green and yellow
chintz and wore a red bandanna hand-
kerchief twisted about his head. His
feet were encased in home-made moc-
casins of thick felt.
The walnut logs, piled high on the
iron fire-dogs, blazed and sputtered
merrily, filling the room with stifling
heat. At one side of the fireplace a
couple of eels hung from a stout hook
driven in between the bricks. They
were long, fat eels and, as they slowly
roasted, they exuded drops of oil which
fell into a skillet placed on the hearth
beneath them. Every now and then
Grandfather Crane leaned forward in
his high-backed chair and turned the
eels about.
'Hey, Ezry, what ye a-concoctin'
now?'
A man thrust his body half-way
through a window at the side of the
room. He was a short, stout, elderly
man with a ruddy, good-natured face.
He peered at the skillet curiously.
' I 'm a-tryin' eel grease fer my j 'hits,'
Grandfather Crane replied, moving
his chair so as to face his visitor. 'I
affairm I believe thet thar's vartue in
it, Simyun.'
Simeon Sims raised his eyebrows.
'Land of Goshen, Ezry, I thought ye
was rubbin' yerself with turkle ile,' he
486
said. 'Moses Spicer's young ones told
me, a spell ago, thet they was kit chin'
mud turkles fer ye by the dozen.'
'They was, but I've gin the critters
up,' Grandfather rejoined. 'The tur-
kle is a cold-blooded animile, an' I af-
fairm his juices wasn'twarmin' enough
fer sech knees ez mine. I'm dretful
stiff an' I need suthin' heatin'. I 've jest
begun ter try eels an' I think they're
goin' ter prove some ben'ficial.'
Mr. Sims removed his hat and fan-
ned his face briskly.
'By hicky, Ezry,' he ejaculated,
'ye 're hotter 'n Apollyon's brims tun
porridge in thar. I dunno how Lean-
der stan's it arfter workin' out in the
sun all day. I dunno how ye stan' it,
yerself.'
'I ain't never warm,' Grandfather
answered. 'I got a woolen weskit un-
der this gownd. Ez fer Leander, he's
got ter stan' it. I trained him ter re-
spect the weakness of ole age. I never
cal'lated ter let him ride over my head.
I afFairm I begun a-dis'plinin' him
when his payrents died an' he come ter
live with me.'
'Oh, of course Leander '11 put up with
all yer notions,' Simeon responded.
'But hain't ye afraid there'll be trou-
ble when he gits married? Gran'dar-
ters-in-law ain't jest like gran 'sons.
They're liable ter up an' change things
round.'
' I ain't skeered of bein' bothered by
no gran'darters-in-law,' Grandfather
returned. 'Leander is bound ter be a
GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OF SORCERY 487
bachelder. He comes of stock thet
runs ter bachelders. Ye know yerself,
Simyun, thet out of five brothers I was
the only one thet did n't stay single.
Ez fur back ez I kin trace there 's alwuz
ben a mess of bachelders in our fambly .
Whatever sot ye ter thinkin' of Lean-
der marryin'?'
'Why, nothinY answered Mr. Sims,
'only thet I heered how he keeps a-
goin' ter Freetown every week.'
'A-goin' ter Freetown!' Grandfather
repeated. 'Why should n't he go ter
Freetown ? I ' ve got wood-lots over thar
an' folks hez ben a-cuttin' hoop-poles
off 'n 'em lately. Leander goes ter look
arfter my propputty.'
Simeon whistled softly.
'Wai, I s'pose ye know best, Ezry,
but, 'cordin' ter what I hear, he's look-
in' arfter suthin' besides timber when
he's over thar. He spares time from
contemplatin' trees an' breshwood ter
visit thet Weeden gal at Assonet Four
Corners.'
Grandfather suddenly sat erect.
'Weeden gal!' he cried sharply.
'What Weeden gal? I dunno nothin*
'bout her. None of ole Jed Weeden's
stock is she?'
'Jed Weeden's gran'darter,' Mr.
Sims replied. 'His son Rufe's darter.*
For a moment Grandfather re-
mained motionless. Then he raised his
clenched hands high above his head.
'He shan't marry her!' he shrilled.
'I won't hev nary one of Jed Weeden's
breed in my fambly. 'T would be
stoopin'! A wuthless tribe, all on 'em!
Pore, an' lazy, an* shif 'less! Leander
hain't a-goin' ter throw himself an' my
money away on no sech folks!'
' But r'port says this 'ere Lucreshy is
ez smart ez the nex' one,' expostulated
Simeon. 'I ben told thet she kin turn
off more work in a day than ary other
woman in Freetown.'
'I don't keer nothin' about what
r'port says!' cried Grandfather. 'She's
a Weeden an' thet's enough. She'd
starve us ter death with pore victuals.
Them Weedens never sot a decent ta-
ble. They dunno what good fodder is.
Ole Jed uster kitch skunks, in the fall,
an' salt 'em down an' bile 'em with cab-
bage all winter fer his Sabbath-day
dinners. Biled skunk hain't fit ter eat,
even when it hain't corned. The right
way ter cook a skunk is ter bake it. In
my young days, we fellers uster hev
skunk suppers at Swansea Village, an'
the skunks was alwuz baked. Ye can't
tell baked skunk from chicken. I hain't
a-goin' ter let Leander git dyspepsy
eatin' of salt skunk meat. He shan't
marry her.'
Mr. Sims shifted uneasily from one
foot to the other.
'Lurdy, Ezry, I 'm sorry I mentioned
the gal,' he said. 'I should n't, only I
kinder wondered ef ye knowed about
her. I guess Leander won't thank me
fer pokin' my finger inter his pie.'
'I hain't a fool, Simyun,' Grandfa-
ther retorted with some asperity. 'I
hain't a-goin' ter let on ter Leander
thet I'm knowin' ter his doin's. How
long hez he ben a-sparkin' ? '
'Oh, not sech a tumble long spell,'
Mr. Sims answered. 'I only heered of
it larst week. Now I would n't git all
riled up ef I was you. Jest look at
things ca'mly.'
'Oh, I'll be ca'm,' said Grandfather.
'Ca'm ez a hornet in winter. But I'll
keep up a devil of a thinkin' all the
time. I got considerble cog'tatin' ter
do in the nex' few hours.'
Mr. Sims withdrew his body from
the window.
'Wai, I did n't come over here jest
ter peddle gossip,' he rejoined. ' I come
ter borry a scythe. There 's one in the
barn. I kin hev it, I s'pose?'
'Take ary thing ye need,' assented
Grandfather. 'The hull kit an' bilin'
of tools ef ye d'sire 'em. I'm mighty
glad ye happened in ter-day. Fore-
488 GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OF SORCERY
warned is forearmed. Ef ye hear any
more news let me know.'
'Sartin,' answered Simeon.
He nodded a farewell and trudged
away in the direction of the barn.
As he disappeared from view, Grand-
father pushed his chair back to the
fireplace and sank into a brooding
silence. For more than an hour he
sat there, only moving once or twice
to turn the eels mechanically. It was
not until the clock struck five that he
roused from his reverie, his face sud-
denly illumined.
'Thet's the thing ter do,' he cried
exultantly. 'Why did n't I think of
Hitty Sharp before? There hain't no-
thin' airthly kin holp me! I've got ter
git afoul of unairthly things ef I don't
want my ole age made misserble!'
II
At six o'clock Leander came into the
house to prepare supper. He was a tall,
stalwart young fellow, with a bronzed
face that was pleasant to look at. He
uttered an exclamation of surprise as
he perceived that the tea-table was al-
ready set.
'Why, Grandfather,' he said, 'you
must be feeling more comfortable than
you did this noon.'
'I affairm I've ben ez chipper ez a
brown thrasher all the arfternoon,'
Grandfather responded." 'Thet doset
of eel grease I applied last night hez
limbered me up a considerble. Ye
done with the hay, Leander?'
'We got in the last load an hour
ago,' the young man answered.
'I'm glad on't,' returned Grand-
father. ' I want ye should go ter Ta'n-
ton fer me ter-morrer. I'm goin' ter
put thet money I got fer thet ma'sh
land at Touiset inter the bank thar. I
hain't a-goin' ter d'posit any more
money in the Prov'dence banks at pre-
sent. It hain't a good plan ter put all
yer eggs in one basket, I don't think.
An' I want ye should do some tradin'
fer me. I want some neckerchieves,
an' some pins, an' some writin' paper,
an' a mess of other things. I've got a
list of 'em wrote down. An' I want ye
should stop in Dighton, on yer way
hum, an' call on Cousin David Jillson's
folks. I ben hevin' some dreams 'bout
'em, lately, thet I don't like. I kinder
think some on 'em is ailin'.'
'It'll be an all-day job,' said Lean-
der hesitatingly. 'I was plannin' to
mend the stone wall of the Gate Mea-
dow to-morrow.'
'Thet wall kin wait awhile,' Grand-
father rejoined. 'T won't do ye no
harm ter take a leetle ja'nt, Leander.
Ye've ben stickin' ter work pretty clus
all summer. I think ye look kinder
peaked. An' I be worried regardin'
them dreams. David Jillson is a-git-
tin' on in years. He's considerble old-
er then I be.'
'Oh, of course I'll go/ Leander said
hastily. 'Young Mose can do the
chores, and I'll get Augusta to help
you indoors. You must n't fret about
your dreams, because — '
'I don't want Augusty Spicer in
my kitchen,' Grandfather interrupt-
ed. 'She's slower then a snail, an' ez
bunglin' ez a beetle. Ye speak fer Ann
Julianna. Ann Julianna is a faculized
young one. I want her ez airly ez she
kin come.'
After supper Leander walked down
to the Spicer farm, returning with the
welcome intelligence that Mrs. Spicer
would be able to spare Ann Julianna at
six o'clock on the morrow.
Promptly at the appointed hour the
following morning, Ann Julianna made
her appearance in the Crane kitchen.
She was a tall, bony child of eleven,
with an elderly face and a soldierly car-
riage. Immediately after hanging up
her sunbonnet, she charged upon the
breakfast table and, in an incredibly
GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OF SORCERY 489
short time, had the dishes washed,
wiped, and placed on parade in the clos-
et. By eight o'clock every article in
the house was under strict martial law,
and Ann Julianna was seated on the
porch steps grimly shelling beans as if
she were moulding bullets.
In the meantime Leander had hitch-
ed the black colt, 'Yankee Doodle,' to
the ancient, high-topped 'shay,' rarely
used except upon the Sabbath, and,
arrayed in his 'meetin' clothes,' now
started forth on his journey. From the
kitchen window Grandfather watched
the venerable equipage until it disap-
peared from view. Then he summoned
Ann Julianna from her task.
'I want ye should go up ter Sims's
place an' tell Simyun ter fetch his team
here ez soon ez he kin,' he said. 'Tell
him my need on't is urgent. I'm
obleeged ter make a journey.'
If Ann Julianna experienced surprise
at this command from the invalid she
evinced none. She sprang to her feet,
saluted, wheeled about with a click of
her heels, and stalked down the steps
carrying her folded sunbonnet under
her arm like a chapeau bras.
Grandfather chuckled softly.
'I'll outwit them two turkle-doves
yit, ef I be an ole codger/ he mur-
mured.
Three quarters of an hour later Mr.
Sims halted his ox-team at the gate of
the Crane barnyard. Presently Grand-
father came across the yard, followed
by Ann Julianna bearing a kitchen
chair. Grandfather wore a thick brown
shawl pinned over his double-gown.
His bandanna handkerchief, folded
corner-wise, was tied beneath his chin
and surmounted by an ancient hat of
white wool.
Simeon mopped the perspiration
from his forehead.
'Cal'latin' ter make a v'yage ter
Greenland?' he inquired jocosely.
'I'll tell ye where I'm goin' arfter
we git started,' Grandfather returned.
'Set thet cheer clus ter the cart, Ann
Julianna. No, Simyun, I affairm I kin
manage ter h'ist myself in without yer
holp.'
'Why Lurdy me, Ezry, I sh'd hope
ye could,' responded Mr. Sims. 'Ye
ain't ole enough ter be holpless quite
yit.'
Grandfather paused, one foot in the
chair, the other in the cart.
'Ain't ole?' he cried indignantly. 'I
guess ye don't study yer Bible, Simyun.
Thet tells ye thet the days of a man is
three-score year an' ten. How fur off
be I from thet age? Ain't I goin' on
sixty-nine?'
'Wai, wal, don't less quarrel,' said
Simeon. 'Ef ye want ter 'magine yer
Methusaly's twin brother I dunno ez I
hev ary p'ticler objection.'
The invalid made no reply, but drew
his other foot into the cart and seated
himself upon the chair which Simeon
lifted up to him. Dismissed by a wave
of his hand, Ann Julianna again saluted
and marched back to the house, where
she at once commenced a deadly on-
slaught, with soft soap and a very stiff
scrubbing-brush, upon the porch steps.
'Wal, now thet thar female minute-
man hez gone, mebbe ye '11 tell me
where ye want ter travel,' observed
Mr. Sims.
'I want ye should take me over ter
Hitty Sharp's house,' said Grandfather.
'I affairm, ef anybuddy kin break up
Leander's match, it's Hitty.'
Mr. Sims surveyed his passenger with
a dismayed countenance.
'Hitty Sharp!' he repeated. 'Why,
she's one third Nigger, one third Injun,
an' t'other third devil. Ef ye want ter
c'nsult a witch, why don't ye go ter
Rehoboth an see Poll Jinkins? Polly's
a white woman ef she does hev dealin's
with the Ole Harry.'
'I ain't goin' a-nigh Poll Jinkins,'
Grandfather replied. 'She ain't wuth
490 GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OF SORCERY
a bean ez a witch. When the Fiske
boys quarreled 'bout the ole man's will,
Jerry hired Poll ter cuss 'Zekiel's farm.
But, Lurdy, she could n't do it. Ev'ry
bit of gardin truck thet 'Zekiel planted
thet spring growed like pussley. Then
Jerry went ter Hitty an' she done the
job fer him. Thar warn't a durned
thing on his hull place thet she did n't
spile 'cept his onions. But Hitty owned
up thet thar hain't no magic known
powerful 'nough ter kill onions. I tell
ye Hitty onderstan's her business. She
kin do anything.'
'I know she kin,' Simeon responded
dubiously. ' Ole Gineral Lyman, down
ter Warren, asked her 'bout his brig,
the Peggy an' Sally, which was overdue
a fortnit, bein' she was becalmed in the
horse lat'tudes. Hit tuk the figger of
a bumble bee, an' off she went ter sea,
raisin' a devil of a gale ter carry her
along. Wai, the fust thing the crew of
the Peggy an' Sally seen, arfter the
harricane struck 'em, was thet mon-
strous insec' a-buzzin' in the riggin'.
They reckernized Hit, ter once, by the
whites of her eyes. She liked ter hev
shipwracked' em with thet storm. When
the brig got back ter Warren, Cap'n
Hill tole the gineral thet he would n't
sail fer him onless he 'd promise never
ter send Hit humbuzzin' 'round the
Atlantic agin. Ef ye '11 hear ter me,
Ezry, ye '11 keep clear of Hit Sharp.
She 's a dangerous critter ter hev deal-
in's with.'
'Ye start them cattle up, Simyun,'
Grandfather said calmly. 'I hain't
scart of Hitty. I know she 's a powerful
sorc'ress, but thet's the kind I need.
Ef matches is made in heaven, it fol-
lers thet it takes considerble infloo-
ence from the other place ter break 'em
up. Start them cattle along.'
Mr. Sims, with visible unwillingness,
cracked the long cowhide lash of his
whip and the oxen, obedient to the sig-
nal, began to move slowly down the
winding road. Grandfather settled back
in his chair and surveyed the landscape.
He had not ventured beyond the lim-
its of his farm for three months.
It was a typical July morning. The
leaves hung motionless on tree and
shrub. Bees hummed drowsily among
the wayside flowers. In the distance a
solitary crow cawed discontentedly.
The white road glared in the scorching
sunlight, and little puffs of dust rose
under the hoofs of the oxen. Grandfa-
ther drew his shawl more closely about
him. He was afraid of taking cold.
Simeon trudged along, swinging his
whip, and occasionally uttering an ad-
monitory 'Gee,' or 'Haw.' The cart
creaked and groaned as it lurched over
the uneven ground. It was a rather
lonely road, and the turnout attract-
ed considerable attention as it passed
the few farms situated upon it. Men
at work in the hay fields paused and,
leaning on their rakes, exclaimed, 'I
swan! Ef thar ain't Gran'father Crane!'
A round-eyed urchin, swinging on a
gate, called excitedly to his mother,
'Ma, Ma, Ole King Cole is a-goin'
by, settin' on his throne an' drawed
by oxen!'
From the Crane farm at 'Luther's
Corners ' to the home of Hitty Sharp at
' King's Rocks ' was a distance of sev-
eral miles. It was past eleven o'clock
when Simeon brought his beasts to a
standstill before the humble cottage of
the sorceress. Grandfather descended
from the cart to the chair, and from the
chair to the ground, and walked stiffly
up the quahaug-shell-bordered path
which led to the house door. As he
reached the steps the witch appeared
on the threshold.
She was a little, strange-looking old
woman, with keen, beady eyes and a
mysterious smile. She might have been
seventy years old, but appeared scarce-
ly less than a hundred, so wrinkled was
her dusky face, so bent and withered
GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OF SORCERY 491
her figure. She beckoned to her visitor
with one claw-like hand.
'I viewed ye in a dream last night,'
she said solemnly, 'and so I know ye
be in trouble. But fear not. I can give
ye aid.'
'I'm mighty glad ter hear ye say
thet,' Grandfather replied in a tone of
relief, 'fer I affairm, Hitty, I need yer
holp the wuss kind.'
He nodded reassuringly to Simeon
and entered the house, the witch care-
fully closing the door after him. Mr.
Sims sat down beneath the shade of a
spreading oak tree on the opposite side
of the road. Presently a large black cat
established himself on the cottage steps
and fixed his great yellow eyes on the
ox-team and its owner. Simeon grew
nervous under the animal's scrutiny.
'Now I wonder ef he's a-plottin*
deviltry,' he muttered uneasily. 'Lurd!
I never seen sech a stuny stare. I
b'lieve the critter knows thet I ad-
vised Ezry not ter c'nsult Hit.'
Mr. Sims tried to whistle carelessly
and to become interested in the labors
of a colony of black ants near by, but
in vain. Like lodes tones, the orbs of
the cat drew his eyes away from other
objects. For three quarters of an hour
the man and the animal gazed at each
other, the one sphinx-like and motion-
less, the other agitated and perspiring.
Simeon was greatly relieved when, at
last, Grandfather appeared in the door-
way and the creature vanished around
a corner of the house.
Grandfather bore a bottle in his
hand. He shook it exultantly as he
crossed the road.
'Hey, Simyun,' he cried. 'I got the
stuff now! This '11 stop the billin' an'
cooin'.
Mr. Sims looked suspiciously at the
yellowish, transparent liquid with
which the phial was filled.
'What's it made of?' he queried.
'I dunno what it's made of an' I
affairm I don't keer,' Grandfather re-
plied. 'It's a philter ter make Leander
hate, instid of love, thet hussy over ter
Freetown. Seven drops in Leander's
coffee, three times a day, will do the
job/
' How d' ye know' t won't p'ison him ? '
Simeon questioned doubtfully.
'P'ison be durned!' Grandfather re-
torted impatiently. ' Here, take a smell
on 't.'
He drew out the stopper and placed
the bottle under Mr. Sims's nostrils.
Simeon sniffed at it hesitatingly. Then
he sniffed again.
'Smells ter me like merlasses an'
water,' he said.
'There is merlasses in it ter kill the
scent of the other ingrejents,' Grand-
father replied. 'I s'pose likely there's
powdered toads, an' nightshade, an'
sech stuff, but Hitty 's fixed it so 's it
won't kill. Now less be gittin' hum.
Ann Julianna'll hev a conniption fit
ef them beans gits cold.'
He clambered into the cart, and Sim-
eon cracked his whip loudly. The oxen
immediately started off at such a brisk
pace that their owner had difficulty in
keeping up with them. They were
young animals, not fully accustomed
to the yoke. Moreover they were hun-
gry and realized that their faces were
turned homeward. Presently they be-
gan to trot. Simeon followed as rapid-
ly as his heavy boots would permit, but
he was quickly outdistanced, and his
loud shouts only served to increase the
excitement of the pair. Grandfather
clung wildly to the sides of the cart as it
lurched and bounced. Far ahead, the
road made a sudden turn. On and on
dashed the oxen, and, as they plunged
around the curve, the chair and its oc-
cupant were hurled violently to the
ground.
When Simeon, panting and terrified,
reached the scene of the disaster, he
found Grandfather seated by the road-
492 GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OP SORCERY
side. A comely, middle-aged woman
and a fair-faced girl were bending over
him. The woman was bathing his
forehead with water, while the girl
waved a fan of turkey feathers before
his pale face. The oxen were nowhere
visible.
'I affairm I hain't hurt a mite,
Simyun,' Grandfather exclaimed. 'My
gownd and shawl bruk the force of the
fall. Whar them confounded critters
be, I dunno.'
'It's nothin' less then a merricle,'
declared the woman. ' 'T was his age
saved him, I'm shore. Ef he'd ben an
ole man he'd likely hev broke suthin'.
Ole folks' bones is so brittle.'
'H'm,' said Grandfather. 'How be
we a-goin' ter git hum?'
'You kin borry our hoss an' wagon,'
the woman returned. 'Esther will
hitch it right up. We live in thet house
down yander.'
The girl dropped the fan and started
off in the direction of the house indi-
cated. Mr. Sims followed her. He was
anxious to discover the whereabouts
of his team. When he and Esther re-
turned with the wagon, they found
Grandfather regaling himself with a
generous plate of apple turnovers and
cheese. Another plate awaited Simeon,
but he was too greatly agitated to feel
hunger.
'I'm shore I can't tell how much
obleeged ter ye we be,' Mis' Clapp,'
Grandfather said as he climbed into
the wagon. 'I'll send back yer team
jest ez soon's possible. I shan't fergit
what good S'maritans ye an' yer darter
be.'
He looked back with a farewell smile
as Simeon gathered up the reins and
clucked to the ancient sorrel horse.
'Who be they?' inquired Mr. Sims.
'I heerd thet some women hed took
the ole Dorman place/
'She's a widder from Tiverton,'
Grandfather answered, 'an' thet gal is
her only child. Hiram Greene is a-run-
nin' the farm fer her on shares.'
' The gal 's a mighty pooty little cree-
tur,' observed Simeon.
'H'm,' returned Grandfather. 'I
affairm the mother must a-ben some
considerble harnsomer in her young
days. A mighty pleasant-spoken, sen-
sible woman.'
'Wai, she did n't take ye fer none
of Methusaly's kin,' said Simeon dryly.
Grandfather made no reply to this
remark, and Mr. Sims's thoughts re-
verted to his team.
'I swow I b'lieve thet cat of Hit's
bewitched them cattle,' he suddenly
exclaimed. 'He sot an' eyed 'em all
the time you was par ley in' with her. I
bet she sent him ter punish me fer
talkin' agin her ter you.'
'Like ez not she did,' Grandfather
assented. 'Injun blood is revengeful.
But don't ye fret none. Ef ye s'tain ary
loss on my account, I'll make things
right. I affairm I'd ruther spend my
larst dollar then hevLeander git spliced
ter a Weeden.'
Mr. Sims's gloomy anticipations
were, however, not destined to be real-
ized. As he drove the sorrel horse into
the Crane barnyard, Ann Julianna ap-
peared, a stout cudgel, borne musket-
wise, across her shoulder.
'They're down in the lane,' she said
to Simeon. ' By the time they got here
they was sorter tuckered out, so I
headed of 'em off.'
'Is the cart broke?' Simeon asked
anxiously.
' 'T ain't hurt a mite,' Ann Julianna
responded.
'Wai, I snummy!' Simeon ejacu-
lated. 'Lurd!' he said to Grandfather,
as Ann Julianna withdrew, ' thet young
one is more than a match fer Hit
Sharp. The idee of her tacklin' a pair
of crazy cattle ! '
'Ann Julianna is sartainly faculized,'
Grandfather responded.
GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OF SORCERY 493
After Mr. Sims had departed with
his now docile team, Grandfather and
his assistant had dinner. Ann Juli-
anna ate like a true soldier, preferring
a tin cup and plate to china ware. She
swallowed her food hastily, as if she
expected to be ordered to strike camp
and march at any moment.
'I'm a-goin' ter do the dishes/
Grandfather announced when the meal
was ended. 'I want ye should drive
thet rig back ter Mis' Clapp's. Ye kin
hitch ole Whitey ter the waggin an'
ride hum on her. An', now I think on 't,
I ruther guess we 'd better not mention
my journey ter Leander. He's liable
ter worry ef he thinks I'm ja'ntin'
'bout, gittin' throwed outer teams,
when his back is turned. An', Ann Ju-
lianna, ye kin carry a mess of rozbrys
along with ye. Thar ain't nary rozbry
bush on the Dorman place. An' be
sure an' give my compliments ter Mis'
Clapp.'
Ann Julianna, who had stood at at-
tention while her commanding officer
was speaking, now said abruptly,
* Husband 's ben dead a year. Drinked
himself to death. Folks says he was
a good reddance.' Then, selecting a
basket from a number hanging on
the kitchen wall, she marched off to
execute the commissions entrusted to
her.
Grandfather began to clear the table.
Suddenly he paused before a looking-
glass that hung above the dresser. For
some moments he surveyed critically
the reflection of his face.
'Wai, I dunno ez I do look my full
age,' he murmured as he turned away.
* I 've got my front uppers and unders,
an' e'en a'most the hull of my ha'r. I
b'lieve the widder did take me fer a
youngish sort of spark.'
Leander returned home late in the
afternoon, bringing various purchases,
and, also, news of cheer from Dighton.
David Jillson was hale and hearty, and
all the members of his family were en-
joying the best of health.
*I declare, Grandfather, I believe it
does you good to have me out of the
way once in a while,' the young man
said smilingly. 'You look twenty years
younger than you did this morning.'
'Eel grease! Eel grease!' Grandfa-
ther returned. 'I hain't shore thet I
shan't git ter be ez spry ez ever I was ef
I keep on usin' of it. I affairm I might
hev an'inted myself with turkle ile a
year an' not got a quarter ez limber ez
I be arfter tryin' eels these two days.'
Ill
A fortnight elapsed ere Mr. Sims
again visited the Crane farm. Various
things conspired to detain him at home.
First his hired man was taken ill, next
some relatives from 'down east' paid
him an unexpected visit, .then he was
obliged to shingle his hen-house. When
at last, one warm afternoon, he looked
in at the door of Grandfather's kitchen,
he could scarcely believe the evidence
of his own senses.
No fire blazed on the ample hearth.
Grandfather's armchair was drawn up
beside an open window, and Grandfa-
ther, in his shirt-sleeves, was softly
whistling ' Money Musk ' as he sat bus-
ily engaged in sorting gayly colored pins
into little piles on the window-seat.
'Wai, dance my buttons! ' ejaculated
Simeon. He leaned against the door
jamb overpowered by the spectacle be-
fore him.
Grandfather looked up.
'Hullo, Simyun,' he exclaimed cheer-
fully. 'I begun ter think thet Kitty's
cat hed kerried ye off ter the infarnal
rejins.'
' What on airth be ye doin' ? ' Simeon
inquired . ' Goin' ter sot up ez a tailor ? '
'I'm goin' ter fix a lemon fer luck,'
Grandfather answered. 'My gran'-
mother alwuz uster keep a lemon stuck
494 GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OF SORCERY
full of colored pins ter fetch her good
luck. I affairm it 's handy ter hev one
on 'em in the house.'
Why, ain't thet charm workin'?' in-
quired Mr. Sims.
'Oh, Lurdy, yes,' Grandfather re-
plied. 'Jest like a merricle. I hed n't
gin Leander but three dosetins afore
he up an' said thet he was n't goin' ter
Freetown no more. Said he'd made
'rangements ter hev Tim'thy Lake,
over thar, notify him ef them thieves
cut down any more hoop-poles. I told
ye Hitty'd fix things fer me.'
Mr. Sims opened his mouth and then
suddenly closed it. Again he opened it,
only to close it once more.
Grandfather surveyed his visitor's
strange facial contortions with surprise
not unmingled with impatience.
'What be ye champin' yer teeth
that-a-way fer?' he demanded. 'I af-
fairm I should think thet I was a mush-
rat an' yer jaws was a trap a-tryin' ter
kitch me. Hev ye got a jumpin' mill-
tooth?'
'My teeth is all right,' Simeon re-
turned in some embarrassment. ' I was
goin' ter r'mark thet ye don't seem ter
be any wuss fer yer upset.'
'Me wuss?' Grandfather chortled
blithely. ' I 'm a durned sight better 'n
I've ben in twenty years. Eel grease,
eel grease, Simyun! It's a-makin' of
me young agin.'
'I'm glad 't is,' said Mr. Sims. He
turned abruptly. 'Wai, good day,
Ezry. I'm on my way ter the black-
smith's shop. Thought I'd stop an'
see how ye was far in'.' Not waiting for
a reply, he walked quickly away.
Grandfather shook his head as he
looked after him.
'Should n't wonder ef he'd hed a
slight sunstroke,' he murmured. ' Never
knowed him ter act so durned narvous
afore. Whar in tarnation is Ann Juli-
anna? She's an almighty long time
makin' the trip ter-day.'
Mr. Sims, after his hasty departure,
did not return to the highway by which
he had reached the Crane farm; but,
passing through the barnyard, struck
into a 'cross-lot' path which led him
over a couple of meadows to a tract of
woodland. As he reached the edge of
this tract, he heard the sound of voices
and, peering through the underbrush,
beheld Leander and Ann Julianna
standing side by side beneath a clump
of pine trees.
Simeon was about to continue on his
way when Ann Julianna discharged a
volley of statements which, piercing
his comprehension, held him transfixed
with amazement.
'I jest come from Mis' Clapp's,' said
Ann Julianna. ' Kerried her yer gran'-
father's best snuff-box. The one with
Gin'ral Washin'ton's picter on the
kiver. Thet box was full of love-snuff.
I got it, yisterdy, from Hitty Sharp fer
him. Could n't git a chance ter tell ye
'bout it las' night.'
Leander bent forward eagerly.
'Did she accept it, Ann Julianna?'
he demanded.
Ann Julianna gave a sniff that sound-
ed like the snap of a trigger.
'Accept it? I ruther guess she did!
Took a pinch of it ter once. She
knowed what 't was well 'nough. Any
woman, 'specially a widder woman,
knows thet when a man gives her snuff
it's gin'rally love-snuff.'
Leander knitted his brow thought-
fully. _ I
'He probably won't pop the question
till he thinks the snuff has had time to
work,' he said.
'Hitty allowed 't would take a week
ter git from the head ter the heart,'
rejoined Ann Julianna. 'But bless yer
stars, Leander, Mis' Clapp don't need
no witch-work ter make her fancy yer
gran'father. She's ben ready ter marry
him ever sence them cattle dumped
him an' his kitchen cheer head over
GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OF SORCERY 495
heels at her feet. Ter-morrer I 've got
ter go ter Hitty agin. This time it's
fer a charm ter make ye fall in love
with Esther. Yer gran'father 's sot on
hevin' her fer a step-darter an' a gran'-
darter-in-law, too.'
Leander gazed at his companion in
astonishment. Then he burst into a
peal of hearty laughter.
'Sh-h,' cautioned Ann Julianna. *I
Ve ben gone a long time an', like ez
not, he's out lookin' fer me. I better
go now.'
As she spoke she began to creep cau-
tiously along a narrow foot path, peer-
ing through the bushes with the wary
eyes of a scout. Leander smothered his
mirth and, shouldering an axe that lay
on the ground, strode away in an oppo-
site direction.
Mr. Sims sank down on a fallen tree
trunk.
* I knowed it ! ' he exclaimed hoarsely.
'I knowed thet ef Ezry hed ary dealin's
with Hit Sharp she 'd cut him a caper.
I warned him, but he wouldn't hear ter
me a secont. Massiful George! 'Ter
think of him a-plannin' ter marry Mis'
Clapp. Eel grease! Sweet ile of wid-
der's tongue is the name of the rem'dy
thet's made him young agin.'
He drew a handkerchief from his
pocket and wiped the beads of perspir-
ation from his forehead.
'What'd I oughter do?' he rumin-
ated anxiously. 'I come nigh a-tellin'
ter-day, an' I should ef I hed n't ben
afeered Hit an' her cat might do me
a harm. When I thought how mad
they 'd be, my tongue cluv ter the ruff
of my mouth. An' yit, here's Ezry a-
stannin' right afoul of a turrible dan-
gerous pit, an' there don't seem ter be
nobuddy ter yank him off n the aidge
but me. I dunno what I be a-goin' ter
do/
Ie rose heavily to his feet and again
plodded on his way.
During the following week Simeon
Sims was a very unhappy man. His
appetite deserted him and sleep refused
to visit his pillow. Mrs. Sims, consid-
ering that he had 'a tech of hypochon-
dry,' brewed various doses of 'arb
drink,' all of which he swallowed un-
complainingly, for not even to his wife
could he unburden his tortured soul.
But a reaction came, at last, as it usu-
ally does come. On the sixth morning,
after a restless, nightmare-haunted
night, he arose, pale and haggard, but
with the exalted look of a hero on his
face.
* I'm a-goin' ter tell him,' he exclaim-
ed. 'T ain't neighborly, ner Christian-
like, ter keep silunt. An', ef Hit in-
jures me, I got ter stan' it like ary
other martyr.'
Leander had just started down the
road to pasture the cows when Simeon
reached the Crane barnyard. Long be-
fore he opened the gate he was startled
by the deep bass tones of Grandfa-
ther's voice as they boomed melodi-
ously upon the still summer air.
' Ef a buddy meet a buddy
A-comin' thr-rough the rye,
Ef a buddy kiss a buddy
Need a buddy cr-ry ? '
'Gosh all hemlock!' murmured Sim-
eon, 'I'm afeered I'm too late.'
* Ev'ry lassie hez her laddie,
Nane, they say, hev — '
The ballad ceased suddenly as the
spectre-like face of his visitor appeared
before Grandfather's vision.
'Cricky!' cried the startled singer.
'What's the matter? Is your barn
burnt down?'
Mr. Sims walked into the kitchen.
' Ezry,' he said solemnly, * I think it 's
my duty ter tell ye suthin' thet hez
laid like a stun on my mind ever sence
I heered it. I tried ter tell ye las' week,
but I was helt back from doin' it. Yer
tryin' ter spark the Widder Clapp.
Wai, the Widder Clapp is ole Jed
496 GRANDFATHER CRANE INVOKES THE AID OF SORCERY
Weeden's youngest darter. She come
here from Tiverton because she mar-
ried a Tiverton man. An' her darter
Esther is the gal thet Leander's ben
a-wantin' all along. Folks said he was
arfter Rufe Weeden's darter Lucreshy,
but they was mistaken. He was run-
nin' over ter Freetown ter see this
Esther who was visitin' Lucreshy. I
proph'sied thet Hit Sharp would work
more evil than good on ye, an* my
proph'cy hez come true/
Grandfather began to beat up some
batter in a bowl that stood on the
table.
' Much obleeged ter ye, Simyun, I 'm
shore,' he replied, 'but I knowed all
this before/
Simeon sat down in a chair suddenly.
'Knowed all this before!' he re-
peated. 'Knowed all this before!'
'Sartin,' said Grandfather calmly.
'Esther come an' told me four or five
days ago. A mighty nice gran'darter-
in-law I affairm she'll make. She see
thet me an' her ma was kinder carstin'
sheep's eyes ter one another, an' she
knowed, from Leander, thet I did n't
favior the Weedens none. Leander
knowed I never had no opinion of ole
Jed So she come over ter see me, on
the sly, an' up an' out with the hull
story. Would n't practice no deceit
even ter kitch Leander/
Simeon rubbed his bewildered eyes.
'An' yer a-goin' ter marry Jed Wee-
den's darter?' he cried.
'I be,' Grandfather answered, stir-
ring the batter briskly.
Mr. Sims groaned.
'Ezry, yer bewitched,' he said husk-
ily. 'Hit Sharp hez d'luded ye with
magic. Bimeby ye '11 be b'wailin' ter
me thet she's made a fool of ye/
'I'll resk it,' Grandfather responded.
'Clarissy — thet's' Mis' Clapp, Mis'
Crane thet is ter be — is ez fine a wo-
man ez ye '11 find in all Bristol County,
or out on't. We're goin' ter hev a
double weddin', an' I want ye should
come, bein' ez ye hed a hand in makin'
the match/
Mr. Sims made a final effort to break
the spell which he was convinced sur-
rounded his friend.
'Ezry,' he said, 'what be ye a-goin'
ter do ef yer wife should set out ter
bile corned skunk?'
'Taste on't an' see how I like it,'
Grandfather returned promptly. ' Cla-
rissy says she thinks I'll relish it. Ann
Julianna et some, once, an' she ad-
mired it/
Simeon's righteous wrath burst forth.
' It 's a true sayin' thet thar ain't no
fool like an ole fool,' he exclaimed,
springing from his chair. 'Hit, an' Le-
ander, an' thet Ann Julianna hev all on
'em manoovered ye jest ez they want-
ed ter. Thet thar Ann Julianna is ez
desateful a little critter ez ever I run
acrost. Ye think she's ben a-workin'
in yer in'trust, but I kin tell ye thet
she was a-holpin' Leander along all
she could/
Grandfather chuckled.
'Ann Julianna is the most faculized
young one thet I ever see,' he an-
swered. ' I wisht I could send her over
ter Europe ter tackle ole Bonnyparty.
I ruther guess thet she'd out-gin'ral
him. Ye don't onderstand her gifts.
An', ez fer Hitty, ef she hain't fetched
me good luck I dunno what — '
'I'm a-goin' hum/ interrupted Sim-
eon grimly, 'an' the nex' time thet I
mix er meddle in ary ole wid'wer's love
messes ye jest lemme know it. I'm
done with 'em/
Grandfather followed him to the
door.
'I affairm, Simyun,' he said, 'thet's
the most sensible idee thet I've heerd
ye advance this mornin'. Wai, good-
bye. The weddin' is sot fer the fust
day of October/
LAISSEZ-FAIRE IN RELIGION
BY WASHINGTON GLADDEN
I HAVE been greatly interested in an
article with this title in a recent maga-
zine,1 in which the writer seeks to show
that there is a glaring logical inconsist-
ency in the conduct of those who favor
a large measure of social control in eco-
nomic affairs, and are less disposed to
submit to such control in matters of
religion.
He points out that the change from
mediaeval feudalism to modern indus-
trialism was a change 'from a social
concept of life to an individualistic con-
cept of life,' — in Sir Henry Maine's
phrase, * from status to contract.' With
this was evolved the doctrine of Lais-
sez-faire, enunciated by the economists
of the first half of the nineteenth cen-
tury. Parallel with this he discovers a
similar tendency in religion. 'When
the rest of thought became individ-
ualistic in this way, religion, as one
who perceives the unity of life might
expect, became individualistic, too. . . .
The man who thought that he ought to
be allowed by society to do as he saw
fit, also, as a matter of course, thought
that he should be permitted to believe
as he saw fit.'
It may perhaps be questioned
whether the tendency to individualism
in religion was an outgrowth of the
economic tendency. The Reformation
considerably antedated the French Re-
volution, and it might be maintained
that the movement in the world of
thought was the cause rather than the
1 See the Atlantic for May, 1914.
VOL. 114 - NO. 3
effect of the movement in the indus-
trial world.
Not to insist on this, however, it is
true that both these movements were
taking place simultaneously; that the
individual found his importance great-
ly enhanced, in both the economic and
the religious realm, at the end of the
eighteenth century. It is also true that
this has resulted, in the religious world,
in a great multiplication of sects; but
the report of this process which the es-
sayist offers is not accurate. 'The one
thing,' he says, 'which held people to-
gether was their devotion to a com-
mon fetich-book, the Bible. When at
length modern scientific criticism had
torn the Bible from its fetich-throne
and restored it to its proper place, the
state of religion became plain as a
state of anarchy.' The historical fact
appears to be quite otherwise. The de-
votion to a common fetich-book has
been the principal cause of the multipli-
cation of sects. They are all based on
Biblical interpretation, and all assume
Biblical infallibility. Since modern
scientific criticism has begun to get a
hearing, the tendency to division has
been checked, and movements toward
unity have been gaining strength.
It is also true that within the last
quarter of a century this individual-
istic philosophy has been subjected
to sharp criticism by economists and
publicists, and that Laissez-faire has
ceased to be regarded as a panacea for
all social ills. It is becoming evident
that the individual does not come to
himself in isolation; that, in truth, he
497
498
LAISSEZ-FAIRE IN RELIGION
lives and moves and has his being in
the social group. The philosophy which
makes him central is seen to be a de- ,
fective explanation of the facts of life.
For this reason there has been a move-
ment toward a larger measure of social
construction. That function of the
state which in the preamble of our na-
tional constitution is described as the
* promotion of the general welfare,' has
been greatly accentuated. In our
closely packed urban populations the
fact is recognized that not only health
and education, but many of the eco-
nomic needs of life such as water, light,
and transportation, are common needs,
and can best be supplied by the co-
operative action of the community.
There is, no doubt, a strong tendency
to increase the amount of economic co-
operation; this is the socialistic tend-
ency. That there are limits to its suc-
cessful extension is the belief of many;
and if so, the great question of practical
statesmanship is the question where
the line should be drawn between so-
cial cooperation and individual initia-
tive. But that the area of social co-
operation has already been greatly
extended, and is likely to be still more
extended in the future, is not to be
disputed.
This process is described as a reac-
tion, — as * a return to a social empha-
sis.5 Is it a reaction? Is it a tendency
toward feudalism? With Mr. Ruskin
the revolt from Laissez-faire took that
form ; but is it true of those whose sym-
pathies are with progressive or social-
istic policies? I do not so understand
it. I should doubt if the feudalistic
state could rightly be characterized as
putting a social emphasis on the facts
of life. At any rate we are not going
back to any such forms of social con-
trol as those which prevailed in Europe
two hundred years ago.
The present social movement, as it
looks to me, is not a reaction, but an
advance. We are not going back to
something we have left behind, we are
going forward to something better than
we have ever known. Are we not, in-
deed, proving the truth of the Hegelian
triad, — of a progress from simplicity,
through complexity, to unity? The
status of feudalism has been broken up
by the individualism of contract, and
that is now being superseded by the
higher unity of a true commonwealth.
It may be that there are those among
the Socialists who would establish a
collectivism so rigid that all individual-
ity would be suppressed ; that indeed is
the peril to which all socialistic schemes
are exposed. That would be practi-
cally a return to the status of feudal-
ism. But we may be sure that such a
programme as this will not succeed ; we
shall never relinquish the substance of
the freedom we have won. Instead of
going back to the uniformity which
was secured by the suppression of the
individual, we shall go forward, through
the realization of individuality, to the
unity which is won by consenting wills.
And the only way in which that unity
can be realized, is by the free consent of
individuals. It cannot be established
by any kind of pressure. Neither the
militant suffragettes nor the Industrial
Workers of the World can show us the
way to it. Their paths lead us straight
away from it. Their methods would,
indeed, drive us back to the bondage
from which we have escaped; but we
shall not return.
n
Such seems to me the rationale of
progress in the economic realm. Is
there, now, any analogy between the
movements in this realm, and the
movements in the religious realm? It
is urged that whereas these movements
ought, logically, to go forward pari
passu, they are in fact failing to keep
LAISSEZ-FAIRE IN RELIGION
499
step; and that this implies, on the part
of those who are trying to keep along
with both of them, either muddle-
headedness or insincerity. I hear it
said that while in economics there is a
decided reversion to the principle of so-
cial control, in religion that principle is
flatly rejected. I read, for instance, in
a late periodical, these sentences: 'The
strange, the almost startling incongru-
ity about our modern situation is that
the same people who insist on the right of
democracy to control all individuals eco-
nomically, are the very ones who are loud-
est in their demands that the democracy
control no individual religiously.'
The italics are not mine. Let us con-
sider this. I find myself correctly de-
scribed as holding in substance both
these sets of opinions, and yet I have
been, hitherto, wholly unconscious of
any incongruity between them, and
was not aware that I was * indulging in
one of the most remarkable feats of
mental gymnastics ever known in the
history of man.'
I should desire, indeed, to phrase
a little differently the demand first
named. It may be that there are those
who insist on the right of democracy to
control all individuals in all parts of
their economic action, but not many
intelligent Socialists make any such de-
mand. We all agree that the democra-
cy shall control us all in some parts of
our economic action. The democracy
will insist on directing the methods
by which some considerable part of our
gains shall be spent. It will compel us
to pay our taxes. It has always done
so. We agree that it has a right to do
so. And most of us agree that it may
limit considerably the methods by
which our gains may be made. It will
not permit us to make money by coun-
terfeiting or swindling, or highway rob-
bery, or selling adulterated food.
It is true, however, that most of the
action of the democracy referred to,
which touches our economic interests,
consists not so much in controlling or
attempting to control our economic ac-
tion, as in providing ways by which we
may cooperate, — by organizing for us
methods of economic cooperation. The
democracy provides for us light, and
water, and schools, and parks, and
sometimes transportation, at a very
reasonable expense; it does not seek to
control us in the use of these things; we
are free to take them or leave them.
Our individual rights do not seem to be
in any way impaired by such provision.
We are taxed, as I have said, to pay for
them; but the tax is only a fragment of
what we should have to pay if we pro-
vided thern for ourselves. Control is
hardly the right word to describe the
action of the democracy toward its cit-
izens in such matters.
Still, I have admitted that the de-
mocracy does control and must control
a considerable part of the economic ac-
tion of all its citizens. And I also de-
mand explicitly and stoutly 'that the
democracy control no individual reli-
giously.1 And I am not conscious of
standing on my head when I make this
assertion ; I rather suppose myself to be
standing on my feet as solidly as I ever
stood. Neither the democracy, nor the
aristocracy, nor the monarchy, nor the
hierarchy, nor any other power, in earth
or heaven or hell, has any right or pow-
er to control any man religiously. The
right of every man to give account of
himself unto God is a right which is
not restricted to Socialists or Progres-
sives or Modernists, but is claimed by
the vast majority of intelligent people
in all Protestant countries. There are
few, indeed, of the rulers of civilized
lands who do not freely concede this
right to all their subjects. They ex-
pect to control every man, more or less,
economically, but the wisest of them
do not expect to control any of them
religiously.
500
LAISSEZ-FAIRE IN RELIGION
'The State,' says Bluntschli, 'is an
external organization of the common
life. It has organs, therefore, only for
things which are externally percep-
tible, and not for the inner spiritual life
which has never manifested itself in
words or deeds. It is therefore impos-
sible for the State to embrace all the
ends of individual life, because many,
and those the most important sides of
that life, are concealed from its view
and inaccessible to its power. The
natural gifts of individuals are wholly
independent of the State, which can
give neither intelligence to the fool nor
courage to the coward, nor sight to the
blind. The State has no share in kin-
dling love within the heart; it cannot
follow the thought of the student, or
correct the errors of tradition. As soon
as questions arise about the life, and
especially the spiritual life, of individu-
als, the State finds both its insight and
its power hemmed in by limits which it
cannot pass.' l
That principle is firmly impressed on
the thought of the age, and is not likely
to be disregarded. Whatever the de-
mocracy may do or fail to do in the way
of controlling individuals economical-
ly, it will not venture on the task of
controlling them religiously. Nor will it
be possible to convince any fairly well-
educated democracy that this action
involves any serious inconsistency.
in
It is assumed by those who make
this criticism that there is also a * de-
mand for the abolition of dogma,' and
that this demand is not consistent with
the demand for an increased social
emphasis. If by dogma is meant sim-
ply a coherent and exact statement of
religious truth, it may be questioned
whether there is any demand among
rational people for the 'abolition' of it.
1 The Theory of the State, p. 304.
Such statements are always desirable,
and all thoughtful men are interested in
studying and comparing them. Even
statements which disagree with our
own opinions are valuable as giving
the points of view of those who think
differently.
If by dogma is meant a formulary of
religious belief which is imposed on us
by authority, and which we are re-
quired to accept under pain of censure
or condemnation, then indeed there are
many who demand its abolition. The
imposition, under penalty, of forms of
religious belief, is a procedure which
ought always to be resisted, in the in-
terest of a sincere faith. The belief
which has been produced by compul-
sion of any sort is of no religious value.
No faith but a spiritual faith can be of
any use to any man, and 'where the
Spirit of the Lord is there is liberty.'
The divine mandate is, 'Let every man
be fully persuaded in his own mind.'
The dogma which comes saying, 'Be-
lieve me or be damned,' is an intruder in
whose face we may well bar our doors.
That is not the divine way of leading
men into the knowledge of the truth.
If by dogma is meant a system of
religious truth which is fixed, final, ' ir-
reformable,' that, too, is a pretender
whose rule we must defy. No such final
formulations are possible in a growing
church. More light is always breaking
forth from God's holy Word, and God's
wonderful world, and the creeds must
always make room for it.
The one thing which no religious
man is justified in believing is that God
is making a failure in the government
of this world. If He is not making a
failure, then the ages as they pass are
coming into a larger knowledge of his
truth, and
'The thoughts of men are widened with the pro-
cess of the suns.'
And if this is so, then the present age
is the one in which his will is most
LAISSEZ-FAIRE IN RELIGION
501
clearly revealed. Surely we ought not
to assume that all that could be made
known concerning him was made known
in the first century or in the first three
centuries, or in the sixteenth century;
dogmas which were fixed at any of
those dates must need restatement.
It is hardly needful to argue this
proposition; a mere glance through the
tables of contents of the eight volumes
of Harnack's History of Doctrines, will
make it evident enough that the ages
have been constantly modifying the
dogmas of the church. There is not
one of them which survives to-day with
the same significance that it had in
the early centuries. And a robust faith
rejoices in this splendid development
of Christian doctrine, and is ready to
make the most of it, and to welcome
new manifestations of it, as the years
increase.
For the abolition of the dogma which
is an iron rule, or a petrified corpse,
there is, no doubt, a strong demand
to-day. And there is no more general
desire to return to the unmodified be-
liefs of the early centuries than there
is to restore feudalism in the econo-
mic realm. But I think that in the re-
ligious realm, as in the economic, that
same triadic movement is in progress,
- thesis, antithesis, synthesis, — the
movement of religious thought from
a uniformity imposed by authority,
through a period of individualistic
skepticism and denial, to a higher unity
of the spirit in which the separated
bands will come together with rejoic-
ing. This higher unity will never be
secured by a reimposition of the dog-
matic formularies of the past; the faith
of the new day will find its own forms.
IV
Yet that higher unity will never be
achieved by a repudiation of all the
pieties of the past. The substance of
the faith will be kept and cherished as
a precious inheritance. The forms of
the spiritual life change, but the fact
abides. The generations are bound
together by vital bonds. Radicalism
without roots is fruitless. The modern-
ism which has no use for the past is
only a little less absurd than the tra-
ditionism which finds no revelation in
the present. The man who does not
know that God in times past spake unto
the fathers, arid who is not eager to
hear the word that came to them, and
to lay hold upon the truth which they
treasured for us, is ill-prepared to take
the truth which at the end of the days
is spoken to us. To a mood so shallow
and flippant no large revelation is like-
ly to be made. A religion which lacks
historical background is like a culture
with the same defect; it is apt to be
crude and conceited and undevout. The
reverent mind is well persuaded
That all of good the past has had
Remains to make our own time glad;
Our common daily life divine,
And every land a Palestine.
On the other hand the religion of the
past can never be set up as the Pro-
crustean bed to which the religion of
the present must be adjusted. This is
the purblind project of most of those
who shape the policy of our conserva-
tive churches. Not content with gath-
ering out of the past the good which it
has saved for us, and letting it blenq!
fruitfully with the good which the pre-
sent is bringing, they insist on making
the thought-forms of antiquity the
norm and the gauge of all our thinking;
and the symbols by which piety found
expression fifteen hundred years ago
the standards to which all our utter-
ance must conform. It is pathetic that
religion should be subjected to such a
crippling regimen. The past is entitled
to our reverence, but when it seeks to
dominate our thought and life, we are
compelled to remember that the pre-
502
LAISSEZ-FAIRE IN RELIGION
sent and the future also have their
rights which must not be ignored, and
their gifts which must not be despised.
We are heirs of all the ages, and must
claim our heritage.
'Is it not time/ we are asked, 'for
some hardy souls who fear not popular
clamor, to insist that the only kind of
religion which is scientific is dogmatic
religion, and that the reason that dog-
matic religion is scientific is because
it is based on the fundamental human
law that the experience of the race is
vastly more important than that of
any individual or of any generation
within it?'
This last sentence brings the whole
truth into plain sight. 'The experience
of the race is vastly more important
than that of any individual or of any
generation within it.' Nothing can be
truer. The experience of the race sure-
ly includes the experience of the last
century, as well as the first. If there
are any who propose to base their reli-
gion wholly on the experience of the
last century, ignoring those which have
preceded it, they are not wise leaders;
we need not heed them. But we may
with equal wisdom turn a deaf ear to
those who insist that the experience of
the race was all gathered up into dog-
matic formularies which were shaped
many centuries ago. What is generally
meant by ' dogmatic religion,' is a state-
ment of belief which was fixed far back
in the centuries, and ever since has
been jealously guarded from change.
In this crystallization of dogma the
law of growth is ignored. The reason
why what is commonly known as dog-
matic religion is unscientific is that it
sets at nought 'the fundamental hu-
man law that the experience of the race
is vastly more important than that of
any individual or any generation with-
in it.' The experience of the race up to
the time of Augustine or of Thomas
Aquinas or Luther or Calvin was of
great value, and we are fools to ignore
it; but the experience of the race since
the last of these men passed to his re-
ward has been of profound significance,
and we must find room for it in the
statements of our faith.
It is out of the social consciousness,
as this argument rightly insists, that
our theology must come. It is in and
through the social consciousness that
God reveals himself. And while the so-
cial consciousness of this generation is
not sufficient unto itself, and needs to
be corrected by the experience of the
past, it is yet both reverent and rea-
sonable to say that it is quite as well
worth searching for indications of the
will of God, as is the social conscious-
ness of the generation of Augustine.
There have been great and wonderful
disclosures of the truth and love of God
in all the generations since that day.
The ethical standards have been won-
derfully elevated and purified. The
ideas of right and wrong have been
greatly revised. An ethnic morality
has given place to a universal morality.
Justice has a connotation unknown to
the builders of the ancient creeds. Is it
not evident that the theology which
was framed by men to whom the Ro-
man principle of the patria potestas was
a familiar idea is likely to need restate-
ment in this generation?
Yes, by all means, let us gather into
our statements of belief the experience
of the race. Let us make them express
what God has revealed in the growth of
compassion, in the enlargement of lib-
erty, in the spread of democracy, in the
realization of human brotherhood. We
shall not be content with the forms
which sufficed for earlier ages, though
we shall treasure these as testimonies
of the centuries which produced them,
and seek to appropriate the truth they
contain. Nor shall we be able to dis-
pense with statements of our faith. We
shall need to put our common beliefs
OUR CULTURAL HUMILITY
503
and convictions into forms of words,
which we may repeat together, in
which we may rejoice to express the
unity of our faith. But they will prob-
ably be very simple forms, because
such will be the demand of a generation
whose face is set toward unity.
The creeds of the past have largely
been weapons of polemics. They have
recorded the differences between those
who adopted them and those from
whom they sought to withdraw them-
selves. The period of differentiation is
past, the period of integration has be-
gun. Henceforth the significant ex-
pression of religious endeavors after
unity must indicate a purpose to in-
clude and harmonize, rather than to
discriminate and divide. Instead of
being treated as clubs to fight heretics
with, they will be olive-branches to
welcome believers.
Let no one imagine, then, that there
is to be any reaction, in economics or
in religion. In economics we are not
going back from individualism to feu-
dalism; we are going forward to the
higher cooperations for which our
training in individual initiative has
prepared us. In religion we are not
going back from individualism to me-
diaeval dogma and sacerdotal control;
we are going forward to the unity of the
spirit, and to that accord of consenting
minds which can be won only through
liberty.
OUR CULTURAL HUMILITY
BY RANDOLPH S. BOURNE
IT was Matthew Arnold, read and
reverenced by the generation immedi-
ately preceding our own, who set to our
eyes a definition and a goal of culture
which has become the common prop-
erty of all our world. To know the best
that had been thought and said, to ap-
preciate the master-works which the
previous civilizations had produced, to
put our minds and appreciations in
contact with the great of all ages, —
here was a clear ideal which dissolved
the mists in which the vaguenesses of
culture had been lost. And it was an
ideal that appealed with peculiar force
to Americans. For it was a democratic
ideal; every one who had the energy
and perseverance could reasonably ex-
pect to acquire by taking thought that
orientation of soul to which Arnold
gave the magic name of culture. And
it was a quantitative ideal; culture was
a matter of acquisition — with appre-
ciation and prayerfulness perhaps, but
still a matter of adding little by little
to one's store until one should have a
vision of that radiant limit, when one
knew all the best that had been thought
and said and pictured in the world.
I do not know in just what way the
British public responded to Arnold's
eloquence; if the prophetic wrath of
Ruskin failed to stir them, it is not
probable that they were moved by the
persuasiveness of Arnold. But I do
know that, coming at a time when
America was producing rapidly an
enormous number of people who were
504
OUR CULTURAL HUMILITY
'comfortably off/ as the phrase goes,
and who were sufficiently awake to feel
their limitations, with the broader ho-
rizons of Europe just opening on the
view, the new doctrine had the most
decisive effect on our succeeding spir-
itual history. The ' land-of-liberty '
American of the era of Dickens still ex-
ists in the British weeklies and in ob-
servations of America by callow young
journalists, but as a living species he
has long been extinct. His place has
been taken by a person whose pride is
measured not by the greatness of the
* land of the free,' but by his own orien-
tation in Europe.
Already in the nineties, our college
professors and our artists were begin-
ning to require the seal of a European
training to justify their existence. We
appropriated the German system of
education. Our millionaires began the
collecting of pictures and the endow-
ment of museums with foreign works
of art. We began the exportation of
school-teachers for a summer tour of
Europe. American art and music col-
onies sprang up in Paris and Berlin
and Munich. The movement became
a rush. That mystical premonition of
Europe, which Henry James tells us
he had from his earliest boyhood, be-
came the common property of the tal-
ented young American, who felt a
certain starvation in his own land, and
longed for the fleshpots of European
culture. But the bourgeoisie soon fol-
lowed the artistic and the semi-artistic,
and Europe became so much the fash-
ion that it is now almost a test of re-
spectability to have traveled at least
once abroad.
Underlying all this vivacious emi-
gration, there was of course a real if
vague thirst for * culture,' and, in strict
accord with Arnold's definition, the
idea that somehow culture could be im-
bibed, that from the contact with the
treasures of Europe there would be
rubbed off on us a little of that grace
which had made the art. So for those
who could not travel abroad, our mil-
lionaires transported, in almost terrify-
ing bulk and at staggering cost, sam-
ples of everything that the foreign
galleries had to show. We were to ac-
quire culture at any cost, and we had
no doubt that we had discovered the
royal road to it. We followed it, at
any rate, with eye single to the goal.
The naturally sensitive, who really
found in the European literature and
arts some sort of spiritual nourishment,
set the pace, and the crowd followed at
their heels.
This cultural humility of ours as-
tonished and still astonishes Europe.
In England, where * culture' is taken
very frivolously, the bated breath of
the American, when he speaks of
Shakespeare or Tennyson or Browning,
is always cause for amusement. And
the Frenchman is always a little puz-
zled at the crowds who attend lectures
in Paris on 'How to See Europe Intelli-
gently,' or are taken in vast parties
through the Louvre. The European
objects a little to being so constantly
regarded as the keeper of a huge mu-
seum. If you speak to him of culture,
you find him frankly more interested
in contemporaneous literature and art
and music than in his worthies of the
olden time, more interested in discrim-
inating the good of to-day than in
accepting the classics. If he is a culti-
vated person, he is much more inter-
ested usually in quarreling about a
living dog than in reverencing a dead
lion. If he is a French 'lettre/ for in-
stance, he will be producing a book on
the psychology of some living writer,
while the Anglo-Saxon will be writing
another on Shakespeare. His whole
attitude toward the things of culture,
be it noted, is one of daily apprecia-
tion and intimacy, not that attitude of
reverence with which we Americans
OUR CULTURAL HUMILITY
505
approach alien art, and which penalizes
cultural heresy among us.
The European may be enthusiastic,
polemic, radiant, concerning his culture;
he is never humble. And he is, above
all, never humble before the culture of
another country. The Frenchman will
hear nothing but French music, read
nothing but French literature, and pre-
fers his own art to that of any other na-
tion. He can hardly understand our al-
most pathetic eagerness to learn of the
culture of other nations, our humility
of worship in the presence of art that
in no sense represents the expression
of any of our ideals and motivating
forces.
To a genuinely patriotic American
this cultural humility of ours is some-
what humiliating. In response to this
eager inexhaustible interest in Europe,
where is Europe's interest in us? Eu-
rope is to us the land of history, of mel-
low tradition, of the arts and graces of
life, of the best that has been said and
thought in the world. To Europe we
are the land of crude racial chaos, of
skyscrapers and bluff, of millionaires
and * bosses.' A French philosopher
visits us, and we are all eagerness to get
from him an orientation in all that is
moving in the world of thought across
the seas. But does he ask about our
philosophy, does he seek an orientation
in the American thought of the day?
Not at all. Our humility has kept us
from forcing it upon his attention, and
it scarcely exists for him. Our adver-
tising genius, so powerful and universal
where soap and biscuits are concerned,
wilts and languishes before the task of
trumpeting our intellectual and spirit-
ual products before the world. Yet
there can be little doubt which is the
more intrinsically worth advertising.
But our humility causes us to be taken
at our own face value, and for all this
patient fixity of gaze upon Europe, we
get little reward except to be ignored,
or to have our interest somewhat con-
temptuously dismissed as parasitic.
And with justice! For our very goal
and ideal of culture has made us para-
sites. Our method has been exactly
wrong. For the truth is that the defin-
ition of culture, which we have accept-
ed with such devastating enthusiasm,
is a definition emanating from that very
barbarism from which its author re-
coiled in such horror. If it were not
that all our attitude showed that we
had adopted a quite different standard,
it would be the merest platitude to say
that culture is not an acquired familiar-
ity with things outside, but an inner
and constantly operating taste, a fresh
and responsive power of discrimination,
and the insistent judging of everything
that comes to our minds and senses. It
is clear that such a sensitive taste can-
not be acquired by torturing our ap-
preciations into conformity with the
judgments of others, no matter how
* authoritative ' those judgments may
be. Such a method means a hypnotiza-
tion of judgment, not a true develop-
ment of soul.
At the back of Arnold's definition is,
of course, the implication that if we
have only learned to appreciate the
'best,' we shall have been trained
thus to discriminate generally, that our
appreciation of Shakespeare will some-
how spill over into admiration of the
incomparable art of Mr. G. Lowes
Dickinson. This is, of course, exactly
to reverse the psychological process. A
true appreciation of the remote and
the magnificent is acquired only after
the judgment has learned to discrimi-
nate with accuracy and taste between
the good and bad, the sincere and the
false, of the familiar and contempo-
raneous art and writing of every day.
To set up an alien standard of the clas-
sics is merely to give our lazy taste a
resting-point, and to prevent forever
any genuine culture.
506
OUR CULTURAL HUMILITY
This virus of the 'best' rages
throughout all our Anglo-Saxon cam-
paign for culture. Is it not a notorious
fact that our professors of English lit-
erature make no attempt to judge
the work produced since the death of
the last consecrated saint of the liter-
ary canon, — Robert Louis Stevenson?
In strict accordance with Arnold's doc-
trine, they are waiting for the judg-
ment upon our contemporaries which
they call the test of time, that is, an au-
thoritative objective judgment, upon
which they can unquestioningly rely.
Surely it seems as if the principle of
authority, having been ousted from re-
ligion and politics, had found a strong
refuge in the sphere of culture. This
tyranny of the 'best' objectifies all our
taste. It is a ' best ' that is always out-
side of our native reactions to the fresh-
nesses and sincerities of life, a 'best*
to which our spontaneities must be dis-
ciplined. By fixing our eyes humbly
on the ages that are past, and on foreign
countries, we effectually protect our-
selves from that inner taste which is the
only sincere 'culture.'
Our cultural humility before the civ-
ilizations of Europe, then, is the chief
obstacle which prevents us from pro-
ducing any true indigenous culture of
our own. I am far from saying, of
course, that it is not necessary for our
arts to be fertilized by the civilizations
of other nations past and present. The
culture of Europe has arisen only from
such an extensive cross-fertilization in
the past. But we have passed through
that period of learning, and it is time
for us now to set up our individual
standards. We are already 'heir to all
the ages ' through our English ancestry,
and our last half-century of European
idolatry has done for us all that can be
expected. But, with our eyes fixed on
Europe, we continue to strangle what-
ever native genius springs up. Is it
not a tragedy that the American artist
feels the imperative need of foreign ap-
proval before he can be assured of his
attainment? Through our inability or
unwillingness to judge him, through
our cultural humility, through our in-
sistence on the objective standard, we
drive him to depend on a foreign clien-
tele, to live even in foreign countries,
where taste is more confident of itself
and does not require the label, to be as-
sured of the worth of what it appreci-
ates.
The only remedy for this deplorable
situation is the cultivation of a new
American nationalism. We need that
keen introspection into the beauties
and vitalities and sincerities of our own
life and ideals that characterizes the
French. The French culture is ani-
mated by principles and tastes which
are as old as art itself. There are ' clas-
sics,' not in the English and Arnoldian
sense of a consecrated canon, dissent
from which is heresy, but in the sense
that each successive generation, put-
ting them to the test, finds them redol-
ent of those qualities which are charac-
teristically French, and so preserves
them as a precious heritage. This cul-
tural chauvinism is the most harmless
of patriotisms; indeed it is absolutely
necessary for a true life of civilization.
And it can hardly be too intense, or too
exaggerated. Such an international
art exhibition as was held recently in
New York, with the frankly avowed
purpose of showing American artists
how bad they were in comparison with
the modern French, represents an ap-
palling degradation of attitude which
would be quite impossible in any other
country. Such groveling humility can
only have the effect of making us feeble
imitators, instead of making us assert,
with all the power at our command,
the genius and individuality which we
already possess in quantity, if we
would only see it.
In the contemporary talent that
OUR CULTURAL HUMILITY
507
Europe is exhibiting, or even in the gen-
ius of the last half-century, one will go
far to find greater poets than our Walt
Whitman, philosophers than William
James, essayists than Emerson and
Thoreau, composers than MacDowell,
sculptors than Saint-Gaudens. In any
other country such names would be
focuses to which interest and enthusi-
asms would converge, symbols of a
national spirit about which judgments
and tastes would revolve. For none of
them could have been born in another
country than our own. If some of
them had their training abroad, it was
still the indigenous America that their
works expressed, — the American ideals
and qualities, our pulsating democracy,
the vigor and daring of our pioneer
spirit, our sense of camaraderie, our
dynamism, the big-heartedness of our
scenery, our hospitality to all the world.
In the music of MacDowell, the poetry
of Whitman, the philosophy of James,
I recognize a national spirit, Tesprit
americain,' as superbly clear and grip-
ping as anything the culture of Eu-
rope has to offer us, and immensely
more stimulating, because of the very
body and soul of to-day's interests and
aspirations.
To come to an intense self-conscious-
ness of these qualities, to feel them in
the work of these masters, and to search
for them everywhere among the lesser
artists and thinkers who are trying to
express the soul of this hot chaos of
America, — this will be the attainment
of culture for us. Not to look on rav-
ished while our marvelous millionaires
fill our museums with 'old masters/
armor, and porcelains, but to turn our
eyes upon our own art for a time, shut
ourselves in with our own genius, and
cultivate with an intense and partial
pride what we have already achieved
against the obstacles of our cultural
humility. Only thus shall we conserve
the American spirit and saturate the
next generation with those qualities
which are our strength. Only thus can
we take our rightful place among the
cultures of the world, to which we are
entitled if we would but recognize it.
We shall never be able to perpetuate
our ideals except in the form of art and
literature; the world will never under-
stand our spirit except in terms of art.
When shall we learn that ' culture,' like
the kingdom of heaven, lies within us,
in the heart of our national soul, and
not in foreign galleries and books?
When shall we learn to be proud? For
only pride is creative.
UNION PORTRAITS
IV. GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
BY GAMALIEL BRADFORD
GOOD fortune seemed to wait on Mc-
Clellan's early career. He graduated
from West Point in 1846, just at the
beginning of the Mexican War, and
plunged into active service at once. In
Mexico every one spoke well of him.
He showed energy, resource, and un-
questioned personal courage. He was
handsome, thoroughly martial in ap-
pearance, kindly, and popular. After
his return from Mexico he taught at
West Point, took part, as an engineer,
in Western exploration, then served as
one of the government's military com-
mission in the Crimea, and so acquired
a technical knowledge much beyond
that of the average United States offi-
cer. In the later fifties he resigned
from the service and went into railroad
management, which probably gave him
practical experience more valuable than
could have been gained by fighting
Indians.
At the beginning of the war, in 1861,
McClellan seems to have been gener-
ally looked upon as a most competent
soldier. He was decidedly successful in
his first campaign in Ohio and West
Virginia, and when he was called to
Washington to command the Army of
the Potomac, it appeared as if a bril-
liant and distinguished future were be-
fore him. During more than a year he
commanded that army, through two
great campaigns. Then the President,
508
anxious and impatient for more deci-
sive results, dismissed his subordinate
to the obscurity from which, as a sol-
dier, he never reemerged.
In studying the man's career and his
character in relation to it, it will be in-
teresting to begin by getting his own
view. This is easily done. He was one
who spoke of himself quite liberally
with the pen, though reticent in con-
versation. In his book, McClellan' s
Own Story, he gives a minute account
of his experiences, and the editor of the
book added to the text an extensive se-
lection from the general's intimate per-
sonal letters to his wife. The letters
are so intimate that, in one aspect, it
seems unfair to use them as damaging
evidence. It should be pointed out,
however, that while the correspond-
ence amplifies our knowledge and gives
us admirable illustration, it really
brings out no qualities that are not im-
plied for the careful observer in the
text of the book itself, and even in the
general's formal reports and letters.
What haunts me most, as I read these
domestic outpourings, is the desire to
know what Mrs. McClellan thought of
them. Did she accept everything loyal-
ly? Was she like the widow of the regi-
cide Harrison, of whom Pepys records,
with one of his exquisite touches, ' It is
said that he said that he was sure to
come shortly at the right hand of Christ
to judge them that now had judged
him; and that his wife do expect his
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
509
coming again'? Or had Mrs. McClel-
lan, in spite of all affection, a little
critical devil that sometimes nudged
ler into smiling? I wonder. General
Meade says that she was a charming
\ ^oman. 'Her manners are delightful;
full of life and vivacity, great affability,
and very ready in conversation. ... I
came away quite charmed with her
esprit and vivacity.* Remember this
when you read some of the following
extracts, and you will wonder as I do.
But as to the general and his view of
himself. He considered that he was
humble ai ^ modest, and very fearful
of elation and vainglory. There can
be no doubt that he was absolutely sin-
cere in this, and we must reconcile it
with some other things as best we can.
How genuinely touching and solemn is
his account of his parting with his pre-
decessor, Scott, whom, nevertheless, he
had treated rather cavalierly. 'I saw
there the end of a long, active, and am-
bitious life, the end of the career of the
first soldier of his nation; and it was
a feeble old man scarce able to walk,
hardly any one there to see him off but
his successor. Should I ever become
vainglorious and ambitious, remind
me of that spectacle. I pray every
night and every morning that I may
become neither vain nor ambitious,
that I may be neither depressed by dis-
aster nor elated by success, and that I
may keep one single object in view —
the good of my country.'
The self-denying patriotism here sug-
gested is even more conspicuous in Mc-
Clellan's analysis of himself than hu-
mility or modesty, and again no one
can dispute that his professions of such
a nature are absolutely sincere. How-
ever one may criticize the celebrated
letter of advice written to Lincoln from
Harrison's Landing, it is impossible to
resist the impetuous solemnity of the
closing words. 'In carrying out any
system of policy which you may form
you will require a Commander-in-Chief
of the Army — one who possesses your
confidence, understands your views,
and who is competent to execute your
orders by directing the military forces
of the nation to the accomplishment of
the objects by you proposed. I do not
ask this place for myself. I am willing
to serve you in such position as you
may assign me, and I will do so as
faithfully as ever subordinate served
superior. I may be on the brink of
eternity, and as I hope forgiveness
from my Maker I have written this
letter with sincerity towards you and
from love for my country.'
It is necessary to bear these pass-
ages — and there are many similar
ones — in mind, as we progress with
McClellan; for the leadership of one of
the most splendid armies in the world
through the great campaigns of the
Peninsula and Antietam fostered a
temper that often seems incompatible
with modesty and sometimes even with
patriotism. We must remember that
he found the whole country looking to
him with enthusiasm. We must re-
member that he was surrounded — to
some extent he surrounded himself —
by men who petted, praised, and flat-
tered him. We must remember that in
the war, from the first, he never had the
wholesome discipline of subordinate
position, but was one of the few gen-
erals who began by commanding an in-
dependent army. We must remember
especially the fortunate — or unfortun-
ate — circumstances of his earlier life.
As Colonel McClure says, he would
have been a different man, 'had he
been a barefoot boy, trained to tag
and marbles, jostling his way in the
world/
The explanation of many things is
well given by a passage in one of his
earlier letters. 'I never went through
such a scene in my life, and never ex-
pect to go through such another one.
510
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
You would have been surprised at the
excitement. At Chillicothe the ladies
had prepared a dinner, and I had to be
trotted through. They gave me about
twenty beautiful bouquets and almost
killed me with kindness. The trouble
will be to fill their expectations, they
seem to be so high. I could hear them
say, " He is our own general"; "Look
at him, how young he is "; "He will
thrash them'*; "He '11 do!' etc., etc.,
ad infinitumJ
Doubtless there are cool and critical
heads that can stand this sort of thing
without being turned, but McClellan's
was not one of them. Even in his Mex-
ican youth a certain satisfaction with
his own achievements and capacity can
be detected in his letters. * I have work
enough before me to occupy half a do-
zen persons for a while; but I rather
think I can get through it.' In the full
sunshine of glory this satisfaction rose
to a pitch which sometimes seems ab-
normal.
Let us survey its different manifesta-
tions. As the organizer of an army it is
generally admitted that McClellan had
few superiors. He took the disorderly
mob which fled from the first Bull Run
and made it the superb military in-
strument that broke Lee's prestige at
Gettysburg and finally strangled the
Confederacy. In achieving this his
European studies must have been of
great help to him, as setting an ideal of
full equipment and finished discipline.
Some think his ideal was too exacting
and involved unnecessary delay. He
himself very sensibly denies this and
disclaims any desire for an impossible
perfection. In short, praise from others
as to his organizing faculty would be
disputed by few or none. Yet even on
this point one would prefer, to hear
others praise and not the man himself.
*I do not know who could have or-
ganized the Army of the Potomac as I
did.'
It has a strange sound. And this is
not a private letter, but a sentence de-
liberately penned for posterity.
II
And how did he judge himself in
other lines of military achievement?
What was McClellan's opinion of Mc-
Clellan as a strategist and thinker?
From the beginning of the war he was
ever fertile in plans, which, as he as-
9 •*•
serted, would ensure speedy success and
the downfall of the Confederacy, plans
involving not only military movements
but the conduct of politics. He sent
these plans to Scott in the early days,
and was snubbed. Later he submit-
ted them to Lincoln, and the last
was snubbed, by silence, even more
severely than the first had been. Mc-
Clellan worked out these plans in lov-
ing and minute detail. Every contin-
gency was foreseen and every possible
need in men, supplies, and munitions,
was figured on. As a consequence, the
needs could never be filled — and the
plans could never be executed. The
very boldness and grasp of the concep-
tion made the execution limited and
feeble. And the plans were so exquis-
itely complete that in this stumbling
world they could never be put into
practical effect. I have seen such men.
And so have you.
On the other hand, the fact that the
plans were never realized left them all
the more attractive in their ideal beau-
ty. 'Had the Army of the Potomac
been permitted to remain on the line of
the James, I would have crossed to the
south bank of the river, and while en-
gaging Lee's attention in front of Mal-
vern, would have made a rapid move-
ment in force on Petersburg, having
gained which, I would have operated
against Richmond and its communica-
tions from the west, having already
gained those from the south.' Oh, the
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
511
charm of that 'would have,' which no
man can absolutely gainsay ! Or take a
more general and even more significant
passage: 'Had the measures recom-
mended been carried into effect the
war would have been closed in less than
one half the time and with infinite sav-
ing of blood and treasure.' What a
balm is in 'would have' for an aching
memory and a wounded pride! And
there is comfort, also, in repeating to
one's self — and others — the acknow-
ledgment of courteous enemies, 'that
they feared me more than any of the
Northern generals, and that I had
struck them harder blows in the full
prime of their strength.'
Well, a general should be a leader as
well as a thinker, should not only plan
battles but inspire them. How was it
with McClellan in this regard? Those
who fought under him have some fault
to find. Without the slightest question
of their commander's personal courage,
they think that he was too absorbed
in remote considerations to throw him-
self with passion into direct conflict.
'He was the most extraordinary man
I ever saw,' says Heintzelman. 'I do
not see how any man could leave
so much to others and be so confident
that everything would go just right.'
With which, however, should be com-
pared Lee's remark : ' I think and work
with all my power to bring the troops
to the right place at the right time;
then I have done my duty. As soon as
I order them forward into battle, I
leave my army in the hands of God/
But McClellan himself had no doubts
about his leadership. There can be no
question but that his grandiloquent
proclamations spoke his whole heart.
'Soldiers! I have heard that there is
danger here. I have come to place my-
self at your head and to share it with
you. I fear now but one thing — that
you may not find foemen worthy of your
steel. I know that I can rely upon you.'
In his belief that he had the full con-
fidence of his men, McClellan has the
world with him. They loved him and
he loved them. One of the most charm-
ing things about him is his deep inter-
est in the welfare of his soldiers, his
sympathy with their struggles and
their difficulties, though some think he
carried this so far as to spare them in
a fashion not really merciful in the end.
When he is temporarily deprived of
command and his army is fighting, he
begs passionately to be allowed at least
to die with them. When he is restored
to them, he portrays their enthusiastic
delight in perhaps the most curious of
many passages of that nature. 'As
soon as I came to them the poor fellows
broke through all restraints, rushed
from the ranks and crowded around
me, shouting, yelling, shedding tears,
thanking God that they were with me
again, and begging me to lead them back
to battle. It was a wonderful scene,
and proved that I had the hearts of
these men.'
The most singular instance of Mc-
Clellan's excessive confidence in his
own judgment is his perpetual, haunt-
ing, unalterable belief that the enemy
were far superior to him in numbers.
No evidence, no argument, no represen-
tation from subordinates or outsiders
could shake him in this opinion. Send
more men, more men, more men, the
rebels outnumber me, was his unceas-
ing cry. The curious force of this pre-
possession, as well as the man's charac-
teristic ingenuity, shows in his reply to
Lincoln's suggestion that as Lee had
sent away troops, it must be a good
time to attack. Ah, says McClellan, in
effect, can't you see that if he has troops
to spare, his numbers must be too pro-
digious for me to cope with?
This illusion as to numbers natur-
ally made negative success seem tri-
umph, and magnified really great
things into even greater. The general
512
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
writes during Antietam, 'We are in
the midst of the most terrible battle of
the war — perhaps of history. Thus
far it looks well, but I have great odds
against me.' In fact, Lee's force was
far less than McClellan's.
All of the general's undeniably great
achievements are thus made much
of, until impatient critics are strongly
inclined to depreciate them. He an-
nounces that he has 'secured solidly
for the Union that part of West Vir-
ginia north of the Kanawha and west
of the mountains.' No doubt he had;
but — Of the battle of Malvern Hill
he says, 'I doubt whether, in the an-
nals of war, there was ever a more per-
sistent and gallant attack, or a more
cool and effective resistance.* And
again, 'I have every reason to believe
that our victory at Malvern Hill was a
crushing one — one from which he
[the enemy] will not readily recover.'
The last words McClellan wrote were a
laudation of the Army of the Potomac
— and its commander — in reference to
the retreat from the Peninsula. ' It was
one of those magnificent episodes
which dignify a nation's history, and
are fit subjects for the grandest efforts
of the poet and the painter.' Hooker
— to be sure, a somewhat prejudiced
witness — says of the same event : ' It
was like the retreat of a whipped army.
We retreated like a parcel of sheep;
everybody on the road at the same
time; and a few shots from the rebels
would have panic-stricken the whole
command.' Finally, of his last battle,
Antietam, the general says, ' Those on
whose judgment I rely tell me that I
fought the battle splendidly and that
it was a masterpiece of art.*
I ask myself how the witty and vi-
vacious woman who charmed Meade
received such words as these. Did that
little critical devil nudge her, or did she
loyally 'expect his coming again'?
A commander who took this view
of what he had accomplished almost
necessarily developed an extraordinary
sense of his importance to the cause
and to the country. McClellan was im-
portant. We should never forget it.
Only, perhaps no one was so important
as he deemed himself to be. His deep
sense of responsibility is delightfully
blended with other marked elements of
his character in a brief telegram to Lin-
coln, shortly before Antietam. ' I have
a difficult task to perform, but with
God's blessing will accomplish it. ...
My respects to Mrs. Lincoln. Received
enthusiastically by the ladies. Will send
you trophies.'
Over and over again he repeats that
he has saved the country. ' Who would
have thought when we were married,
that I should so soon be called upon to
save my country?' 'I feel some little
pride in having, with a beaten and de-
moralized army, defeated Lee so utter-
ly and saved the North completely.'
And in the solemn preface to his book
he proclaims to an expectant world:
'Twice at least, I saved the capital,
once created and once reorganized a
great army.'
The most striking example of this
self-exaltation, amounting almost to
mania, is the letter written to Burnside,
in May, 1862. 'The Government have
deliberately placed me in this position.
If I win, the greater the glory. If I lose,
they will be damned forever both by
God and men.' And the tone in which
he continues shows that his situation
had taken hold of him with an approach
to religious ecstasy : ' I sometimes think
now that I can almost realize that
Mahomet was sincere. When I see the
hand of God guarding one so weak as
myself, I can almost think myself a
chosen instrument to carry out his
schemes. Would that a better man had
been selected.'
It is no wonder that the bee of dicta-
torship buzzed in a brain so feverishly
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
513
overwrought. That it entered and was
considered, if not entertained, there
can be no question. Flatterers urged it,
and circumstances, viewed as McClel-
lan viewed them, seemed to suggest it.
'The order depriving me of the com-
mand created an immense deal of deep
feeling in the army — so much so that
many were in favor of my refusing to
obey the order, and of marching upon
Washington to take possession of the
government.' The general is said to
have remarked to one very near him,
'How these brave fellows love me and
what a power their love places in my
hands! What is there to prevent my
taking the government in my hands?'
The man's own fund of native com-
mon sense was there to prevent it. But
it is evident that he lovingly consid-
ered the possibility. Only, we must re-
member that such consideration was
not prompted by personal motives, but
by genuine patriotism. He says so and
we must believe him. If no one else but
he could save the country, it was his
duty to save it. 'I receive letter after
letter, have conversation after conver-
sation, calling on me to save the nation,
alluding to the presidency, dictatorship,
etc. As I hope one day to be united
with you forever in heaven, I have no
such aspiration. I would cheerfully
take the dictatorship and agree to lay
down my life when the country was
saved.'
in
All this time there was a govern-
ment in Washington — existing chiefly
to annoy him, so McClellan thought.
The worst effect of the general's serene
- or perturbed — self-confidence was
that it bred an entire disbelief in the
judgment of others. He was impatient
with his subordinates where they dif-
fered from him, — did not seek their
advice or trust their ability. ' In hea-
ven's name give me some general offi-
VOL.114-N0.4
cers who understand their profession,'
he writes in the early days. With his
superiors — his few superiors, Hal-
leek, Stanton, Lincoln — and with the
government they represented, he en-
deavored to be civil, but he felt that
they knew nothing about war, and
where they could not be coaxed, they
must be disciplined. Among Lincoln's
many difficulties none, perhaps, were
greater than McClellan. The president
argued patiently, remonstrated gently,
reproved paternally, submitted to ne-
glect that seemed like impertinence,
kicked his heels like a messenger boy
in the general's waiting-room, declar-
ed, with his divine self-abnegation,
that he would hold McClellan's horse,
if that would help win victory. In re-
turn, the general patronized his titular
commander-in-chief, when things went
well, satirized him when they went
doubtfully, — ' I do not yet know what
are the military plans of the gigantic
intellects at the head of the govern-
ment,'— and when they went ill, ut-
tered unequivocal condemnation : ' It is
the most infamous thing that history
has recorded.'
Ropes's analysis of McClellan's atti-
tude in this connection is so penetrat-
ing and so suggestive that I cannot
pass it by. * There are men so peculiar-
ly constituted that when they have
once set their hearts on any project,
they cannot bear to consider the facts
that militate against their carrying it
out; they are impatient and intolerant
of them; such facts either completely
fall out of their minds, so to speak, as
if they had never been heard of, or,
if they subsequently make themselves
felt, they seem to men of this temper
to have assumed an inimical aspect,
and, what is worse, inasmuch as it is
impossible for any man to get angry
with facts, such men instinctively fix
upon certain individuals whom they
associate in some way, more or less
514
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
remote, with these unwelcome facts,
and whom they always accuse, in their
own thought, at least, of hostility or
deception. Such a mind we conceive to
have been that of General McClellan.'
It is only thus that we can explain
the extreme bitterness of a nature
otherwise kindly and generous. The
perturbed and anxious spirit saw ene-
mies everywhere, magnified real hostil-
ity and imagined hostility where there
was none. Political opposition becomes
malignant hatred. 'You have no idea
of the undying hate with which the
abolitionists pursue me, but I take no
notice of them.' Anger with Halleck
and Stan ton was perhaps natural.
Many men got angry with Halleck and
Stan ton. It is not the place to judge
either of them here; but it will be gen-
erally admitted that their different
ways of dealing with subordinates were
not such as to inspire a happy frame of
mind. Certainly they did not in Mc-
Clellan. Yet it may be questioned
whether either Stanton or Halleck con-
sidered the general an object of per-
sonal spite or quite deserved the fierce
abuse which he showered upon them
freely. 'Of all the men I have encoun-
tered in high position Halleck was the
most hopelessly stupid. It was more
difficult to get an idea through his head
than can be conceived by any one who
never made the attempt.' And to Stan-
ton, 'who would say one thing to a
man's face and just the reverse behind
his back,' was addressed probably the
most impertinent sentence ever written
by a soldier to his military superior.
'If I save this army now, I tell you
plainly that I owe no thanks to you or
to any other persons in Washington.
You have done your best to sacrifice
this army.'
But the same bitterness was mani-
fested toward men much less deserving
of it than the commander-in-chief or
the secretary of war. Few of the North-
ern generals were more hardly used by
Fortune than McDowell, and impartial
judges declare him to have been a sol-
dier and a gentleman. McClellan tries
to treat him well, but finds it hopeless.
'He never appreciated my motives, and
felt no gratitude for my forbearance
and kindness. ... I have long been
convinced that he intrigued against me
to the utmost of his power.' Burnside,
again, was McClellan's devoted friend
and admirer, until, apparently against
his inclination, he allowed himself to
be forced into McClellan's place. This
is what he gets for it. ' I cannot, from
my long acquaintance with Burnside,
believe that he would deliberately lie,
but I think that his weak mind was
turned; that he was confused in action;
and that subsequently he really did not
know what had occurred and was talked
by his staff into any belief they chose.'
To such an extent can a sturdy confi-
dence in self poison minds of a really
noble and magnanimous strain.
IV
So we have examined carefully Mc-
Clellan's own judgment on his own ca-
reer and achievements. Now let us see
what others thought of them. If the
discrepancy at times is startling, we can
remember the remark of Lee to a sub-
ordinate who was trying to draw him
out about another subordinate. 'All I
can say is, if that is your opinion of
General , you differ very widely
from the general himself.'
Not all critics agree in their judg-
ment, however, in this, any more than
in other cases. McClellan has many
admirers who speak almost as enthusi-
astically of what he did and what he
might have done, as he could. The less
discreet of these are not perhaps always
very fortunate in their commendation,
exonerating their favorite at the ex-
pense of others whom we do not care
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
515
to have abused. Thus, George William
Curtis asserts that * from the President
down, through the various ranks of
politicians and soldiers by whom he
was surrounded, all knew in their
hearts that the only reason why Mc-
Clellan had failed to reach Richmond,
and been obliged to execute his flank
movement to the James, was because
McDowell had been arrested by ex-
press orders from Washington on his
march to effect a junction with Mc-
Clellan's right.' And Hillard declares
that ' General McClellan's communica-
tions to the President were generally in
reply to inquiries or suggestions from
the latter, whose restless and meddle-
some spirit was constantly moving him
to ask questions, obtrude advice, and
comment on military matters, which
were as much out of his sphere as they
were beyond his comprehension.'-
But McClellan has defenders of more
weight. The Comte de Paris, influ-
enced no doubt partly by social rela-
tions, but clear-sighted in all his judg-
ments, holds decidedly that his friend
would have achieved far more if the
government had not thwarted him.
Lee, a generous adversary, declared
with emphasis that McClellan was the
best of the generals to whom he was op-
posed; and an impartial judge of the
highest standing, von Moltke, is said
to have remarked that if the American
commander had been supported as he
should have been, the war would have
ended two years sooner than it did.
Best of all friendly judgments are the
sober and discriminating words of
Grant. 'It has always seemed to me
that the critics of McClellan do not
consider this vast and cruel responsi-
bility - - the war a new thing to all of us,
the army new, everything to do from
the outset, with a restless people and
Congress. McClellan was a young man
when this devolved upon him, and if
he did not succeed, it was because the
conditions of success were so trying.
If McClellan had gone into the war
as Sherman, Thomas, or Meade, had
fought his way along and up, I have no
reason to suppose that he would not
have won as high distinction as any of
us.'
Even those who are inclined to find
fault, find much to praise. As to the
general's organizing faculty there is
but one verdict. Only genius of the
highest order in this line would have
made of the Army of the Potomac the
magnificent instrument which others
were afterwards to use so effectively.
Further, both Ropes and Henderson,
though feeling that McClellan accom-
plished much less than he should have
done with the means at his disposal,
are inclined to agree with him in the
belief that he was unduly hampered
and thwarted by the Washington au-
thorities ; and Palfrey, who, beginning
with enthusiastic admiration, was forced
in the end to recognize his chieftain's
many faults, yet declares that * there
are strong grounds for believing that
he was the best commander the Army
of the Potomac ever had,' and that *a
growing familiarity with his history as
a soldier increases the disposition to re-
gard him with respect and gratitude,
and to believe, while recognizing the
limitations of his nature, that his fail-
ure to accomplish more was partly his
misfortune and not altogether his
fault.5
It will be observed that most of the
praise is in the form of apology and
lacks entirely the trumpet tone with
which McClellan proclaims his own
feats of arms. Much of the criticism
of him has no flavor of apology what-
ever. Nor is this confined to the later
reflection of cool military judges. At
the height of his popularity, when the
army and the country idolized him,
outsiders like the grumbling Gurowski
refused to believe in his gifts, or his
516 .
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
judgment, or his future. W. H. Rus-
sell, meeting him in September, 1861,
foresaw, with singular acuteness, that
he was not a man of action or not likely
to act quickly, and felt that he dallied
too much in Washington, instead of be-
ing among his troops, stimulating them
in victory and consoling or reprimand-
ing them after defeat.
Among the general's own subordin-
ates there was anything but a concert
of enthusiasm about his person or his
achievements. Fighters like Kearny
and Hooker were naturally dissatisfied.
The latter did not hesitate to express
his opinion freely at all times, telling
the Committee on the Conduct of the
War that the Peninsula campaign fail-
ed simply because of lack of general-
ship in the commander. While Kearny
wrote, in August, 1862, 'McClellan is
the failure I ever proclaimed him. He
will only get us into more follies —
more waste of blood — fighting by drib-
lets. He has lost the confidence of all.
. . . He is burnt out/ And Meade, a
far saner and more reasonable judge,
expresses himself almost as strongly.
'He was always waiting to have every-
thing just as he wanted before he would
attack, and before he could get things
arranged as he wanted them the enemy
pounced on him and thwarted all his
plans. There is now no doubt he al-
lowed three distinct occasions to take
Richmond to slip through his hands,
for want of nerve to run what he con-
sidered risks.'
This contemporary judgment of
Meade 's may be said, on the whole, to
anticipate the conclusion of nearly all
historians. Some dwell more than
others on what might have happened if
McClellan had met with fewer difficul-
ties; but there is general agreement
that the result of his efforts is as disap-
pointing when viewed now calmly in
the light of all known facts as it was
to Lincoln and the country in 1862.
Swinton, certainly no personal enemy
of McClellan, sums up the matter in
fairly final fashion. 'He was not a great
general; for he had the pedantry of war
rather than the inspiration of war. . . .
His talent as a tactician was much in-
ferior to his talent as a strategist, and
he executed less boldly than he con-
ceived/
So we recur to the remark of Lee.
'Well, if that is your opinion of Gen-
eral , all I can say is that you differ
very widely from the general himself/
For what is of interest to us is not Mc-
Clellan's generalship, but McClellan's
character.
Thus, after our review of criticism
and hostile judgments, we ask our-
selves, what impression did all this
make on the subject of it? He heard
the criticism. He was well aware of the
judgments. Did they produce any ef-
fect on him? Did he say to himself,
after all, I may be mistaken; after all,
I may have blundered? Did he have
strange doubts and tormenting anxi-
eties, as to whether, possibly, a great
opportunity may have come to him and
he may not have been equal to it? I
have read his writings carefully and I
find nothing of the sort. There were
moments of trouble, as when Cox noted
that ' the complacent look which I had
seen upon McClellan's countenance on
the 17th [of September] . . . had dis-
appeared. There was a troubled look
instead/ There were moments of an-
guish. 'Franklin told me that Mc-
Clellan said to him, as they followed
Lander's corpse, that he almost wished
he was in the coffin instead of Lander/
Moments of self-distrust there were
not, or they left no traces.
It is true, as Mr. Rhodes points out,
that with adversity McClellan's let-
ters, even to his wife, grew somewhat
humbler and less assured; yet in his
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
517
book, written twenty years later, the
tone is much what it was at first. It is
true that in many places he recognized
generally that he was human and that
humanity is always liable to err. He
even goes so far as to admit — gener-
ally— that * while striving conscienti-
ously to do my best, it may well be that
I have made great mistakes that my
vanity does not permit me to perceive.'
But as to particular action in particular
circumstances, he cannot feel anything
but thorough contentment. His much-
complained-of delays he justifies entire-
ly. 'Nor has he [the general is using
the third person], even at this distant
day, and after much bitter experience,
any regret that he persisted in his de-
termination.' His most singular error,
that as to the numbers of the enemy,
was probably never shaken, to the
end. In short, one brief sentence sums
up his complicated character in this
regard with delightful completeness:
'That I have to a certain extent failed
I do not believe to be my fault, though
my self-conceit probably blinds me to
many errors that others see.'
Not satisfied with impugning Mc-
Clellan's generalship, his enemies went
further and attacked his loyalty. His
known dislike of radical abolitionism,
and his long-cherished hope that the
war might be ended with little blood-
shed, constantly suggested charges of
indifference to Union success. It was
said that he delayed purposely. It was
said that he showed traitorous friendli-
ness to Southerners. It was said that
he did not wish the war to come to a too
speedy close. Lincoln himself, in a mo-
ment of despair after the second Bull
Run, said to a member of his house-
hold, 'He has acted badly towards
Pope; he really wanted him to fail.'
And the sum of all these charges is
given in the remarkable scene between
President and general which has been
recorded for us by McClellan himself.
On the 8th of March, 1862, McClellan
was in the President's office and Lin-
coln intimated in very plain terms that
he had heard many rumors to the ef-
fect that the general was removing the
defenders from Washington for the
purpose of giving the city over to the
enemy. The President concluded by
saying that such a course would cer-
tainly look like treason.
Lincoln must have been deeply
moved indeed when he took such a step
as this, and no one can blame McClel-
lan for resenting it bitterly and de-
manding an instant retraction, for we
know, as well as he did, that the charge
was utterly and preposterously false.
Whatever dispute there may be about
McClellan's generalship, however one
may question the wisdom and even the
propriety of his conduct toward his
superiors, no one who has read his in-
timate letters can doubt for a moment
that he was thoroughly and sincerely
patriotic, desired only the welfare of
his country, and worked in the very
best way he knew for the complete and
speedy restoration of the Union. His
way may not have been Lincoln's way,
may not have been the best way; but
such as it was, he was ready to give his
life for it. 'The unity of this nation,
the preservation of our institutions, are
so dear to me, that I have willingly sac-
rificed my private happiness with the
single object of doing my duty to my
country. When the task is accom-
plished, I shall be glad to return to
the obscurity from which events have
drawn me.'
vi .
Such words have been written by
others, not always with entire sincerity.
But the whole tenor of McClellan's life
bears witness to his truth in this mat-
ter. He was not only a patriot, he was
a man of singular purity and elevation
of character, He was not only ready to
518
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
talk about great sacrifices, he was ready
to do what is far harder, make little
sacrifices without talking about them.
Even discounting the enthusiasm of a
biographer, we must recognize the force
of such testimony as the following : ' Of
all men I have ever known McClellan
was the most unselfish. Neither in his
public life nor in his private life did
he ever seek anything for himself. He
was constantly doing something for
some one else; always seeking to do
good, confer pleasure, relieve sorrow,
gratify a whim, do something for an-
other.'
His unfailing courtesy toward high
and low is universally recognized, and
it was not the courtesy of indifferent
ease, but was founded on genuine sym-
pathy, a quick imaginative perception
of the situation of others, and a desire
to adapt himself to that situation so far
as was compatible with greater needs
and duties.
In short, the man's life throughout
was guided by fine feelings and high
ideals. That, as a candidate for the
presidency against Lincoln, in 1864, he
was influenced by no thought of per-
sonal ambition is difficult to believe.
If so, it was probably the first and the
last case of the kind in the history of
that office, Washington perhaps ex-
cepted. But I do believe that McClel-
lan sincerely thought that the country
needed him and his political convic-
tions, and that he would never have
surrendered one jot of those political
convictions for political success. In
his later years he became governor of
New Jersey, and in that office so car-
ried himself as to win the respect and
esteem of persons of all parties. A com-
petent and impartial critic remarks
that 'A study of his messages and
other State papers will show that the
vital questions he ever held in mind
were those connected with the welfare
of the people, while those relating to
his own political future were absolute-
ly non-existent.'
Also, back of all these admirable
qualities was a religious faith as simple
as it was sincere. Russell thought the
general's extreme anxiety for Sabbath
observance in the army a little inap-
propriate, if not a little puerile. But no
one can call puerile the high ideal of
Christian restraint in warfare set forth
in the Harrison's Landing letter to the
President. * All private property taken
for military use should be paid or re-
ceipted for; pillage and waste should be
treated as high crimes; all unnecessary
trespass sternly prohibited, and offen-
sive demeanor by the military towards
citizens promptly rebuked.'
It is undeniable that Sherman, work-
ing on the 'War is hell' plan, accom-
plished more immediate results, but
there were after-effects, also, of a less
desirable character.
The charm of McClellan's personal
religion, as it appears casually in all his
writing, is very great. Perhaps it is no-
where greater than in the simple and
touching letter written to a friend in
later years.
*I fancy, Sam, that we will never
reach that land where it is all after-
noon in any ship built by mortal hands.
Our fate is to work and still to work
as long as there is any work left in
us; and I do not doubt that it is best,
for I can't help thinking that when we
reach that other and far better land we
shall still have work to do through the
long ages; only we shall then see as we
go on that it is all done for the Master
and under his own eye; and we will like
it and never grow weary of it, as we of-
ten do here when we don't see clearly
to what end we are working, and our
work brings us in contact with all sorts
of men and things not pleasant to rub
against. I suppose that the more we
work here, the better we shall be trained
for that other work which after all is
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
519
the great end towards which we move
or ought to be moving.'
These are winning words ; they show
a winning and a simple soul, the soul
of one who was assuredly a fine type of
the Christian - - and we are proud to
add, of the American — gentleman.
I say 'winning* advisedly; for as yet
I have dwelt little on McClellan's won-
derful power of winning men. As a
fighter he may have failed. As a lead-
er, at least so far as the faculty of gain-
ing absolute devotion goes, he assured-
ly succeeded. It is true that not all his
officers were faithful to him. In his
treatment of them he was led astray by
flattery and by the intoxicating influ-
ence of his overwhelming position. But
his power over the common soldier of
the Army of the Potomac, even after
comparative failure, is so wonderful as
to be hard to believe and so touching
as to be impossible to resist. No general
in the war, on either side, unless Beau-
regard, who curiously resembled Mc-
Clellan in many ways, evoked such in-
stantaneous and entire enthusiasm.
The subtle causes of this would be
difficult to trace. Perhaps the love of
popularity counted for something; but
human sympathy and kindness assur-
edly counted for much. As to the ef-
fects there can be no dispute. ' Let mil-
itary critics or political enemies say
what they will, he who could so move
upon the hearts of a great army as the
wind sways long rows of standing corn,
was no ordinary man/ writes General
Walker. And one who witnessed the
passionate outburst of the troops when
their leader was temporarily restored to
them in September, 1862, describes it
in a way never to be forgotten. 'The
climax seemed to be reached, however,
at Middletown, where we first caught
sight of the enemy. Here, upon our
arrival, we found General McClellan
sitting on his horse in the road. ... As
each organization passed the general,
the men became apparently forgetful
of everything but their love for him.
They cheered and cheered again, until
they became so hoarse they could cheer
no longer. It seemed as if an intermis-
sion had been declared in order that a
reception might be tendered to the
general-in-chief. A great crowd con-
tinually surrounded him, and the most
extravagant demonstrations were in-
dulged in. Hundreds even hugged the
horse's legs and caressed his head and
mane.
' While the troops were thus surging
by, the general continually pointed
with his finger to the gap in the moun-
tains through which our path lay. It
was like a great scene in a play, with
the roar of the guns for an accompani-
ment. . . . General McClellan may
have had opponents elsewhere; he had
few, if any, among the soldiers whom
he commanded.'
This magnetic power over the hearts
of men is something great leaders —
Wellington, for instance — have often
lacked. It is something the very great-
est leaders must have, if they would re-
tain their hold. What a pity that Mc-
Clellan, having it in such abundant
measure, should not have been able to
employ it for his purposes; that pos-
sessing such a great instrument, he
should not have been able to use it to
great ends. He himself attributed his
failure to circumstances. This we can-
not do. Others have wrung fortune out
of far more unfavorable circumstances.
Let us say, rather, that he was a man
of really great ability given an oppor-
tunity too great for him. As an able
soldier, a true patriot, and a loyal gen-
tleman, he did what he could.
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
Is there any efficient substitute for
religion in character-building? If so,
what is it?
These questions have more to do
with current fiction than casually ap-
pears. For the upheaval in the founda-
tions of faith that affected many people
between thirty and forty years ago is
just beginning to show its appropriate
results in literature. Character-build-
ing is quite as interesting and even more
necessary than formerly, but it is not
considered, in fiction at least, so direct-
ly a matter of divine concern. The
struggling soul, like a drowning man,
clutches at this and at that for support,
at times laying hold of things fixed, at
times of things floating.
This is vividly exemplified in three
of the better new novels, one Ameri-
can, one English, one, to all intents and
purposes, French: Home 1 by George
Agnew Chamberlain, The Business of
a Gentleman 2 by H. N. Dickenson, and
The Making of an Englishman 3 by
W. L. George. Attacking the problem
from standpoints differing as the na-
tions differ, these three books furnish
three apparently diverse solutions of
the ancient question : What shall a man
do to be saved? Each writer seems
quite unconscious of any universal so-
lution to this problem, which each
works out in his own way.
Says the author of Home, in sub-
stance, ' Let him be born of good stock,
preferably the old stock that laid the
1 Home. By GEORGE AGNEW CHAMBERLAIN.
New York: The Century Co.
2 The Business of a Gentleman. By H. N.
DICKENSON. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons.
3 The Making of an Englishman. By W. L.
GEORGE. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co.
520
foundations of our nation; let him be
reared in an old home in the country,
one of those homes that have grown
with the growth of generations and
fitted themselves to the habits of a fam-
ily. Then, though he wanders in many
a far country and lies with swine and
feeds on husks, in the end the blood of
his fathers will speak, the house of his
fathers will call, and he will arise and
go home, saved by the decencies that
were bred in the bone.'
The book is a study in prodigals.
Alan Wayne and Gerry Lansing, whose
stories are most prominent, are sons of
the Connecticut Valley. But to make
the application broader there are
others, notably an embezzler from
Pennsylvania and a cowboy from New,
Mexico. The embezzler builds him a
palace in Pernambuco which he fails to
enjoy because for fifteen years he has
been remembering the lay of the wood-
piles and the color of the wallpapers at
his father's house. The cowboy, who
starts out to look for the * pu'ple cities '
that are the haunts of dream, takes to
orchid-hunting and learns that * 'cept-
in' in a man's mind, the' ain't no pu'ple
cities. What a man's got to find ain't
pu'ple cities but the power to see one
when he's got it.' 'Home' says the ex-
iled embezzler, struggling with that
loneliness which seems to blot out one's
very being, 'is the anchor of a man's
soul. I want to go Home.' Wayne and
Lansing, being more highly sophistica-
ted, do not phrase the conclusions of
their bitter wanderings so tersely, but
at the end their souls drop anchor in
the desired haven. They can do no bet-
ter than to be what their fathers were,
and dwell where they also dwelt.
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
521
In The Business of a Gentleman, Sir
Robert Hilton, better known as * Bob-
by,' is fully saved before he is born,
because he is born on land that his
ancestors have tilled before him for gen-
erations, and held for generations as a
trust. After the moderate percentage
of Bobby's income necessary to pay
his taxes and keep up his house in a
comfort adequate to the dignity of the
demesne was spent, the rest of it went
back to the estate ' in whatsoever man-
ner best increased the amenity and
productivity of the land from which
all drew their living and for which Bob-
by was responsible to his own honor/
His grandfather taught him that he
had no right to his own dinner unless
all the people on his land had their din-
ners in peace and comfort. He believes
himself responsible for his own people,
and the author believes fully, and per-
haps truly, that he took much better
care of them than they could take care
of themselves.
His unformulated creed is not to
flinch from the strong, or trouble the
weak, or turn from a dependent or a
friend. He finds it creed enough to
keep him busy, especially after his
wife inherits a manufacturing plant
and he is thereby brought into direct
contact with industrial unrest, riots,
labor agitation, selfish fomenters of
class-hatred, and social theorizers of
all kinds. He applies the old principles
to the new problems with results which
are, at least, better than those obtained
by other methods. Perhaps the author
is not wholly fair to those * intellectu-
als ' who stick a finger into everybody's
pie in the name of social justice. Surely
they cannot all be as pestiferous and
desolating as Miss Baker, Mrs. Hope,
and Mr. Trevannion. The agitator-
woman, Miss Baker, tells Bobby, 'If
you had made your sacrifices in the
days of the great Mr. Cobden, we
should have had no Mr. Cobden then
and no Socialists to-day. But you
missed your opportunity, and now your
class has rotted and you will keep the
sheep no more. . . . Ichabod, your king-
dom has passed to those who have the
brains to govern.'
* I thought the kingdom was passing
to people with votes who have n't got
brains at all,' said Bobby.
'No — it is passing to people like
myself.'
All of which is entirely true, though
generally unobserved as yet.
The Making of a Englishman is an
extraordinary and brilliant perform-
ance, though it is safe to say there are
few English writers who would care to
be responsible for it. Lucien Cadoresse,
the hero who tells his own story, is
a French lad, son of a shipbroker of
Bordeaux. With his dawning intelli-
gence there develops in him a passion-
ate enthusiasm for England and the
English. After military service Lucien
becomes a clerk in the London house
his father founded, and the rest of the
book consists in the reactions of Eng-
land upon a vivacious and perfectly
Gallic mind immensely predisposed in
favor of that country. The English are
power and order to this youth; they
are dignity, reason, restfulness ; they are
sanity and generosity. 'You are the
splendid people of the earth for me! ' he
cries. 'You're the handsomest race.
You're strong and yet gentle. You
never swerve from your purpose. You
never know when you're beaten, yet
when you're beaten you take it well.
You're truthful, honourable — I want
to be like you! ' In comparison, his own
people with 'their perpetual French
talk 'seem to him futile marionettes.
We are shown the whole inner life
of a typical temperament conscious of
its racial defects and desiring to re-
place them by the weightier virtues of a
more substantial nation. Lucien be-
gins with hats, boots, neckties, for he
522
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
would resemble his Sacred People in all
things. He accepts hints from Hugh
Lawton, who is Apollo and Galahad in
one. Certain things ' are'not done ' and
Lucien strives to leave them undone.
He too will be * silent, self-reliant, pur-
poseful, in brief, Olympian.' He learns
to take chaff without offering a duel;
he gets a glimmer of the value that may
be set upon physical purity as well as
cleanliness. Hugh Lawton tells him
that 'a man can't be big unless he's
straight.' It does not occur to Lucien,
as it well might, to correlate this with
his own clear perception that the sensu-
ous French are merely revolutionaries,
never being creative save in art, while
the English are fundamentally con-
structive. However, he perceives that
Hugh's ideals have a value, 'the sam-
urai began to struggle with the volup-
tuary in his heart' and sometimes tri-
umphed, for, he asked himself, 'what's
the good of being an Englishman un-
less you can be an English gentleman,
too?'
The book is brilliant because it is
written by one for whom, in Gautier's
well-worn phrase, the visible world ex-
ists. Everything that is seen at all is
seen with immense lucidity and de-
scribed with immense vigor; the book is
also extraordinary because it actually
does set forth the English qualities en-
tirely from the outside. This keen and
perpetually coruscating perception ap-
plied to an alien people, strongly sug-
gests Taine. Had he written fiction
instead of criticism it would have been
silkier and more suave, indeed, but
otherwise might have resembled this.
Lucien is a clear-cut personality,
essentially Gallic throughout. He is es-
pecially so in dealing with his intrigues,
his intimate degradations, when he
falls into the gutter after he is rejected
as Edith Lawton's suitor. The English
gutter has found its de Maupassant at
last. It has never been described, an-
alyzed, criticized after this fashion.
Simply, 'it is not done' in English fic-
tion. Lucien masters the problems of
English neckties and hats, English busi-
ness and politics, but the English reti-
cences will remain forever a sealed book
to him, — yet give him credit for what
he achieves. To Lucien Cadoresse, the
man who would be saved must become
an English gentleman. Confessedly
this Lucien has no religion, no ideals,
and few principles save this of being as
good an Englishman as he can; but be-
cause he holds this one desire with pas-
sion, it does work out; it does produce
salvation of a sort.
I said that these three books furnish
apparently diverse solutions of the
problem of salvation for the man who
has no religion. But careful scrutiny
shows that these solutions are finally
identical. The author of Home throws
his characters back upon their good
inheritance for rescue; the author of
The Business of a Gentleman exhibits
a man so entirely redeemed by ances-
tral virtues that he needs no further
help; the author of The Making of an
Englishman shows a youth so obsessed
by the virtues of an alien race that
they re-create him. All derive their vir-
tues from those stronger ones who have
gone before. But, the reader asks, what
made strong those Puritans on whose
blood the Lansings and the Waynes of
to-day rely? What shaped those hon-
est English squires who were Bobby
Wilton's forbears? What, finally, gave
the English people such ideals of chas-
tity, endurance, and uprightness that
the mere contemplation of them sows
the seeds of these qualities in a man of
different race?
Perhaps it would be still more to the
point to ask — for how many genera-
tions can we be redeemed by dilutions
of our fathers' faith? How long will
salvation by legacy endure? Is the
modern world, which boasts of having
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
523
everything, so truly poor that it can
work out no salvation of its own?
Certainly there are no faintest traces
of anything like salvation in such a
typically modern character as The
Titan.1 In this book Theodore Dreiser
pursues the history of Frank Cowper-
wood, introduced to us in The Finan-
cier. The latter was absorbing and
indubitably great; its continuation is
neither. One does not make out
whether this is partly Mr. Dreiser's
fault, or wholly that of his hero. The
Financier was kinetic. Cowperwood de-
veloped before our eyes from a shrewd
lad into a financial magician. He
rose, then fell, melodramatically, into
prison, only to rehabilitate himself
again. The author scorned the element
of contrast, and gave us no character
to admire or love, but he took infinite
pains to show the zest of youth and
crescent experience. What feeling the
book contained was genuine and strong,
though lawless and primitive.
The Titan is static. Here Cowper-
wood is an established magnate, an
established libertine. He but adds
million to million and seduction to se-
duction. In both cases the details are
infinitely dreary. Like taking candy
from a child is the process of diverting
other men's gains to his own purse,
while the wives and daughters of his
associates are such easy captives of his
magnetism that it becomes nauseating.
Were there, then, no virtuous women
or able men in Chicago? As Cowper-
wood becomes less and less human,
the reader becomes more and more im-
patient. The framework of the story
rises to an appropriate climax, but the
reader's imagination refuses to rise with
it. We are asked to believe that Cow-
perwood at fifty conceives so disinter-
ested a passion for a young girl that he
considers her an objet d'art and is will-
1 The Titan. By THEODORE DREISER. London
and New York: John Lane Co.
ing to house and provide for her in-
definitely as such. After living for some
years upon his bounty she chooses to
come to him with the offer of her heart
and life in the hour when he has just
met his most serious financial defeat.
Here is sentiment, not to say senti-
mentality. Probably Balzac, with the
French genius for * slush,' could have
made us feel the situation sympatheti-
cally. But Mr. Dreiser is not in such
thorough accord with his hero as to be
able to do this. He knows perfectly
that Cowperwood's heart has by this
time about the freshness and value of a
sucked orange-peel kicking about the
dusty street, and he knows readers do
not yield sympathy to sucked orange-
peel. Therefore he does not, perhaps
cannot, try his hardest to convince.
What he tells may be entirely true to
fact, but it also fails entirely of that
deeper reality which alone holds our in-
terest. So we come back to the query
— is Cowperwood or Dreiser to blame?
On the one hand, Cowperwood's his-
torian is certainly a little afraid lest he
be caught moralizing, or deviating from
a tolerant, man-of-the-world attitude
toward his subject. Now, the artist
must not be moralist first or chiefly;
nevertheless a failure in moral percep-
tion is ultimately a failure in both psy-
chology and art. No writer, realist or
not, can afford this.
On the other hand, could any writer
possibly make the middle age of a Cow-
perwood appetizing? The inner life of
the strong man who takes for motto
*/ satisfy myself lacks that element of
struggle which the dullest audience
demands in its drama. How make a
hero of a monster? Here is no success
other than the success of a gorged ani-
mal in obtaining its prey. However,
The Titan is only the second volume
of a proposed trilogy. It is too soon to
speak with finality either of Cowper-
wood or his chronicler.
524
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
Mr. Dreiser may refuse to the end
to draw ethical conclusions — it is his
right if he cannot see life as ethic —
but there are others more clear-sighted,
even if less able and painstaking. The
author of Horace Blake 1 does not lack
spiritual insight and acuteness, and her
book is remarkable in that it presents
a thoroughly bad man and a genuine
religious experience. These simple phe-
nomena, once so popular, have entirely
lost favor of late years, and few writers
have any longer the courage to affirm
or the skill to depict them. Mrs. Hum-
phry Ward's first success was based
upon her able handling of the second
element, but one hardly knows where
to turn for satisfactory rendition of the
first. In Horace Blake Mrs. Wilfrid
Ward courageously assails both propo-
sitions at once, with a success the more
remarkable because the workmanship
of the book does not always escape
mediocrity.
Horace Blake is a dramatist — rear-
ed in the Roman Church. Under the
influence of his father-in-law, a high-
minded, well-balanced materialist, he
frees himself not only from his early
religion, but from all moral or even de-
cently human restraints. He breaks all
laws, blaspheming as he breaks them.
The reader never doubts for a moment
that this most unpleasant person is thor-
oughly a genius and thoroughly bad.
Through it all his wife remains de-
voted and loyal, serving his genius, in
which she believes fervently. Facing
death at last, he offers her the final
insult by going away to die without
her, and takes with him the illegit-
imate daughter whom Kate, the wife,
has brought up as her own. She had
so feared the influence of his debased
mind and character upon this girl that
she had, long before, claimed his prom-
ise to let his child entirely alone. How-
1 Horace Blake. By Mrs. WILFRID WARD.
New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons.
ever, there is no convention she will not
violate for his sake; so Horace, Trix,
and Roberts the nurse, settle them-
selves in Brittany, where Blake with
one tremendous effort finishes his last
and most sacrilegious drama. After this
comes reaction, — physical torture, men-
tal anguish and, finally, strange peace
before death in the church that shaped
his early years.
This may sound like the crude outline
of a Sunday-school book, but the tale
itself seems invincibly real. Blake, re-
pentant, writes commanding his wife
to burn the play which he sent her to
publish, but she, believing him to be
mentally weakened and played upon
by priests, pays no heed to the order.
Some months after his death there is
sent her a notebook in which he made
entries during the final weeks of his
life. The objective account of his con-
version as it appeared to his daughter,
the nurse, and the cure, was perfectly
convincing of its kind, but these few
pages where the keen mind analyzes
itself and its experiences, rehearsing
point by point the subconscious prepa-
ration it underwent for the final mu-
tation of spirit, constitute a wonderful
piece of writing. How Mrs. Ward ar-
rived at it, or acquired it, one can only
guess. It is no more invented than any
of the world's great confessions. It has
the ring of the veritable human docu-
ment. We see a man marshaling, piece
by piece, the evidence that proves to
him that a greater Spirit has sought
to touch and salve his own. This is
breathless action, this is drama, if you
like!
If Mrs. Ward had seen the other
characters as clearly as she saw Horace
Blake and Providence, this would have
been one of the religious novels that
break all records. For the reading
world is not weary of religious experi-
ences. Only it will have the real thing
or nothing. And small blame to it!
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
525
The foregoing are distinctly serious-
minded books, and there are yet more
of them. Reformers all are the authors
of The Flying Inn,1 The Goldfish* The
Congresswoman* Idle Wives,* Van-
dover and the Brute,5 and even What
Will People Say.6 Each assails the
thing that to him is anathema with such
wit and adroitness as his brains allow.
One is bound to say it seems a good
sign that a third of these books are
directed against unwise reform. If you
ever sicken, as you sometimes must, of
national prohibition, woman suffrage,
Montessori, vegetarians, white slavers,
eugenics, and the simple life, take re-
fuge in Chesterton's delicious diatribe,
The Flying Inn. Shall not a man take
his ease in his inn? There are those, it
seems, in England, who would abolish
the ancient friendliness of that institu-
tion by making it a place where man
may no longer gossip over his mug of
stout. Chesterton's quiver is full of
arrows. Pseudo-Buddhists (under the
thin guise of Mohammedans) and vege-
tarians receive a few of the flying shafts.
G. K. C. is for roast beef and brown
October ale forever. As usual when
he argues, he talks like an angel from
Heaven and an imp from Hades; he
coos and roars, chortles and cajoles, ar-
gues, storms, laughs, blasphemes. Also,
he sings, and it is impossible to be sad
when he sings such drinking-songs as
that ascribed to Noah in flood-time: —
I don't care where the water goes, so it doesn't
get into the wine!
The problem of alcohol is more acute
The Flying Inn. By G. K. CHESTERTON.
London and New York: John Lane Co.
The Goldfish. New York: The Century Co.
The Congresswoman. By ISABEL GORDON
CURTIS. Chicago: Browne & Howell Co.
1 Idle Wives. By JAMES OPPENHEIM. New
York: The Century Co.
1 Vandover and the Brute. By FRANK NORRIS.
New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.
s What Will People Say ? By RUPERT HUGHES.
New York: Harper & Bros.
in our own country, where the question
is one of entire prohibition. The aver-
age citizen feels confusedly that cock-
tails tend to combativeness and high-
balls to a red nose; he has read John
Barleycorn and Dr. Williams on alco-
hol and efficiency. But he also knows
how lobster Newburg should be made
and has experienced the inconvenience
of living in a dry town and smuggling
in the family invalid's alcohol-rub and
the brandy for the mincemeat. His
attitude may not seem heroic when he
says, * Well, it 's blamed uncomfortable
sometimes, but if it 's for the good of the
race, I'll try to put up with it.' Yet
this and no other is the attitude that
may eventually make national prohibi-
tion possible. This meek acceptance
of the entire elimination of alcohol is
perfectly compatible (so illogical are
all really good citizens) with glorying
in Chesterton's raid on temperance
sharps! It is a gallant raid, and as for
the raider he is gorgeous beyond de-
scription. While G. K. C. is left to lit-
erature and humor to humanity, this
world cannot become wholly a museum
of cranks and quacks.
Its gentle humor is one of the plea-
sures of The Congresswoman, a pecu-
liarly satisfying story of woman in pub-
lic life. Cynthia Pike, who succeeded
in going to Congress, but failed both
in politics and home-making while in
Washington, returns to Oklahoma to
marry a man who ran for Congress five
times without success but has the in-
comparable gift of making any old
house feel like home. This sane and di-
verting tale should be carefully studied
by all the clubs in the General Feder-
ation.
There is no humor in Vandover. Writ-
ten when Frank Norris was a college
boy, it is little more than a medico-
moral treatise of the school of Brieux.
In its present shape it is too mediocre
to be efficient or interesting, save as
526
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
showing the writer's bent from the be-
ginning.
Neither is Idle Wives humorous.
There are strong evidences that Mr.
James Oppenheim has a perfectly good
talent for something, but it does not
seem to be novel-writing. Yet this is
a clearer-cut and better-written novel
than his first. The 'idle wife' deserts
her husband and family to do rescue
work in the slums, chiefly because she
is jealous of the influence of the nurs-
ery governess over the children. There
might be a woman so foolish as to dis-
charge herself from her own job under
these circumstances, instead of ousting
the governess and caring for the chil-
dren herself; it is conceivable — you
can imagine anything about human
nature especially when you aim to
reform it — but it is too improbable
to make good reading except for the
artless.
The Goldfish concerns the disadvan-
tages of wealth. The anonymous au-
thor says he is a New York lawyer who
finds living on $70,000 a year impossi-
ble, though he admits that more than
half this sum adds nothing to comfort.
'The economic weakness of the situa-
tion lies in the fact that a boiled egg
only costs the ordinary citizen ten cents
and it costs me its weight in gold.* The
book is crammed with common sense,
though one may politely doubt if it is
autobiography. For one thing, by the
time Midas, or near-Midas, has im-
paired his health and spirits so that he
finds his 'only genuine satisfaction' in
the first flush of his afternoon cocktail
and the preliminary courses of his din-
ner, he usually becomes inarticulate
from fatty degeneration. Autobio-
graphy or not, the book presents
squarely the fact that you can buy
more life and joy for seven thousand or
less than for seventy, if only you know
how. This doctrine is not exactly new
— see the Greek myth of Midas and
the Hebrew Proverbs — but The Gold-
fish brings it down to date with vigor
and veracity. It ought to make con-
verts— and yet, imagine The Goldfish
preaching to The Titan ! Nothing doing
there, one knows!
Mr. Rupert Hughes as a reformer is
clever, almost diabolically so. His book,
What Will People Say? is all about a
popular young woman who refuses to
give up the prospect of diamonds, au-
tomobiles, yachts, at the call of love
and a young lieutenant with ' two thou-
sand a year, and forage.' But love
proves stronger than she had expected,
and the degenerate husband whom she
married for money is ultimately justi-
fied in killing her with the carving-
knife at the dinner-table. Now Mr.
Hughes is in earnest as a preacher. He
believes that one should scorn worldly
considerations in marriage and mate for
love when love's hour strikes, and his
sermon is forcible and up-to-the-min-
ute. But of what avail is it to preach if
the tempted do not listen? Obviously
none. So he proceeds to rival Robert
Chambers in setting forth the emo-
tional possibilities of luxurious philan-
dering. As he is really sincere in his
sermon, he 'catches them coming and
going,' as the vernacular has it. For the
sternest moralist cannot say that he is
not in earnest, or that he does not hit
from the shoulder, while the frivolous
will find a distinct pleasure in having
tango-teas and similar amusements of
last winter so fully interpreted to them
at the same time that they are reading
a novel with a moral that smarts.
This is fighting the devil with fire.
As a reformer, Mr. Hughes doubtless
settled the advisability of this with
his conscience before he began, and no
one who has noticed the type of inter-
est aroused by What Will People Say ?
will aver that his sermon did not reach
its proper audience. Nevertheless -
the author is obviously capable of per-
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
527
formances so much finer that the ju-
dicious are entitled to grieve a little
over this one.
Robert Herrick also may be num-
bered among the reformers. If he did
not so despise so many imperfect insti-
tutions, - -American education, private
property, and human nature among
them, — he would be more efficient.
Nevertheless Clark's Field, 1 a tale of un-
considered acres on a city's edge, is very
good work indeed. It might count as
the author's best if it were not for his
perceptible reluctance to be interested
in the fate of individuals. Adelle Clark,
a strong, simple, self-willed character,
overcomes her creator's prejudices
against folks long enough to engage our
interest in her salvation. Clark's Field
saves her from poverty; unhappiness
saves her from riches — and these are
the great salvations. In the end, like
Bobby Wilton, she gives her time and
her money to * those who live upon her
land.' One hopes that Mr. Herrick
notices how strongly his story implies
that only the individual will ever really
help other individuals.
By way of a change from reformers,
it is good to consider The Women We
Marry2 and Burbury Stoke.3 Mr. Hop-
kins's pleasant, leisurely stories have
more than one charm. They whimsi-
cally persuade the reader to use his own
imagination, and they never introduce
him to any one who, by any remote
possibility, can need reformation. This
latter virtue is especially grateful after
prolonged saturation in, say, The Titan.
To feel one's self in a world where the
Titan could never come is, for the hour,
enough of happiness! And Mr. Pier's
characters inhabit the same world. It
L Clark's Field. By ROBERT HERRICK. Boston
and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.
The Women We Marry. By ARTHUR STAN-
WOOD PIER. Boston and New York: Houghton
Mifflin Co.
' Burbury Stoke. By WILLIAM J. HOPKINS.
Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.
is true that the * women we marry ' do,
superficially and gingerly, lay finger
upon the same temptation that brings
Rupert Hughes 's heroine to the carv-
ing-knife, but one is not disturbed for
an instant by this approach to peril.
Their characters so attenuate the temp-
tation that it is powerless. They would
be hopelessly out of it in any kind of
misdoing, and will never be guilty of
anything so alien. They are well
drawn, with the faintly humorous af-
fection that suggests Howells's mastery
of the same attitude.
The Precipice 4 is another careful
study of women, this time of very mod-
ern type. Given as heroine one of the
dozen women of a generation who are
doing work that counts for social bet-
terment in a large way; given as hero
a man with work of his own; let her
work lie in Washington and his in Col-
orado, and what is the answer? Shall
the woman, as heretofore, follow the
man? Mrs. Peattie's characters are
fine, energetic, human people who need
each other and know it; therefore they
compromise. Kate will put the 'Bu-
reau of Children ' on its feet at one side
of the continent, while Karl, unless he
gets sent to Congress, will struggle with
mining problems in the Rockies. They
will meet when they can, and look for-
ward to one roof and fireside when their
careers admit. With this decision the
story ends, but it needs a sequel, for
the process of putting such a comprom-
ise through would surely be more illum-
inating than the process of reaching it.
Perhaps our readiness to accord Kate
and Karl the importance they have for
themselves is due to the writer's skill
in handling the subsidiary story of
Honora Fulham, an adorable girl with
a clever mind who marries a rising bio-
logist and sinks herself in his work.
They live in the laboratory and all the
4 The Precipice. By ELIA W. PEATTIE. Bos-
ton and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.
528
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
house is chilly and austere, save only
the nursery where a competent woman
mothers the twins. Honora neglects
clothes, coquetries, and domestic at-
mosphere to help David win the Nobel
prize. Comes a cousin of Honora's
own physical type who does not over-
look these matters. Presto! Honora
is a deserted wife and David an exile.
Honora has the insight to see and the
courage to say that it is all her own
fault. The undeniable, though often
denied, fact that woman is man's com-
plement, not his supplement, could not
be shown more precisely. Mrs. Peattie
holds no brief for or against the mod-
ern woman, but she knows that some
things can, and some cannot, be done.
This simple fact is entirely overlooked
by the feminists.
There is much agreeable matter for
those who would take their reading
more lightly still. For instance, Booth
Tarkington has 'come back.' Penrod l
is about a real boy, and it is unremit-
tingly funny from first to last. For
light-hearted people who desire to re-
main so, it is perhaps the best book of
the summer.
There are numerous open-air stories,
and you can choose the summer climate
that suits you best. The Light of West-
ern Stars 2 portrays the deathless lure
of the great Southwest. Overland Red 3
does the same thing for the eternal
charm of California, not the California
of towns and cities and smug boule-
vards, but the real California of the
ranches, the canyons, the hills. Be-
sides this, Overland is a 'two-gun man*
scrapping with sheriffs and shooting up
towns. Cross-Trails 4 has to do with a
1 Penrod. By BOOTH TARKINGTON. New York:
Doubleday, Page & Co.
2 The Light of Western Stars. By ZANE GREY.
New York: Harper & Bros.
3 Overland Red. New York and Boston: Hough-
ton Mifflin Co.
4 Cross-Trails. By HERMAN WHITAKER. New
York: Harper & Bros.
Hudson Bay Company's logging-camp,
and The Forester's Daughter 5 dwells
among the untrodden ways of the great
Colorado peaks. The author of North
of Fifty-Three* is haunted by the free,
unpeopled spaces of British Columbia.
We meet improbable folk in some of
these tales, but they all breathe oxygen,
which is more than can be said for the
characters in most realistic novels.
There is something about oxygen in
the atmosphere that makes otherwise
insignificant books acceptable. Con-
versely, the work of the wise and tal-
ented is often spoiled by the reader's
consciousness that the writer has
breathed too much soot and smoke,
and walked too long on dull, depressing
streets. Cities may stimulate talent,
but they no longer nourish it. Rather,
they poison the finer perceptions and
check creative effort. It is slightly
aside from the point, but I know a man
who avers that if all editors were com-
pelled by law to sleep in pure country
air, the debasing sensationalism which
has tainted all but the staunchest of
American magazines in the last two
years would be utterly impossible.
English authors are especially sub-
ject to city-dweller's melancholia. One
suspects that many of them make the
fatal mistake of writing in London.
Miss Sinclair, for instance, who is al-
ways conscientious, sincere, and highly
intelligent, is of late depressing with
the depression born of too many ur-
ban contacts. The Return of the Prod-
igal,7 her new book of short stories, is
interesting, for Miss Sinclair could not
be otherwise, and full of acute percep-
tions, for the same reason; but it is far
from helping one to feel better about
6 The Forester's Daughter. By HAMLIN GAR-
LAND. New York: Harper & Bros.
6 North of Fifty-Three. By BERTRAND W.
SINCLAIR. Boston: Little, Brown & Co.
7 The Return of the Prodigal. By MAY SIN-
CLAIR. New York: The Macmillan Co.
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
529
life. Uplift, of course, is not what we
are entitled to demand of those who
pleasantly tickle our intellects, but cer-
tainly we have the right to ask that the
mental stimulus they give shall be such
that we forget for the time being that
we have other needs. The best work of
Henry James invariably does this for
the entranced reader, and most of Mrs.
Whar ton's short stories have a like
power.
A perfect short story must be so
good that it does n't matter in the least
what it is about! Miss Sinclair's pre-
sent deficiency in this magic may be
partly because her talent needs space,
needs room in which to turn, a thing the
short story does not provide, but one
is also obstinately sure that it needs
more sun, and dew, and country air.
See what a long vacation has done for
Arnold Bennett ! The Price of Love l
has not the impressiveness or bulk of
the Old Wives' Tale, but it has more of
the zest and therefore the captivation
of that book than anything the author
has since produced.
On the other hand, the atmosphere
of The Duchess of Wrexe 2 is absolutely
devitalized. We have a delirious vision
of the unfortunate author, like a mouse
under a bell-glass in the popular exper-
iment, spinning and gasping for air.
He has conceived the big idea of incar-
nating the Victorian era and the twen-
tieth century and setting them to hate
one another in his pages. In order to
carry this out, it is rather necessary to
know what the Victorian era was and
what the twentieth century is, and to
vitalize both. With all respect for
Hugh Walpole's ambition and for his
talent, he has not succeeded in a task
at which better men might well fail.
Such a book needs ten years of brood-
The Price of Love. By ARNOLD BENNETT.
New York: Harper & Bros.
The Duchess of Wrexe. By HUGH WALPOLE.
New York: George H. Doran Co.
VOL. 114 - NO. 4
ing study, and then oxygen — and
more oxygen.
An idea strikes me — can it be not
so much London smoke as the shadow
of H. G. Wells that glooms depressingly
over the work of the younger English-
men? Wells is gradually working his
own way out of the gray cloud that
cloaked so much of his earlier work, but
it still lowers over his pupils, who prob-
ably admire him for his defects — as
pupils have a trick of doing. Where-
ever in a young writer you meet men-
tion of the 'hinterland' of our con-
sciousness, or much talk of 'muddle-
headedness/ you may know it is the
brand of Wells on his brain.
Mr. Gilbert Cannan is another more-
than-promising talent quite shrouded
in what a Celt might term The Gloom.
But about his work there is a definite
maturity and independence both of
conception and execution that forbids
one to hope that he will cast the gray
cloud aside. His new novel, Old Mole,*
is strikingly conceived and very clever-
ly produced, for Mr. Cannan's ability
to write is unquestioned, but — but — •
well, it will never find any man where
he lives, because so few men live on that
street ! If the average reader finds any-
thing human alien to him, that thing
is probably the inner life of an agnostic
intellectuel. The audience of Old Mole's
story not only will not be very large, it
will not be very enthusiastic. The book
will arouse enthusiasm only in other
agnostic intellectuels, most of whom are
too busy writing books of their own to
care much for this careful, competent
study of one of themselves. The pre-
sent critic's feeling about this admir-
able piece of work is clearly crude, but
comes to this : Cannan's characters do
not live. This seems to be because they
have no souls. One does not know what
the author can do about the matter.
8 Old Mole. By GILBERT CANNAN. New York:
D. Appleton & Co.
530
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
Probably nothing, as he obviously sus-
pects souls of being a Victorian super-
stition. But they are, still, a necessary
ingredient in compelling fiction. For
there is a deep-rooted instinct in every
reader that says to claimants for his
attention, * If you are n't going to live
to-morrow, what do I care how you
behave to-day?' In other words, the
appetite for serious fiction is, really,
rooted deep in a conviction of the fun-
damental significance and permanence
of Man.
If Old Mole's hemoglobin is below
seventy, that of Joe Munta in Storm l
is one hundred plus. He once runs
amuck for more than an hour with a
hole in his skull the size of a half-dol-
lar. The picture we get of a dark,
troubled, slow-moving mind poisoned
by a rage slowly mounting to white
fury, is a little diffused but very im-
pressive.
The theme is such a one as Joseph
Conrad used to delight in. Chance 2 in-
dicates that the latter is now choosing
subjects somewhat closer to everyday
life. He has been turning out admira-
ble fiction for the last eighteen years
or so, and is only now coming into his
reward. Popularity tarried, because at
first he wrote of elemental passions and
strange lands with the psychological
acuteness and complex style of Henry
James. People who wanted adventure
stories shied at his style and his psy-
chology; people who wanted style and
psychology shied at his elemental stage-
settings, supposing them appropriate
backgrounds for melodrama only. But
the elect read him and rejoiced. It has
just occurred to his publishers to adver-
tise his new novel inside a halo of quo-
tations showing what the elect think
of him. The result is so satisfactory
1 Storm. By WILBUR DANIEL STEELE. New
York: Harper & Bros.
2 Chance. By JOSEPH CONRAD. New York:
Doubleday, Page & Co.
from the counting-room standpoint,
that one wonders they did n't think of
it long ago. Lord Jim was a more aston-
ishing piece of work than Chance, yet
the latter is subtle, deft, and strong. It
also takes the reader into the novel-
ist's laboratory and shows him how
the trick is turned. The myriad acute
deductions from a few observed facts
remind one of the sublimated guess-
work of The Sacred Fount, but unlike
that masterpiece of intangibility, they
do not make one's head swim. The
author's place is high among the half-
dozen novelists of the era who offer
intellectual stimulus rather than emo-
tional relaxation.
The publication of Vain Oblations,3
Mrs. Gerould's first collection of tales,
marks the formal entrance into our lit-
erature of a new and striking talent.
The book demonstrates anew the ex-
traordinary American gift for the short
story as well as the author's personal
facility in that difficult art. Not since
Mrs. Wharton's first appearance in
this field have we had anything so
wholly satisfactory. Mrs. Gerould's
style has the same carefully wrought
complications, all tending to full and
final illumination, which we note in
Mrs. Wharton. That is to say, her work
belongs to the school of Henry James,
but it has great precision, definition,
brilliancy. The brilliancy of Henry
James is that of * indirect lighting,' it is
diffused and mellow; the author of
Vain Oblations flashes the electric lan-
tern of pointed phrase here and there
upon her subject, picking out its sa-
liencies with vivid lightnings. As yet
her perceptions are largely ironic. One
says 'as yet ' because, while many writ-
ers begin there, few of the first order
cease their explorations of the universe
in that particular frame of mind.
Mrs. Gerould's themes range from
3 Vain Oblations. By KATHARINE F. GEROULD.
New York: Chas. Scribner's Sons.
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
531
the bitter ironies of fate to the hideous
malignancies of warped human nature.
Stripped of their graces of style, her
themes sound melodramatic enough.
In one, a woman, hidden and remote,
gloats over the headlines detailing the
trial and execution of her hated hus-
band for alleged murder of herself. In
another, a man who romantically mar-
ries a woman that he may assist in her
pious search for the grave of a fiance
killed in an African expedition, stum-
bles upon the lover still alive, just as the
relations between his wife and himself
have become vital. In the title-story,
the ironic horror is too great to handle
in any sentence of description. One
might say that jungles obsess Mrs.
Gerould's imagination: the actual jun-
gles of Africa with their terrors for
the body; the unillumined jungles of
Chance with their fatal pitfalls; the im-
palpable jungles of the spirit where the
hideous things of human nature lurk.
Such subjects require sanity and bal-
ance in handling, and these our new art-
ist has in such large measure as to quiet
all apprehension concerning the satis-
factory evolution of her talent. She has,
if she so wills it, come to stay.
Another new writer whose work has
the finer and more lasting qualities is
Miss Margaret Lynn. A Step-daughter
of the Prairie 1 is not fiction. It is bio-
graphy touched with just that quality
of perception which transforms the per-
sonal and fleeting into the universal
and enduring. We have in it the pic-
ture of a prairie-child who despised her
familiar prairies, looking elsewhere, as
children will, for romance and interest.
All the little incidents of childhood,
amusing and adequate in themselves,
fit into the development of her final
consciousness of her life as springing
from the prairie, colored by it, belong-
ing to it, although that prairie disap-
1 A Step-daughter of the Prairie. By MARGARET
LYNN. New York: The MacMillan Co.
pears beneath the plough and exists no
more forever on the face of earth.
This is the way Nature makes the
child her own ; this is why the country
child has stamina and character that
the city child will always lack. Out of
her own early experiences Miss Lynn
develops a fundamental race-truth deli-
cately and delightfully. It is not an
easy thing to do.
Merely as an educational measure, is
there no way of compelling young nov-
elists to read one another's books? It
is well known that usually they have
n't the time and don't care to take the
trouble, yet, granted a certain patience
with one another, they could thus ac-
cumulate really priceless information.
Here, for instance, is a heap of tales -
The Milky Way,2 Gray Youth,3 The Sal-
amander,4 The Masques of Love 5 —
whose writers might advantageously
confer together. All these books are
about what used to be called in the mid-
dle eighties 'the revolting daughters.'
We thought we knew something about
them then, these bachelor-maids, these
damsels-errant who scorn domestic du-
ties and set forth to see life for them-
selves, like their brothers; but thirty
years ago they were namby-pamby,
unenterprising, level-headed creatures
compared with their sisters of to-day.
At that time no publisher's reader
would have passed favorably upon The
Milky Way, not because the heroine is
so daring but because she is so foolish.
Out of respect for that much-writ-
ten-about object, The Child, Miss Viv
Lovel, wandering artist, picks up a
stray one, casually, — in a boat-accident
to be exact, — and tucks it under her
2 The Milky Way. By F. Tennyson Jesse.
New York: George H. Doran Co.
3 Gray Youth. By OLIVER ONIONS. New York:
George H. Doran Co.
4 The Salamander. By OWEN JOHNSON.
Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Co.
5 The Masques of Love. By MARGARITA SPAL-
DING GERRY. New York: Harper & Bros.
532
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
arm as she travels. In the same casual
way she annexes a 'pal' named Peter
Whymperis, and a half-witted maid.
The maid is necessary because as ' Viv '
must wander hand-in-hand through
Provence with the ' pal/ making sketch-
es for a book he is to write, some one
must occasionally wash the adopted
baby's face. The half-wittedness is
equally necessary, as an ordinary in-
telligence would find itself painfully
out of place among these light-hearted
reformers — for they are all social the-
orizers of course.
Now, if Miss Tennyson Jesse could
have read Gray Youth before writing
The Milky Way, she might even have
left it unwritten. Oliver Onions knows
a surprising number of things that are
really true, none of which have yet oc-
curred to this very, very young great-
grand-niece of Tennyson — to whom
be dreamless peace in his deep grave!
For instance, he knows that people
who talk too much, especially art-stud-
ents, ' end by not knowing a word they
have been saying,' and by becoming
unable to do any work worth mention-
ing; 'word-sodden' is the way he de-
scribes this alarming and rather pre-
valent condition.
Perhaps also if Owen Johnson had
read The Masques of Love before writ-
ing The Salamander, he might have re-
alized, for he is quick and clever, that
he was not representing the heroine of
that sensational story as she saw her-
self, even when intending to give her
point of view. The two books present,
one a masculine and one a feminine
view of a girl who seeks to go on the
stage because she wants to 'taste life.'
Mr. Johnson, while admitting in his
title and his preface that his heroine
goes through fire unscathed, concen-
trates upon the fire, how hot and how
red it is, how nearly it scorched her and
how passing wonderful it is that she
emerges, like the three Children of
Israel from the fiery furnace, with no
smell of smoke upon her garments. The
author of The Masques of Love has very
little to say about the fire. She gives a
pleasant story of a nice girl who gets
some hard knocks and a good deal of
enlightenment, but it remains a pleas-
ant story of a nice girl throughout. In
tasting life she takes only ladylike
bites, though her behavior at times is
rather unconventional. In comparison
Mr. Johnson's Dore seems to gobble
and choke. And yet one suspects that
if a real Dore told her own story in-
stead of having it told for her by an
outsider, a mere man, she would not
represent herself as a sensational Sal-
amander, but rather as a twin to the
heroine of The Masques of Love. For it
is precisely because she sees herself as
a nice girl that any Salamander walks
through furnaces unscathed. That is
the amulet, that is the shield. So long
as the nice girl cannot see herself other-
wise, she cannot be otherwise, and it is
greatly to be hoped that she will retain
that vision through all her scorching
experiments.
People who know what they think
about the world may excuse themselves
from reading any of these tales; people
who don't know what they think may
be helped to illumination by Gray
Youth. Mr. Onions is not only the
cleverest, he is also quite the most ad-
vanced of the younger English novel-
ists. He sees that the next step forward
is a long step back. For most talk
is futile, and most theories are trash.
The Conventions, and Duty, and Good-
ness, all those Victorian notions, are
due to come in again. They will short-
ly be the mode in moralities, the very
latest thing. If there were no other
reason, — but the author of Gray Youth
knows all the reasons, — they are abso-
lutely essential to a colorful and inter-
esting life, and youth without them is
drab indeed.
LIFE'S NON-SEQUITURS
BY LUCY ELLIOT KEELER
THAT afternoon over the teacups we
talked of the first foreign phrases which
had imposed upon our vernacular, and
an amusingly incongruous assortment
was let loose. Only a few, we felt, were
authentic, most of them being offered
because of lack of time to recall the ac-
tual from the misty deep. The je vous
aime of our first valentines, family and
school mottoes, some phrase mother or
nurse had sung, were however, inter-
rupted by one given in no uncertain in-
flection, — ' Non-sequitur.9
'It does not follow!' we translated in
chorus.
* Does n't it ! ' was the speaker's re-
tort. 'Try it and see!'
She had risen and pulled on her
gloves as she launched that laughing
challenge, and would neither expatiate
nor be detained; and by a curious turn
of fate none of us ever saw her again.
It followed as the night the day that as
the phrase had (as we afterward found)
punctuated and influenced her whole
life, so it could not fail in some small
way to sway ours. My own vocations
had more and more drifted into the gen-
tle and devious streams of inconse-
quence, but now I deliberately sent my
thoughts questing into quiet pools of
literature and sparkling eddies of con-
versation, over the shallows of the mere-
ly ridiculous, down the foaming rapids
of life, trusting for an outlook at last
over the ultimate sea. You must there-
fore bear with me (a pretty non-se-
quitur!), with me and my vade mecum,
for it is not paradoxical to claim that
what did not follow might cannily ac-
company me. So would have borne
with me the good New England woman
who was heard to thank her Creator
for placing all the great rivers beside
the great towns; so would the sympa-
thetic soul who, hearing of a man hav-
ing the small-pox twice and dying of it,
begged to know if he died the first time
or the second; so would Wackford
Squeers, whose injured legs prevented
his holding a pen; so would the curate
whose voice was so thin that it was
good only to read fine print; so would
the man who got into the theatre with-
out a ticket by the simple process of
walking backward, which made the
ticket-taker believe he was going out.
The non-sequitur that I know my-
self, — so inevitably does it follow that
the phrase becomes a substantive, -
admits only a collateral kinship with
the muddle-headed. I may not act ac-
cording to logical sequence or the law
of reason; I may defy the reasonable
inference; I may be, I certainly am,
illogical, unreasonable, inconsequent,
irrelevant; but I have no doubt in my
own mind that I shall arrive. This the
muddle-headed person seldom does.
Instance the woman who pitied the
people living before the Christian era
because of the inconvenience they
must have had in being obliged to
count the years backward. The dis-
tinction is fine, I admit, and beg Ste-
venson to help me: 'How I arrived at
his conclusion I do not know. A man
with a cold in his head does not neces-
sarily know a rat-catcher.' The open-
ing words show that Stevenson got
533
534
LIFE'S NON-SEQUITURS
there. Little Tommy was not muddle-
headed when he said that if the fire
alarm had struck four the fire would
have been in his district. He went to
the crux of the matter as directly as did
Mrs. Carlyle when she declared that
Frederick the Great was a terrible piece
of work and she wished that Frederick
had died when a baby.
I brush, in passing, a third class, far
too clever to be dubbed muddle-head-
ed, far too forthcoming to be non-fol-
lowers, — unless by their superlative
quality of non-sequiturness they lead
the procession, like many another lead-
er, from the rear. This class expresses
the opposite of what it says. Bergson
cites one instance: ' My dear boy, gam-
bling on 'Change is very risky, you win
one day and lose the next/ — 'Well
then, I '11 gamble only every other day/
Variations which occur on every comic
page include the man who being as-
sured that with a certain kind of stove
he could save half his fuel, decided to
buy two stoves and save it all. The
expressions of defeat on the face of the
father and of the stove merchant testi-
fy that the respondents were not of the
inimitably inane. The incursion of
these actors into this leafy maze thrusts
home upon me the fact that the non-se-
quitur is no passive but an active non-
follower. Sidney Lanier, exasperated
by the strange methods of a brother
poet, said that as far as he could make
out, 'Walt Whitman's argument on
Democracy was that because a prairie
is wide therefore debauchery is admir-
able; and because the Mississippi is
long therefore every man is God/ A
clear conviction of what to avoid neces-
sarily influences the wanderings of even
the most unarriving non-sequitur.
The twentieth century is responsible
for the rise of many a vagary, but the
quality of non-sequiturability is not
one of them. Eighteen centuries ago
Seneca wrote, ' There are inconsequen-
tial studies as well as inconsequential
men. Didymus wrote four thousand
books wherein he is much concerned
to discover where Homer was born ; and
some people are very anxious to know
how many oars Ulysses had. Am I the
more just, moderate, valiant or liberal
for knowing that Dentatus was the first
man who carried elephants in proces-
sion?' Juvenal laughed at those who
affect the principles of the Curii and
live like Bacchanals. They have their
counterparts, however, in the French
of to-day who, Holland assures us, are
too clever to bring their literature into
practice. * These Diderots are in pri-
vate life honest citizens/ Many of us
know women of the hour whose ruth-
less feminist theories combine, in Con-
rad's happy phrase, with a blameless
conventionality in domestic practice.
One of the most remarkable non-sequi-
turs in history is the case of Nietzsche,
who denied our present moral values, or
at least traced them to sources hitherto
unsuspected, and yet himself fulfilled
all the loftiest demands made by the
morality now preached among us.
* What! You a hare and hunting for
game?' runs the old Latin proverb.
Decidedly, yes. I have come, like my
friend over the tea-cups, to watch eag-
erly for this subtle something 'which
does not follow,' never quite content
till it appears and can be used as a con-
servative working factor in the sub-
sequent proposition. When I catch
Shakespeare nodding, — why, — that
proves it is Shakespeare and not some
smaller artist racked with the insomnia
of omniscience. When I see the histo-
rian lingering intently over events and
characters which are only supposed to
have happened or wrought, I know
that with a seer's eye he has discovered
what has influenced and will truly influ-
ence men and nations. When I begin
Montaigne's essay on Lame People,
and find it a dissertation on miracles,
LIFE'S NON-SEQUITURS
535
I am diverted but not surprised. When
I see parents seeking for their daugh-
ters the best educational advantages
and then launching them no less eager-
ly into a life that discounts intellect-
ual endeavor, the contented heart
and clear-eyed perception of values; or
when I hear fathers ' citing Polonius to
their sons and calling it Shakespeare,'
I am surprised but not diverted.
Rabindranath Tagore, after hours of
brooding and remembering that his
life had once a different shape, said:
'Many an hour have I spent in the
strife of the good and the evil, but
now it is the pleasure of my Playmate
of the empty days to draw my heart
on to him, and I know not why is this
sudden call to what useless inconse-
quence,' — and from his wisdom, in
my most perplexed moments, I take
heart of expectancy.
The current idea of evolution is that
it has taken place not continuously but
by jumps. Many of us attained our
stature so — for years just up to mo-
ther's shoulder and then, in a few
months, above her. The salvation of
children is that parents cannot make
of them just what they wish ('another
you ? oh, no : one is enough ! ') . Our most
valuable chemicals are the unexpected
combinations and residuums of the
experimenter; our finest hybrid plants
the sport-work of bees and humming
birds.
Chicago promotes a great drainage
canal to rid itself of noxious sewage;
then suddenly the scientist says, * Give
me this sewage, and I will return
you yearly the superior milk of a hun-
dred thousand cows.' But the ante-
cedents of the two conclusions were
the same, - - the desire for the health
and wealth of the city community. Is
the soot wasting from a million chim-
neys the sequitur or the non-sequitur
of commercial conservation? Perhaps
every proposition has two legitimate
conclusions which nevertheless contra-
dict each other. That two and two
make four is undisputed till some child
puts her block figures side by side and
proves to us that the result is twenty-
two. When some one in Parliament
sneered at Goethe's statement that the
beautiful is higher than the good, John
Stuart Mill broke the silence to offer
his own interpretation that the beauti-
ful is the good made perfect. It was
he who begged us to be indulgent to
the one-eyed : the votary of life's little
non-sequiturs claims the same indul-
gence for even the two-eyed who see
double.
If the years teach us any one lesson
more than another, it is that we must
not be dogmatic about results. We
cannot say with impunity * do this and
that will follow: here is the theory,
there the life, hence' — we laugh and
turn away. 'What! is it done?' the
much-belated wife of the minister ask-
ed him at the church door. 'No, my
dear, it is said: it remains to be done.'
Evolution, said and done, is gainsaid,
yet ever doing. Inevitable old age is
itself but a kind of non-sequitur in that
it so often assumes a new and charm-
ing attitude toward the facts and pro-
blems and solutions of life.
We cannot confine so elusive a thing
as a non-sequitur to a formula. There
is one glory of the sun and another glory
of the moon; there is one season of the
northern hemisphere and another of the
southern. It is a provision of nature
for leaves to fall, platitudinizes the oak;
the pine tosses its head and laughs
aloud. Sleep, we say, is a natural thing.
Some one has asked us to contemplate
the consternation of a visitant from a
sleepless sphere at seeing the whole
world lie down dead for a third of its
time. A young wife in China writes me
that native Christians who saw her hus-
band kiss her before a brief separation,
gave the matter prayerful consideration
536
LIFE'S NON-SEQUITURS
and finally begged him, for the sake of
the cause, to desist from such practice,
for * if he does it to his wife what would
he not do to other women! ' — the only
possible sequitur from the Oriental
point of view.
Livingstone led some natives of the
interior of Africa on a toilsome march
to the sea. When they came in sight
of the ocean the men fell on their
faces to the ground. * We were march-
ing along with our father,' they re-
ported afterward to their people, 'be-
lieving what the ancients had told us,
that the world had no end. Then all
at once the world said to us, ' * I am
finished: there is no more of me." In
such unsophisticated but lofty words,
they expressed their conscious impo-
tence before the unknown conclusion.
We, to whom the sea is but a feature
of the landscape, know that it is but a
new point of departure for other terra
firma. Other non-sequiturs that still
frighten us may be but the simplest of
axioms to the great initiated : harmoni-
ous, inevitable resolutions of earlier
dissonances.
What influence do the non-sequiturs
of life, whether they strike us on the
funny bone, or pat us on the heart, or
lead our thoughts to the shore of the in-
finite, — what influence do they ex-
ert over us? My earliest perception of
them was as though I had been driv-
ing along a straight road and suddenly
realized that the horse had wandered
off into a meadow, and stopped beside
a frisky little brook with everything
around unfamiliar and delicious. Of
course it was crazy, my getting there:
I ought to blush; but oh, the fun of it!
The digression was, as Sterne said, like
sunshine. Somehow, just so my later
non-sequiturs have become points of
departure for golden dreams and silver
realities: just so have I sometimes
reached obscure souls on their secret
paths.
If nothing more, the non-sequitur
teases one into thinking it out, or into
trying to think it out; the endeavor be-
ing more operative than the solution
sought. Some one has said that the ten
commandments are not authoritative
because they are commanded, but be-
cause they are true. So, if the non-se-
quitur be true, .it is both authoritative
and influential.
Breasting the stream of the irrele-
vant is quite a different thing from the
swimming in some folks' heads to
which Socrates attributed the flux of
the world. No one could play with
words like Socrates, yet he laughed at
Euthydemus's anger at himself for ex-
acting precise statements where he had
thought to catch the philosopher in a
shower of words. * When do you think,
Thesetetus,' Socrates might have ask-
ed that charming youth, * when do you
think the non-sequitur becomes the se-
quitur? ' And how smilingly he would
have led him along to some such con-
clusion as this : ' Set out vaguely for the
non-sequitur, and the logical sequitur
is bound to follow; while with a goal
clearly proposed and manfully sought,
the result, however seemingly syllogis-
tic, will somehow prove a beneficent
non-sequitur.' If we have watched
over and cultivated and restrained
body and mind and soul, their combin-
ations, like those of a kaleidoscope,
may astonish but can never humiliate
us. If we have worked persistently to-
ward certain results, our efforts may
be no guaranty that we shall reach
those particular results, but the non-
sequitur will be odds in our favor.
How then shall we greet this inevit-
able non-sequitur in our lives, this il-
logical sequence of our former studies,
of the influence of others, of environ-
ment, of circumstance, of the flux of
the world ? Be sure that we welcome it
with a shout, interrogate it, react on
it, do something to it. It may, as in
ENGLAND AND AMERICA
537
cat's cradle, come back with the next
change of hands, to a familiar position
with which we know how to deal, the
little episode having served to lift the
horizon for us; or, if not, lo, a chance
to learn the solution of a new combina-
tion full of endless possibilities! Our
principal business with the non-sequi-
tur, as I see it, is just the grace to use
it. Not to rebel .and cry out for
unruled stars and a truth untrue,
but to accept the eternal law, finding
therein a firm if unexpected
footing for the soul;
Discern a height beyond all heights
A depth beyond all depths. -
For these, despair is like a bubble pricked.
It does not follow? Does n't it? Well,
as my friend said over the teacups, try
it and see.
ENGLAND AND AMERICA
BY FLORENCE T. HOLT
MOTHER and child! Though the dividing sea
Shall roll its tide between us, we are one,
Knit by immortal memories, and none
But feels the throb of ancient fealty.
A century has passed since at thy knee
We learnt the speech of freemen, caught the fire
That would not brook thy menaces, when sire
And grandsire hurled injustice back to thee.
But the full years have wrought equality:
The past outworn, shall not the future bring
A deeper union, from whose life shall spring
Mankind's best hope? In the dark night of strife
Men perished for their dream of Liberty
Whose lives were given for this larger life.
MEDITATIONS ON VOTES FOR WOMEN
BY SAMUEL McCHORD CROTHERS
THERE is an illuminating expression
that is used now and then — * When I
come to think about it.' It is generally
used when a controversy is over or an
unwelcome truth at last admitted, and
there is nothing more to be done about
it. A person has had a very decided
opinion and has expressed it with great
vehemence. All his efforts have proved
unavailing and the thing against which
he protested has come to pass. Then,
in a sudden burst of common sense, he
resolves to sit down and think about it.
Why he did not adopt this medita-
tive method in the first place he cannot
exactly explain. Perhaps it is because
in the struggle for existence man is
compelled to be an active rather than
a reflective creature. Thought is apt to
come in the form of an afterthought.
Wisdom is essentially retrospective.
The process of thinking things over
in advance would save us from a great
many antagonisms. Reflection has a
soothing effect upon the mind if it is
properly managed. We talk of Time as
the great reconciler. This is true only
when time is taken for fruitful medi-
tation. The man described in the first
Psalm, who was accustomed to medi-
tate on the law of the Lord day and
night, must have avoided many irri-
tating conflicts with his neighbors. He
had better things to think about.
Marcus Aurelius, who was much given
to meditation, saw that it was folly to
'Caesarize.' Most emperors waste a
great deal of time in Csesarizing.
538
Meditation has an advantage over
discussion. It takes two to carry on
a discussion, whereas any one who is so
disposed can meditate. Moreover in
a discussion we are limited. We cannot
contemplate the whole subject, but we
must take one side while our opponent
takes the other. We cannot look at the
facts as they go about their ordinary
business in the actual workaday world.
They must be mobilized. They leave
their peaceful avocations, hurriedly put
on a uniform, and flock to the colors.
When we review them we think of
nothing but their fighting value.
However conscientiously we choose
sides, we must reject or ignore some
fact which in other moods we should
recognize as having significance. We
must sacrifice everything to efficiency.
Sometimes we must assume something
which is quite doubtful, for the sake of
the argument. To change sides is an
awkward and perilous manoeuvre, like
changing seats in a canoe. In order to
preserve the equilibrium of the discus-
sion we must keep our original place.
But in meditation we are free. We
can consider one side and then the
other without embarrassment. If we
change our opinion because the weight
of evidence has shifted, there is no one
to exult over us and make us ashamed.
If we recognize that we have been mis-
taken in our assumptions, there is no
one to say, * I told you so.' We quietly
make the necessary adjustments to
ever-changing reality, and go on with
our business of thinking. We are not
required to reach any predetermined
MEDITATIONS ON VOTES FOR WOMEN
539
conclusions. We have no nervous
anxiety to catch any particular train of
thought, as we are traveling on our
own feet, and are willing to put up
wherever the night finds us. Hence it
is that, while discussions go on with
great vigor, and few are convinced ex-
cept of the righteousness of their own
cause, meditation often brings unex-
pected results. When we meditate we
sometimes change our minds. This is a
beneficent achievement, for it renders
it unnecessary for us to spend all our
strength in attempting to change the
order of the universe and the whole
direction of human progress, in order
to get a sense of the fitness of things.
It sometimes happens that by relax-
ing our minds, and especially our wills,
we get at possibilities of harmony be-
tween elements which seemed to be
in hopeless antagonism. A contempla-
tive attitude allows us to see the gen-
eral direction in which things are going.
On the evening of a national election
we are more apt to get the news by
staying away from our own party
headquarters, where only one kind of
news is promulgated.
Few subjects have of late been more
vehemently debated than the extension
of the right of suffrage to women. It
seems to offer peculiar enticements to
controversialists. So much can be said
for and against it, and so easily. More-
over it is a debate which is peculiarly
adapted to those of regular habits who
do not care to go far afield in search of
opponents. It can be carried on unin-
terruptedly in the home circle.
Persons who love to discuss the dif-
ferent ways in which civilization is
about to be ruined, and who evoke the
various perils that threaten, are often
embarrassed by the difficulty of visual-
izing the dangers that impend. The
Yellow Peril, the Slav Peril, Pan-Ger-
manism, Pan-Islamism, and the rest,
are foreign in their nature, and need
the historic imagination to realize them.
But a citizen who gets the notion that
the Woman-Peril threatens to over-
whelm all things holy, may see it smil-
ing at him across the tea-table. It is
no figment of the imagination that con-
fronts him. And the Peril can always
talk back when he cries Avaunt!
But while there is a great amount of
serious — and less serious — discussion,
there seems to be a lack of meditation.
There is the strident cry of * Votes for
Women ! ' which is answered by nega-
tive voices not always as gentle as one
might expect. There are the exagger-
ations which always accompany parti-
san discussion.
It would be a counsel of perfection to
ask any one to meditate on Votes for
Women with the same detachment
with which one might meditate on the
Passage of Time, the Beauties of Na-
ture, or the Vanity of Human Great-
ness. But a certain amount of medi-
tation is possible even to the most
earnest. Meditation dwells on the ob-
vious, on broad aspects of the subject
that always form the common back-
ground of every discussion.
There are things so obvious that cle-
ver people never mention them: they
* go without saying.' It is, however, nec-
essary now and then to say them just
to remind ourselves that they are still
going. Some of these obvious consider-
ations may be suggested as profitable
for some leisure hour when we are not
anxious to convince any one, but only
to clear our minds of prejudices which
disquiet us.
ii
That women have existed since the
beginning of the human race, and have
always taken part in human development.
This is a fact which seems to be
ignored rather than contradicted by
540
MEDITATIONS ON VOTES FOR WOMEN
eager disputants. Yet in reality it is
very important and comforting.
In reading certain feministic litera-
ture one suffers from a nervous shock,
such as comes when the fire-engines
rush up to put out a fire in the kitchen
stove. In fact there are two shocks
— first, that which comes from the
thought that there is a great conflagra-
tion, and then that which comes from
the discovery that nothing has hap-
pened out of the ordinary.
There is an urgency as of some new
and unheard-of power that has just
come into the world. Heretofore this
has been a man's world arranged for
his convenience. Now Woman has ap-
peared, open-eyed and armed, and all
things are to be changed. Religion,
the State, the Family, are to be reor-
ganized according to a strictly femin-
istic plan. If the ultimatum is not at
once accepted we may look for that
dreadful catastrophe, a sex war.
No wonder that the honest citizen
awakened by the loud cry is not in the
best of humor. And when he is called
opprobrious names, like Victorian and
early- Victorian, he is inclined to be
surly. It is all so sudden. It appears
that all the ideals of womanhood that
he has revered are to be overturned
and trodden under foot by cohorts of
Amazons shouting, 'Down with the
Home.'
*
Now, the honest citizen loves his
home as he loves nothing else, and does
not take kindly to the idea that it
should be destroyed. There is a cer-
tain vagueness about the threats. Just
exactly what the new plan is, he does
not know. The only thing in the pro-
gramme of revolutionary Feminism
that he can get hold of, and that lies
within the sphere of practical politics,
is the demand for the ballot. Here is a
limited battle-ground where the friends
of the Home and of Christian marriage
can make a stand. They can put up a
stout resistance till they can know what
it is all about.
If the home-loving citizen would sit
down and think about it, he would
realize that this is a false alarm. The
entrance of woman into the sphere of
human action is no new thing. She
has always been here, and has always
been influential. Such civilization as
we have is largely of her making. If
civilization itself is a crime she has
been accessory both before and after
the fact.
We cannot treat half the human race
as an altogether unknown quantity.
That women can fight is no new dis-
covery. Jael the wife of Heber the
Kenite knew how to wield a hammer
for her cause. Let any one who is
alarmed at the advent of women in
industry meditate on the business wo-
man described in the book of Proverbs.
'She seeketh wool and flax, and
worketh willingly with her hands. . . .
She bringeth her food from afar. She
riseth while it is yet night, and giveth
meat to her household and a portion
to her maidens. She considereth a
field, and buyeth it: with the fruit of
her hands she planteth a vineyard.
She girdeth her loins with strength,
and strengtheneth her arms. She per-
ceiveth that her merchandise is good.
. . . She layeth her hands to the distaff,
and her hands hold the spindle. . . .
She maketh herself coverings of tap-
estry. . . . She maketh fine linen and
selleth it; and delivereth girdles unto
the merchant.'
Having taken over the woolen and
flax industry with the business of spin-
ning and weaving, having engaged ii
agriculture and dealt in merchandise
and real estate, she superintended th(
general charities. 'She stretcheth oul
her hand to the poor; yea, she reachetl
forth her hands to the needy.' There
was nothing left for her husband but t<
sit at the gate and praise his wife.
MEDITATIONS ON VOTES FOR WOMEN
541
Nothing in the modern situation is
quite so one-sided as this ancient de-
scription of the sphere of women. But
somehow men have survived.
I suspect that this bit of Feministic
literature represented an ideal that was
not always realized. It was the excep-
tional Hebrew woman rather than the
average.
As to the present-day Feminism, we
must remember that it represents a lit-
erary cult. It is a descriptive term like
Realism, or Romanticism, or the Lake
Poets.
When you attempt to read the lit-
erature of the Futurists you are not
alarmed about the future. There is no
danger that it will be like that. When
the future comes, the present-day
Futurists will seem not weird but only
quaint. And when you read a Fem-
inist book with its astonishing pro-
gramme, you need not fear that that is
what women will do when they get the
vote. You are only reading what one
woman thinks they would do if they
were all as clever as she is.
You say that you are glad that they
are not. You prefer the common sense
and domestic feeling of the average
women to these literary vagaries. Per-
haps you are right. You may be inter-
ested in a simple little device by which
the opinion of the average woman
might from time to time be ascertained.
in
That while men and women have been
a long time on the earth, it does not follow
that new types may not be developed from
time to time.
Though Feministic theories must not
be taken too literally, they are yet
suggestive of changes that are taking
place. The essential thing is that many
women are becoming conscious of what
some women have always felt, that
some of the limitations which have
been accepted as natural are in reality
only conventional, and so can be re-
moved.
The only way to determine what is
natural and what is conventional is by
the method of experiment. By push-
ing against every barrier women can'
force those barriers that are artificial
to give way. In this struggle for free-
dom there must necessarily be evoked
a challenging spirit which is not very
gracious.
In a miracle play a veiled figure is
introduced and walks across the stage.
It is explained that this is Adam as he
goes to be created.
Always among the completed char-
acters that crowd the stage is the in-
choate figure of the creature that is on
the way to be created. The Old Adam
is a well-known character, but the New
Adam is an enigma. In each successive
generation there is a conversation like
this: —
'How do you do, Adam?'
'I do not do. I am not a creature.
I am The About-to-be-Created.'
*I wonder how you will turn out
when you are create.d?'
*I don't know/ growls Adam, 'but I
do not intend to be like you.'
This is ungracious and does not tend
to endear the new candidate for ex-
istence to those whose self-esteem is
wounded. But when the New Adam
has been created there is more family
resemblance to the Pre-Adamites than
he is willing to admit.
The New Woman is inclined to scout
all the ideals of womanhood that have
gone before. She intends to be abso-
lutely different. This is because she is
on her preliminary walk across the
stage. After the New Woman has been
created the newness will gradually
wear off and the ineradicable womanli-
ness will come out. We may be quite
sure of that.
542
MEDITATIONS ON VOTES FOR WOMEN
IV
That theories are sometimes several
sizes too big for their practical applica-
tions.
When John Knox was in the thick of
his fight for religious, or rather for
Presbyterian, freedom, he found that
the fiercest opposition came from a few
royal women. Margaret continued in
the Netherlands the persecution which
Isabella of Castile had carried on in
Spain. Mary Stuart and her mother
were implacable foes of the Presbytery,
and Mary Tudor sat on the throne of
England.
It was no wonder therefore that the
fiery reformer made a sweeping gener-
alization and identified feminine influ-
ence with Popery. He remembered the
conflict of Elijah against Jezebel, and
he blew the First Blast of the Trum-
pet against the monstrous Regiment
of Women.
But before a second blast could be
blown 'Bloody Mary' died and Eliza-
beth came to the throne. Knox was
too good a Scotchman to give up a
doctrine which he had once promulga-
ted, but on the other hand he was too
good a politician to insist on strict con-
struction under the changed circum-
stances. He remembered that Jezebel
was not the only woman mentioned in
the Bible. There was Deborah who
ruled Israel wisely. Of course Deborah
was an exception. Elizabeth was a sec-
ond Deborah, and therefore a second
exception.
The predicament of Knox is that of
all eager controversialists. A decent
respect for the opinion of mankind
induces us to put our contention on
some broad grounds which mankind
can appreciate. Issues that are in real*
ity local and limited are discussed as
if they involved the whole universe.
There is always a satisfaction in believ-
ing that the stars in their courses are
fighting for us. We try to identify the
stellar orbits with our plan of cam-
paign.
Suppose the question arises whether
it is expedient that women should vote
in the state of Connecticut. This is
really a finite proposition. But when it
becomes a subject of debate it expands
into the infinite. It takes on a cosmic
character. The biologists, the anthro-
pologists, the physiologists, and the
animal psychologists, all are called to
give expert testimony. Even the bota-
nists take a hand, in that their science
also takes cognizance of the differences
between male and female. Dire pro-
phecies are uttered in regard to the
race-degeneracy which would follow an
unscientific amendment to the consti-
tution of Connecticut.
The trouble with these scientific ar-
guments is that they prove too much.
If the analogy of plants and insects,
and even of the higher mammals, is fol-
lowed, the female of the species should
not vote. Neither should she play
bridge, or read a newspaper, or attend
church, or play the piano. These ac-
tivities are all without warrant from
sub-human experience. It is doubt-
ful if any of them are particularly good
for the health.
The fact is that mankind has broken
so many precedents, and taken so
many risks, for the sake of moral and
intellectual improvements, that it is
inclined to go its own way. It asks
what is right for human beings under
civilized conditions. If animals and
savages were not able to live in this
way, so much the worse for them.
The next step in advance is always
dangerous. It involves a new adjust-
ment, and the exercise of powers that
have not been used. But the only
thing to do is to meet the conditions as
they arise, and keep as cheerful as
possible while doing it.
MEDITATIONS ON VOTES FOR WOMEN
543
That equal suffrage is not the first step
in an impending revolution, but only a
necessary adjustment to a revolution that
has already happened.
During the last generation some
things took place which were really
revolutionary. The entrance of women
into the colleges and universities, and
into business and the professions, mark-
ed an advance of great importance.
This was a new departure, at least in
our modern world. Those who believ-
ed in a definite * sphere' for women
had reason to be alarmed at this new
departure. It involved many social
changes. But these changes did not
involve political action, and so were
quietly acquiesced in.
Now that the revolution has taken
place, multitudes of educated women
are in influential positions, moulding
public sentiment and directing large
institutions. All the functions of citi-
zenship they actually exercise except
that of voting at certain elections. We
no longer find anything amusing in the
term * strong-minded ' applied to a wo-
man. What are colleges for if not to
strengthen the mind!
And when our daughters come back
from school and College, where their
minds have been strengthened and
broadened by modern discipline, they
naturally seek to use the power they
have acquired. Why not?
VI
That the lawless acts of certain Eng-
lish militants only prove that some women
are no wiser than some men.
Some men are fanatics, and so are
some women. Fanaticism has always
accompanied progress, but this does
not prove, as some people imagine,
that it is the cause of it. Railroad acci-
dents accompany railroading, but do
not add to its profits. From the man-
ager's point of view, a train on the
track is worth two in the ditch.
Every cause has had its fanatics,
persons who in their zeal are willing to
sacrifice all other interests to it with-
out regard to the ordinary demands of
justice and good fellowship. They de-
mand 'direct action,' which usually
means action that disregards the rights
of neutrals. No one can tell when a
fanatical turn may be given to a move-
ment that has gone on peacefully.
The question of the right way of ad-
ministering the Lord's Supper has been
the occasion of most cruel wars. The
Anabaptists of the sixteenth century
held views which most people in these
days would think harmless enough, but
then they became the occasion of all
sorts of anarchistic outbreaks. There
are multitudes of law-abiding people
who look forward to the second com-
ing of Christ, but in the meantime go
quietly about their business. But there
was a time when this expectancy took
on a militant form. Wild-eyed Fifth
Monarchy men proclaimed the reign
of King Jesus, and to bring it in by
direct action sought to take London
and kill the Lord Mayor. Then it was
time to call out the train-bands.
Usually these militant outbreaks can
be accounted for, less by anything in
the nature of the cause which is fought
for than by the general temper of the
times. They are evidences of a dan-
gerous nervous tension.
We are able to understand the so-
called militancy in England better than
we could a short time ago. We see its
relation to the movement for suffrage
to be more or less accidental. Now that
a great war has come, we see how fever-
ish was the condition of the peoples
who looked forward to it with sup-
pressed passion and vague foreboding.
544
MEDITATIONS ON VOTES FOR WOMEN
Not knowing just whom they were to
fight, but feeling that fighting was in-
evitable, they conceived of everything
in militant form.
There were to be wars, not only be-
tween Slav and Teuton, but between
Celt and Saxon, class wars and indus-
trial wars without number. Even the
efforts in behalf of the public health
were conceived of under warlike im-
agery. There were wars proclaimed
against the fly and the mosquito and
the germs of tuberculosis.
Earnest women, perceiving that they
had been denied civil rights, and
accepting the prevalent philosophy,
imagined that when they were breaking
windows and destroying works of art
and setting fire to unguarded build-
ings they were making war. It was
supposed to be that appeal to force
by which all human rights have been
won. Then suddenly, to those who
were playing with fire, the great confla-
gration came. War grim and relentless
is upon the world. All make-believe
militancies shrink into insignificance.
Those who, carried away by a mis-
leading analogy, thought that the suf-
frage for women could be obtained by
threats, and by sporadic acts of law-
lessness, must perceive that their tac-
tics are not now effective. Nations
which are fighting for their lives are
not likely to be coerced by what are
only petty annoyances. When the his-
tory of our time comes to be written,
militancy will be seen to be a symptom
of a disturbed state of the public mind,
which preceded the great and terrible
war. That women yielded to the ner-
vous strain and for the time lost their
balance is not to be wondered at. Men
did the same.
VII
That a voter does not vote all the time,
but is allowed a number of days off in
order to attend to his private business.
This is a consideration that seems to
be overlooked by those who insist that
if a woman exercises the right of suf-
frage she must neglect her duties in the
home. There is a certain force in this
argument. Eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty, and we are told that if
the conscientious citizen would outwit
the machine politician and make good
government to prevail he must always
be 'on the job.'
But this counsel of perfection must
be interpreted in the light of actual
circumstances. The citizen who desires
good government must also make his
living, and to do this honestly requires
considerable effort. There must be a
reasonable compromise between public
and private duty. The citizen cannot
spend all his time voting on every
question that comes up, for if he did
there would be no one to earn money
for taxes. So he makes use of various
labor-saving devices, and selects per-
sons to do most of his voting for him.
This is the very essence of representa-
tive government.
Before representative government
was invented, the objection just men-
tioned held. Popular sovereignty —
which rests on the principle of limited
liability — being unknown, one who
exercised sovereignty had to give up
all other business.
In the days of the Judges, Jotham
shouted from the top of Mount Ge-
rizim a pungent parable. 'The trees
went forth on a time to anoint a king
over them.' The useful trees declined
the office because it interfered with
their proper business. 'The olive tree
said unto them, "Should I leave my
fatness, wherewith by me they honor
God and man, and go to be promoted
over the trees?" The fig tree would
not leave his figs, nor the vine his wine
'which cheereth God and man.'
The representatives of the better
elements having refused the nomina-
MEDITATIONS ON VOTES FOR WOMEN
545
tion, it was offered to the bramble, who
enthusiastically accepted, and announ-
ced his policy, which was at once to
destroy the cedars of Lebanon.
If the trees had formed themselves
into a republic instead of accepting a
monarchical form of government they
might have escaped from their dilem-
ma. They would have planned some
way by which the olive tree and the fig
tree, while still bearing their proper
fruit, might participate in the govern-
ment of the grove, and safeguard their
common interests. They might have
no time to 'wave to and fro over the
trees/ but they might do their share in
more solid work.
It is along this line that improve-
ments in government have been made.
We must have a certain number of
persons who give all their time to
highly specialized forms of public
work, but there is opportunity also
for the private citizen to make his
influence felt. Government by the
people means that the man of science
who cannot leave his researches, the
artist who is loyal to his art, the farmer
who will not leave his lands untilled in
order to talk politics at the village
store, all have a chance to influence the
policy of their country. If they can
find time for nothing else, they can at
least vote for the party that comes
nearest to their own ideas.
The home-keeping woman's business
may make great demands upon her,
but the demands are not greater or
more insistent than those which come
in other businesses in which public-
spirited citizens are engaged. House-
keeping is not an absolutely con-
tinuous performance, and neither is
voting.
VIII
That women in expressing their opin-
ions should be allowed to be as modest
and unobtrusive as men.
VOL. 114 -NO. 4
One cannot meditate always, one
must sometimes consult the diction-
ary. The dictionary informs us that
the word vote comes from the Latin
votum — a vow, a wish, a prayer. The
word suffrage has a similar religious
meaning, as is indicated by ecclesias-
tical usage. The suffrage in connection
with the Litany indicates the petition
to the Good Lord to hear us.
The vote is therefore a kind of peti-
tion; it is an expression of personal
desire and preference. In this primary
sense there is nothing which the most
careful person would object to as un-
becoming in a woman. As a matter
of fact, women always have expressed
their preferences, often in the most
decided manner.
But it appears that there is a secon-
dary meaning. A vote is the method
agreed upon by which a preference or
desire may be expressed, as by voice,
show of hands, balls, or ballot. It is to
the expression of opinion in this orderly
way that objection is made. Here we
come to the taboo.
A woman may express her opinion
in any way that is personal and ob-
trusive. She may write for the press,
address public meetings, organize par-
ties, canvass from house to house, or
preach from the pulpit. She may make
herself conspicuous as the advocate of
any cause she adopts. In all this she is
within her rights.
But one method she must not use —
the secret ballot. It must be remem-
bered that it is the secrecy of the ballot
which distinguishes the voting of the
present day from that of previous gen-
erations. The elections which Dickens
describes were noisy affairs. Each
elector had to declare his choice before
the crowd. It was a trying perform-
ance for a quiet man who might find it
hard to resist the pressure put upon
him.
It was argued that the man who had
546
SCHOOL
not the hardihood to stand up and
declare his preference in the face of a
howling mob, or under the scrutiny of
his employer, did not deserve to have
his opinion considered. But now it is
admitted that the quiet man has his
rights that must be safeguarded. He
is allowed to express his opinion on
public matters in an impersonal way
and in absolute privacy. The polling
booth is his castle, and no one need
know how he marks his Australian
ballot.
And it is the secrecy and the im-
personal character of it that gives it
its power. The one thing which the
politician is afraid of is the * silent
vote.' After the shouting is all over,
and after all those who have ostenta-
tiously 'stood up to be counted* have
been counted, there is anxious waiting
for another verdict. What do the quiet
stay-at-home people who do no shout-
ing think? The decision of great issues
rests with them.
The woman who does not object to
ostentatious methods has already
ample opportunity to make her opin-
ions known and her influence felt. But
there are great numbers of women who
are thoughtful but who shrink from
publicity.
Why should not the quiet stay-at-
home women have the same means of
expressing themselves which are al-
lowed to quiet stay-at-home men?
SCHOOL
BY SIMEON STRUNSKY
ILLNESS broke in upon the beginning
of Harold's academic career. He did
not get fairly under way until he was
seven years old and over. That was not
so long ago but that we can easily re-
call the warm flush of pride with which
we received the formal notice that our
son Harold had passed his Entrance
Examinations for the Second Grade
and was now qualified to take up the
reading of ordinary numerals to 1000
and Roman numerals to XX, with ad-
dition through 9's, and the multiplica-
tion table to 5><9, not to mention ob-
jective work in simple fractions and
problems. The notion of Harold's 'en-
trance examinations' amused Emme-
line intensely. At least, she took occa-
sion during the next two weeks to read
the certificate out aloud to visitors,
laughing almost spontaneously. But
when visitors were not about she would
sometimes pull out the printed card
and look at it quietly, still smiling, but
with no evident signs of hilarity. She
said that mornings, after nine, it was
very quiet in the house nowadays. It
was delightful but strange.
If school brought any spiritual crisis
to Harold he gave ho sign of it. An ex-
traordinary calm in the face of excep-
tional circumstances is one of the traits
I envy him. Possibly this may be be-
cause nobody or nothing that presents
itself to him from the outside can ever
approach in interest the things that are
SCHOOL
\
547
going on inside of him. He will be shy
before strangers, but I am inclined to
think that the Dalai Lama of Tibet
would leave him unruffled. Kings and
emperors have a logical place in Har-
old's world of ideas, whereas an ordin-
ary visitor in the house needs to have
his presence explained.
Harold's self-possession was shown
in the manner in which he conducted
himself during his entrance examina-
tions. The questions were oral. He
had just been asked to name the days
of the week when he noticed that one
of his shoe-laces had come loose. He
stooped, adjusted his shoe-lace, and
gave the days of the week correctly.
The operation on his shoe was not com-
pleted when he was asked how much is
three and four. He solved the problem
while still in a semi-circular position.
When Emmeline heard of his behavior
during the test she was in despair. She
foresaw the blasting of Harold's educa-
tional career at the very start. She was
of a mind to call up the school authori-
ties and let them know that the boy
did not usually answer questions from
the vicinity of his shoe-tops, and that
probably it was nervousness. But the
school authorities evidently knew bet-
ter. They probably discerned in Har-
old an equanimity of the soul, a Spar-
tan calm, which it is one of the main
purposes of pedagogy to develop.
Harold's self-possession is never
more conspicuous than during the two
hours which intervene between his
getting out of bed and his departure
for school. The flight of time does
not exist for him. He goes about his
toilet with exquisite deliberation. If
anything, he dresses and washes with
greater leisureliness from Monday to
Friday than he does on the other two
days of the week. It is not an aversion
for school. It is not even indifference.
Harold does not creep like a snail to
school. He goes cheerfully when we tell
him that he is ready to go. But while
the business of getting him ready is
under way he views the process objec-
tively. It is as if some strange little
boy were being washed and combed and
urged through his breakfast until the
moment when, everything being done,
the spirit of himself, Harold, enters
that alien body and propels it to school.
As sailing master of his soul it is not for
him to bother with loading the cargo
and battening down the hatches. Only
when the hawsers are ready to be cast
off — it is ten minutes of nine and Em-
meline's nerves are on edge — does the
master ascend the bridge. Once out-
side the door of Belshazzar Court he
makes excellent speed. I have warned
him repeatedly, but he always trots
instead of walking, and his manner of
crossing the avenue gives us some anx-
iety on account of the cars and the
automobiles.
Sometimes I think that Emmeline
and I assume the wrong attitude to-
wards Harold's leisurely ways between
seven and nine in the morning. In our
behalf it must be said, of course, that
getting a boy washed and dressed and
fed, with only two hours to do it in, is a
task that calls for expedition. But in
our anxiety to get Harold off to school
in time we are sometimes tempted to
overlook the boy's extraordinary spirit-
ual activity during these two hours.
It is then that the events of the preced-
ing day pass in swift procession through
his mind. At the dinner table the night
before Harold has been silent as usual,
and apparently indifferent to the con-
versation. Nevertheless, my remarks
about the general European war have
been caught and registered for fuller in-
vestigation. At the dinner table he is
too busy balancing the books of his own
daily concerns. In the morning he is a
bottomless vessel of curiosity. In the
morning, while brushing his teeth or
over his egg-cup, he will demand a
548
SCHOOL
detailed statement of the causes behind
the present European situation. A
stranger watching Harold in the act of
pulling on his stockings might suppose
that the boy is imperfectly awake. But
I know that his stockings get tangled
up because he is pondering on the
character and motives of the Kaiser
and other problems, which must be im-
mediately referred to me who am busy
before the shaving mirror.
On such occasions I confess that I
frequently dispose of the European sit-
uation with a display of summary au-
thority which President Wilson would
never tolerate hi a Mexican dictator.
Or else I describe the Kaiser in a few
ill-chosen and inadequate phrases such
as naturally suggest themselves to one
in a hurry before the shaving mirror.
Later I feel that we are unjust to the
boy, and neglectful of the educational
opportunities he affords us.
If the secret of pedagogy is to find
the moment when the child's mind is in
its most receptive state, and to feed it
with the information which at other
times involves effort to absorb, it seems
a pity that at 7.30 in the morning I
should be busy with my razor and the
boy should be driven back on his stock-
ings and toothbrush. I have seldom
encountered a human being so eager to
be instructed as Harold is at twenty
minutes of nine, with his glass of milk
still before him. Some day an educa-
tional reformer will cut the ground
from under the Froebelians and Tol-
stoians and Montessorians by devising
a system of bedroom and bathroom
and breakfast-table education. Under
such a system all the instructor would
have to do would be to follow the child
about while he is getting ready for
school, and answer questions. Fifteen
minutes with Harold while he is lacing
his shoes would give his instructor all
the mental spontaneity and spiritual
thirst he bargained for.
ii
Our knowledge of what happens to
Harold at school between the hours of
nine and one is fragmentary. From the
school syllabus we learn, of course, that
besides being engaged upon the art of
reading numbers up to 1000 and Ro-
man numerals to XX, supplemented
by the multiplication table as far as
5X9, Harold is being instructed in
English Literature, in Language, in
History beginning with Early Life on
Manhattan, in Nature Study, in the
Industrial and Fine Arts, in Music and
Physical Training. We have, too, oc-
casional reports from the schoolroom
regarding Harold's backwardness in
concentration and penmanship, as op-
posed to his proficiency in Language
and History.
Then there are mothers' meetings.
But either such information is too the-
oretical to enlighten us concerning
what actually goes inside of Harold
at school, or else, as in the case of his
deficiency in concentration and pen-
manship, it is too specific. Of the boy's
mental growth in the round we have
no way of judging except as he reveals
himself spontaneously. And Harold re-
veals very little. His school life falls
from his shoulders the moment he steps
out into the street. If there were no
syllabuses, mothers' meetings, and oc-
casional reports, and we were left to
find out the nature of Harold's curric-
ulum from what he offers to tell, our
ideas would be even more fragmentary
than they are.
What we are compelled to do is to
piece together stray remarks at table
or while the boy is dressing or undress-
ing, delivered with no particular rele-
vance, or else, if relevant, uttered in a
matter-of-fact tone, as having no very
intimate relation to himself, much as
I might throw out an item from the
evening paper to fill up a blank in
SCHOOL
549
conversation. Thus nonchalantly , spas-
modically, and some time before I was
impelled to consult the syllabus to find
out what Harold is supposed to be do-
ing at school, I did find out that he
models in clay, that he sews his own
Indian suit for the Commencement
pageant, that he does practical garden-
ing and folk-dancing. I am not sure
about basket-work and elementary
wood-carving. We know that he writes,
because there has been some complaint
about his lack of neatness, which his
teacher is inclined to explain as arising
from the broader defect of inadequate
attention.
You must not suppose that Harold is
an indifferent scholar in the sense of
being a poor student or devoid of the
sense of duty. Of his ambition I am
not so sure. The fact remains that he
passed his entrance examinations easi-
ly, and that at the end of the year, in
spite of a month's absence on account
of measles, he was promoted to Grade
III. Harold is indifferent only to the
extent that he does not bring his school
away with him as I bring my own work
home with me, to worry over. Harold's
reticence is partly due to his highly de-
veloped sense of the sanctity and suf-
ficiency of his private thoughts. Part-
ly it is due to the capacity of every
child to live in the moment and let it
drop from him when he passes on to the
next interest, whether it be from school
to lunch, or from lunch to play, or from
play to supper.
But on the whole I consider Harold's
lack of conversation about school as in
the highest sense a tribute to the effi-
ciency of his teachers, and as evidence
that he is happy with them. School
has fitted so well into his scheme of
life, has been accepted by him as so
much a matter of course, that he no
more thinks it necessary to refer to
school than he would to the fact that
he has enjoyed his supper. You have
seen children of Harold's age at the
shore, rolling like little porpoises in the
surf, as happy as it is given to us to be
happy here; but I should never expect
Harold to join in the porch comment
on the temperature of the water and its
effect on his appetite or his sleep. Be-
cause the truest happiness is that about
which we do not babble, I assume that
Harold is happy at school. He is helped
to that by the fact that he is a normal
child, armed against tribulation by a
well-seasoned conscience and a sense of
his own rectitude.
In conversation at table, Harold's
teacher will come up with a sufficient
frequency to show that she is a factor
in his life. The mention of Harold's
teacher will sometimes irritate Emme-
line because the boy is in the habit of
citing teacher as an authority on ele-
mentary truths which Emmeline has
been at much pains to inculcate. By
way of nothing in particular — Har-
old's disclosures of his school life are
nearly always by way of nothing in
particular — he will declare that his
teacher said that to bolt food without
chewing is bad for the digestion. Inas-
much as Emmeline has devoted sev-
eral years to training Harold in that
important physiological principle, she
is rather vexed that a single statement
by teacher should have assumed an
authority which prolonged instruction
on her own part has failed to attain.
Or there will be a somewhat harassing
dispute as to whether it is time for
Harold to go to bed. The next morning
while pulling on his stockings, Harold
will declare — incidentally, Harold is
always in a mood the morning after to
confess that he was in the wrong the
night before — will declare that his
teacher said that boys who did not
sleep enough had something or other
happen to their chests and shoulders
which prevented them from playing
football when they grew up. I do not
550
SCHOOL
mean to say that teacher's word will
count as against Emmeline's. But it
hurts to have the boy look outside for
sanctions for a code of behavior in
which he has been drilled at home. I
imagine that it is in such moments
that Emmeline feels the first pangs of
a child's ingratitude. But it is a trait
which has value and significance. When
Harold, who has been drinking milk
with his meals since infancy, observes
that his teacher said that milk is good
for children, it occurs to me that he is
only experiencing that need for an ex-
ternal prop for useful habits which is
at the basis of religion.
Not that there is in Harold's atti-
tude to his teacher anything of reli-
gious awe. She is simply the exponent
of the laws of his environment, laws
which the boy knows cannot be vio-
lated as can so many of the laws enun-
ciated at home which are subject to
suspension and modification. To every
child, I imagine, school is the place
where the rule prevails, and home is the
place where exceptions to the rule may
be safely invoked. Here is the fallacy in
so much modern speculation concern-
ing parents and teachers which would
confound the functions of the home and
the school by injecting the rule of af-
fection into the school and the rule of
discipline into the home. If the home
is to remain a little isle of peace for
its members I fail to see why Harold
should be less entitled than I to in-
voke its asylum. If I find in the home
a refuge from the hard competitive
conditions of my business life, Harold
should rightly find there a refuge from
the fairly rigid rules without which
school is inconceivable. I disagree with
the prevalent theory in being not at all
sure that women who are mothers make
the best teachers. And I am not sure
that women who have taught children
in class make the best mothers. In the
externals of method and discipline they
may have the advantage. But it is
absurd to suppose that the principles
which guide a woman in charge of the
little community of the classroom are
the relations which should subsist be-
tween the mother and the handful of
children of her own body.
in
An exceedingly complex subject,
this question of the freedom of the
child. I am not sure that I understand
it. Neither am I sure that the militant
advocates of the freedom of the child
understand it. At any rate, in so many
arguments concerning the rights of the
child, I find a lurking argument for
the rights of the parents as against the
child. The great implication seems to
be that the modern way for a mother to
love her children is to have the teach-
er love them for her. The modern way
to train the child is to deny him the
indulgences which he, as the victim of
several tens of thousands of years of
foolish practice, has learned to expect
from his parents. The freedom of the
child seems to demand that he shall be
restrained in the desire for personal
communion with his parents which may
interfere with the latter's freedom to
realize themselves in their own adult
interests ; whereas at school the child
must not be restrained in going about
the serious business of his life. There
must be method and discipline in the
matter of a child's sitting up after sup-
per to wait for father from the office;
but he must be allowed the utmost free-
dom in learning to read numbers up to
1000 and Roman numerals up to XX.
No fetters must be imposed upon Har-
old's personality when he is studying
the date of the discovery of America,
but there are rigorous limitations on
the number of minutes he is to frolic
with me in bed or to interrupt me at
the typewriter when I am engaged in
SCHOOL
551
rapping out copy which the world could
spare much more easily than Harold's
soul can spare a half-hour of commun-
ion with me.
Am I wrong in thinking of the reor-
ganized child-life a la Bernard Shaw as
a scheme under which the schoolboy
with shining face creeps unwillingly
home and little girls do samplers say-
ing, * God bless our School ' ? Home, a
phalanstery of individuals, mature and
immature, with sharply defined rules
against mutual intrusion. School, a
place with no rules of conduct save
those working secretly, — an anarchy
saved from complete chaos by a con-
cealed benevolent despotism a la Mon-
tessori. The advanced child-cult urists
puzzle me. In life they just adore self-
realization in the face of adverse cir-
cumstances. In life they believe that
character-building is attained by man's
knocking his head against his environ-
ment, and love for liberty is nourished
only under despotism. Why not apply
the same logic to the child in school?
What sort of mental and moral fibre
is developed by having the child in con-
flict with nothing in particular? How
can any one, child or adult, revolt
against the mush of the super-Froebel-
ian, super-Montessorian methods of
pedagogical non-resistance?
I know that I am now skirting the
edge of the familiar argument that
Latin conjugations are not an end in
themselves but a discipline. But I am
not interested in that mental training
which the modern individualists of
pedagogy are inclined to dismiss as
of little value, but in the formation of
character which they are so intimately
concerned with. If it is character reac-
tions that they demand, how, I repeat,
can a child react in the absence of op-
position? It is Mr. Shaw's grievance
against the English public school that
it made him forget a good deal of the
Latin he knew before he entered school.
This is, of course, a fatal argument.
Any system which would have filled
Bernard Shaw with Latin to the exclu-
sion of the qualities which have given
us^ Shaw, would stand condemned.
Whereas a scholastic system which set
up in the boy exactly the same kind
of Shavian reactions which are set up
by the present social system in the au-
thor of Fanny's First Play obviously
does not stand convicted of crushing
the child's individuality.
So I reassert my suspicion that much
of this clamor for the freedom of the
child arises from the desire to be spared
the trouble of regulating the child. We
are more sensitive than the English
parent who hands his boy over to the
boarding-school, yet we are not pre-
pared to shoulder the trouble of keep-
ing the boy at home. So we still send
him away, but insist that his school
shall be home, that he shall receive
from his schoolmaster the love we deny
him, and that respect for his individual
soul which it is impossible for any mass
institution to realize, and which only
the concentration of love and sacrifice
in the home can develop.
Incidentally, I am disconcerted by
the broad exceptions I am asked to
allow to the epoch-making generaliza-
tions of the revolutionary education-
ists. If you will recall that Mr. Shaw, in
his discourses on Parents and Children,
demands a reconstruction of schools,
of homes, and of parents, — in other
words, a new world-order, — and all in
the name of education, it is a setback
to have one of his disciples remark
that the master's statements are much
more true of England than of Amer-
ica, where children are not whipped
and are not so frequently sent off to
boarding-school at the age of six. But
what becomes then of the universal
nature of the Shaw argument? After
a powerful indictment against human
and social relations, we are reminded
552
SCHOOL
that the indictment will hold only for
the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland. The thought occurs that
the trouble may not be with human
nature but with the United Kingdom,
and that instead of revising the home
and parenthood and sex relations, we
might revise the British educational
system. It is as if I were to arise with
uplifted arms to heaven and cry out,
* Make a clean sweep of the past, O my
brethren; away with the superstitions
of family and church and courts and
the school. Substitute love and reason
for law and reticence, and a glorious
new age shall dawn for the people of
the Twenty-second Assembly District
in the County of New York!'
IV
I should be more vehement against
the complicated and expensive machin-
ery of Montessorians and Eurythmi-
cians if I believed their methods to be
really as efficacious as people would
have me believe. I should then protest
against the refinements of an educa-
tional system which were within the
reach only of the privileged few. I am
enough of a sans-culotte to grow angry
at the thought of all those beautifully
balanced systems of pedagogy, of edu-
cation through music and the dance
and rhythmic physical development,
which demand elaborate plants, expen-
sive teachers, and a leisureliness which
the state and the city can never sup-
ply to the children of the masses. If
I were a revolutionist of the ardent
type, I should be content to make
education difficult and expensive, and
then insist that all children have it.
But I am not a revolutionary optimist,
and until the modern state is prepared
to spend on its schools fifty times as
much as it does to-day, I resent the
tendency toward a double system of
education, one of joyous and harmonic
development for the children of the
rich and one of mechanical routine and
hard practicality for the other nine
children out of ten.
That is, I don't resent it. What I
mean is that I should resent it if the
advantages of the costly individualistic
system of the Montessorians and Eu-
rythmicians were really superior to the
ready-made-store-clothes education of-
fered to the children of the democracy.
The expensive educational systems are
not a cause but an effect. Any system
adopted by the rich for the education
of their children will result in the bring-
ing up of sanguine, self-assertive, har-
moniously developed thoroughbreds.
As between the graduate of the Eu-
rythmic schools of Jacques Dalcroze
and the graduate of Public School No.
55, Manhattan, I admit that the former
will approach much nearer to the Hel-
lenic ideal of free-stepping, graceful,
masterful individuality. But it is not
Montessori and Dalcroze who make
the child of the income-tax-paying
classes a superchild. It is the habit of
paying income tax that produces su-
perchildren. The mediaeval methods
of Eton and Harrow have been turning
out precisely the ideal product in the
shape of the English gentleman, if poise,
a rich appetite, and the assumption
of one's own supreme worth are what
you are striving for.
I am enough of a sans-culotte to have
been rather cast down when it was
decided to send Harold to a private
school. There were reasons enough.
The boy's health, upon experiment, was
not equal to the strain of a school-day
from nine till three in the afternoon
(actually, Harold's school-day began
at eight in the morning because of the
part-time system enforced by the over-
crowding of the classes, which Montes-
sori will have to take into considera-
tion). Harold's day now is from nine
till one, with a brief recess for play and
SCHOOL
553
an intermission for lunch if desired;
and a schedule of physical training,
nature-study, clay-modeling, basket-
weaving, and pageant rehearsals hold
out the promise that there will be no
overtaxing of the child's mind. (Once
more I fall victim to my antiquated
prejudices, when I imply that model-
ing in clay and sewing Indian costumes
do not involve a strain on the mind.
I know that the newer psychology and
the newer pedagogy have shown that
there is more cerebration involved in
cutting out paper patterns than in mem-
orizing the multiplication table. But
I am slave to the old vocabulary. The
reader forewarned will make the pro-
per deductions.)
Nevertheless I did feel a pang at sep-
arating Harold from the public school.
Emmeline laughed and asked whether
I was afraid that Harold would turn
out a snob. Perhaps I was a bit afraid
of that, but at bottom it was not fear
that Harold would go to the bad in the
private school, but that he would do
very well there. In other words, it was
the feeling I have just expressed,
whether it was fair that Harold should
be put into the way of having a very
delightful time at school, with light
hours under splendid hygienic condi-
tions and work reduced largely to play,
while so many children of his age can-
not afford such advantages. That is,
not advantages. As I have said, Har-
old will probably not get more out
of his small, carefully guarded classes
than the other children will get out of
the overcrowded classes in the public
school. But as a sign of social inequal-
ity the thing offended me. If you will,
you may call this a gospel of envy. But
in my heart I could not help taking
sides with the children of the disinher-
ited against Harold as a representative
of the exploiting classes.
As to the fear of Harold's turning in-
to a snob, that has long been shown to
be completely unfounded. On this sub-
ject Harold's itinerary from his school
to Belshazzar Court is illuminating ev-
idence. I have said that in the morning
Harold trots to school. In the morn-
ing Harold probably gets to school in
five minutes. Returning, it takes him
half an hour. Emmeline has questioned
him on the subject. It appears that in
returning from school Harold maps a
course due north by west by east by
south, so as to cover every local bit of
topography which comes within his
knowledge during the play hours of the
afternoon. He tacks around unneces-
sary corners. He beats his way up a
hill in the park which is a favorite tour-
ney place for the marble-players of the
vicinity. He skirts the shore of sev-
eral window-displays, to the contents
of which he has turned the conver-
sation at home on several occasions.
For five minutes at a time he is totally
becalmed against some smooth ex-
panse of brick wall excellent for hand-
ball practice, or on a sheltered corner
for a bit of preliminary knuckle exer-
cises with his agates and his 'immies.'
The White Wing flushing the pavement
engages Harold's attention for as long
as the work may seem to demand.
Then, having assured himself that the
world at one-thirty in the afternoon is
very much as he left it at six o'clock the
night before, he hastens to his lunch.
No, there is little danger of the boy's
growing up an aristocrat. The fierce
democracy of the Street has him in its
grasp. He chooses his playmates by
preference from the lower classes. He
is like Walt Whitman in the way he
singles out the dirtiest little boy in the
block and says to him 'Camerado.'
He takes the world of his fellow men as
he finds it. When Harold was first sent
off to school Emmeline was concerned
to find a nice little boy for him to play
with. She found one in a classmate of
Harold's. We invited him to the house
554
SCHOOL
and in half an hour a considerable por-
tion of the wall-paper in Harold's room
was hanging in fringes. But in spite of
a common basis of taste and tempera-
ment the two boys were not much to-
gether, for the very reason, I presume,
that their friendship had been to some
extent imposed on them from above.
No; Harold's tastes go down straight
to the foundations of our social struc-
ture. Without recognizing class dis-
tinctions, he would rather play marbles
with the son of a retail tradesman than
with the son of a college professor, with
the son of a janitor than with the son
of a store-keeper. If the janitor is a
Negro so much the better. The Negro
boys have an advantage over Harold
in the matter of tint at the beginning
of a game of marbles. But within half
an hour Harold has overcome the hand-
icap. If anything, his is the deeper
shade of brown, though his color is not
so evenly distributed. In such a guise
I can recognize Harold by a sort of in-
stinct. But the only way in which a
stranger could tell the child of Cau-
casian descent from the child of the
Hamite would be by measuring Har-
old's cephalic index.
It is a serious problem — the profits
of democracy and the price we must
pay. There are the obvious advant-
ages: the boy's education in the sense
of human fellowship without regard to
caste and color; his education in the
rough and ready but fairly equitable
laws of the street; his gain in self-confi-
dence and self-restraint in play; not to
mention the extremely beneficent ef-
fect on his appetite and his digestion.
I have watched the boy at his marbles
in the park, more eager, more drunken
with the joy of existence, than he is at
school or in the house. I have seen him
sprawl down on his knees and with the
pad of his palm and four outstretched
fingers measure off eight or ten horrible
hand-spaces in the dust from the hole
to his opponent's marble. I have seen
him rise from the earth like Antaeus,
triumphant but horribly besmirched,
with the blue of his eyes gleaming pi-
ratically through the circumjacent soil;
I have watched him and rejoiced and
had my qualms.
The price that Harold pays for de-
mocracy is in a slovenliness of speech
which I find offensive and Emmeline
finds utterly distracting. It seems a
pity to have his school drill in phonet-
ics arid the memorizing of good litera-
ture vitiated by the slurred and clipped
syllables of the street. Harold says, ' It
is me/ and frequently he says, 'It is
nut tin'.' The final g of the participle
has virtually disappeared from his vo-
cabulary. He sometimes says, 'I ain't
got nuttin'.' While Emmeline is dis-
tracted I am merely offended, because
I recall that there is a great body of
linguistic authority growing up in fa-
vor of Harold's democratic practices in
phonetics and grammar. When Harold
says, 'It is me,' Professor Lounsbury
should worry. By the time Harold
grows up it will probably be good gram-
mar to say, 'I ain't got nothing.' By
the time Harold grows up, the Deca-
logue, in its latest recension, will read,
'Thou shalt not have none other gods
before I,' and, 'Thou shalt not bear
no false witness against none of thy
neighbors.' I must not forget that
whereas I was brought up on Mat-
thew Arnold, De Quincey, and Ste-
venson, Harold is growing up in the
age of John Masefield. If literature is
to be racy of the soil — and for that
matter if not only our speech and our
literature, but our morals and our so-
cial outlook are to be racy of the soil -
if in every section of life the cry is to be
back to the land, to the primitive, to
the unashamed, sex-education, untram-
SCHOOL
555
meled art, democracy at its broadest,
if - - well, what I mean is that in any
civilization based upon close contact
with the soil Harold will not be lost.
Soil is right in his line.
I am less concerned with the effect of
the street upon Harold's vernacular
because the boy seems gratefully im-
mune against the more sordid aspects
of the open-air life. His phonetics and
grammar are deteriorating, but there
is no trace of foulness in his speech or
in his thoughts. The reason is that Har-
old's open-air activities are confined
entirely to play. His democracy centres
about the ball ground and the marble
pit. His absorption in games is so com-
plete — too complete to judge by the
nervous exhaustion it sometimes brings
— that it leaves no leisure or incli-
nation for idle speech. His technical
vocabulary of the game is complete.
I sometimes marvel at the ease with
which he has mastered the patois of
sport — those cabalistic words which,
shouted at the proper moment, signify
that Harold prefers to let his marble
rest and have his opponent shoot at
him, or that he has chosen to mark off
so many hand-spaces in the dirt and
shoot at his opponent. But once the
game is done he comes upstairs. He
does not share in the peripatetics of the
gang, and he knows absolutely nothing
of the premature intimacies of street
childhood with the bitterness of life.
On the whole I find the balance is in
favor of marbles and democracy.
Harold in the open air is an exceed-
ingly important factor and a badly ne-
glected one in present-day discussion
of the child. The talk is either of the
school or the home. If play is taken
into account it is the regulated play of
the school-ground. Yet the street, as
the citadel of the liberties of the child,
is overlooked. Take the actual ques-
tion of hours in Harold's day. He
spends nearly twelve hours in bed,
from seven to seven. He spends two
hours, almost, at his meals. He spends
four hours at school. He spends five
hours, at least, in play. Under such an
arrangement all talk about the despo-
tism of school and the despotism of
parents loses meaning to me. I have
shown that the boy's school-life is hap-
py. But even if it were not, even if his
body and soul were subjected to the
tyrannies Mr. Bernard Shaw calls up,
those twelve hours of sleep and five
hours of play are a reservoir of physi-
cal and spiritual recuperation which
would make life more than tolerable to
Harold. On the whole I think I am
not less sensitive than Harold to pain
and oppression. But if my employer
were to let me sleep twelve hours in
the twenty-four and play five hours
and spend two hours at table, I should
consider myself a very happy man.
I have reserved my confession for
the very last. I find it difficult to take
school at Harold's age — or for that
matter at any age — seriously enough
to grow extremely agitated over its
problems. Montessori or Dr. Birch —
the difference is not vast. Naturally I
do not go as far as Mr. Squeers. School
is just a ripple on the surface of the
ocean of young life and feeling, and
whether the ripple shapes after the
Froebel pattern or the Montessori
wrinkle, makes little difference to the
depths below. I can make the asser-
tion with confidence about Harold
without any very precise knowledge of
what are the depths in him.
ITALY'S POSITION
HV (JF.OHGF, H. MrCLKLLAN
TIIK llalinn declaration of ncutralit v
in the present \var, coining as i( did
most unexpectedly, was receixed xxhh
\.n\ing ('motions in the chancelleries
«>f Kuropc. (iermanx and Austria, \\ ho
had exidenlly counted on the actixe
siipporl of an Italian army, scarcdx
xeiled their disappointment in an ur-
gent although correctly worded protest
made by their ambassador at Home,
while Kngland, France, and Russia
\xere almost hysterically delighted on
receiving the news that thcx had one
less enemy to deal with.
While the exact terms of the Triple*
Alliance have never been publicly an-
nounced, the German-Austrian protest
\\as predicated on the assumption thai
under them any (\>o of the allies xxere
required to defend the third in the
ex cut of an attack upon the latter.
Ut hough Germany hat! declared war
against France, it was lie-Id that certain
alleged acts of aggression committed
by France constituted an attack upon
Germany xxithin the meaning of the
treaty of alliance.
To this protest the Italian Foreign
Minister, the Marchese di San Giuli-
ano, replied that the acts complained
of hail unquestionably been otVset bx
similar acts on the part of (Jermanx.
and that, petty incidents aside, the
xital fact remained that (lermanx had
declared war against France, xxhich in
the judgment of the Italian j-.oxcrn-
ment absolx««il Italy from taking an\
part in the xxar as a member ot the
iplic*'. Sii'.nore (liolitli. the former
Italian Prime Minister, xxenl e\en fur
ther than this, and xxas quoted bx the
Italian ncxvspapers as saying that in
his judgment Italx \\ould haxc been
perfectly justified as a member of the
Triple Alliance in remaining neutral,
oven had Germany or Austria been
actually and openly attacked.
Apart from the purely academic dis
(Mission as to xxhat possible benefit to
its members the Triple Alliance could
have afforded under Signore Giolit-
ti's interpretation, the chief interest of
those concerned in Italian affairs has
been confined to speculation on the
probable cause of llalx's action. The
present Italian gox eminent has on the
one hand been accused of selfishness,
and on the other hand has been praised
for its patriotism and statesmanship.
Asa matter of fact both critics and
admirers are partly right and partly
wrong.
To any one familiar xxith Italian
affairs and recent Italian political his
lory, the underlying causes of the ac-
tion of the Salandra minis! rx hax e been
more or less ohx ions. Signore Salandra
and his colleagues declared the neutral
itx of Italy because they believed
such action to be for tin* best int«
ests of their country, and because cir-
cumstances alloxx ed them no option in
the matter.
To understand their reasons, it is
necessarx to understand Italx 's original
altitude loxxard the Triple Alliance,
which has prohahh been ended forexcr
bx the declaration of unixersal war.
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of isilT wan i..ii.«uod by a perio.i of
in.i.. IMM! deeressbft which ««. iti turn'
W«s rdloWtd DyiimUv i- riodm ton nn<l
twenty ywi-N IMI.-I inni autu ««-. «-«\t-
efforti of Si&nort < 'iispi'« «ue-
Imve been direi i«--i to
....... UtUioUMl Jrv, •!,,,,..». ut Ml I...UH-
ol' lM.lu-.lMMl MM. I , oiUllirn
, lMil.«-i (li:ni IM P..I.I..M! ad-
i (...,,,(.»! :llt|,.:l.|
Thr Tnplr. \llcui. r \\nv i. n, u, ,1
uix-n H rx,.,.. ,i. MM, i M. gupporl "fita
IM...M- MMMN MM. I MM\ N U. 'I.' M.MIMlilifted
ill irMlU -i, -MI n:iii.<M:il nnrrid* <• Italy
I.M.I uiumed HM^ obligation! "I'agreat
, u u limit a ^"-='< i"'"cr*i re-
; but like a family of moderate
meant iMoetfctinf with
i,. , onftM Kei p.M.-rty
driiadi >«i h, , own . i:^s. SK.-
to m&fc IYWJ lai rtfit a at
li =oul '.Kuup in lu-.j h,>u^e»
M i" maki :» mow .«r leu
MJ'P' -:U:IM, I :iiu,M\g h^ ff» 1»
SI-.MM 1:1(1
Haly*« wtHilth in i^p"i'> IM
it undoubted^ true
ten x-eawii«-«
MMMll.-l ,«1 M , .MUMl N .>( peat ''lul ,1, V. I
.-pnioni. «.!>«•• ^ iti undoubtedly bet OBM
in foot tl\o (irst-rl{\ss DOWfJ «!»:»» M):IU\
tmftfmf i" ' to '"
MI, i.'M-.r.l M. M.I.U \. M, IM
i i"<>, .--I IN
Ml lIlO -.MIUO poriod} "I MM tnt I. M -.,'. Ml
l...(ll eXpOrtl Mil. I MUp.Ml'. .llMMUr llto
decade of] UO^,S^^UMMA, -SA pel
At I hiring tl\oi«wun«Mlr. M.loihoni, M
latioii ..i ii.-i i-MMivrt hn.M In. reaied (row
I ... i.^KMWMWO i,. I ... •.-
pt wrvt from i In s(W,cW!>.
1,661^79,000, and their dh-
l..-.n Ufe ^1(IS.r»M7,tMH) to 1,.
')-).:, ,,.,)„(,. uln!. .h. MM...MMI
DOlit in llio I'oMlrtl SMMM-.
m. ..:>'.! In. m I iro H(W,<^4,H,'t tO
I^t l|Mi|56l|ISSl Mil. I (llO HMM.U , ..I
depotitort from I.IMMI.AHS mA.7so,oio
During the lam v«.> years i» ••• mil-
waythavtinoreaaedthel] pM^pn^-' ••
oeipUfroffl Lire lft4.tui.iMio ,„
... i.noyiH.fUiMM»o ... i-)i ;. :1M1]
IVelglu rteelpti from Ure 146,115,000
to i Ire Wl,8il,000i while (ten I-MK
i.. I'M • i,,.., MI. -i, I.MMI marine "•. reaaed
from 68,870,7?^ ton* to
tonii
In MMM, «Tft.:i:^» llM
M. TOM III'' '.(^ftg, WWlo I. -M X. Ml'. I:H. I
iii, numbei "i iran»«oer:nii. emtgranti
ereas^i <•» 444,7Ho. ••! uii..in
went to iiranil, 107,048 to the
558
ITALY'S POSITION
Plata, 310,991 to the United States,
and 2906 elsewhere. It has been esti-
mated that the Italian emigrants an-
nually send back to the mother country
some $50,000,000, of which probably
$35,000,000 comes from the United
States, while another $25,000,000 is
annually spent in Italy by foreign
tourists.
Though the sulphur industry has not
recovered from its collapse of some years
ago, and is in a far from flourishing
condition, the production of the lead,
silver, and zinc mines has increased
50 per cent in ten years. Manufactures
are in a most prosperous condition
generally, showing large increases in
the last decade. The output of silk has
remained almost stationary, but the
production of chemicals, beet-sugar,
spirits, and beer, has more than
doubled. Italy's lack of coal has been
largely compensated by the develop-
ment of her water-power, the number
of ettowatt hours having increased
from 454,634,034 in 1903 to 1,826,740,-
838 in 1913, or over 300 per cent.
Three years ago Signore Giolitti, the
Prime Minister, deeming Italian eco-
nomic conditions sufficiently satisfac-
tory for his purpose, resolved to put
the finishing touches to the structure
of Italian nationality so carefully
erected by his predecessors. Whatever
may have been the immediate cause of
the Italian-Turkish War, its underlying
reason was undoubtedly the desire of
the Italian government to complete the
work of national unification by means
of a fervid appeal to the patriotism of
the people in calling upon them to fight
for Italy. For the moment Signore
Giolitti's policy seemed triumphantly
successful. With Tripoli and Cyrenaica
Italian colonies, Italians began to pic-
ture themselves embarked upon a
career of world-conquest and of empire
beyond the seas, with the glories of
Imperial Rome reincarnate under the
aegis of the House of Savoy. But the
enthusiasm of victory and the dreams
of military prowess were soon forgotten
in the dull reality of paying the costs
of conquest.
ii
While Italy had been developing
toward nationhood a revolution had
been quietly taking place on Italian
soil, which, scarcely noticed and hardly
understood, had completely changed
the form of Italian political life. Until
recently, modern Italy, like all self-
governing countries during the last
half of the nineteenth century, had been
ruled by a middle-class aristocracy, a
bourgeois ruling caste, composed of
merchants and shopkeepers, lawyers,
physicians, and other professional men,
who, by means of a limited franchise,
were able to exclude the vast majority
of the people from any share in gov-
ernment. But the proletariat, so long
dormant, at last awakened to self-con-
sciousness, and to a realization of its
power, and the last Giolitti ministry
was forced to grant universal manhood
suffrage. The first election under the
changed conditions was held last year,
and inaugurated a new era in Italian
history.
Despite the growing prosperity of
Italy, the burdens of taxation have
been constantly growing. The cost of
the Triple Alliance has progressed
greatly during the last ten years, and
has made Italy one of the most heavi-
ly taxed countries in Europe, in pro-
portion to her population. In 1890,
the first year of the existence of the
treaty, the total revenues of the king-
dom were Lire 1,540,001,000, the total
expenditures were Lire 1,617,241,000;
twenty-five years later (1912-13) the
revenue had increased to Lire 2,528,-
874,000 (about 40 per cent), and the
expenditures to Lire 2,536,488,000
ITALY'S POSITION
559
(about 37 per cent), while from 1901
to 1911, the population had increased
only 6.6 per cent.
The increased cost of living, due to
many causes other than increased tax-
ation, coupled with a disproportionate-
ly small increase in wages, spread a
spirit of great discontent throughout
proletarian Italy, which found its first
opportunity of effective expression at
the first election held under universal
suffrage. Dissatisfied Italians are no-
thing if not thorough in the means they
employ in the effort to redress their
grievances. There are four political
parties in Italy which are frankly revo-
lutionary and seek by varying methods
to overturn the House of Savoy and
the constitution. The Republicans
and Socialists took part in the last elec-
tion with the avowed purpose of using
the present constitution for its own
undoing: in other words, with the ex-
pressed intention of bringing about the
social revolution by peaceful and quasi-
constitutional means. The anarchists
and syndicalists declined to go to the
polls, preferring to follow a policy
of propaganda by act; in other words,
they seek to overturn society by any
unlawful means, such as the general
strike or open and active violence.
These four revolutionary parties work
in sympathy and harmony with one
another, and probably include a large
majority of the Italian proletariat.
in
At the meeting of the first Parlia-
ment elected under universal suffrage
Signore Giolitti found himself con-
fronted by a Chamber of Deputies con-
taining more than a third of Socialist
and Republican members, supported
outside by a large, well-organized, and
enthusiastic constituency, composed of
all the revolutionary elements, and a
constitutional majority composed of
several minority groups held together
in a 'bloc* by the force of Signore
Giolitti's personality, by gratitude for
favors already given, and by the hope
of favors yet to come.
Signore Giolitti is the most experi-
enced, the most resourceful, and the
ablest politician in Italian public life.
He has been four times prime minister,
and during the intervals between his
ministries he has made and destroyed
governments almost at will. For fif-
teen vears he has been the dictator, or
V
rather the * boss,' of Italy. When he
came back to power after the general
election the problem before him was
peculiarly difficult. His hold upon the
Chamber, and therefore upon political
life, was more precarious than ever in
his career. For the first time he was
confronted by a well-organized and
uncompromising opposition, which re-
fused to be pacified and declined to
be bought. His own followers were
frightened by the strength of their op-
ponents, and like all middle-class poli-
ticians were inclined to compromise
with the proletariat on the first trial
of strength.
Two questions gave him the great-
est cause for alarm. The first was the
demand of the admirably organized
union of the employees in the state
railways for an increase in their pay,
amounting to nearly Lire 15,000,000.
The second was the necessity of meet-
ing the deferred payment of the cost
of the Turkish War.
It was generally recognized that the
railway employees were pitifully un-
derpaid ; but with a deficit in the bud-
get, and with the highest passenger
and freight rates on earth, the prob-
lem of granting the demand of the men
presented very serious difficulties.
The question of paying the price of
victory over the Turks was even more
delicate. Signore Giolitti's friends had
made the boast that the war in Tripoli
560
ITALY'S POSITION
was fought without borrowing a penny,
and without increasing taxation. The
statement was at the time generally
believed, and Signore Giolitti acquired
much fame as a remarkable financier.
He naturally dreaded the repercussion
upon his own fortunes of the discovery
of the actual state of affairs. He and
his supporters insisted that the sacri-
fice entailed by membership in the
Triple Alliance had been more than
compensated by the complaisance of
Germany and Austria in keeping the
ring while Italy and Turkey fought.
These financial sacrifices in the past
were, they claimed, the only cost of
the Turkish War. As a matter of fact,
while the Giolitti ministry borrowed
no money abroad, it did borrow money
at home by the issue of treasury notes
to the amount of about Lire 250,000,-
000, which of course, have had to be
redeemed. There has been a general
impression among Italians that by
some mysterious financial magic the
Turkish war was paid for out of econo-
mies. It actually cost, from the begin-
ning of hostilities up to December 31,
1913, Lire 1,149,758,000, or, roughly,
$230,000,000. In addition to this the
new colonial budget, including the cost
of the desultory war, which still re-
quires the presence of 100,000 men in
Africa, amounts for the present year
to Lire 84,000,000, making the increase
in the army budget for this year, in
a time of nominal peace, the sum of
Lire 250,000,000.
Signore Giolitti is no longer young,
his health was not of the best, and
he was tired of office. The pro-
blems before him, problems of his own
creation, were more than he cared
to attempt to solve, and quite unex-
pectedly he resigned. He shifted the
burdens of power to the shoulders of
Signore Salandra, a deputy, who had
held office in a previous government.
Signore Salandra retained three mem-
bers of the last Giolitti cabinet, includ-
ing the Marchese de San Giuliano as
Foreign Minister.
The Salandra government began its
career by dodging responsibility wher-
ever it was possible. The grievances of
the railway servants were referred to
a commission, with the promise to the
men that some increase would be made
in the rates of pay, while the increases
in the budget were laid at the door of
Signore Giolitti and his colleagues.
Signore Salandra was beginning to
dream of a quiet and uneventful official
career when the syndicalist general
strike of last June rudely awakened
him. The general strike disclosed the
fact that the anti-dvriastic and revolu-
«/
tionary forces in Italy are so well or-
ganized and so powerful that no gov-
ernment can afford to ignore them. For
two days all Italy, and for a week Ro-
magna and the Marches, lay at the
mercy of the mob.
Speculation as to how a man of
blood and iron might have dealt with
the situation is of little interest in com-
parison with actual events. Signore Sa-
landra appears to have been so fearful
of losing his majority in the Chamber
of Deputies that he permitted the strike
to run its course, until the strike lead-
ers in their own good time brought it
to an end.
On the adoption of the budget, Par-
liament was prorogued and Signore
Salandra, somewhat weakened in pub-
lic estimation by his handling of the
general strike, turned his attention to
repairing the damage to his political
reputation caused by a week of law-
lessness.
IV
It was fortunate for Italy that when
her two allies, Germany and Austria,
went to war without consulting her
and with an unexpectedness that has
no parallel in history, she had at the
ITALY'S POSITION
561
head of her Department of Foreign Af-
fairs one of her few statesmen. The
Marchese di San Giuliano is a Sicilian,
the head of an old and wealthy family,
whose estates are near Catania, on the
northern slope of Etna. He was trained
by Francesco Crispi, and has had wide
experience in the Chamber of Depu-
ties, in diplomacy, in the Department
of Foreign Affairs, and in the Senate,
where he now sits. More than almost
any man in contemporaneous Italian
public life, he has the faculty of gaug-
ing public opinion and of understand-
ing just how far government can go
with popular support. He has unques-
tionably been of the most vital serv-
ice to his country, and to his chief, in
solving the crisis precipitated by the
declaration of war.
The problem which confronted the
Salandra ministry was two-fold: first,
what was its duty to the allies of Italy?
second, what was its duty to Italy her-
self?
The first branch of the problem was
of comparatively easy solution : neither
Germany nor Austria-Hungary had
been attacked, in fact they had delib-
erately and in cold blood brought on
the war. Italy as a faithful ally was
therefore left free either to join them or
to remain neutral ; and for reasons that
will presently appear she chose the
latter course.
The second part of the problem was
far more complicated, but neverthe-
less was capable of only one possible
answer, for the objections to her join-
ing the allies were quite as obvious as
were the advantages of neutrality.
The objections were sentimental,
economic, and political. The Triple
Alliance has never been popular with
the Italian people. It has, to be sure,
flattered their pride to feel that their
friendship has been sought by two of
the great nations of the earth; and when
Crispi concluded the Triplice, Italians,
VOL. 114 ^NO. 4
closing their eyes to realities, deluded
themselves with the belief that mem-
bership in the alliance necessarily made
them the equal of their allies. It was,
however, not long before they found a
disposition on the part of their two
associates, and especially on that of
Germany, to treat Italy, not as their
equal, but as the junior partner in the
firm.
The losses of the tariff war with
France, which deprived Italy of her
best market for wine, and which was
the indirect outcome of the Triple
Alliance, were never made good by her
connection with the two Teutonic pow-
ers; so that years ago Italians had
begun to ask themselves whether the
loss of French commercial friendship,
and the sacrifices they were obliged to
make in supporting a great army and
navy, were not too large a price to
pay for the German and Austrian
alliances.
t
The act of good will which permitted
Italy to fight Turkey without fear of
outside complications scarcely made
amends for what the Triple Alliance
had cost her in direct expenditure and
in indirect loss. But most potent of all
the reasons for the unpopularity of the
Triple Alliance is the racial fact, which
from the beginning of all time has made
it impossible for the Latin and Teuton
either to understand or like each other.
Added to this is the more recent but
more intense hatred of the Italians for
the Austrians. Every Italian believes
that the Trentino and Trieste ought to
belong to Italy. The spirit of nation-
ality will not down, and so long as the
Austrian Italians call to their brothers
across the border to come and deliver
them from the Austrian yoke, the
spirit of Italia Irredenta will dictate
the reply. Were the matter to be left
to a vote of the Italian people, they
would far rather march against Austria
for the liberation of their brothers than
562
ITALY'S POSITION
with Austria for the conquest of the
world.
Economically the risk of war was
greater than any possible gain. For
the first time in the history of modern
Italy she finds herself on a really sound
industrial basis. With expanding man-
ufactures and commerce, with agricul-
ture flourishing, and with a general and
marked increase in prosperity, she has
at last definitely emerged from eco-
nomic medievalism into the new and
modern conditions of contemporaneous
Europe. She is already holding her
own with her industrial rivals in many
fields of endeavor, and given a few more
years of successful effort, she ought to
be able to appropriate for herself a
large share of the world market in
directions which she is rapidly making
peculiarly hers.
It is not surprising that the capi-
talistic and industrial classes of Italy
saw no allurement in the suggestion
of gambling the certainty of econo-
mic prosperity against the possibility
of military glory.
Strong as were the sentimental and
economic objections to following the
fortunes of the Triple Alliance, the
political objections were even more
insuperable.
For sentimental and economic rea-
sons the Salandra ministry felt that
they ought not to go to war, for politi-
cal reasons they felt that they could
not. Under certain conditions it might
have been possible sufficiently to over-
come the anti-Teutonic prejudice of
the Italian people, so that they would
have given a half-hearted support to
the Triplice; it might even have been
possible to reconcile the bourgeoisie to
the necessary economic loss involved
in an unpopular war; but it is extremely
doubtful if Signore Salandra could have
obtained the support of the proletariat
in a war waged against another Latin
nation.
The general strike of last June, re-
vealing as it did the marvelous organ-
ization and discipline of the Italian
proletariat, demonstrated beyond per-
adventure the existence of an Italy
within Italy, of which until then the
rulers had been absolutely ignorant.
The Italian proletariat have other
fish to fry than foreign conquests. They
are engaged in the effort to overthrow
the existing form of government at
home, peacefully if possible, forcibly if
necessary. They have no sympathy
either with the desires of the Haps-
burgs or with the ambitions of the
Hohenzollerns, regarding both as the
natural enemies of laboring men in
general and of Italians in particular.
The only inducement which would
cause them to throw their influence on
the side of the war, would be some
strong appeal to their passions or their
imagination. They generally supported
the war with Turkey, while it lasted,
as they were inspired by the hope of a
renewal of Italian world-power. When
Tripoli had been conquered and the
proletariat discovered that they were
no nearer greatness than before, they
forgot their disillusionment and the
hope of foreign conquest, and once
more turned their thoughts to the so-
cial revolution within the boundaries
of their own country.
The natural impulsive chivalry of the
Italian nature would undoubtedly cause
the proletariat to sink their domestic
differences, and fly to arms were their
national or racial sympathies awak-
ened. No government would have the
slightest difficulty in carrying with it
the vast majority of the Italian peo-
ple in a war against Austria in defense
of the Italians of Trieste or the Tren-
tino, or against Germany in behalf of
the Latins of France. But no govern-
ITALY'S POSITION
563
ment would find it possible to unite the
country in a war of aggression against
nations of the Latin race, or to count
on the support of the Italian masses in
any war, unless their sympathies or
passions were aroused. There can be
no question that Signore Salandra real-
ized that a declaration of war against
Russia or France would have been the
signal for a general strike in Italy,
which might have resulted in the fall
of the dynasty.
Manifest as were the objections to
war, the advantages of neutrality were
equally so. During hostilities Italy is
in a position to lose less than any other
neutral. It is almost inconceivable
that her neutrality should be uninten-
tionally violated, while it would be to
no power's advantage to violate it
intentionally. Happily surrounded by
sea on all sides but one, she is protected
on the north by the natural barrier of
the Alps, reinforced by the buffer neu-
tral state of Switzerland between Ger-
many and a part of Austria and herself.
On the northwest she touches south-
eastern France, and on the northeast,
southwestern Austria, — in both cases
belligerent territory, it is true, but far
removed from the scene of war. None
of the belligerents wants her sword
thrown in the scale against it, while all
know that, failing her active support,
her neutrality is of vital importance.
She is in the delightful position of being
feared and courted by all, with nothing
to lose and everything to gain by her
neutrality.
So long as the war lasts Italy must
necessarily be one of the chief sources
of supply for both sides, as her ports
are open and her shipping, so much as
there is of it, is free to carry freight
and passengers to and from all parts
of the world. Her manufactures, her
commerce, and her agriculture will be
greatly stimulated, and should hostili-
ties last for any time, will receive an
impetus which will endure afterwards.
No matter who wins she must profit,
for she is like a broker in an active
market, who. makes his commissions,
no matter whether prices rise or fall.
Should Germany and Austria con-
quer, on the dismemberment of France
which will follow conquest, Italy will
probably fall heir to Nice and Savoy,
taken from her by Napoleon III over
half a century ago, as the price of his
friendship in her quarrel with Austria;
not that Germany loves Italy, but be-
cause, in dismembering France, it will
be necessary to take Nice and Savoy
from her, and Italy is the only power
to whom they can be given. Whereas,
if Germany and Austria lose, the
Trentino and Trieste with the control
of the Adriatic, and possibly Albania,
will very naturally be the payment for
Italian neutrality.
Both victor and vanquished will
emerge from the war in a greater or less
degree of exhaustion, while most of
the neutrals will have suffered severe-
ly from the cost of defending their
neutrality. Italy, if wisely guided, will,
on the other hand, find herself on the
conclusion of peace more prosperous
than ever, with her people more united
than at any time since the beginning
of the Turkish War, with her dynasty
more popular than in years, and with
discontent, for the moment at least,
somnolent; more respected and hon-
ored among the nations; more power-
ful, — • in short, appreciably nearer the
realization of her dream of becoming a
first-class power.
Of course, the plans of the Salan-
dra ministry may at any moment come
to nothing. Some utterly unexpected
event may completely upset the calcu-
lations of the government. The sym-
pathy of the Italians for the French,
and their growing sympathy for the
English, together with their antipathy
to the Teutons, may cause an uprising
564
ITALY'S POSITION
of the people on behalf of France and
England, should Germany crush them.
While on the other hand, the disgust
of the Austrians at Italian neutrality
may at any moment precipitate a crisis
which will lead to hostilities.
It does not, however, seem probable
that Italy will depart from the course
she has set herself. The costs and diffi-
culties of war and the advantages of
neutrality are both so great that Italy
will undoubtedly prefer to be ruled
by national self-interest rather than by
any passing emotion.
It may be urged, as it has been by
the Germans and Austrians, and also
by a section of the French and English
press, that in remaining neutral Italy
has been influenced entirely by selfish
motives. The German and Austrian
newspapers have called upon her to
remember her treaty obligations and
declare for the Triple Alliance; the
English and French newspapers have
urged her to listen to the call of old
friendships and declare for the Triple
Entente. Both, however, ignore the
fact that a nation's first duty is to
itself, and that no government has
the right to allow sentiment to in-
terfere with the duty it owes its own
people.
In proclaiming neutrality, the Sal-
andra ministry strictly adhered to the
letter and the spirit of the Triple
Alliance. To have fought with Ger-
many and Austria would have been
quixotic; to have fought against them
would have been wrong. Neutrality
was, in every way, not only the best
policy that Italy could have followed,
but as we have seen, it was probably
the only course open to the government
at the time.
There is, moreover, in Italian neu-
trality a moral advantage to the world
at large that ought not to be ignored.
If it is strictly maintained, when the
proper time comes she will be able to
offer her services as mediator to both
sides, with more prospect of success
than any other neutral could possibly
have.
It may very well be that in this war
of extermination one side or the other
will win so conclusively that mediation
will be out of the question. Should the
Teutons conquer overwhelmingly, the
destruction of France will be inevit-
able; while, should the Teutons be
crushed, the dismemberment of both
the German and the Austro-Hungar-
ian empires will follow as a matter of
course. In either event the victor will
scarcely tolerate the services of the
peacemaker.
But should the war result in the gen-
eral financial and physical prostration
of both combatants, — and such an
outcome is not impossible, — our very
civilization will be menaced unless a
satisfactory peace can be concluded.
Any arrangement for the cessation of
hostilities that is not conclusive will
result in a renewal of the war at the
moment that either side has sufficiently
recovered to take the field once more.
Under such conditions a lasting peace
can be brought about only by a neutral
power, and of the neutrals hardly any is
likely to be of use. The smaller powers,
including those of South America, do
not carry sufficient weight, while there
is a jealousy of the United States and a
prejudice against us in certain quarters
which would doubtless make our serv-
ices unacceptable.
Italy, on the other hand, would prob-
ably be least objectionable to the larg-
est number of powers. Her influence is
important, and her strength is great.
If she can preserve even the semblance
of the friendship of the belligerents, she
will be in the best possible position to
assist them in the settlement of their
differences, whenever conditions may
arise which will make such settlement
possible.
ITALY'S POSITION
565
VI
The early history of the Salandra
ministry did not give promise of very
great strength or of much capacity. It
was openly opportunist, inclined to
disingenuousness, and, to say the least,
neither vigorous nor particularly cour-
ageous. It followed a policy of post-
poning action whenever possible, and
of shifting responsibility to the far
broader shoulders of its predecessors.
Its course in reference to the demands
of the railway servants, the increased
military budget, and especially its
handling of the general strike, gave
faint hope to any friend of Italy that it
would be capable of rising to meet a
really great emergency.
But to the surprise of Europe, from
the moment that Austria served her
ultimatum on Servia an entirely new
spirit seemed to dominate the Italian
government. It set itself a definite
objective which it has pursued un-
swervingly ever since. Weakness gave
place to strength, hesitation to fixity of
purpose, and with a tact, a courtesy,
and a firmness worthy of the best dip-
lomatic traditions, it has gone about its
business serenely, unmindful alike of
the abuse of Germany and Austria and
of the blandishments of England and
France.
It can scarcely be unfair to Signore
Salandra to credit the change in the
conduct and character of his govern-
ment to his Minister of Foreign Affairs,
and it can safely be assumed that the
Marchese di San Giuliano is respon-
sible for the transformation of Italian
policy from vacillating weakness and
failure into what seems to be complete
success.
The very difficult task of preserving
neutrality could not have been begun
with more sagacity or a greater display
of wise statesmanship. Whether the
Marchese di San Giuliano is to suc-
ceed or fail time alone can tell. If he
fails he will at least know that he has
failed in a good cause, while if he suc-
ceeds the world will appreciate that
he has not only saved Italy but has
done much for the civilization of our
time.
THE KAISER AND HIS PEOPLE
BY KUNO FRANCKE
[Striving to maintain our impartiality in the
face of what seem to us arguments of incontro-
vertible strength, we have invited the following
paper from Professor Francke. — THE EDITORS.]
WHOEVER or whatever may have
been immediately responsible for the
terrible cataclysm, which in the midst
of harvest time, like a Doomsday of
nations, has befallen Europe and all
mankind, there can be no question that
German ascendancy of the last half cen-
tury has been its ultimate cause. It
therefore behooves Germans above all
others, with fear and trembling, but
without flinching or subterfuge, to
search their hearts and to ask them-
selves whether they can really go into
this conflict with a clear conscience
and with trust in the justice of their
cause.
Whether German diplomacy under
the regime of the present Emperor has
been equal to its task, whether its
efforts to guard and to increase the
Bismarckian legacy of 1870 have al-
ways been guided by Bismarckian fore-
sight and Bismarckian sense of the
attainable, is a question that only his-
tory will be able to decide. Certain it is
that the guidance of German destiny
since the retirement of the great Chan-
cellor has been confronted with well-
nigh insuperable difficulties. On the
one hand, a people brimming over
with physical and intellectual vitality,
flushed with military and industrial
success, eager for activity in every
field of enterprise and in all parts of the
globe. On the other hand, a formidable
array of obstacles against the peaceful
666
and natural expansion of this people:
France, unwilling to forget her national
humiliation, unequivocally refusing to
acknowledge the settlement of 1870 as
final, incessantly preparing for the day
of revenge, persistently attempting to
form threatening alliances against her
hated foe; England, nettled by German
business smartness, alarmed by Ger-
man naval strength, trying to isolate
and check and hem in the upstart in
his every move; Russia, deeply resent-
ful of the setback received at the Berlin
Congress in her march to Constanti-
nople, determined to use the Slav up-
heaval in the Balkans as a means of
pushing forward to the Adriatic, and
thereby throttling German influence
in the East. These are the interna-
tional difficulties under which the new
Germany has had to struggle onward.
What has been the consequence of
this oppressively difficult situation?
How has Germany met it ? What intel-
lectual and moral forces has this situa-
tion brought into play?
No unprejudiced observer of German
affairs, I believe, will deny that it is
this very difficulty of maintaining her
national preeminence which has given
to contemporary Germany a feeling of
solidarity and of public responsibility,
an eager earnestness, a concentrated
will-power, a sweep and momentum of
constructive imagination such as no
other nation of to-day possesses. After
centuries of national weakness and
obscurity, the German could at last
feel again that he was a part of a great
and progressive empire. Wherever he
THE KAISER AND HIS PEOPLE
567
went abroad — as farmer, as business
man, as colonial administrator, as sail-
or, as scholar and teacher — he felt be-
hind him this new empire, surround-
ed by rivalry and unfriendliness, but
steadfastly holding its own, steadfast-
ly working at the enrichment of its re-
sources, the improvement of its social
conditions, the strengthening of its
manhood. And when he returned to
his native land, he would see with joy
and gratitude that not only in military
organization, but in every kind of pub-
lic and private activity, in city-plan-
ning, in care for the poor, in industrial
cooperation, in scientific farming and
forestry, in research of every kind, in
every form of popular instruction, in
literature and the fine arts, Germany
was striding ahead of the rest of the
world.
Seldom has an individual been so
perfect an embodiment of a national
movement as Emperor William II is of
this new Germany. All his acts and
utterances have been inspired by the
one desire of developing German char-
acter to its utmost. It is impossible to
go through the four volumes of his
' Speeches and Addresses ' without be-
ing profoundly impressed with the in-
domitable striving for national great-
ness incarnated in this man. Richard
Wagner's Parsifal and the Nietzschean
Superman seem combined in him.
Every phase of life appeals to him; and
in every phase of life he wants his
Germans to excel.
He admonishes schoolboys to think
of what their country will need of them
when they are men, to abstain from
alcohol, to strengthen their bodies and
minds by hard work and hard sport,
to strive after that harmony of life
which the Greeks possessed and which
'is sadly lacking to-day.' He appeals
to school-teachers to make their pupils
above all at home in the things nearest*
at hand, to make achievement rather
than knowledge the goal of instruction.
He holds up to university students the
spiritual heroes of the German past,
from Walther von der Vogelweide to
Schiller and Goethe, and warns them
* not to waste their strength in cosmo-
politan dreams, or in one-sided party
service, but to exert it to make stable
the national idea and to foster the
noblest German thoughts.' His own
sons he urges to labor incessantly to
make themselves true personalities,
taking as their guide Jesus, ' the most
personal of all personalities,' to make
their work a source of joy to their fel-
lowmen, — 'for there is nothing more
beautiful than to take pleasure jointly
with others,' — and where this is im-
possible, to make their work at least
contribute something useful. Upon his
officers he impresses the extreme neces-
sity of firmness of character; for 'vic-
tories are won by spiritual strength.'
Addressing the large mine-owners of
Prussia, he insists that it is the duty of
the State to regulate 'the protection
which the workingman should enjoy
against an arbitrary and limitless ex-
ploitation of his labor; the limitation
of child-labor with reference to the dic-
tates of humanity and of the laws of
natural development; the position of
woman in the house of the laboring
man, which is morally and economical-
ly of the greatest importance for the
family life.'
Speaking to the professors of the
University of Berlin, he points out the
need of ' institutions that transcend the
limits of a university and serve no-
thing but research, free from the de-
mands made by instruction, although
in close touch with the university.'
At a gathering of German sculptors
and painters he proclaims that 'art
should be a help and an educational
force for all classes of our people, giv-
ing them the chance, when they are
tired after hard labor, of growing
568
THE KAISER AND HIS PEOPLE
strong by the contemplation of ideal
things. Attention to ideals is one of the
greatest tasks of culture, and all our
people must work at it, if we are to set
a good example to the other nations;
for culture, in order to do its task well,
must permeate every stratum of soci-
ety. But it cannot do this if art refuses
its help and pushes people into the
gutter instead of elevating them.'
The need of human fellowship and
mutual forbearance for national pur-
poses he impresses upon a Westphalian
audience by reference to personal expe-
riences : * During my long reign I have
had to do with many people, and have
suffered much at their hands; often
they have hurt me unconsciously, but
often also, I regret to say it, very inten-
tionally. When in such moments my
anger threatened to master me and I
was tempted to avenge myself, I have
asked myself, how best can wrath be
stilled and charity grow strong? I have
found only one answer, and that was
based on the observation that all men
are human and even if they hurt us,
they have souls given them from on
high, whither all of us wish to return.
Thanks to their souls, they too carry
with them parts of the Creator.' And
at the Prize Singing Contest at Frank-
fort, for male choruses, instituted by
him, in the presence of thousands of
singers of all classes of society he extols
the simplicity of the good old German
folk-song against the artificiality and
affectedness of modern tone-paintings,
and he thanks among the singers par-
ticularly the ' men of the brawny hand,
the large number of men who have
come from the hammer, the anvil, and
the forge. They must have sacrificed
to this work the sleep of many a
night.'
Perhaps the most impressive, how-
ever, of all these utterances and the one
most characteristic of contemporary
German feeling, is a passage from a
speech delivered soon after the Emper-
or's return from Palestine. * During
my stay in that foreign country, where
we Germans miss the woods and the
beautiful sheets of water which we
love, I often thought of the lakes of
Brandenburg and their clear sombre
depths, and of our forests of oaks and
pines. And then I said to myself, that
after all we are far happier here than
in foreign lands, although the people of
Europe often pity us. Surely, many
and varied experiences of an elevating
nature I have had in that country,
partly religious, partly historical, and
partly also connected with modern life.
My most inspiring experience, however,
was to stand on the Mount of Olives,,
and see the spot where the greatest
struggle ever fought in the world, the
struggle for the redemption of man-
kind, was fought out by one man. This
experience induced me to renew on
that day my oath of allegiance, as it
were, to God on high. I swore to do my
very best to knit my people together,
and to destroy whatever tended to dis-
integrate them.'
These are the utterances of an indi-
vidual. But they are typical of what
millions of Germans feel, what Ger-
many as a nation feels. Nothing could
be more erroneous than to think that
German ascendancy of the last genera-
tion has been merely industrial and
commercial. A new idealism, a substan-
tial enthusiasm for good government,
for social justice, for beauty and joy,
for fullness and richness of individual
character, have accompanied it.
Can there be any doubt that Ger-
many to-day is the best governed
country of the world? How utterly
absurd it is to speak of the present
conflict — as many American newspa-
pers do — as a conflict between mil-
itary despotism, represented by Ger-
many, and peaceful democracy, repre-
sented by the strange partnership of
THE KAISER AND HIS PEOPLE
569
Russia, Japan, England, and France.
How sad it is to see men like Bergson
and Maeterlinck so hopelessly deluded
as to invoke their countrymen against
* the German barbarians, the enemy of
mankind.' Where in Germany is there
a parallel to the travesties upon justice
to which the decisions of French courts
and juries, from the degradation of
Dreyfus to the acquittal of Mme.
Caillaux, have accustomed the world?
Where in Germany is there — or at
least has there been until this dreadful
War engulfed her — a brutalized pro-
letariat such as is the spectre of London
and Liverpool? Where in Germany is
there anything comparable to the as-
tounding corruption of official Russia,
made manifest in the Russo-Japanese
war? It is certainly not an accident,
that neither Syndicalism, so rampant
both in France and England, nor Anar-
chism, the terror of Russian autocracy,
has gained any foothold on German
soil. The enthusiasm for good govern-
ment, shared alike by Liberals, Con-
servatives, Clericals, and Socialists, has
prevented it. Indeed, the Emperor on
the one hand, the Socialist party on
the other, are the two most unimpeach-
able witnesses to the passionate Ger-
man zeal for good government.
The German Socialists of to-day are
something entirely different from what
they were thirty or forty years ago.
They have ceased to be revolution-
ary; they have become a party of
constructive reform. They contain
the intellectual and moral elite of the
German workingmen. They are per-
forming a most valuable service in
raising the standard of life and the
level of citizenship of the whole labor-
ing class. They are devoting their
energy, not to Utopian dreams or, as
the I. W. W. are doing in this country,
to the propaganda of destruction, but
to practical tasks of economic organ-
ization, such as the establishment of
vast cooperative societies and the intro-
duction of compulsory life-insurance
for all union members, and to educa-
tional enterprises of all sorts. As mem-
bers of the city councils in all the
larger German towns, they are exert-
ing a strong and wholesome influence
upon city administration all over the
Empire, and as the strongest single
party in the Reichstag they take an
important part in national legislation,
mostly with the opposition, but not
exclusively so. For it will be remem-
bered that the Socialist party voted
for the extraordinary tax bill of 1912,
needed to carry out the military reform
of that year. And it seems most prob-
able that the assertion of the German
Chancellor that the Socialist party in
the present catastrophe is loyally
standing by the national defense, is
literally true. Indeed, it was a mem-
ber of the Socialist party who, at the
special Reichstag session of August 4,
moved the adoption of the govern-
ment's bill for a war appropriation —
a motion which was carried without a
dissenting voice.
Only in one point have the Social-
ists unflinchingly and unrelentingly ar-
rayed themselves against the present
governmental system, and in doing so
they are laying bare the one grave
defect of imperial Germany: the ar-
rogance and overbearing of the mili-
tary and bureaucratic class. Closely
allied as this defect is with the sterling
rectitude and splendid efficiency of
German military and civil officials, it is
an anomaly in modern Germany. One
effect of the stupendous sacrifices to
which the entire nation is now being
summoned, will be to sweep away the
artificial barriers which until now have
prevented Germany from reaping the
full fruit of her otherwise unequalled
methods of government.
But it is not only in good govern-
ment and social efficiency that Ger-
570
THE KAISER AND HIS PEOPLE
many during the last forty years has
outstripped most other countries : Ger-
man ascendancy has also manifested
itself with striking rapidity and mas-
siveness in the things that make for
beauty and joy and the adornment of
life. While Paris architecturally still re-
tains the stamp of the second Empire,
London that of the Victorian era, and
while in the French provinces and the
smaller English towns building pro-
ceeds at a slow pace and along old lines,
Berlin, Hamburg, Bremen, Hanover,
Cologne, Kassel, Darmstadt, Frank-
fort, Nuremberg, Munich, not to speak
of many other German towns, have
undergone veritable revolutions during
the last generation: new city halls,
theatres, opera-houses, museums, uni-
versity buildings, hospitals, railway
stations, department stores,, stately
mansions and model cottages, have
arisen everywhere, and in it all a new
and typically German style of archi-
tecture seems to be developing. Much
of it is heavy. But there certainly is
not any longer that academic imita-
tion and formal eclecticism of pseudo-
Gothic and pseudo-Renaissance mem-
ory; there is abundant evidence of
original and powerful imagination, and
an unmistakable striving for stateli-
ness, proportion, symmetry, and sweep
of outline. And a similar reaching out
toward high goals is to be found in
the other arts.
What country is there in which the
drama, the opera, and the orchestra
exert as deep and noble an influence
as in Germany, with its multitude of
princely or civic theatres, its careful
training for the theatrical and musical
professions, its well-informed and rev-
erently receptive audiences? In what
other country could have happened
what Professor Max Friedlaender of
Berlin University told me happened to
him some years ago? He was invited
by a club of workingmen in the Krupp
iron works at Essen to deliver to them
a lecture on some musical subject. He
accepted the invitation, and held an
audience of more than a thousand
workmen and their families — most of
them undoubtedly of socialistic per-
suasion — for over an hour listening
attentively to his presentation of Jo-
hann Sebastian Bach. These men are
now in the regiments that have been
hurled against the forts of Liege and
Namur.
Finally. Is it a presumption to say
that there is more honest striving for
fullness of individual character in Ger-
many than in other countries? I be-
lieve that there is; and I believe that
this also is a part of that eager contest
for ascendancy in which Germany has
gradually outdistanced her neighbors
— outdistanced, but not threatened.
Is she now to be made to pay for all
her efforts at self-improvement? Have
these efforts not been more than merely
national achievements? Have they not
been a gain to humanity at large?
Must she defend these achievements
against a world in arms? If this desper-
ate situation has been brought about
by the very best there is in German
character, then it must be accepted as
part of the tragedy of human great-
ness; and the only help left to Germany
and her Emperor is to cling to the
Horatian, —
Si fractus illabatur orbis,
Impavidum ferient ruinae.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
HINDSIGHT
SUPPOSE that those having the ad-
ministratiom of affairs in Germany had
thought more of future generations
than of present glory and prowess and
might, and suppose that they had been
of a disposition to look at things from
a philosophical standpoint, with minds
open to the truth, — they might, until
July, 1914, have reasoned thus: —
The great need of Germany is more
territory. Its population is very dense,
its people industrious, and it needs a
larger field for development. While it
manages its own affairs with consum-
mate ability, it has not been wholly
successful in ruling foreigners. For
forty-three years it has administered
Alsace-Lorraine, but it has not estab-
lished contentment among its people.
On its eastern border the Poles under
its rule are not satisfied despite the
best German methods of government
that have been applied to them, and
a similar discontent and unrest pre-
vails among the Danes in the north
in Schleswig-Holstein. On the other
hand, the German people are peaceful
and law-abiding; except for the heavy
burden of military duties, they are as
well content as any others, and it would
appear that so far as the Germans
themselves are concerned, the methods
of government and rule are sound. In
other words, they might have said, * We
Germans are good housekeepers at
home, but are less successful abroad.
Additional proof of this is the constant
trouble that neighbor Austria has in
governing Slavs and Italians. They
are never out of difficulties over there.
So instead of trying to convert foreign-
ers into Germans by force, let us let
foreigners work out their own salva-
tion — and raise more Germans. If
foreigners want to immigrate and be-
come Germans, they shall be welcome;
but instead of conquering them against
their will, — in which event they do not
seem to develop into German patriots,
— we shall accept them only when they
want to come.'
This is not a royal idea, nor is it in
accord with Prussian traditions; but
the great gifts of the German people to
the world, their ideals, their philosophy,
their science, their music, and their
poetry, have not been developed under
royal or imperial decree, nor are they
the outcome of Prussian traditions.
The philosophical ruler and his cab-
inet whom I am imagining would have
observed that the available earth is
largely in the hands of strong powers,
and that the cost of gaining by the
sword sparsely settled and fertile land
near-by is too severe a burden upon
future generations to be considered
until every other effort has failed. War
kills off the best human breeding-stock
no matter which side wins. So the
proposal to trade would naturally pre-
sent itself. The Germans are masters
at trading. In looking over available
territory near-by they could not fail
to observe that the northern strip
of Africa, comprising parts of Tunis,
Algiers, and Morocco, is the very best
part of the world now open to settle-
ment. The desirability of this region
has long been in German minds, as we
have occasionally been reminded by
the incident at Agadir and by other
signs. But since the foreign office of
the Empire has been in Berlin rather
571
572
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
than in Cologne, Darmstadt, or Frank-
furt, the only method considered has
been force, and until the outbreak of
the war this has failed.
Now, suppose that the suggestion had
been made to the French authorities,
with no ultimatum involved and with
no reference to the royal and imperial
grandfather of the present Kaiser or to
anything else save the business in
hand, that Alsace and Lorraine, despite
over forty years of German rule, still
remained largely French in sentiment,
and that it had been borne in upon the
German government that the French
people were evidently desirous of
obtaining possession of them again.
The German government might have
added that it believed that if these
provinces were to come under French
rule again, this might occur without
abuse to the people living there. Ger-
many's new policy being German rule
for German people, and these provinces
persevering in their French sentiments,
they might well have been ceded back
to France in consideration of other
territory and a right of way to reach it.
The land for which these provinces
might have been exchanged is that to
which we have referred on the border
of the Mediterranean in Northern
Africa, now under French rule. Its
extent and area could have been deter-
mined by agreement. This was at one
time the garden-spot of the earth, is
rich in minerals, and Germany has
enough people to inhabit it and develop
it. With all cause of war between the
two nations removed, the means of
reaching the Mediterranean from Ger-
many should not have been an im-
possibility.
My impression is that the French
would have accepted such a proposal
from the Germans, would have been
generous in giving up a large share of
their North African possessions, and
that they would have fallen upon the
Germans' necks and embraced them,
instead of shooting them as they are
doing now. Germany and France
would have been a pair of nations work-
ing together in entire amity. There
might have been a little difficulty with
England, but with France and Ger-
many united in friendship, and the new
slogan of German rule for German
people, with no desire to control for-
eigners, in full effect, the sting would
have been taken from their develop-
ment. So far as the Arab tribes of that
part of North Africa were concerned,
German civilization would not have
been acceptable to them, and they
would have had to move away in time.
It would have been a little trouble
instead of the great trouble now.
The plan would not have found favor
with the Court at Vienna, but we are
now thinking less of dynasties than we
are of the German people. The Aus-
trian methods of imposing German
rule upon Slavic peoples would not
have found favor in Germany, where
the people, minding their own business,
would have seen no Muscovite menace.
It would not be the first time that
Germany and Austria have disagreed.
Indeed, in course of time, the German
part of Austria might have preferred
to be a part of a great, strong German
empire, rather than to persevere in the
unsuccessful attempt to turn unwilling
Slavs into Germans.
Then there would have been no war,
— no great war. In Eastern Europe
the Hungarians and the Slavs might
be blowing bugles and killing one
another, but the Germans would have
had nothing to do with it. They would
have said, * It is their affair, let them
rule themselves. Our work is to raise
the best Germans for the future. And
we have some military work to do in
North Africa.'
Then Germany would have become
really great. Other nations would have
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
573
cut down their armament as she cut
down hers, and the Peace of Europe
would have prevailed. Belgium would
not have been violated. And all about
the East, both far and near, German
merchants and German ships would
have been welcome, and her thousands
and thousands of young men, the
flower of her youth now rotting in un-
marked graves with grief as their only
legacy, would have begotten their kind,
and a new and great race of people
would have arisen to enjoy the good
will of the world. Now the cowards
and the inefficient and the weak will
beget the next generation — after their
kind.
All this might have been, for the
Germans are very amenable to sugges-
tion from their rulers. It might have
come to pass if, under the imperial
crown, there had been as much phil-
osophy and welcome to the truth as
there were dreams of prancing horses
and waving plumes and the smoke of
battle.
LE NOUVEAU PAUVRE
FROM olden time it has been the
privilege and the pleasure of human-
ity to deride the newly rich; comedy,
satire, and other forms of expression,
literary and unliterary, have borne
witness to the desire to point out the
lack of standard, the ostentation, the
selfish gloating over individual pos-
session, of those who have been robbed
by swift prosperity of a sense of values.
Even in our new country, with its sud-
den fortunes, we know well how to
punish by gibe and jest those whose
recent wealth gives them an undue
sense of their own importance, result-
ing in undue display. We make great
sport of le nouveau riche; who is there
to laugh at le nouveau pauvre and put
him in his place?
Under the impact of new thought in
regard to social rights and wrongs, and
our large sense of responsibility in the
matter of earth's unfortunates, we are
developing a new type, very limited in
number, and, I fancy, limited in geo-
graphic distribution, — I should not
think of offering these reflections to
any but a New England magazine! —
of those who flaunt a new type of re-
cent wealth. That old boasting in re-
gard to one's material possessions has
given place, in these, to new boasting
in regard to what one has not. I can
almost imagine a seventeenth-century
writer of character-portraits sketching
the type as follows : —
'He is of a demure sadness, and go-
eth poorly clad' — or it might even be
she; — 'his countenance weareth ever
a look of mild reproof, and ever he
watcheth to detect extravagance in his
neighbor's apparel; his right hand
moveth nervously lest his left know
that which it doeth; he walketh as one
who would fain keep step with his fel-
lows, yet is ever apart, wrapt in a sad
separateness.'
Standards of value alter; there are
riches and riches. It is not mere differ-
ence in local conviction; time as well as
space has something to do with Ithe
change; but surely I detect nowadays
among the chosen few, new causes for
self-congratulation, a new vainglori-
ousness. I cannot be mistaken in re-
membering in the atmosphere about
my far-off childhood, pride in worldly
goods, in glossy horses, in ruffled
gowns of silk and lace; unquestionably
I remember a reverential tone in speak-
ing of the rich, deepening to awe in
speaking of the very rich. Now, how
different! We look with pity upon the
multi-millionaire; a suggestion that he
is no better than he should be is in our
very way of saying his name. A shrug
of the shoulders, a lifting of the eye-
brows at the mere mention of great
riches, betrays our inner standards.
574
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
Doubt as to whether even honesty, let
alone other virtues, could be his has
been instilled into our minds by all
that we have read concerning him and
his kind. We act, somewhat prema-
turely, as if we were already within
that kingdom of heaven whose en-
trance is so needle-hard for the rich. In
all this we are a trifle over-assured, for
the fact that we lack the plutocrat's
wealth is no proof that we have those
other, more precious spiritual posses-
sions whose absence we scorn in him.
But human nature is human nature
always, in rich folk and in poor; the
sources of inner vanity are perhaps
over-quick to reflect the possibility of
changed standards. Many of us are
growing a bit ostentatious in our pov-
erty. Do we not point with pride at
the clothes we do not have, the pleas-
ures we forego, the luxuries in which
we would not for any consideration in-
dulge? We wear again the old street
suit, and loftily remark to our friends
that we cannot afford to be tailored
anew every winter. We sit upon plat-
forms at meetings wherein the prob-
lems of the poor are discussed, tricked
out in ancient garments, worn a trifle
histrionically. There is a touch of mor-
al snobbery in our attitude as we tell
how little we spend on ourselves, how
frugally we lunch, in what Spartan
fashion we dine, with an ensuing si-
lence suggestive of the long list of good
causes that we are helping on. Vulgar-
ly rich in convictions, airily intolerant
of those who have not as great posses-
sions as we, we flaunt our wealth, with
a certain lack of good taste, in the faces
of those less opinionated than our-
selves. We are a bit self-conscious in
displaying the evidences of this shame-
less monopoly of virtue, and wear a
gentle air of patronage toward our less
fortunate fellows. Can it be, — surely
it cannot be that the old warning could
apply here, and that this air of superi-
ority may prove more of an obstacle
than the camel's hump at Heaven's
gate!
That look of reproof on the part of
some of the leaders of modern social
endeavor toward those who do not
hold their convictions, is full of dan-
ger. Humble-minded self-indulgence
is perhaps better than this; here, at
least, one is one with one's fellows.
The situation is full of irony; endeav-
oring to share more generously our
worldly possessions with the poor, per-
haps even considering the possibility
of common ownership, we hoard in
more than the old individualistic man-
ner these new virtues which our fel-
lows have not yet acquired. Human
progress is notoriously full of contra-
dictions; here is one that gives pause
for thought. In moving toward that
era of more fully realized human bro-
therhood, we are perhaps losing as
much as we gain : that old sense of kin-
ship with man as man, breaking under
the strain and stress of newly-discov-
ered conviction which many fail to un-
derstand or to adopt. Proud spiritual
walls are just as prone to keep one's
neighbor out as are high-piled walls of
brick and stone, even with glass on
top. How a sense of moral superiority
locks its possessor in, cuts him off from
his kind! At the stern mention of a
new creed one can often hear a sound as
of a key turning in a lock, and one
knows that here is another soul con-
demned to solitary imprisonment in
its own virtue, until some friendly imp
of failure or transgression sets it free.
Humble, as it behooves the poor to
be, in the presence of those rich in
theory, many merely watch and wait.
Each theorist is sure that his wealth is
the only real wealth; each, that his
panacea will cure all social ills. But,
aware of the complexity of human ail-
ments, the many-sidedness of human
wrongs, what is one to do? Keeping
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
575
step with one agitator, we lose step
with another, — perhaps lose step with
simple humankind in keeping step
with either. Alack, and well-a-day!
Meanwhile, one yearningly recalls that
instinctive human sympathy, ante-
dating social convictions, based on the
ordinary experiences of the threshold
and the hearth. This also has its fine
uses; it may be the most precious thing
there is: this sense, below difference
of faith, of oneness with one's kind, of
common destiny in this common pre-
dicament. In this dim path whereon
we struggle, groping our way, it is well
to keep in touch with our fellows, no
matter what the differences between us
in worldly or in moral rank or station.
As for these new riches of professed
poverty, we stop to ponder. They may
not all be real ; shall we gloat before we
are sure? Many a fortune of dollars or
of nuggets or of ideas proves to have
sandy foundations and melts away.
Perhaps here, as elsewhere, those who
have had their wealth long enough to
forget it are no longer self-conscious
enough to gloat. Those whose interest
in their neighbors is too recent to be
human instinct, whose discovery of a
common humanity is too fresh to seem
part of them, who cannot care for their
fellows and forget that they are caring,
who cannot feel kindliness without
flaunting it, who cannot sit in the pre-
sence of their kind without implying
that their kind has no such wealth of
love for humanity, are assuredly lack-
ing in spiritual good breeding. My
lady, newly rich, proudly conscious of
her priceless furs and jewels, is perhaps
less vain than my lady newly poor,
proudly conscious of her priceless con-
victions and habits that make her not
as others are. Tradition has delivered
to our laughter, for just chastisement,
the newly rich; shall not the newly
poor, for similar reasons, be delivered
to the laughter of the world?
THE OLD HOUSE ON THE BEND
I WONDER if other wayfarers through
New England greet, as I do, with spe-
cial affection the old house on the bend
of the road? It is so characteristic of
an earlier civilization, so suggestive of
a vanished epoch — and withal so pic-
turesque! Even if you are unfortunate
enough to ' tour ' in a motor-car, which
of course is far from the ideal way to
savor the countryside, still you cannot
miss the old house on the bend, even
though you do miss the 'feel' of the
land, the rise and dip of the road, the
fragrance of the clematis by the wall,
the already fading gold of the evening
primroses when you start off after
breakfast.
Even for a motorist, however, the
old house on the bend stands up to
view, especially if you are on the
front seat with the driver. The car
swings into a straightaway, lined, per-
haps, with sugar maples and gray
stone walls. Between the trunks are
vistas of the green fields and far hills.
But the chief vista is up the white per-
spective of the road, which seems to
vanish directly into the front door of
the solid, mouse-gray house on the
bend.
The ribbon of road rushes toward
you, as if a great spool under your
wheels were winding it up. The house
rushes on with it; grows nearer; details
emerge. You see the great square
chimney; the tiny window-panes, six
to a sash, some of them turned by
time, not into the purple of Beacon
Hill but into a kind of prismatic sheen
like oil on water; the bit of classic
egg-and-dart border on the door-cap;
the aged texture of the weathered clap-
board; the graceful arch of the wide
woodshed entrance, on the kitchen
side; the giant elm rising far above the
roof. You rush on so near to the house,
indeed, that the car seems in imminent
576
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
danger of colliding with the front door,
when suddenly the wheels bite the
road, you feel the pull of centrifugal
force, and the car swings away at right
angles, leaving an end view of the
ancient dwelling behind you, so that
when you turn for a final glance you
see the long slant of the roof at the
rear, going down within six or eight feet
of the ground.
Such is the view from a motor-car.
If you are traveling on foot, however,
there is much more to be observed,
such as the great doorstep made from a
broken millstone, the gigantic rambler
by the kitchen window, the tiger lilies
gone wild in the dooryard, and above
all, the view from the front windows.
Since the house was visible far up the
road, conversely a long stretch of the
road is visible from the house. Stand-
ing in front of it, you can see a motor or
wagon approaching a mile away, and
from the end windows, too, can be seen
all approaching vehicles from the other
angle. Moreover, if you lived within,
you could not only see who was com-
ing, but you could step out of your
door a pace or two and converse with
him as he passed. The old house is
strategically placed.
When it was built, a century or even
a century and a half ago, no motors
went by on that road, and not enough
of any kind of traffic to raise a dust.
The busy town to the south, the sum-
mer resort to the north, were alike
small villages, given over to agricul-
ture. There were no telephones, no
newspapers even. Fortunate indeed
was the man whose farm abutted on a
bend, for there he could set his house,
close to the road, viewing the ap-
proaches in either direction, and no
traveler could get by him, or at any
rate by his wife, without yielding the
latest gossip from the town above or
below, perhaps from the greater world
beyond. The high-road was then the
sole artery of commerce, of communi-
cation, of intercourse of man with man.
How neighborly was the house on the
bend, shedding its parlor-candle rays
like a beacon by night down the mile
of straightaway, or flapping its chintz
curtains in the June sunshine! What a
testimony it is, in its present gray ruin,
to the human hunger for news and
gossip and friendliness!
The old order has changed, indeed.
We no longer build on the bend. We
don't have bends if we can help it. They
are dangerous and hard to maintain. A
house on one would be uninhabitable
with the dust. We do not seek the
neighborliness of the road, but retire as
far as we can to the back of our lot,
with our telephone and newspaper.
The old house on the bend halfway
between Lenox and Stockbridge now
stands deserted. From country es-
tates dimly seen in their remote pri-
vacy of trees and gardens, the stone
highway leads to other estates equally
remote and scornful of publicity. Be-
tween them the motors rush. The old
house on the bend is dusty and de-
serted, and every passing car kicks up
some bit of crushed stone into its tan-
gled dooryard. It looks pathetically
down the road with unseeing eyes, the
last relic of a vanished order.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
NOVEMBER, 1914
RAB AND DAB
A WOMAN RICE-PLANTER'S STORY
BY PATIENCE PENNINGTON
Peaceville, Sept. 22. Went down to
Casa Bianca to rouse the hands to ac-
tion to-morrow, for we are to begin
cutting Marshfield. I found the boy
who blew himself up with gunpowder
two days ago, in great suffering. Dress-
ed his face and hands, using a feather
to cover them with oil. He is a distress-
ing object.
I gave orders that every man, wo-
man, and child should be in the field
early to-morrow, and promised to be
down early myself.
Sept. 23. Just as I was getting into
the wagon very early this morning,
carrying linen rags and olive oil to
dress Nero's burns, and lunch for my-
self, and a few pears and things to give
the hands, I saw a pitiful little black
figure standing at the foot of the steps.
It was Jonadab, the little black pock-
marked pygmy who has been coming all
summer to beg for kitchen scraps, and
old garments, and anything I would
or could give. He stutters fearfully.
'What is it, Jonadab?' I asked; *I
am in a great hurry to-day, so you
must talk quick.'
After what seemed to me a long time
VOL. 114 -NO. 5
and many convulsions of his little
frame, he shot out, ' Ma bery sick. 'E
bad off, en 'e baig yu fuh cum.'
I told Jim to drive to his mother's
house, which I knew was not far off in
the pine woods, but just how far I did
not know, for though I had sent things
to her constantly, I had never been to
her house myself.
The road was well-nigh impassable
for the wagon, and Jim, being provoked
at this interruption, drove very fast
and, it seemed to me, recklessly. At
last I said to him, 'Stop; and I will
walk the rest of the way with Jonadab.'
The pine forest shimmered and glit-
tered in the slanting rays of the early
morning sun. Every blade of grass was
laden with dew diamonds, and the slip-
pery, brown pine-needles were damp
under my feet.
When I started on this diversion
from my plans I was distinctly irri-
tated at the delay caused by this extra
drive of two miles. It seemed so all-
important to me to get to Casa Bianca
early; for with the hands I have, six
acres is as much as I can get cut in one
day, and there are twenty-six acres
in the field. And this is such a stormy
season of the year. But as I walked
578
RAB AND DAB
through the solemn pines with the
little shriveled gnome ahead of me to
show the path, I heard the voice of God
in the sough of the pines, and a change
came over my spirit. The sense of
hurry and impatience left me.
Jonadab in a little while pointed
through the pines, and I saw a little
log cabin. In the doorway two atoms
of black humanity were sitting very
near together, and Jonadab volunteer-
ed the information that they were his
little brother and his youngest sister.
As they saw me they rose and disap-
peared into the house, and I followed.
There were two rooms. The first
one had a very unsteady pine table,
two chairs, and three pots in the fire-
place. I passed through this to the
inner room, where on the floor lay a
woman, terribly swollen, her eyes pro-
truding from her head, her breath com-
ing in quick, heavy sobs. She seemed
unconscious. Two Negro women who
had just come in stood beside her. One
was her mother, with whom she had
quarreled a year ago, and who had
never come near her through her long
months of suffering and illness, leaving
her alone with her little children. But
to-day, hearing from a neighbor that
Abby was dying, she rushed in, too
late to be of any use. v|
I knelt down on the dirty floor be-
side the sick woman, and tried to give
her some milk and stimulant which I
had brought. But her teeth were
closed and refused to admit the spoon,
and I realized that she was actually
dying. Then I laid my hand on her
clammy one, and bending low, I said,
'Abby, can you hear me?' There was
no sign of comprehension or conscious-
ness. I was very eager to make her
hear, so I went on speaking very slow-
ly and distinctly: *I will take care of
your two little boys and see that they
never want. Do you understand? I
will take Jonadab and Rechab myself,
and care for them.' Then there was a
slight quivering of the eyelids, a faint
token of assent and satisfaction, before
the stony stare of death returned.
I prayed aloud with all my soul for
the spirit which was struggling to leave
its poor earthly tenement; while the
women moaned and swayed and ejac-
ulated, 'Yes, Laud; do, Laud,' as the
sentences of the prayer for the dying
fell fervently on the still, hot air, and
the groans of the dying woman were
less loud. Then I sang, —
' Jesus, Lover of my soul,
Let me to Thy bosom fly.'
The women and children joined with
their high, clear voices, and while they
sang, * Cover my defenseless head with
the shadow of thy wing/ the last
painful breaths were drawn, and the
immortal spirit took its flight and re-
turned to God who gave it, and who
is merciful and loving, and knows all
the struggles, all the temptations, all
the warping influences which had kept
it from its highest possibilities.
I talked with Rachael, the mother,
who, now that the poor daughter was
gone, spoke of her with loud and hys-
terical affection. When I offered to
take the children she said that she, the
grandmother, was the person to take
them; no one would do for them as she
would and she could not think of giving
them up to anybody. I was surprised,
but pleased, at this her suddenly
aroused maternal feeling, and acqui-
esced in it, saying, * Very well, Rachael,
I agree with you that you are the pro-
per person to take care of the children,
and that no one can do it as well. I
will provide everything that the two
boys need, their food and clothing;
just let me know what they need.'
By this time the house was full of
excited neighbors, lamenting and go-
ing on as though they had been active
friends of the poor deceased. I pro-
mised to send what was needed for
RAB AND DAB
579
Abby's * laying out.' They said the
'Chuch' would provide the coffin,
and attend to the funeral, for she was
'Babtist member, in full standin', en
belonged to de sassiety, en dey was
boun' to bury um.'
Having done the little I could, I
left the house of death, much exhausted
and agitated, to return to the work-a-
day world outside. I drove home and
told Chloe to send one of my gowns
and two sheets to Rachael at once; and
then started on the twelve-mile drive
to Casa Bianca.
When I got there I had my saddle
put on Mollie, and rode down the rice-
field banks to Marshfield. There were
the gayly dressed women, laughing,
singing, talking, as they cut down the
golden heads with great dexterity;
laying them on the stubble so that the
sun could dry them enough to tie to-
morrow. The gay scene, which usually
gave me so much pleasure, only sad-
dened me now. The tragedy I had
witnessed haunted me, and I wonder-
ed how in the eyes of the great Judge
of all things my life would compare
with that whose end I had seen.
I reproached myself bitterly for
never having visited her before. I had
sent her supplies: food, clothing, and
so forth, — yes ; but that was not all. If
I had only gone to see her and talk with
her, I should not now be filled with
self-condemnation. God forgive me
for not giving her my time. What
are all my occupations in comparison
with helping a human soul? My dear
little niece went, I know, and read the
Bible to her on Sunday afternoons, but
I was always ' too busy ' or * too tired '
to go. Woe is me!
And so the long, blazing summer day
wore on - - a day of penance — and the
words of Good's wonderful poem, 'The
Lady's Dream,' rang in my ears: —
But Evil is wrought by want of thought,
As well as want of heart,
II
The above extract from my diary
shows how Rab and Dab first came
into my life. During the autumn I
kept in touch with them, seeing them
daily. I sent them food and clothing,
and tried to see if Rachael was doing
full justice to them. She was an excel-
lent cook, and had been employed in
that capacity by some ladies in the vil-
lage. But as soon as she took the chil-
dren she gave up her place, saying that
she could not attend to the children
and her work; as the boys had two
older sisters of twelve and fourteen, this
was evidently not the real reason.
Abby had been so helpless in her ill
health with her large family, that some
of the gentlemen of the neighborhood
had secured for her a monthly allow-
ance from the county, and though I
had told Rachael I would see that this
was continued for the children, five in
number, she feared that her having a
place as cook, and consequently being
self-supporting might prevent it, so
she gave up her situation and lived
on the provisions allowed the children,
with the result that the little ones
looked hungry and continued their
stealing. The whole family had learned
from infancy to go into the fields with-
in their reach and grabble potatoes,
to gather unripe corn for roasting ears,
to catch every chicken and steal all
the eggs which were not under lock
and key. The two elder girls had been
taken up, tried, and found guilty of
theft before the poor mother's death.
Their only punishment had been to be
kept in confinement until the crops
were harvested.
This rich lowland rice-planting re-
gion would be a paradise if people
could live on their plantations all the
year round; but the Anglo-Saxon has
always been susceptible to malarial
fever, and in the early settlement of
580
RAB AND DAB
the country suffered much from it.
After some years they found that by
leaving their beautiful homes on the
rivers with their luxuriant tropical
growth during the hot months, and
living in the belt of pine forest (which
is generally found a few miles inland
from the rivers), they secured perfect
health. With this knowledge the
planters joined in selecting some high,
sandy, well-drained spot in the original
forest, and built lodges with big rooms
and wide piazzas in large shady yards,
and at the end of May they moved
their families from the plantation and
remained in the health-giving pines un-
til the first heavy frost in November,
when the little villages, so gay and
populous all summer, were left silent
and deserted during the winter. Peace-
ville is one of these hamlets of refuge
from mosquitoes and malaria, and is
only four miles from my plantation
and winter home, Cherokee, and here
I spend the hot months, driving back
to the ricefields every day to look
after the work.
This year, when I left Peaceville
early in November, I established the
orphans and their grandmother in one
of the outbuildings in my yard, as it
was much more comfortable than the
little log hut in the woods. After the
move I tried to see them at least once
a week. I soon saw a change for the
worse: they got thinner and thinner,
with swollen faces and large stomachs
like the famine pictures from India I
was seeing in the illustrated papers.
One bitter cold day in January,
Elihu, who is the blackest of my re-
tainers, being of such a rich shade that
his mother always spoke of him as 'dat
black nigger/ a man whom I have
helped out of every variety of trouble,
and who has a feeble desire to help me
in return, if it can be done with no
effort beyond speech, came to tell me
that he heard that Rachael was going
to move to Gregory, the county seat,
eighteen miles away, on that day. In
spite of the cold, I ordered the buck-
board at once and drove out to see
Rachael. I found the house in great
confusion, — bedding tied up in huge
bundles, boxes and trunks corded, and
Rachael in her Sunday best.
* Why, Rachael, where are you going
this cold morning?'
'Well, ma'am, I'm goin' to move to
town. I got chillun dere to help me.'
'I think that is a great mistake,
Rachael. Here you have no house rent,
you have all the wood you can burn
without paying a cent, and your daugh-
ter lives very near you. If your sons
are willing to help you, let them send
you what they can spare; it will go
much further here/
But Rachael had made up her mind
and was not to be dissuaded. She was
tired of the country, and was going to
move to town. She had hired an ox-
wagon to take her to the river, where
she would take the steamer.
When I had tried every argument
without avail, I said, 'Then I will
take the boys with me. I am not willing
for them to starve or spend their time in
jail for stealing/ Turning to the child-
ren, crouching over the fire, I said,
' Jonadab, do you want to go with me? '
He, after many convulsions, shot
out, 'Yes, 'um/
Rechab was inside the huge fire-
place behind the logs, squatting down;
an extraordinary-looking black shrimp.
'Rab, do you want to go with me?'
Rab's little black face was stolid
and expressionless like some little old
man's. It was some time before he
could be made to understand the situ-
ation, but when at last his grand-
mother pulled him out of the chimney,
and cuffing him, said, 'Speak up, boy,
speak up/ he grunted out, 'Um/ and
nodded his head violently.
Then I told Rachael that she must
RAB AND DAB
sign a paper giving up all claim to the
children, to which she responded vo-
ciferously, ' 'Tain' no nuse for me to
sign a paper, Miss Patience. You 'se
welcome to the chillun. I'se heartily
tired of dem; dey 's jes' nachully bad
chillun; deys tek after dey pa, what was
a furrin man, en corrupted my daugh-
ter. You kin tek 'em en welcome.'
Then the women assembled in the
room to see Rachael's departure, be-
gan to exclaim, 'My law, Aun' Ra-
chael, dem chillun sho' is lucky. Miss
Patience 'ull do de bes' for dem po'
mudderless ting'; and so on.
I called for the last shirts I had made
the children, but these could not be
found. Whether they were so securely
packed up as to be out of reach, or
whether Rachael had sold them, I
never knew, for I lost patience and
took the boys out to the buckboard
in their rags. There my dainty little
niece Aline, who was waiting for me,
was filled with dismay at sight of
them, and exclaimed, 'Aunt Patience,
you are not going to take them now,
with us?'
'Yes, they are coming now with us,9
I answered, in a voice of such deter-
mination that Aline said no more.
In the back of the buckboard, for-
tunately, there were some tow-sacks
which I was taking home. I had the
boys climb into the buckboard, cov-
ered them with the sacks, and drove
off rapidly. In a little while a small
voice made itself heard from behind:
'I cold.' I put Rab into one of the
sacks, tied it round his neck securely,
covered him with the others, and drove
on.
Ill
I shall never forget the consterna-
tion which took possession of the yard
when I reached home. Jim, my good
man-of-all-work, said nothing when I
told him to help the children out and
release Rab from the sack; but as I led
the two forlorn mites through the
yard to the old wash-house, where
there were two rooms, one occupied by
Goody, the cook, I was aware of very
black looks on all sides.
I did not appear, however, to see
them, but said to the cook, 'Goody,
I put these children in this room next
to you, and I beg you to give an eye
to them. I will not ask you to do any-
thing for them, for I will look after
them myself as much as possible, only
at night give an ear to them.'
Goody, who was a very short, plump
little figure, neat and tidy but very
ugly, drew herself up to her full height,
about four feet six inches, and said,
'Miss Patience, dem chillun is too
duhty for lib in de room nex' me.'
'Yes, Goody, I know they are ter-
ribly dirty, but we are going to try and
make them different. You know the
Good Father promises a special bless-
ing to those who help the orphan, and
I feel sure you will wish to get some of
that blessing.'
Then I promptly left, having put the
children on a bench by the fireplace,
where I had Jim, on whose help I can
always count, make a fire.
And then Aline and I rushed upstairs,
and soon the sewing-machine was in
rapid operation. That day we cut and
made a suit apiece for the waifs, so
that when I had them scrubbed that
night their old clothes could be burn-
ed. Besides this we made a mattress
to fill with nice, clean straw for their
bed, and got blankets and comforts for
their bedding.
When I called on Chloe to find the
blankets I could best spare from the
house, her aspect was truly appalling.
Chloe had been the comfort of my life
for years, having made it possible, by
her devotion and faithfulness, for me
to live in the old home alone since my
mother's death, with no white person
RAB AND DAB
within a mile or two; so that she had
been a friend as well as servant. This
terrible innovation, however, was al-
most more than Chloe could bear with
respectful equanimity. She looked so
stolid and unsympathetic that I felt
obliged to make a little speech some-
what like that I had made to Goody,
about the blessing promised to those
who care for the orphan, but Chloe an-
swered with great dignity, 'Miss Pa-
tience, of course I'm only a sarvant,
en of course you know better en me,
but I tink 't is a bery dangrus ting to
harber furriners in yo' ya'd, en more-
ober, chillun ob a teefin' fambly. I
would n't say a wud if dey was we own
people orphan, but I kyant undertek
to tek keer ob no furrin chillun.'
There was a distinct note of rebel-
lion in this speech, and I answered
promptly, 'I have not asked you to
take care of them, Chloe. I will do
that. But I thought you would wish
to share the promised blessing. I see,
however, that you do not realize what a
serious thing it is to reject a blessing.'
And passing on to the sewing-room,
I worked with enthusiasm, stopping
reluctantly for dinner, and by sun-
down everything was finished.
Then we formed a procession: Jim
ahead with a huge kettle of hot water,
then Chloe with soap and towels, and
Aline and I behind. The tub had al-
ready been put by the fire in the or-
phans' room. They were washed and
scrubbed thoroughly with hot water
and carbolic soap, their new nighties
put on, and their old clothes burned.
After this was done, and the tub was
removed, I had them kneel down and
say the dear little child's prayer which
has helped so many children through
so many dark nights : — .
Jesus, tender Shepherd, hear me,
Bless thy little lamb to-night,
Through the darkness be Thou near me,
Keep me safe till morning light.
Then they got into their nice clean
bed, and we left them.
It took Aline and me days of hard
sewing to complete the boys' new out-
fit. Neither of us was accustomed to
make boys' clothes, and the want of
patterns worried us a good deal; and
then the number of buttonholes seemed
alarming; but we invented some pat-
terns not requiring so many.
The second day after their arrival
Chloe came in and said, * Miss Patience,
you got to be bery pertickler how you
feed dese chillun. Ef you give dem
much as dey want you'll kill dem sho.'
'Very well, Chloe, use your discre-
tion about it. I leave their feeding to
you.'
'Yes, ma'am, cause dey is mos'
starved, en dey kyant satisfy. I give
dem dey dinner, and befo' I start wid
mine dey done dem own, and den dey
look at mine so pitiful I 'bleege to give
'em mo', but Jim say 't is dangrus to
feed 'em too much.'
Jim told me that when he was eating
his dinner one day, Rab, .having fin-
ished his own, watched him with such
greedy eyes that he said, 'Rechab,
you ain't had enuff?'
Rab answered, ' No sah, I neber had
me belly full in me life.'
'Well, Rab, we'll stall you. Dat's
what we'll hab to do, Chloe. Dey's
been here ten days, and dere's no dan-
ger now. We'll stall dem.'
Chloe agreed, so the next day the
plan was carried out. More dinner was
cooked than usual, and the boys were
given plate after plate until they said
they had had enough, and then Jim and
Chloe felt that they had accomplished
a feat, and assured me that there would
never in future be any trouble in satis-
fying them. I only heard of this after
it was over, for I would have forbidden
it as dangerous, never having heard of
such a thing.
I gave the elder, Dab, a little axe,
RAB AND DAB
583
and told him he could get the fallen
branches of the oaks which covered
the park in front of the house, and
carry them to the kitchen for the stove.
This he did with delight, bringing them
in a cart made of a box on wooden
wheels, Rab always trotting behind;
and after a while they lost their stolid
look.
It was a great relief to me to find
that Chloe was thawing toward the
outcasts. Jim was always good to
them and gave all the help he could,
for Jim had a boy of his own about the
size of Jonadab and his heart was ten-
der to them.
It was not long before Goody an-
nounced that she was going : she could
not stand those dirty children in the
room next to her. I was greatly shocked
at this. She had been with me a long
time, and was an excellent cook> clean,
cheerful, honest, and willing until the
arrival of the orphans. I talked with
her, and told her they were already
improving, and soon would be quite
different. There was no use. Go she
would. Her dignity was injured as
well as her feelings. It was a great loss
to me. She not only cooked, but look-
ed after the poultry, and besides I had
grown fond of the little old woman.
Now Chloe had to cook and she was
a splendid cook; but she had left the
kitchen on account of ill health, and
I feared another breakdown if she un-
dertook the cooking as well as the
maid's work.
However, she was eager to do it, and
I looked out for some one to take care
of the poultry. Bonaparte told me
that he heard C in thy was at a neigh-
boring plantation, very poor, and he
thought I might get her, and as he
said it would be a great help to her I
told him to get her. So C in thy came
and took possession of the room Goody
had left, next to the children. She was
only middle-aged, but she seemed very
helpless and a little cracked. She was
to get three dollars a month and her
food. She had been very friendless and
poor, and being what Chloe calls a
'Maus nigger,' which means she had
belonged to the same master, she was
acceptable to the other servants. She
was perfectly delighted to get the place,
and never met me in the yard without
making a deep courtesy, clasping her
hands and looking up to heaven and
making known her joy. * Ain't yo' see,
my Maussa always did tek keer of him
people, en now 'e gone, but 'e ain't fur-
git me. 'E sen' 'e chile for find me, en
bring me home en tek keer of me. Yes,
'e send 'e chile for mind me.'
Her light work was well done, and
she was good to the children, and they
were beginning to look happy, to my
great satisfaction. One night when I
went to hear their prayers Aline heard
them singing, and motioned to me not
to make a noise. The door was ajar,
and we looked in. The two little boys
were sitting on their wooden stools in
front of a very bright lightwood fire,
staring into it, swaying back and forth
in time to the rhythm of the strange
little hymn they were singing.1
It seemed to me wonderful that
these little children, who appeared to
be about six and four years old, should
remember words and tune so well.
Every Sunday afternoon I taught
them a very easy little form of cate-
chism used for very young children.
When I asked Jonadab the first ques-
tion, 'Who made you?' with violent
contortions he shot out, 'My ma.'
'Yes,' I explained, 'but God made
your mother, and you and everything
else in the world.'
The next question is, 'What did He
make you for?'
Again Dab shot out a prompt an-
swer, 'Fo' work.'
The answer in the little book is,
1 See page 584.
584
RAB AND DAB
'For his glory.' I was puzzled how to
combine the two ideas to reach his
comprehension. Labor are est or are, and
this little black mortal could only glo-
rify his Maker by doing with all his
heart his very small duties.
After this I gave up using the regu-
lar catechism, and told them the won-
derful story of the Creation and Re-
demption of the world in my own
words, and they soon learned to tell it
themselves with dramatic effect. That
story of the whole garden being at the
disposal of Adam and Eve, except the
one tree whose fruit they were forbid-
den to touch, appealed strongly to their
understanding, and when they told of
the temptation they always said, 'Sa-
tan tu'n 'eself into a black snake, en 'e
crawl up to Eve, en 'e say, "Eat un,
'e good, en 'e'll mek yo' wise," en den
Eve eat urn.'
I always allowed them to tell it to
me in their own way, and being well
acquainted with the black snake, they
preferred it to the word serpent. I
then taught them a simple hymn which
they seemed to find very difficult, and
then I let them sing one of their own
little hymns, 'sperituals,' the nigs call
them; and in this way I heard all they
knew, and going at once to the piano,
I tried to write them down in the keys
in which the waifs sang them.
-*-
Oh -ye! No - e Oh - ye Noa', H'ist de win - da le' de duv' cum een.
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IV
As soon as I had an opportunity I
bought each of them a suit of 'store
clothes.' I got them for four and six
years, but they were a little large. Still,
the boys gloried in them and wore
them on Sundays.
Their joy was to take the little axe
and cut and bring in load after load
of the small dead limbs which make
splendid hot fires, and they won their
way into Chloe's heart by keeping the
kitchen woodbox full. By the spring
they had become very merry, and the
change in them from stolid indiffer-
ence to intelligent interest in every-
thing, gave me great pleasure.
There was one great trouble and
distress as they grew happy and at
home. The propensities I had hoped
would disappear entirely with sufficient
food and clothing began to peep out.
Not an egg could ever be got for
RAB AND DAB
585
the house. The boys watched the hens
and knew their nests; and they stole
out early in the morning before any
one was awake, took all the eggs into
their room, ate some, hid some, and
sold some to any one and for anything.
Chloe's utmost vigilance could not come
up with them.
The second spring they were with us,
Chloe had raised a number of broods
of beautiful chickens to the size of part-
ridges. Then they began to disappear
rapidly. I said to Chloe, *I fear it is
our cat/ Chloe answered, ' 'T is var-
mint, Miss Patience. Ef it was de cat
I would see um for sartain, kase I 'se
very watchful. But you kyant ketch
varmint. Dey favors de daak.'
One evening Chloe had been to the
garden about an eighth of a mile from
the house to pick green peas. She had
left Rab in charge of the yard, and she
suddenly remembered that she had not
locked her room door, so she returned
earlier than was her wont. As she ap-
proached she saw Rab sitting on the
kitchen steps where she had told him
to stay, and her heart glowed as she
said to herself, 'Rechab is sholy get-
tin' to be a sma't boy to tek keer of
de ya'd so good.' He was shelling an
ear of corn and the great crowds of
little Plymouth Rocks were running
over the steps and his knees, eager to
get the corn as it fell.
Chloe's heart stopped beating, for
suddenly Rab made a dive, caught a
chicken, seized it by the feet, swung it
round rapidly, then cracked its neck
with his teeth, and stuffed it into the
bosom of his shirt. Chloe rushed for-
ward and seized him. Having caught
him thus red-handed, she shook him
and screamed, * You wicked boy, I seen
yo' kill dat chicken.'
Rab tried to escape, but she held
him, and made him take the little
warm body from his shirt.
'Aint yo' shame to ac' so awful,
Rab? I trus' yo', and leP yo' in charge
of the ya'd, en I ketch yo' en see yo'
wid my own eye crack dat checken
neck wid yo' wicked teeth. Ain't yo'
feared the debbil '11 come for yo' dis
minit en carry yo'm straight to hell?
I feel um a-comin'. Tell me de trufe
befor' 'e get yo', boy. I don't want
yo' for bu'n.'
Thus exhorted and adjured, terror
seized Rab, and he cried, *Aun' Chloe,
don' let de debbil ketch me, en I '11 tell
yo' all. I done kill twenty. I eat some,
en I hide some under de grape-har-
bor, en I'll sho' yo' de place ef yo'll
save me from de debbil.'
He took her under the grape-arbor
and to several places where he had the
bodies hid.
When Chloe told me, I was wretched,
and my first thought was that she did
not give the child enough to eat. But
when I suggested this, Chloe was indig-
nant, and said in an unnecessarily loud
tone of voice that Jonadab and Rechab
ate more than Jim and Ben the field
hand and herself put together. 'An'
as fo' yo', Miss Patience, Rechab eat
mo' in one day than yo' eat in a week.
Meat, en rice, en turnip, en greens,
en tetta, en molasses, not to say all de
aig, so dat I kyant so much as gi' yo' a
biled aig fo' yo' breakfast. No, ma'am,
Miss Patience, don' 'cuse me o' not
feedin' dat chile, fo' I does stuff 'im.
Lessen yo' 'lows me to give 'im a good
licken, Satan's bound' to carry dat
chile off bodily.'
Up to this time I had insisted on
moral suasion as the right method of
dealing with the boys. In their old life
they had been accustomed to beating
and harsh words, and I wanted them
to have a change in their experiences,
and so I had shamed them for bad con-
duct and rewarded them for good con-
duct. Now, however, justice and Chloe
demanded severity. Rechab had to
suffer in his little black body for the
586
RAB AND DAB
evil deeds thereof, so I authorized
Chloe to execute what she considered
suitable punishment, knowing I could
trust to her tender heart not to be too
severe.
Chloe's method of administering the
rod was unique. 'Now, Rab,' she said,
'I goin' to bag yo' befo' I lick yoV
Rab cried aloud for mercy, but she
was firm, and put a sack over the cul-
prit's head and tied it round his waist,
and then proceeded with much noise
and flourish to lay on a light switch.
Rechab, however, made a great out-
cry, and promised volubly never to do
so any more; and certainly for a while
he abstained from chicken slaughter.
V
That November I had gone to the
State Fair and committed a great ex-
travagance. I had bought a pair of
beautiful white turkeys from the Van-
derbilt farm at Biltmore. They cost
what seemed an enormous price, but
they were said to be hardy and to have
a very domestic and contented turn of
mind, never wandering far from home.
My great difficulty in raising tur-
keys had been their roaming propen-
sities. They would wander off to a dis-
tance and get caught by foxes and
other varmint. But I had high hopes
of raising a great many with this new
variety. One day in May the poultry
yard was in great excitement. Mrs.
Vander had been sitting on twenty-
five eggs for a month, and they were
expected to hatch. Mr. Vander, who
weighed forty pounds, strutted about
in great pride.
When Chloe went to feed Mrs. V.
that evening, she found twenty-four
beauties in the nest. Her joy and
pride were almost equal to Mr. V.'s.
The little turkeys — pee-pees, as Chloe
called them — were only two weeks old
when the time came to move to the
pine land for the summer, so the dear
little roly-poly yellow things were put
in a basket and taken out tenderly in
the buckboard, while Mrs. V. was
made comfortable in a small coop and
followed with the other poultry in the
wagon.
I had had a new house built for the
distinguished family, all wired so that
no harm could befall them, and yet
they would have plenty of fresh air,
and they were very happy when they
found themselves together in such de-
lightful quarters after the trials of the
move.
As soon as we had settled down after
the move I sent Jonadab to school,
there being one in the little pine-land
hamlet of Peaceville, under the aus-
pices of the church, and kept by two
ladies, mother and daughter. They
were charming women, the mother still
beautiful, showing her Greek descent
in her perfect features and exquisite
skin ; both so refined, so thorough and
conscientious, — they certainly were as
near saints as mortal women ever get
to be. She had been an heiress, and
had married a wealthy rice-planter,
but had been left after the war with
nothing but her land, of which she
could make no use without money to
pay for labor. No one will ever know
what privations she went through with
her children after her husband's death,
for she never made any moan, and
brought up her children to do with-
out, smilingly. What a power it gives
when one has learned to do without!
For twenty-five cents a month for
each child they gave up their whole
time and strength to guiding the little
dusky minds in the path of learning.
They returned the quarter Jonadab
carried, saying it would give them
pleasure to teach him without pay,
and his days of joy began.
At an early hour every morning, in
a blue denim suit with a spotless white
RAB AND DAB
587
shirt, and his blue denim school-bag on
his shoulder, he traveled to school, a
broad grin on his black face. I had
feared that the strange hesitation and
convulsion of his speech would make
him a very trying pupil, but the good
ladies sent excellent reports of him.
He was very attentive and docile, and
learned quickly.
I thought Rechab was too young
and mischievous to go to school, and
so he made things lively at home. As
soon as Jonadab returned and sat down
to study his lessons, Rab sat beside
him, and Dab taught him the spelling
orally, so that Rab could spell appar-
ently just as well as Dab, only he knew
not a single letter.
During the summer I went to the
mountains to visit a sister, and things
went on very satisfactorily. I had Jim
write me a weekly letter telling all
that went on at the plantation and in
the yard, and he reported everything
as serene until the autumn, when
Chloe announced in a letter the death
of Mr. Vander and the disappearance
of all the little V.'s, and in a delicate
way hinted that their death had not
been a natural one, but accused no one.
I knew from the mysterious tone of
the letter that something was very
wrong, and when I got home the tale
was told. Rechab had chased and
killed Mr. Vander, and caught the lit-
tle ones and either eaten or sold them.
Mrs. Vander had been wounded, but
Chloe had nursed her back to health.
It was a sad outcome of my experi-
ment in improved stock, and I was at
a loss what to do, but finally I con-
cluded to appear ignorant of Rab's
evil deeds during my absence.
The boys were quite well and much
grown. They seemed delighted to see
me back, as were all the servants and
the Negroes on the plantation.
The first week in November the move
from the pine land back to the river,
that bete noire of life on a rice-planta-
tion, was accomplished. Cinthy, who
had been left in the yard alone during
the summer, was overjoyed to see the
return of the household. She had the
yard raked very clean, no weeds, no
dead leaves anywhere; so I presented
her with a calico frock and a new pair of
shoes, and her cup of joy seemed over-
flowing. I wanted her to try on the
shoes at once so that if they did not
fit I could exchange them. I had got
the number she told me she wore,
— threes; but the vanity of giving a
number which is entirely too small is
very common among the Negroes, and
I wanted to see for myself if these
fitted.
But Cinthy refused to try them on,
saying, * To-night I gwine wash me
foot, en I'll try de sho' on to-morrow
when me foot clean.'
The next morning as I sat at the
breakfast-table, Chloe came in to say
that Cinthy did not 'feel so well.'
I was much surprised, for she had
seemed so well and so gay the day be-
fore.
'Is she in bed, Chloe?' I asked.
'Oh, no, ma'am, I leP um de sit by
de fire, but 'e say 'e ain't feel so good.'
I poured out and sweetened heavily
a cup of coffee and took it out at once
to Cinthy's room. I knocked, but get-
ting no answer pushed the door open
and went in. Cinthy was saying her
prayers, kneeling by the bed; so I sat
down on the little bench by the fire, and
set the cup of coffee on the hearth.
After a few minutes, thinking she
had fallen asleep, I went to her and
laid my hand gently on her shoulder.
To my horror, the whole figure shook
just as though I had touched a doll.
Cinthy was dead! It was a dreadful
shock. By her side were the new shoes
yet untried. The bed was tidily made
up, the room swept, and everything
around was neat and commonplace,
588
RAB AND DAB
but the mighty dignity of Death had
entered the poor room, and there was
a great pathos in the solemn figure.
She had sunk on her knees to hear the
Master's summons. Simple, unlearned
Cinthy had been called up higher. She
knew the great secret of the hereafter.
I called Chloe, who almost fainted
when I told her. I called Bonaparte,
my head man and carpenter, and sent
Jim for the doctor ; but there was no-
thing to be done. It was heart disease
of which no one had any suspicion. I
sent down to Cinthy's son, who lived
in Gregory, and her friends were noti-
fied and they assembled promptly and
sang 'sperituals' and recounted Cin-
thy's virtues, which they all seemed
now to appreciate.
The son, who owned his house and
lot in town, a horse and buggy and
pair of oxen, had never thought of pro-
viding his mother with the smallest
comfort while she lived. Now, how-
ever, he paid her his tribute of tears.
I had Bonaparte make a coffin, buying
all the necessary things at the neigh-
boring country store; and as I could
get nothing that looked nice for the
inside, I took my work-basket out
under an oak tree, and pinked out
yards and yards of white trimming,
which was greatly admired. I cut a
deep scallop, and then a cluster of holes
in it, which gave a very fine effect.
It was a relief to sit out under the
canopy of Heaven and have this me-
chanical occupation while I recovered
from the shock and agitation. I had
given Chloe a nice outfit from my own
things for the * laying-out,' and a large
bow of black^ ribbon for Cinthy's neck.
All of these little adornments of the
empty shell mean so much to Negroes,
and I knew I could in no other way
do as much for the limited faithful
creature.
The simple funeral took place the
next day with much circumstance, and
its wild minor music, so descriptive of
death as a terror, brought to my mem-
ory the many nights when as a child
I had covered my head with the bed
clothing to keep from my ears that
heart-breaking wail; and even now, as
the last rites were being paid to Cinthy
in the bury ing-ground they all love
so well, some of the same feeling crept
upon me, and it was hard to realize
that 'Death is swallowed up in Vic-
tory,' that it is truly only the Gate to
Life.
Beside her parents and grandparents
Cinthy was laid to rest. Then came
the disposal of her ' ting.' The son said,
magnanimously, that he wanted noth-
ing, so Chloe proceeded to distribute
the little treasures among the few
friends who had been kind to Cinthy
when she was in need, before I found
her, and 'brought her home,' as she al-
ways said. It was very little, — a cook-
ing pot, a spider, a tub, her bedding,
and clothing, including the new calico
dress; but they were much prized by
the recipients. No one wanted her litr
tie bedstead, a neat little home-made
frame; but Cinthy thought a great deal
of it for it was made of 'Indian Pride,'
she said. I had this put out in the or-
chard, and the untried shoes I took
back to the house.
I told Jim he must take the boys to
sleep in his house for a while till the
sense of emptiness in the next room
had passed away; so he invited them;
but Jonadab refused, saying they did
not want to leave their room; and they
slept next to the empty room without
one thought of fear, and after a month
begged me to let them move into Cin-
thy's room, which had been scoured
and whitewashed. I consented, and
they moved in and seemed delighted
with their new quarters.
During this winter Jonadab con-
tinued to go to school, though it gave
him a walk of eight miles and I thought
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
589
it was too far for such a little fellow.
He was anxious to go, however, and
insisted that it was not too far, and
proved that he was right by growing
in health and strength all winter. He
brought my mail with him every day
from the post-office, which was just
opposite his schoolhouse in Peaceville.
He had a hoop from a barrel which he
rolled along the level road, and made
the distance in very short time, and ap-
parently without fatigue. Rab wanted
to go too, but I would not consent, and
he spent his time getting * bresh ' with
the little axe and the little cart. He
still indulged his great fondness for
eggs, but was willing to divide now,
and brought some to the house.
(To be continued.)
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
BY W. L. GEORGE
THE change which has come over
politics reflects closely enough the
change which has come about in the
direction of man's desire. Diplomacy
and the affairs of kings have given place
to wages and the housing of the poor;
that which was serious has become
pompous; that which was of no account
now stands in the foreground. And so
it is not absurd to suggest that one of
those things which once made jests for
the comic paper and the Victorian
paterfamilias has, little by little, with
the spread of wealth, become a problem
of the day, a problem profound and
menacing, full of intimations of social
decay, not far remote in its reactions
from the spread of a disease.
That problem is the problem of wo-
men's dress, or rather it is the problem
of the fashions in women's dress.
Women have never been content mere-
ly to clothe themselves, nor, for the
matter of that, until very recently,
have men; but men have grown a new
sanity while women, if we read aright
the signs of the times, have grown
naught save a new insanity. We have
come to a point where, for a great num-
ber of women, the fashions have be-
come the motive power of life, and
where, for almost every woman, they
have acquired great importance. Wo-
men classify each other according to
their clothes; they have corrupted the
drama into a showroom; they have
completely ruined the more expensive
parts of the opera house; they have in-
vaded the newspapers in myriad para-
graphs, in fashion-pages, and do not
spare even the august columns of the
most dignified papers. This preoccu-
pation does not exist among men. We
have had our dandies and we still have
our * nuts' and dudes; but it never
served a man very well to be a dandy
or a beau, and most of us to-day sus-
pect that if the 'nut' were broken, he
would be found to contain no kernel.
Men have escaped the fashions and
590
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
therewith they have spared themselves
much loss of energy and money. For
it is not only the fashions that matter:
it is the cost of women's clothes, the in-
trinsic cost ; it is their continual changes
for no reason, changes which some-
times produce, and sometimes destroy,
beauty; sometimes promote comfort,
and often cause torture. But always by
their drafts upon its wealth women lead
humanity nearer to poverty, envy, dis-
content, frivolity, starvation, prostitu-
tion, — to general social degradation.
Nothing can mitigate these evils until
woman is induced to view clothing as
does the modern man, until, namely,
she decides to wear uniform.
ii
The costliness of women's clothes
would not be so serious if the fashions
did not change at so bewildering a
speed. We have come to a point where
women have not time to wear out their
clothes, flimsy though they be; where
we ought to welcome the adulteration
of silk and wool; where we ought to
hope that every material may get shod-
dier and more worthless, so that the
new model may have a chance to jus-
tify its short life by the badness of the
stuff. To-day women will quite openly
say, * I won't buy that. I could n't wear
it out.' They actually want to wear out
their clothes! The causes of this are
obvious enough. We are told that there
are 'rings' in Paris, London, and
Vienna which decree every few months
that the clothes of yesterday have be-
come a social stigma; this is true, but
much truer is the view that women are
in the grasp of a new hysteria; that,
lacking the old occupations of brewing,
baking, child-rearing, spinning, they
are desperately looking for something
to do. They have found it : they are un-
doing the social system.
,. It was not always so. It is true
that all through history, even in bib-
lical times, moralists and preachers
inveighed against the gewgaws that
woman loves. They cried out before
they were hurt; if he were alive to-
day, Bossuet might, for the first time,
fail to find words.
To the old curse of cost we have add-
ed change, as any student of costume
will confirm; for in past ages the cloth-
ing of women did not change very rap-
idly. There is hardly any difference
between the costume of 1755 and that
which Queen Marie Leszczynska wore
ten years later ; in Greece, between
B.C. 500 and 400, the Ionic chiton and
himation varied but little ; the Doric
chiton did not vary at all; the varia-
tions in the over-mantle were not con-
siderable. Any examination of early
sculpture, of Attic vases or of terra
cottas, will show that this is true. The
ladies of Queen Elizabeth's court, to-
gether with their royal mistress, wore
the same kind of clothes through their
adult years. Their clothes were some-
times costly, but when bought they
were bought, and until worn out were
not discarded. And our grandmothers
had that famous black-silk dress, so
sturdy that it stood up by itself, very
like a Victorian virtue; it lasted a life-
time, sometimes became an heir-loom.
There was no question then of fash-
ion following on fashion at a whirling
pace-. Women were clothed, sometimes
beautifully, sometimes hideously, but
at any rate they scrapped their gowns
only when they were worn out; now
they scrap them as soon as they have
been worn. The results of this I deal
with further on, but here already I can
suggest these results by quoting a few
facts. Before me lies one of Messrs.
Barker's advertisements; it seems that
there are reception gowns, restaurant
gowns; that there are coats for the
races, and coats for the car, wraps for
one thing, and wraps for another — and
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
591
the advertisement adds that these are
the 'latest novelties' for 'the coming
season/ and that all this is 'for the
spring.' And then there is an adver-
tisement of Messrs. Tudor Brothers,
who have gowns for Ascot, and — this
is quite true — gowns for Alexandra
Day.
I have looked in vain for gowns for
July 23, for gowns to be worn between
a quarter past eleven and half-past
twelve in the morning, and for special
mourning gowns for a cousin's step-
father. Some occasions are shamefully
disregarded. They are not disregarded
by everybody; at least I presume that
the lady quoted by Mrs. Cobden-
Sanderson in her lecture in March, who
possessed one hundred and ten night-
dresses, could cope with any eventu-
ality; there is the lady, mentioned to
me by a friend who made some Amer-
ican investigations for me, who pos-
sesses one hundred and fifty pairs of
slippers. There is, too, the Bon March6
in Paris, where, out of a staff of six
thousand to seven thousand, are em-
ployed fifteen hundred dressmakers,
and where there is a special workroom
for the creation of models.
As all these people must find some-
thing to do, they create, unless they
merely steal from the dead; but one
thing they always do, and that is de-
stroy yesterday. Out of their activities
comes a continual stream of new colors
and new combinations of colors, of high
heels and low heels, gilt heels and jew-
eled heels; they give us the spat that is
to keep out the wet and then the spat
that does not keep out the eye. Before
me lies a picture of a spat made of lace;
another of a skirt slit so high as to re-
veal a jeweled garter. That is creation,
and I suppose I shall be told that that
is art. It is art sometimes, and very
beautiful, but beauty does not make it
live; in fact beauty causes the creation
to die more swiftly, because the more
appealing it is, the more it is worn : as
soon as it is worn by the many, the
furious craving for distinction sweeps
down upon it and slays it. There are
several mad women in the St. Anne asy-
lum in Paris whose peculiar disease is
that they cannot retain the same idea
for more than a few seconds ; they ring
the changes on a few hundreds of ideas.
Properly governed, their inspirations
might be valuable in Grafton Street.
I do not think the end is near; indeed,
fashions will be more extreme to-mor-
row than they are to-day. The contin-
ual growth of wealth, and the difficulty
of spending it when it clots in a few
hands, will make for a greater desire
to spend more, more quickly, more
continually, and in wilder and wilder
forms. The women are to-day having
individual orgies; to-morrow will come
the saturnalia.
in
There is a clear difference between
the cost of women's clothes and of
men's. It is absolutely impossible to
dress a woman of the comfortable class-
es for the same amount per annum that
will serve her husband well. I must
quote a few figures taken from Boston,
New York, and London.
Boston. — Persons considered: those
having $4500 to $7500 a year.
Average price of a suit (coat and
skirt), $40 ready to wear; made by a
dressmaker of slight pretensions, $125
to $225.
Afternoon dresses, ready to wear,
$125 to $225.
Evening dresses, absolute minimum,
$50; fashionable frocks, $200 to $350.
On an income of $7500 a woman's
hat will cost $25; variation, $20 to $45;
hats easily attain $125.
Veils attain $5 ; opera cloaks in stores,
$90 to $250. Dressmakers charge $450
to $600.
592
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
New York. — Winter street dress,
$225.
Skunk muff and stole, $200.
Hats for the year, at least $250 to
$300.
Foot-wear, $250 per annum.
I am informed that a lady in active
society can * manage with care' on
$2500, but really needs $4500 to $5000.
A * moderate' wardrobe allows for
* extremely simple' gowns costing $125
each; the lady in question requires at
least six new evening dresses and six
remodeled, per annum. She wore an
average set of furs, price $1500.
London. — Debenham & Freebody
blouse, $10.
Ponting's Leghorn hat, $8. Gorringe
straws, $12 to $14.
I am informed that where the house-
hold income is $3500 to $7500 a year
the ordinary prices are as follows: —
Coats and skirts, $50 to $75.
Evening dresses, $75 to $120.
Hats, $7.50 to $20.
Silk stockings are cheap at $1.50, and
veils at $1.50.
Now these are all moderate figures
and will shock nobody, but if they are
compared with the prices paid by men,
they are, without any question of fash-
ion, outrageous. I believe they are high
because it is men and not women who
pay, because the dressmaker trades on
man's sex-enslavement. But I am con-
cerned just now less with causes than
with facts, and would rather ask how
the modest $100 evening gown com-
pares with the man's $63 dress suit
(by a good tailor). How does the $63
coat and skirt compare with a man's
lounge suit, price $36 by anybody save
Poole, and by him only $52.50? No
man has, I believe, paid more than $9
for a silk hat, while his wife pays at
least $20. The point is not worth labor-
ing, it is obvious; while every man
knows that a 'good cut' does not ac-
count for the discrepancy, as he too
pays, but pays moderately, for the art
of a good tailor. And, mark you, apart
from cost, men's clothes last indefinite-
ly, while women's, if they have the mis-
fortune to last, must be given away.
The prices I have quoted are moder-
ate prices, and I cannot resist the temp-
tation to give some others which are
not unusual. I am informed that $400
can easily be charged for an afternoon
dress, $1000 for an evening dress, $200
for a coat and skirt; that it is quite easy
to spend $5000 a year on underclothes
and $250 on an aigrette. I observe a
Maison Lewis Ascot hat, price $477.
Yantorny will not make a shoe under
$60; a pair of his shoes made of feathers
is priced by him at $2400.
As for totals: I have private infor-
mation of an expenditure of $30,000
a year on dress; one of $70,000 is re-
ported to me from America. I have
seen a bill for dress and lingerie alone
incurred at one shop: $35,000 in twelve
months.
IV
It might be thought that this ghastly
picture speaks for itself, but evidently
it does not, as hardly anybody takes
any notice of the question. I will ven-
ture to draw attention to the results of
what is happening, ignoring the abnor-
mal figures, because I wish to reason
from what happens all the time rather
than from what happens now and then,
to figure the position in which the
world finds itself because women do
not hesitate to spend upon their clothes
a full ten per cent of the household in-
come. This figure is correct: such in-
quiries as I have been able to make
among women of my acquaintance
prove it. Out of a joint income of $12,-
500 a year one woman spends $1350 a
year on clothes; another, out of $5750
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
593
a year, last year $655; a third, out
of $8000 a year, $700, but she is a
* dowdy/
In households of moderate means,
where a certain social status is kept up,
where, for instance, a woman takes
$500 a year out of $5000, while her hus-
band dresses well on $200, when all ex-
penses have been paid there is money
for little else; fixed charges, children,
service, taxes, swallow up the rest.
There is hardly anything left for books,
barely for a circulating library; there is
very little for the theatre and for
games; holidays are taken in hideous
lodgings at the sea-side because a com-
fortable bungalow costs too much. The
money that should have provided the
most important thing in human life,
namely pleasure, is on the woman's
back.
In the lower classes the case is in a
way still worse. I do not mean work-
men's wives, for any old rag will serve
the slaves, — but their daughters!
Recently a coroner's inquest in Soho
showed that a girl had practically
starved herself to death to buy fine
clothes, and it is not an isolated case.
For the last eight years I have been in-
vestigating the condition of working-
women, and, so far as typists, manicur-
ists, and tea-shop girls are concerned, I
assert that their main object in leav-
ing the homes where they are kept is
to have money for smart clothes; they
flood the labor market at blackleg
prices, to buy finery and for no other
reason. They go further : while making
the necessary inquiries for my novel,
A Bed of Roses, I scheduled the cases
of about forty London prostitutes. In
about 25 per cent of the cases the origi-
nal cause, direct or contributory, was a
desire for luxury which took the form of
fine clothes. Now these women tell one
what they think one would like to hear,
and, where they scent sympathy, as
much as possible attribute their fall to
VOL. 114 -NO. 5
man's deceit. But acumen develops in
the investigator; the figure of 25 per
cent is correct or may even be an un-
derestimate.
The conclusion is that from fifteen
thousand to twenty-five thousand wo-
men now on the streets of London have
been brought there by a desire for self-
adornment. Meanwhile there is no
labor available for the poor consumer,
because the energy of the dressmaker
is diverted toward the rich; while Miss
So-and-So is paid $4000 a year to design
hats, the working-wife wears a man's
cap rescued from the refuse-heap.
I shall be told that the rich are not
responsible for the luxurious desires of
the poor; but that is evidently - non-
sense : the rich themselves are not inno-
cent of prostitution; I have had re-
ported the case of a well-paid Russian
dancer whose dress bills are paid by
two financiers; that of a French actress
who calmly states that she needs three
lovers, one for her hats, one for her
lingerie, and one for her gowns; and a
close inquiry into the 'bridge losses'
which occasionally provoke the fall of
rich men's daughters will show that
these are dressmakers' bills. All this is
not without its effect upon the poor.
The girl of the lower classes, hypnotized
by fashion-plates, compelled to witness
at the doors of fashionable churches, in
the street, at the music-halls, and even
at the picture-palaces, the continu-
ous streaming past of the fashion pag-
eant, develops an intolerable desire for
finery. You may say that she is wrong,
that she should practice self-denial,
but this is not an age of self-denial; lux-
ury is in the air, we despair of happi-
ness and take to pleasure, we feel the
future life too far ahead, we want to
enjoy. It is natural enough, especially
for girls who are young and who feel
unfairly out-classed by richer women
who are neither as young nor as beau-
tiful; but still it is base. If baseness is
594
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
to go, the lesson must come from the
top; if there is to be self-denial, then
que messieurs les assassins commencent !
Until the rich woman realizes that her
example is her responsibility it will be
fair to say that the Albemarle Street
$500 gown has its consequence in a pro-
stitute on the Tottenham Court Road.
The rich woman herself does not
escape scot free. It is obvious that the
woman chiefly occupied with thoughts
of dress develops a peculiar kind of fri-
volity, that she becomes unfit to think
of art, the public interest, perhaps of
love. She is the worst social product, a
parasite, and she is not even always
beautiful. Sometimes she is insane:
the investigations of Dr. Bernard Holz
and of Dr. Rudolf Foerster connect
the mania for fashion with paranoia,
and have elicited extraordinary facts,
such as the collection of clothes by in-
sane women, and such as cases of pyro-
mania which coincided with a craze for
dress.
It is, indeed, quite possible that some
women might go mad if they perma-
nently felt themselves less well-dressed
than their fellows; and that is the crux
of the fashion idea. Woman does not
desire to be beautifully dressed: she
desires to be more beautifully dressed
than her fellows. She wishes to insult
and humiliate her sisters, and, as mod-
ern clothes are costly, she does not hes-
itate to give full play to human cruelty,
to use all the resources of the rich hus-
band on whom she preys to satisfy her
pride and to apply her arrogant ingenu-
ity to the torture of her sisters. And I
said, 'She wants to be more beautiful.'
Is that quite right? Partly, though
what woman mainly seeks is not to be
beautiful but to be fashionable; the
words have become synonymous. Yet
the fashions are not always beautiful;
sometimes they are hideous, break
every line of the body, make it awk-
ward, hamper its movements. If
women truly wanted to be beautiful
they would not follow the fashions : our
little dark, sloe-eyed women would
dress rather like the Japanese, and our
big, ox-eyed beauties would appear as
Greeks; but no, Juno, Carmen, and
Dante's Beatrice, all together and all
in turn, don first the crinoline and then
the hobble skirt.
Nor do they want to attract men.
They think they do but they do not, for
they know perfectly well that few men
realize what they wear, that all they
observe is * something blue ' or an effect
they call * very doggy ' ; they know also
that men do not wed the dangerous
smart, but the modest; that men fear
the implication that smart women are
unvirtuous, and that they certainly
fear their dressmakers' bills. Nor is it
even true that women want many new
clothes so as to be clean: if that were
true, men in their well-worn suits could
not be touched with a pitchfork. The
truth is that changes in fashion are a
habit and a hysteria, an advertisement,
an insult offered by wealth to poverty,
a degradation of women's qualities
which carries its own penalty in the
form of growing mental baseness.
Well, what shall we do? Women
must wear uniform. Strictly, they al-
ready do wear uniform, for what is a
fashion but a uniform? Some years ago
when musquash coats (and cheaper
velveteen) were 'in,' and hats were
very small, there were in London scores
of thousands of young women so ex-
actly alike that considerable confusion
was caused at tube stations and such
other places where lovers meet; this
simplifies the problem of choosing the
new uniform. Let it not be thought
that I wish women to dress in sack-
cloth, though they will certainly dress
in sackcloth if ever sackcloth comes
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
595
in; I do not care what they wear pro-
vided they do not continually alter its
form, and provided it is not too dear.
The way in which old and young, tall
and short, fat and thin, force them-
selves into the same color and the same
shape is sheer socialism; I merely want
to carry the uniform idea a little fur-
ther, to make it a permanent uniform.
We already have uniforms for wo-
men, apart from the fashions, uniforms
which never change : those of the nurse,
the nun, the parlor-maid, the tea-girl.
We have national costumes, Dutch,
Swiss, Irish, Japanese, Italian; we have
drill-suits and sports-dresses. And they
are not ugly. All these uniformed
women have as good a chance of mar-
riage as any others, and her ladyship
gains as many proposals on the golf-
links as at night on the terrace. I would
suggest that women should have two
or three uniforms of a kind to be de-
cided, which would never change, and,
I repeat, they need not be ugly uni-
forms.
Men's uniforms are not ugly; I
would any day exchange my lounge
suit for the uniform of a guardsman
— if I might wear it. In this 'if is
the essence of the whole idea, the whole
practicability of it. Men wear uniform,
that is to say lounge-suits in certain
circumstances, morning coats in others,
evening clothes in yet others. They
never vary. We are told that they vary.
Tailors show new suitings, the papers
print articles about men's fashions, and
perhaps a button is added or a lapel is
lengthened, and that is all. Nobody
cares. Men follow no fashions so far as
the fable of men's fashions is true; they
dare not do so because to do so serves
them ill in society. A man who dares to
break through the uniform idea of his
sex is generally dubbed a * bounder'; if
he is one of the very young fancy-
socked, extreme-collared kind, people
smile and say, ' It '11 wear off with time.'
And women, who tolerate the dandies
at tea-time, love the others.
The uniform would have to be
brought in by a group of leaders of
fashion determined to abolish fashion.
I could sketch a dozen uniforms, but
women would make a great to-do, for-
getting that most fashions are created
by men, so I will confine myself to
timid suggestions.
1. For general out-door wear the
coat and skirt is the best, together with
a blouse. Lace and insertion should be
abandoned, and I feel that the skirt is
too long for walking; this month it is
certainly too tight to enable a woman
to get into an omnibus or railway-car-
riage gracefully. Probable price, com-
plete, $50.
2. For summer wear, a plain blouse
and skirt; not the atrocious blouse end-
ing at the belt, but the beautiful tunic-
blouse that falls over the hips. Both
blouse and skirt would need to be made
of a permanently fixed, plain, and uni-
colored material. Total cost, $25.
3. If the skirt were shortened, leg-
gings, gaiters, and stockings would have
to be standardized; the shoe-buckle,
being too costly, would disappear.
4. A fixed type of hat, without fea-
thers or aigrettes, made in straw and
trimmed with flowers; produced in
scores of thousands, it ought not to
cost more than $2.50.
5. A fixed type of evening-gown,
price $24 or $32, without any lace or
trimmings, sequins, paillettes; without
overlays of flimsies of any kind; no
voile, no pongee silk, no chiffon, no
charmeuse or tulle, no crepe de Chine,
no muslin, but a stuff of good quality,
hanging in straight folds. Jewelry to be
banned.
6. The afternoon dress should be
completely suppressed; it responds to
no need.
7. The total annual cost would be
about $150.
596
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
I shall be asked whether this can be
done. I think it can. Recently the
Queen of Italy created a vogue for coral
ornaments among the Roman ladies so
as to restore their livelihood to the fish-
ermen of Torre del Greco. That points
the way; we do not need sumptuary
laws, though, in times to come, when
capitalism is nothing but a historical
incident, we may have passed through
such laws into a fuller freedom. It is
enough to decree that any variation
from the new standard is bad form.
Human beings will break all laws, but
they shrink if you tell them that they
are infringing the rules of etiquette.
There are many men to-day who would
like to wear satin and velvet : they dare
not because it is bad form. If, there-
fore, a permanent clothing scheme were
established by strong patrons, if it were
agreeable to the eye, which is easy to
arrange, I believe that fashions could
be fixed because it would be known
that a woman who went beyond the
uniform must either be disreputable or
suffer from bad taste.
VI
I shall be told that I am warring
against art. That is not true: some
fashions are beautiful, some are hide-
ous. Who would to-day wear the crin-
oline? Who would wear the gigot
sleeve? They are ugly — but, stay!
Are they? Will they not be worn in
an adapted form some time within the
next generation? They will, because
fashions are not works of art; they are
only fashions. Women do not adapt
the fashions to themselves, they adapt
themselves to the fashions, and it is a
current joke that even woman's anat-
omy is adjusted to suit the clothes of
the day.
Doubtless I shall be challenged on
this, and told that woman's individu-
ality expresses itself in her clothes.
That again is not true; the girl with a
face like a Madonna will wear a ballet-
skirt if it comes in, and if she has to
'adapt ' the ballet-skirt to the Madonna
idea I should like to know how it is go-
ing to be done. Indeed the one thing
woman avoids doing is expressing her
individuality; she wants what Oscar
Wilde called ' the holy calm of feeling
perfectly dressed,' that is, like every-
body else, and a little more expensively.
It may be retorted, however, that
uniform is not cheap. That again is un-
true. When a uniform is standardized,
turned out in quantities and never
varied, it can be made very cheaply.
Men's clothing, which is not fully
standardized, is such that no man need
spend more than $250 a year. That is
the condition I want for women. Of
course it will make unemployed, and
our sympathy will be invoked for dress-
makers thrown out of work: that is the
old argument against railways on be-
half of coaches, against the mule-jenny,
against every engine of human pro-
gress, and it is sheer barbarism. Labor
redistributes itself; money wasted on
women's clothes will be used in other
trades which will reabsorb the labor
and make it useful instead of sterile.
An apparently more powerful argu-
ment is that uniform would deprive
women of their individuality : it cannot
be much of an individuality that de-
pends upon a frock, and I am reduced
to wonder whether some women lose
their personality once their frock is
taken off. Still, there is a little force
in the argument, for it seems to lead
to the conclusion that beautiful wo-
men will enjoy undue advantage when
dressed as are the ill-favored. But
this is not a true conclusion; it is not
even true to say that one cannot be
distinctive in uniform, as anybody will
realize who compares a smart soldier
with an untidy one. I have myself worn
a soldier's coat and know what care
UNIFORMS FOR WOMEN
597
may make of it. Nor do I believe that
the beautiful would win; by winning
is meant winning men, but we know
perfectly well that it is not body which
wins men: it wins them only to lose
them after a while. It is something else
which wins men: individuality, wit,
gayety, cleverness, or cleverness clever
enough to appear foolish. And we men
who wear uniform, does not our indi-
viduality manage to attract? It does;
and indeed I go further: I assert that
fashions smother individuality because
they are tyrannical and much more
obtrusive than uniforms. Woman's
charms are to-day dwarfed because men
are dazzled and misled by the mere-
tricious paraphernalia which clothe
woman; the true charms have to
struggle for life. I want to give them
full play, to enable men to choose bet-
ter and more sanely, no longer the
empty odalisque but the woman whose
personality is such that it can domi-
nate her uniform. That will be a true
race and a finer than the game of sex-
temptation which women think they
are playing.
It may be said that uniform will do
away with class-distinctions, that one
will no longer be able to tell a lady from
one who is not. That is not true. What
one will no longer be able to tell is a
rich woman from a poor one; and who
is to complain of that? Surely it will
not be men, for it is not true, I repeat,
that men admire extravagant clothes;
nor are they tempted by them; nor do
women dress to tempt them: at any
rate the seduction of Adam was not
compassed in that way.
Besides, women give away their own
case: if their clothes were intended
to attract men then surely married
women would cease to follow the fash-
ions unless, which I am reluctant to
conclude, they still desire to pursue
after marriage their nefarious, heart-
breaking career.
The last suggestion is that women
would not wear the uniform. Not fol-
low a fashion? This has never hap-
pened before.
I adhere therefore to my general view
that if woman is to be diverted from
the path that leads straight toward a
greater degradation of her faculties; if
household budgets are to be relieved
so as to leave money for pleasure and
for culture; if true beauty is to take the
place of tinsel, feathers, frills, ruffles,
poudre de riz ; if middle-class women are
to cease to live in bitterness because
they cannot keep up with the rich; if
the daughters of the poor are no longer
to be stimulated and corrupted by ex-
ample into poverty and prostitution, it
will be necessary for the few who lead
the many to realize that simplicity,
modesty, moderation, and grace are the
only things which will enable women to
gain for themselves, and for men, peace
and satisfaction out of a civilization
every day more hectic.
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
BY H. L. MENCKEN
OF all the public critics of the Ger-
mans in modern times, not even except-
ing H. G. Wells, Napoleon III, and the
ravished burghers of Louvain, there
has been none who belabored the Te-
desco skull with harder blows, or got
fiercer joy out of the delivery of them,
than Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche, her-
etic, rhapsodist, and prophet of the
superman.
The business, with Nietzsche, took
on the virulence and dignity of a grande
passion. It was at once his vocation,
his vice, and his substitute and apol-
ogy for a religion. In the first book
of his philosophical canon, written
amid the Hochs and band-brayings of
the year following Worth and Sedan,
he made his formal entry into the arena
with a sort of blanket challenge to the
whole of German culture, denouncing
it out of hand as a pseudo-scientific
sentimentalism, a Philistine yielding
to the slippered and brummagem, a
wholesale begging of questions. And
in his last book of all, dashed off at
feverish speed as the darkness closed
in upon him, he returned once more
to the attack, and in full fuming and
fury.
No epithet was too outrageous, no
charge was too far-fetched, no manipu-
lation or interpretation of evidence
was too daring, to enter into his fero-
cious indictment. He accused the Ger-
mans of stupidity, superstitiousness,
and silliness; of a chronic weakness
for dodging issues, a fatuous 'barn-
598
yard 'and 'green-grazing ' contentment;
of yielding supinely to the commands
and exactions of a clumsy and unintel-
ligent government; of degrading edu-
cation to the low level of mere cram-
ming and examination-passing: of a
congenital inability to understand and
absorb the culture of other peoples,
and particularly the culture of the
French; of a boorish bumptiousness
and an ignorant, ostrich-like compla-
cency; of a systematic hostility to
men of genius, whether in art, science,
or philosophy (so that Schopenhauer,
dead in 1860, remained 'the last Ger-
man who was a European event ') ; of
a slavish devotion to 'the two great
European narcotics, alcohol and Chris-
tianity ' ; of a profound beeriness, a spir-
itual dyspepsia, a puerile mysticism, an
old-womanish pettiness, an ineradica-
ble liking for 'the obscure, evolving,
crepuscular, damp, and shrouded.'
The German soul, he argued, was
full of 'caves, hiding-places, and dun-
geons.' German taste was the negation,
the antithesis, the torture and death of
taste. German music was at once in-
toxicating and stupefying, 'a first-rate
nerve-destroyer, doubly dangerous to a
people given to drinking.' German wit
had no existence. German cookery was
'a return to nature, that is, to canni-
balism.' Germany itself was 'the flat-
land of Europe.'
And having made all these charges,
Nietzsche by no means tried to evade
their implications, however embarrass-
ing. Did his denunciation of German
music collide with the massive fact of
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
599
Wagner? Then he was far from dis-
mayed. Wagner, on the one hand, was
a mountebank, a sentimentalist in dis-
guise, a secret Christian; and on the
other hand, he was not a German at all,
but a Jew ! (His true name was Geyer,
that is, vulture. It was but a step from
Geyer to Adler, — that is, eagle, — and
where is there a more thoroughly Jew-
ish patronymic? I do not burlesque:
somewhere in Nietzsche you 'will find
the actual passage.) And Bismarck?
Wasn't he, at least, a German? By
no means! He was an East German,
which is to say, a Slav. (And so was
Luther !)
As for Nietzsche himself, the one firm
faith of his life was his belief in his
Polish origin. He cultivated a disor-
derly, truculent, and what he conceived
to be Polish facade, wearing an enor-
mous and bristling mustache. He wrote
a book, which was privately printed, to
prove that the true form of his name
was Nietzschy, and that it was Polish
and noble. It delighted him when the
people at some obscure watering-place,
deceived by his looks, nicknamed him
'The Polack.' The one unforgivable
insult was to call him a German.
It goes without saying that all this
heaping of scorn upon everything Ger-
man won few readers for Nietzsche
among the yeomen of the Germany
that he attacked, and even fewer ad-
mirers. His charges were too strident,
too extravagant, too offensive, to win
any serious attention. The Germans of
the seventies, in point of fact, were
quite as close to his caricature as the
English of the fifties had been to the
caricature of Thackeray, but, still dizzy
with success, they were anything but
ready to hear or acknowledge the truth.
And so the earlier of his books, say
down to 1876 or thereabout, were sent
into that Coventry which is as crushing
to books as to men.
The stray reviews that survive were
all printed in papers of limited circu-
lation, and their authors, so far as I
can make out, were all college profess-
ors of no importance. These gentlemen
treated Nietzsche with that smother-
ing courtesy which is proper between
one professor and another. (He him-
self, remember, still held the chair of
classical philology at Basel.) That is
to say, they laboriously rectified his
references and quotations, they sniffed
at his heterodox notions as to the ori-
gin and inner content of Greek civil-
ization, and they passed over, as too
journalistic and undignified for formal
con t reversion, his applications of those
notions to the patriotism, the reli-
gion, and the ethical theory of the new
Empire.
One or two of them chided him for
his terrific assault on David Strauss,
the fashionable German theologian of
the day, but even here there seems
to have been no suspicion that he had
done any actual damage. The thing
was simply a matter of taste — it
was not nice for a conceited young
professor, with the ink scarcely dry
upon his degree, to make faces at so
eminent a thinker as Strauss. As for
the Germans in general, they knew no
more about Nietzsche and his chal-
lenges, in those days of thirty-five years
ago, than they knew about sanitary
plumbing or the theory of least squares.
His most vociferous shouts and accu-
sations were as inaudible whispers in
that din of mutual back-slapping, that
homeric rattling of seidel-\ids, that deaf-
ening chorus of * Deutschland, Deutsch-
land uber allesT The young Empire
was beginning to feel its oats. What
was one fly?
Even in 1878, when the first part of
Human, All-too-Human flung out its
bold questioning, not only of German
culture, but also of most of the funda-
mental assumptions of Christian civil-
ization, the response was confined to a
600
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
relatively small circle, with the author's
personal friends at its centre. Wagner,
to whom the book was sent (crossing
Parsifal in the mails!), looked through
it, found it unpleasant and incompre-
hensible (the real Wagner-Nietzsche
war was to come later on), and quietly
washed his hands of Nietzsche. Frau
Cosima and Papa Liszt wrote him po-
lite, patronizing letters. The orthodox
philosophers, putting on their black
caps, 'formally read him out of their
society. A few radical critics, while de-
nouncing the contents of the book and
protesting against its chaotic form,
gave praise to its frenchified and gor-
geous style. A few readers sprang up
with commendations here and there,
and some of them were destined to be-
come disciples in the years to come.
But the sensation that the book made
was, after all, very short-lived, and the
great body of Germans remained com-
fortably unaware of it. When the sec-
ond volume appeared, in 1879, it fell
flat. The third, published in 1880, fol-
lowed it into the shadows. The pub-
lisher found himself with an unsold
stock on his hands; Nietzsche himself,
it is probable, had to pay the printer's
bill. It was not until 1886, when the
book was reprinted as a whole, that its
ideas began to fall into the stream of
German thinking, and its phrases to
impress themselves upon the cham-
pions of the new national ideal.
ii
Even so, the genuine turn of the tide
toward Nietzsche was to be delayed for
six years more. It came at last in 1892,
with the publication of the four parts of
Thus Spake Zarathustra. Here, after
six trials and six failures, he struck
twelve with a resounding thwack. Here
was success indubitable : a book almost
perfectly adapted to arrest, arouse,
stimulate, antagonize, inflame, and con-
quer. Here, at one stroke, was a pro-
found and revolutionary treatise upon
human conduct, and a glowing and
magnificent work of art. The thing
that Nietzsche accomplished in it was
something that had been scarcely ac-
complished by anyone else since the
day of the Hebrew prophets: he had
put a whole system of morals into
dithyrambs, and the dithyrambs were
sonorous, beautiful, eloquent, thrilling.
It was as if a new Luther had begun to
speak with the tongue of a new Goethe;
as if a new David had been sent into
Germany to kindle her against the
false gods of the past. And beside this
intrinsic power of appeal, this peculiar
fitness for a dual assault upon emo-
tions and reason, the book had two
further advantages, the first being that
it offered a less direct and contemptu-
ous affront to German susceptibilities
than any of its predecessors, and the
second being that it fell upon Germany
at the very moment when the new rul-
ing caste, still a bit insecure, still more
than a little irresolute, stood in sorest
need of heartening. Bismarck was an
old, old man by now, and had been
lately forced from the helm by the
headstrong young Kaiser. The echoes
of his Kulturkampf were still rumbling
along the sky-line; the heresies of Karl
Marx were spreading like wildfire
among the mob; the demands from be-
low were growing more and more ex-
travagant and more and more pressing.
What was needed was a sharp coun-
terblast to all this gabble and babble, a
coherent and convincing defense of the
besieged elders of the state, a theory
that would account in terms of right
and justice for the embattled facts, a
new gospel to take the place of the old
gospel of brotherhood which the Social-
ists were turning so plausibly to their
uses, an evangel of the counter-refor-
mation.
This is what Nietzsche offered in
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
601
Thus Spake Zarathustra, and, as I
have said, the medicine was fortunately
without much bitterness, the sins and
deficiencies of the Germans were tem-
porarily overlooked, there was nothing
to explain away. No wonder the book
went through the country like wild-
fire! No wonder its impassioned justi-
fication of the Herrenmoral was hailed
by all the exponents of the new order
as the voice of the true German spirit,
a sufficient and overwhelming answer
to the petty ideals of the rising prole-
tariat, a perfect statement of the the-
ory and practice of sound progress!
What is to be remembered here is the
enormous change that had come over
the German scene since the seventies,
and in particular, the change that had
occurred in the personnel of the ruling
caste. The old Junkertum, though the
Socialists still roared over its crimes,
was now little more than an evil mem-
ory; Bismarck, its prophet and idol,
had long since yielded to the inexor-
able forces of the future; the aristo-
cracy which now ruled the land was
anything but an aristocracy of oafish
squireens and strutting sword-clankers.
The new Germany, its bonds now knit-
ting solidly, had begun to grow rich,
not only in mere money and goods, but
also and more especially in those things
of the spirit which make for genuine
national greatness. It was, in truth, at
the beginning of an era of unprece-
dented expansion and productiveness.
German science, descending from the
clouds (or, ascending from the * caves,
hiding-places and dungeons'), was be-
coming enormously practical and fruit-
ful; the whole world was beginning to
acknowledge its leadership : it was seiz-
ing, taking over, pushing forward the
conquests of nature begun in other
lands, - - for example, by Darwin, Pas-
teur, Mendeleeff, Lister, by Dutch and
Swedish chemists, English physicists,
and American inventors.
The day was not far past when Ger-
man scholars had been forced to go to
Leyden, Paris, Cambridge, Padua, even
Vienna — when the German universi-
ties had been strongholds of obscuran-
tism, dogmatic theology, and sterile
pedantry. But now the tide was sud-
denly setting in from the other direc-
tion. Scholars from all over the world
were coming to Berlin, Heidelberg,
Leipzig, Halle, Munich, Bonn, and
Gottingen. Even in far-away America
the whole system of higher education
was being remodeled upon German
plans. Harvard was borrowing copious-
ly from Berlin; in the Johns Hopkins
Medical School a new Heidelberg was
arising.
In every other field of civilized activ-
ity the Germans were going ahead just
as rapidly. The inventions and discov-
eries of their scientists were being ap-
plied with an ingenuity and a dispatch
that no other nation could match; they
were swiftly getting a virtual monopoly
of all those forms of industry which
depended upon scientific exactness, —
for example, the manufacture of drugs,
dye-stuffs, and optical goods. And at
the same time they were making equal,
if not actually superior, progress in the
grosser departments of trade. Their
two great steamship corporations, the
one founded back in 1847 and the other
ten years later, were taking on new life
and acquiring huge fleets of freight
and passenger ships — fleets soon to be
much larger, in fact, than any that even
England could show. Their tramp
steamers, more numerous every year,
were trading to all the ports of the
world. German drummers were every-
where, eager to make terms, speaking
all languages. The first German colo-
nies had been acquired in the middle
eighties; the setting up of new ones
now went on apace; advances were
made into Africa and Oceania; a land-
ing on the mainland of Asia was to
602
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
follow in 1897. And the German navy,
so long a mere paper power, was soon
to be converted into a thing of au-
thentic steel.
So in the arts. Wagner was dead, but
German music still lived in Johannes
Brahms, now the acknowledged tone-
master of the world, perhaps the true
successor of Beethoven and Bach. Nor
was he a solitary figure. A youngster
named Richard Strauss, the son of a
Munich horn-player, was fast coming
to fame; Mahler, Humperdinck, and
other lesser men were carrying on the
glorious German tradition; German
conductors and teachers were in high
demand; German opera, after years of
struggle, was at last breaking into New
York, London, even Paris. And in lit-
erature Germany was entering upon
the most productive period since the
golden age of Goethe and Schiller. The
German drama, before any other, be-
gan to show the influence of the revo-
lutionary Ibsen, himself a resident of
Germany, and more German in blood
than Norwegian. Sudermann and
Hauptmann, the twin giants, were at
the threshold of their parallel careers;
Lilienkron, Hartleben, and Bierbaum
were about to put new life into the
German lyric; a new school of German
storytellers was arising. And Munich,
to make an end, was beginning to offer
rivalry to Paris in painting, and bring-
ing in students from afar. On all sides
there was this vast enrichment of the
national consciousness, this brilliant
shining forth of the national spirit, this
feeling of new and superabundant effi-
ciency, this increase of pride, achieve-
ment, and assurance.
in
The thing to be noted here is that the
progress I have been describing was
initiated and carried on, not by the old
aristocracy of the barrack and the
court, but by a new aristocracy of the
laboratory, the study, and the shop.
The Junkertum, though it was still to
do good service as a hobgoblin, had
long since ceased to dominate the state,
and its ideals had gone the way of its
power. Bismarck was the last of its
great gladiators — and its first desert-
er. Far back in the seventies, perhaps
even in the sixties, he had seen the
signs of its impending collapse, and
thereafter he had been gradually meta-
morphosed into an exponent of the new
order. Did he wage a war upon the
Catholic Church? Then it was because
he saw all organized and autonomous
religion, with its tenacity to established
ideas and its hostility to reforms from
without, as a conspiracy against that
free experimentation which alone makes
for human progress. Did he do valiant
battle with the Socialists, the Liberals,
the whole tribe of political phrase-
mongers and tub-thumpers? Then it
was because he knew how puerile and
how futile were the cure-alls preached
by these quacks — how much all polit-
ical advancement was a matter of care-
ful trial and stage-management, and
how little it was a matter of principles
and shibboleths. And did he, in the
end, definitely turn his back upon the
axioms of his youth, and take his stand
for the utmost dissemination of oppor-
tunity, the true democratization of tal-
ent? Then it was because he had seen
feudalism gasp out its last breath when
federalism was born at Versailles, and
was convinced that it was dead to rise
no more.
But this new democracy that thus
arose in Germany was not, of course, a
democracy in the American sense, or
anything colorably resembling it. It
was founded upon no romantic theory
that all men were natural equals; it was
free from the taint of mobocracy ; it was
empty of soothing and windy phrases.
On the contrary, it was a delimited,
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
603
aristocratic democracy in the Athen-
ian sense - - a democracy of intelligence,
of strength, of superior fitness — a de-
mocracy at the top. Its prizes went,
not to those men who had most skill at
inflaming and deluding the rabble, but
to those who could contribute most
to the prosperity and security of the
commonwealth .
Politicians, it is true, sprang up in
its shadow, as they must inevitably
spring up when any approach is made
toward universal manhood suffrage;
but the part that they played in the
conduct of affairs was curiously feeble
and inconsequential. Even the great
Socialist leaders, Liebknecht and Be-
bel, never attained to any real power
in the government. If they got some of
the things that they asked for, it was
because they asked for things it was
advisable to grant, and not because
they were able to enforce their demands.
In the practical business of operat-
ing the state, in its units and as a
whole, the final determination of all
matters was plainly vested, not in poli-
ticians or in majorities, but in experts,
in men above all politics, in the superb-
ly efficient ruling caste. The profes-
sional mayor, aloof from party passions,
unreachable by intrigues, remains to-
day a characteristic German figure:
the supreme triumph of intelligence
over mere voting power. And one re-
calls, too, such typical representatives
of the new order as Rudolf Virchow,
for years a hard-working Berlin city
councillor, and Wilhelm Koch, the
greatest bacteriologist in the world
and Germany's general superintendent
of public health, her pre-Gorgasean
Gorgas. Koch rid Germany of typhoid
fever by penning up the population of
whole villages and condemning whole
watersheds. It was ruthless, it was un-
popular, it broke down and made a
mock of a host of * inalienable' rights
— but it worked.
Here, then, we see clearly the two
ideas at the bottom of the scheme of
things that the new Germany adopted.
On the one hand, there was the utmost
hospitality to intelligence, no matter
how humble its origin, so long as it
took an efficient, a practicable, a work-
able direction. And on the other hand
there was the utmost disdain for all
those grandiloquent words which con-
ceal, excuse, or attempt to make glo-
rious the lack of it. From the old
Junkertum there was taken over the
principle of order, of discipline, of sub-
mission to constituted authority. And
from the democracy that kicked up its
futile turmoils in states beyond the bor-
der there was borrowed the new con-
cept of free opportunity, of hospitality
to ideas, of eager seeking.
To the mixture there was added
something of the blood-and-iron ele-
ment of Bismarck, and something of
that proud harshness which has been
the hallmark of the German through-
out the ages.
The new Germany was even more
contemptuous of weakness, within or
without, than the old. What had been
the haughtiness of a single class became
the haughtiness of a whole people. The
days of German sentimentality, of the
kaffeeklatsch view of life, of mysticism
and simple piety, of Marlitt and Heim-
burg, of Hegel and Fichte, of Mor-
gen Rot and The Sorrows of Werther
were definitely put behind. A line was
drawn beneath the romantic move-
ment. The key changed to C major.
Germany began to grow cocky, skep-
tical, self-sufficient, brusque, impatient
of opposition. It held up its head
among the nations. It lost its religion,
dropping one member bodily from the
Trinity and providing a substitute —
in a helmet ! — for the vacancy. It of-
fered opinions unsolicited. It stuck its
thumb into pies; laid the same member
beside its nose; wriggled its fingers. It
604
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
began, in the full view of passers-by, to
sharpen its sword.
But uncertainty still clung about
this new spirit. It was yet vague, un-
formulated in words, not quite com-
prehended, even by the Germans them-
selves. What it needed, of course, was
a philosophy to back it up, as the vast
unrest of the American colonies needed
the Declaration of Independence, with
its sharp, staccato asseverations, its
brave statement of axioms. That phil-
osophy, though few Germans knew it,
was already in being. It had been grad-
ually taking form and substance as
the new national spirit had developed,
and side by side with it. It had been
first heard of in The Birth of Tragedy,
twenty years before. It had first shown
clear outlines in the onslaught upon
David Strauss. It had grown clearer
still in Human, All-too-Human ; yet
more so in The Dawn of Day and The
Joyful Science; yet more so in Be-
yond Good and Evil and The Genealogy
of Morals. And now at last, its time
being come, it suddenly flashed forth
with blinding brilliance in Thus Spake
Zarathustra, Nietzsche's unquestioned
masterpiece and perhaps the greatest
work in German since Faust.
Here, indeed, was the thing that
the Germans had been looking for.
Here was a magnificent statement,
lucid, plausible, overwhelming, of the
ideas that had been groping for utter-
ance within them. Here was the suffi-
cient excuse and justification for their
racial aspiration, the Magna Charta
of their new intellectual freedom, the
gospel of their new creed, of progress.
It had all the essential qualities of
a great race-document. It was dra-
matic, eloquent, persuasive, vigorous,
romantic — a mixture of challenge and
testament, of code and saga. It put
into straightforward propositions, —
so impassioned that they seemed al-
most self-evident, — the principles that
the Germans had been applying, dubi-
ously, experimentally, to their new
problems. It accounted for and gave
assent to their doubts of the old plati-
tudes. It dowered them, at the stroke,
with a new feeling of intellectual dig-
nity and of intellectual security.
As I have said, there was but little
writing against the Germans in the
book. For once Nietzsche forgot his
old rage against his own people, his
profound antagonism to German cul-
ture. For once the good European
yielded to the good German — that
good German who, for all his carping,
had served his country faithfully in
war, and brought away his life-long
wounds. Perhaps it was because he
had begun to feel, dimly but none the
less surely, that the culture he had
reviled and roared against in his earlier
books (and was to take a farewell stab
at in Ecce Homo) had actually begun
to yield to progress, that the new Ger-
many had already traveled very far
from the Germany of Tiecks and
Hoffman, of Mendelssohn and Weber,
even of The Ring and Parsifal. It was
still a bit heavy- witted, perhaps, and
more than a bit boorish, but it had
long since lost its liking for 'the ob-
scure, evolving, crepuscular, damp, and
shrouded ' ; it no longer dwelt in 'caves,
hiding-places, and dungeons'; it had
put behind it all mysticism, * spirit-
ual dyspepsia,' empty pedantry, and
* green-grazing' contentment. So far
had it gone, indeed, that it was fully
prepared to make some show of assent
to most of Nietzsche's thunderous
charges.
IV
The way once prepared by Thus
Spake Zarathustra, the rest of the books
slipped down easily, charges and all.
Nietzsche himself was beyond honor
and flattery by now; his mind a mud-
dle, he drowsed away the endless days
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
605
at quiet Weimar, nursed by his devoted
sister. But around that pathetic shell
of a man a definite and vigorous cult
arose. Young Germany adopted him,
ratified him, hurrahed for him. His
phrases passed into current cant; he
was quoted, discussed, hailed as a de-
liverer; musicians were inspired to deaf-
ening tone-poems by his dithyrambs;
all the scribblers discovered that he
had invented a new German language,
chromatic, supple, electrical; he be-
came a great national figure, a prophet,
something of a hero — in his own words,
*a European event.'
Do not mistake me here. I am not
saying that the Germans adopted
Nietzsche in any general and unani-
mous sense, as the Arabs, for example,
adopted Mohammed, or as the Amer-
icans adopted the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. To the common people he
was inevitably a dose of very bitter
caviare: in so far as they were aware
of him at all, they could scarcely under-
stand him, and in so far as they could
understand him, they were mocked and
outraged by him. Nor was he more
palatable to the elements which repre-
sented, in the new empire, the ideas
carried over from the last and previous
ages - - for example, the adherents of
the church and the survivors and
mourners of the old aristocracy. For
that church and that aristocracy he
had only the fiercest of scorn. Against
the one he was yet to launch The
Antichrist, without question the most
devastating attack ever made upon
Christian morals in ancient or modern
times. And at the aristocracy he had
already flung the insult of ranking it
second in his new order of castes, put-
ting it with * those whose eminence is
chiefly muscular,' and dismissing it as
fit only to 'execute the mandates of the
first caste, relieving the latter of all
that is coarse and menial in the work of
ruling.' Nor were these the only groups
which found little but effrontery and
atheism in his new scheme of things.
He was iconoclast even before he was
prophet. His whole philosophy was a
herculean treading upon toes.
But that he got a response from what
he himself regarded as the true aristo-
cracy of his country, and what many of
his countrymen, willingly or unwill-
ingly, had begun to regard as such —
this, I take it, scarcely needs argument.
Upon the young intellectuals, the rul-
ers of the morrow, his influence was
immediate and profound. Not only did
they hail him as a sound and convinc-
ing critic of that orthodoxy which they
instinctively shrank from and longed
to dispose of, but they also found a
surpassing fairness in the theory of the
universe that he proposed to set up in
place of it.
That theory of his was full of the
confidence and the lordliness of youth;
it was the youngest philosophy that
the world had seen since the days
of the Greeks; it made no concession
whatever to the intellectual toryism of
old age, the timidity and inertia of so-
called experience. And if it was thus
young, and perhaps even a bit juvenile,
then let us not forget that Germany
was young too. Here, indeed, was the
youngest of all the great nations, the
baby among the powers. The winds of
great adventure were still sharp and
spicy to its nostrils; it felt the swelling
of its muscles, the itch of its palm on
the sword-hilt; it gazed out upon the
world proudly, steadily, disdainfully.
And here, of its own blood, was a phil-
osopher who gave validity, nay, the
highest validity, to its impulses, its ap-
petites, its ambitions. Here was a sage
who taught that the supreme type of
man was the Ja-sager, the yes-sayer.
Here was one who drove a lance through
the Beatitudes, and hung a new motto
upon the point : ' Be hard ! '
One thing to be remembered clearly
606
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
about Nietzsche — and I insist upon it
because it is almost always forgotten
— is that he by no means proposed a
unanimous, or even a general desertion
of Christian morality. On the contrary,
he specifically reserved that deliverance
for his highest caste, whose happiness
was 'in those things which, to lesser
men, would spell ruin — in the laby-
rinth, in severity toward themselves
and others, in effort/ The true enlight-
enment was not for the castes lower
down; it was even to be guarded jeal-
ously, lest they steal it and pollute it.
For those castes the old platitudes were
good enough. Did they cling senti-
mentally to Christianity, unable to rid
themselves of their yearning for a rock
and a refuge? Then let them have it!
It was 'a good anodyne.' Their yearn-
ing for it was a proof of their need for
it. To attempt to take it away from
them was an offense against their sense
of well-being, and against human pro-
gress as well. /
* Whom do I hate most,' asked Nietz-
sche in The Antichrist, * among all
the rabble of to-day?' And his answer
was : 'The Socialist who undermines the
workingman's instincts, who destroys
his satisfaction with his insignificant
existence, who makes him envious and
teaches him revenge.' Christianity and
brotherhood were for workingmen, sol-
diers, servants, and yokels, for 'shop-
keepers, cows, women, and English-
men,' for the submerged chandala, for
the whole race of subordinates, de-
pendents, followers. But not for the
higher man, not for the superman of
to-morrow!
Thus the philosophy of Nietzsche
gave coherence and significance to the
new German spirit, and the new Ger-
many gave a royal setting and splendor
to Nietzsche. He got a good deal more,
I often think, than he ever gave back.
His ultimate roots, true enough, were
in Greek soil, — it was the Athenian
drama that started him upon his life-
long inquiry into moral ideas, — but he
grew more and more German as he grew
older, more and more the spokesman
of his race, more and more the creature
of his environment. His one great
service was that he gathered together
the dim, groping concepts behind the
national aspiration and put them into
superlative German, — the greatest
German, indeed, of all time, — so that
they suddenly rose up, in brilliant clar-
ity, before the thousands who had been
blundering toward them blindly. In
brief, he was like every other philoso-
pher in the catalogue, ancient or mod-
ern : not so much a leader of his age as
its interpreter, not so much a prophet
as a procurator.
Go through Thus Spake Zarathus-
tra from end to end, and you will
find that nine tenths of its ideas are
essentially German ideas, that they
coincide almost exactly with what we
have come to know of the new Ger-
man spirit, just as the ideas of Aristotle
were all essentially Greek, and those
of Locke essentially English. Even its
lingering sneers at the Germans strike
at weaknesses which the more thought-
ful Germans were themselves begin-
ning to admit, combat, and remedy. It
is a riotous affirmation of race-efficien-
cy, a magnificent defiance of destiny, a
sublime celebration of ambition.
Not even Wilhelm himself ever voiced
a philosophy of vaster assurance. Not
even the hot-heads of the mess-table,
drinking uproariously to der Tag, ever
flung a bolder challenge to the gods.
'Thus,' shouts Zarathustra, 'would I
have man and woman: the one fit for
warfare, the other fit for giving birth;
and both fit for dancing with head and
legs ' — that is, both lavish of energy,
careless of waste, pagan, gargantuan,
inordinate. And then, ' War and cour-
age have done more great things than
charity. Not your pity,but your brav-
THE MAILED FIST AND ITS PROPHET
607
ery lifts up those about you. Let the
little girlies tell you that "good" means
"sweet " and "touching." I tell you that
"good" means "brave." . . . The slave
rebels against hardships and calls his
rebellion superiority. Let your superi-
ority be an acceptance of hardships. . . .
Let your commanding be an obeying. . . .
Propagate yourself upward. ... I do
not spare you. . . . Die at the right
time . . . Be hard ! '
I come to the war : the supreme man-
ifestation of the new Germany, at last
the great test of the gospel of strength,
of great daring, of efficiency. But here,
alas, the business of the expositor must
suddenly cease. The streams of paral-
lel ideas coalesce. Germany becomes
Nietzsche; Nietzsche becomes Ger-
many. Turn away from all the fruitless
debates over the responsibility of this
man or that, the witless straw-splitting
over non-essentials. Go back to Zara-
thustra: *I do not advise you to com-
promise and make peace, but to conquer.
Let your labor be fighting, and your
peace victory. . . . What is good? All
that increases the feeling of power, the
will to power, power itself in man.
What is bad? All that proceeds from
weakness. What is happiness? The feel-
ing that power increases, that resist-
ance is being overcome. . . . Not con-
tentment, but more power! Not peace
at any price, but war! Not virtue,
but efficiency! . . . The weak and the
botched must perish: that is the first
principle of our humanity. And they
should be helped to perish! ... I am
writing for the lords of the earth. . . .
You say that a good cause hallows even
war? . . . / tell you that a good war hal-
lows every cause!'
Barbarous? Ruthless? Unchristian?
No doubt. But so is life itself. So is all
progress worthy the name. Here at
least is honesty to match the barbar-
ity, and, what is more, courage, the
willingness to face great hazards, the
acceptance of defeat as well as victory.
'Ye shall have foes to be hated, but not
foes to be despised. Ye must be proud
of your foes . . . The new Empire has
more need of foes than of friends. . . .
Nothing has grown more alien to us
than that "peace of the soul" which is
the aim of Christianity. . . . And
should a great injustice befall you, then
do quickly five small ones. A small
revenge is better than none at all.'
Do we see again those grave, blond
warriors of whom Tacitus tells us —
who were good to their women, and
would not lie, and were terrible in bat-
tle?. Is the Teuton afoot for new con-
quests, a new tearing down, a new
building up, a new trans valuation of all
values? And if he is, will he prevail?
Or will he be squeezed to death be-
tween the two mill-stones of Christian-
ity and Mongol savagery? Let us not
assume his downfall too lightly: it will
take staggering blows to break him.
And let us not be alarmed by his possi-
ble triumph. What did Rome ever pro-
duce to match the Fifth Symphony?
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
BY RAYMOND BELLAMY
DURING the last few years, the atten-
tion of readers has frequently been
called to the life of the college professor,
his work, his hardships, and his com-
pensation — or rather his lack of com-
pensation. But, seemingly, all the in-
formation which has been offered on
the subject has been concerned with
the professor in the larger university,
and only passing attention has been
given to the teacher in the small col-
lege. And yet there are in the United
States about ten thousand men and
women who are teaching in colleges
that enroll less than five hundred stu-
dents each. These men are popularly,
and perhaps correctly, classed as * pro-
fessors ' along with their brothers in
the more exalted positions. There is
not so much distinction here between
'professors/ * assistant professors/ and
* instructors/ for there is frequently
only one man teaching each subject,
and, in a surprisingly large number of
cases, two or three subjects will be
taught by the same man. To a far
greater extent than might be supposed,
these men are exerting an influence in
our civilization, and their own peculiar
struggles and aspirations form a unique
chapter in contemporary history.
Following a strong natural bent, I
have joined this army of educators and
I consider myself, at present, a fairly
typical specimen. There are a wife and
baby to share my life, and give me an
added incentive to do good work. I
hold a master's degree from one of
608
America's leading universities and am
planning to take the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy as soon as possible. This
is the usual state of affairs with the
professor in the small college, as those
who already hold doctor's degrees are
comparatively rare. I do not hesitate
to say that I am successful in my teach-
ing. My students are enthusiastic, the
work they do compares very favorably
with that done at much larger schools,
and there are many other things which
indicate that I have at least average
ability and success. The great scholar
under whom I took the greater part of
my post-graduate work said to me, *I
have never known anyone who seemed
to be going ahead by leaps and bounds
as you are.' Being a natural teacher,
I enjoy my work as I suppose few men
ever enjoy their work, and altogether
my life is happier and gayer than that
of most of my fellow teachers.
I am teaching in a state that borders
on the Atlantic, in a fine old school that
for over seventy-five years has been
sending out graduates who afterwards
have become senators, governors,
judges, ministers, and leading men in
industries and professions. This school
ranks high among the educational in-
stitutions of the state and, even finan-
cially, is fairly successful as schools go.
The salary which I yearly receive is
twelve hundred dollars, or rather I re-
ceive eleven hundred dollars and my
house is furnished free; this is a very
good house and it would probably cost
me much more than a hundred dollars
a year if I had to pay rent. It will be
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
609
readily understood that this salary is
equivalent to almost twice as much at
a larger institution or in a city. This
is a country school, in the midst of a
rich agricultural section, and we know
nothing of the great expense of life in a
city or the great cost of social duties
which are necessarily attached to the
life of a university man. While there
are a few small colleges that pay better
salaries than this, there are others —
and many others — that pay much
less.
Altogether, my lot is as good as or
better than that of the average col-
lege professor, and I feel justified in
saying that the lines have fallen unto
me in pleasant places.
I was never a very good accountant,
and it is next to impossible to make my
accounts balance. Usually at the end
of a month, there is a slight deficit,
which may amount to as much as a
dollar or two. I know that there are
economic specialists who can keep
accounts for years and show where
every penny has gone; some of these
are also very efficient in the art of liv-
ing cheaply, and are inclined to censure
the rest of us for not having this abil-
ity. But I have noticed that those who
are so expert in this way are, as a
rule, not extraordinarily good teachers.
I cannot conceive how a teacher, so
sufficiently wrapped up in his work as
to arouse the proper amount of enthu-
siasm in his students, can always re-
member to set down the two cents
which he spent for a postage stamp or
the quarter which he paid for some
collars when he forgot to send off his
laundry — only, of course, the man of
this type would not have forgotten to
send off his laundry. The average col-
lege professor cannot keep accounts
as accurately as this, but is sometimes
absent-minded; not extremely so, but
just about as much so as any other ordi-
nary individual.
VOL. 114- NO. 5
ii
Without attempting to give an
exact account of the way we use our
income, I can give one that so nearly
approximates it that it will serve our
purpose very satisfactorily. Aside from
my regular work, I teach in a sum-
mer school, and have found that by so
doing I can make just about enough
to meet the expenses of the summer.
Therefore we can count out the summer
months and discuss only the expenses
of the school year, which is about ten
months long. The following table will
show the disposition which we make
of the greater part of the salary : —
Clothing for all three, including hats and *
shoes $200
Board (or table expenses) 200
Milk and special food for the baby 40
Household expenses 75
Fuel and light 50
Books and magazines 60
Life insurance 50
Laundry, stationery, doctor, dentist 50
Recreations, dinners, travels, Christmas, etc. 75
Religious and educational movements .... 100
Total $900
It will appear from the above table,
that, counting the fifty dollars for life
insurance, I make about two hundred
and fifty dollars above expenses each
year. But it will quickly be seen that
there are many calls for money which
are not taken into account in the table:
these are the occasional expenses which
fall under no special heading. I do
most of my typing, but occasionally I
am so rushed that I must hire somebody
to do a little of it, and a few dollars
leak out in this way; a new typewriter
ribbon or some repairs on my machine
take their mite; unless I neglect my
teaching it is impossible to split all my
kindling and take care of the yard, so I
must occasionally hire a boy to do some
of this work for me; my wife cannot
always do all her work and sometimes
a colored woman comes in and helps
610
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
her wash or scrubs the floor for her; the
baby needs a carriage or at least a new
toy, and, in fact, almost every day
sees a draft made on the long-suffering
and rapidly diminishing two hundred
dollars. When I count up, I wonder
that we succeed in getting through
even, which is about all we can do.
I frankly admit that I could econo-
mize on some of the above items. I
could spend less for books and maga-
zines, for example, and I know some
teachers do this. This may be justifi-
able in some lines, but to teach the sub-
jects which I am teaching, and teach
them right, it is necessary to do a great
amount of reading and keep up with
the times. And laying aside the ques-
tion of what he ought to do, the teacher
wants to keep up so badly that he will,
if necessary, go without food and cloth-
ing in order to secure these books and
magazines. Sixty dollars is little enough
when there is no city library accessible
and there is a dearth of such material
in the library of the college. The text-
books alone which I use in my classes
this year cost over thirty dollars, and
the texts are comparatively insignifi-
cant. I grow sick with longing when I
read the advertisements of books and
journals which I should have. I keep
lists and catalogues of these publica-
tions and occasionally read them over,
just for the torturing pleasure of think-
ing how delightful it would be if I
could afford them.
I never take any journals that are
taken by the library, I never buy any
that I can borrow, and I work every
scheme of which I can think to gain
access to as many as possible, spend-
ing every cent that I can afford for
some of the best that are most closely
related to my work. But how many
there are that I ought to have and can-
not get! There is the Eugenic Review,
published in England: if my students
are to leave their Alma Mater as well-
informed, efficient, enthusiastic citi-
zens, I ought by all means to have ac-
cess to this magazine. Then there is
the Harvard Theological Review ; some-
times I finger the announcements con-
cerning this journal with much the
same fondness that a small boy has
when he fondles his painted bow and
arrow, and longs to get out into the
deep cool woods. Some of my students
will be preachers and I could do much
better work by them if I only had this
publication; and of perhaps equal im-
portance is the theological journal
issued by the University of Chicago
Press. Then there are the Psychological
Bulletin, Mind, the British Journal of
Psychology, the Journal of Race Devel-
opment, the Journal of Animal Behavior,
the — but why name them? There are
at least fifteen or twenty such, costing
from two to five dollars each, which
I could use to great advantage, both
to myself and my students; but they
are hopelessly beyond my reach.
And books! Here I become sick in
earnest. There's Stefansson's account
of his life with the Eskimo, Ellen Key's
writings, some of Bergson's works; Pfis-
ter, of Germany, has written a new book
on Freudian psychology, Die psycho-
analytische Methode, which, from its
descriptions and commendations, must
be the best thing in this line that has
ever been written; there is a book, just
off the press, that gives the life of
G. Stanley Hall, and my relations to
him have been such that I can hardly
be resigned to do without this book. I
should have no trouble whatever in
spending an additional hundred dollars
for seemingly necessary books.
A number of my students will enter
universities to take up graduate work
next year, and I would like to give them
at least a speaking acquaintance with
some of these recent books before they
go. What would it not mean to them if I
could give them the gist of these books
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
611
while we walked round the campus or
sat in an informal visit — which, after
all, is by far the best kind of teaching.
And besides what it would mean to
my students, I need these books for my
own personal good. I need them in
order that I may remain fresh and keep
on growing, and escape the danger of
mental ossification.
It will be noticed that I make no
mention of any books that are not
closely connected with my work. This
is not because I do not like other books,
for I am passionately fond of poetry
and good fiction, but I cannot afford
to invest in any books for pleasure or
because of the binding of the book.
This year, I have been especially fortu-
nate with my books. I made a sort of
bargain by which fifty dollars of the
hundred that I yearly give to church
and educational matters might be
given to the college library in the form
of books. Of course, I secured the use
of the ones that I put in the library,
and that was just as good as if I had
bought them for myself. That is, I
secured as much objective good from
them, but subjectively, I frankly admit
that I get much pleasure from the act
of owning a book myself that is lacking
when I read one that does not belong
to me. Altogether, I hardly see how I
can spend less than sixty dollars yearly
for books and magazines.
in
Probably there are few who will be
inclined to think that two hundred
dollars is an extravagant sum to spend
for the clothing of three. This prac-
tically means clothing for the entire
year, as we buy very little clothing out
of the summer's salary. It must be
remembered, too, that I am supposed to
dress like a * professor, ' — although the
standards are very different for dif-
ferent places, — and my wife must be
attired as a * professor's wife.' There
are probably some who could dress
more cheaply, but, as I said above, I
specialize in teaching and not in being
an economic expert.
It is really funny, sometimes, when I
think of the way I manage my clothes.
Only a few days ago, one of the other
professors apologized to me for the ap-
pearance of the suit he was wearing (he
was having troubles, too, poor man),
and intimated that my clothing looked
very neat and new. Well, at that par-
ticular time, I did have on the best
suit I own, but I have worn it three
winters, and there was a hole at the
bottom of one trouser-leg, which, how-
ever, did not show very badly. My
wife has darned that hole now, and let
me say, just here, that she is very effi-
cient in darning and cleaning my
clothes. I wonder how many of the
readers know that men's clothing can
be washed? Last winter my wife fished
an old suit of mine out of the rags and
decided to see what she could do with
it. I had worn this suit in a chemical
laboratory for a year and the acid had
eaten it full of holes. I had caught the
coat on a barbed-wire fence and torn it
badly, and I had spilled some paint on
it. She washed this suit in a tub with
warm water and Ivory soap, dried it,
darned the many, many holes with rav-
elings from the raw edges, pressed it
nicely and I put it on and wore it —
and everybody admired my new suit.
This was a thin summer suit she had
washed, but it turned out so success-
fully that she tried her hand at a heavy
old black suit which I had thrown away
because it was so old and dirty — you
know those black suits never wear out.
This she washed with as much success
as the other, and when she had put
new lining in the sleeves it was a very
respectable suit. She has washed them
again this year, and they seem to look
about as well as ever, and I laughingly
612
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
tell her that I shall be wearing one of
those coats when I receive my doctor's
degree — that far-distant mystic event
toward which we both look with much
the same feeling that we have when we
speak of the time when 'our ship will
come in.'
There are many little tricks that a
'professor* employs — at least I do. I
wear * low-cuts/ or slippers, the year
round and explain that I like them bet-
ter than high shoes, which is strictly
true; but the real reason is that a pair
of shoes will last me longer than six
months, and I wear them until they are
entirely worn out before buying a new
pair. Therefore I am apt to be wearing
half- worn slippers when the fall winds
begin to blow and, instead of buying a
new pair of high shoes, I buy gaiters.
They cost only fifty cents a pair, and
one pair will last me two years. And
I never have a strictlv dress shoe, but
*• 9
always buy shoes that will serve for
school and street wear after they are
too worn for * best ' functions.
I own no dress-suit and never wear
one. As long as I am associating with
* professors ' I am safe, for few of them
own dress-suits and, even if they do,
they understand. I should greatly en-
joy attending functions where suits of
this kind are in demand, and my nat-
ural social instincts would make me
at home there, but I am one of the
many efficient, well-educated, up-to-
date teachers who never appear at such
places — and for a reason.
Even in the matter of hair-cuts and
shaves, I have learned to economize,
and I usually let my hair grow very
long before having it cut and thus the
barber's bills are kept small. I usu-
ally remark when I get into the chair
(a guilty conscience will always force
one to make some explanation) that I
used to play football — which I did —
and that I still wear my hair long —
which I do — but again there is a rea-
son. Fortunately, I look fairly well
with long hair and I have become some-
what proficient in trimming my neck
and temples with the razor. I am some-
thing of an expert with a razor, and
during the last three years I have been
shaved by a barber only once.
I speak of this as a kind of record
whenever the subject comes up, and
show that I am proud of it, but still
there would have been no such re-
cord if it did not cost money to
be shaved by barbers. The ordinary
man, who detests shaving himself as
much as I do, and who also enjoys the
luxury of a good shave by a barber as
well as I do, will know something of
what this means. I received fifty dol-
lars more than I had expected for my
last summer's work and I celebrated by
getting a shave. Do not think that I
am the only man in intellectual work
who goes to such an extreme. I know a
man who took a doctor's degree in phil-
osophy last spring from one of Amer-
ica's leading universities, who acknowl-
edged in a private conversation — a
very private conversation — that he
had never been shaved by a barber and
had never eaten a meal in a restaurant.
I do not stand alone in my wearing
of fixed over and antedated clothes.
My wife has worn the same hat and the
same coat for four winters and yet,
some way, she manages to look neat
and well dressed. This year she did
shrink from going to formal affairs and
managed to wear a becoming little
wool cap most of the time. Sometimes
1 imagine how splendid it would be if I
could afford to get her some furs and
elaborate gowns, but all such unneces-
sary and luxurious things as furs and
Paris gowns are hopelessly tabooed.
Of course she could afford some of
these if she bought an inferior quality,
but she rightly prefers a few simple
dresses and suits of really good quality.
Oh, well, sometime maybe I can afford
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
613
to get her some furs and things — after
I get my doctor's degree or our ship
comes in.
It has already been noticed that we
keep no servants, and yet it is a physi-
cal impossibility for my wife to do all
her housework and take care of the
baby. We have wrestled with this
problem in different ways at different
times during the last few years. I have
had considerable training in dishwash-
ing, sweeping, caring for the baby, and
even cooking, especially when my wife
was not well. Just now we are solv-
ing it in a fairly satisfactory way by
taking our meals out. We board at one
of the regular college boarding-houses
and — how she does it I do not know
— the landlady gives us very good
board for two dollars and a half a week.
Wrhen she is relieved of the cook-
ing, my wife manages to do practically
all the rest of the housework, includ-
ing sewing and washing. We could
certainly not board at home as cheaply
as this, especially when one considers
the extra servant hire and the extra
fuel that it would necessitate. And
again, let no one think that I am alone
in helping my wife with her work. I
could name a rather long list of college
professors of my own acquaintance
who give much of their valuable time
to helping with the housework.
Household expenses are deceitful,
as one is always thinking that they are
over for a while, and yet they are al-
ways cropping up. This year we had to
buy some book-shelves and stoves and
a few window-blinds and curtains. We
then had a feeling of relief as if we were
settled, but on stopping to think, we
saw where we shall have to expend
about as much for such items next
year. We need a bed and furniture for
a guest-room, and some new screens,
and another stove to take the place of
one that wore out this year, and a rug
for the hall and numerous other things.
And then there are always brooms and
coal-buckets and shovels and all sorts
of things which one never takes into
consideration until one finds thev are
tt
necessary. I do not see how we can do
with less than seventy-five dollars a
year for household expenses — at least
we shall probably average that for some
years to come.
My laundry bill is not large, as my
wife washes all my clothes except my
collars, cuffs, and stiff shirts. On the
other hand, my outlay for stationery
amounts to nearly twenty dollars a
year. I have many very good friends,
and besides I keep up a heavy cor-
respondence with publishing houses,
libraries, teachers in other schools, edu-
cational boards, and through this semi-
business correspondence I strive to
keep abreast of the times in my line.
With the correspondence is also count-
ed the cost of the paper which I use in
the numerous outlines and question-
lists that I get out in connection with
my teaching. The doctor and dentist
bills are usually very light, but they
demand their portion, and these four
items wrest half a hundred dollars from
our hands before the year has passed.
And if the doctor is needed more than
three or four times, there is another
onslaught on that hard-pressed two
hundred dollars which must serve as a
reserve fund for all such emergencies.
It may seem too much to allow
seventy-five dollars for recreations and
kindred items, but careful considera-
tion shows that it is certainly small
enough. Christmas alone costs us over
twenty-five dollars, and this is an ab-
surdty small sum when we have so
many good friends whom we so like to
remember. We always combine busi-
ness and pleasure in giving to each
other, and give something which we
must have anyway. In fact, we 'save
614
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
up' for some time before Christmas,
putting off the buying of many necessi-
ties just for the pleasure of receiving
them on that day. I go out into the
hills and bring in our own Christmas
tree and we trim it ourselves, but even
then the Christmas season costs us a
little bit, aside from the small presents
we give.
Because the word 'travel' is in-
cluded in this list, it must not be infer-
red that we indulge in many pleasure
trips. Whenever we do any shopping,
we must go to the city, and that costs
a dollar or two each trip; we make only
two or three trips during the year, but
they count up along with everything
else. And then there are always insti-
tutes and teachers' meetings and meet-
ings of science associations, and it is
necessary for me to attend some of
them, though the number is very small.
This seventy-five dollars must also pay
for the few little dinners and luncheons
which we give to students and friends,
and must pro vide^ tickets to the Y.M.
C.A. banquets, athletic banquets, other
college and community functions, and
the lyceum numbers and lectures that
we attend. And the * professors' are
expected to buy tickets for them even
if they are too busy to use them.
They are also expected to pay mem-
bership dues to the athletic associa-
tion and often to contribute to other
organizations. About all of this seven-
ty-five dollars that is expended for
what can really be called 'recreation'
in the strictest sense, is the small sum
which I spend for tennis balls and an
occasional pair of tennis shoes or some
repairs on the racquet.
It may be that I have fallen from
grace, and on the other hand it may be
that I have grown into a broader con-
ception of Christianity, but in either
case, I do not feel the binding neces-
sity of living by rule-of-thumb that
I did when in my adolescent years.
There was a time when I was very or-
thodox, and I considered it very essen-
tial to live by the old Puritan stand-
ards and faithfully to tithe whatever
income I might receive. I no longer
feel that we should be bound by the old
Jewish customs, but I still hold it as
true that a man should be sufficiently
interested in the welfare of the world
and the advancement of science and
civilization to give approximately a
tenth of his income for religious and
educational matters. I do not say this
in the spirit of preaching to any one
else, but merely to explain why I give
a hundred dollars to such causes each
year. I sincerely believe that the aver-
age college professor gives this much,
though he may not think he does. To
be sure, many do not give lavishly
through the churches, but they gener-
ously support athletics, Young Men's
Christian associations, educational or-
ganizations, and respond to a hundred
and one other calls that arise in con-
nection with church or school. Every
college has some kind of financial cam-
paign on all the time, regardless of
how rich it may already be. This state-
ment may be overdrawn, but the ex-
ceptions are a decided minority. And,
of course, the 'professors' are often
called upon to start some special fund
with a liberal donation. These men,
in so far as I have been able to observe
them, whether church members or not,
are a very liberal class and respond
readily and generously to such calls.
Altogether, it is nearly or quite im-
possible for us to get through the year
with very much money left to lay by-
except the fifty dollars which goes for
life insurance. If we save more than
a hundred dollars, I consider that we
do well. However, let me say again
that I am not an economic specialist,
nor do I want to be. I would rather be
an 'A No. 1 ' teacher even if I do have
a difficult time with my finances.
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
615
So far the discussion has all centred
around the compensation, and it is as
well that we turn our attention to an-
other phase of the professor's life and
see what he does. Regularly, I teach
twelve hours a week — just two hours
a day. That is, I have four classes,
each of which recites three times a
week. This looks easy enough and the
man who works twelve hours a day is
apt to smile at the difficult toil of the
teacher. In this connection, I am re-
minded of what I once heard a high-
school teacher say. Although it is the
general impression that a school-teach-
er works from nine in the morning until
four in the afternoon, he stated that he
must just reverse those figures and
work from four A.M. until nine P.M. and
even work some on Sunday. And this
is true not of him alone, but in gen-
eral of all teachers, from the primary
teacher to the university president.
My father was a farmer and he used
to get up at three o'clock and be out
in the field ploughing while the stars
were yet shining. How easy would he
consider my life if he were still alive
and knew that I do not get up some-
times until eight o'clock! But it must
also be remembered that some nights
I do not go to bed until about the
time that he got up. Many a night have
I studied until after two o'clock and
then reluctantly gone to bed, thinking
how much there was to do and how
little I had succeeded in doing.
In common with most teachers in
the small schools, I have several sub-
jects to teach and this makes my work
much harder. My four classes are in
three subjects, psychology, education
and sociology; and even logic and eth-
ics are incorporated in the year's work
in psychology. Could I teach only one
of these, or even two of them, I could
do the work well and still feel no special
hardship, but as it is, I must be reading
in three different fields all the time.
There are a great many people who
think that a teacher should know what
is in his textbooks and teach it, and
that, after having taught a year or
two and learned his books well, he has
nothing to do. This is, of course, a
very erroneous idea, as the textbook
bears about the same relation to the
field which the teacher must cover as
the preacher's text does to the sermon.
In fact, I have found that I can always
teach a new book better and with more
ease than one with which I am already
over-familiar, and for that reason I
change texts as often as possible. Dur-
ing the course of the year, I read —
and I believe digest — between twenty
and thirty thousand pages of material
on the subjects which I teach. Most of
this is from journals, and nearly all is
from the most recent publications. Of
course, I could neglect this reading if I
wanted to, but it would be simply lying
down on my job, as we say, for I must
do it if I would keep up and do the best
kind of teaching. If I were teaching
only one or two subjects, this reading
would be cut in half and I should have
time for a little drama, poetry, and
general literature.
Because the professor enjoys this
reading, there is a general impression
that it is not work; and it is difficult,
anyway, for the layman to think of
reading as really being work. But I
doubt if the professor enjoys his read'
ing any more than others who have
found their proper sphere enjoy their
particular kind of work. I used to en-
joy ploughing and cutting corn and
pitching wheat in much the same way
that I now enjoy the feast of new sci-
entific information which I get from
some well-written clear-cut book. I
was raised on a farm, and when I was
a husky youngster, — only a few years
ago, — I counted it a delight to get out
616
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
into the wheat-field, and it was glorious
to pitch the heavy bundles and feel my-
self completely master of the situation.
Even since I have been in school work,
I have spent one summer working at
hard manual labor for its recuperating
effect. It had been a very strenuous
year and I was greatly run down phys-
ically. I worked that summer in a saw-
mill, carrying heavy lumber for ten
hours each day — and I gained fifteen
pounds. I remember one man who was
cruelly hard worked who for a few min-
utes every afternoon would snatch an
opportunity to lie in a hammock and
rest; but even as he rested, every fibre
of his nervous system calling for re-
lease from the constant strain, he
would have his books with him and put
in the time studying. It was not a very
satisfactory rest, but it was the best he
could get. Just at that time of day
many people would be going by from
their work and they would look up to
where he was lying and call out, 'Tak-
ing it easy, are you?' I have often
thought that this is a good picture of
the professor and the attitude of the
public toward him.
But the work of the teacher does not
consist alone in reading and recitations.
I have found that I can advantageous-
ly use a list of review questions on each
book covered in my courses. So, when
we finish a book, I write out from one
hundred to three hundred questions
covering the main points and make
carbon copies for the different members
of the class. And as we use twelve or
fifteen different textbooks during the
year, this in itself is not a small job.
Besides these books there are many
others which we use as parallels, and I
like to write out a few questions about
each of these. Of course there is no-
thing that compels me to do this work,
but I could not neglect it and keep a
good conscience — just at present I
could not, though I may use some other
system later. It is here that I must
occasionally employ some help in typ-
ing, as I said in the discussion of extra
expenditures.
I stated above that I teach twelve
hours a week; but that is the ideal
rather than the actual. Just at present
I am teaching an extra class, which had
to be handled by some one and there
was no one else to take it, and that adds
another three hours a week and an-
other subject in which to read. And
the teacher must always hold extra
classes for those who have been out on
account of sickness or for some other
reason. It is hardly worth mentioning
that I teach a Sunday-school class and
a Y.M.C.A. Bible class, and do a few
things like that. Occasionally, too, I
go to neighboring schools and teachers'
institutes and make talks or, as they
call it, lecture. This is tacitly under-
stood to be a part of my regular work
as it advertises the college. Really, I
can hardly consider this as work, for
the trips are such a change and such a
break in the monotony of the regular
programme that they furnish an agree-
able pleasure.
One of the biggest parts of my work
— and I wish it were bigger — is the
personal work. I can usually find that
each of my students is more or less in-
terested along some line that is includ-
ed in my work, and I try to guide him
to some literature on the subject and
keep up his interest, and this takes no
little portion of my time when there
are forty or fifty students, each reading
on a different subject. And what a
pleasure it is to have some of the fel-
lows drop in occasionally and ask me
about an oration or a debate, or even a
sermon. I have often thought that I
could give a student as much education
in an hour or two of personal conversa-
tion of this kind as I could in a whole
term of classroom work. But this,
along with everything else, means work
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
617
and time, and the outcome of it all is
that the life of the professor is a con-
stant strain, with no let up. Every day
in the week, not excepting Sunday, he
must be at his best, questioning, ex-
plaining, watching, drawing out; and
when he is out of the class, he must be
planning and studying lest he fall be-
hind or fail in his mission.
VI
Does the teacher have any right to
ask for better pay or easier conditions?
To answer this question, we should
look a little further into his personal
life. A few months ago, I awoke one
morning with an acute case of rheuma-
tism which was so painful that I could
not get out of bed. I treated this as
something of a joke and was at my
work again in a day or two, but this
rheumatism has never completely left
me. I do not anticipate any great
amount of trouble with it and it ought
to leave during the summer, but why
has it clung so long, and why does it not
go away now? I am persuaded that my
naturally vigorous system would have
handled that little touch of rheuma-
tism in a few days if it were not for the
fact that I have practically no reserve
store of energy upon which to draw.
I have realized ever since this little
attack that I have been overworking
and am perilously near the breaking
point.
Now, just suppose that this rheu-
matism did not leave, but persisted in
growing worse ? Suppose the doctor for-
bade me to teach for a year and or-
dered me to go to some hot springs for
a few months? Suppose, suppose —
sometimes I think of my life insurance
and wish it were ten times as much.
What would become of my wife and
baby if anything should happen to me?
What should we do if I did have to quit
teaching for a year? In the midst of
such thinking, the sweat has a tend-
ency to start out, and such situations
are not good when one is not yet thirty.
And this is not an isolated case, for
the teacher must constantly stand un-
der the menacing danger of a break — a
sword of Damocles. But it is compara-
tively rare for a teacher to succumb to
a complete break-down, — compara-
tively rare, I say, for the actual number
of those who have suffered in this way
is considerable. Much more often he
settles down instead of breaking down,
and, at times, I am inclined to think
this the more tragic of the two. He
loses the freshness of delight when he
turns to read an especially worthy ar-
ticle along his line, and he finally grows
to neglect his reading almost entirely;
he learns a few books well and does not
have to study; he drops behind; he
gets into a rut; and, though he is still
successful in a way, his life becomes
humdrum to him and his work dis-
tasteful to his students. Society would
be benefited if the teacher could be
shielded from this kind of settling down
as well as from breaking down.
It must also be borne in mind that
the successful teacher could make more
money at something else and make it
with less effort. Twice have I stood at
the threshold of remunerative careers
which were seeking me rather than I
seeking them; once, indeed, I was urged
to reply by long-distance telephone ac-
cepting a position at least twice as lu-
crative as the teaching position which
I held. And these opportunities come
to most of the teachers. Some occa-
sionally accept them, and they usually
advise the rest of us to quit teaching as
soon as possible. Just a few months
ago, a professor of my acquaintance,
who had been trying to pay off a little
debt for about twenty-five years, at
last gave it up and quit teaching for a
position which gave him better pay.
The teacher needs recreation as well
618
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
as rest. I am a natural hunter, camper,
and fisherman, and before I was a 'pro-
fessor ' I spent a few summers among
the beauties of the Rockies. What
would it not mean to me — and to my
classes — if I could spend the summer
in these mountains? I would come
home as brown as a bear and about as
hairy, and my whole being would be
strung and thrilling with life and ready
to pounce upon the tasks of the coming
year with all the vigor of a wild thing
out of the woods. I know what a differ-
ence it would make, for the last time I
was there I was ten pounds heavier
than I have been since. But such a
thing is out of the question. Com-
mencement day is on Tuesday and the
next day, Wednesday, I begin work in
the summer school. There are about
three weeks during the late summer
which I have left for rest and recrea-
tion. This is largely spent in catching
up with the correspondence that has
been gradually falling behind through-
out the year, and in reading and plan-
ning for the coming year's work. I usu-
ally spend a few days visiting my own
and my wife's people, but our trip is so
hurried that it is apt to tire us more
than it rests us.
I play a little tennis occasionally
and really enjoy it, but my private
honest testimony must be that it is
a poor substitute for riding a good
horse over forty miles of plateau or
casting a trout-fly in foaming moun-
tain waters. I saw a statement once to
the effect that it was hard to inflict
lawn-tennis habits on a football soul,
and I have a football soul in all I try to
do; and I believe that if I cannot get
a physical expression of this occasion-
ally I cannot long sustain a football
attitude toward my work. My wife
and I have been planning a delightful
trip to the Panama Exposition at San
Francisco; I say we have been, for
even now, eighteen months before the
event, we realize that it is utterly be-
yond the possible.
Of course the conditions will prob-
ablv become somewhat better as time
t,
goes on. If we stay in one place long
enough, the household expenses will
become smaller, some of the other
items of expense may be lowered, we
may learn how to manage better, and
we may even get a little better salary.
Perhaps a more honest way to put it
would be to say that I would settle
down a bit and have some time and
money for other things besides my
work. I may even get to the place
where I can spare time to keep chick-
ens or a cow, and that would help im-
mensely; but I am so constituted that
chickens or a cow would certainly crip-
ple my work.
VII
In all this, I have taken for granted
that I shall get no more schooling; but
this is an unbearable thought to me,
for I am hungry, yes, craving, for the
research laboratory. The university
has even a greater drawing power than
the smell of damp sage-brush and rab-
bit-weed on the mountain plains. I
stated in the beginning that I am not
a failure, and I know I would 'make
good ' in advanced work if I only had
the chance. I know from the letters
of the president (and I have been sur-
prised at their friendliness and person-
al tone) that there is a place for me
there and a fellowship for me if I want
to ask for it. But a fellowship pays
only a fraction of the expenses, and even
if no sickness comes to us, no disaster
happens, and we indulge in no trips
or recreations, it will take us about
five years to save enough to justify my
reentering the university. But by then
I would have fallen far behind the
times, and very probably would have
settled down to a more or less listless
life. And besides, what may not hap-
A PROFESSOR IN A SMALL COLLEGE
619
pen in that time to sweep away all the
money that I might save, a few dollars
at a time? And what future would there
be for me if I did return? I might se-
cure a bigger position after I had taken
a doctor's degree, but the men higher
up tell us that with the bigger salaries
there go greater expenses, and that
there is no better chance to save money
there than here. This being the case,
can I dare to go in debt for some more
schooling?
It was with all these thoughts in
mind that I appealed frankly to the
university president and asked him
what to do. And the big-souled man
realized my longings and desires and
yet could not advise me to borrow the
money to return. 'You know how we
all want you here,' he said, 'and it is
hard to give an impartial reply.' But
he went on to tell me that many who
had gone on and finished their work did
not have as good a place as I, and said
that he did not believe I would ever
again find a place where, all things
considered, I could do as much good
and do it with as much pleasure to my-
self.
Many of these details will seem very
crude, even to other teachers in small
colleges, and I suppose there are no
others who meet their problems in ex-
actly the same way that I do; but they
all have struggles, and each has his own
individual way of waging the warfare.
Many keep cows and sell milk, hun-
dreds keep chickens, and some even
raise their own hogs, and in this way
secure their meat. There are some
fortunate professors who have other
sources of income aside from their sal-
ary, money perhaps which they have
inherited or married, and some of these
get along very well and are able to do
splendid work. I know one man who
takes orders for clothing and advertises
in the college paper; some lecture in
institutes and chautauquas, some sell
books through the summer and make
more at it than they do by their teach-
ing, and many a professor's wife keeps
lodgers and some even keep boarders.
As a rule they say very little about all
this, but go quietly ahead with their
work and fight their battles, out in
silence.
As I recall the ones I have intimate-
ly known, I realize how very true it
is that each has had his struggles. I
know one especially capable professor
who for twenty years has been plan-
ning and looking forward to a whole
year at Harvard. Occasionally he
spends a summer in research work, but
his year at Harvard seems as far off as
ever. His hair is gray and is rapidly
turning white, but he laughs heartily
and says he is still planning his full year
of university work and expects to have
it before he dies.
Professors are accused of being vis-
ionary and impractical. It would take
another paper the length of this to han-
dle this question, but it will not be out
of place here to say that in a certain
sense, they are visionary; but the vis-
ions they cherish are being certainly
and surely realized and made manifest
to the world. If they did not possess
vision they would never stay in their
chosen profession, but would seek more
lucrative fields elsewhere. Also, if they
did not possess vision the world would
stagnate, and science and civilization
would remain at a standstill or revert
to primitive conditions. Knowing
better than any others that * Though
the mills of the gods grind slowly, yet
they grind exceedingly small,' they al-
most unconsciously take for their mot-
to 'Let there be light,' and quietly and
determinedly go on with their work.
For make light of the statement as we
will, it is still true that there are some
things better and greater than money.
THE READING OF BOOKS NOWADAYS
BY GEORGE P. BRETT
LOOKING backward to the days of
my youth in the late sixties and early
seventies, however my memory may be
dimmed by the mists of the interven-
ing years, I seem to recall those days as
a very earnest time in comparison with
the present. The automobile, making
it possible to go quickly to distant pla-
ces, on pleasure bent, and thus to while
away many precious hours, had not yet
come, even though Mother Shipton's
prophecy, alleged to have been made
in 1448, — * Carriages without horses
shall go,' — had foretold its advent.
* Canned music,' as it has been called in
the apt and hurried modern slang, was
unthought of, and the motion picture,
with its new, amusing, and interesting
ways of wasting time, had not yet oc-
curred, even as a possibility, to inven-
tive minds.
Of course we had some amusements.
Baseball was a real game instead of a
business. We played croquet, which
I remember as a most uninteresting
game. We shot, usually very badly, at
archery, and the young people occa-
sionally went to dances, but the delir-
ium of the tango and the maxixe was,
of course, unknown at our staid parties,
where due decorum usually reigned.
Also, on great occasions we visited the
theatre, now in danger of being super-
seded, I am told, by the * movies ' of the
better class; but generally, — after the
children's pantomime period, which
was a sort of forerunner of the modern
circus and includec} jnany of its trick
620
performances, — in order to see Shake-
spearean reproductions, or some play
believed to be 'improving' or educa-
tional in its tendencies.
So we young people lived in those
days, as I recollect it, in a vast serious-
ness. Our first years at school were not
made easy and joyous to us by the
modern methods of the kindergarten
and other similar systems of acquir-
ing knowledge without effort, and we
thereby escaped the effects of the fal-
lacy that learning and education can
be attained without pains and concen-
tration of the mind. We were constant-
ly drilled at school in mental arithme-
tic and other studies of a kind not much
relished, I am told, by the youth of
to-day and unfashionable with modern
educators of young children; and at
home we were urged, in season and out,
as we then thought, to improve our
minds, to contemplate serious things,
and especially and most frequently, to
read good books, particularly those
books which required effort for their
understanding and mastery.
In the period after I left school to
enter business, the young people with
whom I most associated were reading
such books as Darwin's Origin of Spe-
cies, Proctor's Other Worlds than Ours,
Green's Short History of England, and
many others of a similar character, and
we discussed these among ourselves,
and bought them, or had them given to
us for our libraries — which it was the
fashion of the time to encourage young
people to accumulate. I remember
having been particularly proud when I
THE READING OF BOOKS NOWADAYS
621
had acquired a score of such books, all
of which I knew intimately by constant
re-reading; and I can well say with an
old author whose identity is lost in
anonymity, *I have ever gained the
most profit, and the most pleasure also,
from the books which have made me
think the most; and, when the difficul-
ties have once been overcome, these are
the books which have struck the deep-
est root, not only in my memory and
understanding, but likewise in my af-
fections, '
II
That this was not an experience con-
fined to any particular group of young
people is plain, I think, when the very
large sales and wide distribution of
books of a serious, or apparently seri-
ous, appeal at about that time is con-
sidered.
Beginning about the middle of the
last century we find works on popular
science, such as Hugh Miller's Foot-
prints of the Creator and The Testimony
of the Rocks, in great demand; these
were to be found in every household,
as was also Martin Tupper's Proverb-
ial Philosophy, which had an extraor-
dinarily wide sale, over five hundred
thousand copies having been sold in
the United States alone. Works on
philosophy and religion were also in
vogue, among them Christianity the
Logic of Creation, by Henry James the
father, which was widely read.
There was a very large demand, a
little later on, for works of real scientific
interest and value, and often the sup-
ply of books by Darwin, Spencer, Hux-
ley, Tyndall, and kindred writers, was
insufficient to meet the call for them,
both at the libraries and in the book-
stores. In this same period, too, there
was a considerable interest in the
philosophy of Carlyle, Emerson, and
Holmes, and the rationalism of Lecky.
In poetry, the religio-philosophical
verse of Tennyson, Longfellow, Whit-
tier, and Browning, the pagan pessim-
ism of Swinburne and the naturalism of
Whitman were in demand. Somewhat
after this period I remember an extra-
ordinary interest on the part of the
reading public in Kidd's Social Evolu-
tion and Henry Drummond's Natural
Law in the Spiritual World, of both of
which more than one hundred thousand
copies were sold within a few months
of publication. Other well-known and
widely circulated works of this time
were John Fiske's Idea of God and
Cosmic Evolution, Marx's Capital, and
Henry George's Progress and Poverty.
In our great and complex modern
communities the observations of a sin-
gle individual can be of very little
value, owing to the limited possibilities
of observing any large percentage of
our multitudinous population with its
many varying characteristics; but it
seems to be true, in general, that the
observer, at any rate in our great cities,
sees among the young people of to-day,
in whatever class his observations ex-
tend, almost unlimited opportunities
for amusement and pastime. Among
the young people with whom I am most
familiar, tennis and golf, swimming and
sailing, automobiling and attending
the professional, or semi-professional,
games and matches, in what many of
them call 'the good old summertime,'
the tango and maxixe, teas and bridge,
the opera and theatre (in winter), seem
so to fill their time that there is little
left for serious pursuits. Even nec-
essary duties and the care of health
apparently get slight attention in the
rush for exciting amusements. Educa-
tion, by some still considered desirable,
is acquired with much aid, ky special
tutoring, which has become a regular
game of preparation for passing exam-
inations and which usually imparts no
knowledge whatever of the subject of
study beyond that which is necessary
622
THE READING OF BOOKS NOWADAYS
to pass, by rote, the usual examination
paper.
In other classes of the community
I am told that the league baseball
games, and the cheap dance-halls, and
the ' Ten, twent, thirt ' movies, form the
amusement and almost the sole topics
of conversation.
If this indictment is true of any large
proportion of our young people of to-
day,— and for the reasons already
stated it may do injustice to our serious-
minded young people who, undoubted-
ly, are to be found in large numbers in
all classes of our communities, — they
need not necessarily be too severely
censured. Golf and tennis are certain-
ly health- and joy-giving employments
which may be infinitely preferable to a
too serious study of books, even though,
as Clarendon truly says, * He who loves
not books before he comes to thirty
years of age, will hardly love them
enough afterward to understand them.'
And the modern dance craze, to which
I have referred, has affected not only
the younger people but many of their
elders also. One circle of about fifty
couples, whose average age was fifty-
five, met twice each week during the
past winter in one of our large cities, to
learn the modern dances. One of the
members of this class, aged sixty-five,
recently explained to me his want of
knowledge of a serious work which had
been under discussion, and his failure
to keep abreast of the current thought
of the time, by saying that he danced
twice a week until three A.M. and was
too tired to read in the remaining time
that he could spare from the labors of
his profession.
Yet this tendency of the times for
mere amusement, which my observa-
tion seems to show as prevailing among
the younger element to-day, must in-
evitably be the result of the greatly
increased opportunities for excitement
and pastime in modern life, which fos-
ter what has been aptly termed the
butterfly habit of mind. This is born
in early years of the 'play method'
of teaching in school, and strength-
ened by the habits of a society which
votes continued serious conversation
a bore. That this tendency is shown
through all classes and ages in the com-
munity may be gathered by consulting
the reports of books taken from our
principal public libraries; the Newark
Public Library, probably the most re-
presentative in the New York metro-
politan district, in a recent year show-
ing that fiction, which led by far all
other classes of literature, was circu-
lated to the number of 117,394 vol-
umes, a larger figure than that record-
ing the circulation of all other classes
of books.
If we could obtain the figures from
the circulating libraries in our cities,
the preponderance of the reading of
fiction would be much more manifest;
the greater part of these circulating li-
braries, which are now to be found in
great numbers in all our large cities, ex-
isting only for the purpose of circulating
current novels, often of the * six-best-
seller ' type. The librarians now tell us
that there is a very considerable falling
off in circulation of all classes of books
at present, and they attribute this to
the counter-attraction of the * mo vies.'
in
Farmers are not the only class in the
community prone to grumble at exist-
ing conditions. A few days ago, at one
of the clubs in New York, much affect-
ed by authors and consequently also
greatly frequented by publishers, a
well-known member of the latter pro-
fession was heard to complain that the
selling of books to the public had been
curtailed in turn by the multiplication
of cheap magazines, by the increasing
use of the automobile, by the invention
THE READING OF BOOKS NOWADAYS
623
of the Victrola and other mechanical
producers of music, by the invention of
the motion-picture film, and, last but
not least, by the new fashion of dances
which absorbed, he said, the attention
and time of young and old alike. I was
reminded of the saying of an old-time
New Englander that 'Life was just one
durn thing after another.5 It was the
favorite remark of one of the principal
printers at Cambridge, who used to set
up and print most of the important
books at the time when that part of
New England held, by undisputed
right, the literary leadership of the
country, and who, undoubtedly, had
troubles of his own in dealing with the
authors of his time.
Whether the reasons given by my
brother publisher for the falling off of
interest on the part of the public in the
publication of books were well and
properly ascribed, it would be difficult
to say. Many other causes are doubt-
less contributory to a fact which is only
too patent to all who are engaged in the
publishing and selling of books. Even
at the public libraries throughout the
country, where books, of course, cost
the readers nothing, the circulation of
books is, as I have said, steadily falling
off.
Hardly as this state of things has
borne on the publishers themselves, —
more than one of the large, honored,
and long-established houses of twenty
years or so having been brought to the
verge of bankruptcy by the changed
conditions of the trade to which they
have been unable to adjust themselves,
- it has borne with even greater hard-
ship on the authors. Especially has it
been disastrous to authors of the more
serious books of recent literature, whose
earnings are often insufficient to pay
for the typewriting of their manu-
scripts. This fact has become so wide-
ly known as to discourage the produc-
tion of works of interest and value to
the community, so that no surprise is
expressed when our Ambassador to
Great Britain, himself formerly an au-
thor, and more recently a member of
a well-known publishing firm, is re-
ported recently to have advised writ-
ers * against such a precarious career.'
* Gambling,' he is said to have added, ' is
more likely to yield a steady income.'
Works of scientific interest similar to
those to which I referred in the earlier
part of this article have very few ex-
amples in the literature of the day, and
even the best of the volumes of this
sort which now appear, find apparently
few readers. A recent example which
at once occurs to me is Sollas's Ancient
Hunters, a book of great value and
almost fascinating interest, of which a
large edition was sold, almost at once,
in London. It has been distributed
here in the number of less than two
hundred copies, and Professor Scott's
monumental work on American Mam-
mals has had almost as few readers.
The Atlantic Monthly, which has had
such an honored career in the encour-
agement and production of good liter-
ature, and the ^editors of which seem
to find genuine satisfaction in making
good books known to its readers, pub-
lished not long ago an article on the
works of H. Fielding-Hall, which re-
ferred especially to his The Soul of a
People. I read the paper with much
interest, this work having long been
favorite reading of my own. To my
surprise I found, on making inquiry a
few days ago, that the sale of the book
had been limited to a few, a very few,
hundred copies.
Why is it that the American people,
rich beyond the peoples of other na-
tions, with boundless facilities for edu-
cation offered at a far less cost than in
most other countries, fail to encourage
by purchase and use the best works of
our modern writers? Why is it that
works such as those mentioned above
624
THE READING OF BOOKS NOWADAYS
can find only a few hundred purchasers
in a wealthy and well-educated com-
munity of one hundred million souls?
Why is it that works of serious and
universal interest such as Thayer's
Life and Times of Cavour and Theo-
dore Roosevelt's Autobiography, to
name no others, should fail to find a
sale large enough in numbers to sup-
ply each public library in the country
with even a single copy?
We cannot, in these cases, fix the re-
sponsibility on an excessive price for
the books, because in several of the in-
stances named the total number of cop-
ies sold is not sufficient to supply even
a single copy to one in ten of the pub-
lic libraries, where at least it is to be
hoped that the price is not the prime
factor in selection and purchase. Must
we then blame the public for its appar-
ent complete indifference to the best
thought of the time in literature and in
science? Is my publishing friend right
in attributing this indifference to a too
great enjoyment of the material op-
portunities for pastime of this age of
mechanical wonder and advancement?
Or have the scare headlines of modern
journalism and the short, scrappy, but
interesting methods of the cheap maga-
zines so enhanced the ' butterfly ' habit
of mind that we are no longer capable
of continued concentration, and have
lost the power of reading books requir-
ing serious attention?
The author too often believes that
the publisher is to blame for the failure
of his book to sell, and the friends of
the author, members of the reading
public, usually tell him that they have
never seen the book advertised and
that, anyhow, the high price at which
(because of the small demand) it must
be sold, prevents its sale. All publish-
ers do not resent criticism; most of
the fraternity, I believe, recognize the
inadequacy of methods of book-dis-
tribution, and are, in their efforts to
improve them, constantly trying ex-
periments which they, usually vainly,
believe will open to their wares the
door which will induce the vast multi-
tude of the general public to buy them.
Having so frequently heard publish-
ers criticized in the strain referred to
in the preceding paragraph, I recently
tried the experiment of selecting about
forty volumes of recent issue on serious
subjects, and taking care to choose
only those which had proved popular in
the expensive first editions, I published
them at fifty cents each. To meet the
complaints in their entirety I devoted
the sum of ten thousand dollars to
advertising these cheap editions in pe-
riodicals of the widest general circula-
tion; one of the journals used, I remem-
ber, claimed a circulation of nearly two
million copies, and charged according-
ly. The results of this experiment were
not fortunate. The books in the cheap
editions sold in less numbers in most
cases than in the original more expen-
sive editions, and the direct returns,
in sales of books, amounted to three
hundred dollars, or three per cent of
the amount of the advertising bills.
This experiment and some of the
other facts in regard to the sale of
books cited in this article do not, of
course, prove that there is not a large
and eager public for the best works of
modern literature, but they do lead, in
the mind of one observer at least, to
the query as to whether books in these
days have not lost the preeminence
they formerly enjoyed as the principal,
and for many people the only, means
of whiling away pleasantly, or instruc-
tively, the unoccupied hours of life.
IV
In my younger days, as I have point-
ed out, and up to a time which may be
roughly estimated at twenty or thirty
years ago, we had three main resources
THE READING OF BOOKS NOWADAYS
625
for the spending of idle hours, and these,
in their order of importance, were read-
ing, the art of conversation, and letter-
writing. Most people who remember
the letters of this earlier period will re-
member them as giving, with charm
and style, descriptions of the life and
the news of the day. The necessity for
such letter-writing, removed by an
overzealous and much too evident daily
and hourly press, has passed away, and
with it has passed one of the chief re-
sources of our earlier years. The art of
conversation, a constant resource and
delight of older generations, and of
which Emerson says, * Wise, cultivated,
genial conversation is the last flower of
civilization, and the best result which
life has to offer us/ has also passed
away, or at any rate, is no longer un-
derstood as it formerly was, and there
are certainly no adepts in its practice
now to be found. Can it be true that
reading also is to go out of fashion, that
books will no longer be bought or read,
and that their place is to be taken by
other means of passing the time similar
to those to which I have elsewhere
referred?
The value, to the mind and charac-
ter, of the reading of good books can-
not be overestimated. The reading of
such books as I have mentioned, and
others of a similar sort, as the occupa-
tion of my earlier years, was a liberal
education in my case, and has stood me
in better stead than my other educa-
tional opportunities of the school and
college; and if it is true that we are in
danger of losing our taste for serious
reading, as many of the facts of our
times seem to prove, we should bestir
ourselves to avert, in time, what must
otherwise prove a terrible misfortune,
not only to ourselves, but to the char-
acter and intelligence of those who
come after us.
It is evident that the dangers of the
growth of a distaste for reading are at-
VOL.114-N0.5
tracting the attention of the foremost of
our educational authorities. In many
parts of the country already something
is being done to endeavor to train our
young people in the reading of books
which require thought and concentra-
tion for their proper understanding;
but because so much of the reading
material now placed before the young-
er generation is doubtful, not to say
trashy, in character, the movement
needs enlargement and discriminating
supervision, in order that it may gain
the proper momentum to make it a
part of the daily life of the children,
and also in order that the taste for
good reading may be developed early.
In this connection I am reminded
too of the widely followed plan of in-
cluding the reading of English classics
as a part of the regular work in the sec-
ondary schools, a movement admirable
in itself but not without its dangers to
the cause of good reading, in that it
does not seem to encourage that love of
reading which is the one greatly de-
sired end to be attained. One, at least,
of my acquaintances has confided to
me that he attributed his antipathy to
the reading of good books to having
been obliged to read such works as a
task in the schoolroom.
In response to a former article in the
Atlantic Monthly on the circulation of
books, I received a large number of let-
ters, many of them containing sugges-
tions which were both timely and help-
ful, and some of which I have, indeed,
made use of in one way or another. It
may be, if I have rightly stated the
problem of serious reading in this pa-
per, that I may again receive similar
assistance in helping to solve it.
Of one thing I feel quite certain,
that the reading of good literature is
necessary to the growth of the mind
and the strengthening of character,
especially in young people, and that
there is no resource for all periods
626
THE IMPULSE TO FUTURISM
of life so helpful, so satisfying, and
so enduring as a love of good books.
Channing well says : ' God be thanked
for books. They are the voices of the
distant and the dead, and make us heirs
of the spiritual life of past ages. Books
are the true levelers. They give to all
who will faithfully use them the so-
ciety, the spiritual presence, of the best
and greatest of our race.'
THE IMPULSE TO FUTURISM
BY HENRY W. NEVINSON
THINK what it means to be born, like
Marinetti, in Egypt, to have a lawyer
as one's father, to be taught at as Jesuit
College, and to be an Italian!
To be born in the tomb of the world,
the habitat of mummies, the ash-pit of
seven thousand years, the home of un-
changing arts which took twenty dy-
nasties to die, the temple where the
worshiped cat had, not nine lives, but
nine times nine hundred!
To be surrounded from childhood by
the law — that codification of custom,
that consecration of precedent, the dead
hand of the obsolete, the fetter upon
change, the executioner of hope!
To spend youth in a Jesuit College
— to live always in church — in a
Church eternal and immutable! To be
told that the highest wisdom lies be-
hind us; to derive knowledge from 'the
Fathers'; to regard criticism, interpre-
tation, and innovation as mortal sins;
to contemplate an unchanging eter-
nity behind and before; to repeat with
profound reverence several times in a
day, 'As it was in the beginning, is now,
and ever shall be, world without end ! '
And then to be an Italian and live in
Italy; to listen morning, noon, and
night to the lamentations of that weep-
ing Niobe; to inhabit a museum haunt-
ed by tourists, antiquaries, and guides;
to be disregarded by thousands and
thousands of German and English vis-
itors as something out of place and
insignificant — something that hardly
exists — just because you are alive, be-
cause you are not a genuine antique,
but an imitation, a forgery, a modern
copy of old times! To be faced at
every corner by some ancient master of
poetry, of eloquence, of painting, sculp-
ture, or architecture, who once reached
perfection, and whom everyone is still
taught to imitate, but whom no one
can ever surpass! To be the son of a
country ' with a past * — a country
which, instead of decently covering up
her past, lives upon its scrappy keep-
sakes and memorials, exposes them to
public view, and rejoices, as over a lu-
crative investment, when any old relic
is raked from oblivion !
To be suckled by mummies, swad-
dled by the Law and the Church, reach
manhood in a museum, a picture-gal-
lery, a resort of tourists on the lookout
for antiquities — that was Marinetti's
fate. Here was a man of passionate
southern nature, alert, self-assertive, as
choke-full of vitality as a shell of Lyd-
THE IMPULSE TO FUTURISM
627
dite, and such was his fate. No won-
der he rebelled. No wonder his first
thought was to defy precedent, to shat-
ter tradition, to explode antiquity; and
his second thought to demand life, and
explore new paths for its expression.
No wonder he is a Futurist.
We, too, in England are nursed on
mummies and trammeled by the past.
Our schooldays are governed by a rigid
tradition of 'good form.' Our law
courts are governed by the belief that
legal decisions upon questions of good
and evil are binding for ever; that what
has been done once should always be
done again ; that a statute ordained by
Edward III to control the vagabonds,
'pillors and barrators' of his French
Wars should naturally be used to con-
trol a Suffragette speaking in Trafalgar
Square. We also, like the City Fathers
at their banquets, broaden slowly down
from precedent to precedent, and the
broadening of City Fathers is rapid
compared with our freedom's.
Till quite lately, nearly all of us
were educated on an ancient collection
of writings or traditions, solemnly be-
lieved to contain the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth. To
criticize or question was impious; even
to suggest that the strength of the Bi-
ble lay in its beauty and religious mo-
rality rather than in its historical accu-
racy, was a blasphemous presumption.
And though that time has now gone
by, the habit of all our churches keeps
our eyes fixed steadily on the past. We
are taught that the highest revelation
of divine wisdom — indeed, its only
revelation — lies two thousand years
behind us. That the age of sanctity is
passed. That the best we can do is to
imitate the examples of apostles, disci-
ples, and long-departed saints. That
the present world is rolling further and
further away from the highest ideal of
holiness.
For arts and literature, we also are
brought up, like Marinetti, in a muse-
um, although the English museum is
neither so beautiful nor so stupefying
as the Italian. For architecture, the
greatest of all arts, we are instructed to
study and imitate the remaining speci-
mens of Greek, Byzantine, Mediaeval,
and Renaissance building; to select one
of these styles and copy it as closely as
we can; or, if we must be original, to
take two or three of these styles and
mix them up adroitly. The result of
our imitation and combination is the
British Museum, the Houses of Parlia-
ment, the War Office, and the National
Liberal Club — fit homes for the moul-
dering antiquities there enshrined, but
in themselves destitute of vitality,
creative invention, or the spark of liv-
ing genius.
So in the subordinate arts, such as
painting, sculpture, and handicrafts,
we have been commanded either to go
on imitating the Greeks, with the re-
sults we see in the still-born little pic-
tures of Leighton and Alma Tadema,
or in the Victoria Memorial, where
that worthy woman sits, clothed and
in her right mind, amid corybantic
groups of naked men and women, pa-
gan deities of dubious morality, and
nymphs who would never have been
admitted to her Court in their present
costume;* or else we have been com-
manded to imitate the blessed ages
of romantic mystery and touching
faith, when happy craftsmen chipped
and chaffered in the cheaping-steads,
knights quested for distressed damsels
in haunted forests, and John Ball
founded the Fabian Society. Under
these behests we have worshiped
Burne- Jones and his yearning dreams ;
we have stocked our minds and homes
with mediaeval trumpery; we have con-
structed battlements to our seats of
learning, towered walls for our peace-
ful streets, angled houses for our rotund
persons, ingle-nooks, beams industri-
628
THE IMPULSE TO FUTURISM
ously marked with the adze, maypoles,
Morris-dances, and all the other art-
ful-and-crafty contraptions of modern
Oxford and the Garden Suburbs.
Or take literature. If the greatness
of her old masters in the arts has con-
verted Italy into a museum for tour-
ists, the greatness of our old writers
oppresses England in like manner. In
literature we stand very high. We con-
tend with France for the second place
to Greece. But what a price we pay
for our fame! How it overwhelms and
depresses us, turning our eyes always
backward, binding us to old models,
blinding us to the changeful splendors
of to-day, hampering us with suffocat-
ing loads of commentaries, biographies,
variorum editions, learned societies,
revivals, pilgrimages, and the Ameri-
can tourists to Stratford ! Shakespeare
has done us incalculable harm. But
for him we should have had no disserta-
tions on the character of Hamlet, no
interminable dissensions on the mean-
ing of the sonnets, no bloodthirsty con-
troversies over the color of Mary Fit-
ton's hair (which probably changed
like the chameleon), no opportunity
for leisured lunatics to waste time
in discovering Baconian cryptograms,
instead of employing it on ravings
in Bedlam. But for Shakespeare we
should not now be struggling to raise
hundreds of thousands of pounds for a
Memorial Theatre, that will lie heavy
on our hands, no matter how empty.
But for him we might now be enjoy-
ing a fresh and vital drama, and we
should not have had to wait three cent-
uries for a Norwegian to show us an
escape from boredom. But for him and
Milton, we might never have heard
blank verse, either in verse or prose.
What is true of Shakespeare is true
of others in less degree. Think of the
imitators of Pope, of Wordsworth, of
Dickens and George Meredith. In
England our youth has long ceased to
imitate Byron. We are too comfortable
even to copy that noble spirit. But
in Austria I noticed the other day that
youth was wearing the Byronic col-
lar, without the Byronic gloom. And
among ourselves, look at the delightful
young men growing more and more
like Shelley every shining hour! Be-
cause of the very greatness of our lit-
erature, almost equal in greatness to
the sculpture of Greece and the paint-
ing of Italy, we have fallen under the
curse of immortality.
Egypt also was once a great coun-
try, but for thousands of years it lay
dying of immortality. Once it had a
gleam of hope, a possibility of change.
It was visited by ten plagues. But no
frogs or lice or flies or locusts or mur-
rain or living darkness — not even the
death of all the first-born (those natural
propagators of tradition), could eradi-
cate the pestilent germ of the greatest
plague of all — the plague of immor-
tality. We remember those Struld-
brugs whom Gulliver discovered in
the kingdom of Laputa. Doomed to
immortality, they were peevish, cov-
etous, morose, vain, talkative, incap-
able of friendship, dead to all natural
affections. Such is the curse which im-
mortality brings. 'Immortality is a
crime/ the Futurists proclaim. It is
worse than a crime. It is a nuisance.
As an illustration, let me quote from
a Futurist painter whose words I am
bound to listen to with respect. I mean
my son. Speaking as a painter in the
Dore Gallery's Futurist Exhibition in
June, 1914, Mr. Richard Nevinson said,
'No one could live with a singer in-
cessantly and constantly singing in a
room. So it is impossible to live with a
picture. This applies to all pictures,
past, present, and future. Why is it
that no one would take the Mona Lisa
as a gift? It is n't a very bad picture.
It is simply because we cannot walk or
go anywhere in Europe without getting
THE IMPULSE TO FUTURISM
629
a reproduction of her smile, which by
its very monotony becomes that of a
grinning imbecile.*
Alas for immortality that has become
a nuisance and a bore! Alas, and yet
again, alas!
ii
I am not immortal. My smile will
never be reduced to the grinning of
an imbecile by monotonous repetition.
But I am old. I am strongly conserva-
tive by nature. I was brought up in the
most rigid form of unchanging religion,
was trained upon the oldest masters in
literature and the arts, and taught to
fear and detest every innovation, every
sign of ' progress/ every departure from
established rules and from accepted
or natural beauty as hideous, danger-
ous, sacrilegious, and vulgar. Yet very
early in life I made one great discovery
for myself. I found afterwards that
Aristotle had made the discovery also,
and had expressed it in the succinct
beauty of Greek: Ais Se OVK ei/Se^crai.
'Twice is impossible,' we must trans-
late it, or 'You can do nothing twice,'
or 'Two into one won't go.'
Nothing can be done twice. That is
why my son is right in saying that only
bad work goes on forever. He is told,
he says, that the Royal Academy of
this year is exactly the same as the
Royal Academy of the last fifty or sixty
years. More than a generation has
passed to the grave since I went to the
Academy. But I looked at an illus-
trated guide lately, and I found he was
quite right. Subjects, sentiments, por-
traits, representations of nature and
domestic scenes, were exactly the same
as I remembered from my early boy-
hood. Yet nothing can be done twice,
as Aristotle and I discovered. Only
bad work goes on forever. No matter
how men may come and men may go,
bad work goes on forever.
How then are we to shake off this in-
cubus of imitation ? How emerge from
the putrefying charnel of museums?
How shatter, disintegrate, or explode?
In painting many have struggled for
liberty, sometimes with brush, some-
times with fist, as in the animated and
bloody contests recently waged against
the Passeists in Milanese and Roman
theatres. I cannot here pause to dis-
tinguish minutely between Division-
ists, Pointillists, Intimists (who be-
longed to the same group), Fauvists
(savages), Orfeists, Cubists, Expres-
sionists, Vorticists, and Dynamists. In
so far as all are in alliance against the
Passeists, despite violent and blood-
thirsty disagreements among them-
selves, all may be called Futurists.
But the Futurist proper has a place
by himself, though when you reach his
place, you generally find he has gone
somewhere else — somewhere onwards,
as his name implies. For the moment
— perhaps for this passing week —
we may say that the Futurist painter
refuses to paint representations. He
leaves representation to the Passeist
and photographer. He paints what he
calls a plastic abstraction of an emo-
tion, an expression or concentration of
life as it appears to a spectator. He
paints a state of mind. But the mind is
usually, perhaps always, in a state of
excitement under the stress and stimu-
lation of modern life, under the excite-
ment of noise, of danger, of mechanical
power, but especially of speed: the
speed of galloping horses, — horses
with twenty legs, — of motors so rapid
that the houses lean sideways, of aero-
planes roaring like dragons over a terri-
fied world, of rebel crowds rushing for-
ward in acute angles of scarlet passion
that impinge upon the habitations of
established custom and knock them
into cocked hats.
Painting to the Futurist is no pretty,
soothing art to be hung in a room and
discussed at discreet dinner-parties*
630
THE IMPULSE TO FUTURISM
Like all Futurist work, it is inspired
by adventure and discovery. It is a
violent stimulant, to be taken only now
and then, — deadly as whiskey, if too
often repeated; but never an opiate,
never narcotic with sleep. The Futur-
ist destroys everything soft, gracious,
effeminate, subdued, and moribund.
He works with brilliant colors and sharp
angles. He strives to find plastic equiv-
alents for all appearances of our actual
life — its noises, smells, music-halls,
factories, trains, and harbors. He tells
us that noises and smells may be in
form concave or convex, triangular, el-
liptical, oblong, conical, spherical, spi-
ral; and as for their color, he says the
smell of machinery and sport, for in-
stance, is nearly always red; the smell
of restaurants and cafes is silvery, yel-
low, or violet; the smell of animals yel-
low or blue. Let us not laugh too soon.
Noises and smells are only states of
mind, and we talk of jealousy (which is
a state of mind) as green or green-eyed;
in anger we say we 'see red; ' in melan-
choly we 'have the blues/
In sculpture, even more than in
painting, we are overwhelmed by the
past. 'All sculpture galleries,' says
Boccioni, the Futurist sculptor, 'are
reservoirs of boredom, and the inaugu-
rations of public monuments are occa-
sions for irrepressible laughter.' The
Italians feel this even more than we do,
for they are oppressed by memories of
Michael Angelo as well as by Greeks
and Romans ; the working of marble is
a specially Italian craft; and they can-
not take their monuments like us with a
kindly shrug as the inevitable penalty
of fame, or an inscrutable decree of
Providence. In sculpture, therefore,
the Futurist must readily obey his
master's precept, ' to spit every day on
the altar of Art.'
Away with this imitation, this mori-
bund immortality, this monotonous
nudity of nymphs and Psyches, Ledas
with swans, Dianas in boots, Venuses
in nothing — all these weary vistas of
plumpy breasts and rounded thighs
that the words ' sculpture gallery ' call
up! No more nudes! Futurist sculp-
tors and painters agree on that: not
that nudity is immoral, but that it
has become a bore. It is lifeless, and
art must display action and vitality.
Let the sculptor work in what material
he likes, even in marble, if he likes it.
But his figures must hint at their sur-
roundings— their 'ambiance.' They
must reveal the emotion of the specta-
tor, and not represent the final lines of
eternal form. The sculptor must throw
his subjects open like a window. Even
portraits should not necessarily resem-
ble the model. Above all, the emotion
conveyed must be modern, unconnect-
ed with classical mythology, ' ideals of
beauty,' or other tombstones.
In Futurist music we find the same
violent reaction against the monoton-
ous repetition and elegant ecstasies of
the past. Bach, Handel, Beethoven,
Wagner, says the Futurist, were all
very well in their time. They held the
advance-posts of their day; so did Phei-
dias and Michael Angelo; so did the
builders of Venice and Oxford. Let us
leave them where they stand. Let us
honor them with an annual concert,
just as we may visit a picture-gallery
or museum once a year without perish-
ing of putrefaction. But the modern
world has emotions, and lives under
conditions, which the composers of the
eighteenth and even of the nineteenth
century could not conceive.
Noise, for instance, is a modern
creation. There is very little noise in
nature — only earthquakes, thunder,
waves, winds, waterfalls, lions roaring,
parrots screaming, nightingales sing-
ing. In the last fifty years, what an
immense advance man has made upon
those primitive sounds! Think of the
express train as it yells and roars!
THE IMPULSE TO FUTURISM
631
Parrots and lions are child's play in
comparison. Think of a cotton-mill, a
printing press, an iron-foundry! Think
of the pistons of an ocean liner, the
cannonade of a dreadnought, the clang
of shipyards! Think of the shriek of
circular saws, the hooting of motors,
the clatter of milk-cans, the aeroplanes
whiffling and burbling through the
sky! By an ideal or imaginative com-
bination of such noises, is it not pos-
sible to create a new acoustic pleasure,
a new development of music, adapted
to modern emotions and modern ears?
At the Coliseum in London we have
lately (June, 1914) seen and heard
what the Futurist can do with sound.
There stood the enormous instru-
ments, a dream of elephantine mega-
phones, for the most part worked by
the turn of a handle, like barrel-organs.
Oh, what a saving of the singer's
shrieks, the pianist's practicing, the
violinist's inflictions! The Roarer, the
Whistler, the Murmurer, the Screamer
- so were the instruments named.
Other instruments supplied the out-
cries of mankind and animals; others
the clang of blows upon metals. The
first and most beautiful composition or
combination aroused the emotion we
feel at the * Awakening of a great City.'
We can imagine it. The very houses
have been asleep. With a faint mur-
mur the giant heart begins to stir. The
mail-carts rumble in the distance. The
market carts plod to Covent Garden.
A belated taxi rushes by. The work-
men's trams begin to roar and ring.
There comes a sound of hurrying feet
upon the pavement. The war-whoop
of the milkman echoes down the street.
Doors slam. Cooks scour the steps.
Machinery hisses and screams. Ham-
mers crash upon iron plates. Trams,
motor 'buses, and taxis reduplicate
their rumbling, their clangor, and
hoots. City trains rage shrieking past
the very windows. All these noises and
sounds combine into a rich diapason,
varied and illuminated by outstanding
notes, like flashes of lightning against
the background of a storm. The sun
rises. The city wakes. Man goeth
forth to his labor until the evening.
Again I would say, let us not laugh
too soon. I remember with what laugh-
ter, with what mockery, Wagner was
received — Wagner with his ' Music of
the Future ' — his Futurist music !
in
And then there is literature — poe-
try, imaginative utterance, the expres-
sion of emotion in words. Of this art
Marinetti himself is the Futurist mas-
ter. I will not here examine his theorv
V
of * free verse ' — verse released like
Walt Whitman's from metre, rhyme,
and form; nor his later practice of abol-
ishing all stops, adjectives, adverbs,
tenses, and moods (except the infini-
tive), of introducing mere sounds to
express the sense, and marking expres-
sion or coupling sentences with the
usual algebraical signs for addition,
multiplication, and so on. His poems
are now a series of violent and uncon-
nected nouns, infinitive verbs, and
strange sounds, interspersed with math-
ematical signs that make the printed
page look incomprehensible. But to the
layman a page of musical score looks
incomprehensible too. Wait till the
musician begins to play! I have heard
many recitations, and have tried to
describe many scenes of war. But I
listened to Marinetti's recitation of
one of his poems on battles and then
I knew what he meant by /wireless
imagination.'
I may very well have witnessed the
event he described, for he was with us
in the Bulgarian second army outside
Adrianople in the autumn of 1912.
But I have never conceived such a de-
scription, or heard such a recitation.
632
THE IMPULSE TO FUTURISM
The poem described a train of Turkish
wounded, stopped and captured on its
way by Bulgarian troops and guns.
The noise, the confusion, the surprise
of death, the terror and courage, the
grandeur and appalling littleness, the
doom and chance, the shouting, curses,
blood, stink, and agony — all were
combined into one great emotion by
that amazing succession of words, per-
formed or enacted by the poet with
such passion of abandonment that no
one could escape the spell of listening.
Mingled anguish and hope as the train
started; rude jolts and shocks, and yet
hope; the passing landscape, thought of
reaching Stamboul. Suddenly, the air
full of the shriek and boom of bullets
and shells; hammering of machine-
guns, shouting of captains, crash of ap-
proaching cannon. And all the time
one felt the deadly microbes crawling
in the suppurating wounds, devouring
the flesh, undermining the thin walls of
the entrails. One felt the infinitely lit-
tle, the pestilence that walks in dark-
ness, at work in the midst of gigantic
turmoil making history. That is the
very essence of war. That is war's cen-
tral emotion.
I know all that can be said against
such methods in literature as in other
arts. Free verse and words without
syntax may become too easy for
beauty, since the beautiful is always
hard. (Though, on my conscience, I
believe it is easier to write verse than
prose!) I know all the objections. I
only insist upon the meaning, the in-
tention of Futurism, and the impulse
that drives to it. With Goethe, I say,
* If you insist on telling me your opin-
ions, for God's sake, tell me what you
believe in! I have plenty of doubts of
my own.' A well-known poet and critic,
Mr. Newbolt, has, I believe, sought to
discredit Marinetti's method by trans-
posing Keats's 'Ode to the Nightin-
gale' into Futurist language
a suc-
cession of nouns, infinitive verbs, and
mathematical signs. The mockery is
beside the point. Keats expressed the
emotion called up by the nightingale
exactly right. But the nightingale has
had a long innings. He has been in
from Sophocles to Keats, and perhaps
it is time now to declare his innings
over. Let the new emotions of a new
age have their turn. 'We sing the love
of danger,' cried the Futurists, in their
first manifesto (February, 1909). There
is nothing about nightingales in that
manifesto. It says: —
'The essential elements of our poetry
shall be courage, daring, and rebellion.
'There is no beauty except in strife.
'We shall glorify war, patriotism,
the destructive arm of the Anarchist,
the contempt for effeminacy.
'We shall sing of the great crowds in
the excitement of labor, pleasure, or re-
bellion; of the multi-colored and poly-
phonic surf of revolutions in modern
capital cities; of the nocturnal vibra-
tion of arsenals and workshops beneath
their violent electric moons; of the
greedy stations swallowing smoking
snakes; of factories suspended from
the clouds by their strings of smoke;
of bridges leaping like gymnasts over
the diabolical cutlery of sun-bathed riv-
ers; of adventurous liners scenting the
horizon; of broad-chested locomotives
prancing on the rails, like huge steel
horses bridled with long tubes; and of
the gliding flight of aeroplanes, the
sound of whose screw is like the flap-
ping of flags, and the applause of an
enthusiastic crowd.
' Your obj ections ? Enough ! Enough !
I know them! It is agreed! We know
well what our fine and false intelligence
tells us. We are, it says, only the sum-
mary and the extension of our ances-
tors. Perhaps! Very well! . . . What
matter? . . . But we do not wish to
hear! Beware of repeating those infa-
mous words! Better lift your head!
THE IMPULSE TO FUTURISM
633
'Erect on the topmast pinnacle of
the world, once again we fling our defi-
ance to the stars.'
It is violent, it is insolent. But as
I listen to it, I seem to myself like
Moses, when he came from Egypt's
land of tombs and solemn pyramids
— from among monuments of never-
ending death in life — from among
monstrous cats and bulls and croc-
odiles sanctified by the inexhaustible
stupidity of custom — and stood upon
Pisgah, gazing out over the land of pro-
mise. As Robert Browning, one of our
antiquated poets, said last century: —
Over the ball of it,
Peering and prying,
How I see all of it,
Life there, outlying!
• • • * •
Honey, get gall of it!
There's the life lying,
And I see all of it,
Only, I'm dying.
Standing on such a Pisgah height,
with dying eyes I look out upon a Fu-
turist world of strife and tempest and
struggling crowds, — a world of revolt
and rebellion, smitten by the acute
angles and crimson bars of rage, — a
world risen in violent reaction against
weakness and sentimentality, invalid-
ism, comfort, softness, luxury, and
effeminate excess, — against the toy
woman (la femme bibelot), the wor-
ship of precedent, of research, of rules,
of uninspired morality. Such a world
shudders at the monotony of regulated
habit and established reputation. That
a thing has been done once is for it a
sufficient reason why it should never
be done again. And moving about in
that world of hard and dangerous life
that is full of rapid contrasts and calls
out the highest human capacities from
hour to hour, I appear to see magnifi-
cent and adventurous men, tempestu-
ous and proud, fighting their way side
by side with magnificent and adven-
turous women, virile, gigantic, devoid
of shame, loathing effeminacy, giving
the breast to superb and violent in-
fants, turbulent as Titans of the earth-
quake and volcano.
As I gaze, I sometimes think that the
Futurist parents are in for a stormy
time. But no matter! Let us hand on
to them our motto: 'De 1'audace, de
Taudace, toujours de 1'audace!' Which
one may translate: 'Be bold, be bold,
there is not the smallest fear that any
one will be too bold.'
MIND IN PLANTS
BY ADA WATTERSON YERKES
MAETERLINCK has entitled one of his
charming essays 'The Intelligence of
the Flowers.' It may seem like taking
a long step beyond this to attribute
mind to the whole plant kingdom. We
human beings are inclined to regard
the possession of mind as our own
special prerogative and to grant grudg-
ingly that a few of the higher animals
exhibit forms of behavior which ap-
proach the intelligent. There are,
indeed, many philosophers who deny
that one can know the existence of any
mind except one's own. But once admit
that other men may share this great
possession, the door is wide open, and
the path leads thence down through
vertebrates and invertebrates, one-
celled animals, and many-celled plants,
till who can tell where one may stop
and say, 'Beyond this there is no
consciousness.'
The essayist has applied the term
intelligence to those curious and won-
derful adaptations which, in plants,
promote the reproduction and distri-
bution of species. Conspicuous among
these are the marvelous contrivances
and processes by which cross-fertiliza-
tion is effected, and the dispersal of
fruits and seeds by wind, waves, ani-
mals, and other agents promoted. But
this use of the term is open to criticism,
for such adaptations of form and func-
tion as those cited are examples of the
intelligence of Nature rather than of
flowers. By the student of behavior
or of comparative psychology, in tell i-
634
gence is to-day defined as 'the power
of learning by individual experience.'
Maeterlinck himself warns us that his
essay should not be considered a scien-
tific treatise. His choice of terms, how-
ever, strongly emphasizes the difference
between the popular and the scientific
conception of the meaning of words,
and the misunderstandings to which
this difference gives rise.
Perhaps nowhere are these misun-
derstandings, because of difference in
the usa,ge of words, more evident than
in the case of such terms as mind, soul,
and consciousness. The average man
boasts that he has a soul and that he
himself is master of it; insists, often
pugnaciously, that his favorite horse
and dog have minds and are capable of
intelligent, and even of reasoned, be-
havior. But if you allude to the con-
sciousness of the carrot, he feels that
you have entered the realm of the fan-
tastic, and refuses to discuss the matter
in any save a humorous way. It be-
hooves us, therefore, to inquire care-
fully into the meaning which the scien-
tist gives to these words, and the ways
in which he uses them.
E. B. Titchener, one of our most emi-
nent psychologists, defines mind as
'the sum- total of human experience
considered as dependent upon the
experiencing person.' He rejects a use
of the term consciousness in the sense
of a 'mind's awareness of itself as
being not only unnecessary but also
misleading, 'unnecessary because, as
we shall see later, the awareness is a
matter of observation of the same gen-
MIND IN PLANTS
635
eral kind as observation of the external
world; it is misleading because it sug-
gests that mind is a personal being
instead of a stream of processes.' He
therefore takes 'mind and conscious-
ness to mean the same thing.'
Later in the same discussion he says,
'If, however, we attribute minds to
other human beings, we have no right
to deny them to the higher animals.
These animals are provided with a ner-
vous system of the same pattern as
ours; their conduct or behavior, under
circumstances that would arouse cer-
tain feelings in us, often seems to ex-
press, quite definitely, similar feelings
in them. Surely we must grant that
the highest vertebrates, mammals and
birds, have minds. Indeed, it is diffi-
cult to limit mind to the animals that
possess even a rudimentary nervous
system; for the creatures that rank
still lower in the scale of life manage
to do, without a nervous system, prac-
tically everything that their superiors
do by its assistance. The range of
mind thus appears to be as wide as the
range of animal life.
'The plants, on the other hand, ap-
pear to be mindless. Many of them
are endowed with what we may term
sense-organs, that is, organs differen-
tiated to receive certain forms of stim-
ulus, — pressure, impact, light, and so
forth. These organs are analogous in
structure to the sense-organs of the
lower animal organisms; thus plant
* eyes" have been found, which closely
resemble rudimentary animal eyes, and
which — if they belonged to animals
— might mediate the perception of
light: so that the development of the
plant- world has evidently been gov-
erned by the same general laws of
adaptation to environment that have
been at work in the animal kingdom.
But we have no evidence of plant-con-
sciousness.'
We see, therefore, that the scientists
themselves sometimes hesitate to fol-
low their statements and assumptions
to their logical conclusions. If plants
possess rudimentary eyes so similar in
structure to those of animals that 'if
they belonged to animals they might
mediate the perception of light,' why
should we not assume that thev reallv
^ «,'
serve as eyes? Such an assumption
seems natural enough, unless, per-
chance, it can be shown that animals
and plants are essentially different in
nature, — a view, however, which all
the biological work of recent years has
tended to refute.
ii
Primitive men evidently regarded
plants as living, acting, and feeling
creatures. A poetical expression of this
is found in the dryads who were part
of each tree, living and dying with it.
The Russian and the Norwegian folk-
songs are permeated by the same idea.
Aristotle, however, announced that
while both animals and plants have
souls, plants lack sensation or feeling.
The pith he assumed to be the seat of
the soul of plants and the controlling
centre of physiological processes. In
the era of Linnaeus a somewhat dif-
ferent idea prevailed. It finds expres-
sion in his phrase: * Stones grow; plants
grow and live; animals grow, live, and
feel.'
It is safe to say that Linnaeus did
not think of plants as possessing souls,
or minds, or any form of conscious-
ness. Under the influence of this emi-
nent systematic botanist, the study
of plants was restricted to collecting,
drying, and pressing specimens, and
to wrangling over names. It is only
within the last century that students
of plants have freed themselves from
the influence of Linnaeus, and have
begun to study the complex processes
of life as they occur in the plant world.
636
MIND IN PLANTS
Experimentation has largely replaced
collecting and preserving. This study
of plants as living things has gradually
broken down the Aristotelian bound-
ary wall between animals and plants.
And from the ruins of the wall has
arisen a common biology which is quite
as much concerned with the likenesses
between animals and plants as with
their differences.
The discovery that the unit of struc-
ture, the cell, is strikingly similar in
plants and animals was one of the first
great advances in this common bio-
logy. The cell indeed has been found to
possess almost identical properties in
the two kingdoms. * Living protoplasm,'
exclaims the noted botanist Haber-
landt, * whether its origin be animal or
plant, hides in itself all the great riddles
of life, whose solution we are always
joyfully, but with varying success,
striving for.'
A second important step in the
establishing of a strictly scientific bot-
any resulted from the recognition that
the power of intelligent movement,
which previously had been regarded
as an attribute of animals alone, exists
equally among the lower plants. This
discovery was made with the aid of
the microscope, which revealed to the
observer myriads of tiny plants, creep-
ing, crawling, whirling, with a rapid-
ity and complexity of motion equal to
that of animals. Bacteria, Diatoms,
Desmids, and the swarmspores of
many algae and fungi, were discovered
to be capable of extreme and varied
activity.
Yet another step forward was taken
when leading botanists came to admit
the existence of irritability in certain
plants.
Says Haberlandt, 'The existence
of living substance is so sharply dis-
tinguished by no fundamental prop-
erty as by irritability. Not only animal
but plant protoplasm is fitted to receive
different external changes as stimuli.
When the sensitive plant at a rough
touch lowers its petioles and clasps its
leaflets together; when a stem, illu-
minated on one side, turns toward the
source of light; or when bacteria swarm
together upon a piece of nutrient sub-
stance, we have to do with irritable
movements which are fully analogous
to those which play such an important
role in the life of animals.
' The irritability of animals has been
regarded for ages as indicative of sen-
sation and perception. Nothing can
deter us, once the similarity of sensory
movements in the animal and the plant
kingdoms is fully recognized, from
ascribing to plants both sensation and
perception.'
It is interesting that this view of the
plant world should have been prophe-
sied long ago by Fechner the philoso-
pher, in his book entitled Nanna, oder
das Seelenleben der Pflanzen, wherein,
to quote Haberlandt again, * the most
delicate phantasies of the " Marchener-
zahler " twine like blossoming branches
around the strong scaffolding of scien-
tific thought.' Fechner ascribed to
plants a richly developed sensory life.
He would have taken keen satisfaction
could he have lived to see the confir-
mation of his views which has result-
ed from the studies of the structure
and behavior of plants made during
the last twenty years.
in
In applying the term 'mind* to
plants, we should of course note that
we are dealing with extremely elemen-
tary or simple mental processes. We
have no reason to assume, or even to
suspect, that such complex experiences
as our human perceptions, emotions,
and thoughts, exist in plants. The
psychologist whom we have already
quoted presents three classes of ele-
MIND IN PLANTS
637
mentary mental processes: sensations,
images, and affections. Of these sev-
eral simple varieties of consciousness,
sensations are the only ones which we
can safely attribute to plants.
By the work of many observers, and
especially by that of the ingenious
physiologist Jagadis Chunder Bose,
it has been established, recently, that
changes occurring about plants may
act as stimuli, and thus, through the
releasing of vital energy, occasion forms
of response which are no less interest-
ingly adaptive than are those exhibited
by animals. By means of marvelously
sensitive devices, the essential feature
of which is the * optical lever/ Bose has
been enabled to detect movements in
response to stimulation in many plants,
organs, and tissues. It has also been
amply demonstrated that in plants, as
in animals, the organ which responds
to a stimulus may be at a considerable
distance from the place at which the
stimulus is received.
Darwin it was who noted that a root
placed horizontally receives the stimu-
lus of gravity in the root-cap, while the
bending which causes the root to turn
downward occurs at some distance from
the cap. It is evident that this spa-
tial separation of point of stimulus and
point of response indicates the exist-
ence of something similar to nerve-im-
pulses, and indeed most students of the
subject freely admit that plants exhibit
certain physiological processes ana-
logous to the so-called conduction of
impulses by nerves. In some plants
this conduction is pretty obviously a
purely mechanical process. This is the
case in the well-known sensitive plant,
Mimosa pudica, wherein responsive-
ness to stimuli or sensitivity was first
observed and is to-day most widely
known.
The pressure of fluid in a peculiar
system of tubes conveys the effect of
a touch or jar to distant parts of the
sensitive plant, and these, in their
turn, so act as to occasion movement.
Thus a light touch at one point causes
a very pronounced movement of the
leaves of mimosa. And by striking a
group of these plants with a stick, one
may cause a wave of response which
resembles the effect of a strong wind
on a field of grain. For the majority
of plants, however, it has been dis-
covered that conduction occurs in the
living substance of the cell in which
delicate threads of protoplasm, ex-
tending through the boundary walls of
the cell, form continuous paths sug-
gestive of the form of nerve-fibres in
animals.
But even after the process of sensory
response and transmission of impulses
had been thoroughly established, plant
physiologists were loath to believe in
the existence of special sense-organs
for the reception of stimuli in plants.
For a time, it was thought that their
sensitivity was merely an expression of
a capacity given to all living cells. It
was Haberlandt who, on the assump-
tion that division of labor is the rule in
connection with the varied processes of
both plants and animals, undertook
a thorough search for definite sense-
organs.
As a result of this search, he was
able to distinguish and to describe in
detail three degrees of complexity in
sensory development. There is, first,
a generally distributed irritability or
sensibility to stimuli. This is a condi-
tion to which the term sense-organ does
not strictly apply. As a result of its
diffused or general irritability, a plant
may respond to a stimulus in much the
same way wherever it happens to act.
A more complex condition is that in
which the stimulus-receiving organs
are situated in a particular portion or
tissue of the plant. Thus it has been
found that the outer layer of cells or
epidermis of many plants serves the
638
MIND IN PLANTS
protective function, but is also sensi-
tive to light and to contact. Finally,
the third degree of specialization is
exhibited in plants which possess cer-
tain cells, parts of cells, or cell-groups,
which, by their form, are highly adapt-
ed for the reception of changes which
may act as stimuli. These latter struct-
ures are truly sense-organs, and they are
in a variety of ways comparable with
the sense-organs of animals.
There are known, in animals, special
organs for the reception of a great
variety of stimuli. Thus we recognize
organs for the reception of heat and
cold, light, sound, contact, pressure,
and a variety of chemical changes. But
in the plant, the range of special sense-
organs is more narrowly limited. We
know, to-day, of special organs in
certain plants, for the reception of
mechanical stimuli, such as contact,
friction, pressure, shock, or jars; for the
influence of gravity or the pull of the
earth on the plant; and for certain
kinds of light. It is practically certain
that plants are affected in varied ways
by changes in temperature and in chem-
ical conditions, yet no special organs
for the reception of these stimuli have
been discovered.
The principle of construction which
appears in the sense-organs of plants is
that of an outer stationary layer of
protoplasm, which lines the sensitive
cell, and of varied and peculiar con-
trivances which limit and direct the
stimulus to the sensitive portion of the
cell. Precisely what takes place in the
living substance of the sensitive plant-
cell, we do not know, but a series of
processes, supposedly chemical in na-
ture, occur, the last of which is a motor
event which is appropriately described
as a response to the stimulus which in-
itiated the chain of events.
There are three kinds of organs for
the reception of mechanical stimuli.
They are known as sensitive spots, sen-
sitive papillae, and sensitive hairs or
bristles.
Sensitive spots were first observed
by Pfeffer on the tendrils of the family
of vines called Cucurbitacece. This fam-
ily includes such plants as the cucum-
ber, melon, squash, gourds, and pump-
kins. Near the tip and on the 'concave
or under side of the tendrils of these
vines, Pfeffer located highly sensitive
areas. They proved to be thin spots
in the outer wall of cells, filled with
protoplasm in which appear crystals of
calcium oxalate.
The so-called papillae are projections
of the cells which form the outer layer or
epidermis of the plant, are thin-walled,
and filled with living substance. They
are found on such organs as the fila-
ments of various flowers, and to the
observer who is familiar with sense-
organs of animals, their structure is
highly suggestive of a receptive func-
tion. When touched, they cause a
rapid bending of the entire stamen of
the flower, and thus the pollen is scat-
tered over the intruding cause of stim-
ulation: This cause, to be sure, is fre-
quently an active insect which, in turn,
serves as a carrier of the pollen to
other flowers. In a most interesting
way, the flower is itself thus enabled,
by responding to mechanical stimuli,
to further the process of cross-fertili-
zation.
The sensitive hairs or bristles may
be simple or complex, constituted by
one or by many cells. A typical ex-
ample of this sort of sense-organ is the
bristle of the cushion-like enlargement
of that portion of the leaf of the sensi-
tive plant Mimosa pudica which is the
point of attachment to the stem. This
is known, technically, as the primary
pulvinus of the leaf. On this cushion-
like structure appear bristles, the bases
of which are bedded in the substance
of the pulvinus, literal 'thorns in the
flesh.' Each bristle consists of a nun>
MIND IN PLANTS
639
her of thick-walled cells, but toward
the tip it tapers to a single cell. When
such a bristle is touched, the stimulus
is immediately transmitted to the cells
of the cushion, or pulvinus, and changes
therein cause the petiole, or supporting
structure of the leaf, to drop. The
transmission of the stimulus to the
pulvini of the leaflets causes them to
fold together. Thus, in an instant and
as the result of contact with a single
bristle, the plant folds up as though to
protect itself from further stimulation.
Most interesting in this whole response
is the surprising rapidity with which
the apparently trivial stimulation of
a single bristle at the base of a leaf
is transmitted through the plant and
effects the general response.
Yet other excellent examples of the
response of plants to mechanical stim-
ulation are furnished by the sundew
and the Venus fly-trap. When an
insect alights upon an open leaf of the
sundew, its movements are impeded
by a sticky secretion, and in its strug-
gles to escape, it so stimulates the leaf
that the glandular hairs which cover
the surface of the leaf, and the edges
of the leaf itself, slowly close over it
and imprison it. The nutritive por-
tions of its body are thereupon digested
by the secretions of other glandular
hairs. After this process is complete,
the leaf reopens and the dry shell of
the insect is carried away by the wind.
The response of the Venus fly-trap is
more startling, for by it the insect is
suddenly entrapped. Sensitive bristles
on the leaves are responsible for the
reaction. It is when the insect comes in
contact with one or more of these
bristles that the leaves suddenly close.
Thus, in the case of both Drosera, or,
as it is popularly known, sundew, and
Dionsea, or the Venus fly-trap, prey is
captured as a result of response to
stimulation of the plant by the ill-
fated insect.
There is another group of responses,
complex, and for a long time imper-
fectly understood, which demands ex-
amination. Since so many plants are
stationary, spending most of their lives
rooted to one spot, it is essential that
they be able so to orient themselves as
to obtain those conditions most favor-
able for growth and reproduction. One
portion of the plant should reach down
into the soil to anchor it firmly and to
draw therefrom water and nutrient
substances. Other portions should
spread out where they may obtain air
and light. The discovery of the me-
chanism whereby these adjustments to
the environment are achieved is pecul-
iarly interesting.
Early in the last century, experiment
revealed that when a seedling is placed
horizontally, the tip of its root gradu-
ally turns downward, whereas the stem
of the plant turns upward. The for-
mer responds positively to the influ-
ence of gravity, seeking the earth ; the
other, negatively, avoiding the earth
and seeking the sunlight. If the same
kind of seedling be rotated slowly on
a wheel so that all parts are in like
manner and in turn subjected to the
action of gravity, these bendings do
not occur.
Charles Darwin, about the year
1881, called attention to the fact that
sensitiveness to the influence of grav-
ity was apparently limited in the seed-
ling to the central portion of the root-
cap which covers the tip of the root,
although the response to stimulation
by gravity occurs as the result of
growth in a region of the root at some
distance back of the tip. This region
is that of most active growth in the
root.
Toward the end of the nineteenth
century, largely as the result of certain
zoological discoveries, an important
step toward the explanation of the bend-
ing of root and stem in seedlings was
640
MIND IN PLANTS
taken . Zoologists had observed in vari-
ous animals little organs constructed
like sense-organs which were at first
supposed to be organs of hearing. They
consist, in essence, of a fluid-filled sack,
the walls of which are formed of living
cells. In the fluid of this sack are sus-
pended crystals or masses of inorganic
material. The sack is lined with hairs
or bristles, and as the crystals or groups
of crystals move about as the result of
changes in the position of the animal,
they come in contact with these hairs
and apparently stimulate them. These
organs, at first called otocysts or ear-
sacks, were subsequently named stato-
cysts, and the inorganic masses, stato-
liths.
It is now definitely known that
the statocyst is an organ, sensitive to
changes in the position of an animal's
body and capable of so controlling the
muscles as to maintain the normal
position. Thus if such a creature as the
crayfish be turned on its back or side,
the unusual position so stimulates the
hairs of the statocyst that righting
movements are set up.
Two botanists, Haberlandt and
Nemec, working independently, were
struck by the similarity between the
structure of the statocysts of animals
and that of cells in the roots of plants.
For in certain of the cells of plants they
discovered starch grains suggestive of
the statoliths found in animals. It was
not difficult for them to imagine these
starch grains acting as stimulating
mechanisms and determining the direc-
tion of movement of root or stem. In-
deed it is now generally believed that
gravity, acting upon these solid parti-
cles in certain cells, so stimulates the
protoplasm of those cells as to cause
more rapid growth in some regions of
the plant than in others. It is this
unequal or asymmetric growth, occur-
ring often at some distance from the
point of stimulation, which causes the
root to bend downward and the stem
to bend upward.
Apropos of this conception, Darwin
himself said, 'It is hardly an exaggera-
tion to say that the tip of the radicle
thus endowed, and having the power
of directing the movements of the
adjoining parts, acts like the brain of
one of the lower animals; the brain
being seated within the anterior end of
the body, receiving impressions from
the sense-organs, and directing the sev-
eral movements.'
These starch grains are found in
both stems and leaves. They are stored
in cells which form a layer of the
parenchyma in leaves and a hollow
cylinder in stems. In these positions,
starch is found even when it is entirely
absent in other portions of the plant.
It is significant that in those few cases
in which plant-roots do not respond to
the influence of gravity, starch grains
are lacking. Altogether, the view that
these particles are chiefly responsible
for certain of the important directive
movements in plants is well supported
by facts.
IV
But there is yet another environ-
mental agency which obviously has
much to do with controlling the move-
ments of plants. This is light. It is a
matter of common observation that in
response to changes in the amount of
light, certain flowers open and close
and many leaves change position.
Thus the appearance of many plants
changes completely with the fall of
night. It is also generally known that
one-sided illumination has its marked
effects. Plants in a sunny window need
to be turned from time to time if they
are to be prevented from becoming
asymmetric.
In many cases it seems as if the en-
tire plant were sensitive to light. An
instance of this is found in the so-called
MIND IN PLANTS
641
sleep movements of plants, where the
leaves or flowers close and droop at the
approach of night. But there are other
cases in which the stimulation seems to
act only upon certain portions of the
organism. Thus it has been pointed
out that in the leaves of some plants
the outer wall of the cells of the upper
epidermis arches outward, thus making
of each cell a plano-convex lens. The
light is concentrated by this means
upon the middle field of the inner wall
of each cell where lies the sensitive
protoplasm which receives the stimu-
lus.
In other plants a single cell of this
epidermis here and there is special-
ized in form to receive the stimulus. It
has been found possible to print on pho-
tographic paper through the carefully
removed epidermis of a leaf. The result-
ing print shows plainly dark spots
where the light has been concentrated
by the lens-like action of the cells.
There is much discussion concerning
the response of plants to light, and
many important matters are still un-
settled. In a recent book devoted to a
study of Light and the Behavior of Or-
ganisms, Mast has successfully present-
ed both facts and controversies. Thus
he observes with reference to the gen-
eral regulatory value of light to plants,
that leaves for the most part tend to
take a position which facilitates the
processes of food-making, and that
other portions of plants likewise assume
what is evidently the most favorable
position for growth and reproduction.
The effect of light is so to regulate the
responses of a plant that it more per-
fectly adapts itself to its immediate
environmental conditions. Thus it is
noted that in intense light certain plant
structures, the chloroplasts which con-
tain the green coloring matter, assume
a position in the cell parallel with the
rays of light, so as to receive as little of
the light as possible. Certain leaves,
VOL.114-NO. 5
under intense illumination, turn so
that the edge of the blade is directed
toward the light.
In addition to their simple sensory
responses, many examples of which
have been presented, plants exhibit
certain other forms or aspects of be-
havior which are of psychological in-
terest. Among other things it has been
demonstrated that the relation of stim-
ulation to response, at any rate in
certain cases, conforms to the Weber-
Fechner law. According to this law, a
certain definite relation holds between
increase of strength of stimulus and
appreciable change in response. It has
been demonstrated, also, with plants
as with animals, that a stimulus too
weak to induce a response becomes
effective upon repetition. This is com-
monly known as the phenomenon of
summation of stimuli. Fatigue as the
result of stimulation is exhibited by
plants as well as by animals.
The behavior of plants is also vari-
able and shows definite relations both
to the internal conditions of the plant
itself and the various aspects of environ-
ment. There are indeed innumerable
instances of variation in response to
change in the amount and character of
the stimulus. Thus the seedling which
bends toward a moderately strong light
bends in the opposite direction if the
light becomes intense. Likewise, it has
been noted that many free-moving
plants which swim toward a source of
light of low intensity swim away from a
stronger light. Such reactions as these
have been observed in various marine
and fresh-water algae, in diatoms, in
the tendrils of Ampelopsis and Vitis.
They are obviously of importance in
the life of the plant, for they tend to
keep it in those conditions which are
favorable.
The following quotation from Mast
calls attention to an aspect of the modi-
fiability of behavior in plants which is
642
MIND IN PLANTS
worthy of careful investigation : * It has
long been known that changes in light
cause daily periodic movements in
plants, the so-called sleep movements
of leaves and flowers, and that these
movements continue for some time if
the plant is kept in continuous illu-
mination. They are at first pronoun-
ced, both in constant light and in dark-
ness . . . and they continue to be per-
ceptible until after the lapse of from
four to eight days.'
Reactions to light are not the only
ones, however, in which modifiability
occurs when conditions of environ-
ment change. The sensitive plant,
which ordinarily closes its leaves at the
slightest jar, will, if subjected to the
continual jarring of a train or wagon,
after a time open its leaves and let
them remain open. The leaf-petioles of
Clematis vitalba twine around any sup-
port and perform the function of ten-
drils. One experimenter made fast the
stems of the vine, so that the clinging
of the petioles was rendered superflu-
ous and they then did not react at all.
When the same stems were again freed
and allowed to wave in the wind, the
petioles at once took hold and began
to twine. Limnophila heterophylla, an
amphibious plant of the tropics, has
finely divided leaves under the surface
of the water, entire ones above it. If a
stem of entire leaves is sunk beneath
the surface, it develops side branches
bearing finely divided leaves.
Another case of adaptation is that
of the Russian teasel (Dipsacus lacin-
iatus) which grows on the dry steppes
of Eastern Europe. Every pair of the
leaves grows together around the stem,
forming a little cup which the rain
fills. When the supply of water in the
earth is not adequate, the plant devel-
ops suction-cells in the bottom of this
cup which absorb the stored-up water.
Moreover, it also sends out little proto-
plasmic hairs which absorb nutriment
from the bodies of small insects which
become drowned in the water of the
cups. No other members of the teasel
or thistle family have such contriv-
ances, which seem to have been devel-
oped only as an 'occasional expedient.'
May not this be considered an example
of an instinct?
We speak of the bird's song in the
springtime, of the display of plumage
and the various antics in the courtship
of birds, as expressions of the sex-in-
stincts. What should we say of the
following series of events in the life of
the little water-plant, Vallisneria spi-
ralis? The stamens and pistils are
borne in separate flowers, entirely sub-
merged in the water. The female
flower is attached to a long stem which
. is coiled tightly. When the flowers are
ripe, this stem uncoils and the flower
rises to the surface of the water. The
male flower has no such coil, so it sim-
ply breaks away from its stem, rises
and floats on the surface. Pollination
is effected there, whereupon the male
flower floats away, withers, and dies.
The stem of the female flower coils up
again, drawing it down under the wa-
ter, where the fruit is perfected and
the seed sown.
Chemical processes? Yes, but how
do they differ from the instinctive act
of an animal? To say that the instinct-
consciousness is lacking is beside the
mark, for such a statement can rest
only on the assumption that plants are
unconscious. The unprejudiced obser-
ver must admit that instinctive activi-
ties appear in both plants and animals,
and like similar responses to stimuli pos-
sess essentially the same characteristics
in both. As for the instinct-conscious-
ness, if the observer considers fairly the
evidences upon which his admission of
consciousness in animals rests, he will
MIND IN PLANTS
643
find it easier to acknowledge affective
consciousness in plants than to deny it
or to disprove its existence.
It is not necessary to adduce further
illustrations of the activities of plants.
Let us review those which have been
offered in their relations to the subject
of consciousness. The whole argument
rests, of course, on analogy. Those
philosophers who maintain that we can
know or affirm nothing of any con-
sciousness except our own, individu-
ally, will deny the possibility of mind
in animals or plants. Yet most people
are willing to admit that other human
beings have minds similar to theirs be-
cause their words and actions are sim-
ilar to their own. It is perfectly true,
however, that actions speak louder
than words, and on .that principle, the
way in which animals 'even down to
the lowest forms' meet the situations
of their lives, gives us cause to believe
that they, too, are conscious. Yet if
the lowest animals, why not the lowest
plants?
The theory of evolution postulates
a common or at least a similar origin
for both. Many forms have in some
measure the characteristics of both
animals and plants, so that it is hard
to decide under which head they are
to be classified.
Furthermore, we have seen that
plants, like animals, possess at least
the simplest psychic powers, those of
sensation and perception. They are
capable of perceiving stimuli, having
for that purpose, in many cases, sense-
organs similar to those of animals.
They are able to transmit these stimuli
to all parts of the plant body. They
respond appropriately to these stimuli,
by means of movements, either * spon-
taneous' or effected by growth. They
are capable of varying and modifying
these responses to a considerable ex-
tent. The relation of stimulus and
response follows certain psycho-physi-
cal laws wliich have also been worked
out for animals, namely, the Weber-
Fechner law, and the law of summation.
They perform a relatively complex
series of acts adapted to a definite fu-
ture end, a primitive form of instinct.
Whether further observation, ex-
perimentation, or analysis will reveal
evidences of the higher forms of men-
tal life in plants, — imagination, emo-
tion, ideas, — who can say?
NOVEMBER IN THE CITY
BY EDITH WYATT
TO-NIGHT the rain blows down from misty places
Above the roof-tops where the pigeons fly;
And quick the steps, intent the city's faces
That say that we must hurry — you and I.
Oh, why? So much speeds through this twilight rain- time,
That 's not worth keeping up with. By-and-by
We '11 wonder why we always knew the train-time,
And yet knew not November — you and I.
In quiet let us hark. Not till we listen
Shall any song arise for you and me:
Nor ever this broad-stippling music glisten
Twice-told at twilight down the city sea.
The fog-horns call. The lake-winds rush. Just lately
I watched the city lights bloom star on star
Along the streets, and terrace-spaced and stately
Touch moated height and coronet afar.
November's winds blow towards the garnered grain-land.
Blue-buoyed all the shepherd whistles bay;
And flocking down Chicago's dusk-barred mainland,
The steam and fog-fleeced mists run, buff and gray.
Silence and sound; wide echoes; rain-dropped spaces;
Deep-rumbling dray and dripping trolley-car;
Steps multitudinous and countless faces
Along the cloudy street, lit star on star.
Oh, had you thought that only woods and oceans
Were meant to speak the truth to you and me —
NOVEMBER IN THE CITY 645
That only tides' and stars' immortal motions
Said we are part of all eternity?
The rains that fall and fly in silver tangent,
The passing steps, the fogs that die and live,
These chords that pale and darken, hushed and plangent,
Sing proud the praise of splendors fugitive.
For fleet-pulsed mists and mortal steps and faces
More move me than the tides that know no years —
And music blown from rain-swept human places
More stirs me than the stars untouched with tears.
I think that such a night as this has never
Sung argent here, before; and not again
Will all these tall-roofed intervals that sever
These streets and corners, etched with lamp-lit rain
Tell just this cool- thrilled tale of midland spaces,
And lake-born mists, that black-lined building's prow
That cuts the steam, this dream in peopled places
That sings its deep-breathed beauty, here and now.
November winds wing toward the garnered grain-land.
The city lights have risen. Proud and free,
Far music swinging down the dusk-barred mainland
i
Cries we are part of all eternity.
Let me remember, let me rise, and sing it!
For others may the mountains be the sign,
Sun, stars, the wooded earth, the seas that ring it,
Of melody immortal. Here is mine.
This night, when rain blows down through midland spaces
And lake-born mists; a black-lined building's prow
That cuts the steam; a dream in peopled places
That sings its deep-breathed beauty here and now.
THE DEVASTATION OF DENNISPORT
BY MARY HEATON VORSE
MY neighbor, Mrs. Captain Whorf,
hung out the last of her sheets on the
clothes-line that shone as yellow in the
sun as the new rigging on a ship. She
approached the fence that bounded our
respective yards, leaned against it and
spoke : — •
* I hold with women bein' clean, and
I hold with a woman's keepin* her
house as it should be kep', but I don't
hold with no woman bein' so pizen
clean that she has to keep her husband
in the wood-shed ! '
From the hammock, Captain Dan'el
Whorf, home from a week's cruise on
the George, boomed forth, —
* I 'd like to see any woman keep me
in the wood-shed!'
'I could n't keep you in the wood-
shed nor in no other place that you did
n't want to be,' his wife retorted, 'but
you ain't married to Zephiry Nicker-
son.'
* Zephiry Nickerson could n't keep
me in no wood-shed ! ' boasted Captain
Whorf.
Mrs. WThorf surveyed her husband
with tender admiration. He stood six
feet one in his socks, and I judged
his chest to be about three feet thick.
He looked shorter than he was, on ac-
count of his ample shoulders and big
shaggy head, a proud figure for any
woman to call husband. The coast-line
of New England breeds men like this
in no small quantities. Even after her
fond survey of her lord, Mrs. Whorf
was forced to say : —
646
* Zephiry would keep you or any
other man in the wood-shed, or in the
cellar, if she thought you was goin' to
track dirt. Cleanness is a principle
with Zephiry.' She said it as one who
had lived in a community where princi-
ples were not vain beliefs, but where
they were the mainsprings of the lives
of people.
Captain Whorf lit another cigarette
and said musingly, half to me and half
to himself, —
* It 's a queer thing to think of Cap-
tain Ephraim Nickerson not darin' to
set foot over the door-sill of his own
kitchen except in his socks, and an
engraved invitation from his wife in
his mitt. Why, he would n't no more
make free with his own front room than
a ship's boy would make free with the
Ole Man's bunk. He who 's owned his
own ship when he was n't no more 'n
twenty-five! Why, Nickersons, Mis'
Towner, have owned their ships since
there was Nickersons. Clipper ships
they've owned, fleets of 'em. My pa
can remember when down there,' he
pointed to the receding tide, * there was
a wharf and alongside an waitin' 'd be
twenty or more schooners and square-
riggers, all Nickersons! You always
saw Nickersons comin' and goin', some
to the South Seas for whale and ele-
phant, and some to the West In jys, and
others to the coast o' Africky, not count-
in' coast-wise packets.'
I looked out, and where his hand
pointed were stumps of green and rot-
ting piles, stretching out and out, green
spots in the low-tide sand, mute testi-
THE DEVASTATION OF DENNISPORT
647
mony of the early days when our mer-
chant marine was a glory, and when
families like Nickersons sent their ves-
sels out to the four quarters of the
earth.
* Nickersons,' Captain Whorf con-
tinued, 'was always drivers and killers,
mostly made like Cap'n Ephraim Nick-
erson. You know, Mis' Towner, the
kind that looks fat and ain't. The kind
that 's all solid meat from keel to pen-
nant, an* soft-spoken too with their
men. You'd ought to seen the men
jump when Nickerson spoke soft to
'em! I remember old Cap'n Nickerson
saying to my pop, —
'"I hear so much talk all the time
about us masters o' vessels bein' rough
with our men ! I ' ve been in the Chiny
trade twenty years and I was never
rough with no man"; and he stooped
down his big shaggy head and looked
just like a bull who was agoin' to
charge, and sez in his low husky voice,
' I didn't hev ter be!" You bet he did-
n't hev ter be! There was heft to the
words he spoke.'
Thus did Cap'n Dan'el Whorf paint
to me the puissant graces of the Nick-
ersons. 'An' then when steam come,'
he went on, 'most families like Nick-
ersons was bust and bankrupt. But
they knew how to save themselves.
Look at Cap'n Ephraim Nickerson in
a steam-whaler sailing from Seattle,
— look at him now he's gettin' along,
ownin' shares of a quarter of all the
fresh fishermen sailin' from this port.'
He waved his hand out toward the
harbor. My eyes followed, and lying at
anchor I saw mirrored in the calm sur-
face of the bay the fleet of fresh fisher-
men - - hundred-foot schooners, paint-
ed black, as beautiful as any racing
yacht, the last, most perfect children
of a romantic and dying race, whose
very life is even now threatened by the
hideous encroaching steam-trawlers.
There they lay at rest, lifting up their
proud masts, some of them flying half-
mast flags, which is a signal for bait.
Even as I looked, one and then another
made sail, and then, beautiful and ma-
jestic, floated off beyond the point; one
of the most perfect and ideal expres-
sions of the imagination of man, they
seemed to me, lovely and dignified and
poetic.
The voice of Captain Whorf broke in
on me. 'Yes; he owns shares in a quar-
ter o' 'em and has to set in his wood-
shed when he wants to smoke.'
To me it seemed high romance to
own even one little share in one of those
beautiful and stately boats, now pro-
gressing swan-like out of the sheltering
harbor.
Captain Whorf followed them with
his eyes and murmured, —
'Got everything on to-day, ain't
they? Bet Nickerson wishes he was
followin' the sea yet, some days!'
'H'ssh,' admonished Mrs. Whorf,
'speakin' of angels! ' Then in a low un-
dertone to me, 'That's her now!'
There sailed down the board-walk a
woman as majestic as any of her hus-
band's ships. She was large-framed,
finely set up for all her fifty-odd years,
wide-browed, large-eyed, with large
but delicately carved features that were
not unreminiscent of those of the father
of our country. She had the same firm
jaw, the same implacably calm mouth
was hers; her face was framed by gray-
ish curls. She herself was garbed — I
use the word advisedly — in a gray
dress of rather flowing cut, reminiscent
of the sixties. She would have looked a
personage anywhere. August was the
only word I could think of that applied
to her adequately, and the thing she
was most like was a splendid if some-
what antiquated vessel under full sail.
She lacked, just a little, the mag-
nificent serenity of the ships that sail-
ed the sea, but none the less she was
magnificent. As though reading my
648
THE DEVASTATION OF DENNISPORT
thought, Mrs. Whorf whispered in my
ear: —
'An' he tops her by a half head or
more!'
She bore down upon us superbly and
came to anchor near Mrs. Whorf. In-
troductions were effected, and it was
my good luck to make friends. I found
myself engaged to go next day and look
at a collection of fur robes and Arctic
things.
The impression her house left upon
me was of a marvelously immaculate
ship now being used as a museum, but
a museum kept more exquisitely and
wonderfully clean than anyone could
imagine.
I expressed my wonder at the ar-
rangement and perfection of her collec-
tion of Arctic things.
'It must be hard to keep them in
such good condition,' I said; 'it is hard
to keep dirt from any house.'
She looked at me with her clear eyes.
* I fight It day and night! ' she said, and
her mouth bent itself into a firm line,
and her shoulders squared themselves.
I saw indeed that she fought It day
and night, even if she had to pay a
price for it and even if Captain Nicker-
son had to remain in the wood-shed as
part of the price.
I saw that I had before me a splendid
if tyrannical perfectionist. The nature
of women must be satisfied and if it
does not find itself satisfied in one way
it will in another — it makes no differ-
ence at what cost.
Such thoughts, half-formed, floated
through my mind as for some seconds
of silence my eyes and those of my
hostess rested upon the beautiful out-
going boats.
'I ean never look at 'em,' said Mrs.
Niekerson, * without thinking what
whited sepulchres they are! The scent
of a fresh fisherman is nothing for a
decent Christian woman to dwell upon,
and yet, I can't see them go past with-
out thinking of the state the gurry-
butts is in, and what the bilge is like
that is a-sloshing about the keel! Oh,
you should have seen the clipper ships
of my father's day, Mis' Towner, with
their decks holy-stoned so that they
shone in the sun like a white beach at
noonday! And the smell of some of the
spice-ships from the Injys — the scent
is in my nostrils yet! And the look of
them, with their cordage all coiled like
it seems no seaman knows how to coil
rope these days. There! that is what
irritates me so with Man ! ' The empha-
sis which she gave to this word stamped
her opinion of men. 'Look how they
keep their ships, and then see how they
keep their houses on land! What ails
'em?' she cried, * holy-stoning their
vessels, going daft if a bit of cordage
is adrift; and get 'em ashore and they
wallow! Wallow in the mud of the
street, bringing it through their clean
houses with no more thought than if
they were senseless animals. Off their
clean vessels they come to wallow!
What ails 'em?
'Look,' she went on, her deep voice
rising under the pressure of her emo-
tion, 'look at this beach, look at this
street! I like to stand with my back to
it! It's gettin' so I can't think of out-
of-doors. Garbage on the beach, Mis'
Towner, and refuse and tomato cans in
the back country. Yes, the back coun-
try's littered till there's no peace for
the eye till you reach the clean sands of
the dunes and the peace of the open
sea.'
The slanting rays of the sun struck
her as she stood there in her window,
and gilded the gray of her dress. Her
cheeks were flushed and her eyes glowed
dark under the stress of her emotion.
She seemed like some reincarnation of
an ancient prophetess, like some force
of nature, powerful and dominant, re-
strained for the moment in the form of
a majestic woman.
THE DEVASTATION OF DENNISPORT
649
I understood her emotions more than
was seemly, and with the instinct which
makes us poor human beings forever
hasten away from the too revealing
moment, I began prattling of the clean-
ing-up of a Western town, while Mrs.
Nickerson listened with a disquiet-
ingly hungry air.
II
The next day I was given a glimpse
into the nature of the terrific force with
which I had unwittingly trifled.
Captain Dan'el Whorf was lounging
at ease in his Gloucester hammock. I
was pottering about my sweet peas,
which I hoped would in time bloom
next their fence. The windows of his
house were open, and from within came
noises as of furniture being moved.
The handsome head of Mrs. Whorf
emerged through the open window.
Her hair was in a dust-cap; her face was
pink and her eyes sparkled with some
deep and inner emotion.
'Dan'el!' she called, 'Dan'el, you
come in and help me heave this living-
room rug on to the line. Isaiah 's comin'
to beat to-day.'
Captain Whorf stirred his powerful
frame uneasily in the hammock. A
strange look crept over his face, a look
one might have called timorous, al-
most fearful. He was profoundly dis-
turbed.
'I thought you warn't going to do
It till my next trip?' he said wretch-
edly.
* Warn't going to do It till your next
trip!' she echoed, with sparkling eyes,
'I'd never do It if I waited for you,
Dan'el Whorf!'
She was usually soft and good-tem-
pered in her manner to her husband.
Now her words came with a crackling
crispness as of a pennant snapping in
the breeze of a great wind.
*I can't live in such dirt no longer!'
she blazed. 'It's no good sweeping no
more. There 's dirt in every crack and
corner of this house.'
'But,' moaned Captain Whorf mis-
erably, 'you said you'd wait till I got
home next time?'
'And how '11 I know what the wea-
ther's going to be next time? Do you
think I'm going to fly in the face of
Providence with the weather bureau
saying fair weather for a spell? Do you
suppose I 'm going to let every woman
in all Dennisport have her house clean-
ed before me? Come and heave out
this living-room rug!'
He rose slowly, painfully, and un-
willingly; but he obeyed his master's
voice.
It was then that I witnessed the
metamorphosis that is so terrifying and
disquieting to the heart of man. For
eleven months and some days Mrs.
Dan'el Whorf was a woman who had
for a man's erring ways the tolerance
of a mother for a little child. Then, be-
tween one day and the next she became
transformed. Within her was unleashed
a demonic fury, and under its spell she
fell upon her house and cleaned it. But
it was no mere house-cleaning that I
witnessed : what I saw had an element
of the orgiastic, it took upon itself the
proportions of a great natural cata-
clysm. Now I would catch glimpses
of her, scrubbing and cleaning with
tense fury. Again with the aid of Cap-
tain Whorf, she would hurl forth the
rugs and carpets of the house. She
drove him before her to do her bid-
ding as a wind of autumn drives the dry
leaves, his occasional protests as futile
as the fluttering of a leaf itself.
Her orgy communicated itself to
Mary, her sixteen-year-old daughter.
There was something madman-like in
their swift ascents and descents of
staircases, their rapid flights out-of-
doors. Captain Whorf did the bidding
of his two furious women, while an old
650
THE DEVASTATION OF DENNISPORT
man called Isaiah kept staccato time
to the wild doings within, thumping
perpetually from dawn to dark on the
carpets and rugs that were suspended
on the clothes-line.
I realized then what a force woman
has hidden within her. I realized how it
is compelled to wreak itself upon house-
cleaning, circumscribed as its energies
now are in our shrunken homes. As
contagion goes its devastating way,
so did the lust for cleaning devastate
the village. Clothes-lines on all sides
blossomed with hand-woven rugs,
with comforters of many colors, and
with carpets.
The air was full of the smell of fresh
paint and varnish, for the women of
Dennisport are not content with mere
cleaning. They have learned a trick or
two from their husbands, the owners of
vessels. They do not merely clean
their houses, they overhaul them, and
paint them and varnish them yearly
as though they were boats, until their
mahogany furniture becomes encrust-
ed with thick translucent layers of
varnish.
With superb and relentless energy
the Dennisport women wantoned and
rioted in cleanliness. The distraught
males, when their services were not
required at home, skulked unhappily in
stores and on the ends of wharves and
spat, in melancholy mood, seaward.
Each year when the cleaning mania
recurred they found themselves as dis-
turbed as before. They never got used
to it; nor did they ever see the sense
of it.
Not with such tense enthusiasm did
they attack their boats. Overhauling
a boat wag a time of leisure, of con-
versations, of fair peaceful hours spent,
now spoke-shaving a mast, now sitting
on the shady side of a boat, painting
or caulking. A peaceful, reposeful
time, the overhauling season, with no-
thing whatever in common with the
spirit that was now breaking up homes
and devastating the town.
From time to time Captain Whorf
would pause to mop his streaming face
with his bandanna, lean over his fence
and let fall words like, 'The deck of a
vessel 's a peaceful place.'
Ill
It was with this fury spending itself
that Mrs. Ephraim Nickerson returned
my call.
*I want you/ she said, 'to come and
say the words you said to me, and more
of them, about those Western women
that straightened out their town. I
want you to come and speak to the
ladies of the Shakespeare and Literary
Association/
To this club belonged the flower of
the womanhood of Dennisport. Most
of them were women in the prime of
life, women of forty and upwards; cap-
able women they were.
They listened to my words, exchang-
ing significant glances. They beheld
wider fields and a broader scope for
their mature activities. There unfold-
ed before them the vision of stupen-
dous house-cleaning, a gigantic, cata-
clysmic affair which made the cleaning
of the Augean stables as insignificant
as an infant's brushing up of the sand
with a toy broom on the Dennisport
beach.
Up to this time they had wallowed in
little private orgies of cleaning, each
one in her own home. For the first
time in their lives the mob-spirit seized
them.
The cleanings-up which I had wit-
nessed in Western towns were brisk,
efficient affairs, conducted with good
humor and with no emotion. With
those women, house-cleaning had not
partaken of the nature of a pagan re-
ligious festival. Not in the West did
clothes-lines flower with patchwork
THE DEVASTATION OF DENNISPORT
651
quilts as irresistibly as in spring the
sap flows in the trees. House-cleaning
there was a duty rather than an emo-
tional outbreak.
But it was in this religious spirit that
the Dennisport Ladies Sanitary and
Health Association was formed. They
set forth on Dennisport with the mad
and covetous lust of looters. In Dennis-
port the venerable selectmen nodded
over their books as they had these
many years. The Board of Health con-
fined itself to tacking occasional pink
or red cards labeled 'Contagious dis-
ease ' on houses. This they did with the
greatest possible infrequency, and paid
a small sum to three aged men whose
duties were supposed to be burying
dead fish which had floated up on the
beach.
It was the custom for these sinecures
to be given to one half-blind grandsire
and two other aged and infirm men.
The Board of Health had never thought
of imagining their functions to have a
wider range than this. Why should
thev?
*/
The dav after the formation of the
«/
Society the town looked as usual : egg-
shells and refuse floated out with the
receding tide as people had thrown
them into the sea; papers blew about
the street, and the back country flow-
ered with many a dump.
Captain Dan'el Whorf, upon whom
his duties as a member of the Board of
Health sat jauntily, was engaged in
caulking the seams of his hen-house.
Peace reigned when I saw coming down
the street under a full head of steam,
Mrs. Whorf and three other ladies of
the Sanitary and Health Association.
They dropped anchor beside him.
'Dan,' said Mrs. Whorf, 'as a mem-
ber of the Board of Health, you are re-
quested by the Ladies Sanitary and
Health Association to go and tell Hen
Morse he 's got to quit throwing every-
thing in creation into the bay!'
'Tell my own brother-in-law to quit
throwing things into the bay?' was
Captain Whorf 's first exclamation ; and
'What in Tophet 's the Ladies Sani-
tary and Health Association ? ' was his
next.
With classic simplicity his wife re-
plied, —
'The Ladies Sanitary and Health
Association is US, and Zephiry Nicker-
son is the president ! '
'Ah, ha!' he cried, 'I might 'a'
known Zephiry was behind anything
as loony as fighting with your relatives
over a coupler egg-shells ! '
Hen Morse was a baker by trade, and
in common with all the other trades-
people of Dennisport he threw the re-
fuse of his shop into the bay. Every
morning at an early hour, banana
stalks, empty crates, spoiled melons,
sprouted onions, and tin cans were
floated out by the outgoing tide and
floated back on the incoming, accom-
panied by newspapers, sweepings, and
tin cans from almost all the private
houses facing on the beach. Later, one
might have thought, from the way the
beach looked, that the kitchen of some
vast hotel had been wrecked some-
where near by.
Garments, too, one could find on the
shore; old shoes, corsets, and overalls
were numerous, being indestructible.
Indeed, one could have picked up a
whole wardrobe for Lazarus and his
wife, in the course of a short stroll, and
a ruined bed-tick for them to sleep
upon.
As is the custom in New England,
the inhabitants showed due deference
to the laws they did not intend to keep,
by making these offerings to Neptune
in an unostentatious fashion; for your
New Englander, even when he is a
seafaring man and comes of seafar-
ing stock, does not defy the law — he
merely breaks it with as little noise as
possible.
652
THE DEVASTATION OF DENNISPORT
'I'm not going to make bad blood
between me and my sister because of
a coupler tin cans, for any Zephiry
Nickerson,' protested Captain Whorf
again.
'Don't worry about your sister,' his
wife responded dryly. ' It 's she who 's
asked this committee to speak to you
because you've got so much influence
with Hen! She's talked and talked to
him, but God knows what comes of a
wife's talking! Not a woman in town
whose husband 's got a work-shop or a
store anywhere but what his wife's
ached to get her fingers on it and give
it a good house-cleaning! But now,'
she concluded triumphantly, 'we've
got a way better than that ! The Sani-
tary and Health Association is going to
look after you. Yes, sir, after every
one of you, till you've cleaned up!
We're going to look into the fish fac-
tories. We're going to clean up the
gurry-butts on the ends of the wharves.
We 're going to stop this here taking the
livers out of dog-fish to make cod-liver
oil, and then throwing the dog-fish over
the ends of wharves, floating in and out
till they 're et by crabs.'
She talked in a triumphant way, like
a religious zealot reading the Psalms
of David. 'Yes, sir; and we've got the
law behind us. Laws is goin' to be
obeyed in this town, Dan' el Whorf /'
A more revolutionary sentiment
could not have been uttered by the lips
of woman.
'You made the laws; now our Sani-
tary and Health Association will see
you keep 'em! An' while we're about
it you'd better tell Sy Medders to get
rid of his blind pig if he don't want to
get arrested. Oh, don't look at me! I
don't care if he is my cousin! I know
why his pool-room is so popular! And
Gideon Boyden can just stop asking
folks to come into his shop and look at
the new dory he's building, at ten cents
a look!'
Thus did the ladies of the Sanitary
and Health Association taste the power
of solidarity.
' Now,' continued Mrs. Whorf, ' Dan-
'el, step right in along of us ladies and
write a letter to Hen warning him. Tell
him we're not going to stop at a con-
stable. Tell him his own wife's come
to an end of her patience along of his
dirty, messy ways, like all of us ladies
have done with all Dennisport, and,
— yes, sir, — with all our husbands!
Tell him Zephiry Nickerson 's the only
woman in all Dennisport that acted
like she felt up to now, but there 's one
hundred and twenty-three Zcphirys this
minute in Dennisport all fightin' with
the law behind 'em!'
In her tone of voice there was a
quality of triumph, and that tone of
decision and command which women
employ when they are about to ' house-
clean.' All women have these mo-
ments when the dread words, 'I can't
live in such dirt any longer,' pass their
lips. Even the man who is most 'mas-
ter in his own house' recognizes its
voice.
Captain Dan 'el Whorf was not a
man to argue with the fury of the hurri-
cane. He went into the house.
'There's three things we're going to
do,' Mrs. Whorf told him, with the
wild house-cleaning light in her eye.
'We're going to warn you you've got
to clean, and we're going to see you do
clean, and we're going to keep after
you so you '11 keep clean ! '
The men of Dennisport seem lazy to
the outsider. They probably work
when on their vessels, but when ashore
there are long hours spent in whittling
on the ends of wharves, other hours
spent in painting and varnishing their
boats, and very long hours of grave in-
spection of a new boat. Indeed, when
ashore, they give the impression of the
lilies of the field ; and the men who stay
ashore habitually have the manner
THE DEVASTATION OF DENNISPORT
653
born of extensive and spacious leisure,
of those who have the * Lords of Time
to friend.'
Now from one day to another this
calm was broken; from one day to an-
other a feverish activity was manifest
in the streets. Everywhere were seen
men raking up beaches, the State For-
ester was kept busy all day issuing per-
mits for bonfires, one could not get a
teamster who would cart off rubbish,
— not to miscellaneous dumps', but to
the town dump — that is to say, to
a place appointed by the town to be
filled in.
The classic calm which had always
before reigned among the selectmen
in the Town Hall was shattered, as one
woman after another went to lodge
complaints against violations of town
ordinances by Dennisport's chief citi-
zens. Small worried knots of men met
to discuss things in the street, and to
ask one another, 'Has all the women
folks gone daft ? ' only to sweep asunder
like leaves before a northeaster, as one
or another of the committees would be
seen bearing down on them.
It is bad enough for a man to be
caught up in the maelstrom of his wife's
house-cleaning, but he miserably looks
forward to this cataclysm; he knows
that it must come; but out of the peace-
ful blue of a May morning to have his
women-folk transform themselves into
dragons and swoop down upon him, in-
sisting that he * house-clean ' all his own
domain, his barn, his wood-shed, his
store, his fish-house, his carpenter shop;
that he clean up the beach and the
sea and the back country, — this is
more than can be borne.
IV
It was several days after the cyclone
had left the men of Dennisport in dark-
ness that I happened to pass the house
of Captain Ephraim Nickerson. Peace
reigned in his yard. On. one side of his
house nasturtiums bloomed profusely
in an old boat. A whale's vertebra sat
austerely on either side of his doorstep.
A bed of petunias was edged with pink-
lipped shells. This was as usual. But
something had been added to the front
yard. It was a Gloucester hammock,
and in it, his stockinged feet in the
sun, lay Captain Ephraim Nickerson,
peacefully whittling long curly shav-
ings from a stick, on the hitherto speck-
less grass.
Before him stood two of the vener-
able selectmen. I heard one of them
remark, —
* Say, Ephraim, you know as well as
me that woman's place is in the home! '
Captain Nickerson shaved off an-
other long ringlet.
'I don't see why,' he said slowly; 'I
think we 're better off for women par-
takin' of our national life.'
Something like a groan went up from
the selectmen.
'You would n't say that if you was
a selectman,' said one of them. 'You
don't know what it 's ben like, bein' a
selectman. Women's too delicate and
fragile to be fussin' with dirty things
like gurry-butts and water fronts.'
Captain Nickerson's eyes twinkled,
but the muscles of his face did not relax
their serious reflective calm. He let a
moment elapse before he said, —
'I believe in trusting woman's in-
stinct; the instinct of a pure woman
won't lead her to any place where she
had n't ought to be.'
I heard no more, but I saw them
standing before him pleading in words
which meant, 'For the sake of peace,
for the sake of decency, for the sake of
our sanity and that of all the other men
in Dennisport, call off your wife and
her friends!'
For two weeks I watched the pro-
gress of Dennisport's clean-up. It was
no little clean-up week. Within and
654
THE DEVASTATION OF DENNISPORT
without, Dennisport was cleansed of
its sin.
Over Dennisport towers a Sailors'
Monument, a shaft tall as a lighthouse;
and presently, dropped down its sur-
face, I saw men on scaffold boards. I
saw them painstakingly and labori-
ously scrubbing the face of the Monu-
ment.
One rainy day I had occasion to call
on Mrs. Nickerson. The door was
opened by Captain Nickerson, and
there rushed out the smell of fragrant
tobacco smoke. He was in his socks
and in his hand he carried a pipe.
'Come in,' he said, 'come in and
wait. Zephiry '11 be home before long.'
He led me into the sitting-room. I
could see that he had been taking his
ease in two chairs in his own bow-win-
dow, looking at the ships as they floated
out beyond the Point.
A very slight but pleasant sense of
disorder prevailed, although perhaps
disorder is too strong a word. It was
as though the room had relaxed its
former rigidity. An open book lay on
the table, sofa-cushions showed signs
of use, the perfume of good tobacco
hung in the air.
'Zephiry,' said Captain Nickerson,
' is out with a stop-watch lookin' after
speedin' automobiles and arrestin'
folks who's breakin' the laws. I tell
you it takes women to do things! I
ain't got no patience with folks who
don't want women to vote or to take
part in makin' an' keepin' the laws of
the land.'
Our eyes met.
'I don't mind if you want to smoke,
captain,' I suggested.
He struck a match. Slowly a smile
dawned in his eyes and spread over his
face, and for a moment in silence we
grinned at each other in perfect under-
standing.
' I 've got something to show you,' he
whispered. 'Look behind them shells
on the mantel!' I did. A fine, very
fine film of dust marred its brightness.
'I ain't seen a sight as comfortin' as
that these twenty years,' said he. He
puffed for a moment at his pipe; then
he let drop, —
'Did you ever consider why 't is that
women live longer 'n men? Don't talk
to me about woman's place bein> in
the home! Talk about the vote bein'
what eight million women want ! I tell
you what eight million women want
is what eight million men must have
if our longevity's ever goin' to equal
theirs!'
GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER
BY KUNO FRANCKE
[The writer of this article wishes to
state that it was written last spring,
and is printed here without changes,
although in the present condition of
European affairs, the opening para-
graph sounds grimly irrelevant.]
IN this age of exchange professor-
ships, peace dinners, and other means
of cementing friendships between great
nations, it is a somewhat ungrateful,
if not dangerous, undertaking to em-
phasize differences of national temper.
If, then, I make bold to venture a few
remarks upon the essential dissimilar-
ity of the American and the German
temper, and upon the effect of this dis-
similarity on the standing of German
literature in America, I had better
preface them by saying that nothing
is further removed from my mind than
the desire to sow seeds of international
discord, even if it were in my power
to do so. Indeed, having entertained
for some thirty years relations to both
Germany and the United States which
might be described as a sort of intel-
lectual bigamy, I have come to be as
peaceable a person as it behooves a
man in such a delicate marital situa-
tion to be. But while I have honestly
tried in these thirty years to make the
two divinities presiding over my intel-
lectual household understand and ap-
preciate each other, I have again and
again been forced to the conclusion
that such a mutual understanding of
my two loves was for the most part a
matter of conscious and conscientious
effort, and hardly ever the result of
instinctive give-and-take.
Perhaps the most fundamental, or
shall I say elementary, difference be-
tween the German temper and the
American may be expressed by the
word 'slowness.' Is there any possible
point of view from which slowness
might appear to an American as some-
thing desirable? I think not. Indeed,
to call a thing or a person slow seems to
spread about them an atmosphere of
complete and irredeemable hopeless-
ness. Compare with this the reverently
sturdy feelings likely to be aroused in a
German breast by the words ' langsam
und feierlich ' inscribed over a religious
or patriotic hymn, and imagine a Ger-
man Mannerchor singing such a hymn,
with all the facial and tonal symptoms
of joyful and devout slowness of cere-
bral activity — and you have in brief
compass a specimen-demonstration of
the difference in tempo in which the two
national minds habitually move.
It has been said that the * langsamer
Schritt' of the German military drill
was in the last resort responsible for
the astounding victories which in 1870
shook the foundations of Imperial
France. Similarly, it might be said
that slowness of movement and careful
deliberateness are at the bottom of
most things in which Germans have
excelled. To be sure, the most recent
development of Germany, particularly
in trade and industry, has been most
rapid, and the whole of German life of
to-day is thoroughly American in its
655
656 GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER
desire for getting ahead and for work-
ing under high pressure. But this is a
condition forced upon Germany from
without through international compe-
tition and the exigencies of the world-
market rather than springing from the
inner tendency of German character
itself. And it should not be forgotten
that it was the greatest German of
modern times, Goethe, who, anticipat-
ing the present era of speed, uttered
this warning : * Railways, express posts,
steamships, and all possible facilities
for swift communication, — these are
the things in which the civilized world
is now chiefly concerned, and by which
it will over-civilize itself and arrive
at mediocrity.'
As to German literary and artistic
achievements, is it not true that — for
better or worse — their peculiarly Ger-
man stamp consists to a large extent in
a certain slowness of rhythm and mas-
si veness of momentum? Goethe him-
self is a conspicuous example. Even in
his most youthful and lively drama,
Goetz von Berlichingen, what a broad
foundation of detail, how deliberately
winding a course of action, how little
of dramatic intensity, how much of
intimate revelation of character! His
Iphigenie and Tasso consist almost ex-
clusively of the gentle and steady sway-
ing to and fro of contrasting emotions;
they carry us back and forth in the ebb
and flow of passion, but they never hurl
us against the rocks or plunge us into
the whirlpool of mere excitement. No
wonder the American college boy finds
them slow. And what shall we say of
Wilhelm Meister ? Not only American
college boys, I fear, will sympathize
with Marianne's falling soundly asleep
when Wilhelm entertains her through
six substantial chapters with the ac-
count of his youthful puppet-plays and
other theatrical enterprises. And yet,
what thoughtful reader can fail to see
that it is just this halting method of the
narrative, this lingering over individual
incidents and individual states of mind,
this careful balancing of light and shade,
this deliberate arrangement of situa-
tions and conscious grouping of char-
acters, this constant effort to see the
particular in the light of the universal,
to extract wisdom out of the seemingly
insignificant, and to strike the water
of life out of the hard and stony fact
— that it is this which makes Wilhelm
Meister not only a piece of extraordi-
nary artistic workmanship, but also
a revelation of the moving powers of
human existence.
Schiller's being was keyed to a much
higher pitch than Goethe's, and vi-
brated much more rapidly. But even
his work, and above all his greatest dra-
matic productions, from Wallenstein to
Wilhelm Tell, are marked by stately
solemnity rather than by swiftness of
movement; he too loves to pause, as it
were, ever and anon, to look at his own
creations, to make them speak to him
and unbosom themselves to him about
their innermost motives. No other dra-
matist has used the monologue more
successfully than he as a means of
affording moments of rest from the
ceaseless flow of action*
As to the German Romanticists, —
who has decried more persistently than
they the restlessness and hasty-shal-
lowness of human endeavor? Who has
sung more rapturously the praises of
the deep, impenetrable, calm, unruffled
working of nature, the abyss of silent,
immovable forces in whose brooding
there is contained the best and holiest
of existence? And must it not be ad-
mitted that, in the best of their own
productions, such as parts of Novalis's
rhythmical prose, some Romantic lyr-
ics, some Romantic paintings, above
all in the work of Beethoven and his
peers, we receive the impression of a
grand, benign, heavenly, all-compre-
hensive being, slowly and majestically
GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER 657
breathing, slowly and majestically ir-
radiating calm and joy and awe and
all the blessings of life.
Something of this same slowness
of movement we find throughout the
nineteenth century in many of the
most characteristically German liter-
ary achievements. We find it in Kleist's
Michael Kohlhaas, with its seemingly
imperturbable, objective, cold, and cir-
cumstantial account of events which
make one's blood boil and one's fist
clench. We find it in Otto Ludwig's
Between Heaven and Earth, with its con-
stant reiteration of the fundamental
contrast between the two leading fig-
ures, and with its constant insistence
on the relentlessness of Fate, which
gradually, imperceptibly, but inevit-
ably drives them to the deadly clash
with each other. We find it in the dif-
fuse, lingering, essentially epic style of
most of Gerhart Hauptmann's dramas.
We find it even in a man of such ex-
traordinary nervous excitability and
sensitiveness as Richard Wagner. No-
thing perhaps is more German in Rich-
ard Wagner than the broad, steady,
sustained onward march of his musical
themes, — notably so in Tristan, Die
Meister singer, and Die Waikure. Surely
there is no haste here; the question of
time seems entirely eliminated; these
masses of sound move on regardless,
one might say, of the limitations of the
human ear; they expand and contract,
gather volume and disperse, in endless
repetition, yet in always new combina-
tions; they advance and recede, surge
on, ebb away and rise again to a mighty
flood, with something like rhythmical
fatality, so that the hearer finally has
no other choice than to surrender to
them as to a mighty and overwhelming
pressing on of natural forces. To be
sure, I have known people — and not
only Americans — who would have pre-
ferred that the death-agonies of Tris-
tan in the last act should be somewhat
VOL. 114 -NO. 5
accelerated by a stricter adherence of
Isolde's boat to schedule time.
A striking consequence of this dif-
ference of tempo in which the American
mind and the German naturally move,
and perhaps the most conspicuous ex-
ample of the practical effect of this dif-
ference upon national habits, is the
German regard for authority and the
American dislike of it. For the slower
circulation in the brain of the German
makes him more passive and more eas-
ily inclined to accept the decisions of
others for him, while the self-reliant
and agile American is instinctively dis-
trustful of any decision which he has
not made himself.
Here, then, is another sharp distinc-
tion between the two national tempers,
another serious obstacle to the just
appreciation of the German spirit by
the American.
I verily believe that it is impossible
for an American to understand the feel-
ings which a loyal German subject,
particularly of the conservative sort,
entertains toward the State and its au-
thority. That the State should be any-
thing more than an institution for the
protection and safeguarding of the hap-
piness of individuals; that it might
be considered as a spiritual, collective
personality, leading a life of its own,
beyond and above the life of individ-
uals; that service for the State, there-
fore, or the position of a state official,
should be considered as something es-
sentially different from any other kind
of useful employment, — these are
thoughts utterly foreign to the Amer-
ican mind, and very near and dear to
the heart of a German. The American
is apt to receive an order or a commun-
ication from a public official with feel-
ings of suspicion and with a silent pro-
test; the German is apt to feel honored
by such a communication and fancy
himself elevated thereby to a position
of some public importance.
658 GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER
The American is so used to thinking
of the police as the servant, and mostly
a very poor servant, of his private af-
fairs, that on placards forbidding tres-
passing upon his grounds he frequently
adds an order, * Police take notice ' ; the
German, especially if he does not look
particularly impressive himself, will
think long before he makes up his mind
to approach one of the impressive-look-
ing Schutzleute to be found at every
street corner, and deferentially ask him
the time of day. The American dislikes
the uniform as an embodiment of irk-
some discipline and subordination, he
values it only as a sort of holiday out-
fit and for parading purposes; to the
German the * King's Coat ' is something
sacrosanct and inviolable, an embodi-
ment of highest national service and
highest national honor.
With such fundamental antagonism
in the American to the German view of
state and official authority, is it sur-
prising that a large part of German lit-
erature, that part which is based on
questions touching the relations of the
individual to state and country, should
have found very little sympathy with
the average American reader? It has
taken more than a hundred years for
that fine apotheosis of Prussian disci-
pline, Heinrich von Kleist's Prinz von
Hamburg, to find its way into Ameri-
can literature through the equally fine
translation by Hermann Hagedorn;
and I doubt whether this translation
would have been undertaken but for its
author's having German blood in his
veins.
As for other representative men of
nineteenth-century German literature
who stood for the subordination of the
individual to monarchical authority, —
men like Hebbel, W. H. Riehl, Gustav
Freytag, Ernst von Wildenbruch, —
they have remained practically with-
out influence, and certainly without
following, in America.
ii
Closely allied with this German sense
of authority, and again in sharp con-
trast with American feeling, is the Ger-
man distrust of the average man. In
order to realize the fundamental polar-
ity of the two national tempers in this
respect also, one need only think of the
two great representatives of American
and German political life in the nine-
teenth century: Lincoln and Bismarck.
Lincoln in every fibre of his being a son
of the people, an advocate of the com-
mon man, an ideal type of the best in-
stincts of the masses, a man who could
express with the simplicity of a child
his ineradicable belief in the essential
right-mindedness of the plain folk. Bis-
marck with every pulse-beat of his
heart the chivalric vassal of his impe-
rial master; the invincible champion of
the monarchical principle; the caustic
scorner of the crowd; the man who,
whenever he notices symptoms in the
crowd that he is gaining popularity
with it, becomes suspicious of himself
and feels inclined to distrust the justice
of his own cause; the merciless cynic
who characterizes the futile oratorical
efforts of a silver-tongued political op-
ponent by the crushing words, * He took
me for a mass meeting.'
But not only the political life of the
two countries presents this difference
of attitude toward the average man.
The great German poets and thinkers
of the last century were all of them
aristocrats by temper. Goethe, Schil-
ler, Kant, Schelling, Hegel, the Roman-
ticists, Heine, Schopenhauer, Wagner,
Nietzsche — is there a man among
them who would not have begged off
from being classed with the advocates
of common sense or being called a
spokesman of the masses? What a dif-
ference from two of the most charac-
teristically American men of letters,
Walt Whitman and Emerson: the one
GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER 659
consciously and purposely a man of the
street, glorying, one might say boast-
fully, in his comradeship with the crud-
est and roughest of tramps and dock-
hands; the other a philosopher of the
field, a modern St. Francis, a prophet
of the homespun, an inspired inter-
preter of the ordinary, — perhaps the
most enlightened apostle of democracy
that ever lived. Is it not natural that
a people which, although with varying
degrees of confidence, acknowledges
such men as Lincoln, Walt Whitman,
and Emerson as the spokesmen of its
convictions on the value of the ordi-
nary intellect, should on the whole have
no instinctive sympathy with a peo-
ple whose intellectual leaders are men
like Bismarck, Goethe, and Richard
Wagner?
To be sure, there is another, a demo-
cratic side to German life, and this side
naturally appeals to Americans. But
German democracy is still in the mak-
ing, it has not yet achieved truly great
things, it has not yet found a truly
great exponent either in politics or in
literature. In literature its influence
has exhausted itself largely, on the one
hand, in biting satire of the ruling
classes, such as is practiced to-day
most successfully by the contributors
to Simplizissimus and similar papers,
sympathizing with Socialism; on the
other hand, in idyllic representations of
the healthy primitiveness of peasant
life and the humble contentedness and
respectability of the artisan class, the
small tradespeople and subaltern offi-
cials- -I am thinking, of course, of such
sturdy and charming stories of provin-
cial Germany as have been written by
Wilhelm Raabe, Fritz Reuter, Peter
Rosegger, and Heinrich Seidel. It may
be that all these men have been paving
the way for a great epoch of German
democracy; it may be that some time
there will arise truly constructive minds
that will unite the whole of the German
people in an irresistible movement for
popular rights, which would give the
average man the same dominating posi-
tion which he enjoys in this country.
But clearly this time has not yet come.
In Germany, expert training still over-
rules common sense and dilettanteism.
The German distrust of the average
intellect has for its logical counterpart
another national trait which it is hard
for Americans to appreciate — the Ger-
man bent for vague intuitions of the
infinite. It seems strange in this age of
cold observation of facts, when the
German scientist and the German cap-
tain of industry appear as the most
striking embodiments of national great-
ness, to speak of vague intuitions of
the infinite as a German characteristic.
Yet throughout the centuries this long-
ing for the infinite has been the source
of much of the best and much of the
poorest in German intellectual achieve-
ments. From this longing for the infin-
ite sprang the deep inwardness and
spiritual fervor which impart such
a unique charm to the contemplative
thought of the German Mystics of the
fourteenth century. In this longing for
the infinite lay Luther's greatest inspi-
ration and strength. It was the longing
for the infinite which Goethe felt when
he made his Faust say, —
The thrill of awe is man's best quality.
This longing for the infinite was the
very soul of German Romanticism;
and all its finest conceptions, the Blue
Flower of Novalis, Fichte's Salvation by
the Will, Hegel's Self -revelation of the
Idea, Schopenhauer's Redemption from
the Will, Nietzsche's Revaluation of all
Values, are nothing but ever new at-
tempts to find a body for this soul.
But while there has thus come a great
wealth of inspiration and moral ideal-
ism from this German bent for reveling
in the infinite, there has also come from
it one of the greatest national defects:
660 GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER
German vagueness, German lack of
form, the lack of sense for the shape
and proportion of finite things. Here,
then, we meet with another discrep-
ancy between the American and the
German character. For no thing is more
foreign to the American than the mys-
tic and the vague, nothing appeals more
to him than what is clear-cut, easy to
grasp, and well proportioned; he culti-
vates ' good form ' for its own sake, not
only in his social conduct, but also in
his literary and artistic pursuits, and
he usually attains it easily and in-
stinctively, often at the expense of the
deeper substance. To the German, on
the contrary, form is a problem. He
is principally absorbed in the subject-
matter, the idea, the inner meaning; he
struggles to give this subject-matter,
this inner meaning, an adequate outer
form; and he often fails. To comfort
himself, he has invented a technical
term designed to cover up his failure:
he falls back on the * inner form ' of his
productions.
German literature and art afford
numerous examples of this continuous
and often fruitless struggle with the
problem of form. Even in the greatest
of German painters and sculptors, —
Diirer, Peter Vischer, Adolph Menzel,
Arnold Bocklin, — there are visible the
furrows and the scars imprinted upon
them by the struggle; rarely did they
achieve a complete and undisputed tri-
umph. Does the literature of any other
people possess an author so crowded
with facts and observations, so full of
feeling, so replete with vague intima-
tions of the infinite, and so thoroughly
unreadable as Jean Paul? Is there a
parallel anywhere to the formlessness
and utter lack of style displayed in
Gutzkow's ambitious nine-volumed
Kulturromane? Did any writer ever
consume himself in a more tragic and
more hopeless striving for a new artis-
tic form than did Kleist and Hebbel?
Among the greatest of living European
writers is there one so uneven in his
work, so uncertain of his form, so in-
clined to constant experiment and to
constant change from extreme natural-
ism to extreme mysticism, and from
extreme mysticism to extreme natural-
ism, as Gerhart Hauptmann? And
who but a German could have written
the Second Part of Faust, that tanta-
lizing and irresistible pot-pourri of me-
tres and styles and ideas, of symbolism
and satire, of metaphysics and passion,
of dryness and sublimity, of the dim
mythical past, up-to-date modernity,
and prophetic visions of the future —
all held together by the colossal striv-
ing of an individual reaching out into
the infinite?
in
I have reserved for the last place in
this review of differences of German
and American temper another trait in-
timately connected with the German
craving for the infinite; I give the last
place to the consideration of this trait,
because it seems to me the most un-
American of all. I mean the passion
for self-surrender.
I think I need not fear any serious
opposition if I designate self-possession
as the cardinal American virtue, and
consequently as the cardinal American
defect also. It is impossible to imag-
ine that so unmanly a proverb as the
German —
Wer niemals einen Rausch gehabt
Der ist kein rechter Mann —
should have originated in New Eng-
land or Ohio. But it is impossible also
to conceive that the author of Werthers
Leiden should have obtained his youth-
ful impressions and inspirations in New
York City. ' Conatus sese conservandi
unicum virtutis fundamentum ' — this
Spinozean motto may be said to con-
tain the essence of the American deca-
logue of conduct. Always be master of
GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER 661
yourself; never betray any irritation, or
disappointment, or any other weakness ;
never slop over; never give yourself
away; never make yourself ridiculous
— what American would not admit
that these are foremost among the
rules by which he would like to regu-
late his conduct?
It can hardly be denied that this hab-
itual self-mastery, this habitual con-
trol over one's emotions, is one of the
chief reasons why so much of Amer-
ican life is so uninteresting and so mo-
notonous. It reduces the number of
opportunities for intellectual friction,
it suppresses the manifestation of
strong individuality, often it impover-
ishes the inner life itself. But, on the
other hand, it has given the American
that sureness of motive, that healthi-
ness of appetite, that boyish frolic-
someness, that purity of sex-instincts,
that quickness and litheness of man-
ners, which distinguish him from most
Europeans; it has given to him all
those qualities which insure success and
make their possessor a welcome mem-
ber of any kind of society.
If, in contradistinction to this funda-
mental American trait of self-posses-
sion, I designate the passion for self-sur-
render as perhaps the most significant
expression of national German char-
acter, I am well aware that here again,
I have touched upon the gravest de-
fects as well as the highest virtues of
German national life.
The deepest seriousness and the
noblest loyalty of German character is
rooted in this passion.
Sich hinzugeben ganz und eine Wonne
Zu f tihlen die ewig sein muss,
Ewig, ewig —
that is German sentiment of the most
unquestionable sort. Not only do the
great names in German history — as
Luther, Lessing, Schiller, Bismarck,
and so many others — stand in a con-
spicuous manner for this thoroughly
German devotion, this absorption of
the individual in some great cause or
principle, but countless unnamed men
and women are equally typical repre-
sentatives of this German virtue of self-
surrender: the housewife whose only
thought is for her family; the crafts-
man who devotes a lifetime of content-
ed obscurity to his daily work; the
scholar who foregoes official and social
distinction in unremitting pursuit of
his chosen inquiry; the official and the
soldier, who sink their personality in
unquestioning service to the State.
But a German loves not only to sur-
render himself to a great cause or a
sacred task, he equally loves to sur-
render himself to whims. He loves to
surrender to feelings, to hysterias of
all sorts; he loves to merge himself in
vague and formless imaginings, in ex-
travagant and reckless experience, in
what he likes to call * living himself
out.' And thus this same passion for
self-surrender which has produced the
greatest and noblest types of German
earnestness and devotion, has also led
to a number of paradoxical excrescences
and grotesque distortions of German
character. Nobody is more prone to
forget his better self in this so-called
* living himself out ' than the German.
Nobody can be a cruder materialist
than the German who has persuaded
himself that it is his duty to unmask
the 'lie of idealism.' Nobody can be a
more relentless destroyer of all that
makes life beautiful and lovely, nobody
can be a more savage hater of religious
beliefs, of popular tradition, of patri-
otic instincts, than the German who
has convinced himself that by the up-
rooting of all these things he performs
the sacred task of saving society.
In literature this whimsical fanati-
cism of the German temper has made
an even development of artistic tradi-
tion, such as is found most conspicu-
ously in France, impossible. Again and
662 GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER
again the course of literary develop-
ment has been interrupted by some bold
iconoclast, some unruly rebel against
established standards, some impassion-
ed denouncer of what thus far had been
considered fine and praiseworthy; so
that practically every German writer
has had to begin at the beginning, by
creating his own standards and canons
of style.
No other literature contains so
much defamation of its own achieve-
ments as German literature; no writ-
ers of any other nation have spoken
so contemptuously of their own coun-
trymen as German writers of the last
hundred years have spoken of theirs,
from Holderlin's characterization of the
Germans as 'barbarians, made more
barbarous by industry, learning, and re-
ligion/ to some such sayings by Nietz-
sche as, * Wherever Germany spreads
she ruins culture'; or, * Wagner is the
counter-poison to everything essential-
ly German; the fact that he is a poison
too I do not deny'; or, 'The Germans
have not the faintest idea how vulgar
they are, they are not even ashamed
of being merely Germans'; or, 'Words
fail me, I have only a look, for those
who dare to utter the name of Goe-
the's Faust in the presence of Byron's
Manfred; the Germans are incapable
of conceiving anything sublime.'
Is there cause for wonder, when
Germans themselves indulge in such
fanatically scurrilous vagaries about
their own people and its greatest men,
that foreigners are inclined to take
their cue from them and come to the
conclusion that German literature is
after all ' merely German ' ?
IV
We have considered a number of
peculiarly German traits: slowness of
temper, regard for authority, distrust
of the average intellect, bent for vague
intuitions of the infinite, defective sense
of form, passion for self-surrender,
whimsical fanaticism; and we have
seen how every one of these German
traits is diametrically opposed to
American ways of thinking and feel-
ing. We cannot therefore be surprised
that the literature in which these pe-
culiarly German traits find expression
should not be particularly popular in
America.
As a matter of fact, there has been
only one period, and a brief one at that,
when German literature exercised a
marked influence upon this country,
when it even held something like a
dominant position. That was about the
middle of the nineteenth century, the
time of Emerson, Longfellow, Hedge,
and Bayard Taylor. That was the time
when the creations of classic German
literature of the days of Weimar and
Jena were welcomed and exalted by
the leaders of spiritual America as re-
velations of a higher life, of a new
and hopeful and ennobling view of the
world.
At that time there did not exist in
America, as to-day, millions of citizens
of German birth, the great majority of
whom have little in common with the
ideals of Goethe and Schiller. At that
time the age of industrialism and im-
perialism had not dawned for Germany.
Germany appeared then to the intel-
lectual elite of America as the home of
choicest spirits, as the land of true free-
dom of thought. Wilhelm Meister and
Faust, Jean Paul's Titan and Flegel-
jahre, Fichte's Destiny of Man, Schleier-
macher's Addresses on Religion, were
then read and reread with something
like sacred ardor by small but influ-
ential and highly cultivated circles in
Boston, New York, and Philadelphia.
And the few Germans who at that
time came to America, most of them
as political refugees and martyrs of the
Liberal cause, appeared as living em-
GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER 663
bodiments of the gospel of humanity
contained in German literature, and
were therefore given a cordial and re-
spectful reception.
Things are very different to-day.
To be sure, the noble bronze figures of
Goethe and Schiller by Rietschel, which
stand in front of the Ducal theatre at
Weimar, also look down, in the shape of
excellent reproductions, upon multi-
tudes of Americans at San Francisco,
Cleveland, and Syracuse; and one of
the finest monuments to the genius
of Goethe ever conceived has recently
been dedicated in Chicago. But are
these monuments in reality expres-
sions of a wide sway exercised by these
two greatest German writers upon the
American people? Are they not appeals
rather than signs of victory — appeals
above all to the Germans in this coun-
try to be loyal to the message of classic
German literature, to be loyal to the
best traditions which bind them to
the land of their ancestors, to be loyal
to the ideals in which Germany's true
greatness is rooted?
The most encouraging aspect of the
present situation is to be found in the
study of German literature in Amer-
ican colleges and universities; for there
is not a university or a college in the
land where there are not well-trained
teachers and ardent admirers of what is
truly fine and great in German letters.
And in spite of all that has been said
to-day, there is plenty in the German
literary production of the last hundred
years which is, or at least should be, of
intense interest to Americans, — plenty
of wholesome thought, plenty of deep
feeling, plenty of soaring imagination,
plenty of spiritual treasures which are
not for one nation alone, but for all
humanity.
For it is a grave mistake to assume,
as has been assumed only too often,
that, after the great epoch of Classicism
and Romanticism in the early decades
of the nineteenth century, Germany
produced but little of universal signifi-
cance, or that, after Goethe and Heine,
there were but few Germans worthy
to be mentioned side by side with the
great writers of other European coun-
tries. True, there is no German Tolstoi,
no German Ibsen, no German Zola, but
then, is there a Russian Nietzsche, or
a Norwegian Wagner, or a French Bis-
marck? Men like these — men of re-
volutionary genius, men who start new
movements and mark new epochs —
are necessarily rare, and stand isolated
among any people and at all times.
The three names mentioned indicate
that Germany, during the last fifty
years, has contributed a goodly share of
even such men. Quite apart, however,
from such men of overshadowing gen-
ius and all-controlling power, can it be
truly said that Germany, since Goe-
the's time, has been lacking in writers
of high aim and notable attainment?
It can be stated without reservation
that, taken as a whole, the German
drama of the nineteenth century has
maintained a level of excellence su-
perior to that reached by the drama of
almost any other nation during the
same period. Schiller's Wallenstein and
Telly Goethe's Iphigenie and Faust,
Kleist's Prinz von Hamburg, Grillpar-
zer's Medea, Hebbel's Maria Magda-
lena and Die Nibelungen, Otto Ludwig's
Der Erbforster, Freytag's Die Journal-
isten, Anzengruber's Der Meineidbauer,
Wilbrandt's Der Meister von Palmyra,
Wildenbruch's Konig Heinrich, Su-
dermann's Heimat, Hauptmann's Die
Weber and Der arme Heinrich, Hof-
mannthal's Elektra, and, in addition
to all these, the great musical dramas
of Richard Wagner — this is a cen-
tury's record of dramatic achieve-
ment of which any nation might be
proud. I doubt whether either the
French or the Russian or the Scandi-
navian stage of the nineteenth century,
664 GERMAN LITERATURE AND THE AMERICAN TEMPER
as a whole, comes up to this standard.
Certainly, the English stage has no-
thing which can in any way be com-
pared with it.
That German lyric verse of the last
hundred years should have been distin-
guished by beauty of structure, depth
of feeling, and wealth of melody, is
not to be wondered at if we remember
that this was the century of the revival
of folk-song, and that it produced such
song-composers as Schubert and Schu-
mann and Robert Franz and Hugo
Wolf and Richard Strauss. But it
seems strange that, apart from Heine,
even the greatest of German lyric poets,
such as Platen, Lenau, Morike, Annette
von Droste, Geibel, Liliencron, Deh-
mel, Miinchhausen, Rilke, should be so
little known beyond the borders of the
Fatherland.
The German novel of the past cen-
tury was, for a long time, unquestion-
ably inferior to both the English and
the French novel of the same epoch.
But in the midst of much that is tire-
some and involved and artificial, there
stand out, even in the middle of the
century, such masterpieces of charac-
terization as Otto Ludwig's Zwischen
Himmel und Erde and Wilhelm Raabe's
Der Hunger Pastor; such delightful
revelations of genuine humor as Fritz
Renter's Ut mine Stromtid ; such pene-
trating studies of social conditions as
Gustav Freytag's Soil und Haben. And
during the last third of the century
there has clearly developed a new, for-
cible, original style of German novel-
writing.
Seldom has the short story been
handled more skillfully and felicitous-
ly than by such men as Paul Heyse,
Gottfried Keller, C. F. Meyer, Theodor
Storm. Seldom has the novel of tragic
import and passion been treated with
greater refinement and delicacy than
in such works as Fontane's Effi Briest,
Ricarda Huch'sLudolfUrsleu, Wilhelm
von Polenz's Der Biittnerbauer, and
Ludwig Thoma's Andreas Vost. And it
may be doubted whether, at the pres-
ent moment, there is any country where
the novel is represented by so many
gifted writers or exhibits such exuber-
ant vitality, such sturdy truthfulness,
such seriousness of purpose, or such a
wide range of imagination, as in con-
temporary Germany.
It is for the teachers of German lit-
erature in the universities and colleges
throughout the country to open the
eyes of Americans to the vast and solid
treasures contained in this storehouse
of German literary production of the
last hundred years. They are doing
this work of enlightenment now, with
conspicuous popular success at the uni-
versities of the Middle West. And I
look confidently forward to a time
when, as a result of this academic
instruction and propaganda, German
literature will have ceased to be un-
popular in America.
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
BY J. O. P. BLAND
ANY attempt to forecast the prob-
able tendencies of Liberal opinion in
England, whensoever peace shall have
been restored, must be based on the
assumption that Germany will be com-
pletely defeated and Europe be reliev-
ed, once and for all, from the overshad-
owing menace of Prussian militarism.
For the ultimate issue of the present
titanic struggle resolves itself, so far as
the great mass of our wage-earners is
concerned, into the question whether
the rights of men or the rights of au-
tocratic power shall hereafter domi-
nate their political and economic des-
tinies. Say what we will of the splendid
achievements of German science and
culture, the spirit which controls and
directs the life of the German people
is that of Prussia's blood-and-iron des-
potism, a spirit that frankly denies and
despises the rights of man and exalts
those of a privileged military caste.
If it were possible that the command
of the sea should now pass from Eng-
land to Germany, its passing could
mean only the substitution of mili-
tary for industrial civilization through-
out Western Europe. Liberalism, that
great force of progressive public opin-
ion which, above and beyond all party
politics, stands for freedom of social
development and ethical ideas, would
find no place of refuge on this side of
the Atlantic until that tyranny was
finally overthrown. If England were
defeated and invaded by the triumph-
ant Teuton, Liberalism, in the accepted
sense of the term, must be submerged,
for a generation at least, in the wreck
and ruin of our national life.
But it cannot be. This war can end
only with the final uprooting of the Bis-
marckian tradition and a wider free-
dom for the nations. The struggle of
armed hosts is also a conflict of vital
ideas; it is essentially a war between the
fundamental principles of autocracy
and those of democracy; and democra-
cy must triumph. It is true that in the
turmoil of conflicting impulses of na-
tionalism, Russia, an autocratic power,
finds herself ranged on the side of de-
mocracy for the furtherance of Pan-
Slav ambitions, which, in the past, have
had little enough to do with Liberal-
ism; but the movement, and the racial
instincts of self-preservation which
have inspired it, are in themselves full
of promise for the future liberties of
Poland, Finland, and the Jewish sub-
jects of the Tsar. Russian Liberalism
cannot fail to derive a new sanction
and a new inspiration from the disap-
pearance of the cult of the German
War Lord, and the Russian bureau-
cracy must of necessity acquire a
broader and more humane outlook, by
virtue of its alliance with the forces
which stand for the liberties of the
smaller nations. j
Assuming, then, that Western Eu-
rope is destined to be relieved of the
overshadowing menace of German he-
gemony, it is evident that, as this war
draws to its close, the minds of thought-
ful men will be deeply concerned with
the social and political changes which
665
666
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
must naturally follow upon so vast an
upheaval. But with regard to Great
Britain's domestic affairs (closely af-
fected as they are by the still unsolved
Irish problem and the undefined atti-
tude of the Labor party) the future of
Liberalism, and the constitution of its
leadership, must evidently depend in
no small measure on the duration of
the war.
If, as Lord Kitchener appears to ex-
pect, the struggle should be protracted
for two or three years, not only those
who now direct the nation's affairs, but
the leaders of public opinion through-
out all classes of society, will inevit-
ably approach many of our national
problems from standpoints either com-
pletely new, or greatly modified by the
psychological effect of so prolonged
a conflict. Industrial England cannot
leave its factories and warehouses for
two or three years, to follow the drum
in Belgium and France (and, let us
hope, in Germany), without acquiring
new and fruitful ideas concerning the
nation's foreign policy, alliances, and
diplomatic relations.
If, on the other hand, as many be-
lieve, the war is brought to a much
earlier conclusion, — either by the de-
feat of the German forces in the field
or by the economic exhaustion of West-
ern Europe, — its effect on the labor-
ing and industrial classes in England
would naturally be less marked; in
that case, Liberalism might confident-
ly expect speedily to reorganize its po-
litical forces and reassert its domes-
tic policy on lines generally based on
those which have been laid down by the
present administration. Questions of
foreign policy and of national defense
would require to be adjusted to changed
and changing conditions, but it may
safely be predicted that the nation's
chief attention would speedily revert
to matters of social legislation, to the
lesser conflicts of class interests and
party faction,, unless the people itself
had learned, by the chastening disci-
pline of a prolonged struggle, that 'na-
tions, like individuals, have souls as
well as bodies.'
A short, successful war would prob-
ably tend to confirm the industrial
population of England in its somewhat
narrow outlook on life, in its well-order-
ed but unsatisfied materialism; a long
one, waged in a just cause for the great-
er freedom of democracy, could not
fail to create a higher type of intelli-
gent nationalism in the masses. Clear-
ly, then, the future of Liberalism, both
as regards its leadership and its domi-
nant principles, depends greatly on the
duration and results of the war.
But, whether it be long or short,
there can be no doubt that the memory
of these days, in which the people has
heard and answered the higher call of
patriotism in the hour of national peril,
must infuse into Liberalism, as into
Conservatism, a broader view of the
public interest, something less paro-
chial and more truly national in its
attitude. The spirit of comradeship,
of kindly sympathy of class for class,
the common hopes and sorrows and
fears, that have united the nation to
confront a common danger, these will
not lightly be forgotten. War, despite
all its horrors, undoubtedly calls forth
in men some of the noblest virtues.
Tried in its cleansing fires, the gold of
humanity is purified. From this great
upheaval of all our comfortable securi-
ties, the nation will emerge with new
and broader conceptions of duty and
self-denial and discipline.
Our class wars will not end, but they
will surely be made less bitter, at least
during the life of the present generation,
by recollection of the days when dukes'
sons and cooks' sons fought side by side
in the trenches and together stormed
the deadly breach. Conservatives will
remember that, in the supreme hour of
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
667
trial, it was the leaders of the Liberal
party, Mr. Asquith, Sir Edward Grey,
Mr. Churchill, and Mr. Lloyd George,
who upheld the nation's honor, and re-
fused to parley with the ' infamous pro-
posal,' which would have bought peace
at the price of Belgium's freedom and
the utter humiliation of France. And
Liberals will remember that, when the
storm broke, there was no voice of re-
crimination or reproach from the ranks
of their political opponents, from the
men who, following Lord Roberts, had
for years urged the utter inadequacy of
the nation's military defenses.
When this war is over and done, and
civilization comes to count its appall-
ing cost, there must be a strong reac-
tion against militarism, and especially
against that which Mr. Wells calls
Kruppism; but never again, we may
be sure, will England consent to be
an unarmed nation amongst nations
in arms. Pacifists and humanitarians
will continue, as Liberals, to proclaim
their traditional principles and poli-
cies; Nonconformists and the Society
of Friends will continue to work for
the day when arbitration treaties and
mutual goodwill between the nations
shall be the guarantees of universal
peace; but Liberalism, both among the
classes and among the masses, has been
rudely awakened from dreams to the
tough world of realities. If Lord Ro-
berts lives to see England's house set
in order after this war, he should have
the satisfaction of knowing that his life
work has been crowned by the nation's
recognition of the need for national
military service, organized on an equit-
able and democratic basis.
ii
As we look back on the record of
Liberalism in recent years, it is impos-
sible to deny that, under the baneful
influences of the party system, many of
its noblest aspirations have been dulled
by contact with the sordid warfare of
professional politicians. The people,
while pursuing their business and their
pleasures in a narrow groove of unin-
spired commercialism, have looked on
with almost callous indifference at a
game in which principles have been
frankly subordinated to the spoils sys-
tem, and in which public honors and ti-
tles have been sold for cash, to replenish
the party funds. They have seen the
business of Parliamentary representa-
tion gradually degraded to the point
where the Labor Party may deliberate-
ly record its vote against Labor inter-
ests, in order to keep its salaries and
its seats under a Liberal government.
They have seen vital national ques-
tions, such as the future government
of Ireland and Woman Suffrage, treat-
ed by all parties alike, not on their
merits, but as stakes in the party game
of Ins and Outs, — the splendid tradi-
tions and principles of English Liber-
alism abused as vote-winning catch-
words by a soulless caucus.
Had there been no war with Ger-
many, these growing evils must sure-
ly have been purged from the body
politic, and the nation's political con-
science awakened, by the civil strife
which the Irish question had render-
ed inevitable. Throughout all classes
of society, from the landed gentry to
the leaders of the Independent Labor
Party, a strong force of public opinion
has been steadily growing for the past
few years against the callous cynicism
of the party system. Is it too much to
hope that, strengthened and purified
by the ordeal of this war, this force of
public opinion will hereafter devote it-
self to the cleansing of the Augean sta-
bles, and that Liberalism may become
once more, as it was under Gladstone
and Bright, a definite and disinterested
solicitude for the moral and material
well-being of the people?
668
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
Indeed, there must be good reason
to hope and believe that the spirit of
Liberalism will emerge greatly invigor-
ated from a struggle which, in a few
short weeks, has brought Jiome to every
one of us the truth that, in a vital cri-
sis of the nation's life, all these party
questions, that lead us to such bitter-
ness and wasteful strife, sink into utter
insignificance. At the first breath of
a common danger, the jarring voices
of class and party faction are hushed
to silence. The war must needs bring
great evil of sorrow and suffering to
England at large, but from this evil
great good will spring if it teaches the
nation that the government of the
country need not necessarily and eter-
nally be hampered by the unworthy
discords of professional agitators and
politicians. Already it has learned that,
if their patriotism and their pride are
aroused, Conservatives and Liberals
can forget their bitterest difference in
order to serve a common national pur-
pose. The lesson will not lightly be
forgotten.
If one may judge by the current writ-
ings of representative men, one of the
first results of this war in its effect upon
Liberal opinion must be to increase and
emphasize its humanitarian and paci-
fist activities. Already the keynote of
that opinion is unmistakably given in
the Liberal press. In the Nation, the
Daily Chronicle, the New Statesman,
and many other influential organs, the
conclusion is unanimously voiced that
'it must never happen again/ Mr.
Wells, in particular, stands out as
prophet and advocate of a world-wide
movement for the moral regeneration
of the nations, a movement in which
the pacifist forces of the United States
are expected to play a leading part.
There is to be, there must be, through-
out Europe (to quote the words of
Mr. Massingham) , * a complete change
of political organization,' a federation
of powers firmly pledged to keep the
world's peace.
Mr. Wells is splendidly optimistic
in his visions of the Utopia of an in-
dustrial civilization that shall now, at
last, replace the civilization of militar-
ism. He admits indeed 'that it is no
good to disarm while any one single
power is still in love with the dream
of military glory/ but he looks to see
that dream definitely abolished, and
the peace of the world permanently
established, by a consensus of human
intelligence and morality. He would
begin by 'the abolition of Kruppism,
— the sordid, enormous trade in the
instruments of death/ — and the neu-
tralization of the sea. He would make
national wars on land impossible, by
giving to the confederate peace powers
charge and command of the ocean high-
ways, making the transport of armed
men and war materials contraband,
and impartially blockading all belliger-
ents. 'The Liberalism of France and
England must make its immediate ap-
peal to the Liberalism of all the world,
to share in the glorious ends for which
this war is being waged/ He would
have a new and enlightened Democra-
cy ' impose upon this war the idea that
this war must end war . . . that hence-
forth no nationality shall oppress any
nationality or language again in Eu-
rope for ever/
The Nation (an organ identified with
the Radical wing) advises Liberalism
to seek the same end by other means.
It advocates 'the cutting down of
purely national forces in favor of
something that we can truly call an In-
ternational Police, controlled by an
International Parliament/ This result
.1
will not be attained, it foresees, merely
by the abolition of Kaiserism — ' all
will, and must be, changed: the inner
thoughts of men, the power of the
masses to safeguard their simplest
rights/ For the nation has gone into
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
669
this fight, 'not perhaps with full con-
sciousness of the character of the issue,
but with the desire, and we pray with
the result, of moderating the play, not
only of the more primitive lusts of
successful war, but of seeing a new
Europe emerge from it.'
I quote these opinions of Mr. Wells
and of the editor of the Nation because
they are influential, as well as typical
of a frame of mind which is certain
to determine the future attitude of a
considerable section of Liberalism, not
only as regards matters of national de-
fense and of foreign policy, but toward
what may be called its higher morali-
ties. The practical value of these pro-
posals for abolishing militarism and
radically changing the tendencies of
nationalism, may be open to dispute;
but the moral effect of such an attitude
cannot fail to be important. When,
with the restoration of peace abroad,
pa ty war breaks out again (as it needs
must) at home, it may safely be pre-
dicted that a definite line of cleavage
will present itself, from the outset, be-
tween Liberalism and Conservatism on
these issues of pacificism, international
arbitration, and disarmament.
Once more we shall witness the old-
world battle joined between the Ideal-
ists and the Realists; between the fol-
lowers of Plato and those of Aristotle,
believers in what-ought- to-be, against
those who prefer to deal with things as
they are. While it is impossible to
withhold admiration for the splendid
optimism of the pacifists (applied to
the uncertain soil of human nature
in Europe, in much the same spirit in
which Mr. Wilson and Mr. Bryan are
endeavoring to apply it in Mexico), it
is equally impossible to forget that (as
Herbert Spencer sums up the matter),
'human nature, though indefinitely
modifiable, can be modified but very
slowly, and that all laws and institu-
tions and appliances which count on
getting from it, within a short time,
results much better than present ones,
will inevitably fail,' — in other words,
that human nature cannot be radical-
ly changed by modes of repression or
international agreements, but only by
educative processes, which must neces-
sarily extend over considerable periods
of time.
What you put into the school, said
Humboldt, you take out of the State
— and, if this be true, the abolition
of war must be preceded for a gen-
eration at least by the provision of a
new type of schoolmaster, not only in
Germany, but in Japan, Russia, and
other countries. There are times and
places where his services might have
been useful during recent years even in
England and America.
Many peace-advocates and humani-
tarians prominently identified with
Liberalism unconsciously admit the
weakness of their position in this mat-
ter. The Nation, in a striking article
entitled 'Utopia or Hell' (August 15),
declares that ' the future turns main-
ly on the readiness of all nations to
abstain from crushing or humiliating
any . . . The limitation of armaments
must be universal, and it must be vol-
untary . . . The civilian mind must im-
pose itself upon the pugnacity of the
soldier.' The Society of Friends (Lib-
erals all), in a remarkable manifesto
recently published, declares that, after
this war, civilization will be able 'to
make a new State and to make it all
together.' They hope and trust 'to
reconstruct European culture upon the
only possible permanent foundation —
mutual trust and goodwill'; to lay
down 'far-reaching principles for the
future of mankind, such as will insure
us forever against a repetition of this
gigantic folly.'
Yet even while they proclaim this
splendid vision, their minds are not a
little disturbed by the thought of Rus-
670
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
sia. Mr. Wells, it is true, has endeav-
ored to reassure his friends on this
score, to convince Liberalism that its
dread of that semi-Oriental autocracy
'is due to fundamental misconceptions
and hasty parallelisms': but they re-
fuse to be entirely comforted. The
Tsar's proclaimed intention of liberat-
ing Poland and Finland, his promises
of kindlier treatment for his Jewish
subjects, and his undertaking to respect
the independence of Sweden, are ac-
cepted by the Nonconformist con-
science with evident misgivings, which
suggest an almost Spencerian attitude
of doubt in regard to the sudden dimi-
nution of original sin in the soul of the
Slav. And so, before ever the vision of
universal peace can find practical ex-
pression in statesmanship, new causes
of racial antagonism are casting their
shadows of strife.
Evidently the first task of Liberal-
ism must be to determine its future
attitude toward European alliances in
general, and the Triple Entente in par-
ticular. It will have to consider and
decide, as a'matter of high national pol-
icy, whether by any means (for exam-
ple, by the establishment of an Amer-
ican-Anglo-French Peace Federation) a
measure of international disarmament
can be attained; and, if it cannot, what
should be Great Britain's future role
on the Continent of Europe.
And here, at the outset, its difficul-
ties are obvious. To oppose a good un-
derstanding with Russia must in the
long run involve support to Japan's
ambitions in the Far East, a line of
policy that could hardly fail to antag-
onize public opinion in America, —
which is the last thing that either Lib-
eralism or Conservatism wants to do.
It would also mean giving further coun-
tenance to the 'unspeakable Turk,'
who, at this moment of writing, ap-
pears to be bent on tempting Provi-
dence to the utmost and selling the
remnants of his birthright in Europe
for a very doubtful mess of German
red pottage.
in
So far as may be inferred from the
views currently expressed, a consider-
able body of English Liberal and La-
bor opinion will, in future, be opposed
to the whole policy of alliances and
ententes. Already this attitude finds
frequent and forcible expression in the
press. Mr. Ramsay Macdonald, nom-
inal leader of the Labor Party, has pub-
licly denounced Sir Edward Grey be-
cause ' under his management we have
been weaving round ourselves for eight
years the mesh of entanglements
which has brought us to our present
confusion.' He and those who think
with him maintain that, come what
may, the tremendous issues of war and
peace 'can no longer be entrusted to
the soldiers and diplomats who now
control them.' They denounce all the
machinery of the Balance of Power,
holding it to be futile at its best, and
dangerously provocative at its worst;
and they would replace it by 'the
forms and the reality of a European
concert.'
These, it must be admitted, are ra-
ther the opinions of extreme Radical-
ism than of Liberalism, — the views of
men who approach the wide field of
European politics from narrow lanes
of insular thought* Experienced Lib-
eral leaders, like Lord Morley and
Lord Rosebery, are not likely to pin
their faith on any concert of Europe
as a regenerating moral force. They
know that it is an expedient which has
been tried and found wanting. Was
not Bismarck, single-handed, able to
reduce its good intentions to impo-
tence, and to prove, long before Alge-
ciras, that voluntary respect for the
sanctity of international treaties is not
an effectively restraining force in the
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
671
world's affairs? At the conference of
the nations, which must surely assem-
ble to revise the map of Europe after
this war, the humanitarian idealists
are likely to find, as they found more
than once at The Hague, that, even be-
yond the frontiers of the Balkans, ne-
cessity and force and national ideals
are still powerful factors in determin-
ing the destinies of peoples.
On the whole, it seems most likely
that, in the domain of foreign policy,
constructive Liberalism will direct its
humane activities toward consolida-
ting a good understanding with Russia
along lines which shall involve no for-
feiture of our own national ideals as
a democracy. For by this means only
can its main object be secured, name-
ly, the avoidance of any cause of mis-
givings or misunderstanding on the
part of the American people.
In expressing this opinion, I do not
forget that, in America, as in England,
there exist very real and widespread
misgivings about Russia, and particu-
larly among that Jewish element of
the population which plays so import-
ant a part in the high places of inter-
national finance. But when all is said
and done, a nation's policy instinctive-
ly follows the lines of least resistance
and least danger, and it requires no
powers of divination to foresee that,
while Russia will continue to stand in
need of the friendship of England and
France after this war, her political act-
ivities in the immediate future are not
at all likely to threaten either English
or American interests. As a commer-
cial competitor, she will continue to
be a negligible quantity and, with re-
gard to her internal politics, the cause
of humanity has everything to gain
from her association with the Liberal-
ism of England and France.
Among thoughtful politicians and
writers, a clear understanding as to the
country's future foreign policy is re-
cognized as a matter of paramount im-
portance. Without going so far as Mr.
Macdonald, who in his wrath advocates
the suppression of diplomatists, Lib-
eral opinion as a whole would welcome
any departure from the existing sys-
tem, which might allow Parliament
and the press to form clearer ideas
concerning the international situation
at any given moment, and concerning
England's obligations. Democratically
speaking, it is absurd that a nation
should be called upon to make war in
defense of obligations (such as those of
the Anglo-French naval entente) which
have been neither published nor de-
fined. Yet, under our present political
system, there are obvious and almost
insuperable objections to the detailed
discussion in Parliament of interna-
tional relations, — objections which
would continue to exist even if, in the
interests of peace, Europe could be per-
suaded to intrust the execution of a
concert's decisions to an international
police force.
It is not easy to see by what means
constructive Liberalism, however well-
intentioned, is to supersede the exist-
ing machinery of statecraft in England
or to improve upon the conduct of its
foreign relations as handled by Sir Ed-
ward Grey. Take away all power of
making war from kings and govern-
ors, replace them by whatsoever other
machinery we will, and still, at the end
of the long chain of ' isms ' and grouped
authorities, there remains ever the fal-
lible human equation.
Next to the question of our future
foreign policy, and in a great measure
dependent thereon, Liberalism must
face the problems of national defense.
WTith the removal of the German in-
vasion bogey, those who advocate a
great reduction of expenditure on ar-
maments, both on economic and on
moral grounds, will be in a strong posi-
tion. That position will be reinforced
672
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
by the financial exhaustion of the coun-
try; the best of patriots, faced with a
ten per cent tax, must look about him
for relief. Expenditure on progressive
legislation, social reform, and the relief
of distress, is bound to increase stead-
ily, and the country's taxable resources
are not unlimited. All this is indisput-
able; nevertheless, the people whose
children are now being taught, when
they say grace, to * thank God for the
British navy which secures them a
good breakfast,' are not likely to forget
the lesson which this war has brought
home to all sorts and conditions of
men.
A general reduction of armaments
throughout the civilized world, the ab-
olition of private ownership in muni-
tions of war, the extension of arbitral
machinery to international disputes un-
der conditions that would make it effec-
tive — all these things might well come
within the range of practical politics.
They are certain in any case to come
within the programme of advanced Lib-
eralism in England. But neither Mr.
Norman Angell's exposition of the eco-
nomic futility of war, nor all the mor-
al pacifists' visions of a Federation of
United States in Europe, will ever per-
suade the present generation of Eng-
lishmen to endanger Great Britain's
command of the sea.
Before this war, the warning of Lord
Roberts, Admiral Mahan, and other
seers, had fallen upon ears that heard
not; the masses, though sympathetic,
remained unconvinced. To-day, they
have learned and know that England's
daily bread, her commerce, her colo-
nies, her very existence, depend upon
the supremacy of the British Navy.
With a dislike for militarism quite as
deep-rooted as that of the American
people, the great majority of English-
men will therefore continue to oppose
any attempt to weaken the country's
naval defenses. The vital importance
of sea-power has now been brought
home to the man in the street by ar-
guments and facts which have com-
pletely convinced him.
Therefore, whatever be the humane
aspirations of Liberalism, Liberal poli-
ticians are not likely to follow Mr.
Wells on that new path of his which is
to lead to Utopia by way of * the neu-
tralization of the sea,5 by placing all
armed ships under the control of a
confederation of peace powers. They
will prefer to work for an all-round, but
fairly proportionate, reduction of arm-
aments, both on land and sea; opinion
in the moderate Liberal press already
foreshadows this line of policy.
IV
It will be observed that, so far, I
have discussed the principles and fu-
ture policies of Liberalism without re-
ference to the dominating personalities
with which they are generally associ-
ated in the public mind, or the exigen-
cies of their party tactics. As matters
stand to-day, although vital move-
ments of opinion are taking place in
many directions and finding tentative
expression, — movements which, in
days to come, will produce world-wide
effects, — these are due, not to the sur-
face activities of politicians, but rather
to a stirring of the great deeps of na-
tional life, to an awakening of morali-
ties and humanities which the even ten-
or of that life had long left dormant.
Forasmuch as there are no party
politics to-day (when even press dis-
cussion of the Home Rule question
is deprecated by common consent), it
is impossible to foretell either the ulti-
mate direction of these movements of
public opinion or their probable ac-
tions and reactions upon the political
life of the country. He would indeed be
a bold man who should prophesy even
concerning the constitution, leader-
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
673
ship, and platforms of the two great
parties in the state at the close of this
war. To a great extent, as I have al-
ready observed, these things must de-
pend upon the duration and varying
fortunes of the struggle. For example,
it requires no great stretch of imagi-
nation to conceive the possibility of a
coalition war government, pledged to
carry on the campaign to its bitter end
in Berlin, if a section of Russophobe
Liberals were to move in Parliament
(as it is already doing in the press) for
the conclusion of a peace which might
leave Prussian militarism partly unbro-
ken and wholly unrepentant.
The government of England at this
moment is neither Liberal nor Conser-
vative, but only National. Its de facto
leaders are the Secretary for War and
the First Lord of the Admiralty, and
the business of the politician is defi-
nitely in abeyance. The Independent
Labor Party's half-hearted attempt
to break the united front has been
promptly repudiated by the labor
unions.
But many things might occur, such
as a disaster to the fleet or, if the war
be protracted, a great increase of unem-
ployment at industrial centres, which
would bring new party issues to the
front, and create divisions in the state.
In such an event, either great changes
would have to take place in the con-
stitution of the Liberal government, or
a coalition ministry would have to be
formed (confronted by an active op-
position) to serve during the continu-
ance of the war.
It is an open secret that a coalition
government was seriously discussed
for several days before that fateful
Sunday (August 2) when the peace-
at-almost-any-price advocates in the
Cabinet were finally persuaded by Sir
Edward Grey — backed by the Pre-
mier, Mr. Churchill, and Mr. Lloyd
George - - to indorse his policy of op-
VOL. 114- NO. 5
posing by force of arms the violation
of Belgium's territory.
Not all foolishly did German diplo-
macy rely upon England's internal dif-
ferences to secure her neutrality. The
resignation of Lord Morley and Mr.
Burns was the only sign vouchsafed to
the public of the Cabinet's momentous
crisis, but the pacifist views of many
ministers — notably Mr. McKenna and
Mr. Birrell — had been sufficiently pro-
claimed to indicate the nature of that
crisis, and to cause the most acute anx-
iety among those who actually knew
what was occurring in Downing Street
and Whitehall during the three days
which preceded the declaration of war.
And, even to-day, if we bear in mind
the pacifist convictions and the Ger-
man sympathies which have been so
frankly displayed from time to time by
Lord Haldane, Mr. Samuel, and other
ministers (not forgetting the influence
of Berlin on our high finance), we may
form an idea of the difficult situation in
which Mr. Lloyd George, for instance,
would be placed, if hereafter com-
pelled by circumstances to choose be-
tween adherents to his * fight-to-a-fin-
ish' policy and the pacific tendencies
of his Nonconformist supporters in the
constituencies.
A similar problem may possibly con-
front individual leaders of the Liberal
party in connection with the Irish ques-
tion. As matters stand, Sir Edward
Carson has definitely relegated the
Home Rule dispute to the background,
and encouraged his Ulster Volunteers
to enlist for service at the front. Mr.
Redmond and the Nationalist lead-
ers hung back for a time, stipulating
that the Home Rule bill should be
placed on the statute book before they
authorized the Nationalist Volunteers
to place their services at the disposal
of the Crown; and this, despite the
loyal enthusiasm of many of their fol-
lowers. It was bad generalship. A
674
BRITISH LIBERALISM AND THE WAR
spontaneous and unconditional mani-
festation of loyalty would undoubtedly
have done more to reconcile wavering
opinion in England to Home Rule than
this display of party tactics.
If, at a time when India and all the
dominions overseas are sending their
contingents to the front, Nationalist
Ireland refuses to come forward and
crowd the recruiting offices in sign of
its renewed loyalty, there must inevit-
ably occur a powerful revulsion of feel-
ing throughout the British electorate.
Such a policy would do more to justify
the Ulster Convenanters than all the
prophecies and pleadings of their po-
litical representatives at Westminster;
and it would inevitably react with
deadly effect upon the Liberal govern-
ment. But Mr. Redmond is no novice
in strategy; he has certainly counted
the cost of this manoeuvring for posi-
tion, and, having attained his end and
justified himself in the eyes of his sup-
porters in Ireland and America, he is
now calling upon his Nationalist forces
to fight side by side with the Ulster-
men, in the cause of Catholic Belgium
and France. And thus Liberalism may
reckon on having found a happy issue
out of all its Irish afflictions.
On the question of Woman Suffrage,
the opinion is steadily growing in the
ranks of Liberalism that its attitude
has hitherto been lacking in courage
and intelligent anticipation. A refer-
endum on the subject would undoubt-
edly show an enormous majority of
Radical and Labor opinion in favor
of giving the vote, upon reasonable
terms, to women. One of the chief ob-
stacles in the path of this necessary
and equitable extension of the fran-
chise has hitherto lain in Mr. Asquith's
personal opinion in the matter, and in
the vague fears entertained by a cer-
tain section of his followers that to
confer the vote on women would mean
an accession of strength to the Con-
servative party. But in this, as in
many other questions, the effect of
this war upon the public conscience is
likely to prove a broadening and stimu-
lating influence. The public spirit, pa-
triotism, and common sense which wo-
men of all classes have displayed since
war broke out, have greatly impressed
public opinion. If the Liberal party
hereafter refuses to put Woman Suf-
frage in its political platforms, it will
assuredly find its short-sighted Con-
servatism condemned by a majority of
the constituencies.
But the future of Liberalism, as of
the Empire itself, lies now on the knees
of the gods. With all Europe seething
in the melting-pot of war, it may in-
deed seem presumptuous thus calmly
to discuss the chances and changes of
principles and policies, which an ad-
verse fate might utterly submerge to-
morrow. Yet, seeing this England of
ours, a friend to peace, yet staunch in
war, drawing loyal men to her side
from the four corners of the earth, be-
cause her cause is just and brave -
may we not rightly hope that she will
come forth victorious from this strug-
gle, and that, in the day of victory,
English Liberalism also may emerge
triumphant from the fettering condi-
tions of party, and, with a broader
vision of wisdom and truth, lead the
people in the way that they should go?
BLUE REEFERS
BY ELIZABETH ASHE
'THE child will have to have a new
dress if she 's to take part in the Christ-
mas entertainment.5
My mother spoke very low so as not
to wake me, but I heard her. I had
been too excited to fall asleep.
'Of course/ said my father in his big
voice that never could get down to a
whisper.
'S-sh,' warned my mother, and then
added, 'But we shouldn't get it,
George. You know what the last doc-
tor's bill amounted to.'
'Oh, let the little thing have it. It's
her first chance to show off.'
'S-sh,' my mother warned again.
After a moment I heard her say, ' Well,
perhaps it won't cost so very much,
and as you say it's the first time.'
I turned over in bed and prayed,
'Dear Lord, please help my mother to
get me a new dress.' For a new dress
was one of the chief joys of taking part,
and I had longed so to take part.
Although I had been a member of
our Sunday school in good and regular
standing ever since I was three weeks
old, and had been put on the Cradle
Roll, that being in the eyes of my par-
ents the nearest approach to dedica-
tion allowable to Baptists, I was taking
part for the first time, and I was seven.
There had been numerous occasions in
these seven years for taking part; our
Sunday school celebrated Easter, Chil-
dren's Day, Anniversary Day, Thanks-
giving, and Christmas, with quite ap-
propriate exercises. But it was a large
school, and I had freckles and what
Aunt Emma, my cousin Luella's mo-
ther, called 'that child's jaw.' Aunt
Emma meant my front teeth, which
were really most dreadfully prominent :
in fact they stuck out to such an extent
that Aunt Emma seldom failed to see
them when she saw me.
Aunt Emma was n't used to children
with jaws. Her little Luella had the
prettiest teeth imaginable: she was
pretty all over, pretty golden hair,
pretty blue eyes, pretty pink cheeks,
— not a freckle, — and pretty arms
very plump and white. She was just
my age, and she was invariably asked
to take part. It seemed reasonable
that she should, and yet I felt that if
they only knew that I had a mind, — a
mind was what an uncle once said I
had, after hearing me recite the one
hundred and third Psalm, the fifty-
second chapter of Isaiah, and the thir-
teenth chapter of First Corinthians
with only one mistake, — they would
ask me too. A mind should count for
something, I thought, but it did n't
seem to with Miss Miriam.
Miss Miriam was the assistant super-
intendent. She was a tall, thin, young-
ish-looking woman, with fair hair and
a sweet, rather white, face. She always
wore very black dresses and a little
gold cross, which one of the Big Girls
told us was left to her by her mother,
who was an Episcopalian. Miss Miriam
got up all the entertainments, and it
was she who made out the list of the
people who were to take part in them.
Three or four Sundays before an enter-
675
676
BLUE REEFERS
tainment was to be given, Miss Miriam
would come from the Big Room to our
Primary Department with a lot of lit-
tle white slips in her hand and a pad
and pencil. While we were having
the closing exercises she would walk
very quietly from class to class distrib-
uting the little white slips. The slips
said, * Please meet me after Sunday
school in the Ladies' Parlor.' If you
were given a slip it meant you were
chosen to take part.
Once I confided my longing to my
mother.
'What makes you want to so much,
Martha? You're not a forward little
girl, I hope.'
Forwardness in my elders' opinion
was the Eighth Deadly Sin, to be ab-
horred by all little girls, especially
those who had heard it said that they
had a mind. Little girls who had heard
that might so easily, from sheer pride
of intellect, become 'forward.'
'I'm not forward,' I assured her. 'I
— I, oh, mother, it 's so nice to be in
things.'
And now at last I was in things. I
could still feel the touch of the white
slip which had been put into my hand
only that afternoon, and I turned over
in my bed on my other side and prayed
with even more fervor.
'Oh, Lord, please help my mother to
get me a new dress.'
He did. A week later my mother
went to town. She brought back white
Persian lawn, the softest, sheerest stuff
I had ever felt. I could see the pink of
my skin through it when I laid it over
my hand.
'I'm going to have a new dress for
the entertainment,' I told Luella on
my way to rehearsal. 'Are you?'
' Why, of course. I always do. Mine 's
going to have five rows of lace inser-
tion in the skirt and tiny tucks too.'
'Mine's to have tucks, but it won't
have only one row of lace in the skirt.
Mother says little girls' dresses don't
need much lace.'
'I like lots of lace,' said Luella; but
her tone of finality did not disturb my
happiness. I was disturbed only when,
at another rehearsal, Luella told me
that her mother was making a blue-
silk slip to wear under her white dress.
Almost everyone wore slips when they
spoke pieces.
I gave my mother this information.
' Is n't the white dress pretty enough,
Martha?'
I fingered the soft material she was
sewing. 'It's beautiful,' I said, hiding
my face in her neck. Then I whispered,
'I don't mind if Luella has a slip,
mother.'
I did mind, but I knew I ought n't.
My mother raised my head and ad-
justed the bow on one of my skimpy
little pigtails. She looked as she did
sometimes after my Aunt Emma had
just gone.
'We'll see if you can have a slip.
What color would you like — suppos-
ing you can ? '
'Pink,' I answered promptly, 'like
my best hair-ribbons.'
Pink china silk was bought. When
I tried it under the Persian lawn it
matched the ribbons exactly. I jiggled
up and down on my toes — my only
way of expressing great joy.
The dress, when my mother was not
working on it, lay in the spare room on
the bed. I made countless pilgrimages
to the spare room. Once I slipped the
dress on by myself. I wanted to see
how I looked. But the mirror of the
spare-room bureau was very small; so I
inserted a hair-brush. With the mirror
tipped I could see quite all of me —
only I did n't see quite all. I did n't
see my freckles, or my jaw, or my very
thin legs. I saw a glory of pink and
white and I grinned from sheer rapture.
The spare room had no heat : there was
a register, but unless we had company
BLUE REEFERS
677
the register was closed. My mother
found me one day kneeling by the bed
shivering but in ecstatic contemplation
of my dress, which I had not dared to
try on a second time. She gave me
ginger tea. I gulped it down meekly.
I felt even then that as a punishment
ginger tea is exquisitely relevant. It
chastens the soul but at the same time
it warms the stomach you've allowed
to get cold.
I had been very much afraid that be-
fore the night of the entertainment, —
it was to be given the twenty-third of
December, — something would surely
happen to my dress or to me, but the
night arrived and both were in a per-
fect state of preservation. To expedite
matters, as the Sunday school was to
assemble at a quarter past seven, my
mother dressed me before supper. Just
as the last button was fastened we
heard footsteps on the front porch.
'There, Martha! Go show your
father.'
I ran down into the hall and took up
my position in the centre of it, but
when I heard the key turn in the latch
of the inside door I wanted to run away
and hide. I had never felt so beautiful.
My father stopped short when he
saw me. 'By the Lord! ' he ejaculated.
'Why, George!'
My mother was on the stairs.
'Well, by the Great Guns then —
you're a — a vision, Marty.'
I could only grin.
'Here's some more pinkness for you
to wear,' he said, producing a long tis-
sue-paper package that he had been
holding behind his back. He chuckled
as he unwrapped it.
'Twelve, Marty; twelve solid pink
carnations. What do you say to 'em?
Show your mother.'
I said nothing. I only jiggled on my
toes.
'George, dear, what made you? A
little child like that can't wear flowers
— and they 're seventy-five cents a
dozen ! '
All the chuckle went out of my
father's eyes : he looked at me, then at
the carnations, then at my mother; just
like a little boy who finds that after
all he 's done the wrong thing. I wanted
to run and take his hand, but while I
stood wanting and not daring, my
mother had crossed the hall and was
putting her arms around his neck.
'They're beautiful, George dear.
She can wear three or four of them,
anyway. They will make her so happy,
and the rest we '11 put in her room. Her
room is pink too.'
'So it is.' He kissed my mother and
then me. 'Say your piece, Marty —
quick! Before we have supper.'
I had learned my piece so thoroughly
that the order was like turning on a
spigot. Four verses, four lines in each,
gushed forth.
My father clapped. 'Now for some-
thing to eat,' he said.
Immediately after supper my mother
and I set out, leaving my father to
shave and come later. It was a cold
night with a great many bright stars.
At the corner we met Luella and her
mother. Luella's mother was carrying
over her arm Luella's spring coat, her
everyday one, a dark blue reefer.
'Martha ought to have hers along,
too,' said my Aunt Emma. 'If the
church should be chilly they'll catch
their death sitting in thin dresses.'
My mother thought it was probable
we would. So I was sent back to hunt
for my little reefer. It was like Luella's,
dark blue with tarnished gilt anchors
on the corners of the sailor collar, and
like hers it was second-best and out-
grown.
Luella and I parted with our mothers
at the door of the Sunday-school room.
'Don't forget to take your reefers
when you march in,' admonished my
Aunt Emma.
678
BLUE REEFERS
'Must we carry them while we
march? ' I almost wailed.
My mother came to the rescue.
* Hold them down between you and the
little girl you march with. Then no
one will see.'
'Yes'm.' I was much relieved.
n
The Sunday school was a hubbub of
noise and pink and blue hair-ribbons.
In among the ribbons and responsible
for some of the noise were close-cropped
heads and white collars and very new
ties, but you did n't notice them much.
There were so many pink and blue rib-
bons. After a while the room quieted
down and we formed in line. Miss
Miriam, who even that night wore a
black dress and her little gold cross,
distributed among us the eight silk
banners that when we were n't march-
ing always hung on the walls of the
Sunday-school rooms. There were sub-
dued whispers and last prinkings. Then
the piano, which had been moved into
the church, gave the signal and we
marched in. We marched with our
banners and our pink and blue hair-
ribbons up and down the aisles so
that all the Mothers-and-Fathers-and-
Friends-of-the-School could see us.
Whenever we recognized our own spe-
cial mother or father we beamed. The
marching finally brought us to the pews
assigned to our respective classes. Lu-
ella's class and mine were to sit to-
gether that night. I turned around —
almost every little girl, after she was
seated and had sufficiently smoothed
out skirts and sash, turned around —
and saw that my mother and aunt were
only two pews behind us. I grinned
delightedly at them, and they both
nodded back. Then I told Luella.
After that I settled down.
The church was decorated with ropes
of green and with holly wreaths. At
either side of the platform was a Christ-
mas tree with bits of cotton-batting
scattered over it to represent snow. I
had heard that there were to be two
Christmas trees, and I had looked for-
ward to a dazzling glitter of colored
balls and tinsel and candles, maybe.
The cotton-batting was a little disap-
pointing. It made you feel that it was
not a real Christmas tree, but just a
church Christmas tree. Church things
were seldom real. The Boys Brigade of
our church* carried interesting-looking
cartridge-boxes, that made them look
like real soldiers, but when they drilled
you found out that the cartridge-boxes
were only make-believe. They held
Bibles. Still the cotton-batting did
make you think of snow.
After what seemed like a very long
wait the entertainment began. The
minister, of course, opened it with
prayer. Then we all sang a carol. As
we were sitting down I felt some one
poke my shoulder.
* Your mother says you must put on
your jacket. She says you '11 take cold,'
whispered the little girl behind me.
I had n't felt cold, but the command
passed along over two church pews
had the force of a Thus-saith-the-Lord.
While I was slipping the jacket care-
fully over my ruffles some one poked
Luella and whispered to her. Luella
looked at me, then put on her jacket.
The superintendent was making a
speech to the Fathers-and-Mothers-
and-Friends-of-the-School. When he
finished we rose to sing another carol,
and as we rose, quite automatically
Luella and I slipped off our jackets. I
was very excited. After the carol there
would be a piece by one of the Big
Girls; then the Infant Class would do
something; then I was to speak. I
wondered if people would see the pink
of my slip showing through my dress
as I spoke my piece. I bent my head
to get a whiff of carnation.
BLUE REEFERS
679
We were just seated when there came
another poke and another whisper.
'Your mother says to keep on your
jacket.'
I looked back at my mother. She
smiled and nodded, and Aunt Emma
pointed to Luella. We put on our jack-
ets again. This time I buttoned it
tight; so did Luella. I felt the carna-
tions remonstrate, but when one is very
excited one is very obedient : one obeys
more than the letter of the law.
The Big Girl was speaking her piece.
I did n't hear the words; the words of
my own piece were saying themselves
through my head; but I was aware that
she stopped suddenly, that she looked
as though she were trying to remember,
that someone prompted her, that she
went on. Suppose I should forget that
way before my father and mother and
the friends of the school and Miss Mir-
iam. It was a dreadful thought. I com-
menced again — with my eyes shut —
' Some children think that Christmas day
Should come two times a year ';
I went through my verses five times,
while the Infant Class individually and
collectively were holding up gilt card-
board bells and singing about them. I
was beginning the sixth time, —
' Some children think — '
when the superintendent read out, —
'The next number on the programme
will be a recitation by Martha Smith.'
I had been expecting this announce-
ment for four weeks, but now that it
came it gave me a queer feeling in my
heart and stomach, half fear, half joy.
Conscious only that I was actually tak-
ing part, I rose from my seat and made
my way over the little girls in the pew
who scrunched up themselves and their
dresses into a small space so that I
might pass.
As I started down the aisle I thought
I heard my name frantically called be-
hind me; but not dreaming that any
one would wish to have speech with a
person about to speak a piece, I kept
on down, way, way down to the plat-
form, walking in a dim hot maze which
smelled insistently of carnations.
But the poor carnations warned in
vain. I ascended the platform steps
with my reefer still buttoned tightly
over my chest.
The reefer, as I've said, was dark
blue, adorned with tarnished anchors,
and outgrown. Being outgrown it
showed several inches of my thin little
wrists, and being a reefer and tightly
buttoned, it showed of my pink and
white glory a little more than the hem.
Still in that dim hot maze I made my
bow and gave the title of my piece,
'Christmas Twice a Year,' and recited
it from beginning to end, and heard
them clap, all the teachers and schol-
ars and Fathers-and-Mothers-and-
Friends-of-the-School. Then, quite diz-
zied with happiness, I hurried down off
the platform and up the aisle. People
smiled as I passed them and I smiled
back, for once quite unconscious of my
jaw. As I neared my seat I prepared to
smile upon my mother, but for a mo-
ment she did n't see me. Aunt Emma
was saying something to her, some-
thing that I did n't hear, something
that made two red spots flame in my
mother's face.
'Is n't it just like Martha to be a lit-
tle fool! She's always doing things like
that.' Aunt Emma was one of those
people who assume that you always do
the particular foolish thing you have
just finished doing.
The red spots died out when my
mother saw me. She smiled as though
she were very proud — and I was proud
too. But before I could settle down
to enjoy my satisfaction Luella's name
had been called and Luella was starting
down the aisle. Luella's golden curls
bobbed as she walked: they bobbed
over her blue reefer jacket which was
buttoned snugly over her plump body.
680
THE END OF THE GAME
There was a suppressed exclamation
from some one behind me, but Luella
kept on. Luella's jacket was not short
in the sleeves but it was very very tight.
Only the hem of her blue and white
glory peeped from beneath it, and a
little piece of ruffle she had not quite
tucked in peeped out from above it.
Luella bowed and spoke her piece.
All the teachers and scholars, the
Fathers-and- Mothers-and- Friends-of-
the-School applauded.
A queer sound made me look round
at my mother and aunt. Their heads
were bowed upon the pew in front.
Their shoulders were shaking. When I
turned around again they were sitting
up, wiping their eyes as though they
had been crying.
I could n't understand then, nor did
I understand late that night when my
father's laugh woke me up.
'Poor Emma! ' he chuckled. 'What
did she say?'
And my mother answered, her voice
curiously smothered, 'Why, you see,
she could n't very well say anything
after what she had just said before.'
'I suppose not. Poor Emma, I sup-
pose not.' My father's laugh broke out
again.
' S-sh, George — you '11 wake Martha.'
THE END OF THE GAME
BY M. A. DE WOLFE HOWE
POUNDING away in a rhythm bound as in fetters of brass,
Marches the band; — behind it, the wildly rhythmical mass
Of headlong, happiest youth, with hats flung high through the space
Where the conquering ball had sailed, with arms chance-linked for the race
To join the swirling, delirious, serpentine measure of joy
That wells from the leaping heart of every precipitate boy.
What sends from my older heart the mist to my musing eyes?
Not envy, I think, for all that niggardly age denies;
But something akin to pity — even at this flaming hour
Filled with the triumph of sharing the joy of triumphant power —
Pity that ever the jubilant springs must fail of their flow,
And that youth, so utterly knowing it not, must one day know.
THE EUROPEAN TRAGEDY
BY GUGLIELMO FERRERO
ON the fourteenth of July I was in
Paris, and curiosity took me to the
grand review, held every year in the
French capital on that day of national
festival which commemorates the tak-
ing of the Bastille. I saw the splendid
battalions file past, and I saw also, in
the tribune of the President of the Re-
public, the accredited ambassadors to
t! 3 French government, in gala attire.
They were all talking tranquilly among
themselves, most of them about their
approaching vacations. Some were on
the point of departure for the moun-
tains or the sea, in search of a well-
deserved rest. Austria and Russia,
Germany and Servia, England and Bel-
gium, were exchanging good wishes,
compliments and friendly adieux, in
the persons of their ambassadors. Who
would have said that three weeks
later these same men would exchange
as many declarations of war?
The tempest broke so unexpectedly
that we are still, as it were, dazed.
Every one asks himself constantly if
he is awake or dreaming. The Euro-
pean war, - - that earthquake which
perhaps will overturn from its founda-
tions the civilization of the old world;
the European war, of which every one
has been talking for so many years,
but for the most part without believ-
ing that it could occur, — just as one
speaks of the day in which the sun will
be extinguished in the heavens, or of
the encounter of the earth with some
stray comet cutting through space, —
the European war broke out within a
single week.
On the twenty-fourth of July all
Europe, from Ionia to the Baltic, from
the Pyrenees to the Urals, was still able
to go to bed in peace and to dream
of the approaching summer vacation,
well-earned by the long labor of a year.
The German Emperor, according to
his custom at that season, was cruising
in northern waters; the Emperor of
Austria was at the Baths of Ischl; the
President of the French Republic was
leaving Russia, where he had visited
the Tsar and toasted peace, to pay a
visit to the Scandinavian sovereigns.
On the morning of the twenty-fifth —
it was a Saturday — Europe read in
her thousand newspapers the menacing
note sent from the Austrian minister
to the Servian government; and on the
Saturday after — the first of August —
the German Ambassador at St. Peters-
burg handed to the Russian govern-
ment the declaration of war. How
did it happen? Through whose fault?
From what motives?
II
Eventually, history will doubtless in-
vestigate, and recount what happened
day by day, hour by hour, in the courts
and in the chancelleries of Europe,
during that fatal week. For the mo-
ment, every government is careful to
divulge only what serves to throw back
on the other governments the respon-
sibility for the cruel catastrophe. The
immediate occasion, so to speak, of
681
682
THE EUROPEAN TRAGEDY
the explosion, is therefore a mystery.
Much clearer, on the other hand, is
the play of the historical forces which,
after forty-four years of peace, have
prepared, and in the end precipitated,
the terrifying disaster. This war is the
supreme duel of the two European
enemies who for a century have lived
side by side in every state: Europe
bellicose, the daughter, as it were, of
the French Revolution; and Europe
pacific, creature of the philosophy of
the eighteenth century, and of the
whole social movement of the nine-
teenth.
The French Revolution initiated in
Europe the true war of the peoples. Un-
til the French Revolution, sovereigns
and states, rather than their subjects,
had fought and made peace among
themselves. Armies were recruited from
professional soldiers alone; the greater
part of the population was exempt
from the tribute of blood, as is still the
case to-day in England and in Amer-
ica. All Europe approved when revo-
lutionary France, in order to defend
herself, made a universal obligation
of military service, and inaugurated
the general conscription. To compen-
sate for the abolition of feudal servi-
tude, for the division of the lands of
nobles and clergy among the peasants,
the Revolution imposed upon the peo-
ple the duty of taking arms to defend
the country. From one end to another
of France resounded the terrible cry,
* Aux armeSy dtoyens!9 But the mar-
velous victories of the Revolution and
of the Empire obliged the monarchies
of Continental Europe to imitate the
example of France in a greater or less
degree, and to arm their peoples. In
almost all Europe, the ancient system
of professional soldiery was abandoned ;
military service became a duty of the
citizen and of the subject; the tribute
of blood became as obligatory as the
tax in money.
Since military conditions were chan-
ged in this way, as a result of the
wars of the Revolution and the Em-
pire, it was necessary to change the en-
tire policy of the nations. In the eight-
eenth century, so long as armies were
composed of mercenaries paid by the
king, there was no need to explain to
the soldiers the reasons or the motives
for the wars to which the generals led
them. To fight was their trade; they
were paid to do battle, whatever the
enemy or the motive. But this was no
longer the case when the armies were
recruited directly from the people, and
service under the flags became a public
duty. Then it was no longer possible
to demand from the masses the tribute
of blood, without explaining to them
the reason for the sacrifice, without by
some means quickening their eagerness
for the conflict into which their rulers
were sending them.
While the wars of the Revolution
and of the Empire lasted, the task was
easy. In that convulsion of the old
world the French soldiers were inform-
ed that they were fighting for liberty
against the tyrants of Europe; and the
peoples hostile to France, that they
were warring against an impious race,
destroyers of civilization, — foes of or-
der, religion, and authority. Prussia
after Jena was certainly, among the
monarchies of Europe, the one which
knew best how to excite hatred for
France in the multitude, and to inspire
her people with the keenest ardor in
the supreme struggles against the rule
of Napoleon.
But when Napoleon had fallen and
the hurricane of the Revolution was
stilled, the task became more difficult.
How was it possible to continue to im-
pose upon the multitude obligatory
military service for a number of years?
how could the people be maintained
in arms, now that Europe had at last
obtained the peace so long desired?
THE EUROPEAN TRAGEDY
683
It was necessary to attempt a justifi-
cation of such a cruel sacrifice, yet how
could it be done except by persuading
the troops that an enemy was encamped
beyond the frontier? The army which
the Revolution created by calling a
whole nation to arms is responsible for
the fact that, ever since the fall of Na-
poleon, European writers, philosophers,
statesmen, and military experts have
tried to convince each new generation,
in one way or another, of the exist-
ence of this menace along the frontier.
Sometimes it has been described as a
threatening people, desirous of oppress-
ing its neighbors; sometimes as a peo-
ple or peoples who must be impress-
ed by a show of force. And all reasons
and pretexts sufficiently convincing to
create, to cultivate, and to diffuse this
feeling of suspicion among the masses,
have been looked upon as fair play
throughout the countries of Europe.
Such attempts are usually resorted to
whenever there is a movement to in-
crease the size of an army or a coun-
ter-movement to decrease the term of
service.
Thus the nineteenth century and the
twentieth have both tried to persuade
French, English, Germans, Italians,
Russians, and the rest, that they ought
to distrust one another because they
were all rivals and enemies. Each na-
tion, naturally, blamed all the others
for the hatred it felt for them. The
difference in language, in institutions,
in religious beliefs, in culture; the mem-
ories of the great wars of the past; a
certain antagonism in material inter-
ests, have rendered this task of so-
called national education easy in every
country to writers, historians, philoso-
phers, statesmen. How many theories
have been invented concerning Ger-
manism, Slavism, the Latin spirit, the
destiny of the people, the superiority of
certain races and certain cultural stan-
dards; how many have been seriously
discussed in universities and academies,
in books and reviews, which were de-
signed solely to intensify the distrust
and hatred of one people for another.
How many literary works, ^sciences,
philosophies, dogmas, have been ad-
mired, praised, magnificently rewarded
in honors and in money, not because
they were full of beauty and truth, but
because they set nation against nation,
and gave to international disagreements
high-sounding and virtuous names!
Nevertheless, if political institutions
and military exigencies incited the peo-
ples of Europe to hate one another,
civilization and economic interests also
brought them together in the old world.
The French Revolution had been
forced to set all Europe on fire in order
to defend itself, but it had also pro-
mised all men peace, liberty, and bro-
therhood. The philosophy of the eight-
eenth century, which was directly
responsible for the Revolution, is op-
timistic: it is the first philosophy which
has dared affirm that human nature is
not perverse but good; it says that
man, when he is not hindered or cor-
rupted or oppressed by iniquitous and
tyrannous institutions, is a creature of
generous sentiments. These ideas, in a
society already profoundly softened by
Christianity, have also brought to birth
in Europe in the last century a thou-
sand doctrines, a thousand chimeras,
a thousand generous and stupendous
dreams, which are the precise opposite
of that hatred among the peoples in
which governments have all more or
less sought to educate the masses.
Hence the love of peace, the dreams of
universal brotherhood, the proposals
for concord, the spirit of cosmopolitan-
ism, the attempts at international arbi-
tration; hence the vast humanitarian
propaganda of the socialist groups and
all the democratic parties.
The example of America and her
interests has favored the diffusion of
684
THE EUROPEAN TRAGEDY
these ideas. A century ago every coun-
try of Europe lived on its own terri-
tory, and had no commerce with other
peoples except in objects of luxury;
to-day railways have bound as it were
into a single sheaf the most diverse ne-
cessities of all the peoples. England,
Italy, France, Germany, Russia, Aus-
tria, may distrust one another and hate
their neighbors as much as they will;
but each one has need every day of the
products of the other in order to sat-
isfy the constantly increasing exigen-
cies of the masses. What will happen
in a few weeks when they begin to feel
the economic effects of this sudden in-
terruption of commerce in almost all
Europe!
Two souls, then, lived side by side,
in every country, in every party, al-
most in every man of old Europe: a
soul of war and a soul of peace. Hence
the infinite contradictions in thought
and action which have bewildered the
old world from the middle of the cen-
tury to the present moment, and which
have at last, in the space of a week, re-
sulted in this fearful catastrophe. For
what reason has the soul of war con-
quered the soul of peace?
in
One cannot deny that in the last
thirty years the idea of peace had made
great strides in Europe. France and
England, the two nations of Europe
which fought the greatest wars of the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
have been governed for ten years by
parties openly averse to all aggressive
intentions, by declared pacifists. Rus-
sia is governed by an Emperor who had
hardly mounted the throne when he
chose to connect his name with a great
work of peace. In all Europe, Social-
ism has acquired millions of adherents
among the lower classes, especially
those classes from which the soldiers
are recruited. Who does not know that
Socialism affirms that peace ought to
rule among the peoples; that the pro-
letariat ought to clasp hands across the
frontiers, and beat swords into plough-
shares? It is true that during the same
period all the governments were asking
for money to forge new weapons; but
there was not one which, in asking for
them, failed to declare that cannon
and guns were the surest instruments
of peace.
The Goddess of Peace seemed to
have found a new and singular method
of enchaining the God Mars : by load-
ing him down so heavily with arms
that he could no longer move. Whence
many came to suppose that European
war was no longer possible. Even the
writer of the present essay, while aware
that in foretelling the future it is pru-
dent to leave a little chink always open
for the unexpected, was profoundly con-
vinced in his own heart that he was des-
tined to close his eyes without having
seen the horrid spectacle of which, like
thousands of others, he is to-day a terri-
fied witness. In fine, it seemed to many,
and with reason, that after forty-four
years of peace the victory of peace over
war was imminent. And instead, war
has become again at one blow master
of the old world! Why? The chief rea-
son is the prestige and the power of
the military caste in Germany.
Although the spirit of peace in the
last fifteen years had found its advo-
cates throughout all the rest of Eu-
rope, it had hardly ventured across the
frontiers of Germany, and cannot be
said to have obtained a foothold in the
German Empire. The memories of the
war of 1870, the immense prestige with
which that war had invested the Ger-
man army and the dynasty of the
Hohenzollerns who command it, had
rendered the Empire impervious, or
nearly so, to the spirit of peace. Be-
hind the frontier of Germany there
THE EUROPEAN TRAGEDY
685
lived a people which believed itself
invincible. Noble or Socialist, Prus-
sian or Bavarian, every German stated
again and again, either in pride or in
sorrow, that no army in the world was
so well organized, or conducted by so
intelligent a general staff, or animated
by so formidable a defensive spirit, as
their own. But a people that believes
itself invincible through the power of
its army will never, or in Europe at
least, can never, be profoundly paci-
fist. The military caste will so rejoice
in such prestige that it will never allow
the desire for peace to increase beyond
a certain point.
This is precisely what has happen-
ed in Germany. One might affirm that
the European war of 1914 was almost
an inevitable heritage from the war of
1870. Between 1900 and 1905 France
had made less haste to increase her
armaments, and had shown by a thou-
sand signs her readiness to be recon-
ciled with her old rival, to forget Al-
sace and Lorraine. Germany continued
without pause to increase and make
ready her weapons. Between 1900 and
1910 England tried more than once to
come to an agreement with Germany
to limit the increase of naval expendi-
tures. Every attempt was vain. To
every hint that the other nations of
Europe gave of wishing, I will not say
to disarm, but to arm with less fury,
the German government responded by
the rapid increase of its own arma-
ments.
Since 1900, Germany has taken the
initiative in all the increases of mil-
itary outlay which have caused the
expenditure of so many millions in
Europe. The Socialists, and a certain
fraction of the liberal parties in the
Reichstag, were opposed to this; but
what was the use of this opposition?
The prestige of the army and the power
of the government, allied to the mili-
tary party, were too great: the parties
of opposition never succeeded even
in moderating the demands of the gov-
ernment. At every election the nation
was able to increase the number of
Socialist deputies who sat in the Reich-
stag; but what was the use?
It will suffice to recall what happened
in connection with the great military
law of 1912, which prepared the way
for the war of 1914. The German gov-
ernment had proposed to increase the
army to eight hundred and seventy
thousand men, and to get the money
by imposing an extraordinary war-tax
on the rich classes. The parties of the
Right in the Reichstag desired that
the army should be increased, but not
that the rich classes alone should be
called upon to pay the cost. If the So-
cialists who did not wish the increase
of the army had also voted against this
special war-tax, the government would
have found itself in grave perplexity;
which might possibly have forced it,
because of the financial difficulty, to
moderate its requests. And perhaps
then the war of 1914 would not have
broken out. But the Socialists, al-
though they disapproved the military
law, were not able to resist the tempt-
ation to bleed the rich through an in-
creased income-tax. The government
was able therefore to obtain the ad-
ditional troops by a majority of the
Right, and to obtain the money by a
majority of the Left, — in which there
were more than a hundred Socialists;
and within two years Europe burst into
flames.
In a nation in which the military
caste is so respected and powerful,
pacificist ideas cannot find much of a
following among the upper and edu-
cated classes, among those at least
which have the most influence in pub-
lic affairs. In fact, especially within
the past ten years, a quite contrary
policy has obtained, and ideas of Ger-
man supremacy, of German culture, of
686
THE EUROPEAN TRAGEDY
Germany's World-Mission, and of Ger-
many's right to illuminate the world,
have been diffused through an ardent
propaganda, continuous, unwearied,
among the aristocracy, in' official cir-
cles, in the universities, in the newspa-
pers. Great associations like the Naval
League, the Military League, aided by
professors, experts, journalists, have
labored with a truly Teutonic perse-
verance, to quicken a kind of aggres-
sive national sentiment in the masses
and in the middle classes.
Thus, little by little, while the other
states of Europe were preparing them-
selves for the changes which might
have assured universal peace, in Ger-
many the idea was taking root pretty
nearly everywhere that a new war was
inevitable; that Germany could not
fulfill her great historic mission with-
out once more drawing the sword of
'70; that since it was necessary to fight,
it was desirable that Germany should
choose the right moment, that is, some
opportunity before Russia had recov-
ered entirely from the wounds of the
Russo-Japanese war.
A very intelligent but very skeptical
German said to me one day, 'My
friend, there is only one pacificist in
Germany; it is William II. But he can
do nothing because he is the Emperor! '
A paradox which contains a certain
amount of truth. William II will have
to shoulder before the world, and in
history, the chief responsibility for the
war. Yet those who know the secrets
of political Europe are aware that he
has been for twenty-five years perhaps
the most active protector of European
peace. In 1905 he prevented the war
which a strong party around him al-
ready wished, when the disputes about
Morocco began with France. * History,'
said he one day, to a French friend
of mine on board the Hohenzollern
during the regatta at Kiel, * history
will give me credit for this at least,
that Europe has owed its peace to
me.'
By temperament, by a certain mys-
tical tendency, by the sagacity of a
statesman, William II was and wishes
to be an emperor of peace. But he is
also a Hohenzollern — the head of the
army which is reputed strongest among
them all, and invincible. Thus his
ruling passion for peace was not pleas-
ing to the very powerful military caste
which surrounds and sways him; and
it has been the chief reason for the
covert hostility which a section of the
aristocracy, of the government, and of
the press, have since 1895 carried on
in opposition to him, resulting finally
in the setting up of the Crown Prince
as the leader of the opposition to him.
Every one still remembers the scandal
of 1909, the cause of which was the
interview granted by the Emperor to
a great American magazine. When the
whole history of this scandal is known
it will also be known what was done
on this occasion to discredit the Em-
peror by the military party, and by
that section of the government which
could not forgive him for not having
declared war against France in 1905,
with Morocco as a pretext.
I have no doubt therefore that this
time, on the evening of August 1, the
Emperor declared war on Russia and
set Europe afire, not because he wished
the catastrophe, but because he was un-
able to resist the war-party, which has
increased in numbers, influence, and
audacity during the past three years,
since the Balkan conflicts and the war
between Italy and Turkey have filled
all Europe with restlessness and dis-
tress. It is sufficient to say that, in the
days preceding the declaration of war,
newspapers conservative in the ex-
treme, like the Kreuzzeitung, published
articles almost threatening William II;
reminding him that he had not the
right to sacrifice his duties as emperor
THE EUROPEAN TRAGEDY
687
to the personal hobby of his pacificism.
In fine, the European war was let loose
by the German military party; for
among all the countries of Europe, in
Germany alone the army had enough
power and enough authority to compel
the government to take so frightful
an initiative. Destiny was fulfilled on
August 1, 1914, — a date memorable
and fatal in the history of the twenti-
eth century, which posterity will per-
haps remember with terror through
the ages.
IV
And now, what will happen? What
new Europe will arise from the ruins
of that in which we were born and
grew up? How will it be possible to
reconstruct order out of this chaos let
loose in one blow?
These are questions to which no one
can reply to-day; which no one even
dares suggest. The dismay of souls
surprised by the catastrophe is too
great. We all feel that our destiny is
in the control of historic forces which
elude our understanding. No one can
say whether the war will be long or
short, who will conquer or who will lose;
and in what manner the conquered
will be conquered and the victorious
victor.
Nevertheless from the study of the
causes of this upheaval one conclusion
appears already probable. This war
will either increase still more the mili-
tary caste in Germany or will largely
destroy it. Germany is moved to the
conflict with the expectation of repeat-
ing 1870: that is, of making a rapid
victorious campaign, the cost of which
will be covered by the immense indem-
nities imposed upon the conquered.
And if the General Staff succeeds in
this enterprise, the German army, and
the Hohenzollerns who are its leaders,
will achieve such prestige in Germany,
in Europe, and in the world, that no
strength can oppose them. If instead
Germany is, I will not say actually
conquered, but not wholly successful,
and is unable to snatch territorial and
financial indemnity from her adversa-
ries, then the prestige of the army and
of the Hohenzollerns will receive a very
heavy blow. The people will cherish
eternal resentment because of the ter-
rible sufferings which the war will have
caused them: they will accuse the mon-
archy and the military party of hav-
ing led the nation lightly into a ruin-
ous adventure, provoking the whole of
Europe.
In the first place, it is difficult to
foresee what the future of Europe can
be. The mind is appalled merely in
thinking about it. The darkest pro-
phecies seem legitimate. Oppressions,
new wars, revolutions, a terrible crisis,
economic, political, moral, in which a
great part of European civilization will
perish, this is what one may predict.
For however great may be the quali-
ties of the Germans and the services
that they have rendered to civilization,
Europe can never and will never be
dominated entirely by them. As it re-
belled a century ago against the French
supremacy, so it would revolt to-day
against the German supremacy. Eu-
rope is and will continue to be a mosaic
of cultures and of diverse languages.
Therefore, for real success there is need
of a certain equilibrium among the
diverse races which inhabit it. If this
equilibrium is destroyed, Europe will no
longer be Europe; and to denaturalize
her in this way, to change the course of
her history, the European war would
not suffice. The democratic, humani-
tarian, pacificist tendencies are now
too strong, and rooted in too large a
part of the continent. Victorious Ger-
many could impose herself on Europe
only by a systematic oppression which
would provoke the most terrible reac-
tions and the greatest disasters.
688
THE EUROPEAN TRAGEDY
If on the other hand the second sup-
position should be realized, if the pres-
tige of the Hohenzollerns and of the
German army should collapse because
of the horror and destruction of this
war which they have willed, Europe
will finally find peace and concord in a
reasonable equilibrium of forces and
desires. Germany will become at last
democratic and pacific, like England
and France. The Prussian aristoc-
racy, so powerful to-day, will be forced
to grant a reform of the Prussian elec-
toral system, and to open the doors to
the power of the middle classes. In
Prussia, and in the Empire, the repre-
sentative regime, instead of remaining
constitutional, will become parliamen-
tary; ministers will no longer be nomi-
nated by the emperor but by parlia-
ments; the influence of the court and
the general staff will diminish. The
parties of the Left, and even the So-
cialists, will have risen to power. Ger-
many in short will be inwardly renewed
as France was renewed after 1870.
Between France and England on the
one side and Germany on the other,
there will no longer be that lack of har-
mony in impulses and political forms
which has been the true reason why all
the attempts at understanding, repeat-
ed during the past thirty years, have
failed. Germany, like France and Eng-
land, will be dominated by a liberal
democratic spirit: and it will therefore
be possible finally for these three peo-
ples to reach a permanent and true un-
derstanding. On that day when all the
peoples shall abandon the thought of
trampling on each other, and shall de-
sire only peaceful emulation among
themselves in favor of the progress of
the world, — on that day on which their
governments shall be animated by the
same spirit of sincere friendship and
loyal concord, — there will be room
under the sun for French, English,
Germans — all races — to dwell toge-
ther in unity.
France and England are ripe for a
rule of ordered and peaceful democracy.
They desire it and press toward it.
The chief point that this war ought to
decide is whether Germany also wish-
es to become democratic and peaceful,
or whether instead she wishes to iso-
late herself still in Europe, like a for-
midable camp, sustained by force and
by an autocratic and hierarchical spir-
it. On this alternative depends the fu-
ture of Europe and the destiny of our
civilization. Every one therefore can
understand, without further parley,
the anxiety which is felt to-day in
Europe by the kind of people who are
in a position to appreciate the impor-
tance of this conflict. As long as they
live they will not forget the August of
fatal 1914!
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
BY HOWARD CROSBY WARREN
FREEDOM of teaching, as scholars un-
derstand the term, means control of
university instruction by the teaching
profession itself, untrammeled by out-
side interference. The university teach-
er is a prophet of the truth. His tenure
of office should not be determined by
political, theological, or popular ap-
proval; but he should be held account-
able to his own calling.
In point of fact, the teacher to-day
is not a free, responsible agent. His
career is practically under the control
of laymen. Fully three quarters of our
scholars occupy academic positions;
and in America, at least, the teach-
ing investigator, whatever professional
standing he may have attained, is sub-
ject to the direction of some body of
men outside his own craft. As investi-
gator he may be quite untrammeled,
but as teacher, it has been said, he is
half tyrant and half slave.
The professional status of the schol-
ar differs notably in this respect from
that of the other learned professions.
The physician is governed by a code
prescribed by his own medical associa-
tion. The lawyer is responsible for his
professional conduct to a bar associa-
tion composed of fellow practitioners.
In most denominations the clergy are
amenable solely to ecclesiastical courts
or church dignitaries. In contrast with
these self-organized professions, the
scholar is dependent for opportunity
to practice his calling, as well as for
material advancement, on a governing
VOL. 114 -NO. 5
board which is generally controlled by
clergymen, financiers, or representa-
tives of the state.
The reason for this difference is not
hard to discover. Unlike other profes-
sional men, the scholar cannot ply his
vocation alone. Aristotle is the only in-
stance of a college of arts and sciences
successfully combined in one person;
the tremendous progress of learning
since his day has made it impossible for
even a giant intellect to repeat the at-
tempt. Furthermore, the foundation of
an institution of learning on any ade-
quate scale requires more capital than
scholars as a class can provide. They
are compelled to rely on the resources
of others. The initiative in establish-
ing institutions of learning is usually
taken by the Church, the State, or the
wealthy class. Many of the early Eu-
ropean universities were outgrowths of
older ecclesiastical schools. The uni-
versities of Paris and Oxford originated
in this way. Those at Naples and Vi-
enna were established by government
and maintained from state funds. Hei-
delberg obtained charters from both
Church and State. Even in mediaeval
times certain colleges and chairs de-
rived their endowment from the pri-
vate fortunes of princes. Several early
foundations at Oxford and Cambridge
belong to this class.
A similar development took place in
our own country. Some of our colleges
were founded by religious bodies —
Wesleyan and the Catholic University
of America, for instance. Others, such
as Stanford, Chicago, and Clark, were
690
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
wholly endowed through private dona-
tion. Our state universities and city
colleges are maintained by state and
municipal appropriations, and the for-
mer receive large sums annually from
the national government besides.
The power of appointment to the
teaching staff generally remains with
the founders, or is vested in a self-per-
petuating board. In a few instances
control has passed to the graduates,
acting through their chosen representa-
tives, as at Harvard, or is shared by
them, as at Yale and Princeton. It has
never been delegated to the teaching
staff. Yet the faculty forms the very
core of the university.
President Schurman of Cornell brings
out the anomaly most strikingly in a
recent report to the trustees of that
institution. He says: 'The university is
an intellectual organization, composed
essentially of devotees of knowledge —
some investigating, some communicat-
ing, some acquiring — but all dedi-
cated to the intellectual life. . . . The
faculty is essentially the university;
yet in the governing boards of Ameri-
can universities the faculty is without
representation.'
The educational policy and curricu-
lum are entrusted more largely to the
care of the teaching body, but the
trustees or regents insist upon their
legal right as court of last appeal. Even
at our least provincial universities an
academic programme adopted by the
faculty has occasionally been vetoed
by the corporation; this occurred at
Harvard when the three-year under-
graduate course was first planned. On
the other hand, new methods of in-
struction have sometimes been put into
operation by the board without ever
being submitted to the teaching staff.
The Princeton preceptorial system is
an instance of this.
Moreover, it is generally conceded
by both faculty and corporation that
the president or chancellor is respons-
ible for the formulation and adminis-
tration of the academic policy. But,
unlike a constitutional prime minister,
he is chosen by the governing board
and is not directly responsible to his
colleagues in the faculty. He generally
selects the deans, the heads of depart-
ments, and often the faculty commit-
tees. The entire academic machinery
is virtually under his control, and the
teaching body is expected to carry out
his theory of education.
Despite these obvious incongruities
the plan has worked well. College in-
struction in America has kept nearly
abreast with the progress of learning.
At most institutions the curriculum has
been steadily advancing. If the evolu-
tion has been slow in some branches, we
have not made haste to adopt startling
innovations. From the standpoint of
instruction the American system of uni-
versity government makes for conser-
vatism and stability, which are import-
ant qualities in the undergraduate cur-
riculum— more fundamental, perhaps,
than flexibility and progress. It is only
from the standpoint of scholarship that
our theory of control is open to serious
criticism.
II
The principle of academic constraint
has worked injury to the scholastic
profession. The absence of true profes-
sional responsibility, coupled with tra-
ditional accountability to a group of
men devoid of technical training, nar-
rows the outlook of the average college
professor and dwarfs his ideals. Any
serious departure from existing educa-
tional practice, such as the reconstruc-
tion of a course or the adoption of a
new study, must be justified to a group
of laymen and their executive agent.
The board which engages the services
of a scholar is apt to regard him in the
light of a hired workman, rather than a
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
691
trained expert specially qualified to of-
fer advice concerning his own branch.
Brought up to regard the corporation
as the source from which all favors
flow, it is not strange that some schol-
ars lay undue stress on the economic
side of their position. A colleague of
mine, whose learning and intellectual
honesty cannot be questioned, tells me
that he performs this or that univer-
sity duty because he is paid to do it.
It might well be pointed out that the
physician fulfills his professional obli-
gations whether he is paid or not.
As a rule the scholar is quite as faith-
ful, quite as altruistic, as the physician.
But at the same time he is well aware
that material success lies in securing the
favor of the governing board : that he
endangers his career if the mode or con-
tent of his instruction incurs their dis-
approval. Wilfully in some cases, often-
er for lack of incentive, the average
scholar fails to put forth his best efforts
when professional zeal would carry him
beyond the established programme.
The German scholar has higher
ideals. In German universities aca-
demic freedom of teaching (akademische
Lehrfreiheit) has long been a cardinal
tenet. The professor of highest rank
(the Ordinarius) is free to offer any
course whatsoever within the confines
of his own branch. This untrammeled
freedom of teaching has led to a some-
what mistaken conception in our own
country of the real meaning of academ-
ic freedom. It is often imagined that
it implies liberty on the part of a pro-
fessor to advance any theory in class-
room without restraint. Some scholars
may accept this radical interpretation.
But it is doubtful whether any consid-
erable number would practice it even
if present limitations were removed.
The American conception of univer-
sity education, especially our theory
of undergraduate instruction, differs
widely from the German. The Ameri-
can college seeks to weld its curriculum
into an organic unity, and this neces-
sitates a definite apportionment of
courses among the staff. Freedom of
teaching does not mean that an instruc-
tor may offer any course which he
deems wise without securing the con-
sent of his colleagues. It means rather
the absence of constraint by non-aca-
demic forces.
The need of obtaining the consent
of the faculty will serve as a check on
individual eccentricities. Due regard
for the opinion of the scientific world
will prevent most scholars from hazard-
ing sensational theories unless the evi-
dence appears thoroughly convincing.
No sensible man is content to incur the
condemnation of his contemporaries
unless he feels assured of a favorable
verdict by posterity. A bizarre theory
will be advanced only by a madman, a
fool, or a genius. The real task is to
distinguish between these three classes.
The tests of mental disorder are now
sufficiently reliable to separate the vic-
tim of delusion from the man of strange
ideas. The psychiatrist can be trusted
to pick out the mentally unbalanced.
But who is to judge whether the
fantastic theories advanced by a man
of genius are ridiculous heresies or per-
tinacious facts? Are the politician,
the clergyman, and the philanthropist
better fitted to decide than the scho-
lar? Is a group of laymen better quali-
fied to formulate a philosophical pro-
gramme than a group of philosophers?
Shall we deem the same body of ama-
teurs more expert in economic theory
than the combined wisdom of econo-
mists? In determining the professional
standing of a scholar and the sound-
ness of his teachings, surely the profes-
sion itself should be the court of last
appeal. The scholar is by profession a
searcher after truth. It is highly im-
probable that the entire body of spe-
cialists will be hopelessly misled by
692
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
false doctrine, and biased by unsound
judgment. The lay mind, on the con-
trary, when it is called to pass upon
the value of new hypotheses is more
than likely to condemn true and false
alike.
A trustee at one of our leading uni-
versities, I am told, recently expressed
a fear lest psychologists might venture
to attack certain innate and funda-
mental truths, such as moral judgment
and rational intuition. Few of my col-
leagues would be foolish enough to en-
ter into a contest with the eternal veri-
ties. At the same time no scholar can
have much reverence for ' eternal veri-
ties ' which are incapable of standing
some pretty hard knocks. The real
test of an eternal truth is its ability to
withstand assault and siege.
in
One of the most notable conflicts be-
tween a scholar's expert judgment and
the opinion of the laity occurred three
centuries ago. About 1610, Galileo, a
professor at the University of Padua,
began publicly to teach the heliocentric
theory of the universe, advanced near-
ly seventy years before by Copernicus
as a tentative hypothesis. For teach-
ing this view, Galileo was severely cen-
sured; he was compelled to retract the
theory and enjoined from promulgat-
ing it. Now if the untrained public
ever had an indisputable right to inter-
fere with academic teaching, it was in
this very case. If ever a theory ad-
vanced by eminent scholars deserved
condemnation by the world at large, it
was the Copernican system.
Consider this hypothesis with a
mind unbiased by modern education.
The conception is clearly and demon-
strably false. To suppose that the solid
earth, the firm basis of all things, is fly-
ing through space without support, con-
tradicts our most obvious perceptions.
It is opposed to every intuition of com-
mon sense and reason. And further-
more, to say that the sun does not re-
volve round the earth, rising and set-
ing day by day, contradicts the plain
statements of Scripture. From what-
ever angle we view it, this revolution-
ary hypothesis outraged the popular
sentiment of the time. As President
Butler of Columbia has recently said,
*A university teacher owes a decent
respect to the opinions of mankind.
Men who feel that their personal con-
victions require them to treat the ma-
ture opinion of the civilized world
without respect or with active con-
tempt, may well be given an opportu-
nity to do so from private station, and
without the added influence and pres-
tige of a university's name.'
Owing to the limitations of mental
medicine at that time, Galileo and his
forerunners escaped incarceration in a
lunatic asylum. But the irreconcilabil-
ity of the heliocentric view with Scrip-
ture could scarcely be ignored by the
Church authorities. Copernicus — who
propounded the theory in 1543 — and
his immediate disciples were fortunate
enough to remain unmolested. The no-
tion of academic freedom existed even
then in Germany. Moreover, many
theologians, Luther among the rest,
regarded the theory as too absurd for
serious consideration.
In Italy the church assumed the
right to control academic inquiry and
instruction. Galileo was summoned be-
fore an ecclesiastical court and tried.
His teachings were condemned, and in
1616 he was strictly enjoined to silence.
In 1630 the strength of his convictions
compelled him to undertake a defense
of the doctrine. He was again brought
to trial in 1633, found guilty, constrain-
ed to abjure his dangerous heresy, and
sentenced to daily penance.
Surely no doctrine ever seemed more
worthy of repression. The Copernican
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
693
theory flies squarely in the face of ev-
eryday facts. And yet time has justified
it, even to the popular mind. With
such an example confronting him, how
can the layman ever presume to con-
demn the carefully framed views of a
trained scholar?
A similar conflict between expert and
untrained judgment arose during the
early days of Darwin's biological the-
ory. Darwin himself was not a candi-
date for academic preferment, and the
controversies into which he was drawn
need not concern us. But many of his
followers, especially in America, were
confronted with a choice between in-
tellectual dishonesty and the sacrifice
of their career.
When James McCosh was called
from Scotland to the presidency of
Princeton in 1868, theologians in this
country counted upon his staunch or-
thodoxy to assist in stamping out the
baleful doctrine. But McCosh was too
thorough a scholar to admit that scien-
tific theory could be refuted by mere
citation of Scripture. His influence was
exerted in behalf of the new hypothesis
with telling effect in orthodox circles.
Yet despite the declaration of many
noted scholars and some theologians in
favor of Darwinism there were numer-
ous cases of its suppression during the
seventies. These are given with some
detail in Andrew D. White's Warfare
of Science and Theology. Even as late
as 1884, James Woodrow, professor of
natural science in a Presbyterian sem-
inary at Columbia, South Carolina, was
compelled to resign his chair for his ad-
vocacy of the theory of evolution. At
present the biologists appear to have
won the right to teach the truth as
they understand it.
Interference with freedom of inquiry
and instruction in recent years has
been largely confined to the depart-
ments of philosophy, psychology, and
economics, particularly the last. Phil-
osophic theory and psychological prin-
ciples occasionally come into conflict
with traditional ecclesiastical interpre-
tations. Only last year, for example,
Dr. John M. Mecklin, professor of
philosophy and psychology at Lafay-
ette College, resigned under pressure
on account of alleged lack of harmony
between his teachings and the tradi-
tions of his institution. Fortunately he
had no difficulty in obtaining a posi-
tion elsewhere.
This summer the head of the psycho-
logical department at a state university,
a psychologist in good standing, was
dismissed on indefinite charges, his pe-
tition for a faculty committee of inquiry
being denied. At one of the state nor-
mal schools an assistant professor of
psychology of several years' standing
was dismissed without warning after a
brief hearing before the board.
The researches of economists and so-
ciologists often conflict with the inter-
ests of political leaders and organized
wealth. In 1895 Professor Bemis of
Chicago, and in 1900 Professor Ross
of Stanford, were retired from their
chairs in economics. Friends of the men
claimed, in each case, that pressure had
been exerted by patrons of the institu-
tion on account of certain economic
doctrines which they taught. This the
university authorities denied. In nei-
ther instance was the truth ever brought
out. No academic body existed with
authority to investigate the facts, and
inquiries by scholars unconnected with
the institutions in question were re-
garded as an unwarranted interference.
In 1911 Professor Banks was dis-
missed from the University of Florida,
following the publication of an article
in The Independent, in which he stated
his conviction that teachers and others
in positions of influence made a griev-
ous mistake in the generation prior to
the Civil War in not paving the way
for a gradual removal of slavery with-
694
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
out the loss of so many lives and the
consequent pension burden.
Early in 1913 the professor of eco-
nomics and social science at Wesleyan,
Dr. Willard C. Fisher, was summarily
suspended after some casual remarks in
a public lecture regarding the obser-
vation of the Sabbath. Last autumn
Dr. J. L. Lewinsohn, professor of law
at the University of North Dakota,
resigned under pressure, the authori-
ties having disapproved of his active
participation in the political campaign.
He claims to have been censured by
the dean for attending a conference of
leaders of the Progressive party.
During the past winter it was charged
in the press that Dr. King and Dr.
Nearing, two economists in the Whar-
ton School of Finance at the Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania, had been denied
deserved promotion on account of some
statistical inquiries relating to local
and state enterprises.
In March Professor A. E. Morse re-
linquished the chair of political science
at Marietta College, Ohio. He claims
to have been ' practically forced to re-
sign for political reasons/ This the
authorities deny. No judicial body has
thus far determined whether freedom
of teaching was infringed in this in-
stance. But the attitude of the college
toward the principle of academic free-
dom is announced in an official bulle-
tin dealing with the case. It reminds
the faculty that ' it is the sacred duty
of the trustees to administer the affairs
of the institution according to their
own judgment and the dictates of their
own conscience.' At the close of the
session two members of the faculty,
friends of Dr. Morse, were offered the
choice of resignation or dismissal. No
charges were formulated in the resolu-
tion which summarily cancelled their
professional license. Both men were
professors of several years' standing
and heads of departments.
IV
Few scholars will deny that the good
name of a university or college some-
times demands the exercise of execu-
tive authority toward teachers as well
as toward students. But there is a
growing sentiment that members of the
profession should be amenable to aca-
demic courts in all matters affecting
academic standing. At present the
responsibility for action in matters of
discipline usually devolves upon the
president or chancellor. Generally this
official is both judge and jury. From
his decision there seems to be no effect-
ive appeal. Occasionally the board
pronounces the verdict and the presi-
dent acts as executioner. A very excep-
tional instance occurred last March,
when President Bowman, of the State
University of Iowa, offered his resigna-
tion on the ground that the Board had
dismissed a member of the Faculty
without consulting the president, and
without giving the accused member a
hearing.
In most American institutions of
learning the faculty has nothing what-
ever to do with the dismissal of its
members, and often the first intimation
of the resignation or suspension of a
colleague is received through the public
press. One may assent to the justice
of the dismissal while resenting the
manner in which it was brought about.
In one of the cases already mentioned
a colleague of the man dismissed told
me that he considered the action per-
fectly just, but the manner absolutely
unjustifiable. At a leading eastern
university, where several members of
the faculty have been removed by
executive action within the past few
years, one member has stated private-
ly that in his judgment the president's
policy is right, although the mode of
procedure has been somewhat despotic.
Some of his colleagues dissent from
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
695
this view, believing the dismissals to
have been wholly unjust. In the ab-
sence of impartial investigation and
report, the outsider is at a loss which
statement to accept.
If criticism were confined to the radi-
cals and agitators in our profession it
would carry little weight. There are
firebrands in the academic world as
well as mossbacks, and the utterances
of both may be discounted. But sane
and solid men have joined in the criti-
cism. Such expression of disapproval
by reputable scholars, whether within
or without the institution concerned,
has never, so far as I know, secured a
retrial for the accused, or restored him
to his position. In one instance, to my
personal knowledge, an eminent schol-
ar deprecated any action in behalf of a
certain professor who had lost his place,
on the ground that college authorities
always look with suspicion upon a man
who makes a fuss. He feared that a
protest might seriously injure his col-
league's future.
A few institutions recognize the pro-
priety of seeking expert testimony in
matters affecting a scholar's profession-
al standing. For some time it has been
the practice at Yale to consult the
faculty in questions of call and pro-
motion. More recently at Princeton
the trustees voluntarily declared in
favor of department recommendation,
and voted to confer on academic ques-
tions with a committee elected by the
faculty. At Cornell, President Schur-
man has suggested that one third of
the board consist of faculty represent-
atives, on the ground that the faculty
is essentially the university. These are
all steps in the right direction; but they
are exceptions to general practice and
there are certain situations which they
do not meet. In institutions where one
man constitutes a whole department
it would be difficult to convince any
board that his judgment was unbiased
in matters pertaining to his own status.
Moreover, in questions of call and pro-
motion the average board is prone to
consider the situation largely from a
local standpoint, taking no account of
the broad university sentiment in the
country at large. It fails to get the true
perspective. One can scarcely blame its
members for this. Laymen cannot be
expected to entertain a higher regard
for the scholastic vocation than is en-
tertained by scholars themselves.
The sense of professional responsi-
bility has been slow to awake in schol-
ars. It is only within the past year that
any active attempt has been made to
safeguard their professional rights. The
spirit of the time is shown in the fact
that three independent steps have been
taken almost simultaneously. Two of
these affect particular branches of
learning. The third aims at a general
organization of scholars similar to the
medical and bar associations.
The first active step was taken in
connection with the forced resignation
of the professor of philosophy and psy-
chology at Lafayette. Dr. Mecklin's
colleagues at other institutions were
not satisfied that he had received fair
treatment. They could not ascertain
that definite charges had been formu-
lated against him, or that testimony
had been called for in his behalf. The
American Philosophical Association
and the American Psychological As-
sociation, to both of which Professor
Mecklin belonged, appointed a joint
committee to investigate the case.
This committee felt bound to respect
the definite restrictions upon freedom
of teaching which were implied in the
denominational character of the col-
lege. But they soon found that the
charter of Lafayette expressly declar-
ed against any theological limitations
696
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
whatsoever. Furthermore, the accused
insisted that his teachings were in per-
fect harmony with the tenets of his de-
nomination. He is a Presbyterian min-
ister in good standing, and it appeared
that his orthodoxy had never been
called in question by his own ecclesias-
tical authorities.
The committee found that while no
definite charges had ever been formu-
lated against Dr. Mecklin, he had been
given the very indefinite task of ex-
plaining his opinions and teachings to
the president. The president himself
refused to aid the committee in its en-
deavor to clear up the situation. He
held that he could not with propriety
discuss with outsiders questions affect-
ing the college and its members, even
though the professional standing of a
colleague was at stake. To this position
the committee replied in no uncertain
terms. The report closes as follows: —
4 The attitude thus assumed does not
seem to this committee one which can
with propriety be maintained by the
officers of any college or university to-
ward the inquiries of a representative
national organization of college and
university teachers and other scholars.
We believe it to be the right of the gen-
eral body of professors of philosophy
and psychology to know definitely the
conditions of the tenure of any profes-
sorship in their subject; and also their
right, and that of the public to which
colleges look for support, to understand
unequivocally what measure of free-
dom of teaching is guaranteed in any
college, and to be informed as to the
essential details of any case in which
credal restrictions, other than those to
which the college officially stands com-
mitted, are publicly declared by re-
sponsible persons to have been imposed.
No college does well to live unto itself
to such a degree that it fails to recog-
nize that in all such issues the univer-
sity teaching profession at large has a
legitimate concern. And any college
hazards its claim upon the confidence of
the public and the friendly regard of
the teaching profession by an appear-
ance of unwillingness to make a full
and frank statement of the facts in all
matters of this sort.'
The report of this committee was
read at a joint meeting of the two as-
sociations last Christmas. It was ap-
proved by unanimous vote, and was
ordered printed at the expense of the
associations. Copies were sent to the
trustees of the institution in question.
By a notable coincidence the president
of this college offered his resignation
within two weeks after the publication
of the report, and the resignation was
promptly accepted.
A somewhat similar move has since
been made in another branch of learn-
ing. At its meeting in Washington last
Christmas the American Political Sci-
ence Association appointed a commit-
tee of three * to examine and report up-
on the present situation in American
educational institutions as to liberty of
thought, freedom of speech, and secur-
ity of tenure for teachers of political
science.' Similar committees were ap-
pointed at the same time by the Eco-
nomics Association and the American
Sociological Society, meeting in other
parts of the country. The three com-
mittees, acting jointly, have voted to
investigate the dismissal of Professor
Fisher from Wesleyan University.
VI
Far wider in importance than these
acts of special societies is the new move-
ment looking toward the formation of
a National Association of College Pro-
fessors. This was first broached in the
spring of 1913 by a number of promi-
nent professors at Columbia and Johns
Hopkins. A canvass was made of the
attitude toward such an association at
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
697
ten leading universities, resulting in the
call for a preliminary meeting. This
was held last November in Baltimore,
and was attended by unofficial repre-
sentatives of Harvard, Yale, Prince-
ton, Columbia, Cornell, Wisconsin,
Clark, and Hopkins.
After considerable discussion it was
decided that membership in the new as-
sociation should be based on a scholar's
professional standing without reference
to the particular institution with which
he chanced to be connected. The chair-
man of the meeting was authorized
to appoint a committee of twenty-five,
representing the various departments
of learning, whose duty should be to ar-
range a plan of organization and draw
up a constitution. The committee has
since been announced. It includes men
of national reputation drawn from ev-
ery field of learning. Professor Dewey
of Columbia was selected as chairman.
The character of the men who are
promoting this movement indicates
somewhat the manner in which it will
proceed. It will not be a grievance so-
ciety or a trade union of the economic
type. The men composing the com-
mittee are too well balanced to accept
any such programme. Their ideals are
too high, their interests too scholarly.
Throughout the discussion they have
had constantly in mind the pattern of
the medical and bar associations. The
chief purpose of the Association of Col-
lege Professors will be to elevate the
standards of the teaching profession,
by promoting self-respect, initiative,
and responsibility.
This aim can be furthered in many
ways, as appeared from the suggestions
received during the preliminary can-
vass of the universities and at the meet-
ing of delegates. For example, there is
room for considerable improvement in
the method of filling chairs. It is fair
to assume that presidents and boards
wish to secure the best man available
for any given position. At present the
method of selection is rather crude.
There is no systematic way of ascertain-
ing what candidates are available. A
chance word sometimes turns the scale.
A recommendation from those who are
not qualified to judge of a candidate's
professional attainments may carry
the day.
It would of course be a gigantic task
for any committee to acquaint itself
with the qualifications and status of
every man in all our higher institutions.
But the establishment of some central
bureau would aid the selection consid-
erably. It would lessen the number of
able men remaining year after year
without promotion or betterment. It
might also lessen the number of un-
worthy men who are advanced through
favoritism. Such cases are rare. But
there have been instances of men ad-
vanced rapidly, not on account of real
merit but through the influence of some
trustee or patron.
The dismissal of professors is another
problem, and one of great delicacy,
which the new Association must face.
It has been asked to endorse unequivo-
cally the principle that no searcher af-
ter truth should be dismissed from an
institution of higher learning without
trial by his peers, and that no professor
should be compelled to resign merely
because his views conflict with public
opinion. Whether such a principle be
formulated or not, the Association will
be called upon to define its attitude in
particular cases, where political, eco-
nomic, or theological grounds underlie
the popular criticism. Friction in many
instances will be avoided if an authori-
tative committee of scholars declares
that certain criticized views are per-
fectly debatable; such a declaration will
be the more effective if the teachings
in question do not coincide with the
theories held by members of the com-
mittee.
698
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
The mode of selecting the college ex-
ecutive may possibly receive attention
by the Association. I do not believe,
with Professor Cattell, that the presi-
dency should be made a purely honor-
ary office, the incumbent changing year
by year and receiving no additional
compensation for his executive serv-
ices. The executive head of an insti-
tution of learning occupies a position
of peculiar responsibility and deserves
special remuneration. A man of tact
and executive ability should not be
compelled to relinquish the presidency
at the end of a year's service. At the
same time it seems obvious that the
man who controls academic policy
should be directly responsible to the
academic body. It would appear al-
most axiomatic that the college presi-
dent or university rector should be
chosen by the faculty, or by some se-
lected group of scholars in which the
faculty of the institution in question is
adequately represented. The function
of the president is to voice the senti-
ment of the faculty in directing the
academic policy, rather than to dictate
that policy.
The trustees are the legal guardians
of an institution's endowment and
finances. The academic body cannot
share these duties, and the new Asso-
ciation can have nothing to do with the
economic side. Professor Lovejoy of
Johns Hopkins believes that the trus-
tees * should not only raise and safe-
guard the funds required for the educa-
tional purposes of the institution, but
should also have the ultimate power of
decision, though not the sole voice, in
determining the general scope of the in-
stitution's work; should decide, for ex-
ample, when new schools are to be es-
tablished. For a question of this kind
is largely a question whether, in a given
community, a specific need, and also a
possibility of support, exists for a speci-
fied extension of educational activity.
And such questions are as much the
concern of the lay public as of the pro-
fessor. . . .
'They should have power, if gross
extravagance or notorious educational
inefficiency appears in any department,
to withhold appropriations from that
department until they receive guaran-
tees from the president and faculty
that conditions will be set right. They
should have a veto in the determina-
tion of the general range of salaries —
since professors no more than other
men ought to fix wholly for themselves
the remuneration of their own type of
service — but should have no voice in
determining individual salaries. And
they should have a veto upon the elec-
tion of a president. . . .
'But beyond these limits a univer-
sity should be a self-governing republic
of scholars. The professors should elect
their own president, with the consent
and advice of the trustees; they should,
through the president and an elective
council, make all appointments, pro-
motions, changes in salaries, and the
like. From them all academic honors
should proceed. Their control over ed-
ucational policies should extend to such
matters as the acceptance or rejection
of gifts and bequests; and they should
have coordinate powers with the trus-
tees in the fixation of tuition-fees and
other charges.'
The functions of this new Associa-
tion of scholars should by no means be
confined to the relation between fac-
ulty and corporation. Indeed its most
promising work seems to be in other
fields. The adjustment of relations be-
tween professor and student, between
the scholar and the world at large, and
between scholar and scholar, comes dis-
tinctly within its province.
The medical association prescribes
strict rules concerning the relation of
physician to patient, and of specialist
to general practitioner. The physician
ACADEMIC FREEDOM
699
is expected to answer an emergency
call, even when no remuneration is as-
sured. The medical association has
declared very definitely that a physi-
cian must not patent any prescription;
all new formulas which he discovers
are the property of the profession. But
he is allowed to copyright his books,
and he may be retained in legal cases as
a professional expert.
No such definite regulations exist in
the scholastic profession. There are in-
stances where a laboratory has claimed
the ownership of apparatus devised by
one of its students and the latter has
protested. Some investigators patent
their laboratory devices; others offer
them freely to the profession. Such
points of etiquette should be definitely
settled in a carefully formulated code.
Definite rulings should prescribe to
what extent a professor may be ex-
pected or given opportunity to deliver
popular lectures, and how far research
and literary activities may properly
share his time with classroom work.
It might also be determined to what
extent one is bound to supply a col-
league's place temporarily in cases of
illness, and whether a professor in good
standing should accept a chair from
which a colleague has been removed
without trial.
The Association might discuss as
matters of general policy what sabbat-
ical leave should be accorded to the
different grades, and whether advance-
ment in grade and salary should ever
depend on mere length of service apart
from proved efficiency. It should cer-
tainly devise some equitable arrange-
ment which would obviate the neces-
sity of making undignified pleas for
advancement in one's own behalf.
No less important is the protection
of the junior members of the staff from
undue exactions by their superiors. The
youngest instructor may claim some
rights. He should not be overburdened
with the task of reading examination
papers for others, or perfecting appar-
atus for which his senior receives the
entire credit.
With so many possibilities for action
confronting it, the new association will
do well to proceed slowly, cautiously,
and tactfully. It may be years before
the Association of College Professors
attains the standing enjoyed by the
medical or bar associations. But the
new movement marks an important
advance in the cause of academic free-
dom and professional responsibility.
The standing of a university depends
above all things on the character of its
faculty. It needs not only good teach-
ers, but men of ideals, investigators
unhampered by fear of material conse-
quences in presenting the truth as they
see it. To foster such a group of schol-
ars, the sense of professional responsi-
bility must be cultivated. The group
spirit of any profession can be aroused
only by the removal of external con-
straint and the cultivation of self-re-
straint.
Few benefactors to the cause of
learning attain the self-abnegation
shown by Lord Gifford in the endow-
ment of his famous lectureship in Nat-
ural Religion. The deed of gift, made
public in 1887, contains these memo-
rable words: 'The lecturers appointed
shall be subjected to no test of any
kind, and shall not be required to take
an oath, or to emit or subscribe any de-
claration of belief, or to make any pro-
mise of any kind . . . provided only that
the patrons will use diligence to secure
that they be sincere lovers of and ear-
nest inquirers after truth.' May the
time come when all educational bene-
factions shall rest on these broad and
indestructible foundations.
MORALITY AS AN ART
BY HAVELOCK ELLIS
THAT living is an art, and the mor-
alist the critic of that art, is a very
ancient belief. It was especially wide-
spread among the Greeks. To the
Greeks, indeed, this belief was so in-
grained and instinctive that it became
an implicitly assumed attitude rather
than a definitely expressed faith. It
was natural to them to speak of a vir-
tuous person as we should speak of a
beautiful person. The 'good' was the
'beautiful'; the sphere of ethics for the
Greeks was not distinguished from the
sphere of aesthetics. They spoke of life
as of a craft or a fine art. Protagoras
regarded life as the sum of many crafts,
and Socrates, his opponent, still always
assumed that the moralist's position is
that of a critic of a craft. So influen-
tial a moralist as Aristotle remarks, in
a matter-of-fact way, in his Poetics,
that if we wish to ascertain whether
an act is, or is not, morally right we
must consider not merely the intrinsic
quality of the act, but the person who
does it, the person to whom it is done,
the time, the means, the motive. Such
an attitude toward life puts out of court
an appeal to any rigid moral laws; it
means that an act must befit its par-
ticular relationships at a particular mo-
ment, and that its moral value can,
therefore, be judged only by the stan-
dard of the spectator's instinctive feel-
ing for proportion and harmony. That
is the attitude that we adopt toward a
work of art, or any beautiful object in
Nature.
700
It is only implicitly, also, that we
ever detect this attitude among the
Romans, the pupils of the Greeks. For
the most part, the Romans, whose im-
pulses of art were very limited, whose
practical mind craved precision and
definition, proved rebellious to the idea
that living is an art; while the Hebrews,
who were scarcely artists at all, never
even dreamed of such an art. Their
attitude is sufficiently embodied in the
story of Moses and that visit to Sinai
which resulted in the production of the
table of Ten Commandments which we
may still see inscribed in old churches.
For even our modern feeling about
morals is largely Jewish, in some meas-
ure Roman, and scarcely Greek at all.
We still accept, in theory at all events,
the Mosaic conception of morality as
a code of rigid and inflexible rules, ar-
bitrarily ordained, and to be blindly
obeyed.
The conception of morality as an
art, which Christendom once disdained,
seems now again to be finding favor in
men's eyes. Its path has been made
smooth by great thinkers of various
complexion. Nietzsche and Bergson,
William James and Jules de Gaultier,
to name but a few, profoundly differ-
ing in many fundamental points, all
alike assert the relativity of truth and
the inaptitude of rigid maxims to serve
as guiding forces in life. They also
assert, for a large part, implicitly or
explicitly, the authority of art.
The nineteenth century was usually
inspired by the maxims of Kant, and
lifted its hat reverently when it heard
MORALITY AS AN ART
701
Kant declaiming his famous sayings
concerning the supremacy of an inflex-
ible moral law. They are fine sayings.
But as guides, as motives to practical
action in the world? The excellent
maxims of the valetudinarian professor
at Konigsberg scarcely seem that to us
to-day. Nor do we any longer suppose
that we are impertinent in referring to
the philosopher's personality. In the
investigation of the solar spectrum,
personality may count for little; in the
investigation of moral laws it counts for
much. For personality is the very stuff
of morals. The moral maxims of an el-
derly invalid in a provincial university
town have their interest. But so have
those of a Casanova. And the moral
maxims of a Goethe may possibly have
more interest than either. There is the
rigid categorical imperative of Kant;
and there is also that other dictum, less
rigid but more reminiscent of Greece,
which some well-inspired person has
put into the mouth of Walt Whitman:
* Whatever tastes sweet to the most
perfect person, that is finally right.'
H
Fundamentally considered, there are
two roads by which we may travel to-
ward the moral ends of life: the road of
Tradition, which is ultimately that of
Instinct, and the road of Reason. It
is true that the ingenuity of analytic
investigators like Henry Sidgwick has
succeeded in enumerating many 'meth-
ods of ethics.' But, roughly speaking,
there can be only two main roads of
life, and only one has proved supremely
important. It was by following the
path of tradition moulded by instinct
that man reached the threshold of civ-
ilization; whatever may have been the
benefits he derived from the guidance
of reason he never consciously allowed
reason to control his moral life. Tables
of commandments have ever been
'given by God'; they represented, that
is to say, obscure impulses of the soul
striving to respond to practical needs.
No one dreamed of commending them
by declaring that they were reasonable.
It is clear how Instinct and Tradi-
tion, thus working together, act vitally
and beneficently in moulding the moral
life of primitive peoples. The * divine
command ' was always a command con-
ditioned by the special circumstance
under which the tribe lived. That is so
even when the moral law is, to our civ-
ilized eyes, * unnatural.' The infanti-
cide of Polynesian islands, where the
means of subsistence and the possibili-
ties of expansion were limited, was ob-
viously a necessary measure, beneficent
and humane in its effects. The killing
of the aged among the migrant Eski-
mos was equally a necessary and kindly
measure, recognized as such by the vic-
tims themselves, when it was essential
that every member of the community
should be able to help himself. Prim-
itive rules of moral action, greatly as
they differ among themselves, are all
more or less advantageous and helpful
on the road of primitive life. It is true
that they allow very little, if any, scope
for divergent individual moral action.
That, indeed, is the rock on which an
instinctive traditional morality must
strike as civilization is approached.
The tribe has no longer the same unity.
Social differentiation has tended to
make the family a unit, and psychic
differentiation to make even the separ-
ate individuals units. The community
of interests of the whole tribe has been
broken up, and therewithal traditional
morality has lost alike its value and its
power.
The development of abstract intelli-
gence, which coincides with civilization,
works in the same direction. Reason
is, indeed, on one side an integrating
force, for it shows that the assumption
of traditional morality — the identity
702
MORALITY AS AN ART
of the individual's interests with the
interests of the community — is sound-
ly based. But it is also a disintegrat-
ing force. For if it reveals a general
unity in the ends of living, it devises
infinitely various and perplexingly dis-
tracting excuses for living. Before the
active invasion of reason, living had
been an art, a highly conventionalized
and even hieratic art, but the motive
forces of living lay in life itself and had
all the binding sanction of instincts;
the penalty of every failure in living, it
was felt, would be swiftly and auto-
matically experienced. To apply reason
here was to introduce a powerful sol-
vent into morals. Objectively it made
morality clearer, but subjectively it de-
stroyed the existing motives for moral-
ity; it deprived man, to use the fash-
ionable phraseology of the present day,
of a vital illusion.
Henceforth morality in the funda-
mental sense, the actual practices of
the population, sank into the back-
ground, divorced from the moral the-
ories which a variegated procession of
prancing philosophers gayly flaunted
before the world. Kant, whose personal
moral problems were concerned with
the temptation to eat too many sweet-
meats, and other philosophers of even
much inferior calibre, were regarded as
the law-givers of morality, though they
carried little enough weight with the
world at large.
Thus it comes about that abstract
moral speculations, culminating in rigid
maxims, are necessarily sterile and
vain. They move in the sphere of rea-
son, and that is the sphere of compre-
hension, but not of vital action. In
this way there arises a moral dualism
in civilized man. Objectively he has
become like the gods and able to dis-
tinguish the ends of life; he has eaten
of the fruit of the tree and has know-
ledge of good and evil. Subjectively he
is still not far removed from the savage,
most frequently stirred to action by
a confused web of emotional motives,
among which the interwoven strands
of civilized reason are as likely to pro-
duce discord or paralysis as to furnish
efficient guides.
On the one hand he cannot return
to the primitive state in which all the
motives for living flowed harmonious-
ly in the same channel; he cannot
divest himself of his illuminating rea-
son; he cannot recede from his hardly
acquired personal individuality. On
the other hand he can never expect, he
can never even reasonably hope, that,
save in a few abnormal persons, the cold
force of reason will ever hold in leash
the massive forces of vital emotion. It
is clear that along neither path separ-
ately can the civilized man pursue his
way in harmonious balance with him-
self.
We begin to realize that what we
need is not a code of beautifully cut-
and-dried maxims — whether eman-
ating from sacred mountains or from
philosophers' studies — but a happy
combination of two different ways of
living. We need, that is, a traditional
and instinctive way of living, based on
real motor instincts, which will blend
with reason and the manifold needs of
personality, instead of being destroyed
by their solvent actions, as rigid rules
inevitably are. Our only valid rule is a
creative impulse that is one with the
illuminative power of intelligence.
in
At the beginning of the eighteenth
century, the seed-time of our modern
ideas, as it has so often seemed to be,
the English people, having at length
brought their language to a high degree
of clarity and precision, became much
interested in philosophy, psychology,
and ethics. Their^interest was, indeed,
often superficial and amateurish, al-
MORALITY AS AN ART
703
though they were soon to produce some
of the most notable figures in the whole
history of thought.
The third Earl of Shaftesbury, one
of the earliest of the group, himself il-
lustrated this unsystematic method of
thinking. He was an amateur, an aris-
tocratic amateur, careless of consisten-
cy, and not by any means concerned to
erect a philosophic system. Not that
he was a worse thinker on that account.
The world's greatest thinkers have
often been amateurs; for high thinking
is the outcome of fine and independent
living, and for that a professorial chair
offers no special opportunities. Shaftes-
bury was, moreover, a man of fragile
physical constitution, as Kant was;
but, unlike Kant, he was heroically
seeking to live a complete and harmon-
ious life. By temperament he was a
Stoic, and he wrote a characteristic
book of Exercises, as he proposed to
call his Philosophical Regimen, in
which he consciously seeks to discip-
line himself in fine thinking and right
living, plainly acknowledging that he
is a disciple of Epictetus and Marcus
Aurelius. But Shaftesbury was also a
man of genius, and as such it was his
good fortune to throw afresh into the
stream of thought a fruitful concep-
tion, absorbed indeed from Greece, and
long implicit in men's minds, but never
before made clearly recognizable as a
moral theory and an ethical temper,
susceptible of being labeled by the phi-
losophic historian, as it since has been,
under the name, as passable no doubt
as any other, of ^Esthetic Intuitionism.
'He seems,' wrote Mandeville, his
unfriendly contemporary, of Shaftes-
bury, *to require and expect goodness
in his species as we do a sweet taste in
grapes and China oranges, of which, if
any of them are sour, we boldly pro-
nounce that they are not come to that
perfection their nature is capable of.'
In a certain sense this was correct.
Shaftesbury, it has been said, was the
father of that new ethics which recog-
nizes that Nature is not a mere impulse
of self-preservation, as Hobbes thought,
but also a racial impulse, having re-
gard to others; there are social inclina-
tions in the individual, he realized, that
go beyond individual ends. Therewith
* goodness' was seen, for the first time,
to be as * natural' as the sweetness of
ripe fruit. Shaftesbury held that hu-
man actions should have a beauty of
symmetry, proportion, and harmony,
which should appeal to us, not because
they accord with any rule or maxim
(although they may possibly be sus-
ceptible of measurement) , but because
they satisfy our instinctive feelings,
evoking an approval which is strictly
an sesthetic judgment of moral action.
This instinctive judgment was not,
as Shaftesbury understood it, a guide
to action. He held, rightly enough, that
the impulse to action is fundamental
and primary, that fine action is the out-
come of finely tempered natures. It is
a feeling for the just time and measure
of human passion, and maxims are use-
less to him whose nature is ill-balanced.
* Virtue is no other than the love of
order and beauty in society.'
./Esthetic appreciation of an act, and
even an ecstatic pleasure in it, are part
of our aesthetic delight in Nature gen-
erally, which includes Man. Nature,
it is clear, plays a large part in this
conception of the moral life. To lack
balance in any plane of moral conduct
is to be unnatural.
'Nature is not mocked,' said Shaftes-
bury. She is a miracle, for miracles
are not things that are performed but
things that are perceived, and to fail
here is to fail in perception of the div-
inity of Nature, to do violence to her,
and to court moral destruction.
A return to Nature is not a return
to ignorance or savagery, but to the
first instinctive feeling for the beauty
704
MORALITY AS AN ART
of well-proportioned affection. 'The
most natural beauty in the world is
honesty and moral truth,' he asserts,-
and he recurs again and again to 'the
beauty of honesty.' 'Dulce et decorum
est was his sole reason,' he says of the
classical pagan, adding, 'And this is
still a good reason.' It seems natural
to him to refer to the magistrate as an
artist; 'the magistrate, if he be an art-
ist,' he incidentally says. We must not
make morality depend on authority.
The true artist, in any art, will never
act below his character.' 'Let who will
make it for you as you fancy,' the art-
ist declares, 'I know it to be wrong.
Whatever I have made hitherto has
been true work. And neither for your
sake or anybody's else shall I put my
hand to any other.' 'This is virtue 1'
exclaims Shaftesbury. 'This disposi-
tion transferred to the whole of life per-
fects a character. For there is a work-
manship and a truth in actions.'
Shaftesbury, it may be repeated, was
an amateur, not only in philosophy but
even in the arts. He regarded litera-
ture as one of the schoolmasters for fine
living, yet he was not a fine artist in
writing, though, directly or indirectly,
he helped to inspire, not only Pope
but Thomson and Cowper and Words-
worth. He was inevitably interested in
painting, but his tastes were merely
those of the ordinary connoisseur of his
time. This gives a certain superficial-
ity to his general aesthetic vision, though
it was far from true, as the theologians
supposed, that he was lacking in seri-
ousness. His chief immediate followers,
like Hutcheson, came out of Calvinistic
Puritanism. He was himself an austere
Stoic who adapted himself to the tone
of the well-bred world he lived in. But
if an amateur, he was an amateur of
genius. He threw a vast and fruitful
conception, caught from the Poetics of
Aristotle, ' the Great Master of Arts,'
and developed with fine insight, into
our modern world. Not merely the so-
called Scottish Philosophers, but most
of the great thinkers of the eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries in Eng-
land, France, and Germany, were in
some measure inspired, influenced, or
anticipated by Shaftesbury. Voltaire
and Diderot, Lessing and Herder, even
Kant, helped to develop the conception
that Shaftesbury first formulated.
As Shaftesbury stated the matter,
however, it was left on the whole vague
and large. He made no very clear dis-
tinction between the creative artistic
impulse in life and critical aesthetic ap-
preciation. In the sphere of morals we
cannot always afford to wait until our
activity is completed to appreciate its
beauty or its ugliness. On the back-
ground of general aesthetic judgment
we have to concentrate on the forces of
creative artistic activity, whose work it
is painfully to mould the clay of moral
action, and forge its iron, long before
the aesthetic criterion can be applied
to the final product. Shaftesbury, in-
deed, would have recognized this, but it
was not enough to say, as he said, that
we may prepare ourselves for moral
action by study in literature. One may
be willing to regard living as an art,
and yet be of opinion that it is as un-
satisfactory to learn the art of living in
literature as to learn, let us say, the
art of music in architecture.
It was necessary to concentrate and
apply these large general ideas. To some
extent this was done by Shaftesbury's
immediate successors and followers,
such as Hutcheson and Arbuckle, who
taught that man is, ethically, an artist
whose work is his own life. They con-
centrated attention on the really crea-
tive aspects of the artist in life, aesthetic
appreciation of the finished product
being regarded as secondary. For all
art is, primarily, not a contemplation
but a doing, a creative action, and
morality is so preeminently.
MORALITY AS AN ART
705
With Schiller, whose attitude was
not, however, based directly on Shaftes-
bury, the aesthetic conception of morals,
which in its definitely conscious form
had until then been especially Eng-
lish, may be said to have entered the
main stream of culture. Schiller re-
garded the identity of Duty and Inclin-
ation as the ideal goal of human devel-
opment, and looked on the Genius of
Beauty as the chief guide of life. Wil-
helm von Humboldt, one of the great-
est spirits of that age, was moved by
the same ideas throughout his life, al-
though in many respects he changed,
and even shortly before his death wrote
in deprecation of the notion that con-
formity to duty is the final aim of mo-
rality. Goethe, who was the intimate
friend of both Schiller and Humboldt,
largely shared the same attitude, and
through him it had a subtle and bound-
less influence. Kant, who, it has been
said, mistook Duty for a Prussian drill-
sergeant, still ruled the academic moral
world. But a new vivifying and mould-
ing force had entered the larger moral
world, and to-day we may detect its
presence on every side.
IV
It has often been brought against the
conception of morality as an art that it
lacks seriousness. It seems to many
people to involve an easy, self-indul-
gent, dilettante way of looking at life.
Certainly it is not the way of the Old
Testament. The Hebrews were no aes-
thetic intuit ionists. They hated art,
for the most part, and in face of the
problems of living they were not in
the habit of considering the lilies how
they grow. It was not the beauty of
holiness, but the stern rod of a jeal-
ous Jehovah, which they craved for
their encouragement along the path of
Duty. And it is the Hebrew mode of
feeling which has been, more or less
VOL.114 -NO. 5
violently and imperfectly, grafted upon
our Christianity.
It is a mistake, however, to suppose
that the conception of life as an art
makes no appeal to those who look se-
riously at life. The very reverse is the
fact. This way of looking at life has
spontaneously commended itself to
men of the gravest and deepest charac-
ter, in all other respects widely unlike
each other. Shaftesbury was tempera-
mentally a Stoic whose fragile constitu-
tion involved a perpetual endeavor to
mould life to the form of his ideal. And
if we go back to Marcus Aurelius we
find an austere and heroic man whose
whole life, as we trace it in his Medi-
tations, was a splendid struggle; a man
who — even, it seems, unconsciously
— had adopted the aesthetic criterion
of moral goodness and the artistic con-
ception of moral action. Dancing and
wrestling express to his eyes the activ-
ity of the man who is striving to live,
and the goodness of moral actions in-
stinctively appears to him as the beau-
ty of natural objects; it is to Marcus
Aurelius that we owe that immortal
utterance of aesthetic intuitionism,
'As though the emerald should say:
"Whatever happens I must be emer-
ald.'"
There could be no man more unlike
the Roman Emperor and in any more
remote field of action than the French
saint and philanthropist, Vincent de
Paul. At once a genuine Christian mys-
tic and a very wise and marvelously ef-
fective man of action, Vincent de Paul
adopts precisely the same simile of the
moral attitude that in the next century
was to be taken up by Shaftesbury.
'My daughters/ he wrote to the Sisters
of Charity, ' we are each like a block of
stone which is to be transformed into
a statue. What must the sculptor do
to carry out his design? First of all he
must take the hammer and chip off all
that he does not need. For this purpose
706
MORALITY AS AN ART
he strikes the stone so violently that if
you were watching him you would say
he intended to break it to pieces. Then,
when he has got rid of the rougher
parts, he takes a smaller hammer, and
afterwards a chisel, to begin the face
with all the features. When that has
taken form he uses other and finer tools
to bring it to that perfection he has in-
tended for his statue.'
If we desire to find a spiritual artist
as unlike as possible to Vincent de Paul
we may take Nietzsche. Alien as any
man could ever be to a cheap or su-
perficial vision of the moral life, and
far too intellectually keen to confuse
moral problems with purely aesthetic
problems, Nietzsche, when faced by
the problem of living, set himself —
almost as instinctively as Marcus Au-
relius or Vincent de Paul — at the
standpoint of art. A man must make
himself a work of art, he again and
again declares, moulded into beauty by
suffering, for such art is the highest
morality, the morality of the Creator.
There is a certain indefiniteness
about the conception of morality as an
artistic impulse, to be judged by an
esthetic criterion, which is profound-
ly repugnant to at least two classes of
minds fully entitled to make their an-
tipathy felt. In the first place it makes
no appeal to the abstract reasoner, in-
different to the manifoldly concrete
problems of living. For the man whose
brain is hypertrophied and whose prac-
tical life is shriveled to an insignifi-
cant routine, — the man of whom Kant
is the supreme type, — it is always
a temptation to rationalize morality.
Such a pure intellectualist, overlooking
the fact that human beings are not
mathematical figures, may even desire
to transform ethics into a species of
geometry. Thus we may see in Spinoza
a nobler and more inspiring figure, no
doubt, but of the same temperament
as Kant. The impulses and desires of
ordinary men and women are mani-
fold, inconstant, often conflicting, and
sometimes overwhelming. But to men
of the intellectualist type this consid-
eration is almost negligible; all the pas-
sions and affections of humanity seem
to them meek as sheep which they may
shepherd, and pen within the flimsiest
hurdles. William Blake, who could cut
down to that central core of the world
where all things are fused together,
knew better when he said that the only
golden rule of life is * the great and gol-
den rule of art.' James Hinton was for-
ever expatiating on the close resem-
blance between the methods of art, as
shown especially in painting, and the
methods of moral action. Thoreau,
who also belonged to this tribe, de-
clared, in the same spirit as Blake, that
there is no golden rule in morals, for
rules are only current silver; 'it is gol-
den not to have any rule at all.'
There is another quite different type
of person who shares this antipathy to
the indefiniteness of aesthetic morality:
the ambitious moral reformer. The
man of this class is usually by no means
devoid of strong passions; but for the
most part he possesses no great intel-
lectual calibre, and so is unable to
estimate the force and complexity of
human impulses. The moral reformer,
eager to introduce the millennium at
once by the aid of the newest mechan-
ical devices, is righteously indignant
with anything so vague as an aesthetic
morality. He must have definite rules
and regulations, clear-cut laws and by-
laws, with an arbitrary list of penalties
attached, to be duly inflicted in this
world or the next. The popular con-
ception of Moses, descending from the
sacred mount with a brand-new table
of commandments, which he declares
have been delivered to him by God,
though he is ready to smash them to
pieces on the slightest provocation,
furnishes the image of the typical
MORALITY AS AN ART
707
moral reformer of every age. It is,
however, only in savage and barbar-
ous stages of society, or among the un-
cultivated classes of civilization, that
the men of this type can find their
faithful followers.
In Pascal we have a man of the high-
est genius who belonged to both these
types, at once a keenly precise mathe-
matician and an ardently theocratic
moralist. It is not surprising that he
was ferociously opposed to all indefin-
iteness in morals. The Jesuits can
scarcely be regarded as the champions
of aesthetic morality, and the eccentric
complacencies of some of their adepts
may arouse indignation or amusement;
the exercise of the art-impulse in life,
moreover, is scarcely compatible with
the Jesuits' passion for spiritual direc-
tion. Yet the casuists had grasped a
great vital principle: they realized, as
Aristotle had realized, that the moral-
ity of an action depends on a great
many circumstances, and cannot be
crystallized, once for all, in a formula.
So it is, as Remy de Gourmon has
pointed out, that some of the Jesuitic
propositions which Pascal held up for
scorn seem to us to-day self-evidently
true, and the irony falls flat. So signi-
ficant a fact enables us to realize that
the instinctive feelings of men, so far
at any rate as Pascal may claim to re-
present them, have undergone a change,
and are now on the side of the harmo-
nious flexibility of moral action rather
than on the side of unflexible rigidity.
Yet there is more to be said. That
very indefiniteness of the criterion of
moral action, falsely supposed to be a
disadvantage, is really the prime con-
dition for effective moral action. The
academic philosophers of ethics, had
they possessed virility enough to enter
the field of real life, would have real-
ized - - as we cannot expect the moral
reformers blinded by the smoke of their
own fanaticism to realize — that the
slavery to rigid formulas which they
preached was the death of all high
moral responsibility. Life must always
be a great adventure, with risks on
every hand; a clear-sighted eye, a
many-sided sympathy, a fine daring, an
endless patience, are forever necessary
to all good living. With such qualities
alone may the artist in life reach suc-
cess; without them even the most de-
voted slave to formulas can meet only
disaster. No responsible moral being
may draw breath without an open-eyed
freedom of choice, and if the moral
world is to be governed by laws, better
to people it with automatic machines
than with living men and women.
In our human world the precision of
mechanism is forever impossible. The
indefiniteness of morality is a part of its
necessary imperfection. There is not
only room in morality for the high as-
piration, the courageous decision, the
tonic thrill of the muscles of the soul,
but we have to admit also sacrifice and
pain. The lesser good, our own or that
of others, is merged in a larger good,
and that cannot be without some rend-
ing of the heart. So all moral action,
however in the end it may be justified
by its harmony and balance, is in the
making cruel and in a sense even im-
moral. Therein lies the final justifica-
tion of the aesthetic conception of mo-
rality. It opens wider perspectives and
reveals loftier standpoints; it shows
how the seeming loss is part of an ul-
timate gain, so restoring that harmony
and beauty which the unintelligent
partisans of a hard and barren duty so
often destroy for ever. * Art,' as Paul-
han declares, * is often more moral than
morality itself.' Or, as Jules de Gaul-
tier holds, 'Art is in a certain sense
the only morality which life admits.'
In so far as we can infuse it with
the spirit and method of art, we have
transformed morality into something
beyond morality.
JAPAN AND THE EUROPEAN WAR
BY KIYOSHI K. KAWAKAMI
THAT * peace is the work of right-
eousness' is a trite saying. Yet this
truism has seldom been observed in in-
ternational dealings. Japan's partici-
pation in the European war and her
campaign against the German posses-
sion of Kiao-chau is simply another
illustration of justice asserting itself
against the wrong enthroned upon the
dais of selfishness at the expense of
righteousness. It is proof that no two
nations can remain friendly without
mutual respect and consideration.
In these days when European na-
tions are battling against one another,
all in the name of God and of the
Prince of Peace, it seems useless to say
that Japan is essentially a peace-loving
people. Yet it is a remarkable fact that
while Europe was engaged in continu-
ous internecine warfare, Japan enjoyed
two hundred and fifty years of Arca-
dian peace under the Tokugawa Sho-
gunate. To this record not a parallel is
to be found in the history of the world.
Rejuvenated by the impact of for-
eign cannon-balls, Japan had to fight
two mighty wars, — as all young na-
tions must fight to protect themselves
against the encroachments of older,
stronger neighbors. Japan's wars with
China and with Russia were wars of
self-defense. On that subject the ver-
dict of history has already been given.
Japan's generals and admirals are
not to be classed in the herd of vulgar
warriors. Togo and Cyama, Yamagata
and Nogi, are of the school of Timoleon,
of William of Nassau, and of George
Washington. They have drawn the
708
sword only to give peace to their coun-
try, and restore her to her place in the
great assembly of the nations.
Japan does not glory in conquest.
Even in conquered lands she has not
built emblems of triumph. Upon the
pinnacle of a shell-rent hill at Port
Arthur to-day stands, not a monu-
ment of Japanese victory, but a monu-
ment which the Mikado's soldiers ded-
icated, while the flames of war were
still smouldering, to the spirits of the
Tsar's gallant fighters who defended
their fortresses with unwavering cour-
age against the onslaughts of the
Japanese.
The world has not yet forgotten that
in the Boxer disturbance the Japanese
soldiers were the most orderly and hu'
mane of all foreign troops brought to
China on the occasion. Your charming
writer, Eliza Scidmore, in her As The
Hague Ordains, told you how humane-
ly Japan conducted the war against
Russia.
Toward individual Germans no
Japanese entertains animosity. So far
from it, every Japanese loves and re-
spects Germans. Japan is grateful for
the contribution which the Germans
have made to her progress and civiliza-
tion. Many a Japanese scholar has
made pilgrimage to German seats of
learning, and many a German scientist
and expert were tutors in our schools
and factories. And yet Japan is con-
fronting Germany in the arena of
battle.
Japan's coffers are not overflowing
with gold. The two wars made her
JAPAN AND THE EUROPEAN WAR
709
comparatively poor; she must needs
devote all her time and energy to the
recuperation of her financial strength.
She knows that another war at this
time must arrest the progress of her
commerce and industry and add more
weight to the burden which has already
been taxing the strength of the nation.
Why, then, did Japan send an ultima-
tum to Germany?
Because Japan's experiences with
Germany during the past two decades
have convinced her that Germany is a
disturbing factor in the Far East and a
menace to both China and herself.
Because Japan regards treaty obliga-
tions as sacred and inviolable, even
when the fulfillment of such obligations
must entail enormous cost.
Because Japan believes that the
maintenance of China's territorial in-
tegrity is essential to her security and
independence.
Japan's Experience with the German
Government
You all know how the Kaiser treated
the Mikado at the end of the Chino-
Japanese war, which cost Japan a hun-
dred thousand lives and a billion yen;
few of you are aware that Germany's
interference with the Chino- Japanese
peace terms was only the first of many
unpleasant experiences which Japan
has had with Germany.
The Germans to-day are anxious to
tell the public what enormous sums the
Berlin government has expended for
the upbuilding of Kiao-chau; but com-
pared with the sacrifice Japan offered
upon the altar of Port Arthur, German
expenditure on Kiao-chau sinks into
insignificance. Germany ousted Japan
from Port Arthur because she wanted
to give it to Russia so that she might
take Kiao-chau without Russia's ob-
jection. It was a game of give-and-
take between the Tsar and the Kaiser.
When the peace treaty was signed be-
tween Japan and China all Japan was
celebrating; the next day the nation
was in mourning because of the Ger-
man advice compelling Japan to quit
Port Arthur. Never was Japan's pride
so greatly outraged as on that occa-
sion. An officer destroyed himself in
protest against the government's ac-
quiescence in the German advice; sev-
eral cut their fingers, and with their
own blood wrote memorials urging the
government not to be bullied by the
Powers.
The German seizure of Kiao-chau,
followed by the Russian occupation of
Port Arthur, the British occupation of
Wei-hai-wei, and the French occupa-
tion of Kwan-chow Bay, was responsi-
ble for the Boxer disturbance of 1910.
When the Boxers besieged the lega-
tions in Peking, Japan immediately
proposed to the Powers that she be
permitted to rush her troops to rescue
the beleaguered foreigners. The Kaiser
put his foot upon the Japanese over-
ture and insisted that, unless he was
satisfied that Japan's action would by
no means interfere with the interests of
other nations, he could not consent to
the proposal.
The historic picture of the Yellow
Peril painted by the Kaiser was dis-
agreeable enough to the Japanese, but
when the Japanese found the Kaiser
secretly encouraging the Tsar to mus-
ter his troops in Manchuria in the wake
of the Boxer incident, they saw in him
an imminent danger to their country.
About this time the London Times
published an article reporting the ex-
istence of a secret treaty by which the
Kaiser was to render the Tsar clandes-
tine assistance in the event of a Russo-
Japanese war.
When Japan was engaged in a life-
and-death struggle in Manchuria, Ger-
man attitude toward Russia was virtual
violation of neutrality. The German
government, for example, permitted a
710
JAPAN AND THE EUROPEAN WAR
German steamship company to sell a
number of steamships to the Russian
navy and so help Rozhestvenski's Bal-
tic squadron to secure coal en route to
the Japan Sea. What was more sur-
prising, a German prince who was by
Japan's special courtesy allowed to ac-
company the army to the front, was
found secretly reporting to his govern-
ment the activities of the Mikado's
forces without permission of the cen-
soring officers.
From such experiences the Japanese
believe that the presence on Chinese
soil of a German naval and military
base is a constant menace to their
country. Would that China could be
far-sighted enough to see that her posi-
tion can be strengthened only by co-
operating with Japan.
England Asked Japan to Act
»
The assertion that Japan thrust her-
self upon the war without England's
invitation is as sinister as it is unwar-
ranted. Japan did not join hands with
England without England's request.
When it became evident that England
must come to the rescue of France and
Belgium, the press of Japan, without
exception, hoped that Japan would not
be called upon to aid her western ally.
But the western ally did call upon
Japan.
On August 3, that is, the day before
England declared war on Germany,
the British Ambassador to Japan hur-
ried back to Tokio from his summer
villa and immediately requested an
interview with Baron Kato, Foreign
Minister. At this conference the Brit-
ish Ambassador informed Baron Kato
that his government was compelled to
open hostilities against Germany, and
that it desired to ascertain whether
Japan would aid England in the event
of British interests in the Far East
being jeopardized by German activ-
ities.
Baron Kato answered that the ques-
tion put to him was such a serious
one that he could not answer it on his
own account.
On the evening of the same day
Count Okuma convened a meeting of
all the Cabinet members. Bearing the
resolution of this meeting, Baron Kato,
on August 4, called upon the British
Ambassador and told the latter that
Japan would not shirk the responsibil-
ities which the alliance with England
put upon her shoulders.
At this time Japan did not expect to
be called upon to aid England for at
least a few months. But on August 7
the British Ambassador suddenly asked
for an interview with Baron Kato and
told the Foreign Minister that the sit-
uation had developed in such a manner
as to oblige England to ask for Ja-
pan's assistance without delay. On the
evening of that day Premier Okuma
requested the 'elder statesmen' and
his colleagues to assemble at his man-
sion. The conference lasted until two
o'clock the next morning. Before it
adjourned the policy of Japan was defi-
nitely formulated.
What caused Downing Street to in-
vite Japan's cooperation so soon is not
clearly known to the outside world.
But the Japanese press is in all proba-
bility right when it says that Japan and
England were obliged to act prompt-
ly in order to frustrate the German
scheme to transfer Kiao-chau to the
Chinese government before Germany
was compelled to surrender it at the
point of the sword. Had Germany suc-
ceeded in carrying out this scheme she
would still have enjoyed, in virtue of
Article 5 of the Kiao-chau Convention
of 1898, the privilege of securing in
some future time *a more suitable ter-
ritory ' in China. This was exactly the
condition which the allies did not want
to see established in China. If, on the
other hand, Germany were forced to
JAPAN AND THE EUROPEAN WAR
711
abandon Kiao-chau by the arbitra-
ment of the sword, China would no
longer be under obligation to 'cede to
Germany a more suitable place/
This was, I think, what persuaded
Japan and England to act promptly in
the Far East. In the meantime a Ger-
man cruiser, ignoring the rights of a
neutral state, captured a Russian
steamer within Japanese jurisdiction; a
British gunboat, chased by another
German cruiser, fled into a port only a
hundred miles west of Tokio; a number
of British merchant vessels were either
captured or chased by German war-
ships; while a few Japanese ships were
also intercepted by German cruisers.
These activities of the German squad-
ron were interpreted by Japan and
England as a disturbance to ' general
peace ' in the Far East and the ' special
interests ' of the two countries in that
region.
Japan's Wish for China's Territorial
Integrity
In proposing to restore Kiao-chau
to China, Japan is not actuated by
altruistic motives, but by motives of
self-interest. Not that she wants to
ingratiate herself with China; it is
simply that she thinks that her inter-
ests and safety can be most effectively
protected by preserving the territorial
integrity of China.
Japan's strength lies in her isolated
position, widely separated from the
aggressive countries of the West. As
England is trying to avoid the brunt of
German aggressiveness by upholding
the independence and integrity of the
Netherlands, so Japan is anxious to
maintain the territorial integrity of
China, making it a sort of buffer state.
This cherished aim of Japan has been
partly frustrated because of German
and Russian aggressions in China. To
protect her existence and safety against
the designs of such ambitious powers,
Japan was compelled to occupy Korea
and Port Arthur, thus making her ter-
ritory contiguous to that of Russia.
To-day Japan feels more forcibly than
ever the disadvantage of having such
an aggressive nation as Russia as her
neighbor, and she does not want to see
another ambitious power establish it-
self upon Chinese soil.
This is the reason that Japan does
not wish to occupy Kiao-chau or any
other section of China. The logic is
clear: should Japan occupy Kiao-chau
permanently, other Powers would sure-
ly follow Japan's suit and slice up for
themselves large portions of Chinese
territory. Should this come to pass, the
powerful nations of the West would
become Japan's immediate neighbors,
thus inevitably weakening her natur-
ally strong position. This means a lar-
ger army and a more powerful navy,
with a proportionately heavier burden
of taxation.
No sane Japanese can fail to see that
the game is not worth the candle. It
is only by maintaining the territorial
integrity of China that Japan can en-
joy peace and devote her energies to the
promotion of the arts of peace.
Japan and the United States
As the historian Bancroft says, the
'vine of liberty' under American aus-
pices took deep root and filled the land
and reached unto both oceans. West-
ward the 'fame of this only daughter
of freedom ' crossed the Pacific and in-
spired the islanders of Japan.
To-day Japan is the one standard-
bearer of modernism in the whole
Orient. ' The wisdom which had passed
from India to Greece; the jurispru-
dence of Rome; the mediaeval munici-
palities; the Teutonic method of re-
presentation; the political experience
of England; the benignant wisdom of
the expositors of the law of nature and
of nations in France and Holland, all
712
JAPAN AND THE EUROPEAN WAR
shed on her their selectest influence.'
But the nation whose political and
social ideals exercised the most potent
influence upon Japan is the United
States. For the Declaration of Inde-
pendence which went forth from the
historic hall of Philadelphia found her
disciple in the * child of the world's old
age.'
Geographically Japan intervenes be-
tween the great autocracy of Russia
and the grand republicanism of Amer-
ica. With the moral support, if not
the material assistance, of the United
States, Japan hopes to stem the tide of
Russian autocracy with its militarism,
its religious intolerance, its discrimin-
ating policy against foreign interests in
commerce and trade.
Japan cherishes no animosity toward
the Russian, but she realizes that her
greatest danger lies across the Japan
Sea. It is the irony of fate that, in tak-
ing up arms against Germany, Japan
should appear to be aiding Russia.
The Japanese would feel sorry if the ,
Empire of the Kaiser were to be over-
run by the Tsar's Cossacks, because
Japan stands for liberalism and is op-
posed to autocracy and militarism.
This very fact that the Japanese
stand for liberalism persuaded them to
combat the militarism of Germany in
the Far East. No one wishes more sin-
cerely than the Japanese that the war
should terminate promptly and result
in the establishment of a better under-
standing between Japan and Germany,
based upon mutual respect and con-
sideration, each recognizing fully the
rights of the other; for no two nations
can be friendly when neither scruples
to disregard the rights of the other.
The dove of peace builds her nest in
the haunts of righteousness, and she
builds it nowhere else.
That Japan's policy in China is in
harmony with that of the United
States needs no explanation. But for
those uninitiated in the history of Far
Eastern diplomacy a few words may
not be amiss.
Following upon the heels of the war
against Russia, Japan concluded with
England a treaty whose foremost aim
was the * preservation of the common
interests of all the Powers in China by
insuring the independence and integ-
rity of the Chinese Empire and the
principle of equal opportunities for the
commerce and industry of all nations
in China/
Again, in June, 1907, Japan took the
initiative in exchanging with France a
memorandum whose object was the pre-
servation of the territorial integrity of
China.
For the third time Japan, in July,
1907, succeeded in concluding with
Russia a convention recognizing 'the
independence and the territorial in-
tegrity of the Empire of China and the
principle of equal opportunity in what-
ever concerns the commerce and indus-
try of all nations in that empire,' and
engaging 'to sustain and defend the
maintenance of the status quo and re-
spect for this principle by all the pacific
means within their reach.'
It is plain to you that the principles
embodied in all these documents are
in perfect consonance with the tradi-
tional policy of the United States in the
Far East, as it was enunciated by the
late illustrious Secretary of State, Mr.
John Hay, and as it has been consist-
ently followed by his successors.
The Commerce of the Pacific
Japan's foremost object in joining
hands with England in the present
world-crisis is to keep the Pacific lanes
of trade free from molestation, as well
as to remove the German base of oper-
ation in China, and thus insure endur-
ing peace in the Far East.
With the European nations in the
grip of war, the importation of Euro-
JAPAN AND THE EUROPEAN WAR
713
pean merchandise to China has virtu-
ally stopped. In this Japan sees a
golden opportunity both for America
and for herself.
China imports 473,000,000 taels'
worth of goods every year. Of this to-
tal at least 171,300,000 taels is divided
up by Europe. Can American manu-
facturers fail to see what a splendid
opportunity is offered them? Japan,
importing cotton and other raw ma-
terials from America, turns them into
finished merchandise to be shipped to
China. Japan's merchant vessels, ply-
ing the seas sentineled by her cruisers,
are at the service of American manu-
facturers to transport their merchan-
dise to the vast markets of China.
To-day the United States exports to
China only 36,000,000 taels' worth of
goods. Compare this with 269,200,000
taels of Great Britain (including India
and Hongkong) and you can realize
what a vast field lies before you for
your commerce. Japan's exports to
China amount to 90,000,000 taels per
annum, much of which is made up of
merchandise whose raw materials come
from the United States.
Turn to Japan, and you find another
wide field awaiting your commercial
activities. Europe's exports to Japan
amount to 203,000,000 yen per annum.
Tox this total England contributes 116,-
146,000 yen. Add to this 135,000,000
yen from British India and 881,550 yen
from Hongkong, and you see what an
enormous trade Great Britain is doing
in Japan. German exports to Japan
total 61,000,000 yen per annum, and
those of France and Belgium amount
to 5,400,000 yen and 9,087,000 yen
respectively.
Now that the war has stopped all
imports from Europe, America is in a
position to monopolize the Japanese
market. Can the merchants and man-
ufacturers of America afford to let this
opportunity slip?
The destiny of the Pacific is in the
hands of the three nations — America,
Great Britain, and Japan. Guided by
England and the United States, Japan
hopes to maintain the peace of the
Pacific, and especially of the Far East.
And the peace of the Pacific cannot
be maintained without preserving the
territorial integrity of China.
THE CRISIS
BY JOHN JAY CHAPMAN
THE present war has revealed the
flimsiness of the world's superficial
learning. It has also laid bare the work-
ing of those deep forces that hold men
together. At first we felt a shock, for
we saw that a volcanic attack was be-
ing made upon modern society. But
we were visited almost at the same
time by a new sense of the solidarity of
mankind. Two thirds of Europe were
welded into a single country in a night,
while America's mission as an unselfish
and just nation was clearly seen by all
men. The state papers of our country
have been filled, from Revolutionary
times downward, with thoughts which
find an application now. Our popular
education, our practical training, have
fitted us for this crisis.
Mankind is witnessing a great bur-
lesque of patriotism, — a reductio ad
absurdum of national feeling, — which
has been maturing during forty years
in the bosom of Europe, and now ap-
pears in the form of a national mad-
ness. Its utterances make small appeal
to those untouched by the craze, yet
appe^ r like divinity to the initiated.
Even some of our own American pro-
fessors and literary men, who have been
living in contact with the German
mind, betray signs of a sympathetic
madness, which may be studied as a
part of the great phenomenon now in
progress. On the other hand it is per-
fectly certain that there exist in Ger-
many numbers of persons whose intel-
lects are untouched by the passions of
the day, and whose voices will be heard
as those passions begin to subside.
714
A vision of the destiny of man has to-
day flashed over the world. It recalls
the religious awakening in Northern
Europe that followed in the footsteps
of the first Christian missionaries. All
smaller animosities are cast aside in
the endeavor to save the essentials of
a common life. The cataclysm has pass-
ed through each private consciousness
like the stroke of an invisible wand,
and the western world has throbbed,
and still throbs, like one man. For a
period which must last for several
years, the greater part of Europe and
all of America will agonize daily over
the same thought. Non-Teutonic Eu-
rope and both Americas have become a
vast, unitary thinking-machine, which
grinds honestly, remorselessly, painful-
ly, and with a passionate desire to find
the truth. The progress of its thought
is seen to be determinate, inscrut-
able, mechanical. So many sides has
the problem that all men are, as it
were, equalized by the act of grappling
with it. Learned and unlearned are
equally at a loss, equally competent.
The philosopher can hardly suggest
any idea on the matter which his
coachman does not anticipate or his
gardener express in an epigram. Com-
pelling force invades the sanctuaries of
men's minds and no private breast is
immune. We see as possibilities the re-
spect of nations for one another, the
subsidence of hatreds, the lessening of
armaments. Beyond these vistas of
political change the convulsion now in
progress seems to portend unfathom-
able changes in men's tone of mind
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
715
and in their outlook upon life. An era
has closed. A page in the history of
man has been turned. Every individ-
ual must stand still and discover by the
outcome what relation he will bear to
the new dispensation.
One thing has been made apparent,
namely, that the relations between
good and evil are inscrutable. All of
this new life seems to have leaped into
being in response to an attack upon
life; all of this reason, in response to
unreason; all of the new order, in re-
sponse to chaos.
The inhabitants of Europe are near
the conflagration, which they watch
while their treasure and their children
are being consumed by it. They have
less leisure for thought than we. And
thus for the moment America has be-
come the focus of such reflection as
humanity can afford time for. Moral
influence is indeed all that America
can contribute to the situation. To see
clearly is our province. We must strive
only for vision, feeling sure that this
will somehow qualify the vision of the
world.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
IN THE CHAIR
ABOUT once in so often a man must
go to the barber for what, with con-
temptuous brevity, is called a haircut.
He must sit in a big chair, a volumi-
nous bib (prettily decorated with polka
dots) tucked in round his neck, and let
another human being cut his hair for
him. His head, with all its internal
mystery and wealth of thought, be-
comes for the time being a mere poll,
worth two dollars a year to the tax-
assessor: an irregularly shaped object,
between a summer squash and a can-
taloupe, with too much hair on it, as
very likely several friends and acquaint-
ances have advised him. His identity
vanishes.
As a rule the less he now says or
thinks about his head, the better: he
has given it to the barber, and the barber
will do as he pleases with it. It is only
when the man is little and is brought in
by his mother, that the job will be done
according to instructions; and this is
because the man's mother is in a posi-
tion to see the back of his head. Also
because the weakest woman under such
circumstances has strong convictions.
When the man is older the barber will
sometimes allow him to see the hair-
cut, cleverly reflected in two mirrors;
but not one man in a thousand — nay,
in ten thousand — would dare express
himself as dissatisfied. After all, what
does he know of haircuts, he who is no
barber? Women feel differently; and I
know of one man, returning home with
a new haircut, who was compeJJed to
turn round again and take what his
wife called his 'poor' head to another
barber by whom the haircut was more
happily finished. But that was excep-
tional. And it happened to that man
but once.
The very word 'haircut* is objec-
tionable. It snips like the scissors. Yet
it describes the operation more honest-
ly than the substitute 'trim/ a euphe-
mism indicating a jaunty habit of drop-
ping in frequently at the barber's, and
716
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
so keeping the hair perpetually at just
the length that is most becoming. For
most men, although the knowledge
must be gathered by keen, patient ob-
servation and never by honest confes-
sion, there is a period, lasting about a
week, when the length of their hair is
admirable. But it comes between hair-
cuts. The haircut itself is never satis-
factory. If his hair was too long before
(and on this point he has the evi-
dence of unprejudiced witnesses), it is
too short now. It must grow steadily
— count on it for that ! — until for a
brief period it is 'just right/ sestheti-
cally suited to the contour of his face
and the cut of his features, and begin-
ning already imperceptibly to grow too
long again.
Soon this growth becomes visible,
and the man begins to worry. * I must
go to the barber/ he says in a harassed
way. *I must get a haircut/ But the
days pass. It is always to-morrow, and
to-morrow, and to-morrow. When he
goes, he goes suddenly.
There is something within us, prob-
ably our immortal soul, that postpones
a haircut; and yet in the end our im-
mortal souls have little to do with the
actual process. It is impossible to con-
ceive of one immortal soul cutting an-
other immortal soul's hair. My own
soul, I am sure, has never entered a
barber's shop. It stops and waits for
me at the portal. Probably it converses
on subjects remote from our bodily con-
sciousness with the immortal souls of
barbers, patiently waiting until the
barbers finish their morning's work and
come out to lunch.
Even during the haircut our hair is
still growing, never stopping, never at
rest, never in a hurry: it grows while we
sleep, as was proved by Rip Van Winkle.
And yet perhaps sometimes it is in a
hurry; perhaps that is why it falls out.
In rare cases the contagion of speed
spreads; the last hair hurries after all
the others; the man is emancipated
from dependence on barbers. I know
a barber who is in this independent
condition himself (for the barber can
no more cut his own hair than the rest
of us) and yet sells his customers a pre-
paration warranted to keep them from
attaining it, a seeming anomaly which
can be explained only on the ground
that business is business. To escape
the haircut one must be quite without
hair that one cannot see and reach; and
herein possibly is the reason for a fash-
ion which has often perplexed students
of the Norman Conquest. The Norman
soldiery wore no hair on the backs of
their heads; and each brave fellow could
sit down in front of his polished shield
and cut his own hair without much
trouble. But the scheme had a weak-
ness. The back of the head had to be
shaven, and the fashion doubtless went
out because, after all, nothing was
gained by it. One simply turned over
on one's face in the barber's chair in-
stead of sitting up straight.
Fortunately we begin having a hair-
cut when we are too young to think,
and when also the process is sugar-
coated by the knowledge that we are
losing our curls. Then habit accustoms
us to it. Yet it is significant that men
of refinement seek the barber in se-
cluded places, basements of hotels for
choice, where they can be seen only by
barbers and by other refined men hav-
ing or about to have haircuts; and that
men of less refinement submit to the
operation where every passer-by can
stare in and see them, bibs round their
necks and their shorn locks lying in
pathetic little heaps on the floor. There
is a barber's shop of this kind in Boston
where one of the barbers, having no
head to play with, plays on a cornet,
doubtless to the further distress of his
immortal soul peeping in through the
window. But this is unusual even in
the city that is known far and wide as
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
717
the home of the Boston Symphony
Orchestra.
I remember a barber — he was the
only one available in a small town —
who cut my left ear. The deed dis-
tressed him, and he told me a story. It
was a pretty little cut, he said — filling
it with alum — and reminded him of an-
other gentleman whose left ear he had
nipped in identically the same place.
He had done his best with alum and
apology, as he was now doing. Two
months later the gentleman came in
again. 'And by golly!' said the barber,
with a kind of wonder at his own clever-
ness, 'if I did n't nip him again in just
the same place ! '
A man can shave himself. The Arm-
less Wonder does it in the "Dime Mu-
seum. Byron did it, and composed
poetry during the operation, although,
as I have recently seen scientifically
explained, the facility of composition
was not due to the act of shaving but
to the normal activity of the human
mind at that time in the morning.
Here therefore a man can refuse the of-
fices of the barber. If he wishes to make
one of a half-dozen apparently inani-
mate figures, their faces covered with
soap, and their noses used as conven-
ient handles to turn first one cheek and
then the other — that is his own look-
out. But human ingenuity has yet to
invent a * safety barber's shears.' It
has tried. A near genius once made an
apparatus - - a kind of helmet with
multitudinous little scissors inside it —
which he hopefully believed would
solve the problem; but what became of
him and his invention I have not heard.
Perhaps he tried it himself and slunk,
defeated, into a deeper obscurity. Per-
haps he committed suicide, for one can
easily imagine that a man who thought
he had found a way to cut his own hair
and then found that he had n't would
be thrown into a suicidal depression.
There is the possibility that he suc-
ceeded in cutting his own hair, and was
immediately 'put away,' where nobody
could see him but the hardened atten-
dants, by his sensitive family. The im-
portant fact is that the invention never
got on the market. Until some other
investigator succeeds to more practical
purpose, the rest of us must go periodi-
cally to the barber. We must put on
the bib —
Here, however, there is at least an
opportunity of selection. There are
bibs with arms, and bibs without arms.
And there is a certain amount of satis-
faction in being able to see our own
hands, carefully holding the newspaper
or periodical wherewith we pretend that
we are still intelligent human beings.
And here again are distinctions. The
patrons of my own favored barber's
shop have arms to their bibs and pre-
tend to be deeply interested in the Illus-
trated London News. The patrons of the
barber's shop where I lost part of my
ear — I cannot see the place, but those
whom I take into my confidence tell
me that it has long since grown again
— had no sleeves to their bibs, but
nevertheless managed awkwardly to
hold the Police Gazette. And this oppor-
tunity to hold the Police Gazette with-
out attracting attention becomes a
pleasant feature of this type of barber's
shop: I, for example, found it easier
— until my ear was cut — to forget
my position in the examination of this
journal than in the examination of the
Illustrated London News. The pictures,
strictly speaking, are not so good, either
artistically or morally, but there is a
tang about them, an I-do-not-know-
what. And it is always wisest to focus
attention on some such extraneous in-
terest. Otherwise you may get to
looking in the mirror.
Do not do that.
For one thing, there is the impulse
to cry out 'Stop! Stop! Don't cut it
all off!
718
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
'Oh, barber, spare that hair!
Leave some upon my brow!
For months it's sheltered me!
And I '11 protect it now!
'Oh, please! P-1-e-a-s-e! — ' These
exclamations annoy a barber, rouse a
demon of fury in him. He reaches for
a machine called 'clippers.' Tell him
how to cut hair, will you ! A little more
and he '11 shave your head — and not
only half-way either, like the Norman
soldiery at the time of the Conquest!
Even if you are able to restrain this
impulse, clenching your bib in your
hands and perhaps dropping or tearing
the Illustrated London News, the mirror
gives you strange, morbid reflections.
You recognize your face, but your head
seems somehow separate, balanced on
a kind of polka-dotted mountain with
two hands holding the Illustrated Lon-
don News. You are afraid momentarily
that the barber will lift it off and go
away with it. Then is the time to read
furiously the weekly contribution of
G. K. Chesterton. But your mind re-
verts to a story you have been read-
ing about how the Tulululu Islanders,
a savage but ingenious people, preserve
the heads of their enemies so that the
faces are much smaller but otherwise
quite recognizable. You find yourself
looking keenly at the barber to discover
any possible trace of Tulululu ancestry.
And what is he going to get now? A
krees? No, a paint-brush. 5s he going
to paint you? And if so — what color?
The question of color becomes strangely
important, as if it made any real dif-
ference. Green? Red? Purple? Blue?
No, he uses the brush dry, tickling
your forehead, tickling your ears, tick-
ling your nose, tickling you under the
chin and down the back of your neck.
After the serious business of the hair-
cut, a barber must have some relaxation.
There is one point on which you are
independent: you will not have the
bay rum; you are a teetotaller. You
say so in a weak voice which neverthe-
less has some adamantine quality that
impresses him. He humors you; or
perhaps your preference appeals to his
sense of business economy.
He takes off your bib.
From a row of chairs a man leaps to
his feet, anxious to give his head to the
barber. A boy hastily sweeps up the
hair that was yours — already as re-
mote from you as if it had belonged to
the man who is always waiting, and
whose name is Next. Oh, it is horrible
— horrible — • horrible!
WAGGLING
ONE of my friends says, * Don't you
like to have people make a pleasant,
gentle hullabalooing over you some-
times?'
I know what she means, and I do
like it. Only in my own parlance it is
not hullabalooing, but waggling. A
hullabaloo — even a pleasant gentle
one — implies boisterous doings. But
you can waggle without saying a word
or lifting a finger. You can waggle
with your inmost soul in a perfectly re-
spectable and secret way, when nobody
— it may be in church, or in the trol-
ley-car, or at a solemn Music — sus-
pects you of anything but a little extra
shine to your eyes and twist to your
lips. Then again, you can waggle your
way visibly but quietly through a
rainy, dirty, dumpish day, so that peo-
ple will almost signal back, with a kind
of borrowed quirk of joy.
Of course a puppy is the perfect wag-
gler. Our Airedale, with the sad brown
eyes and rough coat and comically piv-
oted tail, can hardly stir himself with-
out waggling. He loves us vastly, and
he loves to be full of bones and fresh
air and implicit trust in all dogs and
men. Life is one glorious, simple-
minded, adventurous holiday for him.
He is downcast only when all his arts
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
719
fail to persuade us that he should ac-
company us to church or to a dinner-
party. Then he cries and grieves and
quivers; but even his grief has a naiv-
ete and honesty that are akin to his joy.
We know that when we come back
and fumble at the latchkey, a happy
urgent moaning and grunting will be
heard behind the door, and Ben will
leap out at us, pawing the air, tossing
his ears, crimping his staunch black-
saddled body into incredible patterns,
skidding along the rug on the side of
his funny face, — in short, waggling
over us in an abandon of love and de-
light fit to melt the heart of the stoni-
est puppy-hater or cynic-at-large.
For the person who cannot appreci-
ate the attitude of mind that waggles,
in animals or men, must be either a ter-
rible cynic or a terrible hypochondriac.
Such a person would not be moved,
I am afraid, even by the kind man-
ners of a Black Wolf, with whom we
lately passed the time of day in a trav-
eling Wild-Beast Show. Perhaps the
Black Wolf had been reading Science
and Health; or perhaps he wished to
show us that not all wolves like to eat
Little Red-Riding-Hoods; or perhaps
he was simply bored by the bourgeois
steam-piano music and generally low
tone (for a Wild Beast of parts) of the
show. At any rate, when we stood be-
fore his bars and spoke politely to him,
he waggled at us. There was no mis-
taking it: he waggled, head and tail, as
amiably as our mild Ben at home.
Surely, if a moth-eaten Black Wolf
in a five-foot cage can waggle, anybody
can; and as I have said, the person who
can neither understand waggling nor
do it himself is in evil case. Many
clergymen, many poets, many social
investigators seem to have lost this
simple power. They are too serious
with the world and with themselves to
remember that one of the most easily
paid obligations to life is just letting
one's self be pleased with the things
that were put here to please one with-
out sin or shame, no matter how much
else there may be to fret and fight
against forever. Now the Black Wolf
had very little to give him joy. In-
stead of wild free spaces for running
and hunting, he had a patch of dirty
sawdust, iron bars, stale odors, food
flung at intervals, meaningless human
shapes and faces: a life so tame and
dull that even a house-dog would pine
away under it. Yet that good Black
Wolf had not forgotten the lively uses
of his tail and head.
But I did not mean to write about
the morals of waggling. I meant rather
to tell of its simple causes. There are
so many things that make one waggle.
Of course, seeing the people whom we
love and like produces waggling, or a
* pleasant, gentle hullabalooing.' But
I should be sorry enough if ever a
shining morning in green April, — a
red October wood, — a full moon over
frozen silvery lakes, — a good hearth-
fire, — a field of daisies, — a snatch of
old song, suddenly dancing from the
dark halls of memory, — and a thou-
sand simpler, smaller things, did not
make me paw the air and wag my se-
cret tail. (For it seems to me that hu-
man beings need self-expressive tails
just as much as dogs do.)
Now our precious Katy-in-the-kitch-
en waggles over a perfect souffle, or a
glorious Easter bonnet, or a * murdery '
moving-picture show; our newsboy
over a prize bicycle or a full muskrat
trap. There must be those who waggle
over a glass of beer; a case won in the
Supreme Court; a post-box filled with
Suffragette stickum; a soul saved; a
rise in stocks; a seal-skin coat smug-
gled; a neat horse-trade.
I cannot sympathize with all these
causes for delight, but with the state of
mind I do sympathize greatly. To be
too old, or too sick, or too rich, or too
720
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
poor, or too stupid, to waggle over
anything would be more a death than
-death itself. And I. have a suspicion
that stupidity is the real root of most
ichronic heaviness of soul. I know old
people, and sick people, who have al-
most as little to be pleased with as the
Black Wolf, and yet who have never
forgotten how to twinkle with childlike
joy. And surely it is stupidity that
dulls and paralyzes the very rich. The
poor, for all their handicaps, can give
millionaires lessons in waggling.
But there must be no taint of affec-
tation about it, or everything is ruined.
The society-waggle is as cheap and
poor a farce as the society-compliment.
The pious waggle is yet worse. The
only genuine variety is as swift and
spontaneous as the wild shake of a
horse's mane in the wind; as a terrier's
bark and leap and sidewise antics down
the road; as a small girl's hop-skip-and-
jump in the sun, or a small boy's whis-
tle and whoop as he tears from the
.school-door.
I wonder whether Stevenson did not
have in mind a more serious aspect of
this same mood when he wrote the fa-
miliar lines, —
If I have faltered more or less
In my great task of happiness;
If I have moved among my race
And shown no glorious morning face;
If beams from happy human eyes
Have moved me not; if morning skies,
Books, and my food, and summer rain,
Knocked on my sullen heart in vain; —
Lord, thy most pointed pleasure take,
And stab my spirit broad awake.
Even Stevenson called his happiness
a 'great task'; and it was no wonder.
For him, and for many, it must indeed
be a task.
But it pleases me to feel that for
most of us, our passing happiness is no
task: that we are not Black Wolves,
but Airedale puppies. We waggle, not
for stern Duty's sake, but because, like
Ben, curled here at my feet, and hu-
morous even in his dreams, the world
seems so lively and amazing to us that
we cannot help it.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
DECEMBER, 1914
THE HIDDEN TREASURE OF RISHMEY-YEH
BY ABRAHAM MITRIE RIHBANY
ELSEWHERE1 1 have stated that my
father was a stone mason, a contractor
and builder, who carried on a large
business. As an apprentice to his trade
I enjoyed such exceptional privileges
that at the age of sixteen I was classed
and paid wages as a * master.'
From our home town, Betater, which
is situated on the western slopes of
Mount Lebanon, Syria, in the province
which bears the name of that historic
mountain, our building enterprises
radiated for many miles around. Not
being able to give personal attention
to all of the many applications which
came to him, my father often placed
me in charge of less extensive under-
takings, such as the erection of ordinary
dwellings, which, in so poor a country
as the interior of Syria, involved no
complicated architectural designs. In
fact, in that part of the world we had
never even heard of an architect in
1 See the author's A Far Journey, chapter v.
That autobiography, as Atlantic readers know,
is the story of a continuous spiritual develop-
ment, and its sequence would have been in-
terrupted by the narration of the romantic ad-
venture here described. — THE EDITORS.
VOL. 114 -NO. 6
connection with our trade. The stone
mason exercised the functions of ar-
chitect, builder, and inspector.
So it happened, when I was about
seventeen years old, that a man named
Abu-' Azar (father of Lazarus) , from a
town called Rishmey-yeh, situated in a
deep, picturesque valley not quite two
hours' journey on foot from Betater,
besought] my father to build for him
a dwelling house, which was to consist
of one lower and two upper rooms.
Not being able to go to Rishmey-yeh
himself, my father, with the consent of
Abu-' Azar, assigned the task to me. My
assistant, another master mason called
Abu-Nezhim, was more than double
my age, but he had never distinguished
himself in his trade; and as my father's
fame was wide, the work was given in
charge to me.
It was early autumn when my part-
ner and I arrived in Rishmey-yeh,
wearing the commanding airs of enter-
prise and wisdom. With dignified, pa-
triarchal generosity Abu-' Azar received
us into his hospitable home, declaring
to us that he felt unworthy of the hon-
or of having us come under his roof.
Turning to me, our host said, —
'I have no doubt your respected
THE HIDDEN TREASURE OF R1SHMEY-YEH
father sent you and your companion
to me as his personal representatives,
because he believes you to be wise
master-builders. Therefore I honor
you both, for your father's sake, and
because, even from ancient times, it
has always been considered seemly to
honor wise minds and skilled hands.
You are exceedingly welcome to my
humble dwelling and to eat my bread
and salt/
A bounteous supper was put before
us, after which Abu-'Azar acquainted
us with the plans for the house he had
in mind.
*I want a three-room house,' he
said, — ' the two upper rooms to be
large enough to accommodate my crop
of silk cocoons, and to provide space
for the yield of my vines and fig trees
and a comfortable shelter for me and
my family. The lower room I shall use
for wood, charcoal and like necessaries,
leaving enough room for the stabling
of a cow, and an enclosure for a brood
or two of chickens. Furthermore I beg
you to proceed with all speed to con-
struct the house before the whiter sea-
son overtakes us.'
To us, Abu-'Azar's instructions seem-
ed most concise and explicit, and his
keen desire to have the house built be-
fore the winter season set in, perfect-
ly justifiable. Therefore, Abu-Nezhim
and I soon put our heads together,
hitched our mental faculties to Wis-
dom's star, and in a very short time
informed Abu-'Azar that such a house
as he contemplated building should be
so many cubits long, so many high and
so many wide; the walls should be one
cubit thick, and the foundations, like
those of the house of the * wise man ' of
the Sermon on the Mount, were to rest
on solid rock. The estimated cost was
also respectfully submitted, and the
delightful result was that Abu-'Azar
pronounced our architectural" plans
faultless and the price most reasonable,
and bade us proceed to make the new
house a tangible reality.
We did proceed with dispatch. Ear-
ly on the following morning our em-
ployer conducted us to the * parcel of
ground ' on which the house was to be
built. It was at the southwest corner
of the town, some distance from the
outermost fringe of houses, and just
below a rocky elevation on which stood
an ancient convent of Saint Elias. We
drove the stakes for the house in a spot
where a rock ledge seemed nearest to
the surface, located our stone quarry,
and on the next morning the actual
work began.
When a sufficient quantity of stone
had been secured, the men were set to
digging the foundation, which proved
to be 'near,' — that is, the solid rock
was soon reached; except that at the
northeast corner the diggers discover-
ed, in an area of * permanent' natural
rock, a round hole about five feet in
diameter, apparently cut by human
hands in some bygone generation.
Upon inspecting the rather strange
opening, I ordered the men to dig a
little deeper, with the expectation that
the rock-bottom would soon be reached.
They therefore dug to the depth of
about five feet, but no rock appeared;
they found, however, mingled with the
soil, small quantities of mortar and
fragments of pottery, which, together
with the marks of the ancient work-
man's tools on the sides of the opening,
awakened in us no little interest. But
in order not to allow our curiosity to
impede our progress, my partner, Abu-
Nezhim, and I concluded to have the
round hole filled up with stones and
— that we might secure a firm founda-
tion for that corner of the house — to
bridge it over with a small arch. The
men were notified to this effect and in
a short time the interesting opening
was filled up to a level with the sur-
rounding rock.
THE HIDDEN TREASURE OF RISHMEY-YEH
723
But at the close of that day, after
our helpers, the 'laborers,' had gone,
Abu-'Azar, Abu-Nezhim, and I, unde-
signedly and by a common irresistible
impulse, found ourselves standing to-
gether around the curious hole, and
saying to each other, * What might this
thing be?'
'It may be that we have stumbled
upon a mekhbaiah' (hidden treasure),
suggested Abu-Nezhim.
With a restrained but deeply signifi-
cant smile Abu-'Azar remarked, 'I am
not easily disturbed by such things,
but of a truth, masters, I have had
such a suspicion all this afternoon; cer-
tainly this hole is a strange thing, inas-
much as it is the work of the tool/
My youthful mind was filled with
excitement; I had had that suspicion
too, and now that my elders had so
expressed themselves, my hope was
suddenly transformed almost into a
certainty.
Nor is it strange that we were all
strongly predisposed to believe that
we had stumbled upon a mekhbaiah.
In Syria it is universally believed that
hidden treasures may be found any-
where in the land, and especially among
ancient ruins. This belief rests on the
simple truth that the tribes and clans
of Syria, having from time immemo-
rial lived in a state of warfare, have
hidden their treasures in the ground,
especially on the eve of battles. Fur-
thermore, the wars of the past being
wars of extermination, the vanquished
could not return to reclaim their hid-
den wealth; therefore the ground is the
keeper of vast riches. The tales of the
digging and finding of such treasures
fill the country. There are thrilling
tales of treasures in various localities.
Gold and other valuables are said to
have been dug up in sealed earthen
jars, often by the merest accident, in
the ground, in the walls of houses, un-
der enchanted trees, and in sepulchres.
From earliest childhood the people's
minds are fed on these tales, and they
grow up with all their senses alert to
the remotest suggestion of such pos-
sibilities.
This mode of thinking is clearly re-
flected in that short parable in the
thirteenth chapter of St. Matthew, in
which it is said: 'The kingdom of
heaven is like unto treasure hid in
a field; the which when a man hath
found, he hideth, and for joy thereof
goeth and selleth all that he hath, and
buyeth that field.' It was most nat-
ural therefore for us to suspect that
the round hole might be the doorway
to a vast treasure hidden somewhere in
the heart of the surrounding rock, and
to decide to follow up our enchanting
clew.
II
At sundown we assembled at Abu-
'Azar's house to take counsel together.
Through mental germination, under
the spell of all that we had been taught
with regard to hidden treasure, 'the
will to believe' grew steadily stronger;
therefore the chief problem which pre-
sented itself to us was how to devise
the best and safest method of finding
the precious pots of gold.
But this problem was no simple one.
In the first place the treasure might be
guarded by a Russed — a dread, death-
less spirit which knew neither slumber
nor sleep. For was it not told often of
persons who presumed to possess them-
selves of an enchanted treasure, that
they were smitten mercilessly by the
Russed with incurable physical and
mental afflictions? There was Yusuf
Abu-Hatim, who had recently died,
and who was still remembered by many
in our community chiefly because of a
horrible deformity from which he suf-
fered as a result of an encounter with
a spirit treasure-guard. For years Yu-
suf's lower jaw had been so twisted
724
THE HIDDEN TREASURE OF RISHMEY-YEH
that his tongue touched his ear when-
ever he attempted to speak. Another
unfortunate was Makhaul Asaad, who
under similar circumstances was smit-
ten with a perpetual hunger which
made of him a howling beast. Other
men suffered other punishments for
their intrusion upon the domains of
the mysterious powers.
In the second place, we had always
known that the Turkish government
prohibited secret digging for treas-
ures, under severe penalty. Such op-
erations could be safely carried on only
after a government permit had been
procured; but it was well-nigh impos-
sible to obtain these permits, and more-
over they stipulated (according to the
popular and in all probability inaccu-
rate understanding) that one third of
the treasure should go to the finder or
finders, one third to the owner of the
land in which the treasure was found,
and one third to the government. In
Turkey, especially in the days of Ab-
dul-Hamid, we were ruled not by laws
but by men. What the past had taught
us with regard to such cases was that,
in administering the 'law,' the govern-
ment usually took all that was found,
and rewarded the digger by throwing
him into prison on the charge that he
must have found much more than he
had made known to the officials. It was
for the serious consideration of these
and kindred, though less weighty, mat-
ters that we assembled at Abu-'Azar's
house on that memorable evening.
The company included Abu-'Azar,
his wife, his daughter-in-law, his two
sons, Jurjus1 and Jubbur, Abu-Nezhim,
and myself. After the Oriental fashion,
we all sat on the floor, which was cov-
ered with straw mats, cushions, and
sheepskins. The men formed a semi-
circle which terminated at either side
of the maukedah, — fireplace, — sitting
'knee upon knee.* The women, who
i Pronounced Zhurzhus.
were not supposed to take a conspic-
uous part in the deliberations, sat at
one side, behind us. The elder lady,
like the ' virtuous woman ' in the book
of Proverbs, 'laid her hand to the spin-
dle' and spun thread; the younger lady
was making an arkiah, the white mus-
lin skull-cap, closely stitched, which is
worn under the tarboosh, projecting
slightly around the forehead, and is to
the tarboosh what the cuff is to the
sleeve. Those good women, however,
were not altogether detached mentally
from the subject in hand, for as we
progressed in our serious deliberations
they gave pious sighs and cast upward
looks which signified a profound im-
ploring of the higher powers.
Of course, profound secrecy was the
first prerequisite, and to this all of us
pledged ourselves without the slight-
est mental reservation. Abu-'Azar, be-
ing the oldest man among us, as well
as the owner of the land, occupied the
seat of honor. He was a man of dig-
nified but stern appearance, reserved in
speech, of a fiery temperament when
crossed; and although of a stubborn
will he was paradoxically capable of
startlingly sudden mental changes. On
this occasion, however, he was very
tractable, even amiable, and spoke in
a wise and happy manner. ,
Our first decision was that we would
not notify the authorities of our inten-
tions. The prize we were seeking seem-
ed to us great enough to justify our
running the risk of being * caught in
the act,' rather than expose ourselves
voluntarily to Turkish injustice and
cruelty. The affair was wholly our own.
Furthermore, Abu-Nezhim and I real-
ized instinctively that if the authorities
were notified, and, in the event of our
success, took one third of the treasure,
and if Abu-'Azar took one third as the
owner of the land, and then he, his wife,
his sons, and his daughter-in-law took
their shares, as * diggers,' of what was
THE HIDDEN TREASURE OF RISHMEY-YEH
left, our portions would be indeed very
small. Consequently Abu-Nezhim and
I were decidedly opposed to the ruin-
ous legal method of procedure.
The mystery of the Russed next
claimed our attention. It was barely
possible that the treasure we were seek-
ing was not * guarded.' But what if it
were? Which one of us was so fool-
hardy as to presume to run such an aw-
ful risk? In due time a great Mughre-
by (magician) must be sought, to neu-
tralize the mysterious power for us
before we should venture to possess
ourselves of the discovered gold. But
such a necessity was as yet remote;
much work must be done, and stronger
evidences of the existence of the treas-
ure secured, before the aid of a Mugh-
reby was absolutely needed. Russeds
had often been known not to molest
treasure-diggers until they presumed
to carry the gold away. Some spirits
had even been known to give warning,
in rattlesnake fashion, thus 'affording
intruders an opportunity to escape be-
fore the treasure was disturbed. One
of our townsmen, who possessed a self-
augmenting memory, often told me
of a treasure in a cave in the neighbor-
hood of Mount Hermon, — a heap of
silver coin, which no man could carry
away because of the Russed which as
yet no magician had been able to * neu-
tralize.' That man asserted that he
himself visited the cave and handled
the coin; but that when he tried to car-
ry some of it away he could not find
the door of the cave, and kept going
round in a circle until he dropped the
precious burden.
The immediate problem, then, was
how to carry on the necessary opera-
tions of digging without being discov-
ered. The enchanted spot was some-
what remote from the more populous
section of the town, but the convent of
St. Elias was only a short distance
away, and several monks labored in its
fields and vineyards daily from dawn
till dusk. Just a little way below us
there was a public fountain, to which
all day an almost unbroken line of
women came to fill their jars. Besides,
there were our tenders, Ahmed and
Husein, the Druses, who dug the hole
for us, and whom we certainly did not
wish to admit into our confidence. In
such matters no Druse could be ex-
pected to keep the secret of a Christian,
the * enemy of his faith.'
We met the first of these difficulties
by deciding that, as it was well known
to the entire community that we were
building a house near the convent, the
presence of laborers in the neighbor-
hood would excite no suspicion. As to
Ahmed and Husein, some way could
easily be found to 'lay them off' for a
day or two, and they lived in another
town far away. How to dispose of the
ancient coin and jewelry without being
suspected of having found a treasure,
did not at the time perplex us very seri-
ously. In fact we were averse to even
the slightest suggestion which tended
to dampen our ardor and weaken our
resolution.
Having thus disposed of our prob-
lems, we fell into poetic contemplation
of the glorious future which loomed be-
fore us. The palaces we designed that
night for our future dwelling places, the
Arabian steeds, Persian hand-wrought
arms, European carriages, and a mul-
titude of other luxuries, formed the ex-
tensive programme of the millennial
period which seemed about to dawn
upon us; and our imaginings did full
justice to the Oriental passion for idle-
ness and luxury. True, some differen-
ces of taste were manifest among us
with regard to our future environment
and mode of living, but they were not
serious enough to precipitate a quarrel.
But the most startling occurrence
of that never-to-be-forgotten meeting
took place shortly before it broke up.
726
THE HIDDEN TREASURE OF RISHMEY-YEH
While we were designing our future
palaces, Abu-'Azar seemed for a few
minutes to fall into a state of deep con-
templation. His face was illumined as
with a new and significant vision, and
his eyes moved dreamily from one to
another of our faces. Presently, push-
ing his turbaned tarboosh back from
his forehead, he startled us with the
following tale: —
*Ya shebab* (valiant young men),
exclaimed Abu-'Azar, 'hear, and I will
speak to you! Many years ago, while
on my way from Beyrout, I stopped to
sustain my heart with a morsel of food
at the inn of Ber-el-Wernar. While I
was eating, my eyes fell upon a Mugh-
reby who sat near the door of the inn,
wrapped in his dark striped cloak. So
mysterious was he that he might have
but just emerged from the cave of
Daniel.1 Whenever I looked at him I
saw his black piercing eyes fixed upon
me, and I feared that he might bewitch
me. But I named the Holy Name and
thus strengthened my heart against
him. Having done with my food, I
lighted a cigarette and braved dan-
ger by going closer to the mysterious
man. From his manner I perceived
that he had somewhat to say to me, so
I moved still closer to him and respect-
fully asked him, —
* "O Hajj, have you aught for me,
and is it salaam and good fortune?'3
'Fastening his fire-striking eyes more
intently upon me, the Mughreby an-
swered, —
"Yes, wayfarer, I have somewhat to
tell you, and it is salaam and good for-
1 The cave of Daniel (the prophet), whose
walls were covered with talasim, — mystic in-
scriptions, — was supposed to exist deep in the
heart of the earth, somewhere in north Africa.
The earth yawned at that spot only once each
year, when seekers after the supreme art of magic
descended into the cave and there stayed a whole
year without food, emerging when the earth
yawned again, instructed in all the mysteries of
the diabolical art. — THE AUTHOR.
tune, if you prove yourself cautious
and deserving. You are a dweller of
the mountain region; you own a parcel
of land near a shrine. In one of the ter-
race walls of that parcel of land is a
high rock chipped by a stone-cutter's
tool. If you would possess riches, meas-
ure forty cubits from that rock east-
ward and dig. I will say no more now;
only that you must beware of the mys-
terious powers. Allah is the wise and
bounteous giver. "
Abu-'Azar's revelation thrilled our
souls to the very centre.
'And what did you do about it?'
was our eager question.
'Nothing/ said he. 'That was short-
ly after the herekah ' 2 (disturbance),
' when the blood was still hot and men's
minds were perplexed. Later, the roll-
ing on of the years made me forget the
matter/
Angels! What clearer evidence did
we require to prove to us that Abu-
'Azar's parcel of ground contained a
treasure?
The night being cloudy and dark,
no measurements could be taken then;
but we watched for the morning. On
the morrow, at the earliest dawn, 'be-
fore faces could be recognized/ we were
on the interesting spot. We found the
' high rock chipped by a stone-cutter's
tool/ and measured from it 'eastward'
forty cubits. The fortieth cubit span-
ned the mouth of the round hole! Our
joy reached the point of consternation.
Riches lay at our feet! Should we not
proceed at once to uncover the trea-
sure? But that would not be wise. Our
helpers Ahmed and Husein would soon
be with us, and if they once got wind
of our intentions they would certainly
betray us to the dread authorities. We
would therefore possess our souls in
patience through that day, follow our
normal activities, and in the meantime
2 A brief civil war between the Christians and
the Druses, in 1860.
THE HIDDEN TREASURE OF RISHMEY-YEH
727
find a suitable excuse to dispense with
the services of the Druses for the mor-
row, when we would proceed with the
digging, all by ourselves.
Ill
The day seemed endless and full of
drudgery. To be toiling like slaves
while riches lay at our feet was any-
thing but pleasant; but we bore up
under our secret with stoical fortitude.
Aside from a few significant glances and
winks which we shot at one another
during the weary hours, we betrayed
no signs which could awaken the sus-
picions of our alien fellow laborers. But
what excuse could we find for telling
them not to come on the morrow?
Here Abu-Nezhim, who was a church
* reader ' and often assisted at the Mass,
came to the rescue. His suggestion was
that we tell Ahmed and Husein, who
knew nothing about the Christian cal-
endar, that the following day was a
holy day on which we Christians were
forbidden to work, and of which we
had forgotten to speak to them earlier
in the week. Furthermore, the follow-
ing day being Friday, it would not be
worth while for them to come on Sat-
urday; therefore they need not report
until the following Monday. The two
Druses, fearing the loss of their job
altogether if they should remonstrate,
accepted the situation, with what in-
ward dissatisfaction we did not know
or care.
Threatening weather gave us an
added sense of security from intruders
on that Friday morning. As the early
rays of the gray dawn began to stream
over the heights of Lebanon, our party
of seven, five men and two women, be-
gan the work of removing the stones
which the workmen had thrown into
the round hole two days before. Need-
less to say, our hands moved with such
power and swiftness that in an incred-
ibly short time all the stones were
thrown out; and the digging was re-
sumed with the greatest eagerness.
We had not gone deeper than a foot
when there appeared at the west side
of the opening the edge of a large slab
of stone about five inches thick, stand-
ing upright, sealed around the edges
with mortar and apparently covering
the mouth of an horizontal excavation.
When this stone was partly uncovered,
I took the hammer and tapped it light-
ly three times. The strokes produced
a hollow sound and a faint echo with-
in. Our hearts beat violently, and our
faces turned pale with excitement.
Abu-'Azar, who stood above at the
mouth of the opening, with his wife
and daughter-in-law, as sentinels, re-
verently lifted his turbaned tarboosh
from his head, crossed himself, turned
his face toward the shrine of St. Elias,
and in most solemn accents vowed that
if our efforts were crowned with suc-
cess he would place over the image of
the gray-bearded saint a jeweled crown
of pure gold. The two women sealed
the fervent vow by beating upon their
breasts and saying imploringly, 'Yea,
Amen!' which was echoed with pro-
found sincerity by each one of us.
St. Elias was accorded the first honor
simply because he was the superhuman
personage nearest to us geographically.
The Virgin Mary, St. Antonio, whose
shrine crowned the rocky summit
overlooking the fertile valley in which
the town nestled, and other saints who
were deemed the mightiest helpers of
men, were implored with most persua-
sive promises to take strong interest
in our enterprise. I now realize that
only a gold mine of the richest output
could have paid all the vows we made
on that occasion.
After we had dug to the depth of
about three feet behind the stone slab,
Abu-Nezhim swung his hammer and
struck the stone several times at about
728
THE HIDDEN TREASURE OF RISHMEY-YEH
the centre. It broke and fell in several
pieces, revealing a large dark cave, lit
only by the light which streamed into
it through the opening we had just
made.
Instantly Abu-'Azar jumped into
the hole, muttering what sounded like
pious words. The women, forgetting
for the moment the danger of such
demonstrations, gave a scream. Jurjus
and Jubbur gave vent to their pent-up
feelings simultaneously with a charac-
teristic Syrian expression in the Arabic
language: 'Igit wa Allah jabha! ' which
is, by literal interpretation, 'It has
come, and God has brought it'; and in
more intelligible English, * Fortune has
come, by the grace of God/ Abu-Nez-
him and I felt too full for utterance.
And suddenly, without knowing how
we got there, we two found ourselves
squeezed together in the square open-
ing on our way to the darkness within.
No sooner did we get inside than our
three comrades came in, elbowing one
another, the sons (forgetting for the
moment the proprieties of patriarchal
family life) preceding their father. The
women remained outside and hurled
questions at us while they implored us
to beware of the Russed.
Before us lay a cave about forty feet
long and twenty-five feet wide. The
soft chalk-rock ceiling had crumbled
with the flight of the years, and had
come down in heaps at various points.
The huge fig tree growing in the soil
above sent its roots through the seams
in the rock to the cave below. But on
the left as we entered, the rocky wall
of the cave was of a more solid sub-
stance, and, as far as we could see,
smooth as the palm of the hand.
The roughness of the interior of the
cave and its vastness seemed for the
moment to overwhelm us. Where were
we to dig? What spot of the large in-
terior held the treasure? What were we
to do with the huge masses of crum-
bling rock? Abu-Nezhim and I were
the hope of the party in dealing with
weighty engineering problems, but
the difficulties of our situation were
practical, not technical. Time, labor,
and the ability to remain hidden from
the gaze of the outside world were the
things most needful; but they would
be difficult, if not impossible, to secure.
For how could we hope to have the
power to do the amount of work re-
quired? and how, supposing that we
could do the work, were we to disguise
such vast operations on the pretense
that we were only building a house?
However, it was most natural for us
to want to test certain spots, in the
hope of at least securing encouraging
clews. So it was decided that we should
proceed with the digging, very cau-
tiously, close by the smooth rock, which
seemed to us to be the sign left by those
who buried the treasure, to guide them
back to it.
The pickaxe and shovel brought to
the surface pieces of mortar, pottery,
and some ashes. Favorable signs, es-
pecially the mortar and pottery. Fur-
ther digging multiplied those signs, but
revealed no new ones. We worked
until shortly past the noon hour, as we
saw by the shadows of the trees and
the convent walls, when we laid down
our tools and sat together in a shel-
tered spot to eat our frugal lunch and
take further counsel. After the short
period of silence which always charac-
terizes the beginning of a meal with a
hungry company, desultory remarks be-
gan to fall from our lips.
* Mysterious ! all is mysterious ! ' mur-
mured Abu-'Azar, as in a trance. 'I
am convinced; there is a treasure un-
der my fig tree, but we must be wise
in seeking it. The help of magic must
besought. We need, first, to know posi-
tively the exact spot where the trea-
sure is buried; and, second, the potion
to break the spell of the Russed, I shall
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
729
not allow any further digging without
such means. Years ago the Mughreby
warned me against the "mysterious
powers," and I do not feel that the
lives of my sons and your lives, mas-
ters, should be recklessly exposed to
such awful danger, seeing that our
wrestling is not with flesh and blood
but with superhuman principalities
and powers.'
After careful deliberation, therefore,
it was decided that two of us should
proceed at once to Beyrout to consult
and seek the aid of El-Abdeh (colored
woman), a Mohammedan witch whose
powers were supposed to equal those
of the ancient witch of En-dor whom
Saul sought in his extremity. The
fame of El-Abdeh filled the land from
Aleppo to Beyrout and the regions of
Judea. Great were the marvels she
accomplished, from the finding of a
lost bracelet to the unhinging of the
most august human intellect. Of a
truth she had the power of rendering
any Russed harmless, inasmuch as she
was a most intimate friend of Beelze-
bub. Associated with her was a Mugh-
reby, who was also deeply versed in
the diabolical arts, and who, in joint
counsel with the Abdeh, dealt with the
men clients.
To Beyrout then, without delay!
Meanwhile Abu-Nezhim and I decided
that it was not at all safe to build
the house over a cave, that the plans
must be altered, and that word should
be sent to our Druse laborers bidding
them not to come to us until further
notice.
(To be concluded.)
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
BY EDWARD LEWIS
[A word about the author of this paper seems
essential to its complete understanding. Some
months ago we noticed a brief editorial in the
London Nation which read as follows: —
* An event of real importance in the Churches
is the decision of Mr. Edward Lewis to resign his
pastorate of the King's Weigh House Church at
Clapham, on the ground that he can no longer
reconcile his desire to be a " man of God " with his
position as a " comfortably conditioned official"
of "organized religion." Mr. Lewis writes his
letter from Assisi, the home of the greatest of
mediaeval Christians and of the re-birth of Chris-
tianity as a gospel of poverty and simplicity of
living. In future Mr. Lewis declares that he will
resort to wayside preaching. His formal secession
from Congregationalism deprives it of its most
gifted "intellectual," and is one of many signs of
a new spirit of freedom sweeping powerfully
through the world.'
Believing that this striking action of Mr. Lewis
typifies in large measure that spirit of religious
revolt which is one of the most interesting phe-
nomena of our time, we wrote to Mr. Lewis, who
sent us in reply the following article. — THE
EDITORS.]
I AM writing from England, and with
a quite unpardonably superficial know-
ledge of the * Church-Situation* in
America. The observations, however,
which I desire to make are of so broad
and general a character that any force
730
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
they have will not be impaired by acci-
dental local conditions. Clinical exami-
nations of the church-situation have
frequently been made of late years by
various practitioners; but although
their reports have rarely failed to give
an accurate and more or less exhaust-
ive account of the symptoms of weak-
ness and failure, they have not, as it
seems to me, shown any clear apprehen-
sion of the root-causes thereof. The
suggested remedies, therefore, have
been for the most part in the manner of
relief of acute localized symptoms, and
have not availed, nor will they ever
avail, to restore the prestige and power
of the Church in modern society. On
the contrary, in spite of sometimes fran-
tic efforts to make the Church attrac-
tive (a suggestion which, in itself, is a
serious criticism), the diminution pro-
ceeds, not only of the number of adher-
ents in all save the Roman Catholic
communion, but also of vital influence
in the life of society. It is scarcely
an exaggeration to say that, in Eng-
land at least, the Church is in Queer
Street.
The present article is an attempt
to disclose the root-causes of this
failure.
During a recent visit to Italy, a Fran-
ciscan padre said to me with admirable
assurance, 'In ten thousand years the
Church will be here as it is now.' He
meant his own communion in its insti-
tutional form. The Theory of Evolu-
tion is, for the Roman Catholic, on the
Index; and probably his mind moves at
a slower tempo than the rest of the world ;
so the padre may be congratulated on
his enthusiasm, and left to his delusion.
How far this optimistic vista is shared
by the religious world as a whole it is
not easy to judge; perhaps it is true
that the majority of Christians regard
the Church as identical with the King-
dom of God, and as having the stabil-
ity of the New Jerusalem itself.
Crowns and thrones may perish.
Kingdoms rise and wane,
But the Church of Jesus
Constant will remain.
A very comforting doctrine doubtless,
but the telescope must be at a very
blind eye indeed if a churchman cannot
see that most of the signs of the times
are against him. As a matter of fact,
one of the most conspicuous of such
signs is a widespread anxiety, especially
among its more awakened and alive ad-
herents, concerning the position and
influence of the Christian Church.
The Church's power as an organiza-
tion is obviously on the wane. That
Roman Catholicism is increasing its
numbers both in England and in Amer-
ica, and that Roman Catholics attain
to the highest civic and political offices
in these essentially Protestant lands,
is no valid objection to this state-
ment. This numerical increment is to
be accounted for partly by immigra-
tion, partly, and perhaps chiefly, by
the fact that in times of intellectual
unrest people of less robust mind will
run for a haven even if they have to
turn in their tracks to reach it, and the
reaction from oppressive and exhaust-
ing materialism will drive not a few
to where the great mysteries are still
frankly acknowledged and reverenced;
but no one imagines that an institution
can thrive permanently on accretions
of this character; and there is no sane
Englishman who would maintain that
Roman Catholicism is developing or-
ganically with the national life of his
country. It is perfectly obvious that
this great Church which once control-
led the policies of a continent has
practically no institutional influence
at what may be called the crucial and
strategic points of the modern Welt
Politik. It may be said to be her age-
long policy, — and the recent official
banning of the works of Bergson is an
expression of it, — to have no influence
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
731
on the vital thought-movement of the
world.
The Protestant churches are of lit-
tle account in the actual life of modern
society. In England, eighty per cent
of the people are outside their pale.
In Germany there is the Austrittsbe-
wegung movement, in connection with
which, as a writer in the current num-
ber of the Hibbert Journal informs us,
since January 1, 1908, ' in Berlin alone
31,967 Protestants, 5029 Catholics,
and 196 Jews have notified their Aus-
tritt.9 The increasing weakness of these
churches is shown by their increasing
concern to attract the people; days
were when the Church was a 'govern-
ment of men '; nowadays with all man-
ner of devices it angles and touts after
men.
The ' Kikuyu controversy ' doubtless
meant something very important for
the institutional side of the Anglican
Church, but the world at large looked
on with either amusement or indif-
ference or contempt. A cartoon in
Punch in which a couple of Negro na-
tives were represented as singing an
aria, 'Why do Christians rage? ' was an
admirable and accurate indication of
the public attitude toward that pro-
ceeding. Custom and habit will always
have their hordes of slaves, but it is
becoming more and more manifest that
the free mind, the free life, the free
spirit of the modern world are away
from, and not with, the Church.
It is a strange paradox, — Religion
flourishes, the organized Church de-
cays. What is the reason for it? What
is the remedy? It will be time enough
to talk of remedy, when we have dis-
covered the true reasons. It is at least
possible that we may then be compelled
to the conclusion that there is no rem-
edy, — and this is not quite so tragic
a statement as at first sight it may
seem.
It may be stated, with an assurance
of profounder root than that which
made the Franciscan priest swell with
pride, that, as an organization, the
Christian Church is necessarily imper-
manent; it must go the way of all other
institutions; in ten thousand years, —
which is really a longer time than it
sounds, since, with the speeding-up of
modern life and the dramatically rapid
developments in scientific and critical
thought, a day with us 'is as a thou-
sand years/ — the Christian Church
either will not be here, except perhaps
fossilized like Rossetti's toad in the
stone, or will be so different in every
way (including its name) as not to be
recognizable. The life which creates
forms always destroys them in the full-
ness of time; the Church must either
perish, or it must be destroyed by being
fulfilled. It can only persist by being
left, if the paradox may be allowed.
Whatsoever of ancient Judaism, for
example, vitally persists in the mod-
ern world, is to be found in the Juda-
istic elements of thought and practice
which are embedded in the Christian
system. And history will repeat itself.
Christianity, as we know it to-day,
must ultimately be dissolved in a new
religious synthesis. One of the first
articles of belief, for a truly religious
and spiritual man within the Christian
community, ought to be that there is
a 'Beyond Christianity/ The passage
into this ' Beyond Christianity ' is in-
evitable in the natural course of events.
n
And here I come upon the first of my
suggested root-causes. The Christian
Church does not believe in a 'Beyond
Christianity/ It is as much a closed
system as ever Judaism was. It be-
lieves in its own potential finality; it
believes in minor developments within
itself, but that in essence it is the final
word in Religion; there is 'more light
732
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
to break forth from the Word,' but
there are no other * Words.' It is the
walled Eternal City; within the walls
there is sufficient accommodation, but
there is no question of the walls ever
being dissolved. It has no real outlook.
All that really matters is within. It is
capable of variation, but not of muta-
tion. Salvation is through its sacra-
ments alone; it goes 'out into the high-
ways and byways/ but only in order
to 'compel them to come in.' It talks
about evangelizing the world, but it
really means bringing the peoples of
other religions into the Christian sys-
tem and institution. Its one hope for
those who die unbelieving is that, in
some other state of existence, they may
have a further chance of becoming
Christians. Heaven is the imaginary
projection of the final Christian com-
munity; and the guaranty of a place
therein is church-membership, — in a
broad sense.
The first three articles in the Hib-
bert Journal, for July, 1914, written by
different men on different subjects, con-
tain, strangely enough, identically the
same question. In the first, it is put in
this way: 'Does "spiritual freedom"
confer upon any one, lay or cleric, the
"right" to stay in the Church after he
has ceased to accept its teachings, the
"right" to believe what he likes and
openly avow such belief while remain-
ing a member of a religious community
which has subscribed to a confession of
faith? What right, then, still adheres
in a Christian body? Can a Christ-
ideal, identified with the true, the good,
and the beautiful, be substituted for
the historical person of Jesus Christ
without fundamentally overturning
Christianity as a spiritual religion?'
The second writer, speaking of the
Modernist, says, 'His fellow clergy sus-
pect him. Worse, he suspects himself.
He is forever asking himself, "Ought
I to be where I am? Can I honestly
go on saying the creeds, and celebrat-
ing the sacraments? Am I trying to
live in two incompatible worlds? May
it not be a form of hypocrisy, or of cow-
ardice?". . . Yet he cannot reverse his
own natural development. . . . He must
go on. . . . But he wonders whether
his attempts to reconstruct his beliefs
will ever end, or can logically end, in
anything which can properly be called
a Christian position.'
The third writer frankly entitles his
article 'Criminous Clerks,' and goes
so far as to propose a society ' to assist
those unfortunate clergy who have
learnt too late that their intellects can-
not acquiesce in doctrines to which
they pledged themselves as undevel-
oped youths.' Such a society would
instruct such equivocating clergy with
a view to sincere intellectual conform-
ity; or, if this were impossible, would
facilitate their removal from their posi-
tions in the institution.
All this is highly suggestive. It means
that within the Christian community
there are not a few men who are non-
Christians, in the dogmatic, institu-
tional sense. Some of them themselves
feel uncomfortable; of whom a few go
voluntarily out; those who are respon-
sible for the organization feel exceed-
ingly uncomfortable because of them;
do not know quite what to do with
them; regard them as elements of dis-
turbance and disintegration ; sometimes
forcibly turn them out, as in the case
of the late Father Tyrrell; more often
attempt to stifle them by official ostra-
cism and snubbing; hoping, it may be,
that the tremendous suction-power of
the organization will eventually sub-
merge them and their works. They are
like unto ferment; and any ferment is
highly objectionable and dangerous to
the institutional order.
This is prime evidence of the general
acceptance by Christians of the idea
of the Church as something final and
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
733
closed. It is an old idea, at least as old
as ancient Judaism; and is far more
deadly in its threat against the exist-
ence of the Church than all the * damn-
able heresies' put together. It should
be clear to any liberated mind that so
far as this official, institutional view is
able to prevail, the Church is doomed.
Clear on the other hand it should be
that it is precisely these men who re-
tain the Christian spirit, — * if a man
have not the spirit of Christ, he is none
of his/ — but have worked themselves
free to a large extent of the dogmas
and formularies; who have assimilat-
ed Truth which has come to manifest-
ation along other lines than that of
the tradition wherein they were born;
it is these who contain within them-
selves the promise, not so much of the
re-birth of the Church, as of the birth
from the womb of the Church of that
other Something wherein that plasmic
Substance, which created the church-
body, shall continue to live and mani-
fest at a higher point in a new body,
as the father lives on in his so differ-
ent son.
'Always emergence.' Out of the nut,
the seed, — the husk cast aside; out of
the chrysalis, the butterfly, — the cere-
ment left upon the ground to be reab-
sorbed into the matter-matrix; out of
Semitism, Hebraism; out of Hebraism,
Judaism; out of Judaism, Christianity.
Why stop there? It is not possible to
stop there, unless one confesses that
the line of tradition has left the main
channel of forward life and been side-
tracked into a cul-de-sac. Out of Chris-
tianity, a Beyond Christianity. It is
matter of common knowledge that
Christianity, as it began to take shape,
represented a synthesis of Judaism and
Hellenism, with less significant ingre-
dients from other quarters. Why should
not modern Christianity become con-
scious of itself, as opposing, say, Bud-
dhism and Mohammedanism; not as
a competitor seeking to drive them off
the field, or as a lion seeking to devour
the lamb, but rather as a lover seeking
marriage-union and offspring? Syn-
thesis, not conquest? Something of
this kind is believed in, and hoped
for — indeed must be so visioned and
dreamed of — by truly religious men;
but it is not believed in by the Church.
The justification put forward for that
interdenominational communion at Ki-
kuyu was that it was necessary that
all branches of the Christian Church
in British East Africa should be unit-
ed against the common threat of the
advancing tide of Mohammedanism in
those regions.
That is the church-attitude. It wants
to live, persist, and be immortal as it is;
it does not see that it can live on only
by dying to all those outwardnesses
which it imagines to be its true self; it
does not believe that it can save itself
only by losing itself. It is self-bound
in the mirror-lined prison-house of self-
consciousness. In whatever direction it
turns it sees only itself. This, I submit,
is one of the root-causes of its failure.
in
The second is not altogether unrela-
ted to this. I will state it bluntly. In
its present organized form the Church
is a flat contradiction of the spirit and
principles of its Founder.
This is not a criticism of the person-
nel of the Church; I admit that there
are saints in Caesar's household; it is an
affirmation of the necessary results
which follow upon the organization of
a spiritual movement. It is one of the
revenges which Time has always up
its sleeve. No institution can be per-
fectly true to its ideal; but it is the
peculiar misfortune of the Church that,
since the sum and substance of Chris-
tian practice is proclaimed as being
loyalty to the ideal, the mind, and
734
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
spirit of the Master, it has come about
that few institutions are as false to
their professed ideal as is the Christian
Church.
No wonder the Church is beginning
to question the historicity and reality of
Jesus! The spirit of Jesus, as a plumb
line convicts the wall which is out of
truth, convicts not only the world, but
the Church also, of sin. There are those
who take a natural, and those who take
a supernatural, view of Jesus; but both
hold up Jesus as the supreme example
for the practice of life; and, save here
and there in the conduct of an indi-
vidual, there is no serious whole-heart-
ed attempt to follow Him. We do not
want reproductions of Him, as if He
were the headline of a copy-book, but
Christians on the whole do not even live
their lives in his spirit. To a few in the
Church, the doctrines in the Epistles
are a dead letter; to many more, the
doctrines in the Sermon on the Mount
are a dead letter. We cannot have it
both ways.
If we say that the ethics of the Ser-
mon on the Mount were determined
by some eschatological view, and laid
down for a state of things quite other
than that under which life in these
modern days has to be lived; or if we
say that Christianity has been impos-
ed upon the western world, and is an
exotic which cannot be acclimatized;
then let us frankly confess that Jesus
is no example. But if we persist in
offering and in accepting Him as an ex-
ample, let us bow our heads to the judg-
ment; for we who * profess and call our-
selves Christians' do not, as a whole,
live our lives out in his spirit, and we
apparently do not make any arduous
or sustained effort to do so. Jesus is a
name to exorcise with, or a password to
be whispered into the ear of the official
at the other side of death's river; but
if faith in Jesus be self-identification
with Him in the spirit and practice of
life, its absence is more conspicuous
than its presence in the Church.
But it is with the institution rather
than with its members that I am more
particularly concerned here. Bergson
has propounded a theory of the crea-
tion of matter, according to which mat-
ter is held to be a kind of degradation
from spirit, a falling back like the de-
scending drops frpm the fountain-jet.
When a spiritual movement begins to
materialize into form, credal or institu-
tional, that form is necessarily in the
manner of a degradation from the
primal spiritual impulse. Institution-
alized religion is always a degeneration
from spiritual religion. There is al-
ways a qualitative loss in Faith when
it comes to be expressed in a creed.
Authoritative dogma and formulated
doctrine are always somewhat at the
expense of Truth in its pure integrity.
In the development of the embryo,
there comes a moment when the germ-
cells cease to multiply, and begin to
create somatic cells, which rapidly in-
crease, organize themselves, and form
the body whose first purpose is the
protection of the original plasm; the
somatic cells are, in point of vitality,
a degradation or relaxation from the
germ-cells.
Jesus does not seem to have antici-
pated the formation of a Church; cer-
tainly He was not concerned about any
such thing; He defined the Kingdom of
Heaven as a ferment, not as an order.
But the formation of the church-body
was inevitable; equally inevitable was
it that it should be a degeneration from
the spirit which created it. This is not
a peculiarity of religious institutions,
it is true of all institutions; neither is it
applicable only to organized Christian-
ity, but to every other organized reli-
gion. Buddhism as it exists to-day in
Tibet, let us say, is a vastly different
thing from the Buddhism preached and
practiced by Gautama and his immedi-
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
735
ate disciples. That which distinguishes
the Christian religion, however, from
every other is the supreme position it
gives to a personality and a personal
ideal once actually incarnated in terms
of human life and character, and the
central emphasis it places upon identi-
fication with the spirit of the Master
as the determinant of conduct in the
professed disciple. So much so that
there is a sense in which Christianity
is Jesus.
Now, it is this which occasions the
severe criticism embodied in the title
of this article. If it is in the nature of
things that an institution should fall
short of the quality of the life-pulse or
movement which created it, then one
could not well say that an institution is
a failure because it is false to its ideal;
but the Christian Church is held to be
different from every other institution
in that, so far from being a degenera-
tion from the spiritual impulse which
gave rise to it, it is its development and
realization: the Church is the King-
dom of God of which Jesus spoke; the
Church is the Kingdom, so far as at
present realized on earth. Judged by
its own claims, the Church is one of
the most dramatic and complete fail-
ures presented by history; for if one
thing is more obvious than another it
is that the Church to-day is precisely
that which Jesus opposed in Judaism,
and died to break through.
In a sense, the Church is anti-Christ.
Hear the episcopal communions telling
us that salvation is alone through their
sacraments! What has the Jesus-spirit
in common with that? Listen to the
evangelistic communions telling us
that salvation depends on our accept-
ance of one particular view of Atone-
ment! What has the Jesus-spirit to
do with that? Ordinances, ceremonies,
rites, fast and feast, vestments, incense,
flummery and mummery, pose and pos-
ture, ecclesiastical orders, tests, hierar-
chies, temple-treading, riches, digni-
ties, and all the paraphernalia of offi-
cialdom, — these may be necessary to
the organization; they probably are,
— but they have nothing to do with the
spirit of Jesus.
This is one of Nietzsche's criticisms
of Christianity, and there is no an-
swer to it. True, the criticism would
lose its force if the Church would say,
*I am but the temporary body, an ark
for the time being, to protect the plasm
of spiritual universal religion; I can
express certain aspects of it, reveal it
in a particular way; but in due time I
must wither and decay, having passed
on the plasm to create for itself a new
and higher body.' This, however, is
just what the Church will not admit;
and so that which in any other insti-
tution would be regarded as a neces-
sary defect, is judged by the world in
respect of Christianity as being a cul-
pable failure.
It is easy to see how this view of the
Church reacts upon the life-quality of
its members. The Cross is not regarded
as a principle of life, but as a mechan-
ism of salvation. Repetition of creed
tends to take the place of vital, ener-
getic, venturesome faith. Performance
of rites, and submission to sacraments,
tend to become substitutes for personal
consecration to high ideals of living.
The fact of Churchmanship is held
to outweigh, as it were automatically,
moral delinquencies. The whole thing
becomes honeycombed with double-
mindedness.
IV
The third root-cause of the Church's
failure is its despair of the world. This
is one of its fundamental characteris-
tics. The church is optimistic, but only
at the expense of the world. It fixes
man's great and only hope beyond the
world. It conceived the germ of this
736
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
failure when it excluded paganism. The
pagan joy was based upon a belief in
life, in the wholesomeness of natural
things, in the essential goodness and
Tightness of the world. The Christian
joy is based on a denial of natural life,
and on the expectation of outlasting
and ultimately escaping this world.
The wholeness of the Christian life is
not found by entering into and possess-
ing the things of the world, vitally,
strongly, with zest and mastery, but
by casting them off, and putting them
away. Christian discipline is a kind of
armed defiance against the world.
Christians habitually couple the
world and the flesh with the devil. The
world is evil. It is essential enmity
against the spirit. It is a place of exile.
It is a temptation-haunted house of
probation. It is the devil's acre. It is
a prison-house. It is something to be
perpetually struggled with, and we
shall be lucky to escape from it in the
end by the skin of our teeth. It is a
siren. To enjoy it is the great betrayal
of the spiritual life. All natural things
are inherently bad; they lie under the
doom of a heavenly decree, and exist
only to be annihilated by shock and
fire. The world is no home for the soul;
at best we are pilgrims through a desert
dreary land ; at worst we are trapped in
an enemy's country and there is no dis-
charge from the war.
Human nature is radically evil. The
flesh is the arch-foe to whom it is
fatal to give quarter. Mortality is a
disease. Natural passions are sinister.
Sex is a death-trap. To be thorough-
ly ashamed of one's self is the first
step on the way to salvation. It is
amazing what time and energy is
spent in Christian pulpits for the sole
purpose of making people ashamed of
themselves; it is called convicting them
of sin. We must feel that we are sin-
ners, and go groveling in the dust be-
fore God, before we can be saved. This
has the effect in many cases of putting
a premium on insincerity. The worst
things are picked out in the best of men
in order that there may be some point
of appeal for the Gospel, since this (as
commonly preached) is directed spe-
cifically to our ' fallen state.' A clergy-
man not many weeks ago said from the
pulpit, 'Even a saint sins every hour
he lives'; which is not only not true,
but not even interesting.
The Church has run a schism
through God's universe. Its central
message is that there is, fortunately,
another different world into which en-
trance will be given at the end of this
life by the infinite grace of God, — op-
erating, it is mainly affirmed, under
certain sacramental and doctrinal con-
ditions.
The failure of the Church is due to
the natural working out of this pro-
foundly irreligious principle. It is the
Church's sin against Life finding it
out.
For, quite clearly, an institution
which in despair of this world preaches
the surety of another in which there
will be rewards, compensations, and
the righting of an unequal balance, will
attract to itself for the most part those
who, from some cause or other, find
neither zest nor satisfaction here in this
world-life. Far be it from me to say
that people forlorn and heavily op-
pressed in the world should not have
comfort ministered unto them; but
surely there is something healthier and
more positive and more comforting to
be said to them than * Cling to the
Cross. Only believe. The Way is short.
For mourning you shall have laughter;
for bitterness, bliss; for the slum, hea-
venly mansions ; for harassment, liberty
in a world to come.'
To what type of person is this like-
ly to appeal; and what type of char-
acter is it likely to create? There al-
ways have been? and still are, great and
THE FAILURE OF THE CHURCH
737
heroic men and women associated with
the Church; for the religious spirit is
no respecter of persons, and does not
disdain the habitations of physical and
moral strength and beauty; but it will
scarcely be questioned by any one who
faces the actual facts that the first ap-
peal of the Church is to the weak, weary,
diseased, disappointed. It rejoices more
to see a man leaning on the provided
religious props, than to see him stand-
ing out in the hazardous world on his
own feet. It rejoices more over the sin-
ner on his knees at the penitent form,
than over the naturally strong man
who goes forth, like the sun, to run his
course. It would rather behold a man
bowed under the sense of the awful sin-
fulness of sin, beating upon his breast
and petitioning God for mercy, than
watch a man in the splendor of defiant
and masterful courage * railing along-
side the torrent.*
For the robust, vigorous, vital, self-
reliant, venturesome man, who is laying
firm hands on life and daily getting his
'meat out of the eater/ the Church
has no message, no pride in him, no
acclaim for him, no smiling 'bon voy-
age.' Such a man might attend the
services of the Church for a month of
Sundays and never hear a single word
which would sweep across his heart-
strings and renew in him the zest and
exultation of life; on the contrary, he
would be invited to call himself a ' mis-
erable offender,' to sing anaemic hymns,
to listen to a dreary impeachment of
VOL. 114 -NO. 6
the world and of the natural human
heart, and to take part in a veritable
orgy of life-negation.
The Church stands in the world as a
reducing agent; it mixes water with
the wine of life. It is a purveyor of
consolations, a dispenser of promised
compensations, a hospital for the in-
firm, a nursery for those who continue
to depend on apron-strings, a waiting-
room for would-be emigrants to a bet-
ter land. Jesus said that He came that
the world might have more abundant
life; the Church offers to those who
are faithful amid the hopeless, rank,
evil circumstances of mortality the
counterbalancing, hope of another life.
The effect of this is that the virile
and healthy men and movements of
the modern world tend to pass by the
Church, and to focus and give expres-
sion to themselves elsewhere.
When, therefore, the organization
which presumes to stand for the reli-
gious function in society has fallen into
open contradiction of its own first prin-
ciples, announces its despair of the
natural order, and has somehow passed
from the main stream of the moving
life of the world, it seems necessary in
the interests of the social order which
is and is to be, which requires and will
ever require for its health and stability
a vital religious centre, that some one
— and it is sure to be more than one
— should answer anew the old chal-
lenge, and go out to 'prepare in the
wilderness a highway for God.'
GERMANY'S ABILITY TO FINANCE THE WAR
BY ROLAND G. USHER
IT will at once be evident that the
beginning of the war, its continuance,
and its successful conclusion, involve
by no means identical financial meas-
ures. The British Chancellor of the
Exchequer has laid emphasis on the
fact that the financial arrangements
necessary to begin a war are relatively
simple in nature and limited in charac-
ter, and differ so fundamentally from
those necessary to prosecute a long and
exhausting war that he* confidently
expects Germany and Austria to fail,
from their inability to provide the last
hundred millions of 'cash.'
German statesmen no doubt marvel
at the public enunciation of such an-
cient economic fallacies by a chancellor
of the exchequer, and feel surer than
ever that the statesmen of their enemies
are in their dotage. They deny that fin-
ancial operations, in the ordinary sense
of the woi d, have any necessary rela-
tion to the outbreak of war, to the pos-
sibility of its indefinite continuance, or
to its eventual prosecution to a success-
ful issue. Indeed, if a German financier
were asked the everyday question,
where the money to fight a long and
desperate war could possibly be found,
he would look at his questioner with
incredulity, amazed beyond words
that so decrepit and antiquated an
economic fallacy could actually come
from the lips of one who spoke the
mother-tongue of John Stuart Mill.
Patiently he would reply that he was
not aware that money, in the ordinary
738
sense of the word, had any really es-
sential relation to military campaigns.
The calculations and arrangements
usually connoted by the words ' finan-
cing the war ' are to modern Germans
the product of habit rather than of
reason or observation. The Germans
have not only studied the premises of
political economy; they have sufficient
faith in their essential correctness to
put them into practice.
Money, a German financier might
explain, is not in itself value at all.
The specie, on which technically the
ordinary credit devices are supposed to
be based, has, it is true, certain value
as bullion, but as money it merely fur-
nishes a convenient medium by means
of which the comparative value of act-
ual commodities at any given time can
be expressed. Money is convenient and
even necessary for the individual who
wishes to dispose of his commodity
without the necessity of actually hunt-
ing up another individual who has for
exchange the commodity he wishes to
obtain; but for the state it is no more
necessary than ten-dollar bills are nec-
essary to a man seated at the table
with his dinner before him. What he
wants is not money, but a knife and
fork. Then, in the hope that so home-
ly an illustration had made his mean-
ing clear, the financier would conclude:
wars are not fought with money, but
with commodities and with men. In
any proper sense of the word, therefore,
the financing of the war connotes the
measures by which the army can be
put into the field, and sustained and
GERMANY'S ABILITY TO FINANCE THE WAR
739
reinforced by the nation at home while
it is winning the campaign. Other ar-
rangements are matters of conveni-
ence, not of necessity, and to this lat-
ter category belong all those that are
commonly called in time of war finan-
cial measures.
To the German the significant ques-
tions are these: How can the resources
of the nation most quickly and ade-
quately be brought into actual use?
How can they most easily and ade-
quately be developed to produce the
necessities of war? How can the eco-
nomic life of the community be most
easily and advantageously adjusted to
the crisis so that it may bear as lightly
as possible on the individual, and inter-
fere as little as possible with ordinary
business for profit? What measures will
produce the best effect on public opin-
ion in Germany and best sustain the
morale of the people?
These are questions of expediency
which really contain only two alterna-
tives for the financier: can results be
more easily and rapidly obtained by
indirect or by direct action? Indirect
action depends upon the use of money
in the ordinary sense, and must fail with-
out it; direct action requires neither
money nor financial expedients.
The commonplaces of economic the-
ory will make clear to any one that
money is necessary as a nexus between
producer and consumer chiefly because
they are ignorant of each other's loca-
tion; because either one may not care
to accept in exchange for his own com-
modity what the other is able to sup-
ply; or because they have not equal
amounts in value to offer. No one sells
in order to get money for its own sake.
A man is anxious to turn his goods into
money because he can easily exchange
his money for the exact quantities of as
many other commodities as he desires.
Money is not a necessary factor in the
exchange of a dozen eggs for a pound of
butter; the entire operation has been
successfully performed times beyond
number by exchanging the commodi-
ties; but money is the only method,
available for the ordinary individual,
of turning eggs into an automobile.
The feat might be performed without
money, but it would involve so much
trouble that it would surely be aban-
doned before completion.
From the enormous size of the mod-
ern economic structure — where the
farmer in New Zealand depends upon
having his mutton eaten in London,
and the natives in the South Seas
are clad in cotton cloth made in Lan-
cashire — results an ignorance of the
whereabouts of the customer so dense
and so impenetrable that the individ-
ual to-day has absolutely no agency
except money by means of which to
effect the exchange necessary to satisfy
the simplest needs of daily life. The
complexity of the division of labor, the
interrelation and interdependence of
the various parts of the world, have
accentuated this difficulty. The result
is that all modern industry, and the
present system of distribution, have
been consciously organized upon the
presupposition of the use of money,
and therefore cease to operate at all
when money is not available.
The real reason for the collapse of
business is, however, that the individ-
ual possesses literally no facilities what-
ever for replacing the use of money as
a method of locating those who wish
to buy what he has to sell, or who wish
to sell what he is anxious to buy. The
difficulty of providing a substitute, not
the inherent virtues or qualities of
money itself, is the real measure of its
necessity to the community. It stands
for a method of conveying information
about demand and supply, and the in-
formation is the indispensable thing,
both to the individual and to the com-
munity.
740
GERMANY'S ABILITY TO FINANCE THE WAR
ii
Great sums of ready money have
invariably been needed in Anglo-Saxon
countries in order to begin a war, be-
cause those countries have invariably
been caught unprepared. The govern-
ment has lacked not only the necessary
materials, but the knowledge of their
whereabouts, and has had to find them
by ordinary business methods, which
meant buying them in the open market
with money. England and the United
States have always obtained in the
same way the supplies and munitions
needed to prosecute war, and have al-
ways found an abundant supply of sta-
ble currency the indispensable nexus
between the government and its citi-
zens by whom the commodities were
produced. Of course, it has always
been possible to requisition commod-
ities, but such a method involved seri-
ous risks of undermining public confid-
ence when applied to anything beyond
the horses and carts which the com-
munity must continue to use till war
had become a reality.
If money is indispensable, — and
experience tells English and American
financiers that it has always been to
their statesmen the most difficult prob-
lem in times of war, — if England and
France control the world's financial
structure and possess the lion's share
of its specie, is it not clear that Ger-
many and Austria cannot finance the
war at all, and therefore must event-
ually be beaten?
The German points out at once that
these suppositions are really based
upon the position and experience of
individuals, and assume that the gov-
ernment will voluntarily accept the
disadvantages which the outbreak of
the war will place in the way of the use
of money by individuals, and will allow
its own necessities to wait upon the
slow readjustment of the business
world to the situation. The hastening
of this readjustment, insist the Ger-
mans, is what the English and Ameri-
cans have always called financing the
war.
Money, however, is for a nation at
war an expedient infinitely clumsy and
haphazard when compared with the
means placed at the disposal of the
modern government by modern im-
provements in communication. Only
for nations incapable of establishing
promptly and accurately the location
of the supplies which the government
needs, is money of the slightest import-
ance. Thorough, careful inquiry into
the sources of supply, foresight in the
organization of the national industrial
fabric, skill in administering it and in
securing intelligent cooperation, should
furnish to a nation a direct method of
conducting a war as much more effi-
cient than money as the money-econ-
omy itself was more efficient than the
crude barter in the market-place which
preceded it. Apparently Germany is
the only nation thoroughly to appreci-
ate the significance of these postulates
of political economy, and to realize
their important bearing upon the vexed
question of financing the war.
The true financing of Pan-German-
ism for the actual conflict, therefore,
was to German statesmen the adequate
and efficient organization of industry.
First and foremost they must be ready
to put an army in the field and main-
tain it there. In the next place they
must support the nation at home and
prevent unnecessary suffering. They
must provide some method of dispos-
ing of the products of domestic indus-
try at home, and be prepared during
the war to promote normal business for
profit as against manufacturing for
mere subsistence. This would involve,
of course, the distribution of German
products at home and abroad, and the
purchase abroad of necessities which
GERMANY'S ABILITY TO FINANCE THE WAR
741
they could not make in Germany.
These, they saw, were all the prepara-
tions necessary to begin the war, con-
tinue it, win it, and win it without
paying too great a price for it.
Without doubt, such an organization
of industry, of transportation, of meth-
ods of exchange, of banks and stock
exchanges, would be an infinitely more
elaborate attempt than had ever been
made in history; and if it was to be
sufficiently perfect to render the gov-
ernment— both at the outbreak of the
war and during its continuance — in-
dependent of the ordinary currency
troubles and financial readjustments
which had invariably made the actions
of Anglo-Saxon countries slow in time
of war, it would have to be begun long
before the war was in sight, and or-
ganized as carefully and as thorough-
ly, with as large a staff of assistants
and experts, as the preparation of the
army itself demanded. In fact, there
must be two armies, one in the field
doing the fighting, one at home doing
the work, both of them cooperating
under the direction of an intelligent and
far-seeing administrator.
The great difficulty in beginning
wars in the past, and the chief suffer-
ing experienced by the great bulk of
the community, had been due, as the
study of history proved to the Ger-
man statesmen, entirely to the financial
crisis and to the dislocation of indus-
try consequent upon the calling of the
army into the field and the removal of
so many men from the factories and
counting-houses. It was all absolute-
ly needless suffering. They saw no rea-
son whatever to doubt that intelligent
prevision could successfully cope with
every immediate result of the outbreak
of war, and entirely obviate the usual
effects upon the community at home.
Under the system of conscription
employed in Germany, every man liable
to military service, in every class of the
service, was definitely known; his loca-
tion, his employment, the size of his
family, his private resources, were all
elaborately catalogued. It was merely
a matter of clerical work — and that
was merely a question of time and
patience — to establish with absolute
precision the effect upon industry of
calling to the colors any class of men
liable to service. Why be so foolish
as to wait until the actual crisis?
For the most part, too, the collection
of statistics necessary to indicate the
men liable to conscription had also
furnished practically complete infor-
mation about the very much larger
number of men unfit for service or too
young or too old to send into the field.
Inquiry would show the number of
women in industry, and the number
of women unmarried and unemployed
who would be available in a time of
crisis. The completion of the compila-
tion would promptly show the extent
of the loss of hands in any industry,
and a further simple calculation would
show where the men were who were to
take their places.
Nor could there be any uncertainty
as to the industries sure to be closed
down by the outbreak of war, those
likely to stop, those likely to continue,
and those which it was imperative
should continue. The number of avail-
able workingmen, after the army had
gone into the field, could be known as
definitely in advance as the person-
nel of the men in the army; and if the
War Department could provide before-
hand for the location and equipment of
every private in the German army,
and draw up beforehand detailed or-
ders telling him what to do and where
to go when the mobilization was de-
clared, entraining him at a certain
point, detraining him at another point
with food and munitions of war, it was
an equally simple thing to provide
beforehand for filling the gaps in the
742
GERMANY'S ABILITY TO FINANCE THE WAR
factories occasioned by the mobiliza-
tion, and for shifting the labor from the
industries least essential to those more
essential.
Surely the waste of effort expend-
ed at the beginning of most wars by
the attempts of many manufacturers
to keep open until forced to close,
might well be saved, and the extraordi-
nary pressure which the war would
bring to bear on some industries could
just as well be provided for in advance.
It was similarly easy to catalogue
the natural resources of the country, to
establish what the country could make,
what it could not, and what raw mate-
rials it did not produce of which large
supplies would be required to prose-
cute the war. German firms could be
created to make the things Germany
would have to have in big quantities
in time of emergency, and the devel-
opment of industries which were not
necessary could be prevented from be-
coming too extensive. Time, patience,
an unlimited amount of clerical work, ,
miles of records and statistics, com-
pilations without end, — the correct-
ness of all of which must constantly
be verified, — a perfectly possible task,
but one truly colossal! Indeed, to the
observer there is something more ex-
traordinary about this cataloguing and
arranging of nearly seventy millions
of people, and the attempt consciously
to direct the activity of every soul to-
ward a single purpose and a single end,
than in all the boasted achievements
of German science or in the elaborate
arrangements for the army.
First and foremost, the statesmen
must act with a full consciousness of
the fact that the war would be fought
with guns and powder, by human
beings who would eat and would de-
mand clothing, and not by automatons
fed upon money. Especially must they
remember that the munitions of war,
which would be increasingly necessary
as the conflict continued, were highly
complex products of highly specialized
machinery, operated by specially train-
ed workmen. Factories would have to
be created in time of peace, — facto-
ries sufficient in number, adequate in
equipment and in personnel, to turn
out with regularity in time of war a
constant supply of munitions of war,
sufficient in volume to meet not only
the demands already estimated, but as
large a demand as unforeseen factors
might make imperative. The factories
must be created and maintained in
time of peace, not on a peace basis, but
on a war basis. Their equipment and
the number of hands must be sufficient
at any time to begin manufacturing for
an army in the field.
Here is the very simple basis of the
so-called armament scandals of which
the peace advocates have made so
much capital. The armament firms,
created and subsidized by the gov-
ernment, have insisted that if they
were to continue operations they must
have enough work to keep them from
bankruptcy until such time as the war
should arise. They have also very cor-
rectly represented, — and have found
little opposition to their claim in Berlin,
— that to train their men sufficiently
well to operate their factories on a war
basis would require a constant manu-
facture of munitions actually needed in
war. Men skilled in producing a cer-
tain commodity dependent for its man-
ufacture upon a high grade of manual
dexterity and a nicety of adjustment,
must obtain their training in actual
work.
Not less necessary would be an ade-
quate supply of food. The Depart-
ment of Agriculture has been so success-
ful that there can be little doubt that
the productivity of land in Germany is
proportionately greater for the labor
and capital invested than in any other
country in the world, and so far-reach-
GERMANY'S ABILITY TO FINANCE THE WAR
743
ing have been its operations that the
imperial government claims that over
ninety per cent of the land in Ger-
many is productive. The definiteness
with which the Germans have cata-
logued the land, located the areas on
which grain can be grown, and com-
puted the maximum product from
those varied areas, equals the exacti-
tude with which they have tabulated
the facts about the army. We should,
indeed, be guilty of stupidity, if we
supposed that the men directing the
destinies of Germany had omitted from
their elaborate calculations provision
for so elemental a necessity as an en-
tirely adequate supply of food. They
knew on the first day of August pre-
cisely how much food they had on
hand, and precisely where the new sup-
plies were coming from. Not improb-
ably they could have furnished a list of
the men and women who would sow
and reap the future harvests.
A third factor would be necessary:
occupation for those who neither went
to the front nor were utilized in the
industries and pursuits directly bearing
upon the prosecution of the war. Ger-
man industries must be developed so
that the things upon which Germans
depended for comfort could be sup-
plied in Germany. They would have
no repetition of the situation which
obtained during the Napoleonic wars,
when Germany insisted upon buying
English sugar, English tobacco, and
English cloth, in the face of the fact
that this benefited their enemies. No
doubt the beet-sugar industry has been
a valuable and important factor in
German agriculture, and we need not
assume that it was begun with a war
in view to see that its development
solved one of the important questions
which the war would create. It was
only necessary for the government to
fill the gaps left by the determined
movement to make Germany self-suf-
ficing, in order to put German industry
upon a war basis in time of peace.
These were the real measures neces-
sary for the financing of the war. Upon
their success or failure the continuance
and outcome of the war would surely
depend. They were in the highest
sense financial operations of magnitude,
but their success would depend not
upon money but upon capital. Years
of effort in time of peace would be the
effective prerequisite to the completion
of such financial operations. The past
poverty of Germany had not permitted
her to accumulate a sufficient amount
of capital for a development of such
magnitude, and the war indemnity
paid by France was barely enough to
begin the process. The capital had to
be borrowed from her enemies, from
England and from France, the only
nations who had it to spare. The finan-
cial operations by which this capital
was borrowed year after year in London
and in Paris by German companies and
German individuals were in the truest
sense the operations by which the war
was financed. Their success is a by-
word of modern business circles.
in
When the actual moment came,
nothing would need to be done beyond
the execution of the plans already pre-
pared. The army would, of course, go
to the front. The positions vacated
by whatever number of men should
go would immediately be filled by an
imperial employment bureau which
would centralize the efforts and in-
formation of the local bureaus already
established.
The shifting of labor to the war in-
dustries and to agriculture, and to
the industries already selected for the
employment of hands not otherwise
provided for, was executed with the
utmost success, without confusion and
744
GERMANY'S ABILITY TO FINANCE THE WAR
without delay. Practically no com-
mercial crisis of any sort took place in
Germany, and the number of the unem-
ployed is officially stated to be under
six per cent. Indeed, if anything, there
are fewer men out of work than usual.
The imperial government, also, has
undertaken to provide for the families
of the men at the front, and to furnish
subsistence for the women left with a
family and no income during the war.
The Imperial Bureau of Supplies
promptly began the control, preserva-
tion, and apportionment of the sup-
plies on hand, which have thus far
proved entirely adequate, and are
likely to remain so. This bureau had
unquestionably begun its operations as
soon as the decision to fight was taken,
which was clearly some weeks before
the declaration of war, and it was able
therefore to accumulate great quanti-
ties of those commodities whose supply
would in any way be likely to be defi-
cient. Everything had been foreseen,
and here again the prevision was proved
accurate and the arrangements ad-
mirable.
A part of this bureau's task was
the regulation of prices. If the postu-
lates of political economy mean any-
thing, price is merely the exchange
value of all commodities expressed in
terms of money; and, unless there ap-
pears a serious deficiency in the sup-
ply, or an unusual increase in the de-
mand, so that the two fail to offset each
other, prices ought to remain the same.
Unless, therefore, the war interfered
with the supply or changed the de-
mand, there was no reason at all why
prices should change; and inasmuch as
the average citizen looks upon prices as
the real indication of prosperity, the
government knew perfectly well that
the maintenance of the same level of
prices after the war began would have
a beneficial effect of the utmost im-
portance upon public opinion. Having
provided already, therefore, for the
maintenance of the supply, they had
no intention of allowing individual
greed to create war prices. Here again
their dispositions have been completely
successful. In all large centres in Ger-
many the supply of necessities is ade-
quate, and the prices practically iden-
tical with those before the war.
The problem of marketing the Ger-
man produce which the war itself does
not use, in exchange for the things
which Germany cannot arrange to
make and which are, nevertheless, im-
portant, has offered a greater problem.
Should the war continue any length of
time, the prosperity of Germany, the
extent to which the burden of the war
could be shifted to other shoulders,
would obviously depend upon the ex-
tent to which Germany could produce
more than she consumed, and upon
the ability of German merchants to sell
this surplus at a profit. German states-
men have studied the history of the past
with great care, and particularly the
history of the Napoleonic wars. The
most striking feature in the economic
history of that period was the persist-
ent and lucrative trade between the
belligerents. After England and France
had blockaded on paper the whole of
Europe, they proceeded to issue thou-
sands upon thousands of licenses to
break the blockade, and English goods,
particularly English colonial goods,
commanded high prices throughout
the Continent and afforded the English
large profits. The cause of this trade
was clearly the inability of the Conti-
nent to procure these goods elsewhere.
The Germans now see clearly that
Russia could very easily be isolated
commercially from every part of the
world except Germany and Austria, by
the simple expedient of closing the Bal-
tic and the Black seas. The mere ex-
istence of the German fleet would close
the one; the Turkish government at
GERMANY'S ABILITY TO FINANCE THE WAR
745
Constantinople could easily close the
other. Russia would then have no out-
let for her agricultural produce, and
would be unable to buy English and
French goods at all. She would face
commercial ruin, and the Germans cal-
culate that before very long a brisk
trade will be established between Ger-
many, Austria, and Russia, in which
Germany will be able to market her
surplus of manufactured goods at war
prices, in exchange for meat and grain
which may conceivably be very es-
sential for her. Thus, the war itself
may solve the last problem of German
finance.
IV
In all this, money played no part.
Money, Germans felt, — and their ex-
perience has thus far proved the cor-
rectness of their understanding of the
postulates of political economy, — was
needed only as an exchange medium in
domestic and foreign trade. Here, as
usual, the amount of currency or spe-
cie needed would be inconsiderable.
All really large transactions could be
easily accomplished by mere book-
keeping through the centralized chain
of German banks. Money would be
needed, in the ordinary sense, not to
begin or to prosecute the war, but to
prepare for it.
The amount of supplies which they
felt they must have on hand at the
outbreak of the war was so enor-
mous that to collect it by any direct
method such as they proposed to em-
ploy after the war had begun, would
simply be an open confession of their
intention to fight, which would warn
their enemies, unnecessarily, months
before the time. They knew also from
the experience of Agadir that any such
sum of money as they would need
could not be borrowed in London or
Paris at all. They therefore devised,
possibly with no idea that it would be
so soon needed, the recent war levy, a
direct tax upon property of all sorts,
amounting to two hundred and fifty
million dollars, which they explained
was necessary to render the armies
efficient. This was entirely true. With
it they purchased, in Germany and
abroad, every conceivable sort of sup-
plies necessary to put the nation in a
position to make war. When the mo-
ment came they would need the actual
commodities, and not the money; and
at that moment they would need to
be thinking in the War Office about
everything except * finance/ More-
over, as the government already own-
ed the railroads, the telegraph, and
everything the army could use, the
transportation of the army and its
supplies to the front involved the
sending of a few orders, and not the
expenditure of money at all. The gov-
ernment, as a matter of fact, was par-
ticularly anxious to keep specie out of
the people's hands, to prevent them
from hoarding it.
Money in time of war, as at any
other time, therefore, the Germans
concluded, meant currency; and cur-
rency meant some medium of exchange
which would be accepted by the people
at face value. So long as the public
confidence in the government was un-
shaken, and ultimate success was be-
lieved certain, a paper currency would
serve the purpose much better than
specie. The banking system, to be sure,
collected gold as assiduously as it could
during the months preceding the war,
and is supposed to have vastly increas-
ed the German gold reserve, which was
to give stability to the paper currency
and furnish a firm basis for such inter-
national exchange as they might even-
tually find necessary. The central
banking system, however, long since
highly organized, and accustomed to
accept as security a great variety of
credit values, could absolutely control
746
GERMANY'S ABILITY TO FINANCE THE WAR
all exchange, could accept as collateral
for loans whatever the individual had
to offer and issue him paper credits.
There would be plenty of real value
because there would be plenty of work;
the government would see to that.
The banks would make loans to the
manufacturer and establish a check-
ing account on which they would pay
him paper, which he in turn would pay
his employees, who would pay it out
for commodities. The dealers would
pay it back into the banks, where the
whole transaction would, as usual, be
canceled. With adequate supervision
the system ought to work as usual, and
so long as there is work, should guar-
antee Germany absolutely from panic
or suffering.
The real root of economic crises
seems to have been a lack of foresight,
where ignorance allowed individuals
to compete with each other, and gave
some of them a chance to take advan-
tage of others' necessities. Most crises
have been due far more to a lack of
intelligence than to a real deficiency of
means in the community. The new
bond issue is not concerned with the
financing of the war at all, but with the
necessary readjustments after the war
is over.
The war might, conceivably, if all
the economic premises of Pan-Ger-
manism proved themselves true, give
Germans some rather considerable
financial advantages, which would go
far toward lightening the burden of the
generation now alive, and toward
shifting the 'cost' of the war to some
extent to the shoulders of their ene-
mies. Of course the war would prompt-
ly suspend all ordinary facilities for the
payment of the interest on German
loans abroad, or of the dividends on
German stocks due to foreigners. Un-
less the financial world is very wrong
indeed, the German liabilities to for-
eign nations enormously exceed the
payments due from foreign nations to
them. The difference between what
they owe and what is owed them, the
war will present to German citizens,
and this will be literally, for the time
being, clear gain. Just so much more
of the German gross income would be
available for use in Germany, and it
could hardly fail to be a very large
sum; just so much of the produce
raised by Germans, with which these
debts would normally have been paid,
would be available for German con-
sumption.
So much the community might con-
sume, and be exactly where it would
have been ' financially ' if the war had
never broken out at all; by so much
would the war instantly impoverish
Germany's enemies, by whom these
commodities would normally have
been consumed. These financial hand-
icaps could be increased very easily by
the levy of contributions and ransoms
from the hostile territory occupied by
the German armies. Every bushel of
wheat which could be diverted from
French stomachs into German ones
would mean so much financial gain
for Germany.
Gold, when it could be got, has been
seized consistently, in the hope of em-
barrassing domestic exchange in Bel-
gium and France, where gold has been
almost as habitually used in ordinary
life as in England. Germany had
so long been accustomed to paper cur-
rency that the issue at the outbreak of
the war of the flood of new notes was
accepted almost as a matter of course
by the community. Paper currency,
without elaborate provision for re-
demption in specie, will not be so accep-
table in France and Belgium. It is
therefore good finance to demand the
payment of ransoms in gold. All these,
however, are the mere incidentals of
the correct financing of the war, as
understood by German statesmen,
SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION 747
As observers, we are not yet in a
position to pass upon the ultimate
validity of these measures. We can
only point out that they seem to con-
form accurately to the experience of
history, and to be nothing more than
the literal application of the simple
postulates of political economy. So
any evidence of what conditions in
Germany at present are, every indica-
tion points toward the overwhelming
success of German finance, and gives
us slight reason to suppose that the
predictions of the English Chancellor
of the Exchequer will be fulfilled. If
Germany and Austria are beaten it will
far as we can tell, if private letters are not be for lack of 'cash.'
SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH
FICTION
BY EDWARD GARNETT
THE Editor of the Atlantic Monthly
having invited me to speak with can-
dor on the practice and prospects of
English and American fiction,1 1 feel
that it is best to direct my remarks to
a few aspects which may possibly lead
to some discussion among American
novelists themselves.
I speak here as an English reviewer
who has been interested for many years
in the American attempt to evolve, in
imaginative literature, a standard of
fine quality, one which in Mr. W. D.
Howells's phrase * should be neither
shamed nor vaunting.' And first it
may be of profit to inquire whether the
artistic quality of English and Ameri-
can fiction is higher than was the case
fifteen or twenty years ago. I believe
that though the ordinary English novel
The author was invited to speak his mind
with complete freedom. The reader must under-
stand that his critical estimates are entirely his
own. — THE EDITORS.
is a mediocre affair, truly representa-
tive of our middle-class limitations, our
dull but honest domesticity, our lack
of wit and insensitiveness to form, our
dislike of bitter truths, our preference
for mild idealism and sentimental so-
lutions, still the typical English novel
to-day is less vulgar, less false, less mel-
odramatic in its appeal than it was a
generation ago.
Can the same be said of the Amer-
ican novel? My opinion is here set
down in the hope of eliciting the views
of other critics. But it appears to me
that, of late, a certain intensification
of the commercial ideal in America,
with the increasing 'hunt of the dol-
lar,' is more and more restricting the
field of exercise of the finer and quieter
talents in fiction, and that the rivalry
of American publishers in flooding the
country with inferior brands of novels
must be tending to depress the public
standard of taste. It must be, indeed,
that there are fine and delicate talents
emerging amid the raging spate of
748 SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION
'best sellers'; but it is harder to distin-
guish their gleam amid the subfusk,
swollen cataract of stories made to
order.
In England, of course, as in Amer-
ica, there are bottomless depths in the
insatiable appetite of the public for an
art of sensational shocks and sentimen-
tal twaddle,1 but the point is whether
the market for the fine, conscientious
piece of literary craftsmanship is a ris-
ing or a falling one? Various straws of
tendency in the United States point in
a depressing direction. Twenty years
ago did not Mr. W. D. Howells's splen-
did example in literature carry more
weight with the intelligent public than
to-day? It will be rejoined, perhaps,
that there is no living novelist of the
younger American school who can paint
with such subtle flexibility of insight
and such breadth of vision the portrait
of his generation, as did the author of
Silas Lapham. If so, the sign is not
auspicious.
The fact that the influence wielded
by your two ablest novelists, Edith
Wharton and Anne Douglas Sedgwick,
is so restricted in scope in proportion to
their gift, suggests that the American
mind is hostile to the artist in litera-
ture, whereas our English audience, at
worst, is apathetic or indifferent. With
us, though the fight against commer-
cial Philistinism is perennial, the writ-
1 To balance the disconcerting fact that Mrs.
Florence Barclay's twaddling novels hail from
an English vicarage, we quote an American pub-
lisher's advertisement: '"The Book of Thrills,"
Darkness and Dawn. By George Allan England ' ;
and so forth.
'Also you have a wonderful wooing under per-
fectly unheard-of conditions; an ideal love, pure,
tender, unselfish. . . . Beatrice's abduction, Al-
lan's fight with a giant gorilla, the air-ship wreck,
the thrilling defense against a horde of half-ani-
mal savages, and the building up of a new world
and a beautiful idealistic civilization on the ruins
of a blasted planet — these but suggest the en-
tertainment possibilities of this big romance,' and
so on.
ers of rare imaginative gift do not
seem to me so isolated, so hemmed in,
and cut off from assistance of culti-
vated minds as in America.
II
Let us look back along the line some
twenty years. From an undated cut-
ting from the London Speaker, which
must belong to 1894, or 1895 at latest,
I find that I singled out Mr. Hamlin
Garland, Miss Murfree, Miss Grace
King, Mr. F. Hopkinson Smith, Miss
Mary Wilkins, and Miss Katharine
Smith as the most gifted literary artists
in the younger rising school, Messrs.
W. D. Howells's, Henry James's, and
George W. Cable's reputations having
been of course long solidly established.
By some accident I did not come
across Miss Sarah Orne Jewett's incom-
parable short stories till several years
later, when I recommended an English
publisher to import an edition of The
Country of the Pointed Firs. But the
failure of American criticism to recog-
nize that, by virtue of thirty little mas-
terpieces in the short story, Miss Jew-
ett ranks with the leading European
masters, and its grudging, inadequate
recognition of the most original genius
it has produced in story-telling, Mr.
Stephen Crane, showed me that it had
not realized that real talent, aesthetic
or literary, is individual in its struc-
ture, experience, outlook, and growth,
and that it makes its appeal and sur-
vives to posterity by reason of its
peculiar originality of tone and vision
expressed in beauty and force of form,
of atmosphere, and of style.
Every fresh native talent emerges
by virtue of its revelation of fresh
aspects and original points of view,
which create fresh valuations in our
comprehension of life and human na-
ture. Now this very simple test, which
is indeed self-evident, is the touchstone
SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION 749
by which we separate the genuine met-
al of imaginative art from the sham or
common alloy of the popular fabricated
article. If we apply it in the cases of
Frank R. Stockton and Joel Chandler
Harris we perceive that the originality
of those delightful humorists entitles
them to seats not far removed from
that of Mark Twain. Again, when Mr.
Frank Norris appeared, his McTeague
was no literary echo, or iteration or
affirmation of current social ideas or
ideals, whatever may have been the
precise measure of his literary talent.
The same may be said of Mr. Harold
Frederick's powerful novel Illumina-
tion. Later, when Mr. Dreiser came in
sight with his Sister Carrie, the present
writer had the honor of recommend-
ing it for English publication, while
that admirable piece of realism was
being cold-shouldered and boycotted
for years by the body of American
publishers.
I do not know whether the late
O. Henry's marvelous powers of lan-
guage, gayety, creative fecundity, and
imaginative power in handling a situ-
ation have yet received their due
in America, but the point I wish to
make clear is that between the writers
above enumerated, namely between
Miss Sarah Orne Jewett, Miss Murfree,
Miss Mary Wilkins, Miss Grace King,
Mrs. Wharton, Miss Anne Douglas
Sedgwick, Mr. Frank R. Stockton,
Mr. J. C. Harris, Mr. Hamlin Garland,
Mr. F. Hopkinson Smith, Mr. Stephen
Crane, Mr. Frank Norris, O. Henry,1
and such clever popular favorites as
Mr. Winston Churchill, Miss Mary
Johnston, Mr. Robert W. Chambers,
Mr. Richard Harding Davis, Mr. John
Fox, Jr., Mr. Owen Johnson, it would
be waste of time to institute compar-
1 I omit Miss Katharine Smith and Mr. Dreis-
er, for I am not aware whether their later work
fulfilled the promise respectively of The Cy-Bar-
ker Ledge and Sister Carrie. — THE AUTHOR.
isons in respect of artistic gifts and
originality of temperament. The work
of the first class of writers, unequal as
are their achievements in point of indi-
vidual genius, is of a grade artistically
far beyond the reach of the second class
enumerated.
In saying that the work of the latter
— represented by the six authors I
have cited — is obviously deficient in
'temperamental value/ I do not mean
that these authors are indistinguish-
able one from another, but that in
tone, in insight, in style, each is little
more than a popular sounding-board
for the reverberation of current tones
and moods of the mass of minds. Take
Mr. R. H. Davis's story, The Man who
could not Lose, Mr. R. W. Chambers's
The Business of Life, Mr. Owen John-
son's The Salamander, and ask what
measure of creative originality informs
them. None. None at all, or next to
none. These stories no doubt may
amuse or interest or instruct their au-
dience, but the first is worthless, the
second mediocre, the third meretrici-
ous as an artistic achievement. They
are destined for the rubbish heap, if
indeed they have not been deposited
there already. And the works, all told,
of Mr. Winston Churchill, Miss Mary
Johnston, and Mr. John Fox, Jr., de-
spite the amazing energy and industry
of their authors, kick the beam when
weighed against a single little master-
piece by Miss Sarah Orne Jewett or
Stephen Crane. This of course is an
obvious truth to any critical intelli-
gence, but I do not know how far it is
now accepted in America.
in
At this point of the inquiry my read-
er may ask, Do not you possess in
England this same class of popular
favorites whose novels and tales are
also destitute of real creative original-
750 SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION
ity, aesthetic interest, and individual
insight? We do. But the work of in-
dustrious talents such as Sir Gilbert
Parker, Mr. A. E. W. Mason, Mr. W. J.
Locke, Mr. H. A. Vachell, 'Richard
Dehan/ Miss E. T. Fowler, and others,
is not ranked by any critic worth his
salt with that of writers of creative
originality, like Messrs. Joseph Con-
rad, H. G. Wells, Rudyard Kipling,
Thomas Hardy, John Galsworthy,
and Arnold Bennett.
1 must admit that the vast majority
of our English audience is uncritical
in its taste, and that many of our * best
sellers' are also the most poverty-
stricken and mediocre in point of vision,
form, atmosphere, and style. But the
chief advantage we possess which leads
to the fostering of literary talent, giv-
ing it liberty to grow and a certain if
small measure of favoring recognition,
springs, I believe, from the fact that
the Englishman is so individual in his
instincts that the unorthodox novelist
of real talent will always find some
backer to publish and support him, and
reviewers to criticize him with insight
and fairness, without deferring to the
opinion of the majority. However dull
or mediocre an ordinary English nov-
elist may be, I do not think that he
deliberately echoes the orthodox shib-
boleths, moral or social, of the public
at large, or that he makes a fetish of
'recognized opinion/ I cannot help
connecting the strange timidity (I had
almost written cowardice) of the Amer-
ican publishers in backing work of
original individuality with the great
superstition of the good American in
his present stage of culture, namely,
that he ought to be thinking and feel-
ing and reiterating what he imagines
everybody round him is thinking and
feeling and reiterating. Everybody is
busy copying everybody else! — an ab-
surd state of things which is not only
destructive of true individuality, but
directly inimical to the creation of fine
art.
The dogma persistently put forward
in America under innumerable guises,
that the thinker and the literary art-
ist must cater to the tastes, ideas, and
sentiments, moral and emotional, of
the great majority, under pain of be-
ing ignored1 or ostracized, was noted
by De Tocqueville three generations
ago; but this dogma bred in the Amer-
ican bone seems to have been rein-
forced by the latter-day tyranny of
the commercial ideal. The commercial
man who says, 'Read this book because
it is the best seller/ is seeking to hyp-
notize the individual's judgment and
taste. If there be a noticeable dearth
of originality of feeling and outlook in
latter-day American fiction, it must be
because the individual is subjected
from the start to the insistent pressure
of social ideals of conformity which
paralyze or crush out the finer, rarer,
more sensitive individual talents. I
do not say that English writers are not
vexed in a minor degree by Mrs. Grun-
dy's attempts to boycott or crush nov-
els that offend the taste of 'the villa
public/ but I believe that our social
atmosphere favors the writer of true
individuality; and in proof of this
statement I set down here a list of over
sixty novelists of genuine original tal-
ent, many of whom are literary crafts-
men of high artistic quality; and these
are in addition to the six I have al-
ready named : —
George Moore, Hilaire Belloc, Cun-
ningharne Graham, W. H. Hudson,
D. H. Lawrence, E. M. Foster, William
De Morgan, Leonard Merrick, Mau-
rice Hewlett, John Masefield, Sir A.
1 One is told, for example, of the fate of the
late Frank Morris's rejected posthumous novel.
Vandover, strongest of them all, was not in ac-
cord with the spirit of the day in literature, and
in the time of rapid production it was easy to
ignore its claim. — THE AUTHOR.
SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION 751
Quiller-Couch, Robert Hichens, Ste-
phen Reynolds, A. F. Wedgwood, Da-
vid W. Bone, Barry Pain, C. E. Mon-
tague, Oliver Onions, J. C. Snaith,
James Stephens, Frank Harris, Neil
Lyons, Perceval Gibbon, Walter De La
Mare, Charles Marriott, Ford Hueffer,
H. De Vere Stacpoole, Neil Munro,
Morley Roberts, Vincent O'Sullivan,
Marmaduke Pickthall, Compton Mac-
kenzie, J. D. Beresford, E. V. Lucas,
Frank Swinnerton, W. L. George, Ed-
win Pugh, Gilbert Cannan, Archibald
Marshall, Grant Richards, Algernon
Blackwood, Gerald O'Donovan, Shan
Bullock, Eden Phillpotts, George Bir-
mingham, Richard Pryce, E. F. Ben-
son, Percy White, Temple Thurston,
Sir Conan Doyle, James Prior, Mrs.
Mary E. Mann, Miss May Sinclair,
Miss Ethel Sidgwick, Mrs. Steel, Mrs.
Dudeney, Mrs. Gertrude Bone, Miss
Macnaughtan, Miss Violet Hunt, Mrs.
Ada Leverson, Mrs. C. Dawson Scott,
Miss Amber Reeves, Miss Silberrad,
'Lucas Malet,' Mrs. Margaret Woods,
and Miss Marjorie Bowen.
It would be interesting to know how
far the above list — which could be
extended — can be paralleled by a
similar list of living American novelists
of artistic rank. I have counted up to
twenty myself, in addition to those
already cited; but I cannot claim to
have explored or examined thoroughly
the field of American fiction for sev-
eral years past, and I must remind my
readers that in touching on certain
aspects in the outlook /or fiction I am
hoping to elicit information and dis-
cussion.
Now it may perhaps help the in-
quiry if I quote some passages from a
criticism of Mr. Jack London's Burning
Daylight, a criticism styled 'Made in
America/ which I contributed to a Lon-
don newspaper three years back : —
* Why is it that the work of so many
highly intelligent American novelists
is so deficient in artistic quality when
we come to compare it with European
fiction on the same intellectual level?
Writers of genius America can of
course show us ... but I am speaking
with reference to scores of the clever
popular novelists whose artistic in-
stincts seem to be affected, indeed
largely stultified, by an insidious force,
omnipresent hi the American social at-
mosphere, which dictates such absurd
observances as ;<the happy ending."
While nearly every society wishes its
governing ideas to be paramount, and
is distrustful of the artist who subjects
them to an unfaltering analysis, it is
only in America 'that the commercial
instinct seems to have succeeded in
erecting the mediocrity of the ordinary
man, in matters artistic, into an imper-
ative standard of tastelessness. . . .
' Now, in modern art what matters
perhaps most is the temperament of the
artist, that individual essence which
creates a new spiritual quality and at-
mosphere out of the life and forms and
patterns of society. . . . An essential
in creative art is the artist's tempera-
mental absorption in his own work.
Art in that respect is essentially aristo-
cratic, however democratic its appeal
may be. That is what Meredith meant
when he said, "Do not democratize lit-
erature." Beer or blankets or biscuits
or braces may be manufactured to
please the taste of the average man, but
art cannot be so dealt with under pen-
alty of losing its quality as art. The
business people do not, of course, un-
derstand this. They cry aloud for nov-
• els that sell in hundreds of thousands,
— those novels which are "graded,"
cleverly or not, to a standard of
mediocre taste. And temperamental
quality, being unadaptable and self-re-
garding, is apt to be a stumbling-block
in the way of those popular achieve-
ments. Americans, however charming
and intelligent they may be, always
752 SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION
seem nervously anxious to appear or-
thodox in their artistic tastes and ap-
preciations. And this of course means
keeping to the high road of medioc-
rity, for genuine taste implies again
the expression of an individual tem-
perament. . . .
* Mr. Jack London's Burning Daylight
has more individuality than most Amer-
ican novels — as a work of picturesque
information on Yukon pioneering, and
as a smashing criticism of American bus-
iness ideals, it is indeed quite valuable.
The story is a " live " book, as his coun-
trymen say, broad in outlook, manly
in its standpoint, and one written with
literary skill and conviction. Yet this
same curious absence of temperament
is to be remarked, and the novel has
something of the effect of a composite
photograph. Mr. Jack London does
not echo other writers, or conform to
the opinion of the majority, so his case
is worth investigating. The hero, Har-
nish, is an American superman. His
physical feats are almost superhuman.
He out-runs, out-walks, out-distances,
out-drinks, out-gambles, out-fights, and
so forth, every other man in the Yukon
territory, including the Indian Kama,
:'the pick of his barbaric race. "
'And the consequence is that one
does not believe in Harnish as one be-
lieves, say, in the existence of the he-
roes of the Icelandic Sagas. He is a
monster, not a man. The American
tendency to exaggeration has in fact
annihilated all the finer lines and traits
of human personality. And, after all,
art is a matter of precise shades and
particular lines. So with Dede Mason,
the heroine of the tale, Harnish's " nine-
ty-dollar-a-month stenographer," who
refuses to marry him when he is a mil-
lionaire because she dislikes the fevered
life he is leading. Dede Mason is gen-
eralized, not individualized. She talks
not like any girl in particular, but like
a syndicate of American women as
reported by a news agency. Harnish's
courtship and Dede's replies give one
the sensation of love-making by human
machinery, very smooth-running and
effective in working, but without indi-
vidual power or charm or flavor. . . .
May we not draw the conclusion that
it is the pressure of "standardized'3
ideas in the mental interchange of
American society that is so destructive
of the finer shades of " temperamental "
valuation?'
I quote the above criticism the more
readily since it lays stress on the two
characteristics of popular latter-day
American fiction which are destructive
of its appeal to rank as fine art: that
is, (a) exaggeration, (6) the presenta-
tion and glorification of * standardized '
morals, manners, emotions, and of ste-
reotyped social ambitions and ethical
valuations.
Let us take Mr. Owen Johnson's
The Salamander for an illustration of
charge (a). Mr. Johnson has chosen
a promising subject, for the * salaman-
der' girl, Dore, is a significant pro-
duct of her feverish and artificial New
York environment. But the author ex-
hausts us with a surfeit of flimsy and
violent sensationalism, he plays with
the loud pedal down, and is continually
throwing in all kinds of flashy effects.
He commences with exaggerated em-
phasis, and after the first seventy pages
he can only offer us a repetition of
the old shocks. The men characters —
Massingale, Lindaberry, Sassoon, and
Harrigan Blood — are merely coarse-
ly modeled types, not individual men
in any sense of the word. The girl
characters are little better. We soon
sicken of the erotic sentimentalities
that Massingale and Dore exchange,
and all the latter scenes between them
are vamped up, shockingly surcharged
with false rhetoric and theatrical over-
emphasis.
The above criticism of The Salaman-
SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION 753
der may seem a little harsh, but I make
it deliberately, on the ground that it
would be absurd to style the novel 'a
work of art.' If we compare it, say,
with Mr. W. D. Howells's recent novel,
New Leaf Mills, with its classic bal-
ance, exquisite restraint, and gracious
clarity of vision, we shall refuse to dig-
nify The Salamander with the name of
'literature.' The fact that it sells one
hundred thousand copies or a quarter
of a million copies, or a million copies,
is no mitigation of the fact that The
Salamander violates almost every can-
on of good art. It may be added that
a vital reason for the discouragement
of crude, violent, and noisy art is that
an audience which is habituated to be-
ing * thrilled' will require coarser and
coarser stimulants to excite its jaded
mental palate. Sensational art is art
in which everybody seems to be talk-
ing at the top of his voice to attract
attention, till at last the hubbub be-
comes so deafening that the people
still resolved on being heard begin to
howl and scream. So it is with 'best
sellers ' that are ' all outside and no in-
side,' and with 'the New Fiction that
People are Reading'; the publishers
and the authors seem to be conspiring
to force the note of exaggeration till
the typical ' best seller ' works with au-
tomatic prevision in producing scenes
of sweet sentimentalism or shock after
shock of melodramatic incident. If I
am in error in thinking that twenty
years ago the American novel of sensa-
tion was a far soberer and more human
affair than it is to-day, I should wel-
come evidence on the point.
IV
As regards my second criticism, (6) ,
that the modern American novelist
seems to delight in the presentation of
'standardized' morals, manners, and
emotions, and the glorification of stere-
VOL.124-NO. 6
otyped aspirations and ethical valua-
tions, I may illustrate it by saying that
his unconscious habit seems to be to
swim with the current, to swim not
across the stream, but down it. He
would appear to be carried along by
the force of the social stream at such a
pace that his swimming, that is, his
work, does not show any appreciable
resistance to the way that the tide of
popular ideas and ideals happens to be
setting. I except of course the work
of a score or more of novelists, such
as Booth Tarkington, Robert Herrick,
Owen Wister, Miss Dewing, and Neith
Boyce, whose criticism of character is
accompanied by a criticism of soci-
ety; but the weakness of the ordinary
well-written American novel lies, if I
may say so, in its sentimental and
ethical conventionality. Even the nov-
elists who set out to create 'fresh
valuations' in social propaganda seem
to me to deal in ' stock ' sizes of manly
emotions. Let me illustrate my mean-
ing by a quotation written a few years
ago of Mr. Winston Churchill's Mr.
Cr ewe's Career : —
'The naivete of the author's artistic
method is shown in the idyllic contrast
that he draws between the two men
who control the fortunes of the North-
Eastern Railroad, — Mr. Flint, the
President, and his legal adviser, the
Hon. Hilary Vane, and their pure and
upright children, Victoria Flint and
Austen Vane, who, of course, fall in
love and run counter to their parents'
crooked policy.
'We do not believe in the candid
innocence of the fascinating Victoria.
She is a stock tradition of the Anglo-
Saxon theatre, this pure and trusting
heroine who, lapped in luxury, never
dreams of questioning her hard father's
methods and business code of ethics,
till the moment comes when, enlight-
ened by her lover, she is "satisfied with
nothing less than the truth," and her
754 SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION
" life-long faith " in him is broken there-
by. We fear that in real life Victoria
would have been quite prepared to
speculate for the fall in North-Eastern
securities.
* Nor can we accept the high-souled
Austen Vane as a figure representa-
tive in any sense. He has the moral
tone of an Emerson, the brains of a
Lincoln, and the purity of a Sir Gal-
ahad. He is obviously constructed
to flatter the idealism always strong
in the great community of hard-head-
ed business citizens of the United
States. His career is improbable: after
a wild youth, he has gone West and
shot his man, and then returned to the
home of his fathers, where by turns he
patronizes, and is filled with a dumb
sorrow and compassion for the erring
ways of the Hon. Hilary. He takes up
and wins a suit for a suffering farmer
against the tyrannical North-Eastern
Railroad, but he is too magnanimous
in his filial affection to accept a nomi-
nation for the governorship of the
state, when all the honest citizens come
thronging round, entreating him to be
the "people's man."
'It is a very touching conception,
but we may say candidly that we dis-
trust the bona fides of these idealized
figures. There is an unpleasant flavor
of moral bunkum, moreover, in some
of the situations, as in the scene where
the Hon. Hilary, bowed and broken
by his uneasy sense of a life misspent,
defies his old friend the President of
the North-Eastern Railroad, and says,
"I'm glad to have found out what my
life has been worth before I die." The
radiant and unselfish Victoria, who, by
the by, is wearing "a simple but ex-
quisite gown, the creation of which
aroused the artist in a celebrated Pari-
sian dressmaker^" with an "illuminat-
ing smile" pierces "the hard layers of
the Hon. Hilary's outer shell, and hears
the imprisoned spirit crying with a
small, persistent voice — a spirit stifled
for many years and starved." Then
the Hon. Hilary has a stroke. It is
a little simple, this "triumph of the
right," as is also the ethical flavoring
of the love-making between the spot-
less Austen and his bride, who has a
"fierce faith that it was his destiny to
make the world better and hers to help
him." When, however, we leave the
sentimental trimmings on one side,
and get to the real "business politics,"
we may congratulate Mr. Winston
Churchill on having got his knife well
into the corporations/
Even in novels of a superior order,
which may be marked by genuine psy-
chological insight, atmospheric truth,
and a highly conscientious exposition
of character and motive, we find that
the didactic touch often robs the story
of the qualities of flexible grace and
naturalness which are essential to fine
craftsmanship. A former criticism of
Mr. James Lane Allen's The Bride of
the Mistletoe may serve as an illustra-
tion : —
* Conscientious is the term that best
describes the spirit and the workman-
ship of The Bride of the Mistletoe, as
of so much of the work of the best
American novelists. Perhaps one of
the drawbacks of addressing a demo-
cracy is that the conscientious writer
is led to take his responsibilities over-
seriously, and is careful to enunciate
nothing that is not sanctioned by se-
vere ethical standards or upheld by
common sense. This underlying cor-
rectness of mental and moral tone is
apt to be destructive of artistic grace,
spontaneity, and intensity; and even
in the most unstudied moments of Mr.
Allen's story he never lets the signifi-
cant detail speak for itself, but swathes
it with commentary, didactic or sen-
timental. When Maupassant advises
the young writer not to reason over-
much, he implies that the force of the
SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION 755
thing in itself and of its atmosphere,
which art conveys, is impaired by any
obtrusive desire of a writer to play
Providence to his readers. Mr. James
Lane Allen is too accomplished a writer
to err by gross didactic underlining,
but a multitude of subtle touches be-t
tray that he, like his hero, is conscious
of a 'task," of a "message/* which
may ** kindle in American homes some
new light of truth, with the eyes of
mothers and fathers fixed upon it, and
innumerable children of the future the
better for its shining. . . ."
' We could enlarge on the striking ab-
sence of economy of line in Mr. Allen's
method, on its deliberate impressive-
ness, to which are sacrificed grace, ease,
and the flash of the unforeseen. But,
passing much artificiality in the liter-
ary style, as in the description of a
brook which is likened to "a band of
jewelled samite," or as in the phrase
"gray-eyed querist of actuality," when
the husband addresses his wife, we
may point out that the story loses all
illusion of actuality in passages of con-
versation such as the following: —
'"Frederick," she said, "for many
years we have been happy together,
so happy! Every tragedy of nature
has stood at a distance from us, except
the loss of our children. We have lived
on a sunny pinnacle of our years, lifted
above life's storms. But, of course, I
have realized that, sooner or later, our
lot must become the common one: if
we did not go down to sorrow, sorrow
would climb to us; and I knew that on
the heights it dwells best. That is why
I wish to say to you to-night what I
shall : I think fate's hour has struck for
me; I am ready to bear it. Its sorrow
has already left the bow and is on its
way; I open my heart to receive it.
This is as I had always wished. I have
said that if life had any greatest trag-
edy for me, I hoped it would come when
I was happiest; thus I should not know
it all. I have never drunk half of my
cup of happiness, as you know, and let
the other half waste; I must go equally
to the depth of any suffering. Worse
than the suffering, I think, would be
the feeling that I had shirked some of
it, had stepped aside or shut my eyes,
or in any manner shown myself a
cowardly soul," — and so on.
'It does not need much insight to
perceive that every sentence here of
Josephine's speech is false to nature,
and quite impossible for a woman in
her situation. The imagery and the
carefully balanced periods smell of the
lamp, of the highly literary endeavor
of the conscientious writer, whose
strength lies in meditation and not in
catching or conveying to us the move-
ment and interchange of living things.'
It seems as if even a slight dose of
'ethical intention' may be as fatal to
the creation of a perfect illusion or
mirage of life in an artist's picture as
is the bias of diffused sentimentalism.
American novelists in general might
ponder the acute saying of Joubert:
' In painting the moral side of Nature,
what the artist has most to beware of
is exaggeration; while in painting its
physical side what he has to fear most is
weakness.' Latter-day American story-
tellers, most of them, seem to be in a
conspiracy to 'make the world better,'
to 'touch the heart,' to 'make you
forget all your troubles,' to 'exalt life
and love,' to be 'a sunshine-maker.'
These intentions are so unfaltering, and
the stress laid on 'clean living' is so
insistent, that one is forced to ask one's
self whether the practice and theory of
living in America are not antagonistic?
whether the exaggerated sentimental
appeal may not denote a thinness of
real emotion, and the persistent absorp-
tion with the moral issue an uneasy
756 SOME REMARKS ON AMERICAN AND ENGLISH FICTION
self-distrust ? It would be as ridiculous
to charge the great American people
with being less honest with themselves
than are those of other nations, as it
would be to doubt that in * the land of
freedom,' there is less inner freedom
than elsewhere. But the latter-day
American novel often leaves one with
an uneasy idea that the weight and
momentum of American civilization
are rolling out the paste of human na-
ture very flat, and are stamping it with
machine-made patterns of too common
an order.
Another simile that obtrudes itself
in reading many American novels is
that of a visit from kindly folk who
have come to a gathering in Sunday
clothes and with Sunday manners. The
people's week-day spontaneity is re-
placed by a cautious preoccupation
with their deportment, as to how they
are expected to behave, and every-
thing that they say is a little forced.
Even in the admirable novels of Mrs.
Wharton and Anne Douglas Sedgwick
the conflict so often depicted beween
the idealism of the characters and their
ordinary earthly motives gives one an
odd feeling that both their morals
and their manners are like tightly
cut clothes in which people cannot be
quite at ease. What seems odd is that
this persistently active * conscience'
apparently forces the American novel-
ist to dodge and evade any real exami-
nation of the cleavage between his so-
called * higher nature' and the claims
of the senses. The blinking of facts
concerning the appetite of love was
marvelous indeed in the Victorian nov-
el; but the effect of the conspiracy of
silence in the American novel concern-
ing the sexual passion is seen in the
alarming featurelessness of its por-
traits of women. But this aspect of the
subject requires an essay to itself.
To bring my remarks to a head I will
conclude by saying that, whereas the
limited horizon of modern English fic-
tion, its lack of national breadth, its
tameness and lack of sympathy with
the democracy, are due to its restrict-
ed middle-class outlook, the American
novel fails by virtue of its idealistic
bias and psychological timidity. The
novelist should put human nature un-
der the lens and scrutinize its motives
and conduct with the most searching
and exacting interest. His aesthetic
pleasure in the rich spectacle of life
should be backed by a remorseless in-
stinct for telling the truth. But it is
impossible to combine these qualities
with the commercial, ethical, and senti-
mental ideals that seem to make up
American * optimism.' * America is
strong in the uplift,' said a publisher of
'Sunshine-Makers' and 'Best Sellers'
to the present writer, who, rejoicing
at these synonymous terms, wandered
back to the shelf of his prized American
classics, Walt Whitman and Poe, Mr.
W. D. Howells, Thoreau, Miss Sarah
Orne Jewett, O. Henry, and Stephen
Crane.
THE STORK: A CHRISTMAS BALLAD
[THIS ballad, written probably in the middle or latter years of the six-
teenth century, was found by a reader of the Atlantic, Mrs. Mabel C. De
Vona, in an old house on the edge of the Yorkshire wolds, written on the
fly-leaf of an early edition of the first prayer-book of King Edward VI,
published in 1549. On the reverse of the fly-leaf were several notations
referring to the death and marriage of members of the family. The page
was unfortunately in a mutilated condition, and in several places, partic-
ularly the closing lines of the fourth and last stanzas, it was necessary to
supply several of the words. Diligent inquiry has given us some confi-
dence that the ballad is here given in print for the first time. — THE
EDITORS.]
THE storke shee rose on Christmas eue
And sayed unto her broode,
I nowe muste fare to Bethleem,
To vieue the Sonne of God.
Shee gaue to eche his dole of mete,
•
Shee stowed them fayrlie in,
And farre shee flew and faste shee flew,
And came to Bethleem.
Now where is he of Dauid's lynne?
Shee askd at house and halle.
He is not here, they spake hardlye,
But in the Maungier stalle.
Shee found hym in the Maungier stalle,
With that most Holye Mayde;
The gentyle storke shee wept to see
The Lord so rudelye layde.
Then from her pauntynge brest shee pluckd
The fethers whyte and warm;
758
THE GLORY-BOX
Shee strawed them in the Maungier bed
To kepe the Lorde from harm.
Now blessed bee the gentil storke
Forevermore, quothe Hee,
For that shee saw my sadde estate
And showed suche Pytye.
Full welkum shal shee ever bee
In hamlet and in halle,
And hight henceforthe the Blessed Byrd
And friend of babyes alle.
THE GLORY-BOX
BY ELIZABETH ASHE
IN Southern Ohio a girl's wedding
chest is her Glory-Box. If, like Mabel
Bennet, you are the daughter of a suc-
cessful druggist, the box is of cedar-
wood, delivered free of charge by the
Dayton department stores; but if, like
Eunice Day, you are the daughter of
an unsuccessful bookkeeper who has left
a life insurance inadequate even when
supplemented by the salary you earn
teaching primary children, then the box
is just a box, covered with gay cretonne,
and serving the purpose very nicely.
When Eunice Day's engagement be-
came known, Mabel, remembering the
scalloped guest-towels which Eunice
had given her some months before,
brought over one afternoon an offering
wrapped in tissue paper.
' I hope you '11 like this, Eunice,' she
said. 'It's just a sacque, what they
call a matinee. I've found them very
useful.'
Mabel spoke with the slightly com-
placent air of the three months' bride.
'Why, it's ever so dear of you to go
to so much trouble,' said Eunice, taking
the package into her hands. She was
a tall, slender girl, with dark eyes and
a pretty dignity of bearing. ' I '11 have
to open it right now, I guess. You are
n't in a hurry, are you?'
'Oh, no, not especially. Harry does
n't get home until quarter past six, and
I've fixed the vegetables. Just you go
ahead.'
Eunice untied the white ribbon.
'Why, Mabel, it's beautiful, and such
a delicate shade of pink! '
She held the sacque at arm's length.
THE GLORY-BOX
759
'I'm glad you like it. It's nothing
wonderful, of course.'
* It could n't be more pretty, and
Stephen loves pink. I wrote him the
other day that I had made a pink
kimono and I hoped he would like it.
He wrote back that pink was — was
the color of dawn and apple-blossoms.'
Mabel laughed. * Stephen has a fun-
ny way of saying things, has n't he?'
'Why, I don't know,' said Eunice,
flushing.
'Oh, well,' went on Mabel good-
naturedly, 'I do think you look nice
in pink with your dark hair. Harry
always tells me to stick to blue. It's
the color for blondes. Don't you want
to show me your things? I won't mind
if the ribbons are n't all run in yet.'
'I'd like to show them to you, of
course. Come upstairs. They'll look
nicer though when they are all pressed
out,' said Eunice, laying the sacque
carefully back in its paper wrappings.
She carried it on outstretched palms.
'Do you know when you're going
to be married?' asked Mabel as she
reached the top of the narrow stairs.
'We have. n't made plans yet. Prob-
ably Stephen won't want to for another
year. It depends on so many things.'
'I suppose so,' said Mabel, following
Eunice into her bedroom. It was a
small room but pretty. Eunice had
recently put four coats of white paint
on her oak set. 'Lawyers,' continued
Mabel sympathetically, 'have to wait
so much longer. Now Harry knew to
a cent what salary he was getting when
he proposed to me and he knew what
his raise would probably be for the
next two years. The Wire Company is
a square concern. There 's your Glory-
Box! It looks awfully nice. You made
it, didn't you?'
'Stephen made it when he was on
for his vacation last summer. We
happened to have the cretonne in the
house. Mother wanted me to buy a
cedar chest but I thought this would
do.'
'Oh, one does n't really need a cedar
chest,' said Mabel cheerfully, 'and
they 're terribly expensive, you know. '
'Yes, I do know.' Eunice's face twin-
kled. 'I'll lay this sacque on the bed
so it won't get mussed while I 'm show-
ing you the things.'
She raised the lid of the Glory-Box
and then glanced shyly at the other
girl. ' You 're the first person I 've shown
them to. I hope you'll think they're
dainty. There isn't much lace on them,
but mother put in a lot of handwork
— feather-stitching.'
'Lace is a bother to do up,' Mabel
said amiably. 'I've been almost dis-
tracted doing up mine.'
'Your things were beautiful, though.'
Eunice was laying piles of carefully
folded garments on the edge of the box.
'There, I've got it now,' she said,
getting up from the floor. 'This is my
prettiest set. I've kept it wrapped in
dark blue paper. Mother said it would
keep white longer.'
'Why, they are sweet, Eunice!' Ma-
bel touched the soft white stuff with
appraising fingers. 'And all made by
hand. My, what a lot of work! Your
mother must have spent hours on them.'
' She did. She said she wanted to do
it, though. The other things are plain-
er.' Eunice took them up one by one
and showed them. 'I won't let you see
the table linen to-day. I 've done a lot
of initialing, but they don't look really
well until they have been washed.'
'No, they don't. Anyway I have to
be going. You certainly have nice
things, Eunice. That kimono is awful-
ly pretty.'
'I like it,' said Eunice simply.
'Well, I can't stay another minute.
Don't you come down to the door now.
You have to put away everything. I '11
just run along. Come and see me. I 've
got the flat all settled.'
760
THE GLORY-BOX
'I shall love to, Mabel. Just a mo-
ment! You must let me go to the door
with you. The Glory-Box can wait.'
jfe. Eunice found her mother standing
by the bed when she came back. She
was a meagre-looking woman with a
thin mouth. Her eyes had once been
soft and dark like Eunice's, but the
glow had gone out of them, leaving
them a little hard.
'I've been looking at the sacque
Mabel brought you. It's a nice pat-
tern. That sort of lace looks almost
like real val. What did she say to your
things?'
'She said they were sweet, mother.'
'Well, I suppose they are as nice as
any one could have without spending
money. You did n't show her the table-
cloth I gave you?'
'No, I thought I 'd wait to show the
linen until it was all done up.'
Her mother fingered the lace on the
sacque. 'I don't believe she has a
much better tablecloth than that one,
Eunice. Do you suppose so?'
'No,' answered Eunice, 'probably
not. It's very beautiful.' She laid
down the garment she was folding and
looked up, troubled, into her mocher's
face. 'Oh, it seems so selfish for me to
have it all. You've always wanted
nice fine linen, mother.'
'I've given up wanting, I guess. I
don't care as long as you have them.
You had better lay tissue paper in that
sleeve, Eunice, the way I showed you.
I'll start supper so that you can put
these things away. They won't look
like anything if you leave them about.'
When her mother was gone, Eunice
took up the pink kimono and spread
it out on the bed. She could fold it
more carefully that way. She touched
it with caressing fingers. 'Dawn and
apple-blossoms,' she repeated softly.
Then she smiled, remembering Mabel's
remark: 'Stephen has a funny way of
saying things.'
Stephen was different somehow from
Harry, from any of the men whom
her friends had married. They were
nice young men, of course, all of them.
One was superintendent of the Sun-
day School, besides getting a good sal-
ary in the Cash Register Company;
another had gone to college, had been
in Stephen's class at the Ohio State
University in fact, and was now doing
well as part owner of the garage on
Main Street; still another was paying-
teller in the bank next to the garage;
he wore very 'good-looking' suits, usu-
ally with a tiny line of white at the
edge of the waistcoat. Still Stephen
was different.
When he had got his B.A. degree at
Ohio, he decided that he wanted to be
a lawyer, and that he would go to one
of the best schools in the country. He
chose Columbia. He had worked his
way through college, but he considered
that it would not pay to work his way
through Law School. He wanted the
time to get something out of New York.
His father was unable to advance the
money, so Stephen went to a friend of
his father's, a prosperous coal-dealer
in the town, and asked that he lend
him enough to put him through eco-
nomically, but not, he plainly said,
too economically. He would give the
coal-dealer notes, payable with interest
four years after he was admitted to the
bar.
The coal-dealer, taking into consid-
eration the fact that the young man
had broken every record at the univer-
sity in scholarship, and two other facts,
the young man's forehead and mouth,
lent him the money. He said that the
interest need not begin until he was
admitted.
Stephen thanked him and went to
Columbia. One of the professors there
took a great fancy to him. He intro-
duced him to his sister, a maiden lady
living in Washington Square, who, find-
THE GLORY-BOX
761
ing him very likable, introduced him to
other people living in the Square.
Stephen was very happy. He wrote
to Eunice, — he had been engaged to
her since the end of his second year at
the Law School, — ' Washington Square
is rather terrifying from the outside,
but once inside you feel beautifully at
home. I think it 's the perfect breeding
you find there. I've met women more
intellectual, greater perhaps, than Pro-
fessor Lansing's sister, but never one
who gives such an impression of com-
pletion. There are no loose ends. You
will like her, Eunice.'
In another letter he said, * We won't
have much money to start with, of
course, but if we put a little dignity into
our kitchenette apartment, it will be
a home that people will love to come
to. It's partly the dignity of their
living that makes these Washington
Square people so worth while to be
with.'
And last week he had written, 'You
won't find New York lonely. They
will love you, dear. You belong. You
have not only charm but the dignity
that belongs. I wonder if I'm foolish
to care so much for that word dignity.
Perhaps it 's because I associate it with
you, or perhaps — I love you because
you have it.'
And Eunice too was happy and
proud: happy that Stephen was com-
ing into his own, and proud that he
should think her equal to the occasion.
It would not be an easy task, being
equal to Stephen. Stephen was a great
man, or would be a great man. She
knew it and Stephen knew it. * We are
going to be great, you and I,' he had
said more than once. And yet one day
when she had answered, 'You and I,
Stephen?' his eyes, which had been
alight with the glorious vision of the
future, softened, and he had come and
knelt beside her and had laid his head
down. 'Oh, Eunice,' he had whispered,
'I've got brains, I'm pretty sure to be
successful, but if I'm worth while, it
will be because of you. You are a great
woman, dear.' And Eunice had mother-
ed him and had hoped — so fervently
that the hope was a prayer — that she
would really be great enough to meet
his needs.
Sometimes she doubted. She had
dignity; Stephen had said so; but inside
she was deprecating and shy. People
like Mabel Ashley made her shy, and
most of the people she knew were like
Mabel. They thought Stephen's way
of saying and thinking things, ' funny.'
There was only one woman whom she
could talk with, a High-School teacher
who had come to board next door. She
and the High-School teacher took long
walks together.
The High-School teacher had been to
Europe twice. She knew how people
lived outside of this little Ohio town,
— outside of the United States even.
She was full of shrewd comment.
Eunice talked to her about the books
that she and Stephen were reading,
and sometimes about Stephen himself.
Several times the High-School teacher
had said, 'He is splendid, Eunice/
Eunice thought about her this after-
noon as she put the last things away
in the Glory-Box. She hoped that, if
the Washington Square people were
like this teacher, she would get along.
And there came another encouraging
thought. The people in the Square
were sure of themselves of course, but
perhaps they were sure because they
had things and had always had things.
She would one day have the things in
her Glory-Box, and she would have
Stephen. After she was quite used to
having them and to having a person
like Stephen, she would be sure of her-
self too.
' Supper will be ready in five minutes,
Eunice.'
'I'm coming in a moment.'
762
THE GLORY-BOX
The room had grown quite dark. Eu-
nice^lighted two candles standing on her
bureau. They were in common glass
candlesticks which she had bought at
the Ten-Cent store : she had wanted to
have brass; but then, Stephen and she
were going to have brass candlesticks
in every room of their house. They
both loved candle-light.
Eunice smoothed her dark hair. Then
she washed her hands very carefully.
Stephen had said once that they were
not wonderfully pretty hands, but that
they had distinction. He had kissed
them.
'I guess I'm all right now,' said Eu-
nice, glancing into the mirror. She
picked up a photograph of Stephen
from the bureau and laid her face
against it. Then she blew out the can-
dles and went downstairs.
II
Stephen's letter that awaited her
when she came home from school the
next afternoon was a one-page scrawl.
* My head is ringing so with the quinine
I 've taken that I can't write to-night.
By to-morrow I shall probably be rid
of this beastly cold. I want to tell
you about a book I've just read. It's
great stuff.' He added a postscript:
* Don't ask me, dear, if I wore my rub-
bers day before yesterday. You know
I did n't.'
In Eunice's eyes was a smile of
amused tenderness as she put the letter
back in its envelope. If the cold were
* beastly,' perhaps he might remember
next time. She was afraid though that
only married men wore rubbers.
No letter came the next day, or the
next. 'If I don't hear to-morrow, I'll
telegraph.'
'He's probably busy, 'said her mo-
ther.
'I'm afraid he's sick.'
Eunice waited for the postman on
Saturday morning, but he brought no
letter. She put on her hat and coat.
'I'll be back in a half hour, mother.'
As she went down the steps a boy
riding a bicycle stopped at the curb.
He handed her a telegram. It was from
Stephen's landlady. Stephen had died
that morning at two o'clock — of pneu-
monia.
Eunice was conscious of being very
collected and calm as she went back
into the house; quite wonderfully calm.
Her mother was in the kitchen. Eu-
nice went to her and told her — very
gently. She had the feeling that it was
her mother's sorrow. Her mother's dry,
hard sobs and bowed figure brought
the tears to her eyes. She laid her hand
on the thin convulsed shoulders.
'Mother, don't — don't, dear, it's all
right, you know.' She stood by her
chair until the sobs ceased.
' I 'm going around to — to Stephen's,
mother. I '11 not be gone long.'
Mrs. Day followed her to the steps;
her face was pitifully pinched, almost
old. At the gate Eunice turned and
saw her.
'Poor mother!' She wanted to go
back and kiss her but she dared not.
Stephen's home was on the other
side of the town. It was a small frame
house painted light gray, with a gable
back and front, and a narrow porch
running across it. This morning the
shades in the parlor were drawn down.
Eunice had to wait some moments
before the door was opened by Ste-
phen's young sister, — a slip of a thing
but a capable housekeeper. Her eyes
were swollen with crying. 'She's so
little,' thought Eunice and took her
into her arms.
When the girl was able to speak she
told Eunice that her father had gone
to New York, and that he would bring
Stephen home. Eunice stayed an hour,
comforting, talking, planning. Then
she left her.
THE GLORY-BOX
763
' I 'm so quiet. I did n't know it could
be like this/
The March wind blew the dust into
her face. The grit irritated her. She
wished there were snow on the ground
and then wondered that she should
care. That was how it was the next
two days; she went on thinking and
acting, with every now and then this
strange awareness of being alive.
But on Monday afternoon when they
came home from the cemetery, Eunice
went upstairs to her room. * I 'm going
to lie down awhile, mother.'
Her mother made no answer as she
turned into the kitchen.
Eunice lay down on the bed. A pale
yellow sunset gleamed through the
branches of the tree outside her win-
dow. She had seen the yellow streak
in the sky as they had left the ceme-
tery. She closed her eyes to shut it out.
Her heart was no longer numb. It was
waking to its misery. She lay very
still with clenched hands. She had
learned to bear physical pain that way.
She thought perhaps she could bear
this if she lay very still:
* I want to tell you about a book I ' ve
just read. It's great stuff.'
'Oh, Stephen, Stephen, laddie!'
The tears came, and great sobs that
shook and twisted her rigid body. Once
she thought her mother came up the
stairs and stopped outside her door.
She buried her face in the pillow. Her
mother must not hear. By and by, —
she had been quiet for an hour, — her
mother came in with a tray.
'I've made you some toast and tea,
Eunice. You must keep up your
strength.'
Her tone was flat and emotionless.
She set the tray down by her in the
darkness. Then she lighted the gas.
Eunice swallowed the tea obedient-
ly, she was so very tired. As she put
the cup down her eyes fell on the cre-
tonne-covered box in the window.
'Mother, my Glory-Box! Don't let
me see it! Oh, don't let me see my
Glory-Box!'
Mrs. Day came up to the bed. 'I'll
take it out to-morrow while you are at
school. I meant to do that.' Her face
worked as she left the room.
When the door closed, Eunice sat
up and pushed her tumbled hair back
from her face. She wanted to look at
the Glory-Box. To-morrow her mother
was going to take it away. She clasped
her hands tightly about her drawn-up
knees and stared at the box with hot,
miserable eyes. Of course it would
have to be taken away, but she want-
ed to look at it now because it was
her Glory -Box and because it was Ste-
phen's. Stephen had made it.
'That's a decent job for just a law-
yer,' he had said when the last nail
was driven in and they were taking a
critical survey of it.
Stephen had laughed when she re-
gretted that the roses in the cretonne
were yellow, because the things to go
into the box very likely would be pink.
He had laughed and kissed her and told
her she had better get a pair of pink
specs, then the roses would be pink
enough.
And Stephen had taken such an in-
terest in what she had written about
the things she was embroidering for
household use. When she had reported
a whole dozen napkins hemmed and
initialed, he had thought it would be
jolly to have nice linen. They would
probably be short on silver at first, but
good linen made you feel respectable.
He remembered his mother taking so
much pride in what had been left of
hers. For a moment the words of that
letter were so vividly recalled that she
forgot that Stephen was dead. For quite
a moment she was happy. Then she re-
membered, but the realization brought
no tears, only a spelling wave of
misery.
764
THE GLORY-BOX
'I can't bear it, oh, I can't.'
But even as she moaned she knew
that she would bear it, that she would
go on living for years and years and
years. Other girls she had known or
heard about — in her own town — had
gone on living : little Sadie Smith whose
lover had been killed three days before
her wedding, and even Milly Petersen,
who had been engaged for five years
when the man asked to be released
because he wanted to marry the girl
who had recently moved to Milly's
street. These girls had lived; they had
grown pale and faded, or hard. People
felt very sorry for them: they were
spoken of as 'poor Milly' or 'Sadie
Smith, poor child'; but they had lived.
Eunice saw herself moving among her
little circle, brave and sad-eyed like
these girls.
Suddenly — she never remembered
just how it came about — suddenly
her humor flashed a white light over
the vision. This sad-eyed Self seemed
something not to pity but to scorn. It
was grotesque standing in your friend's
parlor with clenched hands, as it were,
and compressed lips, saying, 'Don't
mind me, please. I'm bearing it.' If
one were going to live one must live
happily. Stephen was such a happy
person. He was happy when he was
working or playing or just loving. Even
hurdy-gurdys made him happy.
'When I hear one grinding away in
the morning,' he had written, 'I have
to kick a few Law Journals about just
to keep in tune with the darn thing.'
It had been a delightful surprise to
her, his overflowing happiness, for Ste-
phen's face in repose was very grave.
She herself only occasionally had his
joy in mere living, but she had al-
ways thought that Stephen's joyful-
ness would prove infectious. Suppose,
now, without Stephen she should make
the experiment of being happy. It
would be a wonderful experiment to
see — she spoke the words aloud, delib-
erately, to see if she could kill this ter-
rible thing, Sorrow, and keep Stephen
to love and to remember.
Eunice was still staring at the Glory-
Box, but it was more than her Glory-
Box. It was part of the problem that
she was trying to think out clearly.
For perhaps sorrow was a problem that
you could work out like other problems,
if only you could see it, not as one solid,
opaque mass, but as something made
up of pieces that you could deal with
one at a time. The Glory-Box was a
piece. She had wanted it taken away
because it was a thing so filled with
pain that she could not bear to have it
about. If — Eunice got up in her ex-
citement and walked up and down the
room — if the Glory-Box could be-
come a box again, just a box covered
with cretonne, and the things in it be-
come things, then a great piece of mis-
ery would disappear. Love, a girl's
love, was like — she groped a moment
for words — like a vine that put forth
little shoots and tendrils; love even
went into things. When Death tram-
pled on the vine, the shoots and ten-
drils were crushed with it. But if you
cut them off, these poor bruised pieces
of the vine, the vine itself would per-
haps have a chance to become strong
and beautiful.
Eunice played with the idea, her
cheeks flushed, her eyes very bright.
She felt as she did sometimes when
talking on paper with Stephen.
She went over to the Glory-Box
and raised the cover. On top lay the
matinee that Mabel had brought on
that day not quite a week ago. She
unfolded it and touched it. 'This is n't
— Stephen,' she said aloud, quite firm-
ly. 'It's cotton voile and val lace. It's
cotton voile.'
She took out garment after garment.
When she came to the pink kimono her
eyes blinded with tears. 'It's a lovely
THE GLORY-BOX
765
shade. Pink is pretty with dark hair.'
Her quivering lips could scarcely frame
the words. 'It's not Stephen. It's —
it's just a kimono.*
She put the things back and closed
the box. * I '11 look at the rest in a day
or two. I'll keep looking at them.
Probably I shall never be able to use
them, but I'll keep looking until I get
accustomed to seeing them. Mother
will get used to seeing the Box here.
If she put it in the storeroom she would
always dread going in.'
Mrs. Day was getting breakfast the
next morning when Eunice came down.
She went on mechanically with her
preparation, avoiding looking at her.
At the table she glanced up. Eunice's
face was white and haggard, but her
eyes, strangely big, were shining. Eu-
nice's mother watched her furtively
throughout the meal. As they left the
table Eunice put her arms about her.
* Don't take the box out, mother.
It's better to get used to it. I'm try-
ing to get used to things. Don't you
worry about me. You'll see.'
She kissed her and hurried to school.
In her exalted mood the sympathetic
attentions of the other teachers seemed
almost surprising. They were dear and
kind, but why should they be so kind?
She was going to be happy. At the end
of the day, however, Eunice let herself
softly into the house, too wretched to
want to meet her mother. She carried
to her room the letters of condolence
that were on the dining-room table.
She read them impassively, even the
kindly one from Miss Lansing, wonder-
ing why they did not touch her. 'It's
because I'm tired,' she concluded, and
knelt down by the Glory-Box, bowing
her head on her outstretched arms.
* Stephen, dear,' she prayed, 'I can't
look at the things to-night. I'm too
tired.'
But the next day she took them all
out. And on a Saturday afternoon
three weeks later she startled her mo-
ther by coming into her room dressed
in the suit and hat that were her ' best.'
Her mother laid down the skirt on
which she was putting a new braid.
* Why, where are you going, Eunice?'
*I thought I'd call on Mabel. I've
never been to see her since she started
housekeeping. I promised to, long ago.'
Mrs. Day looked at her keenly, her
mouth tightening. * You 're foolish to
go and see all her wedding presents
about the house. You won't be able
to stand it.'
*I shall, mother. That's why I'm
going to stand it. I shan't mind calling
there after I've been this once. I've
thought it out.'
* You 're a queer girl, Eunice. I don't
understand you. But I suppose you
know your — your own business best,'
she ended, taking up her work again.
Eunice felt quite sure that she did,
and yet there were days when the ex-
periment seemed a failure or at least
only just begun: days when she would
read in a paper of brilliant social events
in New York, in Stephen's New York.
Stephen might have been there at that
dinner, his eyes, that looked so gravely
from his picture, lighted with, the joy-
fulness of the occasion, his splendid
head towering above the other men as
he joined in the toasts — Stephen had
told her they always made toasts
at these dinners; she could hear his
laugh, his hearty boyish laugh. And
those other days in early spring, when
a hurdy-gurdy would play * Turkey in
the Straw,' and she could see Stephen
pitching his Law Journals about, ex-
ulting in the glorious fact that he was
alive. Oh, how she longed for him,
wanted him these days, — with a pas-
sionate yearning that for moments
maddened her. But as the months
went by the times of overwhelming
wanting came less and less frequently.
*I shall soon be happy,' Eunice told
766
THE GLORY-BOX
herself. And on a morning of June love-
liness, a morning of very blue sky, white
clouds and butter-cups, Eunice knew
that she was happy.
'I'm glad to-day, Stephen, I'm glad,
just because it's all so beautiful.'
She wondered now and again why,
since she herself was so surely leaving
the sorrow behind her, her mother
should still droop under its weight.
They seldom talked about Stephen.
They had agreed at the beginning not
to do that often, but there was bitter-
ness in her mother's face and bitter-
ness on occasion in her words. 'I've
got used to seeing your box around,
but don't ever ask me to look inside/
It occurred to Eunice that perhaps it
was because to her mother had come
only the grief. She was not having
Stephen to love.
Ill
One afternoon late in February, Eu-
nice was met in the hall by her mother.
'A letter came for you this morning.
It 's from New York.' She stood watch-
ing her as Eunice opened it with un-
steady fingers.
Eunice looked up in a few moments,
very white. ' It 's from Professor Lan-
sing's sister,' she faltered. 'Miss Lan-
sing is coming on to Chicago this week.
She says she would like to see me.
She'll stop off in Dayton over night,
Saturday probably, and will come out
for lunch if it's convenient for us to
have her. She can make connections
by doing that. Oh, mother, it's beau-
tiful of her to want to come.'
'I don't know that it will do you
much good to see her. You '11 probably
get upset.'
'No, I won't be upset because I'll
be so glad. Stephen said she was a won-
derful woman, and — we can talk about
him. He was at her house only a few
days before he — caught cold.'
'Well, I don't know,' said her mo-
ther. * You had better come into the kit-
chen where it's warm. You look like
a ghost, Eunice. I'll give you a cup
of soup to drink. It's on the stove
now.' She laid nervous compelling fin-
gers on Eunice's arm. 'I suppose,'
Mrs. Day was pouring out the soup as
she spoke, 'I suppose that Miss Lan-
sing has n't any idea of the way we
live. Even the front stoop looks a sight.
It 's needed a coat of paint for years.'
'I know,' Eunice answered, her face
clouding. ' I wish things were different
for Stephen's sake. But we can't help
it.'
'No,' said her mother harshly, 'we
can't help it. But I wish she was n't
coming for a meal. The last decent
tablecloth was cut up into napkins a
month ago. I was ashamed of the one
we set Mabel Bennet down to the
other night.'
Eunice walked to the window. She
looked out upon the backyard, upon
the snow that was reflecting the sun-
set, a sentence of one of Stephen's let-
ters in her mind. 'It's the dignity of
their living that makes these Washing-
ton Square people so worth while.'
And then she recalled that other letter.
'It will be jolly to have nice linen.
Good linen makes you feel respecta-
ble.'
It 'pained her that they must offer
this friend of Stephen's what they had
been ashamed to offer Mabel Bennet.
Stephen's pride would be hurt, Stephen
who had loved that word 'dignity,' and
Stephen's pride was her own pride just
as much as if she were his wife, as if he
were living.
Eunice stood a long time looking out
upon the snow, until the rose of the
sunset had gone from it, leaving it
blue and cold. She turned from the
window: —
' Mother,' - she was glad that in the
darkening kitchen she could not see
THE GLORY-BOX
767
her mother's face distinctly, — 'mo-
ther, don't you think we had better use
that very fine cloth you gave me, and
the napkins, to make the table look
nice? Hadn't we better use them?'
'Use your things out of your Glory-
Box, Eunice!'
'Yes, they are just pretty things,
now, mother. All the pain is out of
them. I'm going to wear the best set
you made me. I think if I have on
those nice clothes under my dress I
won't be so shy with Miss Lansing.
I want — Oh, mother, I want Stephen
to — to feel proud of me.'
Mrs. Day bent to rake the fire, then
straightened up. 'If you can stand
wearing that set, I've nothing to say.
You have a right to your own notions.
But I don't see how I can bear to look
at the cloth.'
'After it's been done up and on the
table once, you '11 forget there was any-
thing sad connected with it. I know
you will,' said Eunice, with her brave,
pleading eyes fixed on her mother's
set face.
'I don't know; maybe I could for-
get. But I don't see how I could bring
myself to use something out of your
own Glory-Box. It seems almost indel-
icate. They're all your things/
Eunice crossed the room and laid her
face down on her mother's shoulder.
'You gave me the things, mother, and
you've had so little of what you've
always wanted. Can't it be our Glory-
Box, for us both to use on special oc-
casions— like this?' Her arms tight-
ened about her mother's neck. 'Can't
we use them this time for Stephen's
sake?'
After a moment's silence Mrs. Day
pushed her gently away.
'If they are to be washed you'll
have to bring them down to-morrow.
I '11 want to get them on the line while
this good weather lasts. Saturday is
only four days off,'
Saturday evening Eunice lighted the
candles on her bureau; lighting the
candles seemed like another ceremony
of this perfect day. She had got up
early so as to put her room and the rest
of the house in order. While her mo-
ther was finishing in the kitchen she had
set the table. It had been a joy to do
that, to spread the cloth so that the
creases would come in just the right
place, and the large initial 'D' show
without being too conspicuous, and to
fold the napkins prettily and arrange
the dishes. At the last moment she
had decided that it would not be too
extravagant to buy a little plant of
some sort for a centre-piece. So there
was just time for her to slip into the
clothes that had been spread out on
the bed, and do over her hair, before
Miss Lansing arrived.
Stephen had said, 'You will like
her, Eunice.' Like her! — she was the
most wonderful woman she had ever
met. She was elderly, but strangely
enough you did not wonder whether
she had been pretty or beautiful when
she was young. She was wonderful
just as she was now. You could not
think of her as being different. She
was tall, a little taller than Eunice her-
self. Her face was finely cut, the sort
of face you saw in engravings of old
portraits; there were not many lines
in it. Her eyes were dark and young
too, though she had quite gray hair
and evidently did n't care to be in the
fashion, for her black silk fell all
around in ample lengths. Eunice had
watched her hands. They were not
small, but long and slender and very
white; the two rings she wore seemed
made for them.
And Eunice had not felt shy. At
first she had thought she was going to;
Miss Lansing had seemed at first so
like a personage; but the thought of
Stephen, and of the feather-stitched
best set she was wearing made her
768
THE GLORY-BOX
forget that Washington Square was, as
Stephen had said, rather terrifying on
the outside. It was Stephen's friend
whom they were entertaining, and Ste-
phen's friend was not a personage real-
ly, but a wonderful woman who had
loved Stephen too.
After lunch they talked together in
the parlor while her mother was clear-
ing things away. Miss Lansing said
that she had seen a great deal of Ste-
phen that last year. He had seemed to
enjoy coming to the house. He had
come to dinner sometimes, but more
often he had dropped in on Saturday
or Sunday afternoons for tea. One af-
ternoon he had not been quite himself.
She had questioned him a little and he
had confessed with a laugh that he was
homesick for Ohio.
'That was the time he talked for two
hours about you, my dear/ Miss Lan-
sing said, smiling. ' Fortunately no one
else came in, so he was uninterrupted.
I liked to listen to his talk; he had
charm.' But Eunice saw her eyes kin-
dle: 'He was more than charming. He
was great.'
'Yes,5 Eunice answered very low.
'He would have been a great man, Miss
Lansing. I always knew he would.'
At that Miss Lansing put out both
hands and covered Eunice's that were
clasped tightly in her lap. 'He would
have been a great man,' she repeated,
'and you, my dear, would have made
him a great wife.'
Eunice felt that never, unless she
should hear Stephen's voice again,
should she listen to such wonderful
words as those. Ever since Miss Lan-
sing had gone they had sung themselves
in her heart like a sacred refrain. She
was glad that it was night now so that
she could fall asleep repeating them.
'Getting ready for bed, Eunice?'
'I'm beginning to.' Eunice opened
the door to her mother, who stood out-
side winding the clock.
'Do you know,' said Mrs. Day as
she set the alarm, 'I've been thinking
again what a good idea it was to open
that can of peas. They did make the
chops look so tasty, and they were al-
most as tender as the French. I helped
Miss Lansing twice.'
Eunice kissed her as she turned
away.
'It was a nice dinner throughout,
mother, and the table looked lovely.'
'Well, I saw Miss Lansing look at
the cloth. She was too much of a lady
to say anything, of course, but I could
tell she noticed it.'
'Yes,' said Eunice, 'I think she did.'
Mrs. Day was closing her door.
'Put out the light in the hall before
you go to bed, Eunice.'
'Yes, mother,' said Eunice, softly
closing her own door.
She stood still a moment in the cen-
tre of the candle-lighted room. Then
she went over to the Glory-Box and
took out the kimono and laid it over
the footboard so that the pink folds
could catch the light. When she had
undressed, she put it on. 'It will be a
beautiful ending to the day,' she said,
as she stood before the mirror braiding
her hair.
Her eyes rested on Stephen's picture.
' I think you would have been proud
to-day, dear, and I think you would
have liked this.'
She turned to the mirror, and looked
at the girl reflected there, at the dark
eyes and hair and at the kimono drap-
ing her soft white gown.
'Dawn and apple-blossoms,' she
whispered and then stretched out her
arms.
'Stephen, my dear. Oh, Stephen.'
THE HOUSE OF SORROW
PROLOGUE
THE traveler looked about him. The
glorious sunlight of the preceding day
had gone; the glittering greenery that
had frolicked with the breeze was no
longer to be seen. The trees along the
roadside were gnarled, stunted, som-
bre; the bushes were scarce more than
brambles. Bleakness covered every-
thing. Grass, such as it was, showed it-
self only in patches; the soil was stony,
the air chill.
The traveler wrapped his cloak about
him. Whether his senses were sharp-
ened by the dreariness of his surround-
ings, or whether they instinctively
sought a new object for their attention,
he could not say; but he became aware,
gradually, — as a sound sleeper slowly
wakes to the things about his bed, —
of some one beside him, traveling the
same way, taking, it seemed, even steps
with himself. He felt no surprise, but
rather as if he were picking up a mem-
ory that had been lying just under the
surface of consciousness, — as if he
ought to have known that some one
had been beside him for an indefinite
time.
The traveler walked on for a while in
silence; and then, overcome half by cu-
riosity, half by a mixture of resentment
and suspicion, turned and demanded
a little curtly where the other was
going.
'I am going your way,' replied the
stranger; and the two walked on to-
gether, side by side.
* I beg your pardon,' said the traveler,
'but I know, as I am immersed in my
own thoughts, that I cannot be an ac-
ceptable companion. We had better
VOl. U4-NO. <?
journey singly; I will go ahead or fall
behind, as you choose.'
' I prefer to keep even pace/ answered
the other.
Hardly knowing whether or not to be
offended, the traveler hesitated; should
he go ahead or fall behind ? But, though
he could not tell why, he did neither; he
kept on the same road at the same pace,
step by step with his companion.
The landscape grew still more deso-
late; the earth seemed hostile to vege-
table life. A rare tree, here and there,
shook its barren branches; prickly
things rendered the walking difficult.
The traveler thought to himself: '1
will turn round and go back, and so I
shall both leave this detestable place
and escape from this importunate com-
panion.'
The stranger spoke up: 'No, let us
keep on together.'
The traveler started, and, making
a feeble attempt to smile, said, 'You
seem to be a mind-reader.' He decided
to stop at once; nevertheless he con-
tinued to keep on the same road at the
same pace. Then he thought, forgetting
that he had not spoken aloud, ' It was
not polite in me to let him know that I
wished to shake myself free of his com-
pany. I will quietly turn off to the
right or left.'
'No, let us keep on the same road,'
repeated the stranger.
At this the traveler contained him-
self no longer, but burst out, almost
angrily, 'Who are you?'
' I am the Spirit of Life,' answered the
other; 'you and I are journeying tp-
gether.'
The traveler did not understand what
the stranger meant; but he was aware
769
770
THE HOUSE OF SORROW
of a bitter chill in the air and of still
greater desolation all about, and he de-
termined to cast manners to the wind
and run for it; but no, his feet kept on
the same way, at the same pace.
'Be not impatient,' said his com-
panion, 'this is our road.'
The chill struck through the travel-
er's cloak, his fingers trembled with
cold, but he kept on. As they crossed
the brow of a low hill they saw a great,
gloomy building lying before them.
The traveler thought of fortresses and
prisons in foreign lands that he had read
of.
'I shall turn here and go back,' he
cried, amazed at the foolish terror of
his imagination.
' We must go on,' replied the stranger.
They were now close under the shad-
ow of the building.
'What is this abhorrent place?' ask-
ed the traveler.
'This,' answered his companion tak-
ing the traveler's arm, 'is the House of
Sorrow.'
The traveler felt a sword pierce his
heart, yet his footsteps did not fail; for,
against his will, the Spirit of Life bore
him up. He went on with even step,
and the two crossed the threshold.
They that have experienced a great
sorrow are born again. The world they
are now in is quite different from their
old world. In that earlier world they
lived upon terms of household familiar-
ity with Joy and Felicity; now they
must lie down by the side of Sorrow
and eat with Sorrow beside them at
the board. Outward things may assert
their identity to eye, to ear, to touch,
but outward things cannot deceive the
spirit within; the House of Sorrow is
strange, all its furniture is strange, and
the newcomer must; {earn anew fyow to
live.
The first lesson is to accept the past
as a beautiful day that is done, as the
loveliness of a rose that has withered
away. The object of our yearning has
passed from the world of actual con-
tacts into the world of art. Memory
may paint the picture as it will, drop
out all shadows and catch the beauty of
our exquisite loss in all the golden glow
of human happiness. There, within the
shrine prepared by Sorrow, that pic-
ture will ever refresh us and bless us.
Evil cannot touch it, nor ill-will, nor
envy, nor sordid care; only our own
faithlessness, our own acceptance of un-
worthy things, can stain the freshness
of its beauty. Sorrow has constituted
us the sacristans of this shrine; on us
rests the care of this pictured relic, and,
unless we suffer motes and beams to
get in our eyes, it will remain as bright
in the sanctuary of memory as in the
sunshine of earthly life.
The second lesson is to receive from
Sorrow the gift that we have all asked
for, begged for, a thousand times. We
have felt the oppression of petty things,
we have been caught in the nets of
grossness, we have suffered ourselves to
become captives and servants to the
common and the mean, till, weary with
servitude, we have cried out, 'Oh, that
I might rescue my soul! ' And now the
work of deliverance is accomplished and
our souls are free. Tyranny has fallen
from our necks. Vulgar inclinations
have lost their ancient glamour, and the
baser appetites shiver in their naked-
ness. Our wish has been granted; the
prison doors are open wide, we may pur-
sue with all our strength, with all the
resolution we can summon, the things
that we, when bound, believed that we
longed for.
The third gift of Sorrow is that she
will not suffer us to put up with artifi-
cial lights. We had been content with
the candle-light of sensuous things, let-
ting our souls float idly on the clouds qf
THE HOUSE OP SORROW
771
chance experience; we had accepted
life as a voyage down a magic river of
random happenings, satisfied with such
beacons as guarded our temporal pros-
perity. But Sorrow, with one sweep of
her hand, has extinguished all those
lights, and robbed the things of sense of
all their shimmering. Sorrow has shown
us that we live in the dark; and no great
harm has been done, for we no lon-
ger care to see the flickering lights that
once flared about our heads with so de-
ceptive a glow. Sorrow has given us a
yearning for inextinguishable light. All
is dark; but all darkness is one great
supplication for light which cannot be
quenched. Shadow, mystery, black-
ness, the outer and the inner courts
of chaos, all echo Sorrow's cry for
light.
So the soul into which the iron has
entered, amazed and offended by the
bitterness of agony, turns to find some
light, some principle, whose shining
shall illume for her these random hap-
penings of joy and sorrow which make
up what we call life, whose wisdom
shall satisfy her passionate demand
for some explanation why she should
have been conjured up out of nothing-
ness, to be caressed and flattered for a
season, and then stabbed to the heart.
What is this universe that treats us
so? What animates it? What is it try-
ing to do? What is its attitude toward
man?
Who shall explain these things? We
have lost the support of the Christian
dogmas, and we have no new staff to
lean upon; we have strayed from the
old road of hope, and we do not find a
new road. What can science or philo-
sophy do for us, — science that pays
so little heed to the soul, philosophy
that pays so little heed to grief? We
must shift for ourselves and see what
we can find. Happiness left us content
with happiness, but Sorrow bids us rise
up and seek something divine.
The first act must be to take our eyes
from Sorrow, cast memory loose, put
on the magic cap of indifference and
forgetfulness, and look out as from
a window upon the phenomena that
may chance to meet the eye, and see
whether from the sample we can infer a
pattern, interwoven with a thread of
hope, for the whole fabric.
ii
I look at the universe as it presents
itself to me this morning, as if I, for the
first time, were making its acquaint-
ance. I find myself in a pleasant room.
Golden light, pouring in at the window,
irradiates shining breakfast things. A
wonderful odor greets my nostrils; a
steaming fragrance, followed by a de-
licious taste, quickens my whole being.
Next, round, yellow fruit is presented
to me, smelling as if it remembered all
its blossoming origins or had packed
its rind with ambrosia in the garden of
the Hesperides. Added to these is a
delicious bread, rich Rembrandtesque
brown without, ripe yellow within, a
'princely kind of bread, which they tell
me is called Johnny-cake.
Breakfast done, I walk out into
an unroofed azure palace of light.
Upon the ground a multitude of lit-
tle green stalks intertwine with each
other to keep my feet from touch-
ing the soil beneath; mighty giants,
rooted to earth, hold up a hundred
thousand leaves to shelter me from the
excess of golden glory that illumines the
azure palace; the leaves rustle, either
for the music's sake or to let me feel
their sentiment of kinship. Further
on, little beautiful things, which have
renounced locomotion, — recognizing
that they have found their appointed
places and are happy there, like the
Lady Pia in the lower heaven of Para-
dise, — waft floral benedictions to me.
And about them hover winged flowers
772
THE HOUSE OF SORROW
that spread their petals to the breeze
and flit from fragrance to fragrance.
Into a honey-laden cornucopia, a pas-
sionate presence, its wings humming
in wild ecstasy, dips its bill, while the
sunlight furnishes the jeweled magnifi-
cence of its plumage.
A troop of young creatures, far more
wonderful than these, passes by, with
glancing eyes and rosy cheeks, making
sweetest music of words and laughter.
These, they tell me, are children, and
they say that there are many of them,
and that I, too, was once a child. I
laugh at this preposterous flattery.
Another being, well-nigh ethereal, a
naiad perhaps, or the imagining of some
kindly god, trips by. It is exquisite.
The leaves cast their shadows before it;
the flowers tremble for pleasure. 'What
is it?' I whisper. Some one answers
carelessly: 'That is a maiden.'
Then another young creature dances
by, — head erect, all animation, the
breeze blowing its hair back from what
must be a temple for pure and noble
thought — like a gallant ship beating
out to sea. This, they tell me, is a
youth.
I walk on and behold many goodly
things. I hear melodies that stir yearn-
ings to which I can give no name, start
flashes of joy, or glimmering under-
standings of the 'deep and dazzling
darkness' that surrounds the farthest
reaches of terrestrial light. I am told
that there are men, called poets, .who
have built a palace out of their crystal
imaginations, where life and its doings
are depicted in a thousand ways, some-
times as in a mirror, trait for trait,
sometimes glorified, and all in varied
cadences of music. And I am told that
the wonderful things which greet my
senses — dry land and its fruitfulness,
ocean, air, clouds, stars, and sky — are
but an infinitesimal fragment of an in-
finite whole, in which the curious mind
may travel for countless ages and never
reach the end of eager and throbbing
questionings; that there is between me
and it the most wonderful of all rela-
tions, the contact, real or imaginary, of
my consciousness with the great stream
of phenomena that passes before it, and
that this relation is the source of never-
ending intellectual pleasure.
But more than by all things else I am
impressed by the sentiments between
creatures of my kind, between mother
and son, father and daughter, husband
and wife, friend and friend, a wonder-
ful mutual attraction which makes each
yield his will to the other and rouses a
double joy, — from securing for the
other and from renouncing for one's
self, — a half-mystical bond that holds
two together as gravitation holds terres-
trial things to the earth, so sweet, so
strong, so delicate, that the imagina-
tion cannot rise beyond this human af-
fection at its height.
Such is the fragment of the universe
which presents itself at this moment to
my consciousness. Bewildered by won-
ders heaped on wonders, I cry out
triumphantly, ' Is there not evidence of
friendliness to man here?'
in
But popular teachers answer, No. In
the beginning, they say, in the dark
backward of time beyond our ken, is
chaos, a wild whir of primal matter in
the clutch of primal energy, nebulous
substance rotating through space, con-
densing according to laws immutable.
^Eons pass and stars emerge. In one
corner of immensity the nebulous sub-
stance of our planetary system revolves
and concentrates. Without pausing in
its eternal course, substance shrinks
and consolidates into a sun and his
attendant satellites, gases condense to
liquids, liquids to solids. Our particu-
lar planet, a poor relation of the dis-
tant stars, once molten, has gradually
THE HOUSE OF SORROW
773
cooled, its vapors condensing into
water, its earthen crust gradually thick-
ening and hardening; matter always
rearranging itself, energy always in
agitation.
Then, somehow, out of the inorganic
mass of matter, emerge, perhaps in the
depths of ocean, rocked into wakening
by the oscillations of the water, the first
rudiments of organic life. Then life,
like a flame, catches what fuel it can;
it creeps from vegetable to vegetable,
mounting always to more elaborate
forms; it pauses and hesitates upon the
fringed borders between vegetable and
animal life, then kindles afresh and
bursts up in animal creation. In long
succession type succeeds type. The
flame leaps from lower structure to
higher, animating sponges, corals, shell-
fish, fishes, amphibians, reptiles, four-
footed beasts, apes, men. So the vital
fire has mounted higher and higher.
And as part of the process by which
it came creeping up, this vital fire quick-
ened the cells of which organic forms
consist. It imparted a sensibility, a ca-
pacity for comradeship, by which the
cells became aware of the outside world ;
it endowed them with sundry move-
ments of attraction and distaste. As
the cells prospered and multiplied, their
interest in outside things increased;
they made acquaintance with light,
heat, electrical forces, and all the vari-
ous prowling energies which reveal
themselves to man. In certain spots a
special sensitiveness entered into closer
communication with the outer world;
the importunities of the outer world
compelled a division of labor in receiv-
ing messages, until the separate nerves
for smell, taste, sound, light, heat,
touch, sitting at their wicket gates, re-
ceive the thousands of messages which
come to them.
But in the long course of evolution
one moment stands easily supreme. In
the living organism sensations quick-
ened, activities increased, closer and
closer relations between the cells were
established by industrious filaments,
better and better paths were prepared
for postal nerves, until communications
became so varied, so quick, so vivify-
ing, that an instrument was created
like a mirror, like recording tablets;
the vital flame leaped into conscious
life. In course of time the nervous sys-
tem expanded and developed, until in
the brain of Plato, Dante, Shakespeare,
images arise which add new regions of
beauty to the universe.
After this fashion, roughly speaking,
we are told, the electron, the atom,
the molecule, the cell, have gradually
shaped this visible universe, this heaven
fretted with golden fire, this earth with
its sapphire seas set in floral greenery,
this race of man with his inquiring in-
tellect and his hungry heart. Blind
chemical and physical forces, after in-
finite experiments, after infinite failures
and beginnings again, proceeding on
their predetermined way, have wrought
all that there is. They have created
that which delights the heart of man,
and with equal indifference the poison-
ous causes which wipe out all his de-
light forever.
We, the ignorant, listen as best we
can to the words of popular science. We
feel our incompetence, our ignorance,
our inability to appreciate what we are
taught. But to us an enumeration of
processes and stages does not seem to
be an explanation; that enumeration
sounds as hollow to us as if science
were to explain our personal existences
by recounting every step our feet have
taken since we first set foot to floor.
Moreover men of science bewilder us by
their respect, pushed almost to obse-
quiousness, for size and distance, for
chemical energy and physical restless-
ness. Why should consciousness, 'the
roof and crown of things,' toady to un-
self-conscious magnitude, why should
774
THE HOUSE OF SORROW
it duck and bend before unconscious
energy? And where is the explanation
or understanding of our two worlds,
more real to us than ponderable matter
or restless energy, our world of happi-
ness and our world of sorrow?
We turn for enlightenment to the
Spirit of Life; but the Spirit of Life an-
swers:—
'My concern is with life, not with
knowledge/
'Whom, then, shall we ask?'
'Ask Pain and ask Love,' replies the
Spirit of Life.
IV
Like little Jack'Horner, science pulls
out its plums, — electricity, radium,
the chemical union of elements, the
multiplication of cells, — and, like Jack,
congratulates itself. But to the in-
mates of the House of Sorrow, far more
wonderful than all these things, far
more mysterious, and demanding sub-
tler thought from philosophy, is human
affection. For a generation past, hu-
man affection has been treated, and for
years to come may still be treated, as
the superfluous product of physico-
chemical energies. The scientific mind,
elated by its victories, bivouacs on the
old fields of battle. But the real inter-
est in atom and cell lies in the human
consciousness, and the interest in con-
sciousness lies in the human affections.
In themselves atoms and cells are
neither wonderful nor interesting; they
are merely strange, and can claim only
the attention due to strangers. But hu-
man love is of boundless interest to
man, and should have the pious devo-
tion of the wisest and most learned
men.
Science proceeds as if the past were
the home of explanation; whereas the
future, and the future alone, holds the
key to the mysteries of the present.
When the first cell divided, the mean-
ing of that division was to be discovered
in the future, not in the past; when
some prehuman ancestor first uttered a
human sound, the significance of that
sound was to be interpreted by human
language, not by apish grunts; when the
first plant showed solicitude for its
seed, the interest of that solicitude lay
in the promise of maternal affection.
Things must be judged in the light of
the coming morning, not of the setting
stars.
It is not the past which, like an
uncoiling spring, pushes us on; crea-
tion faces the future, and is drawn on-
ward by an irresistible attraction. ' For
though it be a maxim in the schools,
says Thomas Traherne, ' that there is no
love of a thing unknown, yet I have found
that things unknown have a secret in-
fluence on the soul, and, like the centre
of the earth unseen, violently attract
it. We love we know not what. ... As
iron at a distance is drawn by the load-
stone, there being some invisible com-
munications between them, so is there
in us a world of love to somewhat,
though we know not what. . . . There are
invisible ways of conveyance by which
some great thing doth touch our souls,
and by which we tend to it. Do you not
feel yourself drawn by the expectation
and desire of some Great Thing?'
Life seems to have differentiated
itself, developing a Promethean spirit
within a grosser element. Life as a
whole cares only to preserve itself, it
seeks to live, it cringes and will accept
existence on any terms, it will adapt
itself to desert or dung-hill; but the
Promethean spirit seeks a higher and a
higher sphere. This life within life -
this cor cordium of existence — is surely
traveling on a definite road. The very
passion with which it takes its direc-
tion, its readiness to seize on pain and
use to the full pain's ennobling proper-
ties, are our assurance that life follows
an instinct within that guides it to that
which is either its source or its full frui-
THE HOUSE OF SORROW
775
tion. We must interpret the seed by the
flower, not the flower by the seed. We
must interpret life by its deepest attri-
butes, by pain and by love.
Pain has been explained as an accom-
paniment of the Promethean spirit of
life, which, in precipitate haste to pro-
ceed upon its journey, takes the most
ready and efficacious path onward,
heedless of what it breaks and crushes
on the way. But pain is rather an im-
pulse within the spirit of life. Pain is
its conscience urging it on. Unless we
were pricked on by pain, we should
wish to stand still, content with our
own satisfaction, meanly indifferent to
higher pleasures; without pain all life
might have been content to house it-
self in low animal forms, and wallow in
bestiality, ease, and lust. It may be that
the onward progress might have been
accomplished without pain; we might
have been whirled upward, insensible,
toward the universal goal. But we have
received the privilege of consciously
sharing in the upward journey, so that
each onward movement must be a
wrench from the past, each moment a
parting, each step an eternal farewell.
These noble inconstancies are tasks
imposed by pain.
In its humblest capacity pain serves
as a danger signal for the body's health,
or as punishment for precautions ne-
glected; even here, however, it is more
spiritual than corporeal, for it is the
means by which the soul arouses the
body to perpetual vigilance in the serv-
ice of Life. Paul must concern itself
with corporeal things, because con-
sciousness is dependent upon the body;
it must discharge its share of the gen-
eral tribute that consciousness, as a
dependency, pays to the body. But
such services as pain may render in
the material world cannot account for
all pain; they cannot account for the
heartache, for the depth and breadth
of anguish, for the sombre majesty of
grief. An explanation must be sought
elsewhere.
Pain is a function of the soul; it
fosters the preservation and spiritual
growth of conscious life. The pangs of
conscience, the agony of the heart,
nourish the tenderer elements of con-
sciousness; they root out the docks and
darnels of worldly pleasure, and so pro-
tect the little nurslings of the spirit that
would else have been choked, nursing
them with passion and tears, as Nature
nurses with sunshine and with rain.
No man can say by what means in-
organic matter brought forth organic
creation, what directing Power called
together its gaseous ministers, carbon,
hydrogen, oxygen, and nitrogen, and
imposed on them the duty of produc-
ing a new thing in the universe; nor
can we say how the corporeal organ-
ism, seemingly content with processes
of material decomposition and reinte-
gration, generated mind. These great
deeds were done in the dark, they have
left no witnesses; but we have the tes-
timony of our feelings that some mo-
mentous change, comparable to these
great changes, is even now taking place,
however slow its progress may be. Con-
sciousness, in its own ideal world, is
seething with independent vitality,
eager to develop itself, eager to give
birth to a more spiritual state, eager to
help Life take another great onward
step. The excesses of pain, that serve
no corporeal purpose, seem to be caus-
ed by the violent efforts of the Spirit of
Life in its struggles to take such a step;
but, in reality, pain is the cause rather
than the effect.
Charged, therefore, with such possi-
bilities in the service of Life, pain —
its capacities little taxed by duties of
guardianship and nurture — rises to
nobler offices; it gradually becomes a
closer and closer companion to Life, it
twines its tendrils round the tree of
Life, it grafts itself on like a branch, and
776
THE HOUSE OF SORROW
becomes incorporate with Life itself,
an essential element in vital energy, a
function of some vital, spiritual organ.
Yet this organ is not yet established at
a definite task, for at times pain seems
to be the trenchant edge of the Life
spirit, cutting and purging the soul
from whatever may impede her up-
ward progress; at times, in the soul's
more tranquil moods, pain seems to be
a homesickness for the home that Life
aspires to create. Moreover, pain par-
takes of the vast variety of Life; it an-
nounces the prick of a needle on the
finger, or sweeps over the soul in the
beauty of tragedy with awe-inspiring
flight. Science, which deals with the
things that are past, unable to fit pain
into utilitarian categories, repeats its
vaso-motor formulas; but faith, which
deals with things that are to be, hails
it as the prophet of a new heaven and a
new earth. What better explanation of
pain is there, than that it is the birth
pangs of spirit, the assurance of new
things unseen?
In this work of lifting life to a higher
stage, pain is but one of many minis-
ters, the most terrible, the most effi-
cient. All the forces of life work to that
end. The struggle for life, often as-
cribed to the egotism of the individual,
is not properly so ascribed. That strug-
gle is undertaken in obedience to the
law of upward progress. Each vege-
table and animal is in honor bound to
carry on its individual life to the utter-
most, for who can tell before the event
what road Life will take upon its up-
ward journey. Each is bound to pre-
vent life from taking the wrong road.
The acorn, the seed of the dandelion,
the spawn of the herring, the man-
child, must hold themselves always
ready to carry Life upon the next on-
ward stage; each claims the honor for
itself and chooses to kill and to risk
death rather than forego the chance of
such supreme dignity. In the struggle
for self-preservation lies the fulfillment
of the creature's allegiance to life. The
struggle for life means pain inflicted
and pain received; but in pain lies the
honor of the organic world. We can-
not imagine nobility or dignity without
pain. Lower things do not experience
it. Common men always flee from it
and execrate it; but, now and then,
here and there, men and women seek
it out. They may quiver in agony,
they may succumb momentarily to the
weakness of the flesh, but they bear
witness that pain is good. For them
pain is the ploughing and harrowing
which must precede seed-time and har-
vest. These men we have been taught
to call saints and heroes. Shall we give
no weight to their testimony?
As it is with pain, so is it with human
love. Each is a turning toward the
light ahead. The mutual attraction of
cells has no meaning till it appears as
the first effort of nature on her way to
produce human affection. At every
stage in the drawing together of cells
and multiples of cells, whether in polyp,
reptile, or ape, the significance of that
drawing together lies in that for which
it is preparing the way. So, too, is it
with human affections : they shine with
a light not their own, but reflected from
the higher significance of the future.
Our love is but a pale anticipation of
that love which the universe is striving
to round out to full-orbed complete-
ness. Love, at least, offers an explana-
tion of the goal of life, — life struggling
to consciousness, consciousness rising
to love. All other things find their ex-
planation in something higher, but
love is its own fulfillment.
Love has no doubts. To itself love is
the very substance of reality. The phe-
nomena of sight, sound, touch, and their
fellows, are but the conditions under
which life has made a foothold for it-
self in this boisterous world; the senses
know nothing beyond their own func-
THE HOUSE OF SORROW
777
tioning, they have nothing to say re-
garding the end or purpose of life. But
to love, — all the labor and effort of all
the universe, with all its sidereal sys-
tems, with all its ethereal immensity,
has been for the sake of producing love.
Of what consequence is it, whether in-
sensible matter endure a myriad years,
or assume infinite bigness? In the ab-
sence of consciousness, an infinity of
matter is as nothing. One flash of con-
scious life illumined by love is worth all
the patience, all the effort, all the labor,
of unconscious energy throughout an
infinity of time. Consciousness is but a
minister to love, to the love that is to
be.
Science, with its predilection for sen-
suous things, for enumerations, classifi-
cations, explanations in terms of matter
and energy, asserts that consciousness
fulfils no useful function at all. Con-
sciousness is an accidental creation,
shot out like a random spark by the
friction of living, a sort of tramp who
has stolen a ride on the way. Accord-
ing to this theory the musician would
continue to play his fiddle whether he
produced a melody or not; the endless
chain of propulsions from behind would
impel one hand to finger the strings,
the other to ply the bow. But to the
non-scientific man, consciousness is the
achievement to which the Universe has
bent all its energies.
Had the Universe taken a different
turn, or had it neglected the things
which it has done, consciousness as we
know it would never have come into
being. But consciousness has come,
and the assertion that it is a superflu-
ous thing, an accident, seems to have
been hatched from the very willfulness
of arrogance. Because science — a vir-
tuoso in motion, in attractions and re-
pulsions — has not yet discovered the
function of consciousness, is it not pre-
mature to say that consciousness has
no function? To the common mind the
obvious function of consciousness — in
addition to the minor occupations
which its genesis from matter has im-
posed upon it — is to experience love,
and thereby give a reasonable meaning
to the Universe.
If matter, or energy, has succeeded
in creating consciousness, even though
only on our planet and in such little
measure, may it not be that after other
aeons of restless activity, consciousness
in its turn shall generate another state
of being to which science (then absorb-
ed by a predilection for consciousness,
as it is now absorbed by its predilection
for sensuous things) will deny any use-
ful function, but which shall justify it-
self as consciousness does to-day? May
it not be — if we let ourselves listen to
the incantations of hope — that this
higher spiritual sensitiveness, generated
by consciousness, will create as much
difference between the new order of
creatures that shall possess it and our-
selves, as there is now between us and
inorganic matter? Does not the experi-
ence of those men who — in daily life
scarce realizing material things — have
felt themselves rapt into the presence
of God, point to some such inference?
4 When love has carried us above all
things ... we receive in peace the In-
comprehensible Light, enfolding us
and penetrating us/ But whatever our
laboring, sweating Universe may bring
forth, this seems to be the direction it
has taken, the goal that it has set be-
fore itself.
Is it not odd that men should con-
tinue to interpret love in terms of
the atom and the cell, of chemistry and
physics, when the whole significance
of all the doings of matter and ener-
gy comes from our human conscious-
ness?
But shall they that suffer pain to-
day, that have once lived in the Eden
of love, shall these enter into the light
of the day that is to dawn?
778
OUR 'CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS'
EPILOGUE
THE traveler sighed, lost in perplex-
ity; and the Spirit of Life said, 'Come,
let us walk in the courts of the House
of Sorrow/ So they walked through
the courts, and the newcomer beheld
in the House a great multitude of win-
dows, most of which were dark, as if
there was no light within, or, as if the
curtains were drawn and the shutters
closed. But other windows shot forth
rays of light, some faint and feeble,
some stronger, while others poured
forth a flood of brightness.
'Why are some of the windows so
bright?' inquired the newcomer; and
the Spirit of Life answered, * Those
are the windows of the light-bearers;
their inmates burn lights, some more,
some less.'
' With what do they feed their lights ? '
asked the newcomer.
'A few shine of their own nature,'
answered the Spirit, 'as if they drew
upon an inexhaustible source within;
but most of them burn the oil of
hope.'
'If they have no hope, what then?'
asked the newcomer.
'Then,' said the Spirit, 'they must
make their light from pain. There is an
old saying, "He that doth not burn,
shall not give forth light." The past
lightened you with its brightness; but
by your own shining you must lighten
the present and the future. Hope gives
the readier light; but even if hope fail,
none need leave their windows dark,
for where you have pain at your dis-
posal, unlimited pain, it should not re-
quire great spiritual ingenuity to use
that pain for fuel.'
The newcomer bowed his head, and
the Spirit of Life led him to his ap-
pointed room within the house.
OUR 'CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS'
BY ANNIE KIMBALL TUELL
'ALL things beautiful pass away to
Persephone,' wrote the mourning
Greek, and I fancy he believed the bur-
den of his song. But there is a native
human trust in the immortality of
whatever concerns ourselves, despite
the acknowledged mutability of phe-
nomena at large. So it may never have
entered the poet's mind that the liquid
music of his elegy, the fair Hellenic
speech itself, might pass with body's
beauty and pillar's pride and the per-
ishable loveliness of vase and amphora
to the pale guardianship of 'Our Lady
of Shadows.' But the Greek tongue is
well-nigh silent now in our schools, and
the richest of dead languages has
lapsed from its immortality and ceased
commonly to 'live on the lips.'
Active protest grew faint long ago.
It is long since Panurge, unable to find
a language familiar to his valet, tried
Greek at last and was understood. It
is long since Milton, declaring 'heart-
easing mirth' to be called in heaven
Euphrosyne, registered his belief in the
OUR 'CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS'
779
likely theory that Greek is the natural
language of the celestial regions. It is
almost as long since in the Battle of
Books the Ancients made their easy
conquest over the pert and upstarting
Moderns. Indeed that protracted liter-
ary strife between the Ancients and the
Moderns, once so comfortably balanced
and apparently interminable, is fallen
almost out of mind. The Ancients of
to-day, should they have the effrontery
to form a phalanx, would not venture
into battle at all. They would simply
stand in line, trusting to one of the
* blind hopes ' of Prometheus, the assur-
ance that they have been proved very
hard to kill. And whosoever would
defend their cause must no longer speak
in the manner of those who expect to
be heard.
The classical scholar has ceased to
contend for precedence in college cur-
ricula and has accepted without rancor
his partial eclipse. I dare say he remem-
bers in his heart the good time — still
to quote Rabelais — when the ancient
languages were once 'to their pristine
purity restored,' and above all Greek,
* without which one might be ashamed
to count himself a scholar.' But the
classical scholar of to-day, if he has
not studied the humanities in vain, has
not failed to learn from them liberality
of view and tolerance for new orders
for efficiency. He applauds the grow-
ing vogue of modern tongues, welcome
promise that the American people shall
yet be raised from its linguistic illiter-
acy; for he knows the discipline and
potential liberty to be gained from the
study of language. He is the brother
and promoter of historical learning; for
his life, dedicated to the vitality of the
past, has known the reviving vigor to be
reached through that permanent con-
tact. He comprehends the popular avid-
ity for modern literatures; for he is the
disciple of a literature which has left,
even to those who know it not, an eter-
nal legacy of strength and beauty and
shapeliness. He respects the young
man's alertness in the quest of new
philosophies; for he guards the plente-
ous fountains of philosophy, and knows
better than we the energy and intellec-
tual humility which may derive from
that search. Man of the present as of
the past, he understands the recent
leap of economics to the front both in
education and in publication; for he
met Demos long ago in the pages of
Aristophanes, and knows that he is to
be reckoned with. No, the true class-
ical scholar is slow to oppose a progres-
sive shift of college emphasis.
Perhaps he feels that the real check
on Greek is less the eager modernity of
the academic environment than the
utilitarian pressure closing always more
heavily on the secondary schools. If
Greek is to have any intimate share in
education, the initial steps in its study
must be taken early. Though we are
always told that Cato learned Greek at
eighty, no one has yet explained the
use he made of it. But a far-away voice
speaking for Greek can hardly make
itself heard in the current clamor that
the public money .be spent not for the
refinements of the negligible few, but
for firmer courses of industrial prepar-
ation, which shall help the workaday
pupil to earn his bread with, or better,
without, the sweat of his brow. Here
too the conservative respects the force
by which he is dispossessed. The de-
mand that education shall serve the
common need seems to him a natural
impulse of elementary justice, fortun-
ate, inevitable, requiring only a provi-
dent and discreet guidance. He knows
the common need better than the dic-
tator of the present, the practical man,
appreciates the more elusive values of
the humanities.
To Demos, under the pressure of
his hungry generations, the scholar
often seems the devotee of an obsolete
780
* CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS'
archaism and of effete cultivations,
repository of sterile, old-world imprac-
ticalities, with whom there can be no
productive issue. Discussion has grown
with time more urbane on all subjects.
Diomed no longer hurls his ashen spear
into the side of Deiphobus. But the
classical scholar, wrestling for a foot-
hold in the secondary school, is likely to
hear under some courteous disguise the
time-honored charge, apt for the settle-
ment of all radical differences, 'Thou
art not fit to hear thyself convinced/
To this unsatisfactory but irrefutable
argument there is never a ready answer.
The pleader for Greek must prove his
fitness more humanly than by a revised
dialectic.
There is now and then a promising
bit of inconsistency in our school sys-
tem, for whatever is Greek save the lan-
guage is still preserved with solicitude.
The boy is driven to learn the history
of Athens and Sparta, although our
courses curtail the history curriculum
more and more in many an otherwise
strong school. Our colleges admit —
let us be frank — throngs of intelligent
pupils who do not know the difference
between a Saxon and a Norman and
have heard but the name of Magna
Charta. But the high-school graduate
is familiar with the tale of Leonidas
and has probably less difficulty than
Darius the King to * remember the
Athenians.'
Greek art too is placed in the boy's
way, with the hope that he may chance
to notice it. As he proceeds along the
corridor in these days of ardent school
decoration, he goes between a double
row of masterpieces which the world has
still no mind to lose. High under the
cornice the Parthenon horses prance in
a procession of hoofless glory. In the
distance looms up an armless Venus.
Above the window headless Nik6 for-
ever tries in vain to unfasten her sandal.
Sometimes the boy notes the maimed
deities as he passes; but frankly I sup-
pose he would prefer statues of a race
less august but with all their members
intact. These things appear acceptable
to the educated, but for the most part,
in his opinion, they are * antiquities
which nobody can know/ Yet we in-
sist that he shall know them.
And in the grown-up world of cul-
ture the pulse of Hellenic blood still
beats high. Here too the zest persists
for all things Greek except the language.
The lecture halls of notable classic
scholars are thronged as promptly as
ever. Archaeology, once fearfully re-
garded by the vulgar as a science of dry
bones for the strictly academic, makes
yearly a more engaging appeal to com-
mon man. Of books of travel in Greece
there is no end, for the ever-pressing
vanguard of the tourist hordes, finding
stale its historic stamping-ground of
westen Europe, long since advanced its
frontier and is pushing in always larger
numbers eastward into the far JEgean
seas.
Yes, the next generation will look
more familiarly, if more profanely, than
ourselves on the ruined temples which
stand for our reverence under the old
Greek sky. They will step more boldly
across the threshold of the gods, loiter
at their ease in the pillared porticoes,
and wander at will among the dese-
crated shrines. They too will love the
yellowed softness of the weathered
fanes standing in the curve of many a
round shore or rising in golden hill-top
light against the live blue of the south-
ern sky. These are beautiful things
which have not yet passed away to
Persephone. They will find at Athens
or at Paestum or at Girgenti a present
loveliness and a fair symbolism of de-
parted days. But one joy they will lack,
though they praise the gods with sin-
cerity and venerate duly the classic
shrines. They will not have what Ma-
caulay, supposing that he referred to
OUR 'CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS'
781
a universal and enduring experience,
called 'our dear classical recollections.'
Our children will not have heard in old
school days Zeus and Athena speaking
their own tongue in the clear temple of
Hellenic story, — a temple big enough
to celebrate 'heaven and ocean and
air and the imperishable race of [all
the blessed gods.'
II
Dear classical recollections — al-
ready the phrase has a quaint ring! But
we who have them still bear witness
that they are precious, and we think
that our witness is true. At least our
testimony is not invalid through the
prejudice of our erudition; for we who
now dare wish the survival of our herit-
age for the coming generations are not
the classical scholars.
We are the neglectful who have passed
for the most part to other affairs, and,
to speak honestly, we have forgotten
that Greek ' which we so much do vaunt
but nowhere show.' The grimy old
books were long ago relegated to the
bottom shelf, and above them has arisen
tier on tier the library of our subse-
quent fast-slipping interests. Anacreon
long since made place for Herrick, Lu-
cian for Cyrano de Bergerac, Euripides
for Ibsen. Fair-armed Nausicaa has
faded before the vision of Beatrice,
and Cuchulain one day cut the ground
from under Achilles by a single stroke.
The little red dictionary in the corner is
dusted no oftener than the obduracies
of housekeeping demand; ^Eschylus,
crowned not only on earth but in Hades,
is growing as Greek to us as the conver-
sation of Cicero sounded to Casca; even
the pet anthology, once lightly familiar,
'though much worn, is therein little
read.'
The Iliad still opens to the Trojan
walls where heaven-born Helen passes
like to one of the immortal goddesses
among the aged men, or to the grim con-
test where the soul of Hector, defender
of Trojans, is driven from the body,
lamenting its bloom and its youth.
But the pictures flash no longer from
the words, only gleam out dimly at the
sound suggestion of the noble verse.
Without the little red dictionary we
could hardly construe a line of Homer
or chat with dear old Herodotus on the
insufferable presumption of the Per-
sians. If we would render a chorus of
the 'Agamemnon,' we must invent the
metre for ourselves, and our interpre-
tation of Pindar must be, like Pindar
himself to Cowley, 'a vast species
alone.*
And yet in a most unscholarly fashion
the Hellenic world has remained, even
for us, a memory clean and potent of
great old things cool and fresh, of clear
simplicities and single passions, of liv-
ing grace and abundant life. We stood
long ago as suppliants to the blessed
gods, the Lord of the Silver Bow, and
Dictynna of the Mountains, and that
god 'wonderful by night, leader in the
dance of the fire-breathing stars,' and
to 'Earth the mother of all.' We have
been at the service of Bacchus, in no
operatic orgy, but with Euripides in the
midnight wood, while the crackle of
satyr and maenad sounded nigh in the
thicket, and we heard the very cry of
joy when the ruddy god, the son of
Semele, was born. We have rested in
an authentic Arcadia, no fancy land of
coral clasps and amber studs, not in
court guise or ribboned masquerade or
wailing a mournful threnody in the
funeral train of some northern Thyrsis
or Lycidas. But in a sunny Arcadia of
the living we have seen the fattening
of the two-year kid, have drunk pure
milk from a basin round and shapely,
have heard the pipes under a Sicilian
sun, and watched below the shifting
trace of level wind on a blue Sicilian
sea. We have been in Cloud-Cuckoo-
782
OUR * CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS'
Land and heard in the lilt of perfect
anapests the primal twittering of birds
on creation day, and believed for truth
the word of the old poet that 'the
Graces, seeking for a support to which
they might cling and not fall, found the
soul of Aristophanes.' And I, for one,
have waited in the Vatican before the
Far-Darter, careless that it is no longer
permissible to adore Apollo Belvidere,
and have addressed to him as a rea-
sonable service the right invocation in
his own language.
Our children will not quote Greek,
but they can have their fill of transla-
tion. Indeed the ubiquity of cheap Eng-
lish versions is a satisfactorily commer-
cial proof that the compulsion of the
Greek spirit remains with us. But for
all cosmopolitan tongues save the Greek
it is an accepted platitude that poetry
which has suffered a transmigration of
language is quenched of its flavor like
wine which has crossed the sea. Never
are we asked to test the noble Prologue
of Faust, unless we are strong enough
to hear the morning stars and all the
works of nature singing together in
stout German. We do not presume to
seek the ineffable vision of Dante with-
out the support of the * fine style which
does him honor.' Nor can we touch
the secrets of our own poets with-
out the interpretation of their native
melodies.
Chaucer, spirit of intimate cheer, we
may not know without the full-voweled
richness of his easy music; nor Milton,
the * mighty-mouthed inventor of har-
monies,' without his harmony; nor can
we travel the high-rambling ways of
the Faerie Queene, if we have not leisure
for Spenser's majestic pace. How, then,
is the gold become dimmed, how is the
most pure gold changed, if we seek to
enter too cheaply the thesaurus of clas-
sic riches, to understand the priceless
values of the Greek inspiration, igno-
rant of the language which has given to
our own the sacred words 'poet' and
* melody,' and has taught us that 'en-
thusiasm' is divine, for 'a god is in it.'
Ours is but lip-service to that god, if we
allow to dwindle into far-off spaces the
true sound of Prometheus's immense
invocation, or lose the veritable echo
of the great * song which saved at
Salamis.'
There will not be another revival of
Greek learning so confiding as the old,
when ' the ancient tongues were to their
pristine purity restored.' Never again
will the Greek letters carry so vener-
able a meaning as in the early Renais-
sance days when, their significance
guessed only by a few, they seemed oc-
cult and fraught with marvel, potential
of hoarded life and unsuspected grace,
master- words yet to be spelled, able per-
chance to call to flesh again the grand
and careless divinities of the elder days.
Nor can Greek be to us, or to our child-
ren, the entrance-talisman to a brave
new world of indisputable thought,
unexplored country of unquestioned
wisdom and reliable truth, abundant
for the instruction of the nations. Cen-
turies of scholars have explored that
country, and the instruction of the na-
tions is by no means complete. Besides,
our generation hears of its unexplored
countries from the complex challenge
of the present, finds for its curiosity
and intellectual devotion a richness of
perplexity and unmeasured compass of
inquiry not imaginable to the Greeks.
The wholesale absorption of our master
minds in the minutiae of classic scholar-
ship, already finely chopped through
the ages, is rightly and luckily unthink-
able.
But to preserve within easy reach
the mother tongue of our culture inher-
itance is but to safeguard an essential
element of our present. We have learned
in larger matters to distrust new orders
which displace the past in wholesale
rejection of experience; for in more
OUR * CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS'
783
ways than one the world is proved * wise,
being very old.' We must, to be sure,
plead for our conservatisms with quali-
fied insistence. We must not press our
claims too loudly, or champion our
cause with disproportionate affection.
We shall not impose the humanities
upon the unwilling and the unready. Jf
the growing generation asks the means
of bread, we shall not cry out upon
* blind mouths' and ordain a forcible
feeding of Greek. But to urge that
Greek be restored to reasonable acces-
sibility is not to make a sentimental
claim upon the public purse. After
all, we do not champion our classical
recollections in stiff attachment to
the clustered associations of school-
days, nor in too rigid a loyalty to the
wholesome classic training. But with
opposition our regret has turned to full
persuasion that a distinct proportion
of Greek must be guaranteed to pop-
ular education, if we are to insure the
continued efficiency of English literary
scholarship or save a necessary stand-
ard for the full enlightenment and dis-
cipline of the English literary genius.
In America at least there is needed
some modest revival of Greek learning,
without which in more illiterate times
a man * might be ashamed to count
himself a scholar.'
in
To call one's self a scholar requires
to-day perhaps more than ever the gift
of tongues; for this is the generation
of those who seek ' comparative litera-
ture,' no longer kept a mystery for the
inner circle of the initiate, but offered
freely by open invitation. The critical
school of judicial and oracular pro-
nouncement is in its grave; luckily it
cannot come out of it. Even the cult
of the personal * appreciation,' though
we may trust its permanency, can no
longer shut itself in the private cham-
bers of its imagery to spin its web. Our
more immediate zeal is to seek out the
hidden sources of literary impulse, to
trace through the ages the continuous
action and reaction of one country
upon another, anxious in a cordial spirit
of cousinship to claim all our inter-
national relations. This zest for the
community of literary material has
been good for us. It has served to fresh-
en with a new significance the old habit
of specialized investigation, to clear the
overgrown channels of research, to sub-
due the chaos of historical variety to a
system of intersecting lines, to reveal
below the swirl of local detail a sim-
plicity of advance. It has humanized
us besides to transcend even a little our
provincialism, to find a home-felt plea-
sure at each new proof of the universal
kinship.
But in our new ardor for a cosmopoli-
tan scope of study we may need to guard
more carefully against the large danger
of the little learning. In our modern
world thus frankly addicted to * genea-
logical criticism ' we must know the lan-
guages of the genealogy. The populari-
zation of comparative literature can
easily enfeeble the grip and slacken the
judgment if it is undertaken without
the necessary rigors, in sluggish ac-
ceptance of pre-digested manna. With-
out the languages to serve our individ-
ual turn, we cannot know in miniature
the experience of the pioneer scholar,
or take honest satisfaction in the dis-
covery of *a poor thing* but our own.
And as we cannot with any perspicacity
compare literatures seen darkly through
the glass of translation, so we cannot
compare their genealogies in ignorance
of their beginnings, if anything has a
beginning. We cannot return in seri-
ousness to these beginnings and forget
that, if Latin has contributed more
of its body to the modern tongues,
Greek has given a finer service of its
spirit.
784
OUR ' CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS*
And the English genius, unconfined
and fancy-free as it has liked at times
to think itself, still needs, we may
suppose, for its perpetual correction
the ripe understanding of classic re-
straint. Ours is the tradition of liberty
in artistic method, of vigorous exub-
erances and inspired variations. And
surely we have indulged our native
willfulness not blindly but in sound in-
stinct. The independence of the Eng-
lish nature has been its condition of
fertile and healthy production; the rich
field of English letters would have
yielded a less generous growth if it had
not often outsprouted attempts at arti-
ficial clipping. But our unfettered ener-
gies may easily become 'outrageosities'
if we fail to keep for reference the can-
ons of Hellenic classicism. And per-
haps we shall indulge our vagaries less
unfalteringly, if the classic ideal does
not remain a steadfast witness to the
eternal rectitude of structure, absolute
and immutable behind all the lively
shifts of experimentalism.
Ours, we are told besides, is the liter-
ature of the personal and the particular.
Ever since Chaucer went on pilgrimage
to Canterbury, it has continued to mar-
shal sundry folks each different in soul
and feature from every other. 'Here
she was wont to go, and here, and here/
sang the English shepherd; and whoso
follows the footsteps of the English
muse follows a path lined with special
trees and bordered by the local way-
side flower. And our zest for the sig-
nificant detail has served its function in
the development of the world's letters.
Literary evolution, at least, if it is to
be ' careful of the type/ can never be
* careless of the single life.' But we
shall create our individuals and our
singularities with less conviction, if the
touchstone of the catholic and the uni-
versal is not kept in the singleness of
Greek genius.
For a century and more we have
often been, like the rest of the world,
voluble and inclined to confidence.
Modern personality, zealous to search
its inmost recesses, has not scrupled to
handle the intimacies with familiarity
and to give up its secret sins and re-
vered privacies. And as we face the
broader human interests, we do not
grow less talkative; rather we become
more eager to express the utmost of
the personal thought and experience for
the enrichment of the common destiny.
Upon us presses the demand for the
broader personality; around us throng
the claims of the universal problems,
asking practical and theoretical solu-
tion. Here too the responsibility which
so easily besets us is, we hope, obedient
to a normal right. Long ago in the old
romance, Sir Percival, perversely silent
before the procession of the Grail mys-
teries, taught the lesson that man*s last-
ing duty in the presence of perplexing
mysteries is to question their mean-
ing. The modern world cannot ask its
multifarious questions in silence. It
must continue the ever-deepening mur-
mur of query and tentative reply. We
shall wait long before reticence will
become for us a dominant literary note.
Perhaps it may never rightly become
so. But in tired hours we shall still do
wisely now and then, if we return for a
little to the dignified Greek world of
noble withdrawal and controlled stress,
strong with the power of abundant
.reserve.
And perhaps as we pass further from
the repose of the classic spirit, we may
but need it the more. Perhaps the po-
etry of the next generation , if it reaches
out with more assurance in significant
choice of the democratic and common
subject; if, groping still toward the ex-
pression of the common need, it rejects
with more resolution the poetic diction
even of the present day for the dialect
of the ignorant and the vulgar, may re-
quire more than ever the reminder that
OUR * CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS'
785
sympathy of heart takes no necessary
issue with serenity and dignity of tone.
Certainly we shall need all the classical
reminders we can get in many-blooded
America, which claims as its privilege
to-day in its taste for literary form, —
as it claimed of old for its tenets
political and religious, — 'the dissi-
dence of dissent.'
rv
Perhaps our hope is not * blind.' If
Greek is to remain an everlasting sign
of high consistencies and fine reserves,
we must turn with a more loyal and
comprehending trust to the public high
school, the guardian of our coming cul-
ture. If we respect patiently and faith-
fully enough its generous ideal and far
discernment, it may yet restore to the
children who come after us the chance
for 'dear classical recollections.' For
the public high school, though tor-
mented by a multitude of conflicting
necessities, hampered by the intrusion
of contradictory criticism, bewildered
in its responsibility like the conscienti-
ous man in the fable, possessed of both
a boy and a donkey, yet exists only to
meet the composite need of the whole
people, if anybody could have the as-
tuteness to apprehend the nature of
that need.
We must temperately bide our time
till a more generous subsidy of public
education shall be commonly recogniz-
ed as the best patriotic investment. We
must wait- till the captivity of the sec-
ondary school-teacher is turned by a
sufficiency of competent help to free
and adequate service. We must not lay
Greek as a last straw upon her devoted
back, already weighted with a load
which would tax miraculous virtue.
We must wait in patience besides till,
at whatever lavishness of experimental
waste, we have met with a more prac-
tical intelligence the necessity of the
VOL. 114 - NO. 6
laboring world for efficient vocational
preparation. Daily are we surer that
if man cannot live by bread alone, he
is not likely to live without it in any
way creditable to civilization.
But already in our well-intentioned
doubling of courses and differentia-
tion of systems we may be in danger
of cutting the class chasm, too wide.
The boy, even of the industrial school,
has the right to know that the things
of culture exist, that they are excel-
lent and are unforbidden. Life long
ago published a capital cartoon. On
the pictured bottom of the sea lay an
open chest stored with gold enough to
stock several Treasure Islands. Near
by lingered two shrewd young fishes.
'Come along,' said one. 'You won't
find any worms there.' And the gold
lay, we suppose, untouched, thereafter
to be unregarded. It is not the least
privilege of the high school to teach
broadcast the gospel that there are
other things than worms, to proclaim
and reveal the preciousness of the
world's fine gold, and to keep open the
approach to all treasures of learning for
those whose happier lot or more aspir-
ing energy allows the longer search in
college years.
The common cause of service for col-
lege and secondary school will appear in
truer proportion when their veiled bel-
ligerency ceases for good. Perhaps the
college must learn first and most. Con-
descension once discarded, it will com-
prehend better the baffling problem of
the secondary system, with its double
function: to perform reliably its trust
toward the chosen people destined for
academic enlightenment, and still to
honor first its great mission to the Gen-
tiles of the less fortunate public. It may
relieve tension by a timely decision, —
no vague broadening in the scope of re-
quirements, but rather a united empha-
sis upon intensive precision, — that
would be at once the strongest sup-
786
OUR ' CLASSICAL RECOLLECTIONS'
port to the secondary school and its
own surest safeguard of adequate pre-
paration.
In turn the secondary school may with
grateful good-fellowship reach in less
anxious times a more liberal interpre-
tation of its calling. It may serve with
a gladder response the interest of high-
er education, freed from the check of
a too rigidly enforced economy, un-
chafed by the irritation of inconsider-
ate censure, able at last to indulge a
little that heartening devotion to pure
scholarship without which secondary
education becomes the sorriest of mod-
ern sights. If the full culture of our
nation demand the maintenance of an
unpopular subject wanted by few seek-
ers, even if that subject be Greek, the
high school will maintain it. It will at
some cost, at some sacrifice of utilita-
rian frugality, secure td the college this
part of its complete faculty, wise to
know that even in education the best
economy is sometimes to choose an ul-
timate or even an unseen value. Yet
again perhaps shall Greek live on the
lips.
And indeed, if we are wrong, if the
stimulus of Greek is to be eliminated
from the common suggestion of heart
and thought, the neglect will be due in
part to its past sufficiency, — so intrin-
sically has it modified the direction of
our growth. For of other gods than
Brahma it might rightly be written,
* When me they fly, I am the wings.' If
we can do without Greek, we can only
think that its services have been 'so
splendid that they are no longer neces-
sary.'
But that we shall long forego direct
contact with this essential gift from the
world's great past, the mind which has
faith in the steadiness of our racial
progress cannot believe. Still must the
modern world give tribute of earth and
water to the old. 'The ancient melodies
have ceased,' and the 'fair nine' are
become wanderers on the earth. But
though attempts have been made to
supersede them, though a Heavenly
Muse has even sat upon Mount Sinai,
though we may live to see the cult of
muses most unclassical, when new ways
prove hard and new fountains dry, we
shall return gladly and not hi vain to
the old invocation : —
Hereth, that on Parnasso dwelle,
By Elicon, the clere welle!
THE ROAD TO DIEPPE
BY JOHN FINLEY
[Concerning the experiences of a journey on foot through the night of August 4,
1914 (the night after the formal declaration of war between England and Ger-
many), from a town near Amiens, in France, to Dieppe, a distance of somewhat
more than forty miles.]
BEFORE I knew, the Dawn was on the road,
Close at my side, so silently he came
Nor gave a sign of salutation, save
To touch with light my sleeve and make the way
Appear as if a shining countenance
Had looked on it. Strange was this radiant Youth,
As I, to these fair, fertile parts of France,
Where Csesar with his legions once had passed,
And where the Kaiser's Uhlans yet would pass
Or e'er another moon should cope with clouds
For mastery of these same fields. — To-night
(And but a month has gone since I walked there)
Well might the Kaiser write, as Caesar wrote,
In his new Commentaries on a Gallic war,
• 'Fortissimi Belgce.' — A moon ago!
Who would have then divined that dead would lie
Like swaths of grain beneath the harvest moon
Upon these lands the ancient Belgae held,
From Normandy beyond renowned Liege! —
But it was out of that dread August night
From which all Europe woke to war, that we,
This beautiful Dawn- Youth, and I, had come,
He from afar. Beyond grim Petrograd
He'd waked the moujik from his peaceful dreams,
Bid the muezzin call to morning prayer
788 THE ROAD TO DIEPPE
Where minarets rise o'er the Golden Horn,
And driven shadows from the Prussian march
To lie beneath the lindens of the stadt.
Softly he'd stirred the bells to ring at Rheims,
He'd knocked at high Montmartre, hardly asleep,
Heard the sweet carillon of doomed Louvain,
Boylike, had tarried for a moment's play
Amid the traceries of Amiens,
And then was hast'ning on the road to Dieppe,
When he o'ertook me drowsy from the hours
Through which I 'd walked, with no companions else
Than ghostly kilometer posts that stood
As sentinels of space along the way. —
Often, in doubt, I 'd paused to question one,
With nervous hands, as they who read Moon-type;
And more than once I 'd caught a moment's sleep
Beside the highway, in the dripping grass,
While one of these white sentinels stood guard,
Knowing me for a friend, who loves the road,
And best of all by night, when wheels do sleep
And stars alone do walk abroad. — But once
Three watchful shadows, deeper than the dark,
Laid hands on me and searched me for the marks
Of traitor or of spy, only to find
Over my heart the badge of loyalty. —
With wish for bon voyage they gave me o'er
To the white guards who led me on again.
Thus Dawn o'ertook me and with magic speech
Made me forget the night as we strode on.
Where'er he looked a miracle was wrought:
A tree grew from the darkness at a glance;
A hut was thatched; a new chateau was reared
Of stone, as weathered as the church at Caen;
Gray blooms were colored suddenly in red;
A flag was flung across the eastern sky, -—
THE ROAD TO DIEPPE 789
Nearer at hand, he made me then aware
Of peasant women bending in the fields,
Cradling and gleaning by the first scant light,
Their sons and husbands somewhere o'er the edge
Of these green-golden fields which they had sowed,
But will not reap, — out somewhere on the march,
God but knows where and if they come again.
One fallow field he pointed out to me
Where but the day before a peasant ploughed,
Dreaming of next year's fruit, and there his plough
Stood now mid-field, his horses commandeered,
A monstrous sable crow perched on the beam.
Before I knew, the Dawn was on the road,
Far from my side, so silently he went,
Catching his golden helmet as he ran,
And hast'ning on along the dun straight way,
Where old mens' sabots now began to clack
And withered women, knitting, led their cows,
On, on to call the men of Kitchener
Down to their coasts, — I shouting after him :
*O Dawn, would you had let the world sleep on
Till all its armament were turned to rust,
Nor waked it to this day of hideous hate,
Of man's red murder and of woman's woe!'
/ \
Famished and lame, I came at last to Dieppe,
But Dawn had made his way across the sea,
9
And, as I climbed with heavy feet the cliff,
Was even then upon the sky-built towers
Of that great capital where nations all,
Teuton, Italian, Gallic, English, Slav,
Forget long hates in one consummate faith.
SETH MILES AND THE SACRED FIRE
BY CORNELIA A. P. COMER
* RICHARD/ said my dad about a week
after Commencement, 'life is real. You
have had your education and your
keep, and you're a pleasant enough lad
around the house. But the time has
come to see what 's in you, and I want
you to begin to show it right away.
If you go to the coast with the fam-
ily, it will mean three months fool-
ing around with the yacht and the cars
and a bunch of pretty girls. There's
nothing in that for you any longer.'
Of course, this rubbed me the wrong
way.
'Now you've got your degree, it's
time we started something else. You
say you want to be a scholar — I sup-
pose that means a college professor.
Of course scholarship does n't pay, but
if I leave you a few good bonds, prob-
ably you can clip the coupons while you
last. I don't insist that you make
money, but I do insist that you work.
My son must be able to lick his weight
in wild-cats, whatever job he's on. Do
you get me?'
I looked out of the window and nod-
ded, somewhat haughtily. Of course
I could n't explain to dad the mixture
of feelings that led me to choose schol-
arship. For, while I am keen on phil-
ology, and really do love the classics
so that my spirit seems to swim, if you
know what I mean, in the atmosphere
that upheld Horace and the wise Cicero
of De Senectute, I also thought there
was money enough in the family al-
ready. Was n't it a good thing for the
Bonniwells to pay tribute to the hu-
manities in my person? Did n't we,
790
somehow, owe it to the world to put
back in culture part of what we took
out in cash? But how could I get that
across to dad?
He looked at me as if he, too, were
trying to utter something difficult.
'There are passions of the head as
well as of the heart,' he said finally. I
opened my eyes, for he did n't often
talk in such fashion. 'The old Greeks
knew that. I always supposed a schol-
ar, a teacher, had to feel that way if he
was any good, — that it was the mark
of his calling. Perhaps you've been
called, but, if so, you keep it pretty
dark.'
He stopped and waited for an appro-
priate response, but I just could n't
get it out. So I remarked, 'If I'm not
on the boat this summer, you'll need
another man when you cruise.'
'That's my affair,' said he, looking
disappointed. 'Yours will be to hold
down your job. I Ve got one ready for
you. If you don't like it, you can get
another. We'll see about a Ph.D. and
Germany later on. But for this season,
I had influence enough to get you the
summer school in the Jericho district
beyond Garibaldi, and you can board
with Seth Miles.'
When I was a child, before we moved
to Chicago, we lived in Oatesville, at
the back of beyond. Garibaldi is an
Indiana cross-roads about five miles
further on the road to nowhere.
'0 dad!' I said, but I put everything
I thought into those two words.
He instantly began to look as much
like the heavy father on the stage as
SETH MILES AND THE SACRED FIRE
791
is possible to a spare man with a Ro-
man nose. So I shrugged my shoulders.
'Oh, very well!' I said. 'If you find
me a fossil in the fall, pick out a com-
fortable museum to lend me to, won't
you?'
'Richard/ said my dad, 'God only
knows how a boy should be dealt with.
I don't. If I could only tell you the
things I know so you would believe
them, I 'd set a match to half my for-
tune this minute. I want you to touch
life somewhere, but I don't know how
to work it in. I'm doing this in sheer
desperation.'
I could see he meant it, too, for his
eyes were shiny and the little drops
came out on his forehead.
'I don't happen to know anybody
fitter than old Miles to inspire a scholar
and a gentleman. So, if the summer
does n't do you any good, it can't do
you any harm. I shall label your sea-
son's work Richard Bonniwell, Jr. on
His Own Hook. Exhibit A. — Don't
forget that. Your mother and I may
seem to be in Maine, but I guess in our
minds we '11 be down at Jericho school-
house looking on, most of the time.'
You'd think a man might buck up
in response to that, would n't you?
But I did n't particularly. It made me
feel superior toward dad because he
did n't know any better than to ar-
range such a summer, thinking it would
teach me anything. I suspected this in-
dulgent attitude of mine might break
down later, and it did.
It was a blazing hot summer for one
thing. One of those occasional sum-
mers of the Middle West when the cat-
tle pant in the fields and the blades of
corn get limp on their stalks.
Mr. Miles, who was a benign bach-
elor, lived in a brick farmhouse with
one long wing, and a furnace of which
he was very proud. He put up his own
ice, too, which was more to the point in
July. His widowed sister kept house for
him, and, if the meat was usually tough,
the cream and vegetables were beyond
praise. He owned the store at Gari-
baldi as well as this large farm, so he
was a man of means, and important
in his own sphere. To look at, he was
rather wonderful. I don't know how
to describe him. He had keen, kind
blue eyes; wavy, white hair; strong,
regular features. There was a kind of
graciousness and distinction about him
that did n't fit his speech and dress. It
was as if you always saw the man he
might be in the shadow of the man he
was. Put him into evening clothes and
take away his vernacular, and he'd be
one of the loveliest old patriarchs you
ever met.
The school-house was brick, too, set
back from the road in a field of hard-
trodden clay, decorated with moth-
eaten patches of grass. For further
adornment, there was a row of box-
alders out in front. As a temple of
learning, it fell short. As its ministrant,
I did the same.
There were forty scholars: squirmy,
grimy little things that I found it hard
to tell apart at first. I knew this was n't
the right attitude, but how could I
help it? I had never tried to teach any-
body anything before in my life. The
bigger girls blushed and giggled; the
little boys made faces and stuck out
their tongues. As it was a summer ses-
sion, there were no big boys to speak
of.
To go in for scholarship does n't at
all imply the teacher's gift or the de-
sire for it. At Oxford, you know, they
are a bit sniffy about the lecturers who
arouse enthusiasm. Such are suspected
of being ' popular ' and that, really, is
quite awful. Some of our men have a
similar notion, and, no doubt, it col-
ored my views. Yet, deep down, I
knew that if I was a teacher, it was up
to me to teach. I really did try, but it
takes time to get the hang of anything.
792
SETH MILES AND THE SACRED FIRE
I was homesick, too. Mildred and
Millicent, my kid sisters, are great fun,
and the house is full of young people
all summer long at home. When I shut
my eyes I could see the blue, sparkling
waters of the inlet, and the rocking of
our float with its line of gay canoes.
How can I describe the rising tide of
sick disgust at my surroundings that
began to flood my spirit? Now that
it's all in the past, I'd like to think it
was purely my liver, — I did n't get
enough exercise, really I did n't, for it
was too hot to walk much, — but per-
haps part of it was just bad temper.
You see — it takes a good deal of a
fellow to stand such a complete trans-
planting. I hated the paper shades in my
bedroom, tied up with a cord, and the
Nottingham curtains, and the springs
that sank in the middle. I hated the
respectable Brussels carpet in the best
room, and the red rocking-chairs on the
porch. I hated the hot, sleepless nights
and the blazing, drowsy days.
Oh, I tell you, I had a glorious
grouch!
I did n't exactly hate the squirming
children, for some of them began to
show signs of almost human intelligence
after they got used to me, and that did
win me; but I hated that little school-
room where the flies buzzed loudly all
day long on the streaky panes. With a
deadly hatred I hated it.
I got to feeling very badly treated.
What did my father suppose such com-
monplace discomforts were going to
do for me? What part had a summer
like this in the life and work that were
to be mine? I lost that comfortable
little feeling of advantage over life. I
mislaid my consciousness of the silver
spoon. In about three weeks it seemed
as if I 'd always taught summer-school
at Jericho, and might have to keep on.
Oh, well! — I was hot and sore. Ev-
erybody has been hot and sore some
time or other, I suppose. The minute
description can be omitted. But I
don't know whether everybody with a
grievance gets so badly twisted up in
it as I do.
These emotions reached their climax
one muggy, sultry July day as I plod-
ded, moist and unhappy, back from the
school-house. I wiped my forehead,
gritted my teeth, and vowed I would
not stand the whole situation another
twenty-four hours. I 'd resign my po-
sition, wire dad, and take a train for
somewhere out West in the mountains.
If I had to make good on my own
hook in three months, I 'd at least do it
in a cool place, at work of my selecting.
The challenged party ought to have
the choice of weapons.
My room was intolerably stuffy, so
I came downstairs reluctantly and sat
on the front steps. There was a wide
outlook, for the house stood on a ridge
of land that broke the flat prairie like
a great welt. Old Miles was there,
watching a heavy cloud-bank off in the
southwest. Those clouds had been fool-
ing around every evening for a week,
but nothing ever came of it. The longer
the drought, the harder it is to break.
I made some caustic remark about
the weather as I sat down. Probably I
looked cross enough to bite the poker.
Miles looked at me and then looked
away quickly, as if it really was n't de-
cent to be observing a fellow in such a
rage. I knew the look, for I 've felt that
way myself about other men.
'Yes, bad weather,' he said. 'When
it gets too hot and dry for corn, it's
too hot and dry for folks. And then
— it always rains. It'll rain to-night.
You wait and see.'
I mumbled something disparaging to
the universe.
'Richard!' said Mr. Miles suddenly
and strongly, 'I know what ails you.
It ain't the weather, it's your teaching.
You're discouraged because you can't
make 'em sense things. But it ain't
SETH MILES AND THE SACRED FIRE
793
time yet for you to get discouraged. I
hate to see it, for it ain't necessary/
This made me feel a little ashamed
of myself.
'Did you ever teach, Mr. Miles?' I
asked, for the sake of seeming civil.
'Yes, I did. So I know there's a se-
cret to teachin' you prob'ly ain't got
yet. I dunno as I could help you to it.
It ain't likely. An' yet — '
Unlikely indeed! I thought. Aloud,
I said politely, 'I'd be glad to hear
your views.'
' I know what you feel ! ' he said with
extraordinary energy. ' My Lord ! Don't
I know what you feel? You want to
make 'em sense things as you sense
'em. You want to make 'em work as
you can work. You won't be satisfied
until you've given 'em the thirst to
know and the means of knowing. Yes,
I know what you feel ! '
I stared at him, dumbfounded. I
knew what I felt, too, but it was n't
much like this.
'There are pictures in your brain
that you must show 'em. There's a
universe to cram inside their heads.
God has been workin' for a billion
years at doing things — and just one
little life to learn about 'em in! To
feel you're on his trail, a-following
fast, and got to pass the feeling on —
I guess there's no wine on earth so
heady, is there, boy?'
I could n't pretend I did n't under-
stand him. I have had it too — that
wonderful sensation we pack away into
two dry words and label 'intellectual
stimulus.' But it had n't come to me
that I could, or should, pass it on.
I thought it was an emotion designed
for my private encouragement and de-
light. And what was old Seth Miles
doing with intellectual stimulus? I
would as soon expect to unearth a case
of champagne in his cellar. But, how-
ever he got it, undeniably it was the
real thing.
A dozen questions rushed to my
tongue, but I held them back, for he
was looking me up and down with a
wistful tenderness that seemed to pre-
lude further revelation.
'I'm going to tell you the whole
story now,' he said with an effort. 'I
promised your father I would. He told
me to. And I'd better get it over.
Mebbe there 's something in it for you
— and mebbe not. But here it is: — •
'I've lived right here since I was a
little shaver. My father cleared this
land on the Ridge, and as I grew up,
I helped him. We were a small family
for those days. I was the only boy.
There was one sister, Sarah, who keeps
house for me now — and Cynthy . Cyn-
thy was an orphan my folks took to
raise for company to Sarah. My father
was her guardeen and she had two
thousand dollars, so it was n't charity,
you understand. She was the prettiest
child, an' the gentlest, I ever see, with
her big brown eyes, her curly bronze
hair, an' her friendly little ways. I
made it my business to look after Cyn-
thy, the way a bigger boy will, from
the time she come to us. Sometimes
Sarah, being larger an' self-willed,
would pick on her a little — an' then
I 'd put Sarah in her place mighty sud-
den. P'raps Cynthy was my romance,
for she was a little finer stuff than we
were. But I was n't a sentimental boy.
Quite the other way. Mostly I was
counted a handful. You ain't got any-
body in your school as hard to handle
as I was when I was a cub.
'When I went to school, I went for
the fun of it, and to torment the teach-
er. I had n't another thought in my
head. If I did n't get a lickin' once a
week, I thought I was neglected. When
I was sixteen, I'd been through Day-
boll's Arithmetic, and I could read and
spell a little for my own use, but my
spelling was n't much good to any-
body else. That was all I knew and all
794
SETH MILES AND THE SACRED FIRE
I wanted to know. You see, the little
I learned was all plastered on the out-
side, so to speak. It had n't called to
anything inside me then.
'One fall there come a new teacher
to our school, a young fellow earnin'
money to get through college. He got
on the right side of me somehow. I
can't tell how he did it, because I don't
know. But first he set me studying and
then he set me thinking. And I began
to work at books from the inside. They
were n't tasks any more. He made me
feel like I had a mind and could use it,
just like I knew I had strong muscles
and could use them. Seemed 's if when
I once got started, I could n't stop. I
got up mornings to study. I studied
nights an' I studied Sundays. There
could n't nothing stop me. I thought
I'd found the biggest thing on earth
when I found out how to make my
mind work! Jerusalem! Those were
days! I was happy then! Sometimes
I wonder what the Lord's got saved
up for us in the next world as good as
that tasted in this.'
He stopped, threw back his head
and drew in a long, ecstatic breath, as
though he would taste again the sharp,
sweet flavor of that draught.
'I studied like that for nigh two
years. Then a new idea struck me. It
was one spring day. I remember father
and I was ploughing for corn. I said,
"Father, if I could get a school, I guess
I could teach." He had n't no more
idea I could teach than that I could go
to Congress, not a bit, but I finally
drilled it into him I was in earnest, and
that fall he helped me get a school near
home.
*I never did any work as hard as
that. It was against me that I was
so near home and everybody knew I 'd
never studied until just lately. I could
tell you stories from now till bedtime
about the times I had with the big boys
and girls. But I never let go my main
idea for a minute — that it was n't
just so much grammar and 'rithmetic
I was tryin' to cram into them, but
that I had to show 'em how to sense it
all. By and by, one after another found
out what I was after. The bright ones
took to it like ducks to water. It was
just wonderful the work they'd do for
me, once they understood.
*A notion took shape in my head.
For all I could see, the things to learn
were endless. They stretched ahead of
me like a sun-path on the water. I
thought, "Mebbe I can go on learning
all my days. Mebbe I can teach as I
learn, so young folks will say of me as
I said of my teacher, He showed me
haw to sense things for myself. That
notion seemed wonderful good to me!
It grew stronger an' stronger. It seem-
ed as if I 'd fit into such a life the way
a key fits in its lock. And I could n't
see no reason why I should n't put it
through. So I spoke to father. He did
n't say much, but I noticed he did n't
seem keen about it. He 'd bought the
store at the Corners two years before,
and it seemed to me it would work out
pretty well if he sold the farm and just
tended store and had a little house in
Garibaldi, as he and mother got along
in years. I thought likely Sarah would
marry, and anybody might be sure
Cynthy would. She an' Sarah had had
two years' schooling in Oatesville by
this time, and they held themselves a
bit high. Cynthy was grown up that
pretty and dainty you caught your
breath when you looked at her. There 's
some young girls have that dazzling
kind of a look. When you lay eyes on
them, it hardly seems as if it could be
true they looked like that. Cynthy was
one of that kind.
'My plans took shape in my mind
the second winter I taught. I set my
heart on teaching one more year and
then going to school somewhere my-
self. I got the State University cata-
SETH MILES AND THE SACRED FIRE
795
logue and began to plan the studying
I did nights so it would help me enter.
It was just then that I ran against the
proposition of teaching Greek. A boy
from York State come out to spend the
winter with an uncle whose farm joined
ours. He 'd lost his father, and I guess
his mother did n't know what to do
with him. I don't mean Dick was n't
a good boy, but likely he was a hand-
ful for a woman.
* Living so near, we saw a lot of him.
He was always coming in evenings to
see the girls, and he pretended to go
to school, too. He was sort of uppish
in his ways, and I knew he made fun
of me and my teaching, all around
among the neighbors. What did he do
one day but bring me some beginning
Greek exercises to look over, with his
head in the air as if he was say in',
" Guess I've got you now!" I took his
exercises and looked at 'em, awful
wise, and said those was all right, that
time. Bless you, I did n't know Alphy
from Omegy, but I meant to, mighty
quick! I walked seven miles an' back
that evening to borrow some Greek
books of a man I knew had 'em, and
sat up till two o'clock, tryin' to get
the hang of the alphabet.
'Well, sir! I just pitched into those
books an' tore the innards out of 'em,
and then I pitched into that fellow.
You'd ought to have seen him open
his eyes when he found I knew what
I was talkin' about! He got tired of
his Greek inside of two weeks. But I
held him to it. I made him keep right
on, and I did the same, and kept ahead
of him.
'It interested me awfully, that
Greek. I borrowed some more books
and got me some translations. I don't
say I got so I could read it easy, but I
got on to a lot of new ideas. There was
one book about a fellow who was strap-
ped to a rock for a thousand years for
bringing the fire of the gods to mortals.
Probably you've heard of it. I liked
that.'
All this sounded to me a good deal
like a fairy-tale the old gentleman was
telling. Of course, all education is so
much more rigid nowadays that the
idea of anybody pitching in, that way,
and grabbing the heart out of any form
of knowledge was novel to me. Yet I 'd
read in the biographies of great men
that such things had really been done.
Only — Mr. Miles was n't a great man.
How, then, had he come to accom-
plish what I understood was essentially
an achievement of genius? The thing
staggered me.
'Prometheus Bound,' said Seth Miles
meditatively. 'That's the one. You
may think I was conceited, but it seem-
ed to me I knew how that man felt.
To make them look up! To kindle the
flame! Did n't I know "how a man
could long to do that? Would n't I,
too, risk the anger of the gods if I
could fire those children's minds the
way my own was fired?
'You see, it's this way, Richard: a
feeling is a feeling. There are only just
so many of 'em in the world, and if you
know what any one of 'em is like, you
do. That's all.
'When I spoke to father about my
plans again, he looked as if I'd hurt
him. A pitiful, caught look came in his
eyes, and he said, "Don't let's talk
about it now, Seth. I — I reelly ain't
up to it to-day."
'There was something in what he
said, or the way he said it, that just
seemed to hit my heart a smashing
blow. I felt like I'd swallowed a pound
of shot, and yet I did n't know why. I
could n't see anything wrong, nor any
reason why my plans was n't for the
best, for all of us. But those few words
he said, and the way he looked, upset
me so that I went off to the barn after
school that afternoon and climbed into
the hay-mow to find a quiet place to
796
SETH MILES AND THE SACRED FIRE
figure the thing out. I had n't been
there long before I heard voices down
below, and Cynthy's laugh, and some-
body climbing the ladder. It was Cyn-
thy and Dick. Sarah had sent 'em out
to hunt more eggs for a cake she was
bakin'.
'I didn't think they'd stay long/and
I wanted to be let alone, so I just kept
quiet.
'Now I want to say before I go any
further that Dick would have been a
great deal more no-account than he
was if he had n't admired Cynthy, and
it was n't any wonder she liked him.
Besides what there was to him, there
was plenty of little reasons, like the
kind of neckties he wore and the way
he kept his shoes shined. There was
always a kind of style about Dick.
'They rustled round, laughing and
talking, till they got the five eggs they
was sent for, and then Cynthy made
as if she started down the ladder. Dick
held her back.
'"Not till you've kissed me!" said
he.
'"I'm ashamed of you," said she.
"I'm proud of myself," said he,
;'to think I know enough to want it.
Why, Cynthy, I ain't never had one,
but I 'd swear a kiss of yours would be
like the flutter of an angel's wing across
my lips."
'"That's foolishness," said she, but
she said it softly, as if she liked fool-
ishness.
'Mebbe you wonder how I remem-
ber every little thing they said. It's
like it was burnt into my brain with
fire. For I no sooner heard 'em foolin'
with one another that soft little way
than something seemed to wring my
heart with such a twist that it stopped
beating. — Dick kiss Cynthy? Why
— why, Cynthy was mine! She'd al-
ways been as close to me as the beat
of my own heart. From the minute I
first laid eyes on her I'd known it, in
the back of my mind. I'd never put
it into words, not even to myself. But
that was the way it was. So now my
soul just staggered. Nobody could kiss
Cynthy but me. That was all.
"Foolishness!" said Dick; his voice
was sort of thick and blurry, and, of
a sudden, I could hear him breathing
hard. "Foolishness! I guess it's the
only wisdom that there is! — My
God! — My God! — 0 Cynthy, just one
kiss ! "
'"Dick! Why, Dick!"
'Her little voice sounded like the
birds you sometimes hear in the middle
of the night, just that soft, astonished,
questioning note.
'I suppose I was across that mow
and beside 'em in five seconds, but it
seemed to me I took an hour to cross
it. I never traveled so long and hard
a road, nor one so beset with terror and
despair.
'They turned and faced me as I
came. Dick's face was red, and in his
eyes was agony — no less. Cynthy
was very white, her little head held
high on her slender neck. Her eyes
was brave and clear. Mebbe I was ex-
cited, but it seemed to me that she was
shinin' from head to foot. You see, to
her it was so wonderful.
'We stood there silent for a long min-
ute, lookin' clean into one another's
souls. Dick's eyes and mine met and
wrestled. I never fought a fight like
that. Without a word nor a blow —
and yet we were fighting for more than
our lives.
'His eyes did n't fall. He did n't look
shamefaced. Oh, he too had pluck!
'As my brain cleared of the queer
mist, that cry of his seemed to sound
pitifully in my ears.
"0 Cynthy, just one. kiss!'
'I don't suppose there's a man on
earth that ain't said that from once to
fifty times, just as much in earnest as
Dick, and just as little thinkin' them
SETH MILES AND THE SACRED FIRE
797
words are the key in the Door — the
door that gives on the road runnin'
down to Hell or up to Heaven. You've
got to move one way or the other if you
open that door. It ain't a road to linger
on. Love marches.
'That was the way it come to me
then. For most men, love marches. —
But me. How about me? The love
that come to me had been silent and
patient. It'd sat in my heart like a
bird on its nest. Was I different from
other men? Did I ask less, give more?
I was just a boy — how was I to
know?
'It was Cynthy broke the tension.
She was always a bit of a mischief.
Suddenly she smiled an' dimpled like
the sun comin' out from a cloud. She
caught Dick's finger-tips quick an'
brushed 'em across her lips.
'Well, Seth!' she says to me, cheer-
ful and confident again.
"Is he your choice, Cynthy?" said
I. "Dare -you leave us — all of us —
an' go to him forever?" I asked her,
steadying my voice.
' She looked a little hurt and a little
puzzled.
"Has it come to that?" she asked
me.
"Mebbe it has n't with you," I an-
swered, "but it has with Dick — an'
with me, Cynthy."
'She looked at me as if she did n't
know what I meant, and then the color
rushed up into her face in a glorious
flood.
'"Not— not you too, Seth?" she
cried. "Oh — not you too! "
'Yes, Cynthy, — now and always."
'She looked from me to Dick an'
back to me again. In her face I saw she
was uncertain.
'"Why did n't you tell me before?"
she cried out sharply. "Why didn't
— you — teach me! O Seth, he needs
me most!"
'Dick's eyes and mine met and clash-
ed again like steel on steel. But it was
mine that fell at last.
'We all went back to the house to-
gether without saying any more.
'It come to me just like this. Dick
was tangled in his feelings, and the feel-
ings are the strongest cords that ever
bind a boy like him. Cynthy was
drawn to him, because to her Dick
was a thing of splendor and it was so
wonderful he needed her! I need n't
tell you what it was tied me. I still
had a fighting chance to get her away
from him, but was it fair of me to make
the fight?
'Every drop of blood in my body
said, Yes! Every cell in my brain said,
No! For, you see, life had us in a net
— but I was the strong one and / could
break the net.
'I went off and walked by myself.
Sundown come, and milking-time, and
supper. But I forgot to eat or work.
I walked.
'No man can tell you what he thinks
and feels in hours like them. There
ain't no words for the awful hopes or
the black despairs or the gleams that
begin like lightning-flashes and grow
to something like the breaking dawn.
— I could n't get away from it anyhow
I turned. It was n't a situation I dared
leave alone, not with Dick at white-
heat and Cynthy so confident of her-
self and so pitiful. It was n't safe to
let things be. I must snatch her from
him or give her to him. — It was my
turn now to cry out, 0 my God !
'T was long after dark when I come
back. My mind was made up. They
should have each other. I'd do what
I could to make the thing easy. "After
all," I told myself, "you ain't com-
pletely stripped. Don't think it! You
have the other thing. You can carry
the torch. You can bring down the
flame. Folks will thank you yet for the
sacred fire!"
'I laid that thought to my heart like
798
SETH MILES AND THE SACRED FIRE
something cool and comforting. And
it helped me to come through.
'When I got back to the house, it
was late and everybody was abed but
my father. He was sitting right here
where we are, waiting up for me. There
was a moon, some past the full, rising
yonder. I sat down on the step below
him and put it to him straight.
* "Father," said I, "Dick's in love
with Cynthy. She's eighteen an* he's
twenty. I judge we'd better help 'em
marry."
'He give a heartbroken kind of
groan. "Don't I know she's eighteen?"
he said. "Ain't it worryin' the life
right out of me?"
'Whatever do you mean?" I asked
pretty sharp, for I sensed bad trouble
in his very voice.
"It's her two thousand dollars," he
said. "She's due to have it. If she
marries, she 's got to have it right away.
And I ain't got it to give her, that's
all!"
'"Where is it? What's become of
it?"
"
I bought the store at the Cross-
roads with it, and give her my note.
But I had n't no business to do it that
way. And the store ain't done well,
and the farm ain't done well. The sum-
mer 's been so cold and wet, corn ain't
more 'n a third of a crop, and I put in
mainly corn this year. I can't sell the
store. I dunno's I can mortgage the
farm. I dunno what to do. If you leave
home like you talk of, I shall go under.
Somebody 's got to take hold an' help
me. I can't carry my load no longer."
'So — there was that! And I had to
face it alone.
'I did n't despair over the money
part of it, like father did. I knew he'd
neglected the farm for the store, and
the store for the farm. If I 'd been with
him either place, instead of teaching,
things would have gone on all right.
I thought Dick could have his choice of
the store or a part of the land to clear
up the debt to Cynthy. But, whichever
he took, father 'd need me to help out.
I could see he was beginning to break.
And Dick would need me too, till he
got broke in to work and earnin'. So —
now it was me that life had in the net,
and there was no way I could break
out.
' Father went off to bed a good deal
happier after I told him I 'd stand by.
He even chippered up so he said this:
'You 're all right, Seth, and teachin' 's
all right. But I 've thought it all over
and I've come to the conclusion that
teachin' and studyin' 's like hard cider.
It goes to your head and makes you
feel good, but after all, there ain't
nothing nourishing about it. I'd like
to see you make some money."
'I sat on those steps the rest of the
night, I guess, while that waning moon
climbed up the sky and then dropped
down again. 'T ain't often a man is
called on to fight two such fights in a
single day. I ain't been able to look at
a moon past the full since that night.
'And yet — toward morning there
come peace. I saw it this way at last.
To help is bigger yet than to teach. If
Prometheus could be chained to that
rock a thousand years while the vul-
tures tore his vitals just so that men
might know, could n't I bear the beaks
an' the claws a little lifetime so that
father and Cynthy and Dick might
live ? I thought I could — an' I have.'
Mr. Miles stopped short. Some-
thing gripped my throat. I shall never
see again such a luminous look as I
caught on his face when he turned it
toward the darkening west. The black
clouds had rolled up rapidly while we
were talking and, if you'll believe me,
when he had finished, it thundered on
the right!
'Is — is that all?' I said chokily.
'Cynthy 's had a happy life,' he said.
RAB AND DAB
799
'Dick made good in the store, and he's
made good out yonder in the world.
Dick has gone very far. And as for me,
there's only one thing more I want in
this world. If — if I could see her boy
and his pick up the torch I dropped,
and carry on that sacred fire — '
It was mighty queer, but I found I
was shaking all over with an excite-
ment I hardly understood. Something
that had been hovering in the air while
he talked, came closer and suddenly
showed me its face.
'But,' I said thick and fast, 'but —
why, mother's name is Cynthia!'
'Yes, Richard.'
'And father — father — ?'
! Yes, Richard.'
It was my turn to feel something
squeeze my heart as in two hands. I '11
never tell you how I felt! For I saw a
thousand things at once. I saw what
dad meant by my touching life. And
I saw the meaning of the path I had
chosen blindly. Before me, like a map,
were spread their lives and mine, to-
day and yesterday. I shook with the
passions that had created me. I vi-
brated with the sacrifices that had gone
to make me possible. For the first time
in all my days I got a glimpse of what
the young generation means to the
elder. On my head had descended all
their hopes. I was the laden ship that
carried their great desires. Mine to
lift the torch for all of them — and
thank God for the chance!
I struck my tears away and reached
out blindly to grasp Seth Miles's bony
hand. I guess he knew I meant it.
RAB AND DAB. II
A WOMAN RICE-PLANTER'S STORY
BY PATIENCE PENNINGTON
[In the first installment of this true chronicle,
the author told of her adoption, under tragic
and dramatic circumstances, of two pickaninnies,
Jonadab and Rechab. They grew plump and pros-
perous under the care of Patience Pennington and
her colored servants, but developed an appalling
aptitude for chicken-stealing and general devil-
ishness. — THE EDITORS.]
THE second summer after the trans-
planting of the orphans found them
growing in favor with every one. Real-
ly Chloe was becoming proud of them.
When Jonadab started to school every
morning, in his dark blue denim suit,
he was pleasing to the eye, he was so
shiningly clean with his startlingly
white teeth. As soon as he got back
from school, he studied his lessons, had
his dinner, and then, with the little
axe and the wheelbarrow, followed by
Rechab with the hatchet and little cart,
which Dab now looked down upon as a
plaything, he went out into the woods
and cut a good supply for the kitchen,
never waiting to be told. Chopping
wood was his favorite relaxation, as it
was that of Mr. Gladstone; and so long
800
RAB AND DAB
as he had this safety valve for his su-
perfluous energy he could keep out of
mischief.
Rab got into endless trouble in the
long summer mornings while Dab was
at school. One day I was sewing in the
parlor, with the thick board shutters
nearly closed, to keep out the heat,
when I heard a shrill woman's voice,
raised in angry abuse in the yard. I
listened attentively but all I could dis-
tinguish was, 'I'll beat dat limb o'
Satan, sho's you bawn.'
I went out on the back porch and
saw in the yard a tall brown woman
working herself into a fury. She held
in one hand a big stick, and led, or
rather dragged, a small boy with the
other, — he screaming aloud to add to
the clamor.
'What is the matter?' I repeated
several times before I could make my-
self heard.
Then her shrill angry voice rose to
a shriek, and I could only hear Rab's
name coupled with that of the Prince
of Darkness.
At last I said, 'I cannot possibly
listen to such language; if you speak
properly, in a moderate voice, I will
hear what you have to say; otherwise
I will go in.'
The woman quieted down then and
told her story.
' I sen* dis chile, Ben, to de sto' wid
t'ree cent fu' buy salt, en dis yah black
wicked boy meet um ne path, en fight
um, en tek de money, en I gwine bruk
eb'ry bone in 'e body.' And she waved
the big stick.
I was greatly distressed at this high-
way robbery on Rab's part and I said
to the woman, 'I am shocked beyond
measure at what you tell me, and
though I cannot allow you to beat Re-
chab, I promise that I will have him
severely punished. Here are the three
cents he took; indeed, here are five
cents which were to have been Re-
chab's on Saturday if he had been good.
He has entirely forfeited them, and he
must pay them to you'; and I placed
the five coppers in Rab's hand and
made him give them to the woman,
who went off more than satisfied at
this unexpected good luck.
As soon as she had gone, I called An-
crum, the old man whom I had em-
ployed cutting down underbrush and
trimming up trees in the grounds. He
was a most respectable old darkey, who
did faithfully and thoroughly every-
thing that was given him to do, and
bore a high character for honesty and
industry; and though he was nearly
eighty he was a strong, able-bodied
man. When he came I said, 'Daddy
Ancrum, would you mind giving little
Rechab a good whipping for me? '
'Not at all, my missis, I'll do um
wid pledger.'
'Now, Daddy Ancrum, I do not want
you to beat him, but he must be well
punished, for he met a boy smaller than
himself on the road, fought him and
took his money from him, and if he
is not punished, he will end his days
in the penitentiary, if not on the gal-
lows.'
Daddy Ancrum went off to cut a
good switch. He took quite a time, as
he wanted to find a hickory; and while
he was gone I used all my powers of
speech on Rab, trying to make him
see the wickedness of his action, and
brought him at last to confess his guilt,
— which he had stolidly denied at first,
— and even to tell what he had done
with the money. He had bought three
sticks of mint candy at the store.
When Daddy Ancrum came for him he
was penitent. I told Ancrum to take
Rab some distance out in his own be-
loved woods, so that the little village
would not be disturbed too much, for
I knew Rab's voice would wake the
echoes in the tall pines. Again I
charged the old man not to be too
RAB AND DAB
801
severe. I did this without Rab's hear-
ing me.
Ancrum answered, 'Miss Patience,
you need n't fret. I had twelve chillun
en I know how fu' lick chillun widout
beat um.'
I went into the sitting-room and
closed it up as much as possible and
took up my sewing again. In spite of
my efforts not to hear, however, I
was much agitated by Rab's yells; it
sounded really as though he were being
killed, and I was debating whether I
should not send Chloe out to say that
was enough, when there was a change,
a sudden cessation of the shrieks, and,
instead, a fierce barking of dogs and
Rechab's voice raised loud in command.
I rushed out to see what had happened.
The three dogs, Rag, Tag, and Bobtail,
were devoted to Rab, and hearing his
cries of distress, they had rushed to the
rescue and attacked the executioner
with such ferocity that Rab had to
keep them off, and actually had to use
the rod which he had been feeling, to
prevent their biting the old man. Need-
less to say the punishment ended there-
with, Rechab, as usual, in the ascend-
ant, and much elated by his position
of controller of the dogs. I must say
I felt proud that Rechab had used all
his strength to keep the dogs from
biting Daddy Ancrum. A mean na-
ture would have rejoiced in seeing him
bitten, instead of doing all he could
to protect him.
The solemnity of the preparations,
and, no doubt, the solidity of the few
strokes given, impressed Rab very sen-
sibly, and for a few weeks after that
he was alarmingly good. I had the
hickory hung up on the back porch as
a reminder.
During this interlude of perfection
Rechab devoted himself to Chloe: he
brought immense bundles of fagots for
the kitchen stove, scoured the pantry,
and caused Chloe great anxiety by his
VOL. 114 -NO. 6
zeal in drawing water; the well was
deep, the bucket heavy, and the curb
low, and there was always a moment
when it was uncertain whether the
bucket would come up or Rab would
go down. I felt that sooner or later
he would join Truth at the bottom
of the well, and most uncongenial com-
panions they would prove.
It was during this period of calm that
Rab told Chloe, as he sat by her on
the kitchen steps, that when he was
a man and made plenty of money he
would give her a big silver dollar for
her own, and he would give 'Miss
Patience a half dollar.'
When I made the boys their sum-
mer outfit, I made the usual blue denim
trousers and jacket, but I put bands
of red on some of the little shirts and
bands of blue on others, which gave
the boys great pleasure; and I thought
it would make the washerwoman re-
spect the clothes more and take more
pains in washing them, for they were
really very pretty and I liked to see the
bright colors. Altogether this was a
time of respite and happiness ; and even
Chloe went so far as to say to me, ' I
declar', Miss Patience, dese chillun is
great company an* great sarvis.'
II
About this time I was called away
by illness in the family, and I left with
a comfortable feeling that the boys had
passed their worst stage and were now
on the upward path. A great misfor-
tune had befallen our little community.
Miss Beth and her lovely mother had
moved away. The school had passed
into other hands, however, and Jona-
dab seemed to get on pretty well, and
I left home with a quiet mind, telling
Jim to write me a letter for himself one
week, and for Chloe the next. Though
he did all the writing, their letters were
as different as possible, as he wrote
802
RAB AND DAB
down exactly what Chloe said and her
letters were much more interesting
than his; and in this way I heard every-
thing, having the two points of view.
The first two letters reported every-
thing as serene and satisfactory. Then
came a mysterious letter from Chloe:
she did not want to make me anxious,
but the boys were not as good as they
had been. She did not state anything
definite. At last a letter showing great
excitement came. Miss Somerville, the
teacher, had gone to see Chloe to ask if
Jonadab had been sick, for he had not
been at school for two weeks.
This was a great blow to Chloe, for
she had, she said, started him off at
eight o'clock every morning with his
bag of books, and the school-house was
in sight from the front gate. She be-
gan investigating and found that he
went past the school every day and
waited in the woods until he knew Jim
and herself had gone to the plantation
four miles away, where Jim ran the
cultivator in the corn and she tended
the vegetable garden. As soon as Jona-
dab felt sure they had driven far enough
away, he returned to the yard with a
few kindred spirits and joined Rechab,
who was left with the dogs, Rag, Tag
and Bobtail, and a large supply of
lunch.
Chloe did not go on to say in the let-
ter how they occupied themselves, but
asked me to write and tell her what
she must do about Jonadab and the
school. I wrote back at once and told
Jim to give Jonadab a good switching
and take him back to school, and to
write me of the result. As soon as the
distance would allow I heard from Jim;
he had followed my directions but Jona-
dab would not go to school; he simply
spent the days in the woods. I then
wrote a solemn letter to Jonadab telling
him that I was shocked and distressed
at his conduct, that I had expected
better things of him, that I had given
him the opportunity to learn, which
was all I could do; that, as he would
not go to school and learn his lessons,
he must now learn to work, and that
he must go with Jim to the plantation
every day and work in the garden, and
his books must be locked up until I
got home; and I wrote to Jim to see
that he did work.
After this the letters from Jim and
Chloe showed great reticence and I was
thankful to be spared the knowledge
of anything going wrong at home,
for after nursing my niece through an
illness and back to health, I broke
down completely and was threatened
with nervous prostration, and had to
remain in Asheville till the middle of
October. When I did come home,
instead of writing to have the wagon
sent for me as usual, I got a vehicle in
Gregory and drove up to the planta-
tion, Cherokee.
Chloe and the boys were delighted
to see me. I walked all around the gar-
den and complimented them on the
fine crops of turnips they had raised;
then I ordered the wagon to drive out
to Peaceville. Chloe called Jonadab
and said, * Bring up de pee-pee.'
In a few minutes Dab appeared driv-
ing before him five half-grown turkeys.
* These are very fine turkeys, Chloe,'
I said, 'but where are the rest? I left
twenty/
'Dis is all dat's left, Miss Patience.'
So solemn was her tone that I for-
bore to ask questions.
Chloe fed the turkeys some cracked
corn and then said, 'Bring de coob,
Jonadab.'
Dab brought forward a small and
very rough wooden coop.
'Put een de pee-pee,' ordered Chloe.
I watched with wonder, but did not
interrupt what seemed to be a drill.
With wonderful docility the little tur-
keys stepped leisurely into the coop,
as Dab drummed on it with his fingers,
RAB AND DAB
803
having first scattered corn over the
floor.
'Now fetch de wheel-barrer.' This
was done. ' Rechab, help Jonadab put
de coob een de wheel-barrer.' This
was also done. Then came the final
orders. 'Now, Jonadab, you sta't fu'
de village, en don't you stop ne path
to pass de time o' day. Rechab an*
me '11 ketch you ef you do.'
Thus adjured, Jonadab seized the
handles and trotted off with the wheel-
barrow at a brisk pace.
I did not speak until he was out of
hearing, Rab having gone to open the
gate for the equipage; then I asked,
'What is the meaning of this, Chloe?
What are you going to do with the tur-
keys?'
' Miss Patience, I don't wan' ter cast
yu down, jes' es yu get home, but I
had to do dis way to save dese pee-
pee fo' yu. I'll tell you all about it
to-morrer.'
I said, 'Very well,' and by this time
the wagon was ready and I got in, and
told Chloe to get in with Rab by the
driver. Before we had gone far we saw
Jonadab ahead, trotting gayly with his
remarkable turnout. When we caught
up with him, which he tried his best to
prevent, Rab asked me to let him get
out and run along with Jonadab, which
I allowed him to do.
As soon as he was out Chloe said,
'Well den, Miss Patience, yu'll hab to
drive slow, sence yu let Rab git out,
fo' ef yu let dem git out o' sight, dat's
de las' o' dem pee-pee.'
The boys were in such high spirits,
and made such good time, that only
once or twice did I have to tell Jim to
drive slowly. When we reached the
pine-land house, I was thankful to rest
in the hammock swung on the broad
piazza, and to feel the joy of getting
home, even when there were only dar-
kies and dogs to welcome me. Chloe
got very quickly a nice savory supper
for me, and the boys expended them-
selves in offering me fresh water drawn
by them from the well, which they as-
sured me was 'cool as ice.'
Ill
The next morning after breakfast
Chloe sent the boys out to get wood and
then appeared in the sitting-room in a
glistening white apron and head-hand-
kerchief and, dropping a curtsy, be-
gan.
'Now, Miss Pashuns, ef yu feel rest-
ed, I'll tell you 'bout de chillun. I
did n't wan' to write you, fo' both Jim
en me know'd 'twould mek yu sick.
We had to write yu 'bout Jonadab not
goin' to school, but Jim en me talked
about it, en said we could n't tell yu
w 'at Jonadab done w 'en 'e did n't
gone to school.'
Here Chloe stopped as though she
had reached a climax, and I was obliged
to ask, 'Chloe, what did he do?'
' Miss Pashuns, Jonadab lef ' dis ya'd
wid 'e book es good en sanctify es any
chile kin be, en 'e gone pas' de school
un de wood, en 'e stay dere 'till 'bout
ten o'clock, den 'e cum home yere wid
a gal en a boy en meet Rab, en dem tek
de axe en brokee en de house winder,
en dey gone through de house, en eat
up eberyt'ing dem find, all de can ob
tomotus, en de sa'mon en de sa'dine
yu lef een de closet, dem chillun eat
all. Den w'en dey done eat eberyt'ing
een de house, dem projek 'round, till
dem fin' de store-room key w'ey I had
um hide, en dey gone een dey, en tek
de meat, en de grits, en de rice, till dem
eben carry dem off by de wheel-barrer-
ful down to Elsy en dat 'dulterous man
w'at libs wid 'er. 1 keep a-miss t'ing
ebery day, miss t'ing, en miss t'ing, en
kyant mek out how de t'ing go so fas',
en dem chillun was dat sma't dey hab
sense fu' lef eberyt'ing de look jes'
like 'e ain't tech. En de only way I
804
BAB AND DAB
do fu' find out, is w'en yu write de
letter fu' tell Jim fu' lick Jonadab,
after Jim dun lick um, I 'quisit Dab
by himself en I 'quisit Rab by himself,
en at last dem confess en tell me de
truf.'
I felt perfectly dismayed. I cross-
questioned Chloe and felt that there
was no doubt of the truth of every
word she had uttered; and she looked
old and worn, as though by an illness,
from the strain.
After giving me time to digest this,
and hearing my expressions of disgust
and dismay, she went on, 'En den de
turkey. When I fus' begin to miss de
pee-pee, Miss Vanderbilt had twelve
good big one; 'e had had much mo', but
dey been a drap off befo' I begin to
notice dem dat mo'nin'. I count um
keerful, en was jes' a dozen — dat day I
leP Jonadab fu' min' de ya'd till I step
down to de plantation en pick de vege-
table, en dat night dey was two gone.
De nex' day I tek Jonadab wid me en
I lef Rab, en dat time no pee-pee loss,
but de nex' day I lef Dab again en two
gone; en ebery time I lef Dab fu' min'
de ya'd I miss two pee-pee, till at las'
dere was only seben pee-pee leP, en
dat day Rab sick de t'ree dog on Miss
Vanderbilt en dem tear she most to
pieces en de nex' day him dead, tho' I
done all I could fur she.
'Den I say to Jim, "Miss Pashuns
mus' see some turkey w'en she come
home en I know wha' fu' do."
'Jim say, "Wha' kin yu do?"
' Den I mek answer : " I gwine put de
seben pee-pee een de little coob, en I
gwine put de coob een de wheel-bar-
rer en I '11 mek Dab roll 'em down to de
plantashun."
' "All dat four mile, An' Chloe? Dab
kyan't do dat."
'Den I say, "De only way to mek
Dab behave 'eself is to keep um stirrin',
en I calkilates to stir um dis time."
'So de nex' mo'nin', Miss Pashuns,
I put dem seben pee-pee een de coob,
en I put de coob een de wheel-barrer,
en I mek Jonadab roll dem down to
Cherokee, en dat chile was jes' as
pleased as if I bin a play wid um. I
aimed to lef de pee-pee down to de
plantation dat night een de fowl-house
to de ya'd, but w'en I tell Uncl' Bona-
parte dat, 'e say, " Yu kyant lef ' dem
here, fo' I won't tek de 'sponsibility."
En I say, "Uncl' Bonaparte I '11 lock de
fowl-house do' befo' I lef' en yu won't
have no 'sponsibility." But Uncl' Bon-
aparte would n't let me leP dem, so I
had to mek Dab roll dem back, en after
dat I jes' kep' it up ebery day I went
down to work een de gya'den, en dem
seem to prosper.
'But dem chillun keep me drawed
out. One day we all sta'ted together
en we git 'bout half-way down, en Rab
was behind w'en 'e holler to me, "An'
Chloe, I have fu' go back, I furgit some-
thin ' "; en befo' I cud say a wud 'e was
gone. Dat ebenin' w'en 'e cum, I ax 'im
wha' mek 'e stay so long, en 'e tell me
say 'e was dat tyad 'e had to lay down
ne path to rest. He had a little boy
'e bring wud um, en w'en Rab gone
out de chile say, 'An' Chloe, Rab
neber lay down ne path, Rab gone to
Miss Penel'pe sto', en 'e tell Miss Pe-
nel'pe say yu sen' um for a box o' red
herrin' en say yu say mus' 'scuse yu fu'
not come een, but yu'se bery hurry, en
yuse to de gate een de buggy waitin.'
Den Miss Penel'pe wrop up de box
quick, en gie um to Rab, en 'e walk out
to de road bery fas', en w'en 'e git half-
way down 'e brek open de box en 'e
eat en 'e gie me some. Den 'e hide de
res' in de bush."
'Now yu know, Miss Pashuns, I was
shock! W'en Rab come I ax um ef 'e
buy herrin' fu' true, en 'e say no, but I
ketch 'e han' en smell um en 'e was
convict, fu' 'e neber t'ought to wash 'e
hand.
' W'en we cum 'long de road dat eben-
RAB AND DAB
805
in' I tell um fu' show me w'ere 'e had
de herrin' hide, but 'e wun't. But about
a week after dat, one ebenin' 'e say,
" An' Chloe, I '11 show yu' wey I hide
de herrin', " en 'e tek me een de t'icket
of bush en sho' me de box, but w'en 'e
open um rat or some oder varmint most
done eat all. Den 'e offer me one, but
I tell um, I neber accept anyt'ing dat
is stole.
'Arter dat Rab was bery good fu' a
while, but one mo'nin' w'en Dab en
me bin a walk purty fas', w'en we git
to de gate en I open de gate fu' Dab
roll de wheel-barrer trou', 'e look back
en 'e say, " An' Chloe, Baby slip' us, en
gone." I look up de road en I see
Rab goin' back as ha'd as 'e kin. Den
I walk fas' en mek Dab hurry till we
git to de ba'n ya'd en I tu'n de pee-pee
loose, en den we wheel right back en
walk fas' fu' ketch Rab, till I begin to
blow and Dab say, "An' Chloe, yo'll
mek yo'self sick ef yo' walk so fas'; let
me run on ahead, en I kin ketch Rab."
Den I tell um 'e cud do so, en run on
en ketch Rab en fetch um right back to
me, en I set down a minit fu' blow, fu'
I was plum wore out, but I did n't stop
long, en w'en I git to de villige I fin'
my room do' broke open, en my trunk
lock broke, en all my t'ing on de flo',
en a dollar I had en ten cent, wrop
een a piece of silk cloth, was gone, en
I could n't fin' neder Rab nor Dab. I
put my t'ing 'way as well as I could, en
den I wheel right back to de planta-
tion. 'Long 'bout dinner time Jonadab
cum bery hurry, en say 'e bin a hunt fu'
Rab, but 'e could n't fin' um.
'Miss Pashuns, I was dat discourige
'bout de chillun I was weak, but I hoe
out de young tunup, en I try fu' set my
min' on scriptur', en I say, "How long,
oh Lord, how long!'3 En arter dat I
feel better, but I neber eat a piece o'
dinner.
'When sun most down Dab put up
de pee-pee, en we gone back to de pine-
land. W'en Jim cum, en I tell um wha'
Rab done, 'e say, I'll gie Rab a lickin'
to-night, but w'en sundown cum, we
call Rab en we sen' Dab fu' hunt um,
but we could n't hear not'ing of um,
en I was miserable, en I neber sleep a
wink dat night, fu' Rab neber did come
till de middle o' the next day, en I was
dat glad to see um I would n't let Jim
lick um again.
'Two days arter dat, Rab tell me
'e spen' de night right under de big
house; say soon as Jim en me gone to
bed, 'e mek fire in de chimbley under
de house en cook a chicken en a pee-pee
en roast two ear o' corn en had a fine
supper, — en yo' know, Miss Pashuns,
dat was provokin'. When I bin a fret
so 'bout de chile, en him bin a eat yo'
chicken, en yo pee-pee, right under yo'
own house, en Dab know all de time
way him bin, en soon es Jim en me
gone to bed, him jump out de winder
en jine Rab under de house, en dem
cook en eat all night.'
Here Chloe's breath gave out, to my
great relief, for this reeling off of the
terrible doings of the boys was most
distressing. I felt absolutely hopeless.
What was the use of struggling with
such degenerates? Chloe had been per-
fectly right, and knew her own race
when she warned me of the danger of
'harboring furriners.'
Any one looking at Chloe and then
at the boys could see that they were
descendants of different tribes. She
was a rich chocplate-brown color, with
the regular kinked hair, while the boys
were black as ebony, with long straight-
ish hair, and rather aquiline features;
they were slender and straight in their
build, and the whites of their eyes
were very blue. Stanley, in his Darkest
Africa, describes the great differences
in the characteristics of the tribes,
some being by nature absolutely hon-
est and others absolutely dishonest.
All this I called to mind, and realized
806
RAB AND DAB
that by my own foolhardiness I had
taken upon myself two of the worst
shoots of one of the very worst African
tribes.
During the interval, Chloe had re-
covered her breath and now began to
tell how she had seen Dab deliberately
kill with a stick one of the much trav-
eled pee-pees, so now there were only
five.
I interrupted her and said, 'Chloe,
I cannot stand another word about the
boys. I feel almost distracted already.
I have never heard nor dreamed of
such creatures! No gratitude, no affec-
tion, no fidelity; it is awful, and I do
not wonder you look thin and badly.
I don't see how you managed to get
through at all, and from my heart I
thank you for all your efforts. Now I
want to beg you not to let the boys
know that you have told me all, for I
have not the least idea what to do to
them as punishment, and yet it is my
clear duty to punish them severely;
so let them think you have not told me,
and to-morrow I will tell them that I
cannot give them the suits I brought
them from Asheville, as you tell me
they have given you a good deal of
trouble; but I will give them the mouth
organs I brought them/
I wrung her hand and thanked her
again and said, 'Remember, my good
Chloe, our Saviour's words, " Inasmuch
as ye did it unto the least of these . . .
ye did it unto me."
IV
As if to reward me for my leniency,
the boys blossomed into wonderful
goodness. All their little duties were
well and faithfully performed. The
turkeys made no more journeys, for
I had them rolled down to the planta-
tion the day after my return and put
them in the poultry-house, and giv-
ing Bonaparte a lock, I told him he
must be responsible for them. Every
morning Rab donned his clean white
apron and churned, one of the regular
duties which he had absolutely refused
to do during my absence.
In the move from the pine-land, Rab
and Dab insisted on carrying heavy
loads in the wheelbarrow, the only
danger being that in their zeal to roll
it and their fights over which had had
it longest, the freight would suffer.
They came and begged me to let them
move the 'gereenium' in it, represent-
ing that it was much safer for the plant
than either the ox-wagon or the horse-
cart. I was very much pleased to ex-
cite their interest in doing anything
well and carefully, so daily I packed
as many plants in the little vehicle as
it could carry. They took them most
successfully. After the move was over,
they were very diligent and made the
large grounds beautifully clean, one
raking up the live-oak leaves, which
had fallen during the summer, while
the other carted them off to the ma-
nure heap in the beloved wheelbarrow.
Jonadab went daily for the mail,
proving himself perfectly reliable in
that important function, never stop-
ping to play on the road; so that I had
the pleasure of giving them every Sat-
urday evening the nickels which their
good conduct brought them, and which
they had great joy in spending at Miss
Penelope's store for candy, of which
they got a surprising amount for the
money.
At Christmas I told them to hang
up their little socks in the kitchen, but
not content with the holding capacity
of these they borrowed each a stocking
of huge proportions from Chloe, which
they hung beside their own. I told
Dab to hang up his red socks and Rab
his blue pair, so that we should know
them apart, for they were very nearly
the same size.
By daylight Christmas morning the
RAB AND DAB
807
yard resounded with their shouts of
delight and the blasts of their trumpets,
horns, and the various instruments of
torture to the ear, with which the
stockings were filled, besides apples,
oranges, peanuts, almonds, raisins, and
candy. In the toe of each stocking was
a dime. When they came to show me
their treasures I gave them the Ashe-
ville suits, telling them they had been
so good for the past two months that
it was a pleasure to give them the new
suits and caps.
I was very happy over this beautiful
period of calm, and so was Chloe. She
said to me one day, ' You see, Miss Pa-
shuns, de Laud sen' yo' dis blessin' to
comfort yo', kase yo' loos' all yo' rice
crap f'um de freshit, en yo' co'n crap
f'um de dry drought, en so 'e won't let
Satan worry yo wid dese chillun, en 'e
mek dem good, en dey sure is sarvice
to you en to me.'
One day Chloe said to me mysteri-
ously, 'Miss Pashuns, Jonadab tell you
anyt'ing?'
'No,' I answered, 'what do you
mean?'
Chloe came nearer and said in a low
voice, 'Dem see somet'ing.'
'What kind of something, Chloe?'
But Chloe would say nothing more
except, 'Ax dem.'
So the first time I had an opportun-
ity of talking to Jonadab alone I said,
'What have you seen strange lately,
Jonadab?'
Without the least hesitation he an-
swered, 'A'nt Cinthy.'
'Oh, no, Dab,' I said, 'I know that's
not so. When God takes people's souls
into the next world they stay there;
they do not come back here.'
But Dab was firm, and began to nar-
rate. He had almost lost his stammer
now.
'Night befo' las' I bin asleep, en I
hear A'nt Cinthy call me, en I open my
eye an' dere was A'nt Cinthy fo' true.
Him had she head tie wid a w'ite hand-
kerchuff en 'e was all dress in w'ite, wid
a bow of black ribbin on she breast, an'
she look at me an' Rab very hard, an'
I say, " W'at yo' want, A'nt Cinthy?"
En him answer, "I wan' me bed, gi' me
me bed." En I say, "I ain't got yo'
bed." Den she say, " Wey is me bed?"
Den I say, "Yo' bed dey een de or-
chaid." Den she say, "I wan' me shoe,
gi' me me shoe." En I answer, "I ain't
got yo' shoe, en I do' kno' wey dem
dey." Den she say, "Gi' me me five
cent, I wan' me five cent." En I say,
"I neber see yo' five cent, go way en
le' me 'lone." En den she gone.'
I said, 'Jonadab, you dreamt all this,
for Cinthy could not come back if she
wanted to, and she would not want to.
Where she has gone she has no use for
shoes, nor beds, nor five cents, so you
may be sure this was a dream.'
I took the earliest opportunity of in-
terviewing Rechab alone, and I asked
him a leading question, and he repeat-
ed the incident and conversation word
for word as Jonadab had done. He
told what A'nt Cinthy said and how
she looked, laying great stress on the
'bow o' black ribbin on she breast.'
I was quite puzzled over this, but
thought it best not to make too much
of it, and said nothing more.
At the end of a week Chloe came to
me and said, 'Miss Pashuns, we got to
do somet'ing. Cinthy do worrit dem
po' chillun too much. I know my fault
now. I shud 'a bury dat five cent I
fin' een a tubacca bag tie tu de head
o' de bed, een Cinthy han'. I'll neber
ketch een dis trouble agen, I'll know
wha' fu' do next time, but de ole lady
wha' bin 'e fren', baig fu' de five cent,
fu' trow een de chutch, en I gie um to
she; en now de po' soul kyant res' un
'e' grave, en de my fault. Dab say eb-
ery night, w'en dey de sleep, en de fus'
cock crow, she does call um, en some
time 'e call Rab. I bin hear people
808
RAB AND DAB
say if you bu'n sulfer een de room dat
'11 lay de speret.'
I tried to divert her thoughts from
this subject, and began to talk to her
about the seasoning of the sausage-
meat.
A few days passed and Jim came to
me and said, 'Miss Pennington,' —
Jim's parents had not belonged to my
family, so he does not call me Miss
Patience as all the others do, — * I wish
you would do something about the
boys. Aunt Cinthy has run them clean
out o' the house. They don't per tend
to sleep there now.'
'Where do they sleep?' I asked.
' In the straw in the loft of the horse
stable, ma'am. They bin dere now five
nights, en they wun't go back to sleep
in their house.'
Chloe came in and added her testi-
mony to Jim's, as to the children's
sleeping in the stable; then she added
that their poor mother was much to
blame in the matter. She said, 'I ax
Jonadab, I say, 4'Yu' ma tell yu' any
t'ing?" 'E say, "No, ma'am, she neber
tell menuting." But Miss Pashuns, dat
chile born wid a caul, en ef 'e ma had
a mek um swaller de caul, 'e neber 'ood
'a see speret, but long as 'e ma t'row
'way de caul, dat po' chile haf fu' see
speret.'
I thought earnestly how I could do
anything to reach this situation; then
I said, 'I think I know how to quiet
the poor spirit; and Jim, I need your
help.'
Jim answered with enthusiasm that
he was at my command, and I went
on, 'Take Jonadab and Rechab and go
into the orchard and get Cinthy's bed,
and let them each take a corner and
help you carry it.'
Jim interrupted, 'It's very light,
ma'am; I can carry it myself.'
' I know you can, Jim, but I want you
to let each of the boys take a share in
carrying it to the burying-ground and
placing it over Cinthy's grave, and I
am sure the boys will have no more
visions of the darkness.'
Jim was very reluctant when he
heard this. He said he didn't 'want
to meddle in the matter.' But I talked
with him about the foolishness of fear-
ing the dead, until he promised to obey
my instructions exactly. Whether he
did it or not I did not inquire, but I
heard no more of Cinthy's nocturnal
visits and the children returned to their
room quite cheerfully.
(To be concluded.)
BROWNING AND THE SPECIAL INTERESTS
BY WILLIAM AUSTIN SMITH
Come now let each of us awhile cry truce to spe-
cial interests.
— Prince Hohenstiel-Schwangau.
To the poet, not to Mr. La Follette,
belongs the distinction of sending the
phrase * special interests' to the mint.
When it rolled from the poet's pen,
however, it was less bulky with connota-
tion than now. To envisage the ' inter-
ests ' of Browning's Prince Hohenstiel-
Schwangau one must begin by stripping
the phrase of some of its more recent
honors. 'The Saviour of Society' was
written in 1871. Mr. Roosevelt had not
yet entered upon his career, and we in
America had not been taught to think
of oil and tobacco, sugar and copper,
as predatory interests. Watts, in the
brutal splendor of his Mammon, has
helped us to clothe the idea in color.
Browning, we recall, would have us
see the thing at a different angle. One
of the political enigmas of the last gen-
eration was Napoleon III, the target
at once of furious scorn and adulation.
In a poem of some two thousand lines,
Browning gives this client, under the
title of Prince Hohenstiel-Schwangau,
opportunity to defend himself and his
theory of civilization.
In that leisurely apology the quar-
tette of glowing causes — 'Liberty,
Philanthropy, Enlightenment, and Pa-
triotism,' which since Rousseau have
been declaimed uninterruptedly — are
styled 'the special interests.' As the
Prince saw it, the most insidious lobby
against which civilization must brace
itself is the activity of gracious senti-
ments. He believed that only by hold-
ing these interests in the leash of com-
mon sense can society be maintained
on a decent footing. The Prince had
reason for the faith that was in him, and
Browning with the urbanity of a good
listener lets him tell his unromantic
story.
The audacity of the Prince lies in his
irreverent imputation. To place Liber-
ty, Philanthropy, Enlightenment, and
Patriotism in the same fetid lobby with
sugar, oil, and tobacco is to ,toy peril-
ously with romanticism. We have been
taught to think of these dignitaries
with respect. To call Philanthropy a
special interest, along with soap ana
copper, is an insult to the spacious sen-
timents of our time.
But the poet lays down his hand
before the whole goodly company of
us, — agitators, reformers, philanthro-
pists, clergymen, and all the restless
adventurers of light. ' I call you spe-
cial interests,' he seems to say. 'You
declaim about Enlightenment, Pro-
gress, and Philanthropy. These are
interests I grant you, but they are
special. Civilization has its other con-
cerns as well, — " workshop, manufac-
tory, exchange and market-place, sea-
port and customhouse o' the frontier,
mouths that wanted bread, hands that
supplicated handiwork, men with wives
and women with the babes, — all these
pleading just to live, not die."
Now, once grant that any interest is
'special,' with all the potential alarm of
that phrase, and you have disarmed it.
810
BROWNING AND THE SPECIAL INTERESTS
There is no real danger to democracy
from any special interest branded as
such. By classifying it, we have pluck-
ed the sting of its eloquence and com-
pelled it to defend its innocency of
intention before the bar of public
opinion.
But the heady atmosphere of reform
has been too tonic for the growth of
humility on the part of Liberty, Phi-
lanthropy, Enlightenment, and Patri-
otism. We may expose the so-called
* special interests' and hale them into
court, but who in this enlightened cen-
tury dares summon Philanthropy into
court and say, * You must have super-
vision and control?'
It requires courage to urge indict-
ment against these 'interests.' There
is an appealing chivalry about their
calling, and they know it. Their be-
nevolent intention shelters a goodly
brood of noble causes — shorter hours
for labor, child-labor laws, mothers',
widows', and orphans' pensions, child
culture, eugenics, and all the insurgent
forces of modernity. Benign enough
these interests look as we name them
in glowing capitals, * Liberty, Philan-
thropy, Enlightenment, and Patriot-
ism ' ; but oppose their lobby and we
shall discover their power. A legion of
forces have they at command, — power
to petition and to plead, to pamphlet-
eer and denounce, to organize leagues,
to storm the halls of legislation and
compel us into joining or losing our
sociological position in the community.
Never were sharper claws hid beneath
pussier cushions.
ii
In the realm of religion, things have
fallen pretty much into the hands of
one of the four big interests — 'Enlight-
enment.' Here the specialist stalks
through the land unmolested. Thus far
the plain people have been less a prey
to Enlightenment than the clergy, and
only the initiated are disturbed when
one reads in our most modern author-
ity such a paragraph regarding the
Apostle Paul as this: 'The peculiarity
of the mysticism which arises out of
the Apocalyptic is that it does not
bring the two worlds into contact in
the mind of the individual as Greek
and Mediaeval mysticism did, but dove-
tails one into the other, and thus cre-
ates for the moment at which the one
passes over into the other an object-
ive, temporarily conditioned mysti-
cism. This, however, is available only
for these who by their destiny belong
to both worlds. Eschatological mys-
ticism is predestinarian.'
Now I know this, and the distin-
guished author knows it, but did St.
Paul know it? Tolstoi once wrote: 'It
is the worst of educated men that they
cannot speak about any great question
till they have read everything that
has been written about it, for fear that
some one should say, "But have you
read Schwartzenburg? ' Then, if they
have not read Schwartzenburg, they
are done.'
But the moment one starts upon the
business of ' reading up ' in religion, he
finds Schwartzenburgs springing up
like mushrooms in the night, and he
falls at once into the hands of special
interests. For example: Comparative
Religion has been maintaining for years
a most insidious lobby against the
faith once delivered to the Saints. It
is battening on the credulous. Of all
the interests which despoil the innocent
of their rights, comparative religion is
the most arrogant.
One can get on very well with his re-
ligion till he starts to reading up. It is
the Schwartzenburg interests which
undo him. One recalls how under one
of these benevolent specialists he was
first let in on the ground floor of some
rich vein of discovery which Compar-
BROWNING AND THE SPECIAL INTERESTS
811
ative Religion had just struck in Asia
Minor.
One month there fell into my hands,
the current Hibbert Journal, Gilbert
Murray's Four Types of Greek Religion,
and Schweitzer's Paul and his Interpre-
ters, and I was tossed helplessly about
among a number of mutually exclusive
theories of Christianity. One Heit-
muller, with unctuous consideration
for weaker minds, as if loath to break
distressing news, yet firmly as who
should say, ' You must sooner or later
be told and who better than I to soften
the news,' -Heitmuller admits us into
the garish light of the most modern
discovery when he tells us that our
beloved Sacrament of the Lord's Sup-
per is merely an expansion of the an-
cient Pagan custom of eating one's
God in order to obtain the God's spe-
cial virtue.
Trembling in every article of my
creed, I cut the pages of my Hibbert
Journal, hoping for some word of denial
of this terrible report from Germany,
and lo! I am again regaled with the
* Peter versus Paul ' explanation of the
New Testament, and its hard sayings
are convincingly explained by a the-
ological quarrel in the college of the
Apostles.
But my card has been in the circu-
lating library awaiting the return of
Schweitzer's Paul and his Interpreters,
and just as I am about to throw up the
flag of surrender before the bombard-
ment of light from the specialists in
Comparative Religion, behold Schweit-
zer comes to my rescue with battalion
upon battalion of footnotes, Schwart-
zenburgs, Kabishes, Gunkels, Mauren-
breckers and the rest, all in battle-array,
to smash the lines of Comparative Reli-
gion. The battle over, I venture forth
wounded in spirit; but at least my Sac-
rament is safe. But I am not yet out
of the hands of the Special Interests.
Schweitzer, too, must have his little
VOL. 114 - NO. 6
fling, and I am now let in for eschato-
logy, which is his mollifying mixture of
scholarship and orthodoxy. Again I
begin to see the thing single and whole.
Why had I not seen it before? There
it is, clear as daylight, between the lines
of the Gospels.
If only the specialists would let the
matter rest there, all would be well, but
I have a friend who goes seriously into
this business of reading up and whose
religion is pitched to the highest key of
modernism. He finds me poring over
my Schweitzer and rather patronizingly
asks, 'But have you read Reitzenstein?'
Whereupon, refusing further to face the
light, I reach for my Borrow, hoping
to find sanctuary in his eighteenth-
century evangelicalism, unchilled as yet
b}' Schwartzenburgs. My solace comes
from The Bible in Spain. The School-
master of Cohares had been telling Bor-
row that he had a copy of the New Tes-
tament in his possession which Borrow
desired to see; but on examining it he
says, 'I discovered it was only the
Epistle by Pereira, with copious notes.
I asked him whether he considered that
there was harm in reading the Scrip-
tures without notes: he replied that
there was certainly no harm in it, but
simple people, without the help of notes,
could derive little benefit from Scrip-
ture, as the greatest part would be unin-
telligible to them; whereupon I shook
hands with him, and, on parting, said
that there was no part of Scripture so
difficult to understand as those very
notes which were intended to elucidate
it, and that it would never have been
written if not calculated of itself to
illumine the minds of all classes of
mankind.'
What damaging opaqueness to En-
lightenment, but how in secret we envy
his smug detachment from Modernism.
I am not decrying scholarship as an
aid to the study of religion, but if one
is to keep his House of Faith in perfect
812
BROWNING AND THE SPECIAL INTERESTS
repair he must be ever on the alert
to catch the latest Schwartzenburg on
the wing.
in
But there is a group of Special In-
terests with interlocking directorates
which ought to be indicted for conspir-
acy in restraint of morals and religion.
They have won almost complete con-
trol of the press, schools, and politics,
and they are beginning to invade the
churches with their efficiency tests.
Sociology is one of these interests. It
started its benevolent career as meek as
any missionary. That is the way with
the interests until they obtain certain
valuable concessions. Sociology seemed
amiable enough until it began to set
forth certain cubist conceptions of mor-
als and to meddle with religion.
Prince Hohenstiel-Schwangau did
not include religion among his special
interests, but he did mention philan-
thropy. Philanthropy, with its kindred
sciences, is certainly a pampered inter-
est battening on tax-ridden religion and
government franchises. It is dictating
terms to our churches, exacting time
and tribute from the clergy, rewriting
our theology, and to-day is robbing us
of our last ancestral relic, — the sense
of sin.
In the short Catechism the obliga-
tions involved in man's duty toward
his neighbor are set forth with the frank-
ness and precision of the out-and-out
realist. There they are, just as we meet
them in real life: obedience to the law;
to keep my hands from picking and
stealing and my tongue from evil-speak-
ing, lying, and slandering; to keep my
body in temperance and chastity; not
to covet or desire other men's proper-
ty; but to learn and labor to get mine
own living, and to do my duty in that
state of life unto which it shall please
God to call me.
The programme thus set forth is mat-
ter-of-fact and unscientific. Nothing is
said about inheritance or environment,
wages, or cubic feet of air-space affect-
ing chastity. The fascinating problem
of responsibility which we are impotent
to solve, it does not undertake to han-
dle. The Catechism does not attempt
to explain exhaustively why people go
wrong. It goes no further into psycho-
logy .than the warning that it is impos-
sible [to live a clean, honorable, and
Christian life without Special Grace,
which we 'must learn at all times to
call for by diligent prayer.' There is,
you see, a decent tactful restraint in
this old-fashioned treatment of sin. It
saves OUT self-respect and also our
morality.
But the soft-hearted philanthropists
feel a more anxious concern for hu-
manity than did the writers of the
Catechism. Little Emily, now famous
through the investigations of the State
Senate Vice-Investigating Committee
of Illinois regarding the relationship be-
tween wages and prostitution, is taught
by the most modern school of philan-
thropy not to call upon God by diligent
prayer if she would preserve her chas-
tity, but to call upon Brown, Jones &
Company for higher wages, and the
state legislature for a minimum-wage
law.
I shall not undertake to deny that
wages and prostitution, ventilation and
morals, food and faith, shelter some
common factor; but in the interest of
decency, the fact must not be over-em-
phasized. The last rag of respectabil-
ity to which the sinner desperately
clings is a sense of sin. Rob him of that
and you have robbed him of his good
name. He has sold his birthright and
is no longer a child of God. Little
Emily on the witness-stand, unless be-
trayed by the sociologist, does not wish
the world to think that her chastity
is an affair which rests entirely with
labor legislation.
BROWNING AND THE SPECIAL INTERESTS
813
Here is my quarrel with so many of
the public-service sciences. They are
robbing us of our self-respect. St. Paul's
psychology was more true to human na-
ture, and far more chivalrous. There is
a mechanical side to morals, as eugenic
experts and the futurists in morals un-
dertake to show; but they have over-
capitalized the shabby fact.
In one of the late art exhibitions, I
was brought to pause before a futurist
cow. The picture called for a radical
readjustment of my old-fashioned no-
tions of fitness of form and figure. Were
cows really made in such dissonant,
warring entanglements of lines and sur-
faces? But the next time I visited my
dairy I caught my best Ayrshire in the
very act of reproducing the futurist at-
titude — its massive spreading back in
veritable imitation of those awkward
masses. There, behold, was the cubist
cow in all her garish disregard of class-
ical detail, flaunting her futurism in
my face! Had she too been to the art
exhibition, and had I here proof of
Oscar Wilde's contention that Nature
slavishly copies art?
My quarrel with the futurist was that
he had betrayed me. He had taken my
best Ayrshire and with his foul wand
converted her into a cubist monster.
Henceforth I must wander through
dairy and pasture seeing cubist bo vines
where once Nature exulted in come-
ly masses of tans and brownish reds
spreading in graceful surfaces upon the
ground.
Something like this is happening all
the while at the hands of our special-
ists,— neurologists, criminologists, psy-
chologists, sociologists, and the rest.
They betray the confidence placed in
them. In certain matters they speak
with authority. They have a truth
but they overcapitalize it. They have
read Schwartzenburg, taken time-reac-
tion tests, gathered statistics relating to
wages, ventilation, prostitution, sew*
age, tenement-house dimensions, child
culture and infant mortality; then they
begin to generalize about life.
The cow in some respects does re-
semble the cubist presentment of her,
but has she not other delightful appear-
ances as well? Why tarry in the slough
of an occasional degrading fact? The
futurist, riding his mechanical truth,
has failed to grasp the cow's real aesthe-
tic intention and the redemptive lines
of her beauty. In clothing one of our
dear old racial possessions in the odious
garment of his special idea, he has out-
raged and betrayed us.
rv
None of the Special Interests can
rightly be called predatory until it allies
itself with government. Here is the real
stigma attached to sugar, oil, and other
odious specials which have brought the
so-called 'Interests' into bad repute.
But of late Philanthropy has been
despoiling the interests of their most
facile weapon, taxation. St. Francis no
longer takes the open road bent upon
errands of mercy. He light-heartedly
boards a tram for the Halls of Legisla-
tion. That is the simplest way 'to fix
the matter up.' Instead of helping our
neighbor in the old-fashioned way,
modern philanthropy is more construc-
tive. It is teaching him to go to the
public treasury and help himself.
Mind you, there is nothing indeco-
rous about these newer interests, —
none of the rough scrambling for con-
cessions as among the old money barons
under the robust regime of plutocracy.
All is courteous and generous-minded.
The advocates of the six-hour day for
workingmen graciously wave forward
the advocates of the eight-hour day
with, 'After you. There is enough to go
round and plenty for everybody.'
Any theory is harmless so long as it
good-naturedly submits, to the law of
814
BROWNING AND THE SPECIAL INTERESTS
the survival of the fittest. That is the
real gospel of Democracy. Everybody
given a chance, and everybody a good
listener. Since religion accepted these
terms, it has been getting along ami-
cably with its neighbors. We have
abolished the rack, and instituted the
religious quarterly and Parliaments of
Religion. Conflicting theories can fight
the matter out in debate till every-
body is convinced or bored and no par-
ticular harm is done. It is the subsidized
theory which is dangerous. If, for ex-
ample, Comparative Religion were to
add to its arrogant demeanor the an-
cient weapon of the law, we should
think it highly predatory. Fortunate-
ly Schwartzenburg has not gone into
politics.
We must treat some of the preten-
tious chivalry of the Special Interests
with restrained admiration. There is a
skeleton in their closet. Brotherly love,
on which the Public-Service sciences
are builded, presupposes sacrifice. But
'love, justice, self-sacrifice/ as Nietz-
sche points out, * are generally praised
by the wrong people. You talk of self-
sacrifice,' he exclaims to his contempo-
raries, * but you have nothing to sacri-
fice. You are weak persons who desire
that others should sacrifice themselves
to you.'
Heretofore the Millennium has been
deemed a spiritual task. It involved a
cross. Religion has, in the past, bred
men and women extravagantly willing
to pay for their unselfish dream out of
their own earnings. Martyr's blood has
enriched the programme of the saints.
But the Millennium is now in the hands
of less robust teachers. It is no longer
the gospel of sacrifice, but a dexterous
triumph of legislation.
There is many a facile programme
for bringing in the kingdom of happi-
ness here on earth. We are persuaded
that if only we can get more — more
health, more money for our labor, more
comforts and play — we shall have
solved our problems and supplied our
moral deficiencies. But, despite our
restless efforts for the common good,
we are not made brothers. The dis-
integrating forces of envy and suspi-
cion are tearing at the heart of life.
The special interests of the * have-nots '
do battle with the special interests of
the 'haves,' and while both are 'cajol-
ing and cudgeling the state ' into grant-
ing concessions, they cleave us further
asunder.
'The atmosphere of a common will'
can come not by the monopoly of any
special interest nor yet by magnani-
mous concessions to pity, but by the
regenerating power of a great idea.
Religion claims this power. But she
too, in the lean seasons of her loy-
alty, became a special interest. Then
Humanitarianism undertook the ne-
glected task. Because her chivalrous
intention led us to expect the best,
we will not accept from her a meagre
millennium of loaves and fishes for the
poor.
We have lately seen how, in England,
a new patriotism inspired by the war
has welded together the dissenting and
predatory groups into self-forgetful
servants of the state. Religion, if we
despair not of her, will yet again lift us
out of our separate interests and make
us partners in the tasks of life.
CHANGELING
I*
BY FANNIE STEARNS GIFFORD
I HAVE two horns upon my head.
They please me, being garlanded
With creepy pine, and berries red
From some old secret hawthorn tree.
I have two horns, and hoofs also:
Brown questing hoofs, that clip and go
Over the mountain, high and low,
From sky-crack to the droning sea.
My mother would have shame of me
If she could see — if she could see —
Those horns and hoofs that make too free
With what she bore and bred so straight.
She taught me to be still and good;
To walk demure as maidens should;
Wear dainty slippers, silken snood,
And not come loitering home too late.
But now I dance, I dance all night,
By faint starlight or fierce moonlight,
Over the mountain, till the white
Dumb dawn comes fingering, soothing me.
With whom I dance, with whom I sing,
My mother need not know this thing. —
In my green chamber slumbering
She finds me sweet and white, when she
Strokes down my curls. She does not know
Two horns beneath her fingers grow:
Rough horns : and I have hoofs also,
Not feet like pale flow'rs on the floor.
816
CHANGELING
Oh, if you met me on the hill,
Moon-maddened, dancing to my fill, —
Oh, Mother, could you love me still, —
This wild-heart Thing you never bore?
AN ESTIMATE OF GERMAN SCIENTIFIC CULTURE
BY JOHN TROWBRIDGE
GERMANY'S claim to preeminence in
culture is upheld by the largest body of
professors in the world, and there is a
tendency in America, a neutral country,
to accept it. But is Germany preemi-
nent in science?
In my discussion of this claim, I
shall concede that the Germans lead in
the subject of organic chemistry, which
demands patient industry and the assi-
duous collection of facts, and which has
not yet been absorbed by the subject
of electrodynamics, which is so rapidly
becoming all-embracing; I shall confine
my discussion to physical science, —
which treats of those fundamental sub-
jects, light, heat, electricity, and mag-
netism, — and to mathematics and
physical chemistry.
Physics may be called the subject of
energy, upon the ramifications of which
all life depends. Achievement in it
demands the highest powers of the
human mind — imagination, mathe-
matical knowledge, and the philosophi-
cal insight to plan crucial experiments.
It is my contention that the Anglo-
Saxons have shown these powers to the
greatest degree; that in the exhibition
of scientific culture England and France
lead Germany; and moreover, that un-
der the Empire, since the Franco-Prus-
sian war, Germany has fallen to the
third place in physics. The question
whether this deterioration has been
due to militarism and commercialism
I leave to the psychologists.
Let us consider the history of phys-
ical science. The subject did not exist
until, in the thirteenth century, Roger
Bacon advocated the necessity of ex-
perimental science and wrote his Opus
Majus, which is full of philosophical
and scientific insight. Bacon also out-
lined the principle of the telescope.
Four hundred years later, Francis Ba-
con, enlarging upon the work of his
predecessor and namesake, established
the doctrine of inductive reasoning
pursued to-day in all laboratories.
Sir Isaac Newton, taking Kepler's
carefully ascertained principles con-
cerning planetary motions, established
the law of gravitation. In doing so, he
manifested the peculiar strength of the
British mind in scientific generaliza-
tion. It is probable that no man ever
combined the demonstrative and in-
ductive faculties in such a high degree
as Newton. The Germans claim that
Leibnitz anticipated Newton in the
great mathematical discovery of dif-
ferential and integral calculus; a study
of the minds of the two men, however,
AN ESTIMATE OF GERMAN SCIENTIFIC CULTURE 817
brings out forcibly the preeminence of
the Englishman's culture.
While Huygens of Holland, as well
as Newton, contributed greatly to our
knowledge of optics, it may be said that
the undulatory theory was established
by Thomas Young. Young's reasoning
upon the phenomena of interference of
light was one of the greatest contribu-
tions ever made to science; the inter-
ference of waves of light has long since
been recognized as an incontrovertible
fact.
It was Count Rumford, an Anglo-
American, who measured the heat de-
veloped in boring a cannon, compared
it with the amount of work done, and
thereby proved that heat has its exact
equivalent in motion. Here was ex-
hibited the Anglo-Saxon power of trying
crucial experiments. Rumford's philo-
sophical views were tersely expressed
in the words, * I hope to live to see the
day when phlogiston and caloric will be
buried in the same grave.' Phlogiston
was the supposed agent in supporting
fire, and caloric was the essence of heat.
Priestly, who proved that combustion
was supported by oxygen, contributed
with Rumford to make the burial a fact.
The labors of these two men, together
with the contributions of Lavoisier,
Regnault, and a great number of other
distinguished Frenchmen, laid the
foundations of chemistry in the subject
of energy. Hydrogen was discovered
by Cavendish in England, which thus
gave to the world the knowledge of both
oxygen and hydrogen.
In the field of electricity, too, Caven-
dish was a leader, being the forerunner
of Faraday in researches concerning
the behavior of electricity toward in-
sulators, or in other words concerning
its specific capacity; these researches
were of great importance to ocean tele-
graphy. He also anticipated Ohm in
the fundamental law which connects
the strength of an electrical current
VOL. 114- NO. 6
with electromotive force and the resist-
ance of the circuit. Sir Humphry Davy
contributed, besides the discovery of
chlorine, that of the effect of strong elec-
tric currents in decomposing earths and
alkalis, — a discovery which has led to
the establishment of great metallurgi-
cal works in Germany and also in Amer-
ica, notably the great plant at Niagara
Falls.
Michael Faraday proved the fun-
damental law that the amount of de-
composition of fluids is proportioned
to the amount of electricity employed.
He was also the father of all the great
practical employments of electricity;
his experiments and reasoning led to
the invention of the dynamo, the tele-
phone, and the apparatus employed in
wireless telegraphy. We can imagine
with what elation of spirit he wrote to
a friend, during his experiments on in-
duction, saying'that he had caught hold
of a fish which might prove a large
one! Faraday's reasoning was said
by Maxwell, the author of the greatest
physical hypothesis since the time of
the Franco-Prussian War, to be essen-
tially mathematical.
De Candolle, a distinguished Swiss
scientist, gives in an interesting book
entitled Histoire des Sciences et des Sa-
vants pendant deux Siecles some sugges-
tive statistics with regard to the foreign
membership in the French Academy
from its inception in 1666 to 1883. De
Candolle's list offers an interesting ba-
sis for a comparison of English and
German scientific culture. In phys-
ics, mathematics, and chemistry I find
the following Englishmen: Cavendish,
Watt (the inventor of the steam-en-
gine) , Davy, Young, Faraday, Brewster
(distinguished in optics), Wheatstone
(a pioneer in telegraphy), Lord Kelvin,
Franklin, Rumford, and Newton. These
men were the movers of the world. The
Germans in the same subjects were
Leibnitz, Gauss, Olbers, Dirichlet, and
818 AN ESTIMATE OF GERMAN SCIENTIFIC CULTURE
Bunsen, the latter being, with Kirch-
hoff, the discoverer of spectrum analy-
sis. (Helmholtz, who is not in De Can-
dolte's list, was probably elected later.
It is interesting, by the way, to note
that Helmholtz 's mother was partly
Anglo-Saxon; she was a lineal descend-
ant of William Penn, the Quaker.)
There are in De Candolle's list eleven
Englishmen and seven Germans.
It is worth remarking as well that the
rise of scientific culture in England
came largely at the time when peace
and liberty prevailed over the pursuit
of war. That this culture cannot flour-
ish to the highest degree in a country
given over to militarism is an incon-
testable fact. De Candolle remarks, in
his book above mentioned, that science
was at a low ebb in England and Scot-
land during the period of unrest, of dis-
sensions, and of wars in the eighteenth
century. His words are especially in-
teresting as he continues : * Later, after
fifty or sixty years of completely estab-
lished security, the torch of science
burst into fresh flame in the hands
of Hunter, Priestly, and Hutton, and
eventually when the social order was
still more solidly organized, the world
beheld the great epoch of Anglo-Scot-
tish science represented at the close of
the eighteenth and the beginning of the
nineteenth centuries by Cavendish,
Davy, Wollaston, Brewster, Herschell,
Robert Brown, Dalton, Faraday, Mur-
chison, and the rest.'
The comparative peace which pre-
vailed in Europe between 1840 and
1870 had probably much to do with
Germany's scientific advance during
that period. She went far ahead of all
other nations in building and equipping
laboratories. She developed by patient
routine work the general subject of phy-
sics. Yet although there was a marked
increase during this period in the num-
ber of Germans admitted to the French
Academy, her work in general failed to
show those qualities which I have as-
cribed to the British. It is a fact that
the great physical hypotheses have been
Anglo-Saxon in origin. And culture is
noticeably lacking in German scientific
literature. For clearness of expression
and style we must go to the French.
Since Sedan, Germany has fallen into
third place in the subjects I have men-
tioned; England and France have led
her. It is significant that with the
growth of militarism Germany's un-
doubted genius for science has been
repressed. Meanwhile England has
supplied her with mental food by Max-
well's electrodynamic theory of light,
which postulates that light and heat
are electrical phenomena, and that elec-
tric waves differ from light waves only
in length, — a theory which makes
electricity the most important physical
agent in the world. Then, too, England
and France together have laid the
foundations of the new great subject of
radioactivity, which is based upon the
action of the electron. The electron,
the smallest particle known to science,
being one thousandth the size of the
hydrogen atom, was discovered and
measured in England. Its discovery
was not accidental, but was due to the
methodical application of the mathe-
matical work of Stokes in regard to
the internal friction of gases, or what
is termed viscosity.
It is true that the discovery of the
X-rays in Germany — a fortunate acci-
dent, by the way — enabled the Eng-
lish to make the crucial experiment
which measured the electron; but the
phenomenon of the X-rays remained
an isolated one until the English ap-
plied it to the theory of radioactivity.
This theory is at present the leading
one in physical science, and England
may be said to have made it her own.
It received its name from the discov-
ery of radium by Professor Curie and
Madame Curie, in Paris. The centre of
AN ESTIMATE OF GERMAN SCIENTIFIC CULTURE 819
investigation in this subject is now
Cambridge, England, and American
students flock there in preference to
going to Germany.
The epoch-making isolation of the
electron is profoundly modifying our
views of the constitution of matter. At
present English thought is grappling
with the idea of intricate motions even
within the atom. Think of the concep-
tion of what may be called planetary
motions in a particle so minute that it
is forever invisible to human eyes! The
world has never seen such an exhibi-
tion of scientific imagination. Long
before the discovery of the electron
an English poet wrote these lines in
Locksley Hall Sixty Years After: —
Sees the shadow of Himself, the boundless, thro'
the human soul;
Boundless inward, in the atom, boundless out-
ward, in the Whole.
Tennyson's parallel is apt; in their spec-
ulation upon motions within the atom,
English scientists have pushed into a
region apparently as impenetrable as
the space beyond the fixed stars.
Germany is strongest in chemical sci-
ence. But what achievement in chem-
ical science in Germany equals Lord
Rayleigh's contribution of argon, which
led to the discovery of neon and cryp-
ton and other gases by Ramsay; or can
compare with Ramsay's discovery of
the change of radium into helium, — a
fact which profoundly modifies our
views of the constitution of matter?
There is always a chance for parti-
sans in science to argue that So-and-so,
when he made his great discovery, was
merely acting on a previous worker's
suggestion. I suppose that if Demo-
critus and Lucretius should come back
to earth to-day, national pride would
lead them to claim the origin of both the
molecular hypothesis and the electron
theory. Germany can reasonably claim
that Hittorf anticipated the English-
man Crookes in his discovery of the
cathode rays. Hertz may be said to
have led the way to wireless telegraphy.
But the facts serve to show that Hertz
was working on Maxwell's electrody-
namic theory of electric waves; that
Marconi had probably not read Hertz's
work before he made his great inven-
tion; and that the discovery was made
possible by Branly, a Frenchman, who
discovered the first receiver of electric
«
waves, the so-called coherer, — a col-
lection of magnetic particles in a tube
which becomes an electrical conductor
under the influence of these waves.
And American experimenters have now
contributed still more sensitive receiv-
ers. Altogether the German share in
the work is not so very great after
all.
Those Americans who are loudest in
their praise of German culture often
argue from an imperfect knowledge of
the history of science. How many
Americans realize the importance of
the work of their own countrymen?
Josiah Willard Gibbs of Yale Univer-
sity gave German chemists a physical
foundation for their facts. Langley's
work in aerodynamics led to the inven-
tion of the aeroplane. Michelson and
Rowland have made the greatest ad-
vances in the subject of optics since
the Franco-Prussian War. The Anglo-
Saxons invented the telephone, which
has profoundly modified and enlarged
our views of electrical induction, and
has made possible wireless telegraphy.
America has lighted the world. It is
only too easy for Americans to over-
look these facts; and it is equally cer-
tain that we are too likely to under-
estimate England's achievements in
science.
In scientific culture, exemplified by
the use of imagination, by mathemati-
cal knowledge, and by philosophical
insight leading to the performance
of crucial experiments, Great Britain
stands first.
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
BY G. LOWES DICKINSON
To put myself right with the reader
at the outset, I begin by stating that
this is not a 'stop the war* paper. Be-
ing in this war, I think, as all English-
men think, that we must go on fighting
until we can emerge from it with our
territory and security intact, and with
the future peace of Europe assured, so
far as human wisdom can assure it.
Nor do I here discuss the question
whether or not it was necessary for us
to enter into the war. Nor whether the
direct and immediate responsibility for
it rests mainly with Austria, Germany,
or Russia. My point is a different one.
I believe that this war, like all wars for
many centuries in Europe, was brought
about by governments, without the
connivance and against the desires and
the interests of peoples; that it is a
calamity to civilization unequaled, un-
exampled, perhaps irremediable; and
that the only good that can come out
of it is a clearer comprehension by ordi-
nary men and women of how wars are
brought about, and a determination
on their part to put a stop to them.
If any one, having read so far, is clear
that he has no interest in this point of
view, or that he is hostile to it, I hope
that he will throw the article aside.
For it is not an exercise in dialectics or
a theme for exasperated argument. It
is an act performed in what I believe to
be the interest of civilization; and it is
meant to bear fruit. I am suggesting a
way in which Europe may be saved in
the future from such wars as that in
820 l Copyright, 1914, by the
which we are involved. It is a way not
for England alone, but for all coun-
tries, and it is possible only if all coun-
tries accept it. But for the moment it is
only Englishmen and Americans whom
I can address. I address them, to the
best of my ability, without prejudice,
without sophistry, without rhetoric.
My intention is not to carry away,
but to convince; and I ask the reader
only to give me a hearing and to judge
for himself. For on that individual
judgment of his, on its clearness, its
tenacity, its conviction, will depend his
contribution to the future of civiliza-
tion. Public opinion has weight only
in proportion to the number of con-
vinced individuals who compose it.
And public opinion alone can save
what is to be saved of Europe, when
this cataclysm has passed by.
The position 1 intend to put forward
and defend is this : War is made — this
war has been made — not by any
necessity of nature, any law beyond
human control, any fate to which men
must passively bow; it is made be-
cause certain men who have immediate
power over other men are possessed by
a certain theory. Sometimes they are
fully conscious of this theory. More
often, perhaps, it works in them uncon-
sciously. But it is there, the dominat-
ing influence in international politics.
I shall call it the governmental theory,
because it is among governing persons
— emperors, kings, ministers, and
their diplomatic and military advisers
— that its influence is most conspicu-
ous and most disastrous. But it is sup-
Atlantic Monthly Company,
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
821
ported also by historians, journalists,
and publicists, and it is only too read-
ily adopted by the ordinary man, when
he turns from the real things he knows
and habitually handles to consider the
unknown field of foreign affairs.
Very briefly, and, therefore, crudely
expressed, the theory is this: 'The
world is divided, politically, into
states. These states are a kind of ab-
stract beings, distinct from the men,
women, and children who inhabit them.
They are in perpetual and inevitable
antagonism to one another; and though
they may group themselves in alli-
ances, that can be only for temporary
purposes to meet some other alliance or
single power. For states are bound by
a moral or physical obligation to ex-
pand indefinitely, each at the cost of the
others. They are natural enemies, they
always have been so, and they always
will b§; and force is the only arbiter
between them. That being so, war is
an eternal necessity. As a necessity, it
should be accepted, if not welcomed,
by all sound-thinking and right-feeling
men. Pacifists are men at once weak
and dangerous. They deny a fact as
fundamental as any of the facts of the
natural world. And their influence, if
they have any, can only be disastrous
to their state in its ceaseless and inevi-
table contest with other states/
Stated thus briefly, and in its most
uncompromising terms, this is what I
have called the governmental theory.
I propose to criticize it in detail. But
before doing so, I will ask the reader to
compare with it the ordinary attitude
of the plain men and women who in-
habit these states, and who have to
bear the burden of the wars in which
the theory involves them. These ordi-
nary people, in the course of their daily
lives, do not think at all in terms of the
state. They think about the people
they come in contact with, about their
business, their friends, and their fami-
lies. When they come across foreigners,
as many of them do, in business or in
travel, they may like or dislike them,
but they do not regard them as pre-
destined enemies. On the contrary, if
they are intelligent, they know them-
selves to be cooperating with them in
innumerable complicated ways, imply-
ing mutual advantage. Differences of
language and of social habit make it
easier for most people to associate with
their fellow countrymen than with for-
eigners. But that is all. There are, of
course, among these men and women,
real enmities and spontaneous quarrels.
But these do not occur because men
belong to different states. They occur
because they really have injured one
another, or hate one another; and they
occur, naturally, for the most part, be-
tween men of the same state, because
it is these who most often come into
direct contact with one another. It is
not, therefore, these enmities of ordi-
nary men that give rise to wars.
Wars are made by governments, act-
ing under the influence of the govern-
mental theory. And of this fact — for
a fact it is among civilized Western
peoples in modern times — no better
example could be given than the pres-
ent war. Before it broke out nobody
outside governmental and journalistic
circles was expecting it. Nobody de-
sired it. And though, now that it is
being waged, all the nations concerned
are passionately interested in it, and
all believe themselves to be fighting in
a righteous cause, yet no ordinary citi-
zen, in the days preceding its outbreak,
would have maintained that there was
any good reason for war, and few even
knew what the reasons alleged were
or might be. Even now the different
nations have quite opposite views as
to which government was responsible.
We believe it was the German govern-
ment; and with equal conviction Ger-
mans believe it was the British. But
822
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
nobody believes that it was the mass of
the people in any nation. The millions
who are carrying on the war, at the
cost of incalculable suffering, would
never have made it if the decision had
rested with them. That is the one in-
disputable fact. How can such a fact
occur? How is it possible for govern-
ments to drag into war peoples who did
not desire war and who have no quar-
rel with one another?
The immediate answer is simple
enough. In no country is there any
effective control by the people over
foreign policy. That is clear in the
case of the great military empires. But
it is true also of France and of Eng-
land, where, in other respects, govern-
ment is more or less under popular con-
trol. The country has no real choice,
for it gets its information only after the
decisive action has been taken. That
is an important truth which ought to
lead to important changes in our meth-
ods of conducting foreign affairs. But
it is only part of the truth. For we have
now to notice this further fact, that in
all countries, in Germany no less than
in England and France, no sooner is
the war declared than it is supported
by the whole nation. The voice of criti-
cism is silenced, and every one, what-
ever his opinion about the origin of the
war, gives his help to see it through.
Why is that? The reason is obvious.
As soon as war is made, the people of
one country, conscious, just before, of
no cause of enmity, do really become
enemies of the people of another coun-
try; for armed populations are march-
ing on armed populations to massacre
them. Everybody, therefore, is bound
to fight in self-defense. It is too late to
ask whether there was any real cause
of quarrel; for, quarrel or no, there is
real and imminent danger. To meet that
danger becomes, therefore, the imme-
diate necessity which overbears every
other consideration. And that is the
deepest reason why wars made by gov-
ernments without, and even against,
the will of peoples, will always be sup-
ported by peoples.
But though that is the most power-
ful reason, it is not the only one. There
is a further fact. The ordinary man,
though he does not live under the ob-
session of the governmental theory, is
not protected against it by any know-
ledge or reflection. As far as he is con-
cerned, he knows no reason for war,
and, left to himself, would never make
it. But he has a blank mind open to
suggestion; and he has passions and
instincts which it is easy to enlist on
the side of the governmental theory.
He has been busy all his life; and he
has no education, or one that is worse
than none, about those issues which, in
a crisis like that which has come upon
us, suddenly reveal themselves as the
issues of life and death. History, no
doubt, should have informed him. But
history, for the most part, is written
without intelligence or conviction. It
is mere narrative, devoid of instruc-
tion, and seasoned, if at all, by some
trivial, habitual, and second-hand pre-
judice of the author. History has never
been understood, though it has often
been misunderstood. To understand
it is perhaps beyond the power of the
human intellect. But the attempt even
has hardly begun to be made.
Deprived, then, of this source of en-
lightenment, the ordinary man falls
back upon the press. But the press is
either an agent of the very govern-
ments it should exist to criticize (it is
so notoriously and admittedly on the
Continent, and, to an extent which we
cannot measure, also in England), or
else it is (with a few honorable excep-
tions) an instrument to make money
for certain individuals or syndicates.
But the easiest way for the press to
make money is to appeal to the most
facile emotions and the most super-
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
823
ficial ideas of the reader; and these can
easily be made to respond to the sug-
gestion that this or that foreign state is
our natural and inevitable enemy. The
strong instincts of pugnacity and self-
approbation, the nobler sentiment of
patriotism, a vague and unanalyzed
impression of the course of history,
these and other factors combine to
produce this result. And the irony is
that they may be directed indifferently
against any state. In England, for in-
stance, a hundred years ago, it was
France against whom they were mar-
shaled; sixty years ago it was Russia;
thirty years ago it was France again;
now it is Germany; presently, if gov-
ernments have their way, it will be
Russia again.
The foreign offices and the press
do with nations what they like. And
they will continue to do so until or-
dinary people acquire right ideas and
a machinery to make them effective.
To contribute to that result is the ob-
ject of this article. I propose to show,
first, that the governmental theory is
false; secondly, that a settlement of
Europe is desirable and possible which
will make that theory impotent in the
future. I now proceed to the first of
these points.
ii
The governmental theory holds that
states are the great realities, and that
they are natural enemies. My reply is
that states are unreal abstractions;
that the reality is the men and women
and children who are the members of
the states; and that as soon as you
substitute real people for the abstract
idea that symbolizes them you find
that they have no cause of quarrel, no
interests or desires of a kind to jus-
tify or necessitate aggressive war. And,
if there were no aggressive war, there
could, of course, be no cause for defen-
sive war. I shall try to show this in
detail, taking as my illustrations the
principal points which are said to un-
derlie and justify the present war.
I will begin with an example suffi-
ciently removed from immediate Eng-
lish and American concern for us to be
able to examine it without prejudice.
Let us take the relations of the Ger-
man and Russian governments and
the German and Russian peoples in
the present war. The official case of the
German government, as laid before
the Reichstag, puts it that they were
driven into this war by Russian aggres-
sion. Russia was preparing to attack
them; so, in self-defense, they were
obliged to attack Russia. On the other
hand, the official case of the Russian
government states that Austria-Hun-
gary, supported by Germany, was pre-
paring to attack Russia, and that
Russia was acting in self-defense.
Whichever of these views may be the
true one, it is certain that it was ag-
gression, or fear of aggression, by Rus-
sia, or by the German powers, that
brought on the war.
Now, to the governmental mind, this
appears as an inevitable conflict. It is
labeled 'the conflict of Slav and Teu-
ton,' and is the theme of many learn-
ed lucubrations. But why should there
be a conflict of Slav and Teuton?
And what is there inevitable about
it? If all that is meant be that, as
a matter of fact, the Russian gov-
ernment was intending to attack the
German government, or the German
government to attack the Russian,
that is merely to accept my contention
that governments make war without
rhyme or reason. But what is meant is,
of course, something more than this.
It is meant that there are certain vital
interests of the peoples of Germany
and of Russia which governments un-
derstand but peoples do not, and for
which it is worth while to go to war.
What can these be?
824
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
Let me quote from an author who
has acquired of late a deserved and
sinister reputation, and who is a master
of the theory and practice of the gov-
ernmental mind. 'The requirements
of the mighty Empire,' so General
Bernhardi writes of Russia, * irresist-
ibly compel an expansion toward the
sea, whether in the Far East, where
it hopes to gain ice-free harbors, or in
the direction of the Mediterranean,
where the Crescent still glitters on the
dome of St. Sophia. After a successful
war, Russia would hardly hesitate to
seize the mouth of the Vistula, at the
possession of which she has long aimed,
and thus to strengthen appreciably her
position in the Baltic. Supremacy in
the Balkan Peninsula, free entrance
into the Mediterranean, and a strong
position on the Baltic, are the goals to
which the European policy of Russia
has long been directed. She feels her-
self also the leading power of the Sla-
vonic races, and has for many years
been busy in encouraging and extend-
ing the spread of this element into
Central Europe.'
Let us take it from General Bern-
hardi — I think we may safely do so —
that these really are the purposes of
the Russian government. Those which
concern the Far East let us leave aside,
for they bring Russia into conflict with
the English, the Chinese, and the Jap-
anese, rather than with Germany. Let
us take the points that immediately
concern Germany. Russia, we are
told, wants to acquire the mouth of
the Vistula. I have no doubt she does.
She has, I am told on good authority,
actually published in her official organ
her intention to take the whole shore
of the Baltic up to and including the
Kiel Canal, if, by the help of French
and English arms, she is victorious in
this war. It is that danger that Ger-
many fears, and, so far as Russia is
concerned, I believe Germany to be on
the defensive. Let us admit, then, that
this is the aim of the Russian govern-
ment, entangled in the traditional
idea that the Russian state is a being
demanding expansion of territory.
Now let us turn to look at the Rus-
sian people. The immense mass of
these are peasants living in villages, as
they have lived from time immemorial.
They have one interest, and one only,
the land. To own sufficient land, to
live on it in comfort, to work on it free
from interruption and free from extor-
tion, to continue in their traditional
routine, that and that only is what
they want. They probably do not know,
most of them, what and where the
Baltic is. They have probably, most of
them, never met a German. If they
did meet one, they would probably feel
the antagonism all ignorant and inex-
perienced men feel for strangers who
cannot speak their language. But what
interest have these peasants in the ac-
quisition of the coast of the Baltic?
How would they be better off? Do
they want to colonize it? Not at all.
The region of colonization for Russia is
the vast, almost uninhabited territory
of the East.
No Russian peasant would be the
happier, the richer, the better, if the
Russian government fulfilled its am-
bition on the Baltic. Yet, that it may
fulfill that ambition, they have been
torn from their homes by millions,
leaving the harvest unreaped, leaving
their accustomed work on the soil of
their fathers, leaving weeping wives
and starving children, to kill and to be
killed by men of whom they have never
heard, and in whom they have no in-
terest either to hate or to love them,
men living in countries of which they
know and care nothing, men who on
their part have no quarrel with them
and no wish to attack them. And all
this they are to do, and are doing, be-
cause a few men of the military and
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
825
diplomatic caste have a theory about
states, their interests and destinies.
But the peasants are ignorant men!
True, they are almost the whole of the
population of Russia. True, they com-
pose almost the whole of the army.
True, upon them falls almost the whole
of the loss and the suffering. But they
are ignorant men ! They do not count !
Let us turn, then, to the intellectual
class. What about these brilliant men
and women, known to us through a
literature unequaled in the annals of
mankind for its poignancy, its subtlety,
its breadth, its profundity? What
about the intellectuals? Is it the Baltic
they are thinking of? Is it the Balkan
Peninsula? No! Since there has been
in Russia a class of thinkers and of
writers, that class has given all its en-
ergy to destroy the power and discredit
the ideas of the Russian government.
Persecuted with a horror of persecution
of which we can form but the palest
image (for such experiences lie outside
our ken), exiled, imprisoned, tortured,
by hundreds and by thousands, they
have never ceased to protest, in season
and out of season, against the whole
conception of the state which animates
the soulless bureaucracy of Russia.
Shall I be told that, in spite of all
this, the Russian people have an inter-
est in the acquisition by the Russian
government of the coast of the Baltic,
because they will then be in a position
to send ships of war safely and easily
into the North Sea? Yes, indeed! If
somewhere in the North Sea, or be-
yond, there are ships of war bent on
destroying Russian ships and Russian
trade. But why should there be, except
because some other government, pos-
sessed by the same illusion of power,
wants to expand at the cost of Russia?
And we have only to begin our argu-
ment over again against that govern-
ment and its aims and ideas. It is,
indeed, the very irony of the whole
situation, that every government will
protest that it is innocent, it is harm-
less, it has no ambitions contrary to the
interest of any other state; but that
these other states have ambitions con-
trary to its own. Every government,
we are told, is on its defense — against
another government on its defense!
Was ever folly so disastrous? Or else
hypocrisy so base?
What has been said of the Baltic
applies equally to the Balkans, the
other cause of the war between Russia
and the German powers. Here both
Austria and Russia wish to predomi-
nate. That was the immediate cause
of this war. And here, too, so far as
mere power and expansion is concerned,
no plain man or woman in either coun-
try will be the better for success in such
a cause, or the worse for defeat. But
here there comes in another factor,
deeper and more capable of making a
genuine appeal to real people. The
Balkan States have been for centuries
an example, the most salient and the
most terrible, of the results of that pol-
icy of expansion and conquest which
dominates the governmental mind.
The Turks have maintained for cen-
turies in those unhappy lands the rule
of Hell. No law has been known but
the law of force. And the peoples sub-
jected to that law have accepted it as
their own. The expulsion of the Turks
has meant only the application of the
methods of the Turks by each nation-
ality to every other. But now among
the inhabitants of these states are a
number of Serbs, and Serbs are Slavs,
racially akin to the Russians ; and some
of these Serbs, those included in Bosnia
and Herzegovina, have been brought
by force, in the usual way and on the
usual principle, into the Austrian Em-
pire. The Russian government desires
to bring these Serbs into its own sys-
tem. And that desire brings it into
conflict with the Austrian government.
826
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
Now, in this conflict, no doubt, both
governments are moved only by the
ordinary superstition of the govern-
mental mind. But it is possible that,
in issues like this, the people of a coun-
try may be inspired by a genuine inter-
est of an ideal kind. The Austrian peo-
ple, of course, cannot feel this, for
there are not, in the Balkan States, any
Germans or Hungarians oppressed by
other powers. But some Russians, of
those who are educated, intelligent,
and sympathetic, may feel inclined to
support their government in a policy
which can be represented as aiming at
the deliverance of people of a kindred
race from the oppression of an alien
government. That such an appeal
may be genuinely felt and genuinely
responded to, those of my readers will
understand who remember on what
grounds England was invited to inter-
vene by force in South Africa, and the
response, not all unreal and hypocrit-
ical, which that appeal evoked among
the English. Some Russians, therefore,
outside of governmental circles, may
think, and think sincerely, that an in-
terest of an ideal kind requires them to
go to war with Austria to help Servia.
But now, mark! This situation has
arisen because Austria has incorpor-
ated against their will some of these
Serbs in her Empire, and desires to in-
corporate the rest. And, further, be-
cause the Russian government is not
aiming merely at the deliverance of the
Serbs, but at their incorporation in her
own system. That races with a natural
homogeneity, races desirous of govern-
ing themselves, should be allowed to do
so without interference, is a real inter-
est of peoples, and one which the new
statecraft of Europe must recognize.
But that principle, honestly applied in
the Balkans, could never lead to war
between Austria and Russia. For the
true solution, on that principle, would
be a referendum to the Slav peoples
included in the Austrian Empire on the
point whether they wish to remain
under Austria or to join Servia, or to
come as a separate unit into a Balkan
federation. And nothing prevents this
solution, except the fact that govern-
ments are possessed by false ideas and
bad ambitions. Thus we are confront-
ed once more] by the conception of
the abstract state over-riding the true
aims, interests and ideals of peoples.
That, and that only, has caused this
war. That, and that only, will cause
future wars.
There remains the point of the pos-
session of Constantinople. Russia is
supposed to aim at this, and for many
years British policy aimed at thwart-
ing her. But why did, or does, Russia
want Constantinople? And what in-
terest has England in the matter? So
far as I have ever been able to learn, the
interest here is purely a war interest.
Russia wants to be able to send war-
ships through the Dardanelles. Eng-
land, and some other powers, object,
for fear her ships should threaten their
possessions. It is the old obsession
again, that states are natural enemies.
For all purposes of trade, for all peace
purposes, the Dardanelles are open, and
it is the interest of all nations alike
that they should remain so. But no
real interest of any people would be
served by the possession of Constanti-
nople, once the supposed war interest
is set aside. At every point we meet
the same illusion. Everywhere and al-
ways, fear in every state of aggression
on the part of every other. And never
any reason for the aggression feared
that can be stated in terms of the trtie
values of human life.
in
Let us turn now from the situation
between the German powers and Rus-
sia to the situation between Germany
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
827
and France. Behind this is a long his-
tory, and it is, as always, a history of
the aggression of the state. The per-
petual and futile wars, so disastrous
to France, which occupied the reign of
Louis XIV, were wars to secure for the
French state the hegemony of Europe.
They had no reference to any real inter-
ests of the French people; and they left
that people, after years of unsuccess-
ful struggle, decimated and exhausted.
The enterprise was taken up again by
Napoleon. It failed again; but if it had
succeeded, no advantage would have
accrued to the French people. They
would have been neither wealthier,
healthier, nor happier; and no one
can say they would have been better,
except those who hold — as General
Bernhardi and his followers hold, but
as, I hope, no Englishman or American
holds - - that the arrogant temper of a
dominant race is a good thing in itself,
and worth wasting, to secure it, the
lives, the fortunes, and the happiness
of millions.
The years went on, and during the
period from 1859 to 1866 the first great
steps were made toward German un-
ion. The German state had come into
being; and instantly the French state
took the alarm. To the governmental
mind, on either side of the frontier, the
greatness and prosperity of the one
people involved the ruin of the other.
War became what is called inevitable;
and both governments manoeuvred for
it. It duly came; the French were
crushed; Alsace and Lorraine were
taken from them; and there began
another period of preparation for an-
other war.
During that period new ideas pene-
trated the French people. They be-
came more and more what is contemp-
tuously called * pacifist'; that is to say,
they began consciously to care for the
real interests of civilization, for social
justice, for science, for art, and for a
religion that should worship some other
god than the God of War. Similar in-
fluences and tendencies became pre-
dominant in all other countries, and
especially among the great mass of the
German people, represented by the
Social Democrats. But the philosophy
of the state remained unchanged. The
idea of dominating Europe obsessed
the governing caste in Germany. The
French, in fear, only too well justified,
of what might happen, made alliance
with a power as military as Germany,
and as alien to all the purposes for
which France has fought through a
century of revolutions. This unnatural
alliance is the main root of the tragedy
in which the British are involved. For
it was that which brought France into
the war, and that which brought in
England. But, observe, what was
really responsible for all this was the
obsession of the governmental mind.
That the German state, being great,
must become greater at the cost of the
French state; that the French state,
having been weakened, must strength-
en itself again at the cost of the Ger-
man state; these are the presupposi-
tions of the conflict. And so long as
those presuppositions are held by the
few men who have power to determine
policy, so long they are and will be a
menace to peace and a menace to civil-
ization. But, once more, they have
nothing to do with the real interests,
desires or convictions of the millions of
Germans and the millions of French-
men.
Ask any of these men who, without a
word of warning, have been torn sud-
denly from their homes, their occupa-
tions, their friends and wives and chil-
dren, whether they would choose, if the
decision rested with them, to sacrifice
all that they hold dear and to destroy,
so far as in them lies, all that is held
dear by all the people of a neighboring
nation, in order to aggrandize the
828
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
French or the German state — ask
them this, and what answer would you
get? But it is not so that the matter
is presented them. * March,' they are
told, 'in defense of your homes and
your dear ones/ What! And those
against whom they are to march are
marching also to defend theirs! What
ghastly irony is this ! What net, woven
not by Fate, but by human folly and
illusion ! And let us not idly think that
that folly and that illusion lies all at
the door of one government. It lies at
the door of every government, and of
every man who holds the governmental
theory and thinks with the govern-
mental mind.
IV
I pass, lastly, to the relation between
Germany and England. It is the same
story. Germany is great; the British
Empire is great; there is not room for
them both; and therefore one of them
must smash the other. That is the
main position; the rest is a question
of choosing the appropriate moment.
Such, for many years past, has been
the attitude of British and of German
Imperialists. I do not propose to at-
tempt the idle and hopeless task of
apportioning the blame between them.
That, if it can be done at all, will be
better done by one who does not be-
long to either nation. I will only reiter-
ate that no Englishman and no Ger-
man has any interest, material or
ideal, in the destruction of the empire
of the other.
Let me illustrate; and if, in so doing,
I take as my text the ambitions of the
German rather than of the British
government, that is not because I hold
the latter innocent. I believe it to be
true that, as Germans complain, at
every point the British have thrown
themselves across the German enter-
prises, under the influence of jealousy
and fear. But the ambition of the Brit-
ish being satiated by the acquisition in
the past of more territory than they
well know how to handle, they have
been acting on the defensive. It is from
German, not from British ambition
that the conflict has arisen; German
ambition, of course, being now pre-
cisely what British ambition has been
in the past. The German government,
then, is credited with the intention to
gain a colonial empire at our cost.
Why? Let us inquire. What interests
of German men and women are to be
served by this policy?
We are told by the advocates of a
colonial policy in Germany that Ger-
mans who emigrate settle in non-
German countries and are ' lost ' to the
German state. Well, what of it? What
does that matter to the Germans who
go abroad, and who find themselves so
much at home in the new country of
their choice that the second generation
of Germans in America are more Amer-
ican than the Americans, and the sec-
ond generation of Germans in England
more English than the English? And
what does it matter to the Germans
who remain at home? Are they less
happy, less prosperous, less cultured,
less good, less German? The question
answers itself. Or will it be said that
the Germans at home are poorer be-
cause other Germans go to America
instead of to German colonies?
I cannot here touch upon the eco-
nomic arguments which have been
so ably developed in recent years
by Mr. Norman Angell. If he and
his followers cannot convince the read-
er that, from an economic point of
view, the prosperity of one nation
implies and enhances that of another,
and that political power is a consid-
eration irrelevant to economic pow-
er, I cannot hope to convince him.
But I will put this point. It has been
held, apparently, by the German Jm-
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
829
perialists that it is worth while to go to
war with us in order to acquire colo-
nies. Have they ever tried to balance
the cost of war against the supposed
advantage to trade? Have they ever
tried to strike the economic balance?
Has the governmental mind anywhere
ever made such an attempt? And is
there the smallest presumption that, if
it were made, the balance would be in
favor of war?
That, however, after all, is but the
smallest point. What may be gained or
lost in war economically — and I be-
lieve that all competent judges would
agree that the loss must exceed the
gain — is but one and the least import-
ant consideration. To go to war to
gain wealth, even if you could gain it,
is like murdering a man to pick his
pockets. To the governmental mind,
with its cynicism, its blindness, its lack
of touch with realities, such a proce-
dure may seem right and normal. But
go to the plain man and woman, and
put it to them in time of peace: * Would
you think it right to sacrifice lives by
tens of thousands, and to leave to the
world a legacy of hate, so that you or
your descendants may gain wealth?'
and what answer will you get? Go to
them in time of war, say to the mother
weeping for her son, say to the wife
weeping for her husband, * We asked of
you this sacrifice that Englishmen or
Germans may have more money to
spend* — what answer will you get?
Yet that, and that only, is what you
can say, you who make war for the
sake of trade. Yes! and the same peo-
ple will be accusing pacifists of sordid
materialism! Reader, will you laugh or
will you weep?
There remains, however, another
possible plea for the seizure of colonies
by force. The possession, it may be
urged, of dominions beyond the seas,
inhabited by a population of a lower
stage of culture, gives to a people a
larger horizon, a nobler task, than can
be supplied by domestic activities.
And a strong and growing nation
should not consent to be deprived of
this outlet for its energies. That there
may be some truth in this view of co-
lonial dominions I am not concerned
to deny. The possession of their In-
dian dependencies by the British and
the Dutch has set those nations many
difficult problems which, after many
discreditable failures, they have par-
tially solved. Some fine men in both
countries have found in such work op-
portunity for their talents. But, speak-
ing as an Englishman, I have never
been able to see that the English na-
tional consciousness, the habitual state
of mind of the ordinary citizens, and
even of the ordinary politicians, is
affected, one way or the other, by the
possession of India. The nation lives,
and always has lived, in profound
ignorance of and indifference to the
problems of Indian government. They
rarely raise in Parliament even the
most perfunctory debate. To the mass
of the people they are utterly unknown
and utterly uninteresting. And, if we
lost India to-morrow, I do not believe
there would be any perceptible change,
after the first shock, in our national
consciousness.
Even, however, if the possession of
foreign dominions really made more
difference than I believe it does to
what may be called the spiritual life
of a nation, and even if that differ-
ence were all to the good, — an im-
mense assumption, — will it be main-
tained that it is justifiable for one
state to go to war with another in order
to deprive that state of this kind of
activity and appropriate it to itself?
The governmental mind, no doubt,
will answer this question in the affirma-
tive. But ask the individual German,
man or woman, those who carry on the
life of the country, who create its
£30
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
wealth and sustain its culture, ask
them, one by one, in their calm and
sane moments, what they think of
plunging Europe into war in order to
appropriate territory now British; and
what will these, the real people who
have to bear the brunt of war, reply?
The proposition is, in fact, to all plain
sense, to all simple human feeling,
preposterous. To none but the gov-
ernmental mind could it appear self-
evident.
But I shall be told, and this especi-
ally by Germans, — for there are some
absurdities the English do not allow
themselves, — that the * culture ' of a na-
tion depends upon its political power.
The larger the empire, the better its
science, its literature, its art, and, I
suppose it will be added, the purer its
religion. This is, in fact, the contention
of General Bernhardi in his notorious
book. Yet it is the plain fact that, alike
in religion, in literature, in art, in phil-
osophy, in everything except science,
whatever has done honor to the Ger-
man name was produced before there
was a Germany ; and that since 1870 the
prestige, the influence, and the value of
German culture have declined.
What German names stand so high
as those of Luther, Kant, Goethe,
Bach, Mozart, Beethoven? And was
Germany an empire when these men
lived and worked? General Bernhardi
quotes again and again in the course of
his book, and as though he were quot-
ing a supporter, the works of that
Goethe whom I, too, put among the
greatest of mankind. But what was
Goethe? A poet who passed all his long
life at a tiny German court, in a Ger-
many divided against itself; a poet so
notoriously indifferent to politics, to
nationality, to war, that German patri-
ots, from that time to this, have sought
excuses in vain for his attitude in the
war of liberation; a man who was so
good a European that he could not be
a good German, and who made no
attempt to conceal his admiration of
Napoleon, at the moment when all
Germany was prostrate at his feet.
This is the general's witness to the
truth that great literature is founded
on great political power! On the same
view, the literature, the philosophy,
the art of Rome must have been
greater than that of Greece! The idea
of the state must be hard put to it in-
deed if it is to such arguments that it
has recourse!
And when one turns to science the
argument is even more absurd. No na-
tion has done greater service to science
than the German. And the world of
science, which is cosmopolitan, not na-
tional, gladly and freely recognizes it.
But does any one who knows any-
thing of the conditions of scientific
work, suppose that that work would
not have been done by Germans un-
less there had been a German Empire?
To state the notion is to refute it. A
man of science may be a patriot, but
his patriotism has nothing to do with
his science. He goes to learn where he
can learn best, and to work where he
can work best; and the result of his
work is a treasure, not for his coun-
try alone but for mankind.
Nothing that is included under what
the Germans call * culture' is or can
be developed or enhanced by the pur-
suit of political dominion. Those in-
fluences spread by imitation and con-
tact, regardless of the country of their
origin or of its place in the system of
states. What German dramatist of
our time has, or deserves, a reputa-
tion equal to that of Ibsen, the citizen
of politically insignificant Norway?
What German critic can stand beside
the Dane Brandes? What German
saint of the last century ranks with
that Rabindranath Tagore whose coun-
try is subject to an alien domination?
Indeed, if religion be taken as the test,
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
831
it may be questioned whether between
that and empire there is not, in the
nature of things, a sheer antagonism.
Between Christianity and empire that
is so, beyond all question. General
Bernhardi purports to be a Christian.
I will not argue the point with him.
But if there should come that last reck-
oning in which he must be supposed
to believe, and if he, with the others
who have made this war, should stand
before the judgment seat of Christ,
I would wish to see the look that would
be turned upon them there by the Man
who died on the Cross to bring peace
to mankind.
I have dwelt upon this point of cul-
ture at greater length than its plausi-
bility merits, because it is the kind of
point that appeals to generous minds
who are revolted otherwise by the sheer
brutality of the governmental attitude.
But it is all relevant to my main con-
tention.
Culture in that wide sense in which
the Germans use the word, in the sense
of the intellectual, aesthetic, and spir-
itual life, is not only an interest of
real men and women, it is their main
interest. Everything else exists for the
sake of it. But it has nothing to do
with the state, as the governmental
mind conceives it. No aggrandizement
of the state can help it, no diminution
of it can hinder. Government may or
may not wisely foster it; but the exten-
sion of political power, with or without
war, cannot foster it. Here, too, and in
this highest field, the supposed interest
of the state and the real interests of
men and women stand out of all rela-
tion to one another. And a war waged
in defense of culture is even more pre-
posterous than a war waged in the pur-
suit of wealth.
But there remains yet one point
which the reader may expect me to deal
with. The expansion of a state, it may
be urged, even if it does not imply the
expansion of its culture, does imply
the expansion of its political system.
And if any one holds the political
system of his state to be better than
that of other states he is right to will
the expansion of his state even by war.
It is on these lines that the existence
and extension of the British Empire is
sometimes justified; and on the same
grounds, it may be assumed, some Ger-
mans would justify the extension of
theirs.
This view is less brutally selfish than
most of the views which attempt to
defend conquest. But, as applied to
the case we are considering, the colo-
nial rivalry of Germany and England,
it has no relevance. For no sane and
instructed German can really suppose
that German administrative methods
are so much better than British that it
would be good for hundreds of millions
of British Indians, or of native Afri-
cans, to be transferred by force, at the
cost of a bloody war, from British to
German rule. And if — which I do not
for a moment believe — any German
has supposed that any British domin-
ion was crying out for German deliver-
ance from British tyranny, the events
of the last few weeks must have unde-
ceived him. What India wants is more
self-government, not an exchange of
masters. What the great native pro-
tectorates and colonies in Africa need
is sympathetic and skilled administra-
tion in the interest of the natives. And
this, to put it moderately, they are at
least as likely to obtain from the Brit-
ish, with their long experience, as from
the untried methods of Germany. As
to the self-governing dominions, they
do not enter into this question. They
are, and intend to remain, self-govern-
ing. And I do not suppose that the
wildest advocate of German expan-
sion ever dreamed that Germany could
germanize them. There is no sense in
the notion that, at this stage in the
832
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
world's history, any part of the world
now under British control could benefit
by a transference to German control.
What every people needs is self-gov-
ernment, as and when it becomes cap-
able of it. And that cause is the last
that is likely to be served by the pre-
sent German government and its pre-
sent methods.
Look at it, then, which way we will,
we find no justification for the sup-
posed policy of the German govern-
ment to create a colonial dominion at
the cost of the British Empire. This
may be said without making any arro-
gant pretensions about that Empire,
without idealizing it, without justify-
ing the methods by which it was ac-
quired. With all that controversy I am
not now concerned. I am concerned
only to press home what I believe to be
the unassailable contention that the
German people have no interest in the
supposed policy of their government
to create a colonial empire at the cost
of the British by war.
But equally I do not believe the Eng-
lish people have any interest in thwart-
ing the expansion of Germany where it
can be obtained without war, and is
likely to extend the general interest of
civilization. It does not appear that
the British Foreign Office can be held
guiltless of doing this. But all such
action rests on the superstition I am
combating — the superstition of the
state, expanding by an inevitable law,
at the cost of other states, by means of
war. That, and that alone, on both
sides, is the bottom of the rivalry be-
tween Germany and England. And
that is simply an illusion.
I have now reviewed, as fully as is
possible within the limits of a single
article, the main causes which, accord-
ing to the governmental theory, may
be held to have necessitated and to jus-
tify the present war. It is nothing to
the purpose to reply that the English
are fighting a defensive war, for every
nation says the same, and with the
same conviction. Somewhere, every-
body admits, there must have been
aggression, although everybody puts
it in a different place. And wherever
there has been aggression it has been
due to the governmental theory pos-
sessing the minds of rulers and states-
men, and imposed by them, by sugges-
tion, persuasion, or otherwise, upon
ordinary men.
I ask the reader to consider very
seriously what I have laid before him,
and to extend and apply it further for
himself, whenever and wherever he is
met by the kind of arguments I have
been endeavoring to refute. For until
he has convinced himself that the
causes which make war do not lie in the
nature of things, and need not persist,
he will not take seriously proposals for
drastic remedies. And it is only with
a view to those remedies that I have
written these pages. I am asking the
reader not merely to condemn the past
— let the dead bury their dead ! — but
to help to mould the future. And, be-
lieve me, it cannot be moulded to any
good purpose unless the plain men and
women, workers with their hands and
workers with their brains, in England
and in Germany and in all countries,
get together and say to the people who
have led them into this catastrophe,
and who will lead them into such again
and again, 'No more! No more! And
never again! You rulers, you soldiers,
you diplomats, you who through all
the long agony of history have con-
ducted the destinies of mankind and
conducted them to hell, we do now re-
pudiate you. Our labor and our blood
have been at your disposal. They shall
be so no more. You shall not make the
peace as you have made the war. The
\
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
833
Europe that shall come out of this war
shall be our Europe. And it shall be
one in which another European war
shall be never possible/
Let us turn, then, from the past to
the future and ask, first, what the gov-
ernmental mind, left to itself, is likely
to make of Europe when the war is
finished; secondly, what we, on our
part, want and mean to make of it.
What the diplomats will make of it is
written large on every page of history.
Again and again they have 'settled'
Europe, and always in such a way as to
leave roots for the growth of new wars.
For always they have settled it from
the point of view of states, instead of
from the point of view of human life.
How one * Power ' may be aggrandized
and another curtailed, how the spoils
may be divided among the victors, how
the 'balance' may be arranged, these
kinds of considerations and these alone
have influenced their minds. The de-
sires of peoples, the interests of peoples,
that sense of nationality which is as
real a thing as the state is fictitious, —
to all that they have been indifferent.
Take, as an example, the settlement
made by the diplomats a hundred
years ago, after the Napoleonic wars.
What did they do? They forced back
on France the dynasty whose works
and whose ideas the revolution had
been made to destroy, and involved
her in a century of civil strife. They
put back Italy under the heel of Aus-
tria and necessitated the war of 1859.
They reimposed upon Spain the infa-
mous regime of the Bourbons and the
priests, and opened there too the long
vista of civil war. They united Bel-
gium with Holland in defiance of racial
distinction, and Sweden with Norway
in defiance of history. Everywhere
they left untended wounds, unnatural
conjunctions, reactionary tyrants in
power, and peoples divided, broken,
VOL. 114 -NO. 6
and enslaved. With the result that
their house of cards had hardly been
completed when it began to collapse;
and the history of the nineteenth cen-
tury is one continuous record of inter-
nal revolution and international war.
What such men have done before, be
assured they will do again. They work
still with the same conceptions. They
are as barren as ever of imagination, of
humanity, of sense for real life.
What the issue of this war may be
at this moment of my writing no one
can foresee. But what can be foreseen
with certainty is, that if the peace is
to be made by the same men who
made the war, it will be so made that
in another quarter of a century there
will be another war on as gigantic a
scale.
Let us suppose that the German
powers win. We know well enough
what kind of peace they will impose,
for they have been at no pains to con-
ceal their ambitions. 'France must be
so completely crushed that she can
never again come across our path.' So
General Bernhardi, voicing, it may be
presumed, the policy of the military
caste that is master of Germany. The
same, of course, applies to England.
She shall be shorn of her empire, of her
command of the seas, of all that the
German state has envied and hated in
the British state. Italy and the Bal-
kans will be pillaged to the benefit
of Austria, and Russia rolled back —
though that would be all to the good
— from her ambition to expand in the
west. At the same time every demo-
cratic movement in every country will
be discouraged or annihilated. The
principle of a brutal military domina-
tion will be established as the principle
of Europe. The countries that are not
militarist will become so. And another
period of armed peace will begin, in
which every genuine interest of civil-
ization, all the true life of men and
834
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
women, will be sacrificed to the desper-
ate effort of the defeated nations to
recover their position, and of the vic-
torious ones to maintain theirs.
If, on the other hand, the Allies
should win, the outlook is no more
promising, if the diplomats are to have
their way. The Allies, in that case, will
endeavor finally to crush the German
powers, as the latter are determined
finally to crush the Allies. The English
and the French will divide the Ger-
man colonies. Russia will dominate the
Balkans, and probably appropriate
Constantinople, and a great slice of
German territory. And France and
England will be left face to face with
what they will regard as the new menace
of the Slav. With the result that, in an-
other quarter of a century, or less, they
will combine with their present ene-
mies to resist the advance of their pre-
sent ally.
In either case, the state of Europe
will be the old bad state : the piling up
of armaments, at the cost of the con-
tinued poverty and degradation of
the mass of the people; the destruc-
tion of all hope and effort toward
radical social reform; and, when the
time comes, as in this case it infalli-
bly will, the new war, the new mas-
sacre, the new impoverishment, — the
perpetual and intolerable agony of a
civilization forever struggling to the
light, forever flung back by its own
stupidity and wickedness into the hell
in which at this moment it is writhing.
Lord, how long, how long?
Till such time as we, the plain peo-
ple of every nation, say we will endure
it no longer. And let that time be now!
When this war is over Europe might be
settled, then and there, if the peoples
willed it, and made their will effective,
in such a way that there would never
again be a European war. To do this
it is only necessary to change our ideas.
Or, rather, to make clear to ourselves
the ideas we really have, the purposes
we really will, and impose them on
those who are to act for us.
VI
We will to perpetuate European
peace. How are we to accomplish it?
By keeping in view and putting into
effect certain clear principles.
First, the whole idea of aggrandizing
one nation and humiliating another
must be set aside. What we are aiming
at is, not that this or that group of
states should dominate the others, but
that none should in future have any
desire or motive to dominate. With
that view, we must leave behind the
fewest possible sores, the least possible
sense of grievance, the least possible
humiliation. The defeated states,
therefore, must not be dismembered in
the hope of making or keeping them
weak; and that means, in detail, that,
if the allies win, the English and the
French must not take the German colo-
nies, or the Russians the Baltic coast,
the Balkans, or Constantinople; and
that, if Germany wins, she must not
dismember or subordinate to her sys-
tem France or England or the neutral
powers. That is the first clear condi-
tion of the future peace of Europe.
Secondly, in rearranging the bound-
aries of states — and clearly they must
be rearranged — one point, and one
only, must be kept in mind : to give to
all peoples suffering and protesting
under alien rule the right to decide
whether they will become an autono-
mous unit, or will join the political sys-
tem of some other nation. Thus, for
example, the people of Alsace-Lorraine
should be allowed to choose whether
they will remain under Germany, or
become an autonomous community,
or be included in France. The same
principle should be applied to the
Poles. The same to Schleswig-Holstein,
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
835
The same to the Balkan states. The
same to the Slav communities includ-
ed in Austria-Hungary. There would
arise, of course, difficulties in carrying
this principle through. For, in the Bal-
kan states, in Bohemia, and elsewhere,
there is an almost inextricable tangle of
nationalities. But with good will these
difficulties could be at least partially
met.
Even the wholesale transference of
peoples of one nationality from one lo-
cation to another is a possibility; and
indeed it is now going on. In any case
the principle itself is clear. Political
rule must cease to be imposed on peo-
ples against their will in the supposed
interest of that great idol, the abstract
state. Let the Germans, who belong
together, live together under the same
government, pursuing in independence
their national ideal and their national
culture. But let them not impose that
ideal and that culture on reluctant
Poles and Slavs and Danes. So, too,
let Russia develop her own life over the
huge territory where Russians live.
But let her not impose that life on un-
willing Poles and Finns. The English,
in history, have been as guilty as other
nations of sacrificing nationality to the
supposed exigencies of the state. But
of late they have been learning their
lesson. Let them learn it to the end.
Let no community be coerced under
British rule that wants to be self-gov-
erning. The British have had the cour-
age, though late, to apply this principle
to South Africa and Ireland. There re-
mains their greatest act of courage and
wisdom — to apply it to India.
A Europe thus rearranged, as it
might be at the peace, on a basis of
real nationality instead of on a basis
of states, would be a Europe ripe for
a permanent league. And by such a
league only, in my judgment, can its
future peace, prosperity, happiness,
goodness, and greatness be assured.
There must be an end to the waste
upon armaments of resources too
scanty, at the best, to give to all men
and women in all countries the mater-
ial basis for a good life. But if states
are left with the power to arm against
one another they will do so, each assert-
ing, and perhaps with truth, that it is
arming in defense against the imag-
ined aggression of the others. If all are
arming, all will spend progressively
more and more on their armaments, for
each will be afraid of being outstripped
by the others. This circle is fatal, as
we have seen in the last quarter of a
century.
To secure the peace of Europe the
peoples of Europe must hand over
their armaments, and the use of them,
for any purpose except internal police,
to an international authority. This
authority must determine what force is
required for Europe as a whole, acting
as a whole in the still possible case of
war against powers not belonging to
the League. It must apportion the
quota of armaments between the differ-
ent nations according to their wealth,
population, resources, and geographi-
cal position. And it, and it alone, must
carry on, and carry on in public, ne-
gotiations with powers outside the
League. All disputes that may arise
between members of the League must
be settled by judicial process. And
none of the forces of the League must
be available for purposes of aggression
by any member against any other.
With such a League of Europe con-
stituted, the problem of reduction of
armaments would be automatically
solved. Whatever force a united Eu-
rope might suppose itself to require
for possible defense would clearly be
far less than the sum of the existing
armaments of the separate states. Im-
mense resources would be set free for
the general purposes of civilization,
and especially for those costly social
836
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
reforms on the accomplishment of
which depends the right of any nation
to call itself civilized at all. And if any
one insists on looking at the settlement
from the point of view of material ad-
vantage — and that point of view will
and must be taken — it may be urged,
without a shadow of doubt, that any
and every nation, the conquerors no
less than the conquered, would gain
from a reduction of armaments far
more than they could possibly gain by
pecuniary indemnities or cessions of
territory which would leave every na-
tion still arming against the others
with a view to a future squandering of
resources in another great war. This is
sheer common sense of the most mat-
ter-of-fact kind.
A League of Europe is not Utopia.
It is sound business. :5
•*
Such a league, it is true, could hard-
ly come into being immediately at the
peace. There must be preparation of
opinion first; and not less important,
there must be such changes in the gov-
ernment of the monarchic states as
will insure the control of their policy by
popular opinion; otherwise, we might
get a league in which the preponder-
ating influence would be with auto-
cratic emperors. But in making peace
the future league must be kept in view.
Everything must be done that will fur-
ther it, and nothing that will hinder it.
And what would hinder it most would
be a peace by which either there should
be a return to the conditions before the
war — but of that there is little fear —
or by which any one power, or group
of powers, should be given a hegemony
over the others. For that would mean
a future war for the rehabilitation of
the vanquished.
The mood, therefore, which seems to
be growing in England, that the British
must 'punish ' Germany by annihilating
her as a political force; the mood which
seems to be growing in Germany, that
she must annihilate the British as the
great disturbers of the peace, — all
such moods must be resolutely discour-
aged. For on those lines no permanent
peace can be made. Militarism must
be destroyed, not only in Germany but
everywhere. Limitation of armaments
must be general, not imposed only on
the vanquished by victors who propose
themselves to remain fully armed. The
view of peoples must be substituted
once for all for the view of govern-
ments; and the view of peoples is no
domination, and, therefore, no war,
but a union of nations developing free-
ly on their own lines, and settling all
disputes by arbitration.
VII
I have thus laid before the reader, as
clearly as I can in a brief space, both
what I believe to be the deepest cause
of war, and what I believe to be its only
cure. At this moment it is only Eng-
lishmen and Americans that can be ad-
dressed in this sense, for on the Conti-
nent there is martial law, and every
man, Socialists and Pacifists as well
as others, is at the front. But, of course,
the opinion that can influence the re-
sult must be international. And that
such weight of international opinion
can be elicited and made effective in a
short time, as soon as agitation can
begin, I myself have little doubt. The
considerations I have laid before the
reader, if they be as valid and import-
ant as I believe them to be, are valid
and important for every one, irrespec-
tive of nationality. What is imperative
is to get them stated in such a way that
they come home with real conviction
to a vast number of individuals.
This paper of mine is but a forerunner
of what I hope will be a general and act-
ive propaganda. But the only end and
purpose of all such propaganda is to
produce a quiet, firm, unassailable con-
THE WAR AND THE WAY OUT
837
viction, in one after another individual
mind, heart, and will. For the moment,
the voice is mine, and the listener that
one person who at any moment, in any
place, may peruse these lines. I do not
aim at sweeping him away by frothy
rhetoric. I appeal to his common sense,
his reason, his conscience, and his
heart. And I ask him, whoever he be,
laborer with the hand, laborer with the
head, man of business, or thinker, to
make up his mind for himself in the
terrible and lurid glare of the events
actually passing before him.
I ask him first to realize what war
means. If he has been at the front, he
knows from personal experience. Let
him realize, again and again, without
ceasing, till it is burned upon his soul,
what that experience has been. If he
has not been there, let him try to realize
it through such detailed accounts of
what has been happening as filter
through the press.
Then when the horror has possessed
his soul, let him ask himself, Why all
this? And let him not be put off and
satisfied by such answers as ' the inva-
sion of Belgium,' * the ambition of Ger-
many.' These may be causes why
England went into this particular war.
They are not causes why the war hap-
pened. The war happened because the
governmental theory was held and ap-
plied by those few men who control
policy and armaments; and because
the ordinary people, whom this war is
massacring and ruining by hundreds of
thousands, had neither the knowledge,
nor the education of heart and mind,
nor the organization, to control those
men. That is what we have to alter.
And we must begin by discrediting the
governmental theory.
I have endeavored to show, by ex-
amples relevant to this war, how the
reasons it puts forward break down in
the light of mere common sense and
mere decent human feeling. Let the
reader practice and pursue that meth-
od in dealing with every book and with
every press article that he comes across
in which the fallacy is maintained. Let
him ask himself always, when there
is talk of power, of prestige, of markets,
of expansion, and all the other shibbo-
leths, — what exactly do these things
mean in terms of the life of men and
women. And if sometimes he detects
among the objects aimed at by govern-
ments one that seems to imply a real
benefit to real people, let him then ask
himself, 'Is it tolerable for a decent
human being to pursue this advantage
at the cost of other human beings, by
means of war, as war has now been
freshly and vividly revealed to me?'
If he perseveres in this course I be-
lieve that he will come to agree with me
that the world is being controlled by
men who are the victims of sheer illu-
sion; whether it be defect of mind, of
heart, or of soul that has fastened the
illusion upon them. And then, if he
gets so far, let him ask the further
and crucial question, How is it that
such men, victims of illusion, have
been able to involve millions and mil-
lions of men in universal massacre; to
waste their labor on instruments of
destruction; to keep them starved of
spiritual, even of material sustenance,
for the purpose of piling up armaments
and waging war for no purposes rele-
vant to life at all?
He will then have come to the point
at which action for him begins. For
then he must get together with all
others who think and feel as he does,
not in England and America only, but
everywhere throughout the world, to
stop this thing by any and every means.
For, let him remember, the power that
rulers have is the power of the assent
of the ruled, an assent almost always
purely passive. That passive assent
on his part must stop. He is an active
soldier now in the cause of peace.
GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
BY HEINRICH FR. ALBERT
THE present war, in which many
millions of men are engaged, has opened
up a great variety of new problems of
organization and of military technique;
and these in turn have influenced the
methods of warfare. Wireless teleg-
raphy, submarines, and airships have
created new and terrifying possibilities
in the conduct of war which have
shocked the public sensibilities. Add-
ed to the charges arising from the use of
these new weapons are the old charges
of atrocity and cruelty which every
war brings. Many of these charges are
willful falsifications, many of them are
of psychopathic origin, and many are
mythical.
Admitting that, in the passion engen-
dered by war, brutal instincts may be
let loose and occasional atrocities be
committed by individuals on either side,
a German may be permitted to point
out in reference to the army of his own
country that it is inconceivable that
the iron discipline of German troops,
whose efficiency in every other direc-
tion is recognized, should have broken
down here.
Omitting, then, a discussion of these
atrocity charges, and confining itself,
as far as possible, to admitted facts and
uncontested reports, this article will
examine the methods of warfare em-
ployed by Germany and her adver-
saries in the present conflict, under
three main heads : —
i. Methods of Warfare in the Air.
n. Methods of Warfare on Land.
in. Methods of Warfare at Sea.
838
I. METHODS OF WARFARE IN THE AIR
In this connection the first things to
be considered are the attacks of air-
craft and the throwing of bombs from
them. Many have believed this meth-
od of warfare to be a violation of inter-
national law; while others, who made
no such claim, declared it to be inhu-
man and absolutely useless.
Let us first look at the legal aspect.
Even the first conference at The Hague
in the year 1899 considered this ques-
tion. The second conference, in 1907,
practically confirmed the findings of
the first with a few exceptions. In
one of the declarations made at this
conference, it was laid down that the
'contracting powers agree to prohibit
for a period extending to the close of
the third peace conference, the dis-
charge of projectiles and explosives
from balloons or by other new methods
of similar nature/ This declaration
was signed by the representatives of
twenty-seven states out of the forty-
four present.
Among the seventeen states which
did not sign were France, Italy, Rou-
mania, Russia, Servia, and Germany.
Thus practically all the big military
powers at the convention, with the
exception of Austria-Hungary, failed
to sign this agreement, and for a very
good reason; for if ever war has to
be made, which is regretted by none
more than by Germany, there is no
reason why the latest technical inven-
tions should not be made use of. It
will be observed that none of the big
GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
839
military powers which are in possession
of airships signed this declaration.
It is easily understood why England
signed this declaration, and was the
only power to ratify it: her interests
lay in such a declaration, for her insu-
lar safety is threatened by attacks from
the air. Furthermore, every attempt
in England to develop an effective type
of airship has been a failure. The air-
ships which England built had all sorts
of other good points, but either they
were not able to fly or they collapsed
after the first few attempts. Only of
late has England had any conspicuous
successes in aviation. England's inter-
est therefore is quite different from
that of the nations which have had air-
ships for a long time, especially France
and Germany.
According to recognized interna-
tional practice, Germany is not bound
to abide by this declaration, since, like
the seventeen other states, she did not
sign it. The bombardment from air-
ships and flying machines therefore
is not forbidden by any international
agreements, and Germany is altogeth-
er within her rights in making use of
this new weapon in which she is so
far superior to the Allies. Internation-
al agreements of this kind are not and
cannot be ideal. They are compro-
mises in which each side makes con-
cessions.
It cannot even be shown that the
throwing of bombs from airships is an
especially inhuman method of warfare.
There is no difference between such
bomb- throwing and a bombardment
from land. It is impossible to arrange
any bombardment so that non-com-
batants will not be struck, or so that
some of the shots will not strike other
places than those aimed at and often
destroy private property. Private
property damaged in war on land is
no different from private property des-
troyed and captured on the high seas,
as, for instance, by the superior Brit-
ish fleet. One is just as justifiable as
the other. It is well known that Ger-
many tried repeatedly in the Hague
Peace Conference to put an end to the
confiscation of private property on the
high seas, for the simple reason that
Germany's interest lay in such an in-
ternational pact, owing to the fact that
its navy is very much smaller than the
British. Germany would have been
willing to offset such a concession with
an agreement not to throw bombs from
the air, but England's interests were
opposed. This fact is not stated here
in the sense of rebuking England; but
it is only just that if Germany does not
object to Great Britain using her means
of warfare as best she can, Germany
on the other hand should not be criti-
cized for making the best use of her
weapons.
Now, however, the objection is
raised, and this at first glance seems to
be a point well taken, that the throw-
ing of bombs from airships is really a
waste of effort, as it accomplishes no-
thing. The American is apt to ask what
is the use of throwing bombs into a
city that is not even being besieged at
the time. This seems senseless to him,
and especially inhuman when a Ger-
man airman throws bombs into Paris,
or when a Zeppelin sends projectiles of
a similar kind into Antwerp before the
city is even invested. A calm and ju-
dicial consideration, however, will show
that this view is not justified. The air-
man over Paris did not aim at the un-
fortunate woman and the unhappy chil-
dren who became the innocent victims
of war in the immediate vicinity of the
Eiffel Tower; the bombs were meant
for the wireless station on the Eiffel
Tower. It is hardly necessary to ex-
plain how enormously important the
destruction of this station would have
been.
When one realizes that modern war-
840
GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
fare is conducted, not only by the
physical strength and endurance of
the troops, but above all by the inven-
tions of mechanical genius and the
proper use of modern appliances, one
easily sees the enormous importance
of the Eiffel Tower wireless station.
It distributes the orders of the French
War Office to the armies in the field.
From it news is sent out over the en-
tire world. Instructions to the French
fleet are * wirelessed.' The communi-
cation between the Allies — between
the British and French governments,
between the allied fleets and the arm-
ies in the field — is conducted from this
station. The destruction of this means
of communication under the circum-
stances would be more important than
that of an entire army corps. If the
airman missed his target and unfortun-
ately struck non-combatants, such is
the inevitable risk of war. He can be
reproached for what he did no more
than Germany has reproached the Brit-
ish for the brave but unsuccessful at-
tempts of the English flyers to destroy
German Zeppelin sheds and Zeppelins
at Dusseldorf and other unfortified
towns.
Attacks by airships are even more
useful than those by aeroplanes, ac-
cording to the general opinion of mili-
tary experts. There is no doubt what-
ever of the fact that the prompt aid
rendered by the £eppelins above Liege
contributed greatly toward hastening
the fall of that fortress. If one wishes
to judge rightly the value of Zeppelin
attacks upon Antwerp even before its
investment, one must have in mind
the immense complicated organization
of such a modern fortress. Defense of
a modern fortress no longer consists
merely in leading the troops to the
walls where guns are placed and then
firing at the attacking enemy. Even
more important than the bravery and
deeds of the troops is the technical or-
ganization. One look at the map of the
fortifications of Antwerp shows clearly
how such an organization works.
The far-extended double line of forts
demands a careful organization of the
railroad system, with every detail so
thoroughly regulated that troops can at
a moment's notice be taken from pla-
ces where they are not needed and be
thrown into other positions where the
enemy's attack is the stronger. There
must be complicated machinery for
properly placing heavy artillery mate-
rial, for moving ammunition, for trans-
porting the wounded, for operating
canals and sluices in order to flood cer-
tain districts. In short, it is necessary
to operate a large technical apparatus
which must work with the precision
of a clock; and the threads connecting
the various parts of such an apparatus
run together at a few points. These
points may be likened to the brain,
with which the outer members of the
body are connected by nerves. If this
brain is injured, the entire body is
made useless, and the greatest bravery
cannot offset destruction of the inner
mechanism. To this must be added
the importance of arsenals, of maga-
zines for ammunition, of oil-tanks, of
grain-elevators, the importance of the
headquarters of the chief commander,
the general staff, and so forth.
The destruction of the central points
must hasten the surrender of such
a fortress by weeks. Their destruc-
tion through bombs thrown from air-
ships may therefore be a much more
humane method of warfare than the
destruction of the entire fortress by a
bombardment from all sides could pos-
sibly be. At all events, this more mod-
ern warfare — which paralyzes the
body of a fortress through the destruc-
tion of the central nervous system, and
thus forces the fortress to surrender —
may spare many thousands of lives
and property of incalculable value.
GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
841
II. METHODS OF WARFARE ON LAND
1. The fundamental rules for the
conduct of war on land are laid down
in the 'Convention Concerning Laws
and Customs of War on Land ' which
forms part of the conferences at The
Hague of the years 1899 and 1907. The
source of this convention is, as is well
known, an American authority, name-
ly, the 'Instructions for government
of armies of the United States in the
field, drawn up by Dr. Francis Lieber
and revised by a Board of Officers of
the United States army at the instiga-
tion of President Lincoln, and issued
from the office of the Adjutant General
to the army in General Order No. 100
of 1863.'
These instructions have been justly
called 'a deed of great moment in
the history of international law and
of civilization.' They have formed a
basis for similar work on the part of
France, England, and Germany, and
have been incorporated, in spirit at
least, into the Hague Conventions.
These conventions must be considered
valid, because the Convention of 1907
was, so far as the warfare on land is
concerned, only a revision of the Con-
vention of 1899, which is binding by
reason of ratifications deposited by all
the nations now at war. At any rate,
the Peace Foundation is right in stat-
ing that instructions in the form of gen-
eral orders are issued to the different
armies having all the force of the sanc-
tions of martial law behind them. The
German code of 1870-71 was entire-
ly based on the American document,
the terms of which were in part almost
verbally followed. The new instruc-
tions are practically the same in a mod-
ernized form.
2. The Conventions of 1899 and 1907
are amplified by a number of special
declarations, of which one concerns
the use of shells containing asphyxiat-
ing or deleterious gases,1 and another
refers to expanding bullets.' Charges
have been made that the French have
used such shells, and both sides have
charged the use of expanding bullets
by the enemy. We shall not enter here
into the question whether this viola-
tion of the laws of nations has been
practiced.
3. The greatest discussion has been
roused by the methods of war used by
Germany in Belgium for the suppres-
sion of sniping, and in the treatment of
an enemy's territory occupied during
war, such as the treatment of non-
combatants who have been found with
weapons in their hands, the taking of
hostages in towns and villages, the de-
struction of houses in various places,
the levy of war contributions, and so
forth.
What is sniping? Sniping is the par-
ticipation in the hostilities of non-com-
batants of a territory invaded or occu-
pied by the enemy. Non-combatants
are all people not belonging to the ar-
my. As Belgium has a standing army,
volunteering forces are admitted only
under the conditions of Article I.2 The
fundamental principle is that the vol-
1 'The contracting powers agree to abstain
from the use of bullets which expand or flatten
easily within the human body, such as bullets
with a hard envelope which does not entirely
cover the core but is pierced with incisions.'
2 Annex to Convention IV of the Hague Con-
ference of 1907, Regulations respecting the Laws
and Customs of War on Land; Section I, Chap-
ter I, Art. I : 'The laws, right, and duties of war
apply not only to the army but also to the militia
and corps of volunteers fulfilling the following
conditions: —
1. That of being commanded by a person re-
sponsible for his subordinates;
2. That of having a distinctive emblem fixed
and recognizable at a distance;
3. That of carrying arms openly; and
4. That of conducting their operations in ac-
cordance with the laws and customs of war.
In countries where militia or corps of volunteers
constitute the army, or form part of it, they are
included under the denomination 'army.'
842
GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
unteers must be recognizable as soldiers
and must carry on the war openly.
In Belgium the German troops have
been attacked by non-combatants, not
belonging to any military organiza-
tion. The question of recognizing the
* Garde Civique' as lawful has never
been raised. But the Belgian popula-
tion took part in the fight without hav-
ing any distinctive or recognizable
emblem, without openly carrying arms,
or otherwise conforming with the fore-
going article. The attacks upon the
Germans were made from ambush, from
houses, and so forth, in places where the
population, at the time of the occupa-
tion by German troops, had appeared
to be peaceable. They had hidden
their weapons to produce them later.
Snipers' warfare has been carried on in
Belgium with all the horrors of a guer-
rilla campaign, and has even been glo-
rified by French and English papers
as something heroic.1 Whether this
franc-tireur war was waged by the
people at the behest of their govern-
ment or not, may be left undecided.
The suppression of sniping has been
recognized by all nations as a dire
necessity. All military instructions in
regard to it have been with the object
of assuring the greatest efficiency in
suppression. The most vigorous meth-
ods are undoubtedly the most humane
ones in this respect, for they act as a
preventive. During the Boer War, for
instance, Lord Roberts issued the fol-
lowing army order : —
* Wherever any attempt has been
made to destroy the railroad line, all
the farms and residences within a cir-
1 In The Sphere, London, of August 22, 1914,
there is a picture which shows a woman sur-
rounded by her children shooting at Uhlans from
the opening of the door. Another picture shows
armed workmen defending their homes with
scythes, hoes, and cudgels.
The French paper L'Avenir Reims pictures in
an article the heroic defense of Herstal by the
women.
cumference of ten miles must be de-
stroyed, cattle and all provisions taken
away, and the residents driven away
without food or shelter.'
The reason for such Draconian
measures against sniping is the im-
mense danger it means to the army.
Of what particular importance it is to
Germany in this struggle that the oc-
cupied territory of Belgium should be
kept quiet is evident. Communication
with the German front from Verdun
to Rheims, Roye, Arras, Lille, and
Ostend depends absolutely upon the
Belgian railway system and roads. De-
struction of this line of communica-
tion would endanger the provisioning
of the army, the bringing up of ammu-
nition and supplies, the transportation
home of the wounded and of prisoners
of war, and in case of defeat — which
every commander- in- chief must in-
clude in the possibilities — would lead
to the complete destruction of the Ger-
man army.
Under these circumstances, even the
most criticized act, the so-called de-
struction of Louvain, will gain quite
a different aspect from that which it
had in the discussion in the press. What
are the facts? The occupation of Lou-
vain had taken place in an entirely
peaceful manner. In order to be as
impartial as possible, I take as basis,
not the official German report, most
unfavorable to Belgium, but the re-
port of a neutral, the Dutch corre-
spondent of the Niew Rotterdamsche
Courant.'1 He states: 'The city was oc-
cupied in the regular way by compar-
atively few soldiers. Suddenly a shot
was fired out of the house opposite to
the headquarters of the staff. Imme-
diately afterwards a number of shots
were fired from houses nearby, and in
a moment this shooting spread from
house to house, from street to street,
with such a speed that the German sol-
i August 30, 1914.
GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
843
diers fell in great numbers; many were
wounded. The horses of the train were
killed or bolted. A general confusion
was the result/ During this fighting
fires broke out which spread with ter-
rific speed over the city.
It is evident that in such a fight no
distinction between public and private
buildings could be made, as artillery
had to be used in the most endanger-
ed places, especially against buildings
from which shots were fired. All the
same, the German troops did all they
could to save works of art. Lieuten-
ant Thelemann, in private life a high
official of the Prussian Ministry of Pub-
lic Works, attempted, together with
a number of soldiers, to save works
of art endangered by flames. While
he was engaged in doing this, he was
shot at from ambush by non-combatant
residents of Lou vain, and was severely
wounded. In the face of such facts, no
claim can be made that architectural
monuments of art and of historical
value were wantonly destroyed or at-
tacked. Whenever any such buildings
were struck, it was in self-defense, or
was an absolute military necessity.
Herein a number of the foremost Amer-
ican correspondents are unanimous.
Their reports are confirmed by the Vice-
Regent of the University of Louvain,
Dr. Coenrad.
The treatment of Louvain was an
act of self-defense, and cannot be stig-
matized as a barbarous method of war.
Besides, the damage done must be
calmly judged, without undue exag-
geration. The well-known director of
the German Bank in Berlin, Dr. Helff-
erich, who was in Louvain shortly af-
ter the above occurrences, writes: 'It
is quite absurd to speak of a total de-
struction of the town. Only the east-
ern quarter, whence, after the appar-
ently peaceful surrender of the town,
our troops were in a treacherous man-
ner persistently and systematically
fired at, and also the streets leading
from the railway station and from the
direction of Tirlemont into the interior
of the town, have had to be shelled and
burned down. All the houses and walls
in those streets are thickly strewn with
bullet marks, which bear evidence that
every single quarter in those streets
had to be taken by storm.
*On the other hand, the whole of
the southern half of the town and
also part of the west have remained
almost completely intact. Numerous
houses there bear inscriptions, such as
'Good people in this house, please
spare,' and the like. The Town Hall,
the pearl of Louvain, is preserved in
its entirety. It was saved by our
troops. Officers who took part in the
street fighting at Louvain relate that
our soldiers applied the steam hose, in
order to extinguish the fire in the build-
ings close to the Town Hall and thus
to save this architectural jewel from
destruction. They never stopped in
this work of preservation, although
they were, in the very act of rescue, in-
cessantly fired at by the citizens of
Louvain. Unfortunately it was not
found possible to preserve the valuable
library of the University. A tower of
the Cathedral has tumbled down while
the nave is unimpaired.'
In the meantime the report of the
German Art Commission * appointed
to investigate these charges has been
received in the United States. The re-
port confirms the statements of Dr.
Helfferich.
It has seemed necessary to treat the
destruction of Louvain somewhat in
detail, as it is characteristic of the ex-
aggeration of all such reports.
The destruction of cities and other
places is only the climax of measures
necessary for the suppression of snip-
ing; as a rule, fortunately, less vigorous
measures are sufficient for this pur-
1 New York Sun, October 16, 1914.
844
GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
pose. Among these are the searching
of towns or villages for weapons hidden
by non-combatants. Only people who,
upon order of the occupying troops, do
not deliver whatever arms they have
in their possession, or are later found
with them, or have made use of them,
are doomed to death. Sometimes
hostages are taken to insure the quiet
behavior of the population of occu-
pied places. Only if this measure
proves insufficient and the attacks up-
on the occupying troops are renewed
by non-combatants, is no other course
left to the occupying army than to de-
stroy such places.
There is one method of war which
particularly has been much misunder-
stood: the levying of contributions.
It will, however, be conceded that the
levying of contributions as a preven-
tive measure against sniping is, com-
pared with the other methods, the
mildest. Instead of taking life, it takes
only property; for this reason it may,
however, be perhaps most effective.
Articles 48, 49, and 50 of the Hague
Conferences 1 cannot be applied, so far
as sniping is concerned. The instruc-
tions to the various armies do not con-
tain these rules, so far as the writer
has had the opportunity to study them.
They hold, on the contrary, the whole
population responsible for acts of snip-
1 Article 48. If, in the territory occupied, the
occupant collects taxes, dues and tolls, imposed
for the benefit of the State, he shall do it, as far as
possible, in accordance with the rules in existence
and the assessment in force, and will in conse-
quence be bound to defray the expenses of the
administration of the occupied territory on the
same scale as that to which the legitimate Gov-
ernment was bound.
Article 49. If, besides the taxes referred to in
the preceding Article, the occupant levies other
money contributions in the occupied territory,
this can only be for military necessities or the ad-
ministration of such territory.
Article 50. No general penalty, pecuniary, or
otherwise, can be inflicted on the population on
account of the acts of individuals, for which it
cannot be regarded as collectively responsible.
ing and allow the infliction of pecuni-
ary exactions from the point of view
of prevention and military necessity.
But it may be pointed out that war
contributions have been levied in Bel-
gium, not only for the purpose of dis-
couraging sniping but also, as the
writer has been informed, for use in the
administration of occupied territory.
According to the Articles quoted, the
levying of war contributions ' for mili-
tary necessities' and 'the administra-
tion of such territory ' are common and
are expressly permitted. Belgium is
at the present time practically admin-
istered by Germany, and the situation
has brought forward military necessi-
ties to be met by contributions. If the
estimate as to their amount is some-
what summary and roughly based on
the existing Belgian methods of taxa-
tion, who will reproach an administra-
tion organized with the utmost speed
and kept up in good working shape
within a few miles of the firing lines?
4. Public opinion in the United
States has, furthermore, been greatly
concerned with the bombardment of
cities and villages in the north of
France, during which were struck build-
ings of historical and artistic value, de-
voted to religion and art. Not all cases
can be mentioned here. Therefore, the
writer proposes to discuss only the
bombardment of Rheims, as the most
conspicuous example. It must first be
established that according to Article
25 of the Hague Convention of 1899,
* the attack or bombardment of towns,
villages, hospitals or buildings which
are not defended is forbidden/ If, there-
fore, the French placed weight upon the
preservation of such cities as Rheims,
Lille, Arras, and so forth, they should
not have been occupied by military
forces. The French, however, made
Rheims a main pivot of their artillery
position, and, according to the testi-
mony of English and American corre-
GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
845
spondents, massed enormous quanti-
ties of artillery in direct proximity to
the cathedral. The French occupied
Rheims for military purposes, that is,
to secure for themselves the strategic
advantages offered by such places for
the movement of troops, — the easier
method of quartering them, greater
protection, quicker disposition, and so
forth. This, of course, obliges the op-
ponent to take such places by force,
and possibly even destroy them by
bombardment. Germany has done so
even with towns of her own; with
Soldau, for instance, an unfortified
place in East Prussia, when it was
occupied by the Russians. Soldau has
been completely destroyed.
During such bombardment it is not
always possible to spare historical build-
ings, devoted to religion, art, science,
and charity. The particular rule of
the Hague Peace Conference of 1899,
Article 27, 1 decrees that such protec-
tion should go 'as far as possible,' and
makes this subject to the provision
that 'they are not used for military
purposes.' This view fits the actual
conditions. During a bombardment it
is not possible to prevent accidental
shots from striking such buildings. Let
us recall that the English, during the
bombardment and storming of Delhi in
1857, did not respect monuments of art,
nor could they have done so. During
the siege of Rome by the Garibaldians,
Nino Bixio even considered the can-
nonading of the entire Vatican.
It is important to state again that
the bombardment of the Cathedral of
Rheims was a military necessity. The
official report of the Headquarters of
the German army is as follows : —
1 Article 27. In sieges and bombardments
all necessary steps should be taken to spare,
as far as possible, buildings devoted to religion,
art, science and charity, hospitals and places
where the sick and wounded are collected, pro-
vided they are not used at the same time for mili-
tary purposes.
(OFFICIAL)
ARMY HEADQUARTERS,
September 22, 1914.
After the French, through the build-
ing of heavy fortifications, had made
Rheims the main stronghold of their
defense, they themselves forced us to
attack the city with all available means.
The German Army Commander- in-
Chief gave orders to spare the Cathe-
dral, so long as the enemy refrained
from using it to his advantage. On
September 20th, the white flag was
raised on the Cathedral and respected
by us. In spite of this we were able to
locate a military observer on the tower
of the edifice, which explained the effec-
tiveness of the enemy's artillery against
our attacking infantry. It was neces-
sary to dislodge him. This was accom-
plished with shrapnel fire by our field
artillery. Our heavy artillery was even
then not allowed, and firing was stopped
as soon as the observer was dislodged.
We are able to state that the tower and
the exterior are standing intact. The
roof burst into flames. The attacking
forces therefore have gone only as far
as they were absolutely compelled to
go. The responsibility rests with the
enemy, who attempted to misuse a
monument of architectural art under
the protection of the white flag.
For a German the fact that an offi-
cial communication is issued by the
army headquarters is proof sufficient
of its absolute truth to facts; and the
truthfulness of this German official an-
nouncement is beginning to be recog-
nized in the United States as well.
It may be noted, by the way, that
the French, by establishing an obser-
vation station in the tower, compelled
the Germans to fire upon and damage
the 'Muenster ' in Strassburg, the most
famous monument of German Gothic
architectural art and a document of
old German history.
846
GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
III. METHODS OF WARFARE AT SEA
The methods of war on land have
been discussed chiefly in connection
with German warfare, but now the
methods of war at sea bring us in more
intimate touch with English warfare.
Here also only the most important facts
can be taken into consideration, the
field of controversy being too large to
be dealt with in one article. Minor
questions, therefore, like the sinking
of the German auxiliary cruiser Kai-
ser Wilhelm der Grosse within the
three-mile zone on the coast of Span-
ish possessions; the chasing of German
ships within the three-mile zone right
into the mouth of New York Harbor
itself; the taking of German and Aus-
trian reservists, on the way to their
colors, off neutral ships, — a method
by which New York Harbor has for a
long time been blockaded by British
cruisers like a harbor of a belligerent
nation; the searching and destroying
of German mails on neutral steamers,1
and a series of other alleged infrac-
tions of international law, may be alto-
gether omitted from this discussion.
. The main feature of English methods
of warfare at sea is the seizure of food-
stuffs, destined for and shipped to Ger-
many, as contraband of war. The in-
tention is to bring Germany to her
knees by starving her out. I do not
wish to raise the question whether this
method of warfare is a very humane
one. It cannot be compared with the
starving out of a fortress, inasmuch as
non-combatants are permitted to leave
a fortress before its investment,
1 International Peace Conference, 1907. Re-
strictions on Capture in Maritime War, Chapter
1, Postal Correspondence, Art. 1 : —
The postal correspondence of neutrals or bel-
ligerents, whether official or private in character,
which may be found on board a neutral or enemy
ship at sea, is inviolable. If the ship is detained
the correspondence is forwarded by the captor
with the least possible delay.
whereas the non-combatant popula-
tion of fifty-seven million people can
hardly leave Germany. Besides, as a
practical measure, this method is of no
avail in this war. Germany is self-sup-
porting, as has been shown in detail
by Dr. Dernburg, the former German
Colonial Secretary, in the Review of
Reviews.2 Furthermore, it is doubtful,
even if Germany were not, whether
England would be able to carry out
such a plan. Germany has occupied
Belgian and French territory. There
seem to be plans under consideration
by the German government to feed the
Belgian population by importing food-
stuff. Certainly Germany will not op-
pose this measure, so long as she her-
self has sufficient food to live on. But
if the aforesaid method of England
should cause a real shortage of food in
Germany, no one could expect Ger-
many to treat the residents of the occu-
pied territory differently from her own
people at home. So England would be
starving out not only the Germans, but
the Belgians and many of the French.
In this article the question of starv-
ing out a country will be discussed only
from the general aspect of the justifi-
cation of such a method of war. The
legal basis for the theory is the ques-
tion of contraband of war. It is deter-
mined by the * Declaration of London
of 1909 concerning the Laws of Naval
War.' To be sure, the Declaration of
London has not been ratified up to the
present time, and is, therefore, not for-
mally binding. But as all the contract-
ing nations have assented to and signed
the convention, England herself hav-
ing invited the conference and the dis-
cussions having been carried on in Lon-
don, the Declaration forms the moral
and written code of the nations. Fur-
thermore, Great Britain has recog-
nized the principle of the Declaration
in former wars. Having accepted the
2 November, 1914.
GERMAN METHODS OP CONDUCTING THE WAR 847
law as binding when it was to her own
advantage, she should accept it now,
even though it favors others.
So far as the legal foundation is con-
cerned, Article 24, in connection with
Article 33, of the aforesaid Declaration
is decisive.1 According to Article 24
conditional contraband includes food-
stuffs. But according to Article 33,
conditional contraband is liable to seiz-
ure only if it is shown to be destined
for the use of the armed forces, or for
a government department of the ene-
my's state. Foodstuffs, therefore, can-
not be confiscated as contraband so
long as they are intended for the sus-
tenance of non-combatants and con-
signed to private parties. The taking
away of all foodstuffs sent to a nation
at war is certainly not permissible. The
intention of starving out a nation —
leaving the human side out of the ques-
tion - - can, in compliance with interna-
tional law, be carried out only by an
effective blockade. But the German
ports are for very good reasons (sub-
marines) not effectively blockaded.
This method, employed at present
in regard to foodstuffs, is also opposed
to former British practice. The same
question was raised between the United
States and Great Britain, during the
recent Boer War, in connection with
the seizure of the vessels Beatrix,
Maria, and Mashona, which were taken
by British cruisers to Delagoa Bay.
In the course of the correspondence,
Lord Salisbury thus defined the posi-
tion of the British government on
1 Article 24. The following articles, susceptible
of use in war as well as for purposes of peace, may,
without notice, be treated as contraband of war,
under the name of conditional contraband: — (1)
Foodstuffs. (2) etc.
Article 33. Conditional contraband is liable to
capture if it is shown to be destined for the use of
the armed forces or of a government department
of the enemy State, unless in this latter case the
circumstances show that the goods cannot in fact
be used for the purposes of the war in progress.
the question of contraband: — * Food-
stuffs with a hostile destination can be
considered contraband of war only if
they are supplies for the enemy's forces.
It is not sufficient that they are capable
of being so used. It must be shown that
this was in fact their destination at the
time of seizure.9 2 This statement by
Lord Salisbury is in harmony with
what is laid down in Holland's Man-
ual of Naval Prize Law, issued by the
British administration in 1888.
In the war between Russia and Ja-
pan, the Russian government issued
to its naval officers instructions in
which foodstuffs were designated as
contraband of war. The British gov-
ernment protested against this prohi-
bition, which included rice and pro-
visions as unconditional contraband,
this being regarded as * inconsistent
with the law and policy of nations.'
The British government, it was de-
clared, did not contest that, * in partic-
ular circumstances, provisions may ac-
quire a contraband character, as, for
instance, if they should be consigned
direct to the army or fleet of a belliger-
ent, or to a port where such fleet may
be lying'; but it could not admit that
'if such provisions were consigned to
the port of a belligerent (even though
it should be a port of naval equipment)
they should therefore be necessarily
regarded as contraband of war.' The
true test appeared to be * whether there
are circumstances relating to any par-
ticular cargo to show that it is destined
for military or naval use.' 2
The same position was taken by the
United States during the Russian-
Japanese War, and the result of the
British and American protests was that
rice and provisions were regarded as
contraband ' if destined for a belliger-
ent government, its administration,
army, navy, fortresses, naval ports, or
purveyors,' but not if * addressed to
2 John Bassett Moore, Contraband of War, p. 35.
848 GERMAN METHODS OF CONDUCTING THE WAR
private individuals/ As to proof of
destination, the doctrine of continuous
voyage is not applicable to conditional
contraband. Such cargoes should there-
fore not be in jeopardy when sent to a
neutral port.
The interpretation of the British
government went even further. On the
29th of March, 1909, considerable dis-
cussion took place in the House of
Commons with reference to the word
* enemy ' in Article 34 of the Declaration
of London, 1909, Declaration concern-
ing the Laws of Naval War, according
to which goods are considered as con-
ditional contraband for the use of the
armed forces or for a government of
the enemy state if they are consigned
to a contractor who supplies articles
of this kind to the * enemy.' On this
occasion the Under-Secretary for For-
eign Affairs, Mr. Mackinnon Wood,
stated that the word 'contractor' in
this article * cannot possibly apply to
a mere merchant who supplies goods to
the general public/ and the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey,
on April 5, 1909, in answer to a ques-
tion on the divergence between the
terms of Article 34 and the General
Report, replied as follows: 'For the
reasons already given, I cannot admit
that there is any ambiguity as to the
meaning of Article 34. 1 It is made
clear, both by Article 33, on which
Article 34 is dependent, and by the
1 The destination referred to in Article 33 is
presumed to exist if the goods are consigned to
enemy authorities, or to a contractor established
in the enemy country who, as a matter of common
knowledge, supplies articles of this kind to the
enemy. A similar presumption arises if the goods
are consigned to a fortified place belonging to the
enemy, or other place serving as a base for the
armed forces of the enemy. No such presump-
tion, however, arises in the case of a merchant
vessel bound for one of these places if it is sought
to prove that she herself is contraband. In cases
where the above presumptions do not arise, the
destination is presumed to be innocent. The pre-
sumption set up by this Article may be rebutted.
general official report of the Confer-
ence, that the word "enemy" in Art-
icle 34 can only mean the enemy gov-
ernment. It is evident, however, that
if the point had been raised at the time
it would have been made perfectly clear
in the drafting, and we therefore pro-
pose to make a declaration, at the time
of the ratification, that the word " ene-
my' in Article 34 means the govern-
ment of the enemy.'
Notwithstanding those statements,
there is no doubt that in the present
war the practice of Great Britain is
entirely different. Foodstuffs are con-
stantly being seized, on neutral ships,
although the neutral flag should be a
perfect protection against seizure; and
the rules of Articles 33 and 34, quali-
fying goods as conditional contraband
only if their destination is the enemy's
government or armed forces, are, by
the English starving-out system, as ut-
terly disregarded as the formal decla-
rations of the representatives of the
British government and of Sir Edward
Grey himself. It is evident how much
this method of war interferes with the
trade of the small countries, like Nor-
way, Sweden, Holland, Denmark, so
dear to the big heart of Great Britain,
and with the production and export
even of the United States. The author
still earnestly hopes that the govern-
ment of the United States will perceive
the great importance of construing its
neutrality in the present war as it did
during the Russian-Japanese War, not
so much in the interest of Germany,
which, as has been said, is self-support-
ing, but because of the danger involved
in establishing a different precedent;
because thus only can the sanctity and
validity of former international prac-
tice, and of signed, although not yet
ratified, treaties be safeguarded; and
because of the immense, just, and mate-
rial rights of American citizens, which
a contrary course so gravely menaces.
THE CHIMES OF TERMONDE
BY GRACE HAZARD CONKLING
THE groping spires have lost the sky,
That reach from Termonde town :
There are no bells to travel by,
The minster chimes are down.
It's forth we must, alone, alone,
And try to find the way;
The bells that we have always known,
War broke their hearts to-day.
They used to call the morning
Along the gilded street,
And then their rhymes were laughter.
And all their notes were sweet.
I heard them stumble down the air
Like seraphim betrayed;
God must have heard their broken prayer
That made my soul afraid.
The Termonde bells are gone, are gone,
And what is left to say?
It 's forth we must, by bitter dawn,
To try to find the way.
They used to call the children
To go to sleep at night;
And then their songs were tender
And drowsy with delight.
i
The wind will look for them in vain
Within the empty tower.
VOL. 114- NO. 6
850
THE CHIMES OF TERMONDE
We shall not hear them sing again
At dawn or twilight hour.
It 's forth we must, away, away,
And far from Termonde town,
But this is all I know to-day —
The chimes, the chimes are down !
They used to ring at evening
To help the people pray,
Who wander now bewildered
And cannot find the way.
THE CHOP OUT OF THE WINDOW
BY FRANKLIN JAMES
THERE is a legend in Rome that an
American lady, with that tact which
endears us to foreigners, once remark-
ed, 'All you have to do if you want
Roman Society to come to you is to
hang a chop out of the window.' This
may be all very well for a simple little
community like Rome, but in New
York the problem is more difficult, for
both hostess and diner-out. It is as
one of the latter that I wish to protest
against the way such things are at pre-
sent conducted, and to enter a plea for
social eupepsia.
As for my qualifications, I may
preface my discussion with the frank
and modest statement that I am an
accomplished diner-out, and have prac-
tised this art in many climes and for
many years. In Arabia I have dined
in state with hawk- faced sheiks, expres-
sing my pleasure, in strict accordance
with the local etiquette, by eructa-
tions that drew expressions of unstint-
ed admiration from my Syrian drago-
man. I have dipped both hands in the
common bowl of pilaf, have had gob-
bets of sheep popped into my mouth
by aged, dark -brown, crime-stained
fingers, and have nozzled my coffee in
a way that would draw tears of jeal-
ousy from the noisiest geyser.
But enough of these more recondite
phases. Let me swoop nearer home and
explain the chief difficulty which be-
sets the average diner-out; and after
stating the problem, let me offer what
I believe to be its triumphant, its only
rational, solution.
The problem is this, — and I ask
you to consider the folly of society on
this point. You get a card from Mrs.
Gramercy telling you that she is to be
at home on Thursday the seventeenth
from half-past four until seven. At
the end of the invitation she gives you
THE CHOP OUT OF THE WINDOW
851
some indication of what you are in for:
* Dancing, ' or, 'Miss Vesta Tilley will
recite.' Mrs. Bronx asks you to come
on after dinner, and adds, 'To meet
Prince Jinglepencil,' or, * Auction,' or,
again, ' Mr. and Mrs. Castle will dance.'
Mrs. Lexington is to be in a hospitable
frame of mind Sunday evening at ten,
and thoughtfully adds, * Music.' All
these good ladies feel obliged to tell
you at the end of engraved or written
cards just what wares they are tempt-
ing you with. And yet when you are
asked to dine, a much more important
matter, you have n't the remotest idea
what you are going to have to eat. You
may, to be sure, be told that the point
of the dinner is that you are to meet
the Duchess of Axminster. But you
can't eat the Duchess of Axminster and
probably would n't care to if you could,
most great ladies nowadays being, well,
far from tender.
I myself seem to be peculiarly un-
fortunate in this culinary blind-man's-
buff. Last Sunday night I dined at the
Wainwarings', and the roast was a
variety of sheep — selle d'agneau a la
bergere; Monday, at the Veneerings',
we again had sheep — cotelettes d'agn-
eau aux cepes; Tuesday, at the Bunt-
ings', of course, gigot de mouton, sauce
aigrelette. And this will be just my luck
the rest of the week. Give it any festal
name you please, the fact remains that
sheep is sheep, beef is beef, and so on.
Now, to return to my mutton, I
really like sheep, but do you suppose
for a moment that if, a week before,
I had known what was in store for me
I should have accepted these three in-
vitations? Not at all: the Sunday one,
probably, the Tuesday one, perhaps;
but the simplest consideration of eu-
pepsia would have made me omit at
least the second of the series. Again,
I 'm dining out Thursday, Friday, and
Saturday; now, as I've no idea what
I 'm to be fed these nights, how, in the
name of reason, can I intelligently or-
der my luncheon down town or at my
club for these days? If, let us say
Thursday, I order half a grilled chicken,
it 's a three-to-one shot that Mrs. Pop-
ham will give me a chicken Perigord
that night at dinner, and I shall have
to root out the truffles and confine my-
self to them.
This it is that drives so many agree-
able men to the brink of indigestion,
and leads them seriously to contem-
plate the horrors of a diurnal luncheon
of sour milk. Another feature of the
whole affair that leads to the same re-
sults is the lack of variety in the of-
ferable dinners. For example, if the
Pophams are going to give a dinner to-
morrow, Popham — who ought to know
better — leaves the composition of the
menu either to Mrs. Popham or to his
chef, if he has one. Now Mrs. Popham,
and here she becomes generic, has usu-
ally but one, rarely two, and never
three possible dinners in her head, —
no woman has, unless she herself knows
how to cook. She could plan seven din-
ners a week for Popham and herself
without repeating herself, but when
it comes to Dinners with a capital, her
reason wobbles and she takes refuge
in the conventional. Or suppose the
menu is left to the chef: the first im-
pulse of every known chef is not to feed
the hungry but to 'show off,' and all
chefs show off in precisely the same
way.
Obviously, then, Popham, who has
dined out almost as much as I have,
ought to take the culinary helm into
his own hands; and I feel sure Popham
would do so if he were not always hop-
ing against hope that the next time he
went out to dinner he would get some-
thing different from his own domestic
fare. But he does n't, and I am be-
ginning to notice distinct lines of dys-
pepsia in Popham's puzzled face.
Well, here is the only really rational
852
THE CHOP OUT OF THE WINDOW
solution of it all, and it came to me
some years ago when I was once in-
veigled into spending a month in a
small settlement on Buzzards Bay.
There was a good inn there, and the
summer residents had built a pleasant
little casino; one saw everybody else
several times a day, either at the ca-
sino or at the village post-office, and
life was a simple, friendly, informal
affair. As I was supposed to be writing
a book, and as the colonists were chief-
ly Bostonians, every one of whom had
an uncle, cousin, or brother who had
done the same thing, I found myself in
a very hospitable society. On the last
day but one of my visit, Mrs. Faneuil,
at the casino, fixed me with a genial
eye and asked me if I would dine with
her that evening.
* With great pleasure,' I replied halt-
ingly, * but on one condition, — that
you don't have chicken ! '
'Well, I like that,' exclaimed Mrs.
Faneuil, — * making conditions! And,
as a matter of fact, I was going to have
chicken. Consider the invitation with-
drawn temporarily, and explain.'
'Dear Mrs. Faneuil,' I replied as
cheerfully as I could, * I have been here
now thirty days at the inn. Thanks to
the wholly delightful hospitality of you
all, which has left its permanent mark
on my heart — and, I fear, on my di-
gestive organs — I have been asked
out to dinner twenty- four times. At
twenty- one of these dinners chicken
was the main feature. I also struck
chicken at two of my six dinners at the
inn. This makes the ghastly total of
chicken twenty- three nights out of a
possible thirty. It's all very well to
have a chicken course every night in
France, for they always give you an-
other roast besides. But nothing but
chicken for a mildly carnivorous man
is awful. Each morning when I get up
now, I have to check a constantly
growing impulse to cluck violently.'
Hysterical sympathy by this time
had suffused Mrs. Faneuil's pink, sun-
burned face. 'It's all the local butch-
er's fault,' she gasped, 'it's almost the
only decent thing we can get here,
and when we have guests, of course we
want to do the best we can for them,
and without realizing it we all tragical-
ly offer the same thing. I never thought
of it before but I know now how dread-
fully you feel. Just wait a minute!'
And she rushed off, rippling, ' Toujours
perdrix!' as an ecstatic war-cry.
In five minutes she came out of the
casino and rushed past me, dropping
a little note in my lap. Here it is:-
'DEAR MR. JAMES,
' Won't you dine with us to-night at
eight? We should so like to have you,
your last evening here. As the time is
so short, pray don't trouble to answer
this, for I quite count on your coming.
: Very sincerely yours,
'NINA FANEUIL.'
' Corned Beef.'
It was a perfectly bully dinner, and
after all these years I still treasure her
note, — a note which, it seems to me,
solves one of the great problems of life
triumphantly. In making this simple
solution public, I feel that I am con-
ferring a real boon on a large and har-
assed proportion of social mankind.
The moment society adopts my pro-
posal, and puts down the simple mag-
ic word, 'Beef,' 'Mutton,' or the like,
at the end of dinner-invitations, two
things will happen. First, a man going
through his invitations will be able to
map out a dietetic programme which
will be at once agreeable and eupeptic.
Second, society will suddenly realize
how restricted is the variety of food
offered on what should be festive oc-
casions, and will slowly make little
experiments which I am sure will turn
out delightfully.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
853
I was discussing just this point last
night with a friend of mine who is a
poet of high distinction. 'Good heav-
ens! what a blessing you are suggest-
ing,' he exclaimed. * Just think of it,
— I have never been to a dinner party
where the chief dish was roast pork. I
adore roast pork, and I think I 'd accept
an invitation from the richest Philis-
tines I know if such a bait were offered.'
So, too, with the exception of Mrs.
Faneuii's charming little concession to
eupepsia, I have never been to a dinner
party where corned beef was the piece
de resistance. Certain climbers doubt-
ful of their position would of course
shrink from offering a viand generally
regarded as inexpensive; but if you go
to the right predatory butcher you can
spend any amount of money — even
to mortgaging the old farm — on a
costly cut of beef, and then get it salt-
petred with a wonderful and special
brilliancy. Just as in Pendennis Miss
Fotheringay, of the Theatres Royal,
Drury Lane and Crow Street, declared
she would go anywhere with a gentle-
man who offered her lobster and cham-
pagne with honorable intentions, I my-
self would go anywhere to a hostess
who offered me corned beef, no matter
what her intentions.
Then after awhile hostesses would
begin gradually to learn just who likes
what, and on this basis they could gath-
er together little groups of charmingly
congenial people. And we should all
be in such a well-prepared, receptive
state of mind and body. I, for example,
having had a luncheon that would not
conflict with or impair my enjoyment
of Mrs. Midas's dinner, would be in a
delightful mood, and the next night
Mrs.Ponsonby de Tompkins would find
me even more agreeable than usual.
I do hope this plea of mine will have
some effect, for as matters stand now,
I shall soon be driven to buying all my
own meals, and I cannot contemplate
such selfishness with equanimity.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
*ALL MANNER OF MEATS '
THE Head of my House declares that
I am an inveterate collector of cook
books. On a shelf built for them, they
stand in orderly array on my kitchen
table — books bound in blue and gold;
books practically, and clammily, bound
in oilcloth; cardboard-covered books
that came with the baking-powder; and
paper-covered ones from the Ladies'
§Aid. There is one whose colors time
has dimmed beyond all guessing, but
whose century-old recipe for rose-leaf
salve stands true.
Once upon a time I read in the Con-
tributors' Club an appreciation of cook
books. Their literary charm was ten-
derly acknowledged by a convalescent.
I myself had newly recovered from
typhoid fever, and his enthusiasm
found an echo in my heart. Since that
time, I have begun to test the efficiency
of cook books as first aids to young
housekeepers, and to-day I feel, like
Will Wimble, that 'much might be said
on both sides.'
My first experiences were with a
volume of many alluring pages, com-
piled by a Virginia housekeeper whose
854
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
own table * would tempt a dying an-
chorite to eat/ The directions seemed
clear, but the proportions were not for
families of two. The first Christmas in
our own home suggested to our minds
a modest glass of egg-nog. We looked
for the Virginia recipe. I have never
read it all. The first line says, 'Take
three gallons of whiskey and one of
rum.' That led us to the purchase of
hand-books on catering for small fami-
lies. Most of these I have found exact,
exacting, and exasperating. They are
of the 'take-a-clean-dish' type. I am
told in which hand to take the measur-
ing-cup, in which the spoon. They
produce the state of mind the Toad
produced in the Centipede, who was
happy quite, —
Until the Toad in fun,
Said, ' Pray, which leg comes after which? '
Which wrought her mind to such a pitch,
She lay distracted in a ditch,
Considering how to run.
I turned to another of the Southern
group. Here at least I was not surfeit-
ed with detail. The rule for boiling a
leg of mutton reads: 'Take a leg of
mutton of the right size, the larger the
better, put it over the fire in a suffi-
cient quantity of water early in the
morning and boil till dinner-time.'
Disheartened again by the phrase,
'the larger the better,' I made a brief
sortie into the field of the economical
use of left-overs, — this is the subject,
not the title, of the book. These rules
were easy to follow, being briefly,
'Take what you have in the house,
sprinkle sparingly with butter and lib-
erally with bread crumbs, and bake in
a slow oven.' I abandoned this line
when everything cooked according to
direction seemed unwholesome. I was
reminded of an aphorism of a family
servant, *Po' white folks' cookin' al-
ways colics quality folks.'
A natural reaction led me to hand-
books of the scientific type. One of
these emphasizes, appetizingly, the food
value of butter, cream, and prime cuts
of meat by insisting upon the import-
ance of * buy ing the best.' Accuracy is
insisted upon. 'The recipes, if strictly
followed, cannot fail.' I read the motto
hopefully and with faith. For that
matter, I always believe, till the blow
falls, that my cooking 'cannot fail.'
My scientific guide gives explicit direc-
tions as to ingredients and mixing, and
airily remarks as the conclusion of the
whole matter, 'Success depends upon
having the oven just right.'
'Having the oven just right.' Must
it be quick, or slow, or moderate?
And when is an oven this, that, or the
other? The eldest of the Ruggleses was
not more harrowed by her mother's
rule of social conduct, that she must
'get up to go once in so often.' I have
gathered more reliable information
from the instructions of an old Negro
servant, whose method was undeniably
impressionistic.
'You want me to tell you how I
makes my batter bread?' Aunt Mattie
repeated; 'why, honey, you jus' takes
what you needs of your 'gregiences, all
'cep'n' your cornmeal. You mus'n't
take but mighty little of that. But
take the right amount of everything
else an' a few mo' aigs.'
Any Southern housekeeper will tes-
tify to the value of this recipe. A light
hand with the meal and a heavy one
with the eggs is a safe guide.
Aunt Mattie's light bread will al-
ways be in our family the standard of
perfection. Her instructions to me on
this point were these: 'The principal
thing is not to forget none of your
'gregiences. But ef you don't forget
none of your 'gregiences, all you got to
do is to handle it twell it feels right.'
It was easy to glean from books the
names of the 'gregiences.' 'Handling it
till it feels right ' has made my bread a
success.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
855
The crowning pleasure of every meal
at the home of a friend was a cup of
Aunt Charity's coffee. We begged her
to tell us her secret and she did it will-
ingly. 'Why, chil'ren,' she said, 'all
you got to do is to take your coffee
'cordin' to your family and den jus*
pour in water twell it feels kinder
heavy in your hanY
While I cavil at cook books, I am
humbled by a memory.
All, save the very newest, brides and
grooms who have been to New Orleans
on their wedding journey must recall
Begue's,- -the smoke, the sanded floor,
the smell of garlic, the taste of fines
herbes; and Madame Begue limping
about the table, offering her cook book
for sale. When my turn came I bought
one eagerly. Never had I tasted a
breakfast as savory as Begue's. The
old woman slipped the coin I gave her
in a huge apron pocket and handed me
the gayly printed book. 'Take it, my
daughter,' she said. 'It will do you no
earthly good. Everything is in the hand
of the cook.'
THE RIVER
IT is never supposed to be by chance
that cities so often establish themselves
on the banks of rivers. Their practical
purpose in doing so is obvious enough.
But practical purposes are frequently
blinds, used to hoodwink a shallow
world which does not care for ultimate
reasons. Or, to put the matter another
way, they are baits of expediency, laid
to entrap careless mankind into a
greater good. People may think they
know why they build cities beside
rivers, but the wise heavens must often
smile at the reasons they give.
To connect them with other cities,
forsooth; to promote their commerce;
to bring them the material supplies on
which they depend? Yes, all these rea-
sons are cogent enough; but under-
neath them is the reason of reasons:
that life's diversity and tumult must
ever seek to found itself on eternity's
repose.
Symbols are all but realities. They
are nearer reality than anything that
ever tries to express itself directly in
this baffled and baffling world. A
river flowing toward the sea is so sig-
nificant of the sure, unhurried progress
of our human destiny that, standing
beside it, one feels his own fretful,
hampered life escape from its artificial
hindrances and slip smoothly, grand-
ly, to regain its peace. Cities are, of
course, the most complicated of all the
artificial hindrances which man is inex-
plicably impelled to create for himself.
It is well that they should have ever
before their eyes the correcting vision
of untroubled freedom.
One wonders sometimes how the
rivers themselves feel about the alli-
ance which they are obliged to main-
tain with man's partial, restless ways.
Take our own Hudson. No nobler,
more typical stream is there in all the
world. It rises among the distant, si-
lent hills, cradled in the very peace
which it sets forth to seek. The woods
and the fields hallow it, the stars con-
secrate it. Nevertheless, it must seek
that wider, deeper peace which it di-
vines beyond, that peace which can
only come from the utter giving of it-
self. So it starts out very purposefully,
striving and hurrying at first, then
going more gravely as it better under-
stands the greatness of the consumma-
tion that lies before it. Between the
purple hills, underneath the watchful
sun and stars, it goes surely on its way,
deepening and widening, a majestic
presence. The sea draws it, draws it,
as God draws the soul.
Is there not now a certain sense of
pity — worse, of profanation — in the
fact that, as it approaches its great end,
its privacy is more and more encroached
856
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
upon? Towns spring up on its banks,
bridges and ferries span it, railroads
shriek beside it, and boats crowd its
quiet breast. Must it not long for soli-
tude, as at last it comes in sight of the
goal that has allured it through all
these miles, as it feels the first brackish
tidal thrust that tells it the sea is nigh?
But there before it the city waits, the
hardest, busiest, most restless city in
the whole world; and under the city's
unsympathetic eyes the holy death and
re-birth must be consummated. Alas!
one could weep for the river.
It does not, however, weep for itself.
Indeed, no! Its purpose is deeper than
any faint-hearted human intentions of
ours that have to be encouraged by
circumstance; its peace is beyond any
thwarting. The city need not flatter
itself that the river regards it at all,
thinks any more of the boats and the
bridges than it thought of the fallen
trees and the rocks up among the hills.
The sea: that is all its concern, and to
that it gives itself in the face of the
universe. Let the proud ships and the
squat ferryboats witness the surrender
if they will. It knows no hesitation.
And yet, after all, one does some-
times hope that the river regards the
city a little and is tender toward it.
Not down where it actually meets the
sea, — that would be asking too much
of it, — but farther up where it first
begins to skirt the troubled streets. It
sweeps down upon them so grandly,
curving between its two headlands, as
if it surely had seen them and under-
stood them and were coming straight
to their rescue. A strong soul with an
absolute purpose might be able to
minister to another's need without
impeding its own invincible progress.
Certainly it seems to linger when it
finds itself opposite the rows of houses,
the canyoned streets. The soul of the
city comes out to meet it and makes
an unconscious appeal. What is here?
What strange clamor? What uncer-
tainty? What conflicting purposes?
Does it not know what it wants, then,
the city? But how should any created
thing fail to know what it wants?
Must the river stop and tell it? Well,
it cannot stop; but it does its best, in
passing, to share its certainty.
'It is all quite simple. I want the
sea, and you want God,' it says pa-
tiently over and over to the impatient
streets.
How gentle it is in its bearing, al-
most wistful, as if for the first time in
its life it found itself not quite sure of
its environment. The strange appeal
of the city troubles it a little. It gath-
ers its dreams about it, partly because
it divines them its best offering, partly
because they suddenly seem under a
threat. Misty, shimmering, opales-
cent, it steals through the dawn and
the sunset, veiled in mystery.
'Oh, hush! Oh, hush!' it says to the
city. * See how beautiful everything is,
how quiet and safe. There is no need
of making such a to-do.'
Its very industry — the business
which is more and more thrust upon it
— is a lesson to the rushing traffic of
the streets. Every craft which invades
it catches something of the grandeur of
its motion, and bears itself with a cer-
tain inscrutable composure. Even the
coal-barges. One has but to watch
them dreaming along on their way
downstream — their beautiful, warm,
faded reds accenting the blue-gray and
silver of their surroundings — to real-
ize that, after all, the practical world
makes a less strenuous demand than
one had supposed. As for the sail-
boats, the sight of one of the great,
serene, gray birds standing slowly in
from the sea, is enough to arrest the
busiest footsteps, call a halt to the
processes of the most distracted brain.
The rapt, mystical passing is like a
prayer.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
857
'Thus and thus,' says the river, 'you
should go about your business, bearing
it all with you on your way into eter-
nity. Confusion is only a hindrance and
waste. Can you not understand?'
Can the city ever understand?
Surely, it must, in time. Understand-
ing is its desire and destiny. Its turbu-
lence is so artificial that it would seem
to have taken distraction on itself as a
paradoxical means of realizing repose.
It values peace too highly to be will-
ing to accept it ready-made, but must
work it out, prove it, win it. The river's
methods are much the same. It turned
its back on its natal peace in the hope
of something better. The river's strife
is less than the city's. Perhaps that is
only because its ultimate peace is less
profound.
Meanwhile, its quiet presence, so
near the rapture of its consummation,
is a blessing and help to the city. It
hushes it, frees it, admonishes it. As
a child to its mother's side, the com-
plaining city clings to the banks of its
river.
' ALPS ON ALPS ARISE '
FROM the inquisitive elder Disraeli I
learned that Lope de Vega was a poet
from his cradle, and I learned it bit-
terly, for I was sixteen, and my poetic
April lingered. There was great solace
in Keats, who had begun to be a poet
at an age which gave me still two years
to falter in. But what of these cradle
rhymes of the Spaniard? What of the
numerous lispings of Pope to nurse and
bottle? What of the spines of satire
Bryant put out at three-and-ten, or the
Blossomes Cowley bore midway his
second decade? And Chatterton!
Never mind Pascal and his conic
sections, precocious Pliny, or the well-
stuffed Hermogenes — monsters, not
poets! But to see the years slip by and
real virtues hidden still under a cloud
of youth, was a trial which set me
brooding, full of anger, over the hours
I had wasted in play before I had
grown conscious of an imperative
function. No honorable poet could
weigh pleasure against the duty to be
great. For all her tricky record, For-
tune had never behaved so ill as when
she cheated me of my destiny by fif-
teen years' stark ignorance of it. In
the thought that most forward poets
had been early at their calling, lay a
dim consolation which darkened when
I feared that their greener majority
may have meant a more genuine sum-
mons.
Nor could I be much heartened by
the spectacle of those who had come
late into self-knowledge. Wandering in
the wilderness palled no less because of
the tribes who shared it with me. The
dying, I felt, might lie down comforted
that patriarchs, kings, even the wise
and good, were bedfellows; but the hot
thrust of those who looked toward
birth wanted none of the cool medicine
which encourages death. We who had
to be about Father Apollo's business
had little time for beds.
And yet, strenuous as I was for the
bright reward, I gave hours to becom-
ing a specialist in the youth of poets.
Like a man sick with some lingering
disease, I ransacked annals for cases
like my own, mad after a sign which
would point to an end for my sullen
malady of prose. I could tell you at a
question when my poets had assumed
the toga poetica, from Tennyson, cover-
ing his slate with blank verse at six or
seven, up through Goldsmith, who
scarcely touched pen to verse on the
poetical side of thirty, to Cowper, who,
at fifty, a few cheerful bagatelles aside,
had only just begun to be a poet. From
this learning of mine, more truly a
scholar than I knew, I took examples,
despair, and vindications. When I
thought of poets I thought of a thin
858
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
line marching fierily down through all
the ages, endless, quenchless, and my-
self waiting unsuspected in a prairie
village for the tongue of flame which
should mark me of their company.
When I thought how much I lacked
their art and scope, I despaired; but
whenever despair had a little numbed,
I vindicated myself against the preco-
cious poets by instancing those who
had slept late in the shell.
Thus, year by year, I pushed back
the age at which I must come into my
powers and fame. By the precedent of
Bryant, I should have written some
new Thanatopsis at seventeen, but I
had only heartache from that prece-
dent. With what a thrill, then, I learned
that he had made the poem over in
riper years. Eighteen was harder for
me to endure. Poems by Two Brothers,
Poe's Tamerlane, The Blessed Damosel
(unanswerable challenge), drove me
ashamed and passionate to my rhym-
ing. But once again I found out a de-
fense. If Pope's Ode on Solitude, writ-
ten at twelve for lasting honor, was a
prank of genius, why not The Blessed
Damosel? And who would contend
with ghosts? Yet I could not remember
this assurance when, that year, I found
Chatterton's bitter, proud will, and
thought of the career which had led so
straight toward it.
Some years were kinder, or at least
my ignorance saved me, for at nine-
teen and twenty "I kept my courage
well. But twenty-one threatened me
to the very teeth. Drake's Culprit Fay
mocked me; Holmes's Old Ironsides
roared at me; Campbell's Pleasures of
Hope enticed me; Milton's Nativity ode
submerged and cowed me. 'No, no,'
I cried, as I read again these resonant
strophes, *I will be a minor poet and
never strive with Milton.'
Later, by a strange reversal, I con-
soled myself with proofs that the great
poet must come slowly to his height,
and I lived for cheerful months on the
surpassing badness of Shelley's work
before Alastor, fruit of twenty- three.
But the years would not cease, nor
would they bring my summons. At
twenty-two I thought of Gotz von
Berlichingen and thrust my boundary
back. Twenty-three taunted me with
Paracelsus and Endymion and Milton's
wistful On his Being Arrived to the
Age of Twenty-three. I passed twenty-
four sickly conscious of The Defence of
Guenevere and Tamburlaine and those
cantos of Childe Harold which, already
two years out of the pen, made Byron
splendid in a night. Keats, dying glori-
ous at twenty-five, made my year deso-
late. To be twenty-six was to remem-
ber The Ancient Mariner, Collins's
pure Odes, and youth's dreamland, the
fair, the fragrant, the unforgettable
Arcadia. Nor was twenty-seven better :
what could my numbness say to The
Strayed Reveller, The Shepheardes' Cal-
ender, and Poems, Chiefly in the Scottish
Dialect ? With twenty-eight, The Lyri-
cal Ballads and Atalanta in Calydon
saw my hopes begin a slow decline,
which dropped off, the next year, amid
contracting ardor, past Johnson's Lon-
don, Crabbe's Village, Clough's hos-
pitable Bothie, into thirty's hopeless
wilderness. After thirty poets are not
made. And I am thirty.
Tall Alp after tall Alp behind me, I
see before me only a world of foothills.
Yet my journey was passionate. Now
the work I have done is dead leaves,
my energy all burned grass, my aspira-
tions dust. And dry and bitter in my
mouth is the reflection that the sum-
mons may have missed my ear while I
watched my fellows. Did zeal over-
reach me, some hidden jealousy undo
me? What grief and rebellion to know
one's self cause, agent, and penalty of
one's own ruin! O black decades to
come!
Scott found himself at thirty-four.
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