UBHAf?
NOX
ro-
•"^W. -d
Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
by
KHOX COLLEGE
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
*
JULY, 1921
ft
| o 1973
THE SECRET DOOR v or i
BY SIR PAUL DUKES
LATE at night I stood outside the
Tauride Palace in Petrograd, which had
become the centre of the revolution.
No one was admitted through the great
gates without a pass. I sought a place
about midway between the gates, and,
when no one was looking, scrambled
up, dropped over the railings, and ran
through the bushes straight to the main
porch. Here I soon met folk I knew —
comrades of student days, revolution-
ists. What a spectacle within the pal-
ace, lately so still and dignified ! Tired
soldiers lay sleeping in heaps in every
hall and corridor. The vaulted lobby,
whence the Duma members had flitted
silently, was packed almost to the roof
with all manner of truck, baggage,
arms, and ammunition. All night long,
and the next, I labored with the revolu-
tionists to turn the Tauride Palace into
a revolutionary arsenal.
Thus began the revolution. And
after? Everyone knows now how the
hopes of freedom were blighted. Truly
had Russia's foe, Germany, who dis-
patched the 'proletarian' dictator Len-
in and his satellites to Russia, discov-
ered the Achilles' heel of the Russian
revolution. Everyone now knows how
the flowers of the revolution withered
under the blast of the class war, and
how Russia was replunged into starv-
ation and serfdom. I will not dwell
on these things. My story relates to
the time when they were already cruel
realities.
My reminiscences of the first year
of Bolshevist administration are jum-
bled into a kaleidoscopic panorama of
impressions gained while journeying
from city to city, sometimes crouched
in the corner of crowded box-cars,
sometimes traveling in comfort, some-
times riding on the steps, and some-
times on the roofs or buffers. I was
nominally in the service of the British
Foreign Office; but the Anglo-Russian
Commission (of which I was a member)
having quit Russia, I attached myself
to the American Y.M.C.A., doing relief
work. A year after the revolution I
found myself in the Eastern city of
Samara, training a detachment of Boy
Scouts. As the snows of winter melted,
and the spring sunshine shed joy and
cheerfulness around, I held my parades,
and together with my American col-
leagues organized outings and sports.
Then one day, when in Moscow, I
was handed an unexpected telegram —
'urgent' — from the British Foreign
Office. 'You are wanted at once in
London,' it ran. I set out for Archangel
without delay. Thence by steamer and
destroyer and tug to the Norwegian
VOL. 1S8—NO. 1
A
L P
THE SECRET DOOR
frontier; and so, round the North Cape
to Bergen, with, finally, a zig-zag course
across the North Sea, dodging sub-
marines, to Scotland.
At Aberdeen the Control Officer had
received orders to pass me through by
the first train to London. At King's
Cross a car was waiting; and knowing
neither my destination nor the cause
of my recall, I was driven to a building
in a side street in the vicinity of Trafal-
gar Square. 'This way,' said the chauf-
feur, leaving the car. The chauffeur had
a face like a mask. We entered the build-
ing, and the elevator whisked us to the
top floor, above which additional super-
structures had been built for war emer-
gency offices.
I had always associated rabbit-war-
rens with subterranean abodes; but
here in this building I discovered a maze
of rabbit-burrow-like passages, corri-
dors, nooks, and alcoves, piled higgledy-
piggledy on the roof. Leaving the ele-
vator, my guide led me up one flight of
steps so narrow that a corpulent man
would have stuck tight, then down a
similar flight on the other side, under
wooden archways so low that we had to
stoop, round unexpected corners, and
again up a flight of steps which brought
us out on the roof. Crossing a short
iron bridge, we entered another maze,
until, just as I was beginning to feel
dizzy, I was shown into a tiny room
about ten feet square, where sat an of-
ficer in the uniform of a British colonel,
i The impassive chauffeur announced me
and withdrew.
'Good-afternoon, Mr. Dukes,' said
the colonel, rising and greeting me with
a warm hand-shake. 'I am glad to see
you. You doubtless wonder that no ex-
planation has been given you as to why
you should return to England. Well, I
have to inform you, confidentially, that
it has been proposed to offer you a some-
what responsible post in the Secret In-
telligence Service.'
I gasped . ' But, ' I stammered , * I have
never — May I ask what it implies?'
'Certainly,' he replied. 'We have
reason to believe that Russia will not
long continue to be open to foreigners.
We wish someone to remain there, to
keep us informed of the march of events.'
'But,' I put in, 'my present work?
It is important, and if I drop it —
'We foresaw that objection,' replied
the colonel, 'and I must tell you that un-
der war regulations we have the right
to requisition your services if need be.
You have been attached to the Foreign
Office. This office also works in con-
junction with the Foreign Office, which
has been consulted on this question.
Of course,' he added, bitingly, 'if the
risk or danger alarms you — '
I forget what I said, but he did not
continue.
'Very well,' he proceeded, 'consider
the matter and return at four-thirty to-
morrow. If you have no valid reasons
for not accepting this post, we will con-
sider you as in our service and I will
tell you further details.'
He rang a bell. A young lady ap-
peared and escorted me out, threading
her way with what seemed to me mar-
velous dexterity through the maze of
passages.
Burning with curiosity, and fascina-
ted already by the mystery of this ele-
vated labyrinth, I ventured a query to
my young female guide. 'What sort of
establishment is this?' I said.
I detected a twinkle in her eye. She
shrugged her shoulders and, without
replying, pressed the button for the ele-
vator. 'Good-afternoon,' was all she
said as I passed in.
Next day I found the colonel in a
fair-sized apartment, with easy chairs,
and walls hidden by bookcases. He
seemed to take it for granted that I had
nothing to say.
'I will tell you briefly what we de-
sire,' he said. * Then you may make any
THE SECRET DOOR
3
comments you wish, and I will take you
up to interview — a — the Chief. Brief-
ly, we want you to return to Soviet Rus-
sia and to send reports on the situation
there. We wish to be accurately in-
formed as to the attitude of every sec-
tion of the community, the degree of
support enjoyed by the Bolshevist gov-
ernment, the development and mod-
ification of its policy, what possibility
there may be for an alteration of re-
gime or for a counter-revolution, and
what part Germany is playing. As to
the means whereby you gain access to
the country, under what cover you will
live there, and how you will send out
reports, we shall leave it to you, be-
ing best informed as to conditions, to
make suggestions.'
He expounded his views on Russia,
asking for my corroboration or correc-
tion, and also mentioned the names of a
few English people I might come into
contact with there. 'I will see if — a
— the Chief is ready,' he said, finally,
rising. ' I will be back in a moment.'
The apartment appeared to be an
office, but there were no papers on the
desk. I rose and stared at the books on
the bookshelves. My attention was
arrested by an edition of Thackeray's
works in a decorative binding of what
looked like green morocco. I used at
one time to dabble in bookbinding, and
am always interested in an artisti-
cally bound book. I took down Henry
Esmond from the shelf. To my bewil-
derment the cover did not open, until,
passing my finger accidentally along
what I thought was the edge of the
pages, the front cover suddenly flew
open of itself, disclosing a box. In my
astonishment I almost dropped the
volume, and a sheet of paper slipped
out and fell to the floor. I picked it up
hastily and glanced at it. It was headed
Kriegsministerium, Berlin, had the Ger-
man Imperial arms imprinted on it, and
was covered with minute handwriting
in German. I had barely slipped it back
into the box and replaced the volume on
the shelf, when the colonel returned.
'A — the — a — Chief is not in,' he
said, ' but you may see him to-morrow.
You are interested in books?' he added,
seeing me looking at the shelves. ' I col-
lect them. That is an interesting old
volume on Cardinal Richelieq, if you
care to look at it. I picked it up in
Charing Cross Road for a shilling.'
The volume mentioned was immedi-
ately above Henry Esmond. I took it
down warily, expecting something un-
common to occur; but it was only a
musty old volume in French, with torn
leaves and soiled pages. I pretended to
be interested.
'There is not much else there worth
looking at, I think/ said the colonel
casually. 'Well, good-bye. Come in
to-morrow.'
I returned again next day, after
thinking overnight how I should get
back to Russia — and deciding on
nothing. My mind seemed to be a com-
plete blank on the subject in hand, and
I was entirely absorbed ip the mys-
teries of the roof-labyrinth.
Again I was shown into the colonel's
sitting-room. My eyes fell instinctively
on the bookshelf. The colonel was in a
genial mood. ' I see you like my collec-
tion,' he said. 'That, by the way, is a
fine edition of Thackeray.' I felt my
heart leap. 'It is the most luxurious
binding I have ever yet found. Would
you not like to look at it?'
I looked at the colonel very hard, but
his face was a mask. My immediate
conclusion was that he wished to ini-
tiate me into the secrets of the Depart-
ment. I rose quickly and took down
Henry Esmond, which was in exactly
the same place as it had been the day
before. To my utter confusion it open-
ed quite naturally, and I found in my
hands nothing more than an edition de
luxe, printed on India paper and pro-
THE SECRET DOOR
fusely illustrated! I stared, bewildered,
at the shelf. There was no other Henry
Esmond. Immediately over the vacant
space stood the life of Cardinal Riche-
lieu as it had stood yesterday. I re-
placed the volume, and, trying not to
look disconcerted, turned to the colo-
nel. His expression was quite impassive,
even bored.
' It is a beautiful edition,' he repeated
as if wearily. 'Now, if you are ready,
we will go and see — a — the Chief.'
Feeling very foolish, I stuttered as-
sent and followed. As we proceeded
through the maze of stairways and un-
expected passages, which seemed to me
like a miniature House of Usher, I
caught glimpses of tree-tops, of the Em-
bankment Gardens, the Thames, the
Tower Bridge, and Westminster. From
the suddenness with which the angle
of view changed, I concluded that in
reality we were simply gyrating in
one very limited space; and when sud-
denly we entered a spacious study, —
the sanctum of ' — a — the Chief,' —
I had an irresistible feeling that we
had moved only a few yards, and that
this study was immediately above the
colonel's office.
It was a low, dark chamber at the ex-
treme top of the building. The colonel
knocked, entered, and stood at atten-
tion. Nervous and confused, I followed,
painfully conscious that at that mo-
ment I could not have expressed a sane
opinion on any subject under the sun.
From the threshold the room seemed
bathed in semi-obscurity. The writing-
desk was so placed, with the window
behind it, that on entering everything
appeared only in silhouette. It was
some seconds before I could clearly dis-
tinguish things. A row of half a dozen
extending telephones stood at the left
of a big desk littered with papers. On a
side table were numerous maps and de-
signs, with models of aeroplanes, sub-
marines, and mechanical devices, while
a row of bottles of various colors and a
distilling outfit with a rack of test-tubes
bore witness to chemical experiments
and operations. These evidences of sci-
entific investigation served only to in-
tensify an already overpowering atmos-
phere of strangeness and mystery.
But it was not these things that en-
gaged my attention as I stood nervously
waiting. It was not the bottles or the
machinery that attracted my gaze. My
eyes fixed themselves on the figure at
the writing-table. In the capacious
swing desk-chair, his shoulders hunched,
with his head supported on one hand,
busily writing, there sat in his shirt-
sleeves —
Alas, no! Pardon me, reader, I was
forgetting! There are still things I may
not divulge. There are things that
must still remain shrouded in secrecy.
And one of them is — who was the
figure in the swing desk-chair in the
darkened room at the top of the roof-
labyrinth near Trafalgar Square on this
August day in 1918. I may not describe
him, or mention even one of his twenty-
odd names. Suffice it to say that, awe-
inspired as I was at this first encounter,
I soon learned to regard ' the Chief with
feelings of the deepest personal regard
and admiration. He was a British offi-
cer and an English gentleman of the
finest stamp, absolutely fearless and
gifted with unlimited resources of sub-
tle ingenuity, and I count it one of the
greatest privileges of my life to have
been brought within the circle of his
acquaintanceship.
In silhouette I saw myself motioned
to a chair. The Chief wrote for a mo-
ment, then suddenly turned, with the
unexpected remark, 'So I understand
you want to go back to Soviet Russia,
do you?' — as if it had been my own
suggestion.
The conversation was brief and pre-
cise. The words Archangel, Stockholm,
Riga, Helsingfors, recurred frequently,
THE SECRET DOOR
and the names were mentioned of Eng-
lish people in those places and in Pe-
trograd. It was finally decided that I
alone should determine how and by what
route I should regain access to Russia
and how I should dispatch reports.
'Don't go and get killed,' said the
Chief in conclusion, smiling. 'You will
put him through the ciphers,' he added
to the colonel, 'and take him to the lab-
oratory to learn the inks and all that.'
We left the Chief and arrived by a
single flight of steps at the door of the
colonel's room. The colonel laughed.
'You will find your way about in course
of time,' he said; 'let us go to the labo-
ratory at once.'
And here I draw a veil over the roof-
labyrinth. Three weeks later I set out
for Russia, into the unknown.
n
I resolved to make my first attempt
at entry from the north, and traveled
up to Archangel on a troopship of Amer-
ican soldiers, most of whom hailed from
Detroit. But I found the difficulties at
Archangel to be much greater than I
had anticipated. It was 600 miles to
Petrograd, and most of this distance
would have to be done on foot through
unknown moorland and forest. The
roads were closely watched, and before
my plans were ready, autumn storms
broke and made the moors and marshes
impassable. But at Archangel, realiz-
ing that to return to Russia as an Eng-
lishman was impossible, I let my beard
grow and assumed an appearance en-
tirely Russian.
Failing in Archangel, I traveled down
to Helsingfors, to try my luck from the
direction of Finland. Helsingfors, the
capital of Finland, is a busy little city
bristling with life and intrigue. At the
time of which I am writing it was a sort
of dumping-ground for every variety of
conceivable and inconceivable rumor,
slander, and scandal, repudiated else-
where, but swallowed by the gullible
scandal-mongers — especially German
and anden-regime Russian — who found
in this city a haven of rest. Helsingfors
was one of the unhealthiest spots in
Europe. Whenever mischance brought
me there, I lay low, avoided society,
and made it a rule to tell everybody the
direct contrary of my real intentions,
even in trivial matters.
In Helsingfors I was introduced, at
the British consulate, to an agent of the
American Secret Service who had re-
cently escaped from Russia. This gen-
tleman gave me a letter to a Russian
officer in Viborg, by name Melnikoff.
The little town of Viborg, being the
nearest place of importance to the Rus-
sian frontier, was a hornet's nest of
Russian refugees, counter-revolution-
ary conspirators, German agents, and
Bolshevist spies — worse, if anything,
than Helsingfors.
Disguised now as a middle-class com-
mercial traveler, I journeyed on to Vi-
borg, took a room at the same hotel at
which I had been told that Melnikoff
stayed, looked him up, and presented
my note of introduction. I found Mel-
nikoff to be a Russian naval officer of
the finest stamp, and intuitively con-
ceived an immediate liking for him.
His real name, I discovered, was not
Melnikoff, but in those parts many peo-
ple had a variety of names to suit dif-
ferent occasions. My meeting with him
was providential, for it appeared that
he had worked with Captain Crombie,
late British Naval Attache at Petro-
grad. In September, 1918, Captain
Crombie was murdered by the Bolshe-
viki at the British Embassy, and it was
the threads of his shattered organiza-
tion that I hoped to pick up upon arri-
val in Petrograd.
Melnikoff was slim, dark, short, and
muscular, with stubbly hair and blue
eyes. He was deeply religious, and wag
THE SECRET DOOR
imbued with an intense hatred of the
Bolsheviki — not without reason, since
both his father and his mother had been
brutally shot by them, and he himself
had escaped only by a miracle. 'The
searchers came at night,' so he told the
story to me. ' I had some papers refer-
ring to the insurrection at Yaroslavl,
which my mother kept for me. The
searchers demanded access to my
mother's room. My father barred the
way, saying she was dressing. A sailor
tried to push past, and my father angri-
ly struck him aside. Suddenly a shot
rang out, and my father fell dead /on
the threshold of my-mother's bedroom.
I was in the kitchen when the Reds
came, and through the kitchen door I
fired and killed two of them. A volley
of shots was directed at me. I was
wounded in the hand, and only just es-
caped by the back stairway. Two weeks
later my mother was executed on ac-
count of the discovery of my papers.'
Melnikoff had but one sole object-
left in life — to avenge his parents'
blood. This was all he lived for. So far
as Russia was concerned, he was frank-
ly a monarchist; 'so I avoided talking
politics with him. But we were friends
from the moment we met, and I had
the peculiar feeling that somewhere,
long, long ago, we had met before, .al-
though I knew this was not so.
Melnikoff was overjoyed to learn of
my desire to return to Soviet Russia.
He undertook not only to make the ar-
rangements with the Finnish frontier
patrols for me to be put across the
frontier at night, secretly, but also to
precede me to Petrograd and make ar-
rangements there for me to find shelter.
Melnikoff gave me two addresses in
Petrograd where I might find him — one
of a hospital where he had formerly
lived, and the other of a small cafe that
still existed in a private flat unknown to
the Bolshevist authorities.
Perhaps it was a pardonable sin in
Melnikoff that he was a toper. We
spent three days together in Viborg
making plans for Petrograd, while Mel-
nikoff drank up all my whiskey except a
small medicine-bottle full, which I hid
away. When he had satisfied himself
that my stock was really exhausted, he
announced himself ready to start. It
was a Friday, and we arranged that I
should follow two days later, on Sun-
day night, the twenty-fourth of No-
vember. Melnikoff wrote out a pass-
word on a slip of paper. ' Give that to
the Finnish patrols,' he said, 'at the
third house, the wooden one with the
white porch, on the left of the frontier
bridge.'
At six o'clock he went into his room,
returning in a few minutes so trans-
formed that I hardly recognized him.
He wore a sort of seaman's cap that
came right down over his eyes. He had
dirtied his face, and this, added to the
three-days-old hirsute stubble on his
chin, gave him a truly demoniacal ap-
pearance. He wore a shabby coat and
trousers of a dark color, and a muffler
was tied closely round his neck. He
looked a perfect apache as he stowed
away a big Colt revolver inside his
trousers.
* Good-bye,' he said simply, extending
his hand; then stopped and added, 'let
us observe the good old Russian custom
and sit down for a minute together.'
According to a beautiful custom that
used to be observed in Russia in the
olden days, friends sit down at the mo-
ment of parting, and maintain com-
plete silence for a few instants, while
each wishes the others a safe journey
and prosperity. Melnikoff and I sat
down opposite each other. With what
fervor I wished him success on the dan-
gerous journey he was undertaking for
me!
We rose. 'Good-bye,' said Melnikoff
again. He turned, crossed himself, and
passed out of the room. On the thresh-
THE SECRET DOOR
old he looked back. ' Sunday evening/
he added, 'without fail.'
I saw Melnikoff only once more after
that, for a brief moment in Petrograd,
under dramatic circumstances. But that
comes later in my story.
m
I rose early next day, but there was
not much for me to do. As it was Satur-
day, the Jewish booths in the usually
busy little market-place were shut, and
only the Finnish ones were open. Most
articles of the costume I had decided on
were already procured; but I made one
or two slight additions on this day, and
on Sunday morning, when the Jewish
booths opened. My outfit consisted of
a Russian shirt, black-leather breeches,
black knee-boots, a shabby tunic, and
an old leather cap with a fur brim and a
little tassel on top, of the style worn by
the Finns in the district north of Petro-
grad. With my shaggy black beard,
which by now wras quite profuse, and
long unkempt hair dangling over my
ears, I was a sight, indeed, and in Eng-
land or America should doubtless have
been regarded as a thoroughly undesir-
able alien.
On Sunday an officer friend of Melni-
koff's came to make sure that I was
ready. I knew him by the Christian
name and patronymic of Ivan Sergeie-
vitch. He was a pleasant fellow, kind
and considerate. Like many other ref-
ugees from Russia, he had no financial
resources, and was trying to make a liv-
ing for himself, his wife, and his child-
ren by smuggling Finnish money and
butter into Petrograd, where both were
sold at a high premium. Thus he was on
good terms with the Finnish patrols,
who also practised this trade and whose
friendship he cultivated.
'Have you any passport yet, Pavel
Pavlovitch?' Ivan Sergeievitch asked
me.
'No,' I replied; 'Melnikoff said the
patrols would furnish me with one. '
'Yes, that is best,' he said; 'they have
the Bolshevist stamps. But we also col-
lect the passports of all refugees from
Petrograd, for they often come in handy.
And if anything happens, remember you
are a "speculator." '
All are stigmatized by the Bolsheviki
as speculators who indulge in the pri-
vate sale or purchase of foodstuffs or
clothing. They suffer severely, but it is
better to be a speculator than a spy.
When darkness fell, Ivan Sergeie-
vitch accompanied me to the station
and part of the way in the train, though
we sat separately, so that it should not
be seen that I was traveling with one
who was known to be a Russian officer.
'And remember, Pavel Pavlovitch,'
said Ivan Sergeievitch, 'to go to my flat
whenever you are in need. There is an
old housekeeper there, who will admit
you if you say I sent you. But do not
let the house porter see you, — he is a
Bolshevik, — and be careful the house
committee do not know, for they will
ask who is visiting the house.'
I was grateful for this offer, which
turned out to be very valuable.
We boarded the train at Viborg and
sat at opposite ends of the compart-
ment, pretending not to know each
other. When Ivan Sergeievitch got out
at his destination, he cast one glance at
me, but we made no sign of recognition.
I sat huddled up gloomily in my corner,
obsessed with the inevitable feeling that
everybody was watching me. The very
walls and seats seemed possessed of
eyes. That man over there, did he not
look at me — twice? And that woman,
spying constantly (I thought) out of
the corner of her eye! They would let
me get as far as the frontier; then they
would send word over to the Reds that
I was coming. I shivered, and was
ready to curse myself for my fool ad-
venture. But there was no turning
8
THE SECRET DOOR
back! 'Forsan et hose olim meminisse
juvabit,' wrote Virgil. (I used to write
that on my Latin books at school — I
hated Lathi.) ' Perhaps some day it will
amuse you to remember these things.'
Cold comfort, though, hi a scrape, and
with your neck in a noose. Yet these
escapades are amusing — afterward.
At last the train stopped at Rajajoki,
the last station on the Finnish side of
the frontier. It was a pitch-dark night,
with no moon. It was still half a mile
to the frontier. I made my way along
the rails in the direction of Russia, and
down to the wooden bridge over the lit-
tle frontier river Sestro. Great hostility
still existed between Finland and Soviet
Russia. Skirmishes frequently occurred,
and the frontier was guarded jealous-
ly by both sides. I looked curiously
across at the gloomy buildings and the
dull twinkling lights on the other bank.
That was my Promised Land over there,
but it was flowing, not with milk and
honey, but with blood. The Finnish
sentry stood at his post at the bar of
the frontier bridge; and twenty paces
away, on the other side, was the Red
sentry. I left the bridge on my right,
and turned to look for the house of the
Finnish patrols to whom I had been
directed.
Finding the little wooden villa with
the white porch, I knocked timidly.
The door opened, and I handed in the
slip of paper on which Melnikoff had
written the password. The Finn who
opened the door examined the paper by
the light of a greasy oil lamp, then held
the lamp to my face, peered closely at
me, and finally signaled to me to enter.
'Come in,' he said? 'We were expect-
ing you. How are you feeling?'
I did not tell him how I was really
feeling, but replied cheerily that I was
feeling splendid.
'That's right,' he said. 'You are
lucky in having a dark night for it. A
week ago one of our fellows was shot as
we put him over the river. His body
fell into the water and we have not yet
fished it out.'
This, I suppose, was the Finnish way
of cheering me up.
'Has anyone been over since?' I que-
ried, affecting a tone of indifference.
'Only Melnikoff.'
'Safely?'
The Finn shrugged his shoulders.
'We put him across all right — a
dalshe ne znayu [what happened to him
after that, I don't know].'
The Finn was a lean, cadaverous-
looking fellow. He led me into a tiny
eating-room, where three more Finns
sat round a smoky oil lamp. The win-
dow was closely curtained and the
room was intolerably stuffy. The table
was covered with a filthy cloth, on
which a few broken lumps of black
bread, some fish, and a samovar were
placed. All four men were shabbily
dressed and very rough in appearance.
They spoke Russian well, but conversed
in Finnish among themselves. One of
them said something to the cadaverous
man and appeared to be remonstrating
with him for telling me of the accident
that had happened to their colleague
a week before. The cadaverous Finn
answered him with some heat.
'Melnikoff is a chuckle-headed scat-
terbrain,' persisted the cadaverous man,
who appeared to be the leader of the
party. 'We told him not to be such a
fool as to go into Petrograd again.
The Redskins are searching for him
everywhere in Petrograd, and every de-
tail of his appearance is known. But he
would go. I suppose he loves to have
his neck in a noose. With you, I sup-
pose, it is different. Melnikoff says you
are somebody important — but that 's
none of our business. But the Redskins
don't like the English. If I were you,
I would n't go for anything. But it 's
your affair, of course.'
We sat down to the loaves and fishes.
THE SECRET DOOR
9
The samovar was boiling, and while we
swilled copious supplies of weak tea out
of dirty glasses, the Finns retailed the
latest news from Petrograd. The cost of
bread, they said, had risen to about
eight hundred or a thousand times its
former price. People hacked dead horses
to pieces in the streets. All the warm
clothing had been taken and given to
the Red Army. The Tchrezvichaika
(the Extraordinary Commission) was
arresting and shooting workmen as well
as the educated people. Zinovieff
threatened to exterminate all the bour-
geoisie if any further attempt were
made to molest the Soviet government.
When the Jewish Commissar Uritzky
was murdered, Zinoviev shot over five
hundred of the bourgeoisie at a stroke,
— nobles, professors, officers, journal-
ists, teachers, men and women, — and
a list was published of another five
hundred who would be shot at the next
attempt on a commissar's life.
I listened patiently, regarding the
bulk of these stories as the product of
Finnish imagination. ' You will be held
up frequently to be examined,' the ca-
daverous man warned me; 'and do not
carry parcels — they will be taken from
you in the street.'
After supper, we sat down to discuss
the plans of crossing. The cadaverous
Finn took a pencil and paper and drew
a rough sketch of the frontier.
'We will put you over in a boat at
the same place as Melnikoff,' he said.
' Here is the river, with woods on either
bank. Here, about a mile up, is an open
meadow on the Russian side. It is now
eleven o'clock. About three we will go
out quietly and follow the road that
skirts the river on this side, till we get
opposite the meadow. That is where
you will cross.'
'Why at the open spot?' I queried,
surprised. 'Shall I not be seen there
most easily of all? Why not put me
across into the woods?'
'Because the woods are patrolled,
and the outposts change their place
every night. We cannot follow their
movements. Several people have tried
to cross into the woods. A few suc-
ceeded, but most were either caught or
had to fight their way back. But this
meadow is a most unlikely place for
anyone to cross, so the Redskins don't
watch it. Besides, being open, we can
see if there is anyone on the other side.
We will put you across just here,' he
said, indicating a narrow place in the
stream at the middle of the meadow.
'At these narrows the water runs faster,
making a noise, so we are less likely to
be heard. When you get over, run up
the slope slightly to the left. There is
a path that leads up to the road. Be
careful of this cottage, though,' he add-
ed, making a cross on the paper at the
extreme northern end of the meadow.
'The Red patrol lives in that cottage,
but at three o'clock they will probably
be asleep.'
There remained only the preparation
of ' documents of identification,' which
should serve as passport in Soviet Rus-
sia. Melnikoff had told me I might
safely leave this matter to the Finns,
who kept themselves well informed of
the kind of papers it was best to carry,
to allay the suspicions of Red Guards
and Bolshevist police officials. We rose
and passed into another of the three
tiny rooms that the villa contained. It
was a sort of office, with paper, ink,
pens, and a typewriter on the table.
'What name do you want to have?'
asked the cadaverous man.
'Oh, any,' I replied. 'Better, per-
haps, let it have a slightly noiL-Russian
smack. My accent — '
The cadaverous man thought for a
moment. 'Afirenko, Joseph Hitch,' he
suggested; 'that smacks of Ukrainia.'
I agreed. One of the men sat down
to the typewriter and, carefully choosing
a certain sort of paper, began to write.
10
THE SECRET DOOR
The cadaverous man went to a small
cupboard, unlocked it, and took out a
boxful of rubber stamps of various sizes
and shapes, with black handles.
'Soviet seals,' he said, laughing at
my amazement. ' We keep ourselves up
to date, you see. Some of them were
stolen, some we made ourselves, and
this one — ' he pressed it on a sheet of
paper, leaving the imprint ' Commissar
of the Frontier Station Bielo'ostrof ' —
'we bought from over the river for a
bottle of vodka.' Bielo'ostrof was the
Russian frontier village just across the
stream.
I had had ample experience earlier in
the year of the magical effect upon the
rudimentary intelligence of Bolshevist
authorities of official ' documents,' with
prominent seals or stamps. Multitudin-^
ous stamped papers of any description
were a great asset in traveling, but a big
colored seal was a talisman that lev-
eled all obstacles. The wording of the
document, even the language in which
it was written, was of secondary impor-
tance. A friend of mine once traveled
from Petrograd to Moscow with no
other passport than a receipted English
tailor's bill. This 'document of identi-
fication' had a big printed heading
with the name of the tailor, some Eng-
lish postage-stamps attached, and a
flourishing signature in red ink. He
flaunted the document in the face of the
officials, assuring them it was a diplo-
matic passport issued by the British
Embassy!
This, however, was in the early days
of Bolshevism. The Bolsheviki gradu-
ally removed illiterates from service, and
in the course of time restrictions be-
came very severe. But seals were as es-
sential as ever.
When the Finn had finished writing,
he pulled the paper out of the type-
writer and handed it to me for perusal.
In the top left-hand corner it had this
heading : —
Extraordinary Commission of the Central
Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet
of Workers' and Red Armymen's Deputies.
Then followed the text: —
CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that Joseph Ilitch Afi-
renko is in the service of the Extraordinary
Commission of the Central Executive Com-
mittee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers'
and Red Armymen's Deputies, in the capac-
ity of office clerk, as the accompanying signa-
tures and seal attest.
'In the service of the Extraordinary
Commission? ' I gasped, taken aback by
the amazing audacity of the thing.
' Why not ? ' said the cadaverous man
coolly; 'what could be safer?'
I burst into laughter as I realized the
grim humor of pretending to belong to
the institution that employed all the
paid hirelings of the Tsar's secret police
to suppress the last vestiges of the lib-
erty of the revolution!
'Now for the signatures and seal,'
said the Finn. 'Tihonov and Fried-
mann used to sign these papers, though
it does n't mat ter much ; it 's only the seal
that counts.'
From some Soviet papers on the table
he selected one "with two signatures
from which to copy. Choosing a suit-
able pen, he scrawled beneath the text
of my passport, in an almost illegible
slanting hand, 'Tihonov.' This was the
signature of a proxy of the Extraordin-
ary Commission. The paper must also
be signed by a secretary, or his proxy.
'Sign for your own secretary,' said the
Finn, laughing and pushing the paper
to me. 'Write upright this time, like
this. Here is the original. Friedmann
is the name.'
Glancing at the original, I made an
irregular scrawl, resembling in some way
the signature of the Bolshevist official.
'Have you a photograph?' asked the
cadaverous man.
I gave him a photograph I had had
taken at Viborg. Cutting it down small,
THE SECRET DOOR
11
he stuck it at the side of the paper.
Then, taking a round rubber seal, he
made two imprints over the photograph.
The seal was a red one, with the same
inscription inside the periphery that
was printed at the head of the paper.
The inner space of the seal consisted of
the five-pointed Bolshevist star, with a
mallet and a plough in the centre.
'That is your certificate of service,'
said the' Finn; 'we will give you a sec-
ond one of personal identification.'
Another paper was quickly printed
off with the words, 'The holder of this
is the Soviet employee Joseph Ilitch
Afirenko, aged 36 years.' This paper
was unnecessary in itself, but two ' doc-
uments' were always better than one.
It was now after midnight, and the
leader of the Finnish patrol ordered us
to lie down for a short rest. He threw
himself on a couch in the eating-room.
There were only two beds for the re-
maining four of us, and I lay down on
one of them with one of the Finns. I
tried to sleep, but could n't. I thought
of all sorts of things — of Russia in the
past, of the life of adventure I had
elected to lead for the present, of the
morrow, of friends still in Petrograd
who must not know of my return — if
I got there. I was nervous, but the
dejection that had overcome me in the
train was gone. I saw the essential hu-
mor of my situation. The whole ad-
venture was really one big exclamation
mark. Forsan et hcec olim —
IV
The two hours of repose seemed
interminable. I was afraid of three
o'clock, and yet I wanted it to come
quicker, to get it over. At last a shuf-
fling noise approached from the neigh-
boring room, and the cadaverous Finn
prodded each of us with the butt end
of his rifle. 'Wake up,' he whispered;
* we '11 leave in a quarter of an hour. No
noise. The people in the next cottage
must n't hear us.'
We were ready in a few minutes. My
entire baggage was a small parcel that
went into my pocket, containing a pair
of socks, one or two handkerchiefs, and
some dry biscuit. In my other pocket
I had the medicine bottle of whiskey
I had hidden from MelnikofF, and some
bread.
One of the four Finns remained be-
hind. The other three were to accom-
pany me to the river. It was a raw and
frosty November night, and pitch-dark.
Nature was still as death. We issued
silently from the house, the cadaverous
man leading. One of the men followed
behind, and all carried their rifles ready
for use.
We walked stealthily along the road
the Finn had pointed out to me on
paper overnight, bending low where no
trees sheltered us from the Russian
bank. A few yards below, on. the right,
I heard the trickling of the river. We
soon arrived at a ramshackle villa,
standing on the river-bank, surrounded
by trees and thickets. Here we stood
stock-still for a moment, to listen for
any unexpected sounds. The silence
was absolute. But for the trickling of
the river, there was not a rustle.
We descended to the water under
cover of the tumble-down villa and the
bushes. The stream was about twenty
paces wide at this point. Along both
banks there was an edging of ice. I
looked across at the opposite side. It
was open meadow, but the trees loomed
darkly a hundred paces away on either
hand and hi the background. On the
left I could just see the cottage of the
Red patrol, against which the Finns
had warned me.
The cadaverous man took up his sta-
tion at a slight break in the thickets.
A moment later he returned and an-
nounced that all was well. 'Remember,'
he enjoined me once again, in an under-
12
THE SECRET DOOR
tone, 'run slightly to the left, but —
keep an eye on that cottage.'
He made a sign to the other two, and
from the bushes they dragged out a
boat. Working noiselessly, they at-
tached a long rope to the stern and laid
a pole in it. Then they slid it down the
bank into the water.
'Get into the boat,' whispered the
leader, 'and push yourself across with
the pole. And good luck!'
I shook hands with my companions,
pulled at my little bottle of whiskey,
and got into the boat. I started push-
ing, but with the rope trailing behind,
it was no easy task to punt the little
bark straight across the running stream.
I was sure I should be heard, and had in
midstream the sort of feeling I should
imagine a man has as he walks his last
walk to the gallows. At length I was at
the farther side, but it was quite im-
possible to hold the boat steady while I
landed. In jumping ashore, I crashed
through the thin layer of ice. I scram-
bled out and up the bank, and the boat
was hastily pulled back to Finland be-
hind me.
'Run hard!' I heard a low call from
over the water behind me. D it,
the noise of my splash had reached the
Red patrol! I was already running
hard when I saw a light emerge from
the cottage on the left. I forgot the in-
junctions as to direction, and simply
bolted away from that lantern. Half-
way across the sloping meadow I drop-
ped and lay still. The light moved rap-
idly along the river bank. There was
shouting, and then suddenly two shots;
but there was no reply from the Finnish
side. Then the light began to move
slowly back toward the cottage of the
Red patrol, and finally all was silent
again.
I lay motionless for some time, then
rose and proceeded cautiously. Having
missed the right direction, I found that
I had to negotiate another small stream
that ran obliquely down the slope of the
meadow. Being already wet, I did not
suffer by wading through it. Then I
reached some garden fences, over which
I climbed, and found myself in the road.
Convincing myself that the road was
deserted, I crossed it and came out on
to the moors, where I found a half-
built house. Here I sat down to await
the dawn — blessing the man who in-
vented whiskey, for I was very cold.
It began to snow, and, half-frozen, I
got up to walk about and study the
locality as well as I could in the dark.
At the cross-roads near the station I
discovered some soldiers sitting round
a bivouac fire, so I retreated quickly
to my half-built house and waited till
it was light. Then I approached the
station, with other passengers. At the
gate a soldier was examining passports.
I was not a little nervous when showing
mine for the first time; but the exami-
nation was a very cursory one. The sol-
dier seemed only to be assuring himself
that the paper had a proper seal. He
passed me through and I went to the
ticket-office and demanded a ticket.
'One first class to Petrograd,' I said
boldly.
'There is no first class by this train,
only second and third.'
'No first? Then give me a second.'
I had asked the Finns what class I
ought to travel, expecting them to say
third. But they replied, first, of course,
for it would be strange to see an em-
ployee of the Extraordinary Commis-
sion traveling other than first class.
Third class was for workers and peas-
ants.
The journey to Petrograd was about
twenty-five miles, and, stopping at
every station, the train took nearly two
hours. As we approached the city, the
coaches filled up, until people were
standing in the aisles and on the plat-
forms. There was a crush in the Fin-
land station at which we arrived. The
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
13
examination of papers was again merely
cursory. I pushed out with the throng,
and looking around me on the dirty
rubbish-strewn station, I felt a curious
mixture of relief and apprehension.
My life, I suddenly realized, had had
an aim — it was to stand here on the
threshold of the city that was my home,
homeless, helpless, and friendless, one
of the common crowd. That was it —
one of the common crowd. I wanted, not
the theories of theorists, or the doc-
trines of doctrinaires, but to see what
the greatest social experiment the world
has ever seen did for the common crowd.
And, strangely buoyant, I stepped light-
ly out of the station into the familiar
streets.
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
BY DALLAS LORE SHARP
THE people were astonished, for he
taught them as one having authority,
and not as those who had gone to col-
lege (unauthorized translation). They
were astonished that every reference
to their sacred books was to contradict
them; that over against their hitherto
unquestioned authority he should set
himself in authority; that these ob-
vious things he said should be so true,
so astonishingly new and true: homely,
familiar things, not out of books, but
out of life and nature.
Except for a faint echo of Isaiah and
the Psalmist, and some half dozen refer-
ences to Old Testament law (which he
cited to refute), all the matter in the
Sermon on the Mount is from common
life and the out-of-doors: the house on
the rock; the good tree and the evil
fruit; the false prophet; the straight
gate; the son who asks a fish; the pearls
before the swine; the lilies of the field
— familiar matter, and commonplace,
but suddenly new with meaning, and
startling with authority.
Isaiah had dealt earlier with these
things; and one rises from that prophet
wondering what more can be said, how
better said. Yet Isaiah never spake like*
the man of this Sermon. This man had
the books of Isaiah, but he went behind
the books with his observations, as sub-
stance goes behind shadow, appealing
from the books direct to life and nature.
Life and nature are still the source of
originality, the sole seat of authority.
Books make a full man. It is life and
nature that give him authority. But
life and nature are little reckoned with
in formal education ; small credit is given
them in the classroom; yet authority,
— authorship, — poet and prophet, are
the glory of education. Or is it the end
of education to produce the scribe?
Neither scribe nor author is the end
of our school education; but that aver-
age intelligence upon which democra-
cy rests. Not scribe but citizen, not
author but voter, is the business of the
school, the true end of its course of
study. The schools are the public's, con-
14
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
cerned with the public, with the educa-
tion of living together. There are sev-
eral educations, however: one, in the
public school, for democracy; another,
in and out of school, for individuality;
and another distinct and essential edu-
cation, in life and nature, for authority
— as great a national need as democ-
racy. We need peace and prosperity,
and liberty, and the pursuit of happi-
ness; but quite as much does this na-
tion need vision — to walk in truth and
beauty. Where there is no vision, the
people perish.
Can we educate for vision? teach men
authority — to preach a Sermon on the
Mount? to land on Plymouth Rock? to
write a Walden Pond? to be an Abra-
ham Lincoln? to dare a league of na-
tions? These are visions, daring, dan-
gerous visions, not out of books, but
new, out of life and nature. We must
educate for vision — for dreams and
deeds that are without precedent.
But not in school. Thoreau and Cy-
rus Dallin went to school, yet they went
to nature more. Jesus went little to
school. He knew a few great books pro-
foundly; but he was not bound out to
books for an education. It is hardly
strange that the schools should make
nothing of this. It is passing strange,
however, that we parents, dreaming
dreams for our children, should send
them to school for their whole educa-
tion, getting no hint from an opposite
course that was found fit for Jesus.
There were schools and books aplenty,
and young Saul of Tarsus had them,
and had Gamaliel for his teacher. The
boy in Nazareth had a few great books
of poetry and prophecy; He had his
school, too, but it was the carpenter's
shop, the village street, the wild, lonely
hills reaching off behind the town. This
was his education; and there is none
better — none other perhaps — for
authority.
Supreme utterance is always poetic
utterance, deeply human, deeply relig-
ious, and as fresh and daring as the
dawn. Such utterance may come un-
taught. But if the conscious power for
such utterance is the possession of the
few, the instinct for it and the joy in it
is a quality of all human minds. Deep-
er within us than our conscious mind,
deeper than our subconscious mind,
this instinct for utterance is the essence
of the unconscious, the inmost, mind,
whose substance is the flux of all orig-
inals. We can all utter, create, make;
and we should have in our education
the raw materials out of which new
things are made.
There were other boys in Nazareth,
who had the books, the work-bench, the
village street and the lonely hills, with-
out acquiring authority. This single
boy was different. So is every boy —
Yet no matter how different this par-
ticular boy, the significant thing is that
He had for teachers the humble people,
work with tools, the solemn, silent hills,
and a few beautiful, intensely spiritual
books, and that out of this teaching
He learned to speak with authority.
So it was with Lincoln : the very same
books, work with his hands, elemental
people, the lonely backwoods. Lin-
coln and Edward Everett were differ-
ent; not so different in genius, however,
as in education. 'Lincoln,' says a biog-
rapher, 'was a self-made man, in whom
genius triumphed over circumstance.'
I should rather say that of Everett, the
accomplished scholar, Greek professor,
President of Harvard College, Governor
of Massachusetts, editor, senator, for-
eign minister, who, in spite of all this
circumstance, was something of an
orator. But standing beside Lincoln
at Gettysburg, he spoke for an hour
with this vast book-education, like the
Scribes, leaving Lincoln, with his nat-
ural education, to speak for five min-
utes with authority. No, genius and cir-
cumstance in Lincoln were by chance
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
15
joined together; conventional educa-
tion happily did not put them asunder.
It is not often so with genius. Chance
cannot get the consent of circumstance;
nor to-day is there any match for con-
vention. The trouble is too much school
education and too little natural edu-
cation. We limit education to the
school, as if the school were a whole
education! Neither Lincoln nor Ever-
ett had a whole education. It is idle to
speculate on what Lincoln might have
been, had his ancestors stayed in Hing-
ham, where they landed, and had he
gone to Derby Academy and to Har-
vard. What actually happened on the
Big South Fork of Nolin Creek is more
significant. For here he was born, the
son of a carpenter, and he had for
teachers his father's tools, the prairie,
the westering pioneers, the great river,
the Life of Washington, Pilgrim's Pro-
gress, JSsop, Shakespeare, and the Bible
— the large electives that well cover
the course of natural education.
This is the education for authority.
A child cannot be educated for author-
ity on lesser books, with sophisticated
people, with pointless play instead of
work, with ordered lessons in school
in place of the dear disorder of nature,
and her companionship, and his own
soul's. The simple needs of authorship
have not changed.
n
But what child nowadays has such
teaching? Who looks after his natural
education — his religion? As a factor
in education, religion has almost ceased
to operate, notwithstanding the church
schools. The sensitive spirit cannot
seek after God in school. It should have
a universe — and have it all alone. As
truly as ever do we live, and move, and
have our being in God; but at this
present moment we have so much more
of being in business, and move so much
faster by motor, that it seems that our
existence in God must have been pre-
natal, or might become possibly a post-
mortem affair.
Religion in education is strictly the
part of someone — the parental part
of education, and no business of any
school. Is it because I fail that I seem
to see all parents failing in religion?
My children have not had what I had
in religion — not my Quaker grand-
father certainly, who was lame and
walked slowly, and so, I used to think,
and still think, more surely walked with
God. My first memory of that grand-
father is of his lifting an adder out of
the winding woodpath with his cane,
saying, 'Thee must never hurt one of
God's creatures' — an intensely relig-
ious act, which to this day covers for
me the glittering folds of the snake with
the care, and not the curse, of God.
Years later I was at work in the
Marine Biological Laboratory at Woods
Hole. Dr. C. O. Whitman was lectur-
ing. He had traced the development of
the cod's egg back to a single cell of
jellied protoplasm, when he paused.
'Gentlemen,' he said, with dramatic
restraint, 'I can go no further. There is
that in this cell we call life. But the
microscope does not reveal it. We all
know what it does. But who knows
what it is? Is it a form of motion?
The theologian calls it God. I am not a
theologian. I do not know what life is.'
He need not have been a theologian
— only a very little child once, with
his lame grandfather to tell him the
snake is God's ; and in those after years,
coming to the end of his great lecture
on the embryology of the cod's egg, and
to the greater mystery in that cell of liv-
ing protoplasm, he would have spoken
with authority.
It is not every child whose sleep is as
light as little Samuel's, whose dreams
are stirred by strange voices as were
Joan of Arc's; but there are many more
16
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
such children than there are parents
like Hannah, or priests like Eli, to tell
them that it is the voice of God.
The crimson was fading into cold
October gray as I came upon him —
twelve years old, and just an ordinary
boy, his garden fork under the hill
of potatoes he had started to dig, his
face upturned, his eyes following far
off the flight of a wild duck across the
sky.
'He who from zone to zone,'
I began, more to myself than to him.
'Guides through the boundless sky thy certain
flight,'
he went on, as much to himself as to me.
'Father,' he added reflectively, as the
bird disappeared down the dusky slope
of the sky, ' I 'm glad I know that piece.'
'Why?' I asked.
'I see so much more when the wild
ducks fly over.'
'How much more do you see?'
'I see the wild ducks and God flying
over together.'
And is he a poet who sees less? Beau-
ty and truth that do not reach religion
do not reach the human heart. An edu-
cation that lacks religion must lack
authority, because it cannot know who
made the flat-headed adder, who flies
with the wild duck, who works in the
cod's egg, to will and to do. Religion is
the consciousness of the universe — that
it is infinite, eternal, and that it is all
God's!
Ill
The realm of art, the Kingdom of
Heaven, and the life of this dear earth
admit only little children. Great utter-
ance is universal utterance, simple and
unique.
Henry Adams, hi the course of his
'Education,' had come from the South
Seas to Paris with John La Farge. 'At
the galleries and exhibitions he was
shocked,' so he says, 'by the effort of
art to be original; and when, one day,
after much reflection, La Farge asked
whether there might not still be room
for something simple in art, Adams
shook his head. As he saw the world,
it was no longer simple and could not
express itself simply. It should ex-
press what it was, and this was some-
thing that neither Adams nor La Farge
understood.'
But it was precisely this sophisticated
world that Adams did understand, and
not simple men and women. Adams
was not born a babe into life, but an
Adams into Boston, with (to quote him)
'the First Church, the Boston State
House, Beacon Hill, John Hancock and
John Adams, Mount Vernon Street,
and Quincy all crowding on [his] ten
pounds of babyhood.' And the trouble
with Henry Adams was that he never
got from under.
Jesus was more fortunate. He was
born in a stable. Lincoln had the luck
of a log cabin on the Big South Fork of
Nolin Creek, as had Cyrus Dallin, the
sculptor, only his cabin stood within a
stockade in wild, unsettled Utah. Bos-
ton has found room for Dallin's Appeal
to the Great Spirit, as the world has
found ample room for the Gettysburg
Address — simple, elemental things of
art that shall never want for room.
The world is not simple; or the cell
of the cod's egg, either. The forces of
cleavage are in that cell, the whole fear-
ful fish is there, and future oceans of
fish besides, all in that pellucid drop of
protoplasm. Society never was, never
can be, simple. It cannot be educated
for authority, but only to know and ac-
cept authority.
God speaks to the man, not to the
multitude — to Moses on the Mount,
not to the people huddled in the plain.
Society commissions, but the individ-
ual finds the truth, reveals the beauty.
'Art,' says Whistler, 'is limited to the
infinite, and beginning there, cannot
progress. The painter has but the same
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
17
pencil, — the sculptor the chisel of cen-
turies, — and painter and sculptor con-
sequently work alone.'
We forget that scribes get together
in schools, but that creators work ' each
in his separate star,' as lonely as God;
and that the education of the creator
is strictly hi the hands of those respon-
sible for him. The responsibility of
professional teachers is for children.
They must think children, in terms of
men and women; and must educate
them for society. We parents must
think the child, must educate the child,
not for society, but for himself — for
authority. The teachers, looking upon
their pupils, see the people, equal before
the law, sharing alike the privileges,
shouldering alike the responsibilities
— one another's keepers, upon whose
intelligence and right spirit the nation
rests. Thus, as teachers, they see their
children and their educational duty.
As a parent, I must see my child as
foreordained from the foundation of the
world; and looking upon him, I must
cry, 'Unto us a child is born, unto us a
son is given, and the government shall
be upon his shoulders ; and his name shall
be called Wonderful, Counsellor — or
poet, or prophet, for he shall have au-
thority.' So, as a parent, I must think
of my child and of my educational duty.
God's work is not done; and mine
may be the son called from the begin-
ning, to complete in line, or color, or
word, or deed, the divine thing God
started but could not finish. For God
is not complete until he is made flesh,
and dwells among us.
There is no school that can provide
for this Only Son. School education is
social — it is for all; for life together;
how to even and average life's extremes.
The private school for the brilliant
mind is pure sophistry, and Simon-pure
snobbery. Averaging, of course, is a
process down, as well as up, to a com-
mon level — a social level. Democracy
VOL. 128— NO. 1
is that common social level. Education
in a democracy must average — teach
the high to come down, the humble
to rise, and all of us to walk togeth-
er. Not trying to do more than this
for any, or daring to do less than this
for all, it must hinder no mind either
by merging individuality, or by setting
up a material well-being for the better
values of the spirit.
The level of education has risen late-
ly in the public schools; university
standards meanwhile have distinctly
deteriorated — have sought the aver-
age. 'College education is now aimed
to qualify the student, not to give him
quality.' The college has become a
business institution; even the college of
liberal arts is now a pre-pedagogical,
pre-medical, pre-legal, or some other
pre-practical vocational school.
Students still come to college to serve,
come seeing visions too, being young
— but visions of business. In the mul-
titude of twenty college classes passing
through my lecture-room I know of
but one student to finish his course,
bent as he was born, to poetry. He is
now spinning a Ph.D. cocoon for him-
self, the poet about to emerge a college
professor!
This is not the fault of youth. Trail-
ing clouds of glory do they come from
God who was their home. But they
land in America for business. And in
such numbers!
I believe in numbers, in business. I
freely trust the work of the state with
this safe, sane average — but it was
none of them who wrote the Declara-
tion of Independence, the Proclamation
of Emancipation, or the Covenant of
the League of Nations.
The poet cannot be the direct pro-
duct of the schools. His education is
more out of things than books, more
out of solitude than society, more out
of nature than schools. The author is
single, original, free; he uses raw mate-
18
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
rials, elements, earths that are with-
out form and void. In him is the pat-
tern of all new worlds. His life is to
shape them, and give them suns and
stars. But in place of raw materials,
the unattempted yet in prose or rhyme,
we give him only the graded systems
of the schools, which make for many
essential things, but which may be more
deadly to his creative faculty than any-
thing the headlong angels fell on in
Hell. For they had, at least,
The dark, unf athomed, infinite abyss,
through whose obscufe one of them
must find his uncouth way; whereas
our unfallen children are run into the
school machine at five, and earlier, as
oranges into a sorter, the little ones
dropping out through their proper hole
into shop or office, the bigger ones roll-
ing on until they tumble into college.
Human nature is unique, and not to
be handled by machine. It is active,
a doing nature, fit for unfinished earth,
not heaven, the earth-partner, and co-i-
creator in God's slowly shaping world.
Send human nature to school? But if
school can make them, why are we
without 'a great poet, a great phil-
osopher, a great religious leader ' ?
Why is it that 'the great voices of the
spirit are stilled just now'? It is be-
cause education is too far removed from
the simple, the original — from life and
nature.
IV
A poet is still-born in Boston every
day — killed by toys in place of the
tools that make them; by books in
place of the life they tell of; by schools,
museums, theatres, and stores, where
things are pieced and ordered, filmed,
collected, canned, and labeled, in place
of a whole world of whole things, until
the little poet asks me, as one did the
other day, 'What does cream come
from?' a sterilized concoction in a bot-
tle, brought by the grocer, his nearest
approach to a cow and a milking-stool!
Yet he was to have written of
Wrinkled skin on scalded milk!
The educating process is started
wrong, and started too early. It should
start with work. Watch a child at
mud-pies or building a dam. Such in-
tense application, such concentrated
effort, such complete abandon! Play?
The sweat on that little face, the tongue
tight between the teeth, the utter un-
consciousness of burning sun and cool-
ing dinner, are the very signs of divine
creative work.
Every son of God needs, if not a
world to create, an earth to subdue. But
instead of allowing him to work, we
teach him to be amused, as if his proper
frame were passive, his natural action
irresponsible; as if he must be kept busy
at winding things up and watching them
run down.
We have not the courage of our con-
victions — if indeed we have educa-
tional convictions! No father, asked
for bread, would give a stone; but when
asked for truth and beauty and reality,
how few of us have the courage to give
a son what Jesus had, or Lincoln had,
or the two years before the mast that
young Richard Henry Dana had!
Quitting his cultured home, his so-
phisticated college, his conventional
city, Dana escaped by way of the old,
uncultured sea, with men as uncultured.
He had plum-duff on Sundays. Two
Years Before the Mast tells the story of
that escape from scribbling into living,
from a state of mind like Boston, out
and down around the Horn.
To save the poet and prophet now
standardized to scribes, shall we do
away with schools? I have known too
many freak poets, too many fool proph-
ets, to say that. Genius is unique; it is
also erratic, and needs to toe the mark
in school. The training for expression
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
19
is more than wandering lonely as a
cloud. There is much for the poet in
trigonometry, and in English gram-
mar. He must go to school to meet his
fellows, too, and his teachers — but not
until he is able both to listen to the
doctors and to ask them questions.
Education for authority must both
precede and continue with conven-
tional education; equal place made for
chores, great books, simple people, and
the out-of-doors; with that which is
made for texts, and recitations, and
schoolroom drill; parents sharing equal-
ly with professional teachers in the whole
process, unless we utterly nationalize
our children.
Two of my children are in a Boston
high school, having five hours of Latin,
five of German, five of French, three of
English, three of mathematics, three of
history, two of military drill — twenty-
six hours in all. And they call it edu-
cational! That is not education. That
is getting ready for college — which is
not to be confused with education. It
fits for college*, not for authority; it is
almost certain death to originality and
the creative faculty.
There must be a course of study in
school and college, and it must be
shaped to some end. Is it, however, the
right end of four years in high school,
to get to college? or the right end of
four years in college, to get into a job?
There is a certain Spartan virtue in
this high-school study, something that
makes for push and power, but nothing
of preparation for great utterance in
sermon or song.
The children do not know that the
poet in them is being killed. I know —
but I only half believe the poet to be in
them!
The sin of the fathers — this fear
of the divine fire! Mine are ordinary
children. I should have adopted them,
foundlings of unknown elfin parentage.
Then I had believed, and had given
them to Merlin, as Arthur was given,
or to the Lord, as Hannah gave little
Samuel.
I did have them born and brought
up in the hills of Hingham, forced out
of the city when the second one came.
I gave them the farm, the woods, the
great books, the simple people, and re-
ligion, but timidly — allowing them at
this day to take fifteen hours of study
in foreign languages to three meagre
hours in their glorious native tongue.
And these are to be poets and prophets!
Then they must needs speak in Ger-
man, French, and Latin. English is
a foreign tongue in the Boston high
schools. John Gower did his Confessio
Amantis in three languages, but Geof-
frey Chaucer found it a life's task to
conquer his native English, sighing, —
The lyf so short, the craft so long to lerne.
Poets have scarcely time to learn
their own language. If any of them are
going through American high schools,
they will learn a few French irregular
verbs, know that Weib is neuter, and
how Amo is conjugated, but they will
not know the parts of the verbs 'lay'
and 'lie,' and their vocabulary of ad-
jectives will be limited to 'some' and
'dandy' or to 'some-dandy.'
'We don't need to study English, we
inherit it,' one of my college men said
to me.
'How much did you inherit? ' I asked ;
and as a test turned to Whittier's Snow-
Bound, which lay on my lecture-room
desk, and read to him, —
Meanwhile we did our nightly chores
Brought in the wood from out of doors —
and the ten lines that follow, finding
eight words — 'littered,' 'mows,' 'wal-
nut bows,' 'herds-grass,' 'stanchion,'
' chores, ' ' querulous, ' and ' birch' — that
were foreign to the majority of the
class — without meaning, and so with-
out image and poetry. It chanced that
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
I was wearing a brown Windsor tie,
and I saw one student nudge another
and whisper, 'The cows had "walnut
bows" on like the professor's.'
Rubbing it in a little, I declared that
I could open any English book, and on
any page find a word that none of them
had ever used, and that most of them
would not even understand. On my
desk lay a small wrapped book from
some publisher. I cut the string; found
it a supplementary reader for the eighth
grade, and opening it in the middle, took
the middle paragraph on the page, and
began to read, —
'The ragged copses on the horizon
showed the effect of the severe shelling*
— a war-story, reprinted from the
Youth's Companion!
'Copses,' I said to the young man
who had inherited the English language,
'what does "ragged copses" mean?'
He took one profound look into his
heritage, — in the region of his dia-
phragm,— then cast his eyes slowly
around the horizon of the room, and an-
swered, that he did n't know what the
ragged policemen were doing there in
No Man's Land!
I turned to a young woman student.
'What does "ragged copses" mean?' I
asked.
She raised her hands to her face,
shivered cruelly, and replied that she
just hated such horrid words — she
just hated to think of that battlefield
all strewn with ghastly tattered corpses !
And what shall be said of another
college man, reporter on the Boston
Globe, whose chief told me of sending
him to get a story about a little bay
colt that was prancing gayly up News-
paper Row. Turning at the office door,
the reporter asked doubtfully, 'You
said a bay colt — Is that some kind of
sea-horse?'
'Who said sea-horse?' snorted the
editor. 'I said a bay colt out on the
street.'
'Is that a new breed of horse?'
'Breed?' roared the editor. 'Breed?
I said a bay colt — a color, not a breed ! '
'Oh, come now,' said the undone re-
porter, ' don't jolly me. There is n't
any such color in the rainbow.'
'Nor among neckties either,' added
the editor; 'but there is among horses,
as any farm-boy knows.'
What any farm-boy knows is the be-
ginning of the knowledge and the foun-
dation of the vocabulary of authority.
The farm-boy's elemental, but amaz-
ingly varied, word-horde is the very
form of universal speech. Poets and
prophets have always used his simple
words; and poets and prophets must
ever live as he lives, and learn what he
has learned of language and things.
And Nature, the old nurse, took
The child upon her knee,
Saying, ' Here is a story book,
Thy father has written for thee. '
That was the first story-book. It
still remains the greatest of source-
books. Here the human story, begins;
against this background the plot un-
folds; and here ends. Here is written
that older tale of Limulus polyphemus,
the horse-shoe crab, and that ancienter
story of the stars. Into the Book of
Nature are bound all the 'Manuscripts
of God ' — the originals of all authors,
whether they create in words, or notes,
or colors, or curves; the originals of the
past, of the present, and that longer,
richer future.
'Come wander with me,' she said,
'Into regions yet untrod;
And read what is still unread
In the manuscripts of God!'
Mother of us all, Nature should be
the teacher of all, lest she be denied
that chosen one to whom she would
give authority. It is she who shall show
him how, ' in the citron wing of the pale
butterfly with its dainty spots of orange,'
he shall see 'the stately halls of fair
gold, with their slender saffron pillars';
EDUCATION FOR AUTHORITY
and 'how the delicate drawing high up-
on the walls shall be traced in tender
tones of orpiment, and repeated by the
base in notes of graver hue.'
But these things are written in books,
and hung in galleries, and can be taught
more quickly there? They cannot be
taught at all there. Nature keeps no
school. She teaches her pupils singly,
revealing to each what is for him alone.
He can learn many things in school,
but not authority — not how to paint
Whistler's Mother, or how to write
Wordsworth's ' Stepping Westward,'
or how to cut a single marble of the
Parthenon.
'By what authority doest thou these
things?'
The poet answers: 'Nature is my
authority,
'And that auxiliar light
Which on the setting sun bestows new splendor.'
Yet the schools overflow, as if author-
ity were there! Students come to paint
and to play, before they learn to see
and hear; they come to write, before
experience has given them anything to
say. They must come to school, the
prophet from the wilderness, the poet
from the fields and hills, when twice
ten summers have stamped their minds
forever with
The faces of the moving year.
The first Monday of September,
labor is on parade. The Tuesday after,
and the school-children of America are
on the march — a greater host than
labor's, as its work is greater. This is
the vastest thing we Americans do, this
mighty making of the democratic mind
— the average mind. But it is not a
poetic-prophetic mind we are making
— not educated for authority.
Too, too few of all this marching mul-
titude are coming to their little books
well read in the Book of Nature; and to
their little teachers from earlier, ele-
mental lessons with the thoughtful hills,
with the winds, and the watchful stars.
Earth and the common face of nature
have not spoken to them
. . . rememberable things.
This is not for the schools to do; this
is beyond the schools to do; and besides,
it is then too late; for Derwent, or some
other winding stream, should murmur
to the poet-babe while still in arms,
and give him
Amid the fretful dwellings of mankind,
A foretaste, a dun earnest of the calm
That Nature breathes among the hills and groves.
We Americans do not give beauty
and joy to our children. We are not a
happy-hearted, imaginative people. It
is the foreign children who steal the
flowers from our parks; who dance to
the hurdy-gurdy; who haunt our pic-
ture galleries — little lovers of warmth,
and tone, and color!
Every worker bee in the hive might
have been a queen, had not the pitiless
economy of the colony cramped her
growing body into a worker cell, till,
pinched and perverted, she takes her
place in the fearful communism of the
tribe, an unsexed thing, the normal
mother in her starved into an abnormal
worker, her very ovipositor turned from
its natural use into a poison-tipped
sting.
Theoretically, we are not communis-
tic, but in industry and education we
have put the worker-cell theory into
operation, cramping the growing child
into practically a uniform vocational
system, intellectually overfeeding, and
spiritually underfeeding the creator in
him into a worker — a money-maker.
Some fathers of us, more mothers,
perhaps, might ask prophets and poets
of the Lord; but who of us would have
the courage to educate such children
for poetry and prophecy?
MOVIES
BY KATHARINE FULLERTON GEROULD
LET me begin by saying that I am
not a movie fan. Therefore there is a
lot about movies that I do not know.
Most of my friends honestly dislike
them. But now and then I find one,
equally intelligent, equally educated,
who attends regularly. I go very sel-
dom, myself; but I should undoubtedly,
during the last year, have seen more
movies, if good ones had been accessi-
ble. I have not great experience, but I
have at least overcome certain initial
prejudices.
It is certain that the movies have
come to stay — for a time. What form
the theatrical art of the twenty-first
century will take, we do not know. It
may be that movies will be superseded
by something that even Mr. Wells can-
not guess at. At present, we are con-
fronted with something universally pop-
ular. Our best legitimate actors have
condescended to the screen, and Mary
Pickford and Charlie Chaplin are known
to yellow folk in kimonos, brown folk in
sarongs, and Paraguayans of the plain.
The movies have had to bear a great
deal of criticism of late, as corrupters
of the public morals. I have never seen
one of the 'unclean' movies they talk
about. I do not doubt they exist. But
I should say that the danger of the film-
play is due rather to its wide dispersion
than to its actual badness. That is: if
one bad picture is released, a million
people will see it; whereas a dozen bad
plays reach only a very few spectators
in comparison. According to all that I
22
can learn, motion-picture producers are
much more scrupulous than theatrical
managers. Moreover, I believe that
you actually could go further in a mov-
ing picture, without legitimate shock,
than you could on the stage. There is
something very shadowy and unreal
still in the film presentment of life. I
never saw Zaza — except played by a
German stock company, when Zaza, in
her most vivid scene, was swathed to
the neck in a red flannel dressing-gown.
But I had Zaza described to me in its
day, and I have never seen anything
like that on the screen. Say what you
will, people who are looking for the
'suggestive' will get much more of
what they want for their money by look-
ing at half-dressed flesh and blood than
they will by looking at one-quarter-
dressed photographs. The movies are
a two-dimensional world, and crimes
are committed in three dimensions.
Personally, I have seen only decent
movies. I incline, in any case, to be-
lieve that the movie peril lies elsewhere.
The peril of the movies, in other
words, is vulgarity. By which I do not
mean physical indecency, or even situa-
tions by implication risques. I mean
general cheapness of ideals, and senti-
mentalism, far more than salaciousness.
I doubt if the adverse critics have put
their fingers on the real reason for this
vulgarity, or found the real analogy.
There is not much sense, for exam-
ple, in comparing the moral effect of
the movies with the moral effect of the
MOVIES
legitimate stage. In most places, tak-
ing the country through, the admission
fee is very small. The mass of the peo-
ple who go to them constantly, year
in and year out, are the people who
never went, and never would go, year
in and year out, to ordinary plays.
The movie public is not — taking the
country through, as I say — the thea-
tre-going public. The movies are cer-
tainly a new substitute for something;
but what they are a substitute for is
not the legitimate stage. They are a
substitute, rather, for cheap vaude-
ville (and they are much better for the
public morals than cheap vaudeville)
and for cheap literature. The girls
who throng the movie theatres are the
girls who used to read Laura Jean Libby
and Mrs. Georgie Sheldon. The boys
who throng them are the ones who
used to read Nick Carter and Deadwood
Dick. Chewing-gum was always inclu-
ded with both. The people who can
afford Broadway plays, or who have
Broadway theatres within their reach,
are not the ones who create the depend-
able movie audience. It is the people
who never could afford the first-class
theatres, or who do not live where
they could get at them, even if they
had the money, who swell the film-cor-
porations' dividends. When those peo-
ple saw plays at all, they usually saw a
'ten-twent'-thirt" show: Bertha the
Sewing-Machine Girl, or the Queen of
the High-Binders. They did not go to
the theatre much, anyway; they read
cheap literature in pink and green cov-
ers, for which they paid the traditional
dime. They do not read so much of it
now. Less of it — far less — is pro-
duced. The demand has fallen off. The
people who used to call for it now go to
the movies. And if any of you were
ever wicked enough, in childhood, to
stalk the New York Fireside Companion
(or whatever it was) to the kitchen
coalhod (against orders) and read A
Little Wild Rose and the Blight that Fell
upon It or Was She His Lawful Wife?
then you know that the movies are bet-
ter for that public than the literature
they have displaced. Even the not very
clean movie is better than the works of
Albert Ross. Any movie I have ever
seen or heard described is not only good
morals but great art, in comparison.
You must chalk it up to the credit of
the movies that they have actually dis-
placed those books. They have closed
up that literary red-light district.
Let me repeat, and then have done
with this argument: the people who
go to moving pictures would not, had
there been no moving pictures, have
been going to see Hamlet. They would
have been going to see The Queen of the
Opium Ring; they would have been read-
ing Ten Buckets of Blood or The Apple-
woman's Revenge, or they would have
been walking the streets with an eye
out for personal adventure. The cor-
ruptible ones, I mean. The hard-
worked mothers of families — who are
a large part of movie audiences in small
towns — would have been sitting at
home inventing, for sheer emptiness and
weariness of mind, bitter little scandals
about their neighbors. The men would
have been — we have all been told —
in the wicked, wicked corner saloon.
We must get it firmly fixed in our minds
that the movies represent a step up, not
a step down, in popular amusement.
Of course, you may be fancying that
all these people, if deprived of movies,
would be attending university exten-
sion lectures. But, if so, I think you
are quite wrong.
The question of the very young, I
admit, remains. There is no doubt that
too many children go to the movies too
frequently. In well-run theatres they
are not admitted unless accompanied
by an older person; but the necessary
escort is usually forthcoming. Babes in
arms, I know, are frequent spectators
MOVIES
at the theatre I occasionally go to. I
suppose it will not particularly hurt the
babes in arms: the theatre is better ven-
tilated, probably, than their own homes.
The boys and girls from eight to sixteen
are the real problem. Even so, I should
want to be very sure how their parents
would otherwise provide for their leis-
ure, before I condemned this particu-
lar way. I do think that, for those of us
who are trying to bring up our child-
ren sanely and wisely, the movies are
an obstacle, especially in a small town
where the posters are flamboyant and
unavoidable. The children beg to go.
You can deal with the circus and the
Hippodrome — things that have to be
succumbed to only once a year. But
with three different matinees a week,
all the twelve months, it is harder.
Every now and then there is a picture
that they may as well see: something
spectacular in the right sense, travel-
and-animal things, Alice in Wonderland
or Treasure Island. When once they
have been, they want to go again. But
that is up to the careful parent.
I admit, too, that boys and girls,
young people in general, who never did
read the literature I have referred to,
are now movie fans. The picture palace
is not the haunt of the proletariat sim-
ply. By no means. The taste of the
young is likely to be to some extent cor-
rupted. But again, what would they
be doing if they did not go? We must
not be foolish enough to think that the
movies are the only difference between
our generation and theirs, or that the
well-brought-up young thing, if movies
were out of the way, would be cultivat-
ing his taste in the fashion his grand-
parents would have approved. The
film-play may be a step down for some,
where it is a step up for others; but I
am cynical enough to believe that, if
a generation feels like stepping down,
it will do so. The undergraduates of
Princeton, for example (so I have been
told), all go to the movies every evening
at seven o'clock. I think that is a little
exaggerated, perhaps, but there is no
doubt that they go very regularly.
Perhaps it is unfortunate. Perhaps the
undergraduates of fifteen years ago
were better off. But before I admitted
that, I should like to be sure that the
undergraduates of fifteen years ago read
Shakespeare or discussed metaphysics
at seven o'clock in the evening. I am
very much from Missouri in this matter.
n
All this sounds like defense of the
movies, which I have admitted to be
vulgar. Let us look at this special vul-
garity a little. When a good novel, say,
is dramatized, it is practically always
vulgarized. You cannot put a work of
art into a different medium without,
to a large extent, spoiling it. Especially
a work of art which has been wrought
out of words cannot be put into a word-
less medium without losing a great deal.
The great faults of the picture play, I
seem to make out, are two: sensation-
alism and sentimentalism. I read, the
other day, in a motion-picture maga-
zine (two weeks' allowance for that,
alas !) the following statement, made by
a big producer: 'We would not have
dared, five years ago, to use one hun-
dred and fifty feet of film with only
mental movement in it.' I take it that
they are stressing 'mental movement'
increasingly. Even so, you cannot pho-
tograph mere psychology indefinitely.
When I hear that Joseph Conrad is
going to devote himself to writing for
the movies, I wonder greatly. Lord Jim
in the pictures would not be precisely
Lord Jim, would it? But I have gath-
ered also from the magazine for which
son's allowance was spent, that the cry
is more and more for original plays, not
for dramatizations. On the whole, that
may be a good thing. Now and then
MOVIES
25
a particular novel lends itself special-
ly to the filming process: as you read
the novel itself, you can see its mani-
fest destiny. But, generally speaking, a
good novel loses immensely. A large
part of the work of the novelist consists
of creating human beings. What they
say and what they think are as impor-
tant as what they physically do. And
there is a limit to the mental movement
that can be conveniently or even wisely
registered. But to say that novels are
usually vulgarized in screen-versions
is not necessarily to damn screen-plays.
The dramatized novel does not, for
that matter, usually make a good play
on the real stage. The technique is
other; the same points must be differ-
ently made and differently led up to.
There are exceptions, of course; but
certainly the best plays are those that
were written as plays. And I fancy the
best movies will be those that were
written as movie-scenarios. Certainly,
if Mr. Conrad is to devote himself to
film-making, I hope it will be by writ-
ing new scenarios, not by helping them
to adapt Victory or The Rescue.
This vulgarization of books in the
process of making films of them is, I
dare say, pretty nearly inevitable. In
any novel that tempts the producers
there are sure to be one or two big
scenes that are admirably adapted to
pictcfrial presentment. (The rare novel
of the picaresque type — alas, that we
have so few! — really cries out for the
screen.) But most of the preparation for
those scenes, most of the preliminary
stuff that gives them their significance,
is not transferable to celluloid. Some-
thing has to be substituted for the un-
pictorial bulk of the book. The natural
way is to stress minor episodes, make
striking scenes out of quiet ones, exag-
gerate mental movement into physical
movement. Often sauce piquante has
to be added out of hand. At times a
delicate situation has to be made crude.
Henry James is an extreme instance;
but imagining The Awkward Age on the
screen will give you an idea of the diffi-
culties of filming any book whatsoever
that depends to any extent on slow and
subtle delineation of character. For
the sake of the argument, suppose The
Awkward Age to be taken over by a
producer: Mrs. Brook and Vanderbank
would have to be sacrificed at once; you
would have to give them at least one
scene which showed them to be lovers.
Mrs. Brook's wail, 'To think that it's
all been just talk!' could hardly be got
across to a movie audience. The scene
at Tishy Grendon's, where Mrs. Brook
' pulls the walls of the house down ' —
what could you do but show little Aggie
as a definitely abandoned creature?
The close-up of a French novel would
not turn the trick. How on earth could
you explain Vanderbank — in a movie
— without sacrificing Nanda? The
Awkward Age is perhaps the extremest
possible case, but any producer who
dramatizes a serious novel is confronted
with some of these problems. Even the
concession of 'a hundred feet of mental
movement' will not atone for the ne-
cessary violence done to psychology.
There are books where psychology bears,
at almost every turn, visible fruit; so
that, going from scene to scene, the
spectator can make out for himself the
underlying shifts of mood. But these
books should be sifted from those that
pursue a different method.
On the other hand, some great novels
would lend themselves better to the
screen than to the stage. Vanity Fair,
for example — or so I imagine. Ex-
ceeding violence was done to Vanity
Fair when it was turned into the play
Becky Sharp. It was not Becky, it
was not Thackeray, it was not Vanity
Fair, it was not anything. But I can
imagine a film version of the book that
would be something — if the producer
were willing to spend enough money on
MOVIES
it. The fault of the play was that it had
to confine itself to a few scenes, and
the epic quality of Becky's life was
lost. What the screen can give us, if it
chooses, is the epic quality. But that is
for the future. It means, too, very care-
ful selection of subject.
The vulgarization of the novel, in
screen versions, is almost inevitable, —
save for a chosen few, — as I have tried
to indicate. But vulgarity is there,
even in the original plays. Again, I
fancy that is not so much a matter of
necessity as of the easiest way. People
have been so pampered by 'stunts' on
the screen that they expect, they de-
mand, thrills. The drama of real life is
not apt to be expressed in quick geta-
ways over roofs, leaps from cliff to cliff,
or even the achievement of freedom by
means of a racing car. But those make
a convenient way to thrills. Contrasts,
too, — just because the moving picture
is such an excellent medium for them, —
are overdone. Too much is pushed off
on them; they are made too crude, too
violent. The chance for vivifying con-
trasts — whether of past scenes with
present, or of character with character,
or of one person's background and situ-
ation with another's — is one of the
moving picture's greatest assets, artis-
tically speaking. As is also lapse of
time, that most difficult thing in the
world for the novelist to manage grace-
fully and plausibly. Juxtapositions and
antitheses ('antithesis is the root of all
style'), which call for the greatest tech-
nical skill of an author who is restricted
to words and the architectonics of the
novel, are easily achieved for him in the
pictures.
My own notion is, you see, that there
is a perfectly legitimate field in art for
the picture-play; and that only by tak-
ing it as a different genre, and exploit-
ing its own vast possibilities, can the
best results be got. If the tendency to
vulgarity is there, even in the original
plays, I fancy that is because the mak-
ers of them are still feeling for the right
convention. It is too new an art for its
laws to have been completely tabulated.
I think people must get away from the
idea that the movie scenario is at all the
same thing as a play; or that any good
book can be made into a good film. I do
not mean by this that the material of
screen plays is restricted. I do not think
it is, any more than that of any other
genre. But I believe that there is still
a great deal to learn about the proper
exploitation of this new medium, and
that a great deal of the vulgarity of
films comes from too narrow a view of
what can be done and too great igno-
rance, as yet, of how to do it. The dan-
ger is that the easiest way will prevail,
and that the moving-picture art will
degenerate before it has had a chance to
grow up. The plea that the movie audi-
ence can understand nothing that is not
emotionally cheap and easy is ridicu-
lous. A large number of our immigrants
have been used to better stuff, dra-
matically, than Broadway gives them.
Shakespeare knew perfectly, you may
be sure, how successfully Hamlet would
hit the groundlings. He was just as
consciously writing great melodrama
as he was consciously writing great
poetry. The movie audience that sur-
rounds me when I go is not, for the
most part, a cultivated or an educa-
ted audience. But it prefers the better
movies to the worse ones. And I think
— excellent indication — that it shows
signs of revolting against the jokes from
the Literary Digest.
•
m
One of the great foes to improvement
in moving-picture art would seem to be
the close-up. The close-up, I take it,
is still the approved field of such ' men-
tal movement' as appears in a play.
Now, I have not seen all the great
MOVIES
27
movie stars. But I have seen half a doz-
en of the best-known movie actresses,
and the simple fact is that, when they
register emotions in a close-up, they
all look precisely alike. They grimace
identically. Either — it seems to me —
they have not learned how to use the
close-up properly for dramatic pur-
poses, or there is something the matter
with the close-up itself, and it should be
gingerly dealt in. I incline to believe
that it is a matter of imperfect tech-
nique. These women move differently,
act differently, 'suggest' differently, in
the body of the play. It is only when
you stare into their tearful or triumph-
ant faces, made colossal, that they all
become alike. It may be that make-
up has something to do with it. But
the fault is there. The men are nearly
as bad, but not quite. I suppose all
heroes do not have to have cupid's-
bow mouths, for one thing. People do
not have such fixed standards for male
charm. Both men and women need
more subtlety in this matter of close-
ups. I believe there are too many close-
ups, anyhow; but I am sure that the
close-up has possibilities which many of
our stars have not mastered. I know,
because I have several times seen Sessue
Hayakawa.
I am so little an authority on movie
stars that I do not wish to name names
in this essay. Though I have seen a
good many of the most famous, I have
not seen them all. Those I have seen, I
have not seen enough times. But I have
seen , and , and , and
• (more than once, some of them),
who are at the very top of popularity
and fame. (I am omitting entirely, for
the present, the slap-stick stuff, and
speaking only of serious plays.) And if
I had not seen Sessue Hayakawa, I
should think, perhaps, the subtle, the
really helpful close-up was well-nigh
impossible. Hayakawa has proved to
me that it is not; that great acting, of
the quiet sort, can be done on the
screen. I have seen his immobile pro-
file describe a mental conflict as I have
never seen it done on the real stage ex-
cept by Mrs. Fiske in Rosmersholm. I
have always thought that Mrs. Fiske's
silent profile, conveying to an audience
the fact that incest had been unwitting-
ly committed, was one of the greatest
pieces of acting I have ever seen. I did
not suppose it could be easily matched
on the real stage, and I should never
have dreamed it could be done at all on
the screen. But I believe that, if neces-
sary, Hayakawa could do it. Each play
that I have seen 'the Jap' in was worse
than the last, and I have begun to be
afraid that he is going to be forced —
why, I do not know — into the contor-
tionism, the violence, the eventual ab-
surdity, that must, I suppose, always
be waiting to engulf the emotional
screen actor. But I shall never forget
the first simple little play I saw him in,
where the setting amounted to nothing,
the characters were few and humble,
and the acting was supremely quiet
and very great. It can be done. And as
this is a discussion of movie possibili-
ties simply, not of movie achievements
up to date, that is all we need to know.
I am not saying that others have not
done it. I can only say, out of my small
experience, that he is the one who has
proved to me most conclusively that it
is just as possible to have great acting
on the screen as on the stage.
The sentimentalism to which we
have referred is simply, I think, a prev-
alent vice of our own day, and not to
be credited to movies any more than to
any other form of popular art. Certain-
ly our books are as rotten with it as our
picture-plays. But books have had a
long history, and novel, play, poem, and
essay are established genres. They will
pull up. It is because the moving-pic-
ture genre is young and as yet unsure,
because it is still without traditions,
28
MOVIES
that it stands in peril of succumbing to
any bad fashion that is going.
There are various attempts being
made and planned, I believe, to make
the movie, not only pure, but high-brow.
I have never seen the results. But I
wonder if the authors of these attempts
are using the right methods. Are they
utilizing the great, the special assets of
the screen? The prime thrill in a movie
is the thrill of the spectacular. Great
spaces, with horsemen riding, men lying
in ambush; the specks in the distance
growing; flight and pursuit, wherever
and whoever; the crowd, the passionate
group; the contrast (as I have said) of
past and present, rich and poor, happy
and unhappy, hero and villain, can all
be made vivid to an extent that must
leave mere words (unless used by a mas-
ter) lagging far behind. What one may
call the processional value of the movies
can hardly be exaggerated. Whereas
the play must gather up its action into a
few set scenes, the movie can show life
in flux — people going naturally about
their appointed ways, as, in the world,
people do. I used to think, when I was
new to film plays, that the unnatural
movement of the actors was due to some
law of the camera. But again, it is not
so. A few weeks ago I saw a well-known
male star in a not particularly interest-
ing adaptation of a once popular novel,
and the star bore himself like a human
gentleman. He moved as slowly and as
gracefully as he pleased. There was
none of that jerky rhythm, which is so
prevalent that one is sometimes tempt-
ed to think it the inevitable gait of the
screen. Whether he paced the floor, or
took up a book, or lighted a cigarette,
or got into a motor-car, or clasped the
heroine in his arms, he did it all with
perfect naturalness, with the usual
rhythm of well-controlled muscles. So
it, too, can be done.
I believe that both the sensationalism
and the sentimentalism which consti-
tute movie-vulgarity can be largely
checked and controlled. The genre
should be exploited for its artistic pos-
sibilities, which are great, and the ac-
tors should develop variety rather than
one conventional mode. There is no
doubt that, at present, the most attrac-
tive films are those which use vast land-
scapes and numbers of people in motion.
But you cannot restrict the movie-art
to plays of this type. It has been proved
by certain actors and actresses that
'mental movement' and natural bod-
ily action are not impossible to 'get
across.' The cheapening, the over-sim-
plification and over-stressing of emo-
tion, are not inevitable concomitants of
filming a story. You can get your thrill
quietly, subtly. The words that are reft
from the actor must be made up for,
by him, with more than usual signifi-
cance of bodily and facial expression.
But again, it can be done. And to help
along, there is that immense potential-
ity of temporal, social, personal, emo-
tional contrast which no other genre
really possesses. Antithesis, so far, has
not, I imagine, been either generally
enough or subtly enough used. From
the hovel to the palace is one way, to be
sure; but that is cheap and easy. It
does not begin to tap the possibilities.
A proper contrast, properly shown, will
make up for chapters of verbiage; but
the contrast must be carefully made in
every detail. Mere ' velvet and rags, so
the world wags' will not do.
I am told that America is really re-
sponsible for the moving-picture genre:
that we are the chief sponsors, if not
the positive authors, of the movie. It is
we who must make or mar it as an art.
I know nothing about foreign films;
I have never seen any outside of the
United States. I do not know whence
these movies come which are doing,
according to unquestionable authority,
such harm among the brown and yel-
low races. But I quite see that we have
MOVIES
29
a great responsibility on our hands. I
have heard it said and corroborated, in
unimpeachable quarters, that to the
movies is due a large part of the unrest
in India. For a decade, the East Indian
has been gazing upon the white man's
movie; and it is inevitable that he
should ask why the people who behave
that way at home should consider that
they have a divine mission to civilize
and govern other races. Whatever one
thinks of the movie, I believe we should
all agree that it does not illustrate, par-
ticularly well, the social superiority of
the white race. The Anglo-Indian offi-
cial and his wife may be supremely
scrupulous and tactful; but the native
is, of course, going to consider that the
movie gives them away.
I have no doubt that the worst films,
not the best, are shipped to the remoter
continents. Japan is overrun with for-
eign movies, as well as India. I do not
know about China, but certainly the
Dutch East Indies, Indo-China, the
Straits Settlements are invaded. Read
the guide-books. Mr. J. O. P. Bland,
who has been observing alien races in
their own habitat, for many years, with
patient precision, avers that the Amer-
ican (and perhaps European) movie is
doing incalculable harm to the mixed
populaces of the South American re-
publics. To take only one instance: we
can perfectly see that to the Hindu and
the Mohammedan, the Japanese, and
the South American of Hispano-Moor-
ish social tradition, the spectacle of the
movie-heroine who is not only unchap-
eroned but scantily dressed, who more
or less innocently 'vamps' every man
within striking radius, who drives her
own car through the slums at midnight,
who places herself constantly in peril-
ous or unworthy contacts, yet who is on
the whole considered a praiseworthy
and eminently marriageable young
woman, is not calculated to enhance
the reputation of Europe or the United
States. She violates every law of de-
cency, save one, that is known to the
Hindu, the Japanese, or the mestizo of
South America. It is scarcely conceiv-
able to them that anyone but a prosti-
tute should behave like that. Yet they
have it on good authority — the film —
that she is the daughter of the American
millionaire or the British peer, who con-
siders himself immeasurably the poor
Hindu's, the poor Jap's, the poor peon's
superior.
Nor do I believe that Charlie Chaplin
is destined to spread the doctrine of the
White Man's Burden very successfully.
We deal, in these other continents, with
peoples to whom unnecessary bodily
activity is not a dignified thing. You
cannot possibly explain Charlie Chap-
lin to them correctly. You just cannot.
They simply think that official Anglo-
Saxons are minuetting in the parlor for
diplomatic reasons, and that Charlie
Chaplin is the Anglo-Saxon 'out hi the
pantry.' Paris is as keen, I understand,
on ' Chariot ' as England and the United
States. But compared with Asia, Africa,
and South America, France and Eng-
land and we are, as it were, one flesh.
This particular problem is none of
my affair. But it might be well, all the
same, not to present ourselves as to-
tally lacking in social dignity at the
very moment when we are being so
haughty about the Monroe Doctrine
and Japanese exclusion and the White
Man's Burden in general. The people
who are told that we are too good
to mess up with them in a league of
nations must wonder a little when they
look at Charlie Chaplin, having pre-
viously been told that he is the idol of
the American public. I have taken
Charlie Chaplin merely because of his
positively world-wide popularity. The
love of slap-stick is not confined to the
Anglo-Saxon tribe, though I believe no
other tribe likes it one half so much. Per-
sonally, I am bored to tears by Charlie.
30
MOVIES
But as a public, there is no doubt that
we adore him. We understand perfectly
that our peculiar sense of humor in no
wise prevents us from carrying on an
enlightened form of government with a
good deal of success. Slap-stick has al-
ways been in the Anglo-Saxon's blood.
But I can see that the Brahmin or the
Samurai, who gazes on Charlie and the
custard pie, might legitimately wonder
whether, after all, Charlie was intend-
ed by the Deity to govern the whole
planet; cannot you?
That was, in a sense, a digression.
For what I really had set myself to do
was to indicate what, it seemed to me,
were some of the possibilities of the
moving picture — the moving picture
as an artistic genre, that is. I have no
means of knowing what technically
may be achieved in another decade or
two: what marvels of color, of scene-
shifting, and the like. But all that is
stage-managing, not the play itself. I
fancy, being largely Anglo-Saxon still in
our make-up, we shall go on with slap-
stick to the end of the chapter. Prob-
ably the alien among us will be more
quickly educated to slap-stick than to
any other of our ideals. It will be the
first step in Americanization. I do not
see how you can develop slap-stick ex-
cept along the line of least resistance.
It can only go a little further all the
time, and become a little more so.
But the movie drama has a more seri-
ous and varied future than that. It is
important. It must chuck — it ought
to chuck — the Aristotelian unities
overboard. The three unities have long
since ceased to be sacred, yet the mem-
ory of them has overshadowed the
whole of European play-writing. Our
serious drama has violated them, but it
has never positively contradicted them
— flung them out of court. Unity of
action has at least been kept, in most
cases. Even unity of time has often
been stuck to; and in rare cases of late,
unity of place. There has been no vir-
tue in discarding the three unities, ex-
cept the virtue that is made of necessity.
But the screen-play must discard them,
in order to find itself. Unity of time
and unity of place alike would kill the
movie. Even unity of action is by no
means necessary to it. At least, so it
seems to me; but then I am very strong
for the picaresque, tlje epic movie.
Certainly, unity of action in the strict-
est dramatic sense is not a virtue in the
screen-play. It is precisely the movie's
chance to give the larger, looser texture
of life itself. It does not, at its best,
have to artificialize and recast life as
does the well-made play. Its motto not
only is, but ought to be, 'Good-bye,
Aristotle!' This may seem a superflu-
ous saying, since we have been bidding
that gentleman farewell so vociferously
for so long. Yet the drama has, up to
our own time, been on speaking terms
with him. The drama, I fancy, will
have to continue to be on speaking
terms with him; and I am not sure that
the one-act play, which has so much
vogue at present, has not actually in-
vited him to come back and have a cup
of tea.
The movie is another matter. It has
its own quite different future; and pro-
ducer, director, actor, and author will
all have to pull together to make
that future artistically as well as com-
mercially brilliant. More power to their
elbows!
EXILE AND STEAMER
BY JEAN KENYON MACKENZIE
THERE is moonlight and sunlight,
there are the stars and the sea. Some
days are gray and ribbed with the white
trouble of the surf. Some are white
days, full of a sparkle of sunlight like a
spray above the water. On some days
mountains that have been long lost rise
out of the sea; at noon they are faint
and far away; but with evening they
draw in and cast anchor before the little
cabin where you live. They are blue.
Thus beauty, in her various fashion,
smites with her rod the rock of your
monotony, and water does indeed gush
forth; you drink and are assuaged. But
still you look to the sea; you have a
glass at hand, — it is a ship's glass, —
and it is not for beauty that you hunt
with your glass: it is for excitement.
You are hunting for the very heart and
flaming core of excitement, and that
is a steamer. Living in lonely places
like this, you are a prey to obsessions;
you are obsessed by certain sleepless
thoughts; they stir in your heart while
you sleep, and they speak without ceas-
ing of steamers. It is they that drive
you in the morning to your glass, and
to be looking all day out to sea, and
at night to be searching the dark for a
little cluster of stars that are low upon
the horizon, like the Pleiades in March;
but oh, they are not the Pleiades — they
shine with a difference: they are the
lights of a steamer!
How shall I be telling of steamers to
the dwellers in great harbor towns,
where the loveliest ladies of the sea
come and go without applause? Or to
inlanders who never see a mast at all,
unless it is the superstructure of an oil-
well? You whose house is on the Hud-
son, where a steamer is at anchor be-
fore your very door — it is eight bells;
the hour was struck, and did you hear
the bell? The signal stands in the en-
gine-room at 'Full Steam Ahead,' and
did you hear that drumming? A week
she lay in the river; this morning she is
gone, and are you therefore lonely in
the world?
In the lost places of the earth a steam-
er is the great Presence — she furnishes
the empty seas. However far out and
dim, with her little plume of smoke, she
leaves her wake in the heart. There are
shores where from every white man's
cabin her passing is followed with a
sigh; speculation broods upon her all
day long. Her ports, her flags, her cargo,
her crew, seem a little while to live in
the mind after she has gone down the
slope of the world. She may be a poor,
mean, unkempt cargo-boat, dingy upon
a bright sea, but she is the symbol of
migration, and a winged flutter in the
heart.
As for The Steamer, that is another
matter — a matter of Elijah and the
ravens. Be sure that Elijah, once he got
the ravens' schedule, was not caught
napping. He was up and had his glass
out before the ravens were overdue.
And be sure that there is no steamer so
mean, so obscure in her listed sailings,
but is The Steamer to prisoners some-
where, behind a barring of cocoanut
palms or a grating of ice. Be sure that
she will put on airs once she has dropped
behind her betters, and will go swelling
31
EXILE AND STEAMER
into little empty harbors where there
is only one calendar, and she the only
saint written there. Before the anchor
falls, white men are off to her between
the breaches in the surf. The chain is
hardly taut when the little canoes and
the surf boats are alongside, and white
men are running up the ladder. And
suddenly, with the letting go of the an-
chor, in that great room of the sea and
sky, or hi that narrow river-room with
its forest wall, there are the agitations
of traffic and of commerce. The winches
fore and aft thrum and clamor; voices
of white men and of black men rise
from the water level and from the deck;
cargo is slung off and on, dripping with
the gilt of palm-oil and the dust of rice-
bags, or reeking of salt fish.
A day is all too short for what must
be done with the barber and the stew-
ard and the purser and the chief and the
captain of The Steamer. All the white
men find a day too short. Night comes
too soon; the steamer hangs upon the
dark like a bouquet of fireworks, ar-
rested. The last load of cargo has gone
over the side; the ship's launch has
ceased to sob and sleeps in her berth on
deck; the second officer has made his
last bitter comments and has gone be-
low to wash himself, and the time has
come for the white men to go ashore.
They hang over the railing calling to
their little crews that are asleep; they
negotiate the difficult descent into their
boats, — for the trade swell is about the
ship now, — and they go off into the
rain.
There is this about The Steamer —
she comes and she goes. You keep your
best white ducks for her; you keep all
your dates for her; you set your watch
by her chronometer and your life by her
schedule. Your letters home are full of
her worship. But she has such sweet-
hearts in every port; the rush and en-
thusiasm of her advent is matched by
the rush and enthusiasm of her exit; she
carries her garland of lights away into
the darkness, or her feather of smoke
into the noon; she grows smaller and
dimmer; her drums grow fainter, and
once again in a silence and a void you
are 'ten leagues beyond man's life,' you
'can have no note unless the sun were
post.'
You see how, with The Steamer, it is
a kiss and a blow. Between the kiss of
her coming and the blow of her going is
the span of your little day — all the
honey of news and of gossip, all the
wine of excitement, must be savored
now. I think of the many little settle-
ments by the sea waiting to hear of the
war from The Steamer, on a day of her
days. I think of the first camouflaged
steamer staggering up a river on her
accustomed schedule, like a fistful of
lightning in the hand of Jove. No su-
pernatural visitation could have more
astonished her worshipers, all unpre-
pared. I think of her captain shaping
her course all through the war, in the
dark, unarmed, without convoy — the
very idol and providence of the out-
posts of the earth. And of the captains
young and old, whose names you do not
know; and some of them, for their serv-
ice of The Steamer, wear medals, and
some of them lie in the waste of the sea.
For all you do not know their names,
their names are known; living and dead,
they are remembered. Exiles remember
and bless them — steamer, and captain,
and the engineers in the vitals of the
ship, and the little cabin-boys who did
their little duties when the steamer was
under fire.
In my heart I see her now, and she
is under fire. She is unarmed; she zig-
zags before her smoke-screen, trembling
with her speed. You lean on the iron
wall of the engine-house, under that
bright sky where it is morning, and you
watch the great fountains play upon the
level of the sea where the shells strike
the water. You think of the engineers,
EXILE AND STEAMER
33
who will never come on deck if the ship
goes down; and you see on the bridge
the legs of the little cabin-boy, whose
head, inside the pilot-house door, waits
on an order. All the life of the ship,
under the cover of the smoke-screen
and the sob of haste and the scream of
the exhaust, waits on an order. That
young captain biting on his pipe, his
megaphone in his hand, is a symbol of
man's will to order. He is enshrined
there on the bridge above the trouble
of the ship, — an image of ultimate re-
sistance so intense, on so many solitary
seas, that his astral — if ever at all
there is an astral — must still patrol
the course of the steamer he saved, or of
the steamer that was lost.
There is nothing stranger than a map
— with its understood relation to a
place, and the way they do not resem-
ble. You would never guess, to look at
a place on a map, what its aspect really
is. Often I go to the map-room in the
public library, where I ask for the
Southern Cameroun. I look and look
at that symbol of the African forest, un-
til my secret knowledge unfolds in my
heart, and I see again those little moun-
tains under their green cloak; I cross
those rivers in canoes, or by the old, old
bridges of the fallen trees; those many
little ravines are blue again and full of
the trouble of drums. Then I laugh at
the map, with its colors and its names;
and it is as if, in a group of strangers,
you have met the eyes of your friend.
And so it is with the listed sailings of
steamers — so many and so broadcast:
their names and their published ports
trouble your mind as little as the birds
that migrate in the autumn. But oh,
let them be but due where you are, and
they touch you where you live. And
of these there is one that drops her an-
chor in your very heart — you call her
My Steamer. You name her so, and all
your fellow exiles call her yours; your
ardor does so subjugate your little world.
VOL. 128— NO. 1
B
For My Steamer you wait and wait,
and you weary waiting. You cease to
breathe, lest contrary winds blow upon
her. But your ardor has spoked the
wheel of time; it slackens. The moons
wax and wane with a strange and cruel
deliberation. Well I remember my first
affair with a steamer, and that the sea-
sons dragged, and then the days. Long
after, I came upon a calendar with those
days crossed off; and when I saw that
record of faint hours, I felt again the
sickening arrest and backward swing of
time.
An affair with a steamer is not always
mutual. There she is. at Kribi to the
north of you, and you with a glass under
the eaves since the dawn asking her by
wireless, — the wireless of the heart, —
is she yours. And boys running north
by the beach to ask the captain, is
she yours. And boys running south
by the beach to say that she will be
down by two o'clock or not at all. And
you, packed and ready, on the indigo
shade upon the sand at two o'clock, and
still on the sand at three o'clock, but
driven back by the tide at four o'clock;
and by misgivings at five o'clock driven
up a path you know too well, to a
thatch which you had thought you need
not seek again.
And now boys run up the beach to
say, 'Steamer live for come'; and she
anchors well in. The red of evening
grows behind her, her lights blossom
on the dark, but no boat comes ashore.
You are going to bed, when you are
summoned by a lantern — ' Boat live
for come'; and you race back to the
water's edge, all your zests renewed.
But it is a false alarm. There on the
sand you find a black man streaming
with sea-water; he has swum ashore
from the ship in search of the launch,
and under the illusion that this is
Powell's trading-post and that you are
Powell. With his wet hand he urges
upon you a bill of lading, incredibly dry.
34
EXILE AND STEAMER
You dismiss him coldly, waving him
south, and hoping that you are never to
see him again. You do not know how
often and often he is to accost you again
in memory, his wet body gilded by the
light of the lantern and his bill of lading
incredibly dry.
In the morning that steamer is gone!
And before the shocking emptiness of
the sea your friends say, 'Oh, do let's
sit down!' And they tell sad stories of
the defections of steamers: of how Mr.
Menkel, in a canoe, with bag and bag-
gage, tried to hold up a steamer with a
gesture, like a traffic policeman — and
failed; of how the Gaults waited weeks
and weeks for a steamer that did not
come, because she had blown up in the
Congo River, as you may see for your-
self between Boma and Matadi; of how
many a steamer has passed by on pre-
text of quarantine; of how, off Quillu,
when the surf is high, the steamer will
not so much as call. Until, what with
tales of the coldness of steamers and
their misadventures, you cannot think
how you are to get home at all.
Yes, you wonder that. Many a man
has wondered that. Betrayed by some
steamer, he has thought of his little
cabin, with its million roaches — that
he must live there forever; and that he
is never to escape the sound of the reit-
erant surf and its endless pacings. Long
after, he will sigh when he thinks of
that season, rainy or dry; he will re-
member dark thoughts that came upon
him then, and his sleepless nights. A
trader who cut the vein in his wrist with
the scissors off his counter told the mis-
sion doctor that he knew he was never
to go home. He would never live to get
home, he said. And he could no longer
endure that shanty of his, with its store
of cotton print and salt fish and matches
and tobacco. So he cut his wrist. And
then he sent, as you see, for the doctor.
And the doctor, a long time wise in the
things of exile, sent him off in a canoe,
with a lantern and a little crew who
were to travel with their 'big Massa'
until they met the steamer from the
south. For it is a great thing, said the
doctor, to feel water under the keel.
That is a wonderful feeling. And it is
wonderful, when you have lived so long
by the light of a lantern, to find a star
in your ceiling. For there it is in the
ceiling of your cabin — a star. And
there, beneath the light of that star, is
an apple. Because you look as he had
hoped you would look when you see the
star shining like this upon the apple, the
steward tells you that, yes, he likes to
have an apple aboard his steamer. He
lets you know at once that he is proud
of his steamer, and ashamed where there
is cause. He will speak to you often of
these things.
I see myself stretched at ease on the
deck of My Steamer, sunk in an ex-
cess of languor and of calm. It is a
night as bright as silver and as clear as
glass. We are moored to a great tree
beside a bank of the Congo River; a
million little voices speak to me from
the sedges on the margin, and the stew-
ard speaks to me. He has brought me
my coffee, and he tells me of the shame
he feels. He is ashamed of his knives
and forks, of his linen and the bugs in
his beds; he is ashamed of his captain,
who is tipsy, and he groans there in the
moonlight: 'This is no place for you,
miss, no place at all ! '
Bui oh, what does he, all ashamed
there on his execrable boat, know of the
ineffable calm that is the atmosphere
of My Steamer, where I am as safe from
his knives and forks and the weevils
in his oatmeal as a -silly silver lamb at
the heart of a glass ball ! Not the clamor
of the winches, or the thunder of the
great mahogany logs as they come
aboard, or the clangor of iron rails as
they go over the side, can break that in-
sulation. Only the rattle of the anchor-
EXILE AND STEAMER
chain and the signal to the engine-room
can do this; and if we lie off every set-
tlement on the West Coast and go up
every stream in the delta of the Niger,
for every time the anchor is weighed
I will tremble, and will tremble in my
heart whenever the ship trembles with
that shudder of getting under weigh,
which is the initial throe of the ecstasy
of going home.
When last I went to Africa, it was
in war-time, and I took five steamers.
Five steamers I took, and for these five
steamers I waited in five several ports,
for five aeons of time; until at last I said
that, if ever in opening a book I came
upon a traveler waiting on a dock, open
sea-beach, or river-bank, for a galley,
caracul, frigate, clipper, or steamer, I
would then close the book. I would
never read, I said, of Jason and the
Argo, or of Hero and Leander, or even
of Europa and the Bull. All adventures
taking account of transportation by
water would be for me forever anath-
ema. And I would forever forget my
voyage of the five steamers. But often
and often, in a kind of little flock, the
odd assorted lot of them comes back to
mind ; I see them in my heart and I love
them.
There is the Montevideo, and she is
a lady. There is the Delphin, so little,
so rolling, and so dirty, carrying her
cargo of flies from the clean, pale alleys
of Cadiz to the sea-based mountains
of the Canaries. There is the Cataluna,
— not so very neutral, — with her mar-
red romantic beauty, and her bright
lacquers in her cabins, and her noble
deck, where it is always one o'clock of
the afternoon, and we are drawing away
from the Canaries. The afternoon
clouds are gathering on the Pillars of
Hercules; gray gulls are flying; a young
priest hangs his little golden bird on
the port side, under the awning, and at
once and forever that little bird casts a
tendril of song out to sea. There is the
Burutu; and still I see her come into
the harbor of Dakar at dusk, her lights
fore and aft the color of primroses, and
her signals flat in the wind from Tim-
buctoo. Still I see her pick her way in
the dark down the West Coast, or, in
the safety of a river, paint the forest
walls with her light. In my heart I save
her forever from that betrayal in the
English Channel, where she was lost,
and her crew. And still I remember
that last little steamer of all, whose
name I have forgotten, who had no
cabins, but suffered her passengers on
her bridge, where they idly slept while
she hurried all night under the stars
upon the errands of exiles. For them
she turned the furrow and cast her an-
chor in their service wherever there was
a lamp at night, or a zinc roof to shine
in the sun. She was for them, in those
irregular war-times, a kind' of miracle
— a sweet chariot swinging low and
coming for to carry them home. She
was Their Steamer.
AT NIGHT
BY LAURA SPENCER PORTOR
Is my heart ordered, clean, and sweet,
For my loved Master's hasting feet?
Is my heart warm, that, when He stands
Chilled, He may stoop and warm his hands?
And quiet that He may be blest —
Tired from all turmoil — and have rest?
And lighted, that He may forget
The rough road, and the storm and wet?
Garnished with fragrant flowers, that might
Recall dear joys across black night? t
And is there bread? and wine? lest He
Should thirst — or should be hungry?
Hark! Who is there? Oh, enter in!
Enters a man bowed down with sin.
Behind him, bent, is one who stands,
A broken heart within her hands;
And back of them (oh, shut the wild
Night out!) a shrinking starved child.
A step! O Master do not wake
Thy friends who sleep here for thy sake!
Disturb them not, O Mighty Guest!
They sleep! They have such need of rest!
The Master smiles, then He and I
Go softly; speak but whisperingly.
THE INTERPRETER. I
A ROMANCE OF THE EAST
BY L. ADAMS BECK
THERE are strange things in this
story, but, so far as I understand them,
I tell the truth. If you measure the
East with a Western foot-rule, you will
say, 'Impossible.' I should have said
it myself.
Of myself I will say as little as I can,
for this story is of Vanna Loring. I am
an incident only, though I did not know
that at first.
My name is Stephen Clifden, and I
was eight-and-thirty; plenty of money,
sound in wind and limb. I had been by
way of being a writer before the war,
the hobby of a rich man; but if I picked
up anything in the welter in France, it
was that real work is the only salvation
this mad world has to offer; so I meant
to begin at the beginning, and learn my
trade like a journeyman laborer.
I had come to the right place. A very
wonderful city is Peshawar — the Key
of India, and a city of Romance, which
stands at every corner, and cries aloud
in the market-place. But there was
society here, and I was swept into it —
there was chatter, and it galled me.
I was beginning to feel that I had
missed my mark, and must go farther
afield, perhaps up into Central Asia,
when I met Vanna Loring. If I say that
her hair was soft and dark; that she had
the deepest hazel eyes I have ever seen,
and a sensitive, tender mouth; that she
moved with a flowing grace like 'a wave
of the sea' — it sounds like the portrait
of a beauty, and she was never that.
Also, incidentally, it gives none of her
charm. I never heard anyone get any
further than that she was 'oddly at-
tractive' — let us leave it at that. She
was certainly attractive to me.
She was the governess of little Wini-
fred Meryon, whose father held the au-
gust position of General Commanding
the Frontier Forces, and her mother the
more commanding position of the reign-
ing beauty of Northern India, generally
speaking.
But Vanna — I gleaned her story by
bits when I came across her with the
child in the gardens. I was beginning
to piece it together now.
Her love of the strange and beauti-
ful she had inherited from a young
Italian mother, daughter of a political
refugee; her childhood had been spent
in a remote little village in the West of
England; half reluctantly she told me
how she had brought herself up after
her mother's death and her father's
second marriage. Little was said of
that, but I gathered that it had been a
grief to her, a factor in her flight to the
East.
'So when I came to three-and-
twenty,' she said slowly, 'I felt I must
break away from our narrow life. I
had a call to India stronger than any-
thing on earth. You would not under-
87
38
THE INTERPRETER
stand, but that was so, and I had spent
every spare moment in teaching my-
self India — its history, legends, re-
ligions, everything ! And I was not want-
ed at home, and I had grown afraid.'
'What were you afraid of?'
'Of growing old and missing what
was waiting for me out here. But I
could not get away like other people.
No money, you see. So I thought I
would come out and teach here. Dare
I? Would they let me? I knew I was
fighting life and chances and risks if I
did it; but it was death if I stayed there.
And then — Do you really care to
hear?'
'Of course. Tell me how you broke
your chain.'
'I spare you the family quarrels. I
can never go back. But I was spurred
— spurred to take some wild leap; and
I took it. So six years ago I came out.
First I went to a doctor and his wife
at Cawnpore. They had a wonderful
knowledge of the Indian peoples, and
there I learned Hindustani and much
else. Then he died. But an aunt had
left me two hundred pounds, and I
could wait a little and choose; and so I
came here.'
It interested me. The courage that
pale elastic type of woman has!
'Have you ever regretted it? Would
they take you back if you failed?'
'Never, to both questions,' she said,
smiling. 'Life is glorious. I've drunk of
a cup I never thought to taste; and if
I died to-morrow I should know I had
done right. I rejoice in every moment
I live — even when Winifred and I are
wrestling with arithmetic.'
'I shouldn't have thought life was
very easy with Lady Meryon.'
'Oh, she is kind enough in an indif-
ferent sort of way. I am not the perse-
cuted Jane Eyre sort of governess at all.
But that is all on the surface and does
not matter. It is India I care for — the
people, the sun, the infinite beauty. It
was coming home. You would laugh if
I told you I knew Peshawar long before
I came here. Knew it — walked here,
lived. Before there were English in In-
dia at all.' She broke off. 'You won't
understand.'
'Oh, I have had that feeling, too,'
I said patronizingly. 'If one has read
very much about a place — '
'That was not quite what I meant.
Never mind. The people, the place —
that is the real thing to me. All this is
the dream.'
The sweep of her hand took in not
only Winifred and myself, but the gen-
eral's stately residence, which to blas-
pheme in Peshawar is rank infidelity.
'By George, I would give thousands
to feel that! I can't get out of Europe
here. I want to write, Miss Loring,' I
found myself saying. 'I'd done a bit,
and then the war came and blew my
life to pieces. Now I want to get inside
the skin of the East, and I can't do it.
I see it from outside, with a pane of
glass between. No life in it. If you
feel as you say, for God's sake be my
interpreter!'
'Interpret?' she said, looking at me
with clear hazel eyes; 'how could I?
You were in the native city yesterday.
What did you miss?'
'Everything! I saw masses of color,
light, movement. Brilliantly pictur-
esque people. Children like Asiatic an-
gels. Magnificently scowling ruffians
in sheepskin coats. In fact, a movie
staged for my benefit. I was afraid they
would ring down the curtain before I
had had enough. It had no meaning.
When I got back to my diggings I tried
to put down what I had just seen, and
I swear there 's more inspiration in the
guide-book.'
'Did you go alone?'
'Yes, I certainly would not go sight-
seeing with the Meryon crowd. Tell me
what you felt when you saw it first.'
'I went with Sir John's uncle. He
THE INTERPRETER
39
was a great traveler. The color struck
me dumb. It flames — it sings. Think
of the gray pinched life in the West ! I
saw a grave dark potter turning his
wheel, while his little girl stood by,
glad at our pleasure, her head veiled
like a miniature woman, tiny baggy
trousers, and a silver nose-stud, like a
star, in one delicate nostril. In her thin
arms she held a heavy baby in a gilt
cap, like a monkey. And the wheel
turned and whirled until it seemed to
be spinning dreams, thick as motes in
the sun. The clay rose in smooth spi-
rals under his hand, and the wheel sang,
"Shall the vessel reprove him who
made one to honor and one to dishon-
or?" And I saw the potter thumping
his wet clay, and the clay, plastic as
dream-stuff, shaped swift as light, and
the three Fates stood at his shoulder.
Dreams, dreams, and all in the spinning
of the wheel, and the rich shadows of
the old broken courtyard where he sat.
And the wheel stopped and the thread
broke, and the little new shapes he had
made stood all about him, and he was
only a potter hi Peshawar.'
Her voice was like a song. She had
utterly forgotten my existence. I did
not dislike it at the moment, for I want-
ed to hear more, and the impersonal is
the rarest gift a woman can give a man.
'Did you buy anything?'
'He gave me a gift — a flawed jar of
turquoise blue, faint turquoise green
round the lip. He saw I understood.
And then I bought a little gold cap and
a wooden box of jade-green Kabul
grapes. About a rupee, all told. But it
was Eastern merchandise, and I was
trading from Balsora and Baghdad,
and Eleazar's camels were swaying
down from Damascus along the Khyber
Pass, and coming in at the great Dar-
wazah, and friends' eyes met me every-
where. I am profoundly happy here.'
The sinking sun lit an almost ecsta-
tic face.
'It may be very beautiful on the sur-
face,' I said morosely; 'but there's a
lot of misery below — hateful, they tell
me.'
'Of course, I shall get to work one
day. But look at the sunset. It opens
like a mysterious flower. I must take
Winifred home now.'
'One moment,' I pleaded; 'I can only
see it through your eyes. I feel it while
you speak, and then the good minute
goes.'
She laughed.
'And so must I. Come, Winifred.
Look, there's an owl; not like the owls
in the summer dark in England —
'Lovely are the curves of the white owl sweeping,
Wavy in the dark, lit by one low star.'
Suddenly she turned again and look-
ed at me half wistfully.
'It is good to talk to you. You want
to know. You are so near it all. I wish
I could help you; I am so exquisitely
happy myself.'
My writing was at a standstill. It
seemed the groping of a blind man in a
radiant world. Once perhaps I had felt
that life was good in itself — when the
guns came thundering toward the Vimy
Ridge in a mad gallop of horses, and
men shouting and swearing and fran-
tically urging them on. Then, riding
for more than life, I had tasted life for
an instant. Not before or since. But
this woman had the secret.
Lady Meryon, with her escort of girls
and subalterns, came daintily past the
hotel compound, and startled me from
my brooding with her pretty silvery
voice.
'Dreaming, Mr. Clifden? It is n't at
all wholesome to dream in the East.
Come and dine with us to-morrow. A
tiny dance afterwards, you know; or
bridge for those who like it.'
I had not the faintest notion whether
governesses dined with the family or
came in afterward with the coffee; but
it was a sporting chance, and I took it.
40
THE INTERPRETER
Then Sir John came up and joined us.
'You can't well dance to-morrow,
Kitty,' he said to his wife. 'There's
been an outpost affair in the Swat Hills,
and young Fitzgerald has been shot.
Come to dinner of course, Clifden.
Glad to see you. But no dancing, I
think.'
n
Next evening I went into Lady Mery-
on's flower-scented drawing-room.
Governesses dine, it appeared, only to
fill an unexpected place, or make a dec-
orous entry afterward, to play accom-
paniments. Fortunately Kitty Meryon
sang, in a pinched little soprano, not
nearly so pretty as her silver ripple of
talk.
It was when the party had settled
down to bridge and I was standing out,
that I ventured to go up to her as she
sat knitting by a window — not un-
watched by the quick blue flash of
Lady Meryon's eyes as I did it.
'I think you hypnotize me, Miss
Loring. When I hear anything, I
straightway want to know what you
will say. Have you heard of Fitzger-
ald's death?'
'That is why we are not dancing to-
night. To-morrow the cable will reach
his home in England. He was an only
child, and they are the great people of
the village where we are little people.
I knew his mother as one knows a great
lady who is kind to all the village folk.
It may kill her. It is traveling to-night
like a bullet to her heart, and she does
not know.'
'His father?*
'A brave man — a soldier himself.
He will know it was a good death and
that Harry would not fail. He did not
at Ypres. He would not here. But all
joy and hope will be dead in that house
to-morrow.'
'And what do you think?'
'I am not sorry for Harry, if you
mean that. He knew — we all know —
that he was on guard here holding the
outposts against blood and treachery
and terrible things — playing the Great
Game. One never loses at that game if
one plays it straight, and I am sure that
at the last it w&s joy he felt and not
fear. He has not lost. Did you notice
in the church a niche before every sol-
dier's seat to hold his loaded gun? And
the tablets on the walls: "Killed at
Kabu River, aged 22." — "Killed on
outpost duty." — " Murdered by an Af-
ghan fanatic." This will be one mem-
ory more. Why be sorry?'
Presently: —
'I am going up to the hills to-morrow,
to the Malakhand Fort, with Mrs. De-
lany, Lady Meryon's aunt, and we shall
see the wonderful Tahkt-i-Bahi Mon-
astery on the way. You should do that
run before you go. The fort is the last
but one on the way to Chitral, and be-
yond that the road is so beset that only
soldiers may go farther, and indeed
the regiments escort each other up and
down. But it is an early start, for we
must be back in Peshawar at six for
fear of raiding natives.'
'I know; they hauled me up in the
dusk the other day, and told me I should
be swept off to the hills if I fooled about
after dusk. But I say — is it safe for
you to go? You ought to have a man.
Could I go, too?'
I thought she did not look enthusias-
tic at the proposal.
'Ask. You know I settle nothing. I
go where I am sent.'
She left the room ; and when the bridge
was over, I made my request. Lady
Meryon shrugged her shoulders and
declared it would be a terribly dull run
— the scenery nothing, 'and only' (she
whispered) 'Aunt Selina and poor Miss
Loring.'
Of course I saw at once that she did
not like it; but Sir John was all for my
going, and that saved the situation.
THE INTERPRETER
41
I certainly could have dispensed with
Aunt Selina when the automobile drew
up in the golden river of the sunrise at
the hotel. There were only the driver,
a personal servant, and the two ladies:
Mrs. Delany, comely, pleasant, talka-
tive, and Vanna —
We glided along the straight military
road from Peshawar to Nowshera, the
gold-bright sun dazzling in its white-
ness — a strange drive through the flat,
burned country, with the ominous
Kabul River flowing through it. Mili-
tary preparations everywhere, and the
hills looking watchfully down — alive,
as it were, with keen, hostile eyes. War
was as present about us as behind the
lines in France; and when we crossed
the Kabul River on a bridge of boats,
and I saw its haunted waters, I began
to feel the atmosphere of the place
closing down upon me. It had a sinister
beauty; it breathed suspense; and I
wished, as I was sure Vanna did, for
silence that was not at our command.
For Mrs. Delany felt nothing of it.
A bright shallow ripple of talk was her
contribution to the joys of the day;
though it was, fortunately, enough for
her happiness if we listened and agreed.
I knew Vanna listened only in show.
Her intent eyes were fixed on the Tahkt-
i-Bahi hills after we had swept out of
Nowshera; and when the car drew up
at the rough track, she had a strange
look of suspense and pallor. I remem-
ber I wondered at the tune if she were
nervous in the wild open country.
'Now pray don't be shocked,' said
Mrs. Delany comfortably; 'but you
two young people may go up to the
monastery, and I shall stay here. I am
dreadfully ashamed of myself, but the
sight of that hill is enough for me.
Don't hurry. I may have a little doze,
and be all the better company when you
get back. No, don't try to persuade
me, Mr. Clifden. It is n't the part of a
friend.'
I cannot say I was sorry, though I
had a moment of panic when Vanna
offered to stay with her — very much,
too, as if she really meant it. So we set
out perforce, Vanna leading steadily, as
if she knew the way. She never looked
up, and her wish for silence was so evi-
dent, that I followed, lending my hand
mutely when the difficulties obliged it,
she accepting absently, and as if her
thoughts were far away.
Suddenly she quickened her pace.
We had climbed about nine hundred
feet, and now the narrow track twisted
through the rocks — a track that look-
ed as age-worn as no doubt it was. We
threaded it, and struggled over the
ridge, and looked down victorious on
the other side.
There she stopped. A very wonderful
sight, of which I had never seen the
like, lay below us. Rock and waste and
towering crags, and the mighty ruin of
the monastery set in the fangs of the
mountain like a robber baron's castle,
looking far away to the blue mountains
of the Debatable Land — the land of
mystery and danger. It stood there —
the great rum of a vast habitation of
men. Building after building, mysteri-
ous and broken, corridors, halls, refec-
tories, cells; the dwelling of a faith so
alien that I could not reconstruct the
life that gave it being. And all sinking
gently into ruin that hi a century more
would confound it with the roots of the
mountains. Gray and wonderful, it
clung to the heights and looked with
eyeless windows at the past. Somehow
I found it infinitely pathetic: the very
faith it expressed is dead in India, and
none left so poor to do it reverence.
But Vanna knew her way. Unerr-
ingly she led me from point to point,
and she was visibly at home in the in-
tricacies. Such knowledge in a young
woman bewildered me. Could she have
studied the plans in the Museum? How
else should she know where the abbot
THE INTERPRETER
lived, or where the refractory brothers
were punished?
Once I missed her, while I stooped to
examine some scroll-work, and follow-
ing, found her before one of the few
images of the Buddha that the rapa-
cious Museum had spared — a singu-
larly beautiful bas-relief, the hand rais-
ed to enforce the truth the calm lips
were speaking, the drapery falling in
stately folds to the bare feet. As I came
up, she had an air as if she had just
ceased from movement, and I had a dis-
tinct feeling that she had knelt before
it — I saw the look of worship! The
thing troubled me like a dream, haunt-
ing, impossible, but real.
'How beautiful!' I said in spite of
myself, as she pointed to the image.
'In this utter solitude it seems the very
spirit of the place.'
'He was. He is,' said Vanna.
'Explain to me. I don't understand.
I know so little of him. What is the
subject?'
She hesitated; then chose her words
as if for a beginner: —
'It is the Blessed One preaching to
the Tree-Spirits. See how eagerly they
lean from the boughs to listen. This
other relief represents him in the state
of mystic vision. Here he is drowned in
peace. See how it overflows from the
closed eyes; the closed lips. The air is
filled with his quiet.'
'What is he dreaming?'
'Not dreaming — seeing. Peace. He
sits at the point where time and infin-
ity meet. To attain that vision was the
aim of the monks who lived here.'
'Did they attain?' I found myself
speaking as if she could certainly an-
swer.
'A few. There was one, Vasettha,
the Brahmin, a young man who had re-
nounced all his possessions and riches,
and seated here before this image of the
Blessed One, he fell often into the mys-
tic state. He had a strange vision at
one time of the future of India, which
will surely be fulfilled. He did not for-
get it hi his rebirths. He remembers — '
She broke off suddenly and said with
forced indifference, —
'He would sit here often looking out
over the mountains; the monks sat at
his feet to hear. He became abbot while
still young. But his story is a sad one.'
'I entreat you to tell me.'
She looked away over the mountains.
'While he was abbot here, — still a
young man, — a famous Chinese pil-
grim came down through Kashmir to
visit the Holy Places in India. The ab-
bot went forward with him to Pesha-
war, that he might make him welcome.
And there came a dancer to Peshawar,
named Lilavanti, most beautiful ! I dare
not tell you her beauty. I tremble now
to think — '
Again she paused, and again the faint
creeping sense of mystery invaded me.
She resumed : —
'The abbot saw her and he loved
her. He was young still, you remem-
ber. She was a woman of the Hindu
faith and hated Buddhism. It swept him
down into the lower worlds of storm
and desire. He fled with Lilavanti and
never returned here. So in his rebirth
he fell—'
She stopped dead; her face pale as
death.
'How do you know? Where have you
read it? If I could only find what you
find and know what you know! The
East is like an open book to you. Tell
me the rest.'
'How should I know any more?'
she said hurriedly. ' \^e must be going
back. You should study the plans of
this place at Peshawar. They were very
learned monks who lived here. It is
famous for learning.'
The life had gone out of her words —
out of the ruins. There was no more to
be said.
We clambered down the hill in the
THE INTERPRETER
43
hot sunshine, speaking only of the view,
the strange shrubs and flowers, and,
once, the swift gliding of a snake, and
found Mrs. Delany blissfully asleep in
the most padded corner of the car.
The spirit of the East vanished in her
comfortable presence, and luncheon
seemed the only matter of moment.
'I wonder, my dears,' she said, 'if
you would be very disappointed and
think me very dense if I proposed our
giving up the Malakhand Fort? Mr.
Clifden can lunch with the officers at
Nowshera and come any day. I know
I am an atrocity.'
That night I resolutely began my
packing, and wrote a note of farewell
to Lady Meryon. The next morning I
furiously undid it, and destroyed the
note. And that afternoon I took the
shortest way to the Sunset Road to
lounge about and wait for Vanna and
Winifred. She never came, and I was
as unreasonably angry as if I had de-
served the blessing of her presence.
Next day I could see that she tried,
gently but clearly, to discourage our
meeting; and for three days I never saw
her at all. Yet I knew that in her solitary
life our talks counted for a pleasure.
Ill
On the day when things became clear
to me, I was walking toward the Mery-
ons' gates when I met her coming alone
along the Sunset Road, in the late gold
of the afternoon. She looked pale and
a little wearied, and I remember that I
wished I did not know every change of
her face as I did.
'So you have been up the Khyber
Pass,' she said as I fell into step at her
side. 'Tell me — was it as wonderful
as you expected?'
'No, no — you tell me. It will give
me what I missed. Begin at the begin-
ning. Tell me what I saw.'
I could not miss the delight of her
words, and she laughed, knowing my
whim.
'Oh, that pass! But did you go on
Tuesday or Friday?'
For these are the only two days in
the week when the Khyber can be safely
entered. The British then turn out the
Khyber Rifles and man every crag,
and the loaded caravans move like a
tide, and go up and down the narrow
road on their occasions.
'Tuesday. But make a picture for
me.'
'You went up to Jumrood Fort at
the entrance. Did they tell you it is an
old Sikh fort and has been on duty in
that turbulent place for five hundred
years? And did you see the machine-
guns in the court? And everyone arm-
ed — even the boys, with belts of cart-
ridges? Then you went up the narrow
winding track between the mountains,
and you said to yourself, "This is the
road of pure romance. It goes up to
silken Samarcand, and I can ride to
Bokhara of the beautiful women, and
to all the dreams. Am I alive and is it
real?" You felt that?'
'All, every bit. Go on!'
She smiled with pleasure.
'And you saw the little forts on the
crags and the men on guard all along —
rifles ready! You could hear the guns
rattle as they saluted. Do you know
that up there men plough with rifles
loaded beside them? They have to be
men, indeed.'
'Do you mean to imply that we are
not men?'
'Different men, at least. This is life
in a Border ballad. Such a life as you
knew in France, but beautiful in a wild-
hawk sort of way. Don't the Khyber
Rifles bewilder you? They are drawn
from these very Hill tribes, and will
shoot their own fathers and brothers in
the way of duty as comfortably as if
they were jackals. Once there was a
44
THE INTERPRETER
scrap here and one of the tribesmen
sniped our men unbearably. What do
you suppose happened? A Khyber
Rifle came to the colonel and said, "Let
me put an end to him, Colonel Sahib.
I know exactly where he sits. He is my
grandfather." And he did it.'
'The bond of bread and salt?'
'Yes, and discipline. I'm sometimes
half frightened of discipline. It moulds
a man like wax. Even God doesn't
do that. Well — then you saw the
traders: wild shaggy men in sheepskin,
and women in massive jewelry of silver
and turquoise — great earrings, heavy
bracelets loading their arms, wild,
fierce, handsome. And the camels, —
thousands of them, — some going up,
some coming down, — a mass of human
and animal life. Above you, moving
figures against the keen blue sky, or
deep below you in the ravines. The
camels were swaying along with huge
bales of goods, and with dark beautiful
women in wicker cages perched on
them. "Silks and carpets from Bokhara,
and blue-eyed Persian cats, and bluer
Persian turquoises. Wonderful! And
the dust — gilded by the sunshine —
makes a vaporous golden atmosphere
for it all.'
' What was the most wonderful thing
you saw there?' I asked her.
'The most beautiful of all, I think,
was a man — a splendid dark ruffian,
lounging along. He wanted to show
off, and his swagger was perfect. Long
black onyx eyes, and a tumble of black
curls, and teeth like almonds. But what
do you think he carried on his wrist?
A hawk with fierce yellow eyes, ringed
and chained. Hawking is a favorite
sport in the hills. Oh, why does n't some
great painter come and paint it all be-
fore they take to trains and cars? I long
to see it all again, but I never shall.'
' Surely Sir John can get you up there
any day.'
'I am leaving.'
'Leaving?' My heart gave a leap.
'Why? Where?'
'I had rather not tell you.'
*I shall ask Lady Meryon.'
*I forbid you.'
And then the unexpected happened,
and an unbearable impulse swept me
into folly — or was it wisdom?
'Listen to me. I would not have said
it yet, but this settles it. I want you to
marry me. I want it atrociously!'
It was a strange word. What I felt
for her at that moment was difficult to
describe.
She looked at me in transparent as-
tonishment.
'Mr. Clifden, are you dreaming?
You can't mean what you say.'
'Why can't I? I do. I want you.
You have the key of all I care for.'
'Surely you have all the world can
give? What do you want more?'
'The power to enjoy it — to under-
stand it. I want you always with me to
interpret, like a guide to a blind fellow.
I am no better.'
'Say like a dog, at once!' she inter-
rupted. 'At least, you are frank enough
to put it on that ground. You have not
said that you love me. You could not
say it.'
'I don't know whether I door not.
I know nothing about love. I want
you. Indescribably. Perhaps that is
love — is it? I never wanted anyone
before. I have tried to get away and I
can't.'
'Why have you tried?'
'Because every man likes freedom.
But I like you better.'
'I can tell you the reason,' she said,
in her gentle, unwavering voice. ' I am
Lady Meryon's governess, and an un-
desirable. You have felt that?'
'Don't make me out such a snob.
No — yes. You force me into honesty.
I did feel it at first. But I could kick
myself when I think of that now. It is
utterly forgotten. Take me and make
THE INTERPRETER
45
me what you will, and forgive me.
Only tell me your secret of joy. How
is it you understand everything alive
or dead? I want to live — to see, to
know/
It was a rhapsody like a boy's. Yet
at the moment I was not even ashamed
of it, so sharp was my need.
'I think,' she said, slowly, looking
straight before her, 'that I had better
be quite frank. I don't love you. I
don't know what love means in the
Western sense. It has a very different
meaning for me. Your voice comes to
me from an immense distance when
you speak in that way. You want me
— but never with a thought of what 7
might want. Is that love? I like you
very deeply as a friend, but we are of
different races. There is a gulf.'
'A gulf? You are English.'
'By birth, yes. In mind, no. And
there are things that go deeper, that
you could not understand. So I refuse
quite definitely, and our ways part here,
for in a few days I go. I shall not see
you again, but I wished to say good-
bye.'
I felt as if my all were deserting me
— a sickening feeling of loneliness.
'I entreat you to tell me why, and
where.'
'Since you have made me this offer,
I will tell you why. Lady Meryon ob-
jected to my friendship with you, and
objected in a way which — '
She stopped, flushing palely. I caught
her hand.
'That settles it, that she should have
dared! I'll go up this minute and tell
her we are engaged. Vanna — Vanna ! '
For she disengaged her hand.
'On no account. How can I make it
more plain to you? I should have gone
soon in any case. My place is in the
native city — that is the life I want.
I have work there; I knew it before I
came out. My sympathies are all with
them. They know what life is — why,
even the beggars, poorer than poor, are
perfectly happy, basking in the great
generous sun. Oh, the splendor and
riot of life and color! That's my life —
I sicken of this.'
'But I will give it to you. Marry
me, and we will travel till you 're tired
of it.'
'And look on as at a play. No, I'm
going to work there.'
'For God's sake, how? Let me come
too.'
'You can't. You're not in it. I am
going to attach myself to the medical
mission at Lahore and learn nursing,
and then I shall go to my own people.'
'Missionaries?'
'They teach what I want. Mr. Clif-
den, I shall not come this way again. If
I remember — I'll write to you, and
tell you what the real world is like.'
She smiled, the absorbed little smile
I knew and feared.
' Vanna, before you go, give me your
gift of sight. Interpret for me. Stay
with me a little and make me see.'
'What do you mean, exactly?' she
asked in her gentlest voice, half turning
to me.
'Make one journey with me, as my
sister, if you will do no more. Though
I warn you that all the tune I shall be
trying to win my wife. But come with
me once, and after that — if you will
go, you must. Say yes.'
She hesitated — a hesitation full of
hope — and looked at me with intent
eyes.
'I will tell you frankly,' she said at
last, ' that 1 know my knowledge of the
East and kinship with it goes far be-
yond mere words. In my case the doors
were not shut. I believe — I know that
long ago this was my life. If I spoke
forever, I could not make you under-
stand how much I know, and why. So
I shall quite certainly go back to it.
Nothing — you, least of all — can hold
me. But you are my friend — that is a
46
THE INTERPRETER
true bond. And if you would wish me
to give you two months before I go, I
might do that if it would in any way
help you. As your friend only — you
clearly understand. You would not re-
proach me afterward when I left you,
as I should most certainly do?'
'I swear I would not. I swear I
would protect you even from myself.
I want you forever; but if you will only
give me two months — Come ! But
have you thought that people will talk?
I 'm not worth that, God knows/
She spoke very quietly.
'That does not trouble me. It would
only trouble me if you asked what I
have not to give. For two months I
would travel with you as a friend, if,
like a friend, I paid my own expenses.
— No, I must do as I say; I would
go on no other terms. It would be hard
if, because we are man and woman, I
might not do one act of friendship for
you before we part. For though I re-
fuse your offer utterly, I appreciate it,
and I would make what little return I
can. It would be a sharp pain to me
to distress you.'
Her gentleness and calm, the magni-
tude of the offer she was making, stun-
ned me so that I could scarcely speak.
She gave me such opportunities as the
most ardent lover might in his wildest
dream desire, and with the remoteness
in her eyes and her still voice she de-
prived them of all hope.
'Vanna, is it a promise? You mean
it?'
'If you wish it, yes. But I warn you
that I think it will not make it easier
for you when the time is over.'
'Why two months? '
'Partly because I can afford no more.
No! I know what you would say. Part-
ly because I can spare no more time. I
think it unwise for you. I would pro-
tect you if I could — indeed I would!'
It was my turn to hesitate now.
Would it not be better to let her go be-
fore she had become a part of my daily
experience? I began to fear I was court-
ing my own shipwreck. She read my
thoughts clearly.
'Indeed you would be wise to decide
against it. Release me from my promise.
It was a mad scheme.'
The superiority — or so I felt it —
of her gentleness maddened me. It
might have. been I who needed protec-
tion, who was running the risk of mis-
judgment — not she, a lonely woman.
I felt utterly exiled from the real pur-
pose of her life.
'I will never release you. I claim
your promise. I hold to it.'
She extended her hand, cool as a snow-
flake, and was gone, walking swiftly up
the road. Ah, let a man beware when
his wishes fulfilled rain down upon him!
To what had I committed myself?
Strange she is and secret,
Strange her eyes; her cheeks are cold and as cold
sea-shells.
Yet I would risk it.
Next day this reached me: —
DEAR MR. CLIFDEN, —
I am going to some Indian friends for
a time. On the 15th of June I shall be
at Srinagar in Kashmir. A friend has
allowed me to take her little houseboat,
the Kedarnath. If you like this plan,
we will share the cost for two months.
I warn you it is not luxurious, but I
think you will like it. I shall do this
whether you come or no, for I want a
quiet time before I take up my nursing
in Lahore. In thinking of all this, will
you remember that I am not a girl but
a woman? I shall be twenty-nine my
next birthday.
Sincerely yours,
VANNA LORING.
P.S. But I still think you would be
wiser not to come. I hope to hear you
will not.
I replied only this : —
THE INTERPRETER
47
DEAR Miss LORING, —
I think I understand the position fully %
I will be there. I thank you with all my
heart.
Gratefully yours,
STEPHEN CLTFDEN.
IV
On the 15th of June, I found my-
self riding into Srinagar in Kashmir,
through the pure, tremulous green of the
mighty poplars that hedge the road into
the city. The beauty of the country
had half stunned me when I entered
the mountain barrier of Baramula and
saw the snowy peaks that guard the
Happy Valley, with the Jhelum flow-
ing through its tranquil loveliness.
The flush of the almond-blossom was
over, but the iris, like a sea of peace,
had overflowed the world, and the blue
meadows .smiled at the radiant sky.
Such blossom! the blue shading into
clear violet, like a shoaling sea. The
earth, like a cup held in the hand of a
god, brimmed with the draught of youth
and summer and — love? But no. For
me the very word was sinister. Vanna's
face, immutably calm, confronted it.
The night I had slept in a boat at
Sopor had been my first in Kashmir;
and I remember that, waking at mid-
night, I looked out and saw a mountain
with a gloriole of hazy silver about it,
misty and faint as a cobweb threaded
with dew. The river, there spreading
into a lake, was dark under it, flowing
in a deep, smooth blackness of shad-
ow, and everything waited — for what?
Even while I looked, the moon floated
serenely above the peak, and all was
bathed in pure light, the water rippling
hi broken silver and pearl. So had Van-
na floated into my life, sweet, remote,
luminous.
I rode past the lovely wooden bridges,
where the balconied houses totter to
each other across the canals in a dim
splendor of carving and age; where the
many-colored native life crowds down
to the river-steps and cleanses its flower-
bright robes, its gold-bright brass ves-
sels, in the shining stream; and my heart
said only, 'Vanna, Vanna!'
My servant dismounted and led his
horse, asking from everyone where the
Kedarnath could be found; and two
little bronze images detached them-
selves from the crowd of boys and ran,
fleet as fauns, before us.
Above the last bridge the Jhelum
broadens out into a stately river, con-
trolled at one side by the banked walk
known as the Bund, with the Club
House upon it and the line of house-
boats beneath. She would not be here;
my heart told me that; and sure enough
the boys were leading across the bridge,
and by a quiet shady way to one of the
many backwaters that the great river
makes in the enchanting city. There
is one waterway stretching on and afar
to the Dal Lake. It looks like a river —
it is the very haunt of peace. Under
those mighty chenar or plane trees,
that are the glory of Kashmir, clouding
the water with deep green shadows, the
sun can scarcely pierce, save in a dip-
ping sparkle here and there, to inten-
sify the green gloom. The murmur of
the city, the chatter of the club, are
hundreds of miles away.
We rode downward under the tower-
ing trees, and dismounting, saw a little
houseboat tethered to the bank. It was
not of the richer sort that haunts the
Bund, where the native servants fol-
low hi a separate boat, and even the
electric light is turned on as part of the
luxury. This was a long, low craft, very
broad, thatched like a country cottage
afloat. In the afterpart the native own-
er and his family lived — our crew, our
cooks and servants; for they played
many parts in our service. And in the
forepart, room for a life, a dream, the
joy or curse of my days to be.
48
THE INTERPRETER
But then, I saw only one thing —
Vanna sat under the trees, reading, or
looking at the cool, dim, watery vista,
with a single boat, loaded to the river's
edge with melons and scarlet tomatoes,
punting lazily down to Srinagar in the
sleepy afternoon.
For the first time I knew she was
beautiful. Beauty shone in her like the
flame in an, alabaster lamp, serene, dif-
fused in the very air about her, so that
to me she moved hi a mild radiance.
She rose to meet me with both hands
outstretched — the kindest, most cor-
dial welcome. Not an eyelash flickered,
not a trace of self-consciousness.
I tried, with a hopeless pretence, to
follow her example and hide what I
felt, where she had nothing to hide.
* What a place you have found ! Why,
it's like the deep heart of a wood.'
I threw myself on the grass beside
her with a feeling of perfect rest.
The very spirit of Quiet seemed to be
drowsing in those branches towering up
into the blue, dipping their green fin-
gers into the crystal of the water. What
a heaven!
I shut my eyes and see still that first
meal of my new life. The little table
that Pir Baksh, breathing full East in
his jade-green turban, set before her,
with its cloth worked in a pattern of
the chenar leaves that are the symbol
of Kashmir; the brown cakes made by
Ahmed Khan in a miraculous kitchen
of his own invention — a few holes
burrowed in the river-bank, a smoulder-
ing fire beneath them, and a width of
canvas for a roof. But it served, and no
more need be asked of luxury. And
Vanna, making it mysteriously the first
home I ever had known, the central
joy of it all. Oh, wonderful days of life
that breathe the spirit of immortality
and pass so quickly — surely they must
be treasured somewhere in Eternity,
that we may look upon their beloved
light once more!
'Now you must see the boat. The
Kedarnath is not a Dreadnought, but
she is broad and very comfortable.
And we have many chaperons. They
all live in the stern, and exist simply to
protect the Sahib-log from all discom-
fort; and very well they do it. That is
Ahmed Khan by the kitchen. He cooks
for us. Salama owns the boat, and
steers her and engages the men to tow
us when we move. And when I ar-
rived, he aired a little English and said
piously, "The Lord help me to give you
no trouble, and the Lord help you!"
That is his wife sitting on the bank.
She speaks little but Kashmiri, but I
know a little of that. Look at the hun-
dred rat-tail plaits of her hair, lengthen-
ed with wool; and see her silver and
turquoise jewelry! She wears much of
the family fortune and is quite a walk-
ing bank. Salama, Ahmed Khan, and
I talk by the hour. Ahmed comes from
Fyzabad. Look at Salama's boy — I
call him the Orange Imp. Did you ever
see anything so beautiful?'
I looked in sheer delight, and grasped
my camera. Sitting near us was a love-
ly little Kashmiri boy of about eight, in
a faded orange coat, and a turban exact-
ly like his father's. His curled black
eyelashes were so long that they made a
soft gloom over the upper part of the
little golden face. The perfect bow of
the scarlet lips, the long eyes, the shy
smile, suggested an Indian Eros. He
sat dipping his feet in the water, with
little pigeon-like cries of content.
'He paddles at the bow of our lit-
tle shikara boat, with a paddle exactly
like a water-lily leaf. Do you like our
friends? I love them already, and know
all their affairs. — And now for the boat.'
'One moment. If we are friends on a
great adventure, I must call you Vanna,
and you me Stephen.'
'Yes, I suppose that is part of it,' she
said, smiling. 'Come, Stephen.'
It was like music, but a cold music
THE INTERPRETER
49
that chilled me. She should have hesi-
tated, should have flushed — it was I
who trembled.
So I followed her across the broad
plank into our new home.
'This is our sitting-room. Look, how
charming ! '
It was better than charming: it was
home, indeed. Windows at each side
opening down almost to the water; a
little table for meals, with a gray pot of
irises in the middle; another table for
writing, photographing, and all the lit-
tle pursuits of travel; a bookshelf, with
some well-worn friends; two low, cush-
ioned chairs, two others for meals, and
a Bokhara rug, soft and pleasant for
the feet. The interior was plain un-
painted wood, but set so that the grain
showed like satin in the rippling lights
from the water.
'It is perfect,' was all I said, as she
waved her hand proudly to show it;
'it is home.'
We dined on the bank that evening,
the lamp burning steadily in the still
air and throwing broken reflections in
the water, while the moon looked in up-
on us among the leaves. I felt extraor-
dinarily young and happy.
The quiet of her voice was as soft as
the little lap of water against the bank;
and Kahdra, the Orange Imp, was sing-
ing a little wordless song to himself as
he washed the plates beside us.
'The wealth of the world could not
buy this,' I said; and was silent.
And so began a life of sheer enchant-
ment. Looking back, I know in what a
wonder-world I was privileged to live.
Vanna could talk with all our ship-
mates. She did not move apart, a con-
descending or indifferent foreigner. Lit-
tle Kahdra would come to her knee
and chatter to her of the great snake
that lived up on Mahadeo, to devour
VOL. 128— NO. 1
erring boys who omitted to say their
prayers at proper Moslem intervals.
She would sit with the baby in her
lap, while the mother busied herself
in the sunny boat with the mysterious
dishes that smelt so good to a hungry
man.
'I am graduating as a nurse,' she
would say laughing, as she bent over
the lean arm of some weirdly wrinkled
old lady, bandaging and soothing at
the same time. Her reward would be
some bit of folk-lore, some quaintness
of gratitude, which I noted down in the
little book I kept for remembrance —
and do not need, for every word is in
my heart.
We pulled down through the city
next day, Salama rowing, and Kahdra
lazily paddling at the bow. A wonderful
city, with its narrow ways begrimed
with the dirt of ages, and its balconied
houses looking as if disease and sin had
soaked into them and given them a
vicious, tottering beauty, horrible, yet
lovely too. We saw the swarming life
of the bazaar; the white turbans coming
and going, diversified by the rose and
yellow Hindu turbans; the fine aquiline
faces and the caste-marks, orange and
red, on the dark brows. I saw two
women — girls — painted and tired
like Jezebel, looking out of one window
carved and old, and the gray burnished
doves flying about it. They leaned in-
dolently, like all the old, old wicked-
ness of the East that yet is ever young
— 'Flowers of Delight,' with smooth
black hair braided with gold and blos-
soms, and covered with pale-rose veils,
and gold-embossed disks swinging like
lamps beside the olive cheeks, the great
eyes artificially lengthened and dark-
ened with soorma, and the curves of the
full lips emphasized with vermilion.
They looked down on us with apathy,
a dull weariness that held all the old
evil of the wicked, humming city. It
had taken shape in those indolent bodies
50
THE INTERPRETER
and heavy eyes, which could flash into
life as a snake wakes into fierce darting
energy when the time comes to spring
— direct inheritrixes from Lilith, in the
fittest setting in the world — the al-
most exhausted vice of an Oriental city
as old as time.
'Look — below here,' said Vanna,
pointing to one of the great ghats
— long rugged steps running down to
the river. 'When I came yesterday, a
great broken crowd was collected, al-
most shouldering each other into the
water, where a boat lay rocking. In it
was the body of a man, brutally mur-
dered for the sake of a few rupees and
flung into the river. I could see the
poor brown body stark in the boat,
with a friend weeping beside it. On
the lovely deodar bridge people leaned
over, watching with grim, open-mouthed
curiosity, and business went on gayly
where the jewelers make the silver
bangles for slender wrists, and the rows
of silver coins that make the necks like .
"the Tower of Damascus builded for
an armory." It was all very wild and
cruel. I went down to them — '
'Vanna — you went down? Hor-
rible!'
'No; you see I heard them say the
wife was almost a child and needed
help. So I went. Once, long ago, at
Peshawar, I saw the same thing happen,
and they came and took the child for
the service of the gods, for she was most
lovely, and she clung to the feet of a
man in terror, and the priest stabbed
her to the heart. She died in my arms.'
'Good God!' I said, shuddering;
'what a sight for you! Did they never
hang him?'
'He was not punished. I told you it
was a very long tune ago.'
She said no more. But in her words
and the terrible crowding of its life,
Srinagar seemed to me more of a night-
mare than anything I had seen, except-
ing only Benares; for the holy Benares
is a memory of horror, with a sense of
blood hidden under its frantic, crazy
devotion, and not far hidden, either.
Our own green shade, when we pulled
back to it hi the evening cool, was a
refuge of unspeakable quiet. She read
aloud to me that evening, by the small
light of our lamp beneath the trees;
and, singularly, she read of joy.
' I have drunk of the Cup of the Ineffable,
I have found the Key of the Mystery;
Traveling by no track, I have come to the Sor-
rowless Land; very easily has the mercy of
the great Lord come upon me.
Wonder is that Land of rest to which no merit
can win.
There have I seen joy filled to the brim, perfec-
tion of joy.
He dances in rapture and waves of form arise
from his dance.
He holds all within his bliss.'
'What is that?' I asked, when the
music ceased for a moment.
'It is from the songs of the great
Indian mystic — Kabir. Let me read
you more. It is like the singing of a lark,
lost in the infinite of light and heaven.'
So in the soft darkness I heard for the
first time those immortal words; and
hearing, a faint glimmer of understand-
ing broke upon me as to the source of
the peace that surrounded her. I had
accepted it as an emanation of her own
heart, when it was the pulsing of the
tide of the Divine. She read, choosing
a verse here and there, and I listened
with absorption. Suppose I had been
wrong in believing that sorrow is the
key-note of life; that pain is the road of
ascent, if road there be; that an implac-
able Nature presides over all our piti-
ful struggles and writes a black 'Finis'
to the holograph of our existence?
What then? Was she teaching me that
joy is the only truth, — the only real-
ity,— and all else illusion? Was she
the Interpreter of a Beauty eternal in
the heavens and reflected in broken
prisms in the beauty that walked vis-
ible beside me? I listened as a man to
THE ATTAS — A JUNGLE LABOR-UNION
51
an unknown tongue; but I listened,
though I ventured my protest.
'In India, in this strange country
where men have time and will for spec-
ulation, such thoughts may be natural.
Can they be found in the West?'
'This is from the West — might not
Kabir himself have said it? Certainly
he would have felt it. "Happy is he
who seeks not to understand the Mys-'
tery of God, but who, merging his spirit
into thine, sings to thy Face, O Lord,
like a harp, understanding how diffi-
cult it is to know — how easy to love
Thee." We debate and argue, and the
Vision passes us by. We try to prove
it, and kill it in the laboratory of our
minds, when on the altar of our souls it
will dwell forever.'
Silence — and I pondered. Finally
she laid the book aside and repeated
from memory and in a tone of perfect
music: 'Kabir says, "I shall go to the
House of my Lord with my Love at my
side; then shall I sound the trumpet of
triumph."'
When she left me alone, the old doubts
came back — the fear that I saw only
through her eyes; and I began to believe
in joy, only because I loved her. I re-
member that I wrote in the little book
that I kept for my stray thoughts these
words, which are not mine but reflect
my vision of her.
'Thine is the skill of the Fairy Wom-
an, and the virtue of St. Bride, and the
faith of Mary the Mild, and the gra-
cious way of the Greek woman, and the
beauty of lovely Emer, and the tender-
ness of heart-sweet Deirdre, and the
courage of Maev the great Queen, and
the charm of Mouth-of-Music.'
Yes, all that and more; but I feared
lest I should see the heaven of joy
through her eyes only, and find it mi-
rage, as I had found so much else.
(To be concluded)
THE ATTAS— A JUNGLE LABOR-UNION
BY WILLIAM BEEBE
PTERODACTYL PUPS led me to the
wonderful Attas — the most astound-
ing of the jungle labor-unions. We were
all sitting on the Mazaruni bank, the
night before the full moon, immediately
in front of my British Guiana labora-
tory. All the jungle was silent in the
white light, and only a big fish broke
now and then. On the end of the bench
was the monosyllabic Scot, who ceased
the exquisite painting of mora but-
tresses and jungle shadows only for the
equal fascination of searching bats for
parasites. Then the great physician, who
had come six thousand miles to peer
into the eyes of birds and lizards in my
dark-room, working with a gentle hyp-
notic manner that made the little be-
ings seem to enjoy the experience. On
my right sat an army captain, who had
given more thought to the possible
secrets of French chaffinches than to
THE ATTAS — A JUNGLE LABOR-UNION
the approaching barrage. There was
also the artist, who could draw a lizard's
head like a Japanese print, but preferred
to depict impressionistic Laocoon roots.
These and others sat with me on the
long bench and watched the moon-
path. The conversation had begun
with possible former life on the moon,
then shifted to Conan Doyle's Lost
World, based on the great Roraima -
plateau, a hundred and fifty miles west
of where we were sitting. Then we
spoke of the amusing world-wide ru-
mor, which had started no one knows
how, that I had recently discovered a
pterodactyl. One delightful result of
this had been a letter from a little Eng-
lish girl, which would have made a
worthy chapter-subject for Dream Days.
For years she and her little sister had
peopled a wood near her home with
pterodactyls, but had somehow never
quite seen one; and would I tell her
a little about them — whether they had
scales, or made nests; so that those in
the wood might be a little easier to
recognize.
When strange things are discussed
for a long time, in the light of a tropical
moon, at the edge of a dark, whispering
jungle, the mind becomes singularly
imaginative and receptive; and, as I
looked through powerful binoculars at
the great suspended globe, the dead
craters and precipices became very
vivid and near. Suddenly, without
warning, there flapped into my field, a
huge shapeless creature. It was no
bird, and there was nothing of the bat
in its flight — the wings moved with
steady rhythmical beats, and drove it
straight onward. The wings were skin-
ny, the body large and of a pale ashy
hue. For a moment I was shaken. One
of the others had seen it, and he, too,
did not speak, but concentrated every
sense into the end of the little tubes.
By the time I had begun to find words,
I realized that a giant fruit bat had
flown from utter darkness across my
line of sight; and by close watching we
soon saw others. But for a very few
seconds these Pterodactyl Pups, as I
nicknamed them, gave me all the thrill
of a sudden glimpse into the life of past
ages. The last time I had seen fruit
bats was in the gardens of Perideniya,
Ceylon. I had forgotten that they oc-
curred in Guiana, and was wholly un-
prepared for the sight of bats a yard
across, with a heron's flight, passing
high over the Mazaruni in the moon-
light.
The talk ended on the misfortune of
the configuration of human anatomy,
which makes sky-searching so uncom-
fortable a habit. This outlook was
probably developed to a greater extent
during the war than ever before; and I
can remember many evenings in Paris
and London when a sinister half-moon
kept the faces of millions turned search-
ingly upward. But whether in city or
jungle, sky-scanning is a neck-aching
affair.
The following day my experience
with the Pterodactyl Pups was not for-
gotten, and as a direct result of looking
out for soaring vultures and eagles,
with hopes of again seeing a white-
plumaged King and the regal Harpy, I
caught sight of a tiny mote high up in
mid-sky. I thought at first it was a
martin or swift; but it descended, slow-
ly spiraling, and became too small for
any bird. With a final, long, descending
curve, it alighted in the compound of
our bungalow laboratory and rested
quietly — a great queen of the leaf-
cutting Attas returning from her mar-
riage flight. After a few minutes she
stirred, walked a few steps, cleaned her
antennae, and searched nervously about
on the sand. A foot away was a tiny
sprig of indigo, the offspring of some
seed planted two or three centuries ago
by a thrifty Dutchman. In the shade of
its three leaves the insect paused, and
THE ATTAS — A JUNGLE LABOR-UNION
53
at once began scraping at the sand with
her jaws. She loosened grain after
grain, and as they came free they were
moistened, agglutinated, and pressed
back against her fore-legs. When at
last a good-sized ball was formed, she
picked it up, turned around and, after
some fussy indecision, deposited it on
the sand behind her. Then she returned
to the very shallow, round depression,
and began to gather a second ball.
I thought of the first handful of sand
thrown out for the base of Cheops, of
the first brick placed in position for the
Great Wall, of a fresh-cut trunk, rough-
hewn and squared for a log-cabin on
Manhattan; of the first shovelful of
earth flung out of the line of the Panama
Canal. Yet none seemed worthy of com-
parison with even what little I knew
of the significance of this ant's labor,
for this was earnest of what would make
trivial the engineering skill of Egyp-
tians, of Chinese patience, of municipal
pride and continental schism.
Imagine sawing off a barn-door at
the top of a giant sequoia, growing at
the bottom of the Grand Canon, and
then, with five or six children clinging
to it, descending the tree, and carrying
it up the canon walls against a subway
rush of rude people, who elbowed and
pushed blindly against you. This is
what hundreds of leaf-cutting ants ac-
complish daily, when cutting leaves
from a tall bush, at the foot of the bank
near the laboratory.
There are three dominant labor-
unions in the jungle, all social insects,
two of them ants, never interfering
with each other's field of action, and all
supremely illustrative of conditions
resulting from absolute equality, free-
and-equalness, communalism, socialism
carried to the (forgive me!) anth power.
The Army Ants are carnivorous, preda-
tory, militant nomads; the Termites are
vegetarian scavengers, sedentary, nega-
tive and provincial; the Attas, or leaf-
cutting ants, are vegetarians, active
and dominant, and in many ways the
most interesting of all.
The casual observer becomes aware
of them through their raids upon gar-
dens; and indeed the Attas are a very
serious menace to agriculture in many
parts of the tropics, where their nests,
although underground, may be as large
as a house and contain millions of indi-
viduals. While their choice among wild
plants is exceedingly varied, it seems
that there are certain things they
will not touch; but when any human-
reared flower, vegetable, shrub, vine, or
tree is planted, the Attas rejoice, and
straightway desert the native vegeta-
tion to fall upon the newcomers. Their
whims and irregular feeding habits
make it difficult to guard against them.
They will work all round a garden for
weeks, perhaps pass through it en route
to some tree that they are defoliating,
and then suddenly, one night, every
Atta in the world seems possessed with
a desire to work havoc, and at daylight
the next morning, the garden looks like
winter stubble — a vast expanse of
stems and twigs, without a single re-
maining leaf. Volumes have been writ-
ten, and a whole chemist's shop of dead-
ly concoctions devised, for combating
these ants, and still they go steadily on,
gathering leaves which, as we shall see,
they do not even use for food.
Although essentially a tropical fam-
ily, Attas have pushed as far north as
New Jersey, where they make a tiny
nest, a few inches across, and bring to it
bits of pine needles.
In a jungle Baedeker, we should
double-star these insects, and paragraph
them as 'Atta, named by Fabricius in
1804 ; two Kartabo species, sexdens and
cephcdotes; Leaf-cutting or Cushie or
Parasol Ants; very abundant. Atta, a
subgenus of Atta, which is a genus of
Attii, which is a tribe of Myrmicince,
which is a subfamily of Formicidce,' etc.
THE ATTAS — A JUNGLE LABOR-UNION
With a feeling of slightly greater in-
timacy, of mental possession, we set
out, armed with a name of one hundred
and seventeen years' standing, and find
a big Atta worker carving away at a bit
of leaf, exactly as his ancestors had done
for probably one hundred and seven-
teen thousand years.
We gently lift him from his labor,
and a drop of chloroform banishes from
his ganglia all memory of the hundred
thousand years of pruning. Under the
lens his strange personality becomes
manifest, and we wonder whether the
old Danish zoologist had in mind the
slender toe-tips which support him, or
in a chuckling mood made him a name-
sake of C. Quintius Atta. A close-up
shows a very comic little being, en-
cased in a prickly, chestnut-colored
armor, which should make him fearless
in a den of a hundred anteaters. The
front view of his head is a bit mephis-
tophelian, for it is drawn upward into
two horny spines; but the side view re-
calls a little girl with her hair brushed
very tightly up and back from her face.
The connection between Atta and
the world about him is furnished by
this same head: two huge, flail-shaped
antennae arching up like aerial, de-
tached eyebrows — vehicles, through
their golden pile, of senses which foil
our most delicate tests. Outside of
these are two little shoe-button eyes;
and we are not certain whether they re-
flect to the head ganglion two or three
hundred bits of leaf, or one large mosaic
leaf. Below all is swung the pair of
great scythes, so edged and hung that
they can function as jaws, rip-saws,
scissors, forceps, and clamps. The tho-
rax, like the head of a titanothere, bears
three pairs of horns — a great irregular
expanse of tumbled, rock-like skin and
thorn, a foundation for three pairs of
long legs, and sheltering somewhere in
its heart a thread of ant-life; finally,
two little pedicels lead to a rounded
abdomen, smaller than the head. This
Third-of-an-inch is a worker Atta to the
physical eye; and if we catch another, or
ten, or ten million, we find that some are
small, others much larger, but that all
are cast in the same mould, all indistin-
guishable except, perhaps, to the shoe-
button eyes.
II
When a worker has traveled along the
Atta trails, and has followed the tempo-
rary mob-instinct and climbed bush or
tree, the same irresistible force drives
him out upon a leaf. Here, apparently,
instinct slightly loosens its hold, and he
seems to become individual for a mo-
ment, to look about, and to decide upon
a suitable edge or corner of green leaf.
But even in this he probably has no
choice. At any rate, he secures a good
hold and sinks his jaws into the tissue.
Standing firmly on the leaf, he meas-
ures his distance by cutting across a
segment of a circle, with one of his hind
feet as a centre. This gives a very true
curve, and provides a leaf-load of suit-
able size. He does not scissor his way
across, but bit by bit sinks the tip of
one jaw, hook-like, into the surface,
and brings the other up to it, slicing
through the tissue with surprising ease.
He stands upon the leaf, and I always
expect to see him cut himself and his
load free, Irishman-wise. But one or
two of his feet have invariably secured
a grip on the plant, sufficient to hold
him safely. Even if one or two of his
fellows are at work farther down the
leaf, he has power enough in his slight
grip to suspend all until they have
finished and clambered up over him
with their loads.
Holding his bit of leaf edge-wise, he
bends his head down as far as possible,
and secures a strong purchase along the
very rim. Then, as he raises his head,
the leaf rises with it, suspended high
over his back, out of the way. Down
THE ATTAS — A JUNGLE LABOR-UNION
55
the stem or tree-trunk he trudges, head
first, fighting with gravitation, until he
reaches the ground. After a few feet, or,
measured by his stature, several hun-
dred yards, his infallible instinct guides
him around pebble boulders, mossy or-
chards, and grass jungles to a specially
prepared path.
Thus in words, in sentences, we may
describe the cutting of a single leaf; but
only in the imagination can we visual-
ize the cell-like or crystal-like duplica-
tion of this throughout all the great for-
ests of Guiana and of South America.
As I write, a million jaws snip through
their stint; as you read, ten million
Attas begin on new bits of leaf. And
all in silence and in dim light, legions
passing along the little jungle roads,
unending lines of trembling banners,
a political parade of ultra socialism,
a procession of chlorophyll floats il-
lustrating unreasoning unmorality, a
fairy replica of ' Birnam forest come to
Dunsinane.'
In their leaf-cutting, Attas have mas-
tered mass, but not form. I have nev-
er seen one cut off a piece too heavy to
carry, but many a hard-sliced bit has
had to be deserted because of the con-
figuration of the upper edge. On al-
most any trail, an ant can be found with
a two-inch stem of grass, attempting to
pass under a twig an inch overhead.
After five or ten minutes of pushing,
backing, and pushing, he may acci-
dentally march off to one side, or reach
up and climb over; but usually he drops
his burden. His little works have been
wound up, and set at the mark 'home';
and though he has now dropped the
prize for which he walked a dozen ant-
miles, yet any idea of cutting another
stem, or of picking up a slice of leaf
from those lying along the trail, never
occurs to him. He sets off homeward,
and if any emotion of sorrow, regret,
disappointment, or secret relief trou-
bles his ganglia, no trace of it appears
in antennae, carriage, or speed. I can
very readily conceive of his trudging
sturdily all the way back to the nest,
entering it, and going to the place
where he would have dumped his load,
having fulfilled his duty in the spirit at
least. Then, if there comes a click in
his internal time-clock, he may set out
upon another quest — more cabined,
cribbed, and confined than any member
of a Cook's tourist party.
I once watched an ant with a piece
of leaf which had a regular shepherd's
crook at the top, and if his adventures
of fifty feet could have been caught on
a moving-picture film, Charlie Chaplin
would have had an arthropod rival. It
hooked on stems and pulled its bearer
off his feet, it careened and ensnared the
leaves of other ants, at one place mixing
up with half a dozen. A big thistledown
became tangled in it, and well-nigh
blew away with leaf and all; hardly a
foot of his path was smooth-going. But
he persisted, and I watched him reach
the nest, after two hours of tugging and
falling and interference with traffic.
Occasionally an ant will slip in cross-
ing a twiggy crevasse, and his leaf be-
come tightly wedged. After sprawling
on his back and vainly clawing at the
air for a while, he gets up, brushes off
his antennae, and sets to work. For
fifteen minutes I have watched an Atta
in this predicament, stodgily endeavor-
ing to lift his leaf while standing on it
at the same time. The equation of push
equaling pull is fourth dimensional to
the Attas.
With all this terrible expenditure of
energy, the activities of these ants are
functional within very narrow limits.
The blazing sun causes them to drop
their burdens and flee for home; a
heavy wind frustrates them, for they
cannot reef. When a gale arises and
sweeps an exposed portion of the trail,
their only resource is to cut away all
sail and heave it overboard. A sudden
56
THE ATTAS — A JUNGLE LABOR-UNION
downpour reduces a thousand banners
and waving, bright-colored petals to
debris, to be trodden under foot. Some-
times, after a ten-minute storm, the
trails will be carpeted with thousands of
bits of green mosaic, which the out-
going hordes will trample in their search
for more leaves. On a dark night little
seems to be done; but at dawn and dusk,
and in the moonlight or clear starlight,
the greatest activity is manifest.
Attas are such unpalatable creatures
that they are singularly free from dan-
gers. There is a tacit armistice between
them and the other labor-unions. The
Army Ants occasionally make use of
their trails when they are deserted ; but
when the two great races of ants meet,
each antennses the aura of the other,
and turns respectfully aside. When
Termites wish to traverse an Atta trail,
they burrow beneath it, or build a cover-
ed causeway across, through which they
pass and repass at will, and over which
the Attas trudge, uncaring and uncon-
scious of its significance.
Only creatures with the toughest of
digestions would dare to include these
prickly, strong-jawed, meatless insects
in a bill of fare. Now and then I have
found an ani, or black cuckoo, with a
few in its stomach: but an ani can
swallow a stinging-haired caterpillar
and enjoy it. The most consistent feed-
er upon Attas is the giant marine toad.
Two hundred Attas in a night is not an
uncommon meal, the exact number be-
ing verifiable by a count of the undi-
gested remains of heads and abdomens.
Bufo marinus is the gardener's best
friend in this tropic land, and besides,
he is a gentleman and a philosopher, if
ever an amphibian was one.
While the cutting of living foliage is
the chief aim in life of these ants, yet
they take advantage of the flotsam and
jetsam along the shore, and each low
tide finds a column from some nearby
nest salvaging flowerets, leaves, and
even tiny berries. A sudden wash of
tide lifts a hundred ants with their
burdens and then sets them down again,
when they start off as if nothing had
happened.
The paths or trails of the Attas rep-
resent very remarkable feats of en-
gineering, and wind about through
jungle and glade for surprising dis-
tances. I once traced a very old and
wide trail for well over two hundred
yards. Taking little Third-of-an-inch
for a type (although he would rank as a
rather large Atta), and comparing him
with a six-foot man, we reckon this
trail, ant-ratio, as a full twenty-five
miles. Belt records a leaf-cutter's trail
half a mile long, which would mean
that every ant that went out, cut his
tiny bit of leaf, and returned, would
traverse a distance of a hundred and
sixteen miles. This was an extreme; but
our Atta may take it for granted, speak-
ing antly, that once on the home trail,
he has, at the least, four or five miles
ahead of him.
The Atta roads are clean swept, as
straight as possible, and very conspicu-
ous in the jungle. The chief high-roads
leading from very large nests are a good
foot across, and the white sand of their
beds is visible a long distance away. I
once knew a family of opossums living
in a stump in the centre of a dense
thicket. When they left at evening,
they always climbed along as far as an
Atta trail, dropped down to it, and fol-
lowed it for twenty or thirty yards.
During the rains I have occasionally
found" tracks of agoutis and deer in
these roads. So it would be very pos-
sible for the Attas to lay the foundation
for an animal trail, and this, d la calf-
path, for the street of a future city.
The part that scent plays in the trails
is evidenced if we scatter an inch or two
of fresh sand across the road. A mass of
ants banks against the strange obstruc-
tion on both sides, on the one hand a
THE ATTAS — A JUNGLE LABOR-UNION
57
solid phalanx of waving green banners,
and on the other a mob of empty-jawed
workers with wildly waving antennae.
Scouts from both sides slowly wander
forward, and finally reach one another
and pass across. But not for ten min-
utes does anything like regular traffic
begin again.
When carrying a large piece of leaf,
and traveling at a fair rate of speed, the
ants average about a foot in ten seconds,
although many go the same distance in
five. I tested the speed of an Atta, and
then I saw that its leaf seemed to have
a peculiar-shaped bug upon it, and
picked it up with its bearer. Finding
the blemish to be only a bit of fungus, I
replaced it. Half an hour later I was
seated by a trail far away, when sud-
denly my ant with the blemished spot
appeared. It was unmistakable, for I
had noticed that the spot was exactly
that of the Egyptian symbol of life. I
paced the trail, and found that seventy
yards away it joined the spot where I
had first seen my friend. So, with oc-
casional spurts, he had done two hun-
dred and ten feet in thirty minutes, and
this in spite of the fact that he had
picked up a supercargo.
Two parts of hydrogen and one of
oxygen, under the proper stimulus, in-
variably result in water; two and two,
considered calmly and without passion,
combine into four; the workings of in-
stinct, especially in social insects, is so
mechanical that its results can almost
be demonstrated in formula; and yet
here was my Atta leaf-carrier burdened
with a minim. The worker Attas vary
greatly in size, as a glance at a populous
trail will show. They have been chris-
tened macrergates, desmergates and
micrergates; or we may call the largest
maxims, the average middle class
mediums, and the tiny chaps minims,
and all have more or less separate func-
tions in the ecology of the colony. The
minims are replicas in miniature of the
big chaps, except that their armor is
pale cinnamon rather than chestnut.
Although they can bite ferociously,
they are too small to cut through
leaves, and they have very definite
duties in the nest; yet they are found
with every leaf-cutting gang, hastening
along with their larger brethren, but
never doing anything, that I could de-
tect, at their journey's end. I have a
suspicion that the little minims, who
are very numerous, function as light
cavalry; for in case of danger they are
as eager at attack as the great soldiers,
and the leaf-cutters, absorbed in their
arduous labor, would benefit greatly
from the immunity ensured by a flying
corps of their little bulldog comrades.
I can readily imagine that these nest-
ling minims become weary and foot-sore
(like bank-clerks guarding a reservoir),
and if instinct allows such abomin-
able individuality, they must often wish
themselves back at the nest, for every
mile of a medium is three miles to them.
Here is where our mechanical for-
mula breaks down; for, often, as many
as one hi every five leaves that pass
bears aloft a minim or two, clinging
desperately to the waving leaf and get-
ting a free ride at the expense of the
already overburdened medium. Ten is
the extreme number seen, but six to
eight minims collected on a single leaf
is not uncommon. Several times I have
seen one of these little banner-riders
shift deftly from leaf to leaf, when a
swifter carrier passed by, as a circus
bareback rider changes steeds at full
gallop.
Once I saw enacted above ground,
and in the light of day, something
which may have had its roots in an
Anlage of divine discontent. If I were
describing the episode half a century
ago, I should entitle it, 'The Battle of
the Giants, or Emotion Enthroned/
A quadruple line of leaf-carriers was
disappearing down a hole in front of
58
THE ATTAS — A JUNGLE LABOR-UNION
the laboratory, bumped and pushed by
an out-pouring, empty-jawed mass of
workers. As I watched them, I became
aware of an area of great excitement
beyond the hole. Getting down as
nearly as possible to ant height, I wit-
nessed a terrible struggle. Two giants
— of the largest soldier maxim caste —
were locked in each other's jaws, and
to my horror, I saw that each had lost
his abdomen. The antennae and the
abdomen petiole are the only vulner-
able portions of an Atta, and long after
he has lost these apparently dispens-
able portions of his anatomy, he is able
to walk, fight, and continue an active
but erratic life. These mighty-jawed
fellows seem never to come to the sur-
face unless danger threatens; and my
mind went down into the black, musty
depths, where it is the duty of these
soldiers to walk about and wait for
trouble. What could have raised the
ire of such stolid neuters against one
another? Was it sheer lack of something
to do? or was there a cell or two of the
winged caste lying fallow within their
bodies, which, stirring at last, inspired
a will to battle, a passing echo of ro-
mance, of the activities of the male
Atta?
Their unnatural combat had stirred
scores of smaller workers to the highest
pitch of excitement. Now and then, out
of the melee, a medium would emerge,
with a tiny minim in his jaws. One of
these carried his still living burden
many feet away, along an unused trail,
and dropped it. I examined the small
ant, and found that it had lost an an-
tenna, and its body was crushed. When
the ball of fighters cleared, twelve small
ants were seen clinging to the legs and
heads of the mutilated giants, and now
and then these would loosen their hold
on each other, turn, and crush one of
their small tormenters. Several times I
saw a medium rush up and tear a small
ant away, apparently quite insane with
excitement.
Occasionally the least exhausted giant
would stagger to his four and a half
remaining legs, hoist his assailant, to-
gether with a mass of the midgets, high
in air, and stagger for a few steps, be-
fore falling beneath the onrush of new
attackers. It made me wish to help the
great insect, who, for aught I knew, was
doomed because he was different — be-
cause he had dared to be an individual.
I left them struggling there, and half
an hour later, when I returned, the
episode was just coming to a climax.
My Atta hero was exerting his last
strength, flinging off the pile that as-
saulted him, fighting all the easier
because of the loss of his heavy body.
He lurched forward, dragging the sec-
ond giant, now dead, not toward the
deserted trail or the world of jungle
around him, but headlong into the
lines of stupid leaf-carriers, scattering
green leaves and flower-petals in all
directions. Only when dozens of ants
threw themselves upon him, many of
them biting each other in their wild
confusion, did he rear up for the last
time, and, with the whole mob, rolled
down into the yawning mouth of the
Atta nesting-hole, disappearing from
view, and carrying with him all those
hurrying up the steep sides. It was a
great battle. I was breathing fast with
sympathy, and whatever his cause, I
was on his side.
The next day both giants were lying
on the old, disused trail; the revolt
against absolute democracy was over;
ten thousand ants passed to and fro
without a dissenting thought, or any
thought, and the Spirit of the Attas
was content.
WHAT DO BOYS KNOW?
BY ALFRED G. ROLFE
'ALL men are liars,' said the Psalm-
ist, in his haste. It was a rash state-
ment, which, doubtless, he had cause
later to regret. Were he living now, and
a teacher of youth, he might well be
tempted to say in his wrath, 'All young
people are fools ' ; and again he would be
wrong, at least so far as boys are con-
cerned. Girls I must leave to those who
know them better than I. They look
intelligent; but appearances are deceit-
ful, and their conversation, while pic-
turesque, is not always reassuring. .
Once there was a girl who, through all
the courses of a long dinner, entertained
her neighbor with sprightly talk. At
the time he thought that he had never
enjoyed a conversation more; but when
he meditated upon it, in the cold night
watches, he realized that he had done
all the talking, her share being confined
to two words, 'rippin" and 'rath-er.'
The rest was 'charm.' That is, how-
ever, another story.
I have a theory that girls know better
than boys how to make a little informa-
tion, as well as a limited vocabulary, go
a long way. It is a theory the truth of
which it is difficult for me to establish,
and I shall not attempt to do so. Boys,
on the other hand, seem at times to
glory in their ignorance. They wear it
as a garment ; they flaunt it in one's face.
'The world is still deceived with orna-
ment,' but not by them. Knowledge is
theirs, but ' knowledge never learned of
schools,' hidden below the surface. This
makes them a fascinating, if baffling,
subject of study, and gives point to
the query, 'What do boys know?'
For some years it has been part of
my job as master in a large preparatory
school for boys, to make out each year
two 'information tests,' and to super-
intend the correction of the papers.
Each test contains one hundred ques-
tions, and presupposes on the part of
the pupil a bowing acquaintance with
the masterpieces of English literature,
including the Bible, some knowledge of
the political doings of the day at home
and abroad, and a smattering of what is
politely, but vaguely, styled 'general in-
formation,' which comes from the habit
of keeping open the eyes and ears.
The boys who take the tests range
from twelve to nineteen years of age
and are, for the most part, sons of
wealthy parents. They have enjoyed all
the advantages that money can buy.
Many have traveled widely. Not a few
have been exposed to the society of re-
fined and cultured persons.
The tests are anticipated with an in-
terest that amounts almost to enthusi-
asm. There are book prizes for the win-
ners, and the successful ones receive
from their fellows plaudits not usually
given in this day and generation to
those whose wits are nimbler than their
heels.
After reading some hundreds of these
'general information' papers, I am
forced to conclude that the average
boy's ignorance of literature, especially
of the Bible, is profound, not to say
abysmal. The unplumbed depth of the
abyss may, perhaps, be assigned to the
youth who gave as his version of the
third commandment, 'Thou shalt not
59
60
WHAT DO BOYS KNOW?
commit Deuteronomy!' but he will not
lack company. The question, 'Who led
the children of Israel into the Promised
Land?' brought out an amazing array
of candidates for that high honor, be-
ginning with Noah, embracing all the
prophets, major and minor, and ending
with 'Moses, the Baptist.' Answers to
the question, 'What book of the Old
Testament has no mention of God?'
ranged impartially from Genesis to
Malachi, with a strong bias toward the
former, in spite of its opening words,
'In the beginning God created the
heaven and the earth.'
It is only too evident that in many
modern households family worship is
unknown. No longer does 'the priest-
like father read the sacred page,' while
'the children round the ingle form a
circle wide.' As a matter of fact, one
would have to look far to find an ingle in
a modern apartment; the father, quite
unpriestlike in garb and conversation,
is on the links, or snuggling with pipe
and paper in his easy chair; the children
are swinging wide in quite another sort
of circle, and the family Bible, if there
be one, is lying, neglected, on the table,
hidden from sight by The New Repub-
lic, Vanity Fair (not Thackeray's), and
the Golfer's Companion.
How, then, is the boy to become ac-
quainted with 'the only book,' as Wal-
ter Scott would have it? In Church and
Sunday School? Many a boy never has
attended either of them. In the public
school? The Bible was banished from
it long ago.
There remains the private school, in
whose curriculum may be found a brief
course in 'Bible,' which, in the boy's
mind, takes its place with his other
lessons, to be learned, recited, and joy-
fully forgotten as soon as possible.
Why should he know who pulled down
the temple of Dagon, or who slew a
thousand men with the jawbone of an
ass? These tragic happenings mean no
more to him than the death of Baldur,
the exploits of Asurbanipal, or many
other 'old unhappy far-off things and
battles long ago.'
Clearly, then, the fault lies not with
the boy. Teacher and parent must
share the blame, and it would ill become
one who views the matter from the
standpoint of the teacher only, to say
which is the more culpable.
Unfortunately, the boy's ignorance of
the great English masterpieces is not
limited to the Bible. Profane literature
receives but little better treatment at
his hands. Every boy has a few favor-
ite authors, whom he holds responsible
for all that has been written in prose or
verse since Shakespeare's day. Long-
fellow heads the list, with Tennyson
and Kipling following closely; and
many are the crimes that are committed
in their names. There is some reason
for attributing The Vision of Sir Laun-
fal to Lord Tennyson, for he sang of
knights and their visions; but why
should he be made to father Two Years
before the Mast, Westward Ho! and The
Ancient Mariner? Evidently, in the
minds of many boys, * the sea is his, and
he made it.' There are, however, two
poems which every boy hails with joy
as his very own. These are Hiawatha
and The Raven. Few boys have read
them, and fewer could quote a line of
them, but the majority identify with-
out difficulty quotations from either.
How the boy knows them, I cannot tell,
nor can he. It is one of the curiosities of
literature.
'The proper study of mankind is
man,' but it is evident that boykind has
not greatly concerned itself with the
study of boy: for we learn that the cen-
tre of the nervous system is the spine,
spleen, lungs, pancreas, and 'diafram';
the bones of the forearm are the elbow,
biceps, forceps, and habeas corpus; the
normal temperature of the human body
varies from fifty to two hundred and
WHAT DO BOYS KNOW?
61
twelve degrees, Fahrenheit; and one
element in the atmosphere essential to
the support of human life is gasoline,
the other being, presumably, 'Mobiloil.'
The female of the species, if not more
deadly than the male, is, in the boy's
mind, more pervasive, for the feminine
of ram is doe, dam, yew, roe, nanny-
goat, and she-ram; while the feminine
of farmer — hardly a fair question, that
— is milkmaid, old maid, farmeuse,
husband-woman, and Mrs. Farmer.
It has long been maintained that no
English word rhymes with window, but
one test brought to light several such
rhymes, among them widow, Hindu,
akimbo, shadow, billow, and potato!
When the history and geography of
the United States are in question, the
answers are equally astounding. The
largest city of Ohio is Detroit, St.
Louis, ' Sinsinnatah,' and 'Omerhaw.'
(The average boy refuses to be a slave
to orthography.) Washington, Lincoln,
Garfield, McKinley, and Roosevelt were
all impeached, Farragut was admiral in
the Spanish war, and Mr. Taft was the
third President of the United States.
In the youthful mind 'a hundred years
are as a day,' and it matters little
whether Lee surrendered at Appomat-
tox or at Yorktown.
There is, however, a brighter side of
the picture. Mother-wit often comes to
the aid of ignorance, and the task of the
examiner is lightened by many a gleam
of humor. What, for instance, could be
better than the answer which one boy
gave to the question, 'Who discovered
the Pacific Ocean?' His natural an-
swer would have been, 'You can search
me ' ; but flippancy is not encouraged ; so
he replied, "The natives who lived along
the shore.' Another defined conjunctiv-
itis as ' the knack of getting along with
people'; and a third would have a bar-
racuda 'a feast where oxen are roasted
whole.'
'How many legs has a Kaffir?' was a
staggerer. Conjecture ranged from two
to twelve, the majority favoring three,
without making' it clear what the un-
fortunate creature could do with the
odd leg.
What is the conclusion of the whole
matter? May we say in our haste that
all boys are fools? Prithee, not too fast.
These are out-of-doors boys, living in
a world of motor-cars, air-planes, and
wireless. Many a boy who could not
for his life name a member of Mr. Hard-
ing's Cabinet, can, by the sound of the
engine, 'spot' every motor-car made in
this country, improvise an aerial from
the springs of his bed, or draw a model
of a gasoline engine that would do
credit to a mechanical engineer. Child-
ren of Martha, 'they are concerned
with matters hidden — under the earth-
line their altars lie.'
Perhaps they have chosen the better
part. Who can say? At any rate, they
are content to leave letters to those
who love them; to let their secretaries
do their spelling, and politicians man-
age the government, 'while they finger
death at their gloves' end.'
I, who can distinguish but two makes
of automobiles without giving a furtive
glance at the hub-caps, am thankful
that it is mine to ask the questions, not
to answer them. I know full well that
many boys who cannot say whether
Keats is a poet or a breakfast food
could make out a test that would put
their masters to shame.
Times have changed, and those who
aspire to ride the whirlwind have neither
time nor inclination to trudge along
the dusty paths of learning that their
fathers trod.
Talents differ; all is well and wisely put;
If I cannot carry forests on my back.
Neither can you crack a nut, —
and he who judges a quarrel between
the mountain and the squirrel has no
easy task.
THE CHRISTENING OF THE BELL
BY BELLE SKINNER
ON the thirteenth of September,
1920, the bell was christened.
It was a perfect day — not a cloud in
the blue sky, not a breath of wind, not
too warm, not too cool, brilliant sun-
shine — a perfect day.
The little village on the hill, the gray
ruins of the Gothic church, the bell-
tower, the classic lines of the old mar-
ket, the red-tiled roofs of the few rebuilt
cottages — all these, with the French
and American flags and garlands of
laurel leaves, made an incomparable set-
ting for the ceremony.
The idea came about through a con-
versation with my host, the cure of
Hattonchatel, in which he told me of
the ancient glories of the village, of its
long ecclesiastical history dating back
to the tenth century. In those early
days Hattonchatel was famous as a
place of retreat for the bishops of Ver-
dun, Metz, and Toul, from one of whom,
Bishop Hatton, it took its name, chdtel,
of course, being the old form of cha-
teau; and for several succeeding cen-
turies it belonged to the Church — a
fortress village enclosed by high, thick
walls.
It was during its ecclesiastical exist-
ence that Hattonchatel acquired most
of its glory. The present church was
built then, pure Gothic in style, as were
the cloisters connecting the church with
the bishop's palace at the end of the
street; for bishops in those days did not
walk exposed to the elements. Houses
for the priests who came in the bishop's
train were built then, also, and the
famous old Market, now one of the
62
Monuments Historiques of France. But
though Hattonchatel was, first of all,
an ecclesiastical village, it was not un-
known to the Court; its forest was one
of the hunting preserves of Louis XIV;
and during the season for chasing the
wild boar, Hattonchatel heard more
than the mass.
Time passed.
Wars were fought around the village;
for Hattonchatel has always been the
heart's desire of conquerors. Lying as
it does on the crest of a high hill, which
juts out like a promontory into the
valley of the Meuse six hundred feet
below, it dominates the countryside, and
in the days of milder warfare was prac-
tically unassailable.
The Swedish bombardment, how-
ever, of the fourteenth century did its
work well. The walls of the fortress
were broken down, the strong gates
demolished, and its entrance being no
longer barred, peasant-life appeared in
Hattonchatel.
Out of the stones of the almost wholly
destroyed church property the new-
comers built their homes; and as the
centuries passed, the fame of Hatton-
chatel was no longer in the splendor of
the Roman Church or in the brilliance
of the French Court; rather, its glory lay
in the courage of those spirits whose
descendants, undaunted, are to-day re-
surrecting their devastated provinces
— the peasants of France.
Monsieur le cure sadly called my at-
tention to the empty bell-tower, and
told me what the church bell means to
a rural community in France: how the
THE CHRISTENING OF THE BELL
63
villagers love and listen for it and sing
songs about it, and how they speak of
it affectionately as of a person, for bells
have names in France. It is the bell
that wakens them hi the early mom-
ing and sends them to the fields to
work; it tells them the noon hour; and
again, the day's work done, it sounds
the Angelus, bidding the faithful to
prayer. It announces all the fetes, it
rings for the marriages, the births, the
deaths.
Then the cure went on to tell me
how, during the German occupation of
the village, their church bell had been
taken away and melted for military
purposes, and they had heard no bell hi
Hattonchatel for five long years.
The story was so simple, so appealing,
that I could only say, 'Oh, monsieur le
cure, let me replace the stolen bell.'
He replied, 'Ah, mademoiselle, Ger-
many must pay for the wanton destruc-
tion she wrought in our villages, but, of
course, we do not know when we can
collect the money, and in the meantime
— perhaps — '
So the bell was ordered, of bronze, a
metre in height.
It is beautifully embossed with the
symbols of the Roman Church, to which
was added, according to custom, its
name.
I fell in with the cure's suggestion
that the bell should have my name; but
my name is Belle, and the cure with a
rueful shake of his head objected that
no saint had ever been named Belle,
and church bells must bear the names
of saints. I admitted that I had been
christened Isabel. Smiling approval,
and with a splendid disregard of the
English spelling, the cure wrote out,
'Isabelle.'
But that was not all. A bell, it seems,
must have two Christian names.
The cure looked at me inquiringly.
I suggested Ruth, my other name.
With a deprecating gesture he replied
testily, 'No, no, we cannot have Ruth.'
As I had no other name to offer, the
cure, inscrutable as the Sphinx, impa-
tiently tapped his pencil on the table
and said, 'Then choose a name.'
Almost with fear and trembling I
gave my mother's, 'Sarah.'
'Ah, Sarah has been sainted,' he re-
plied softly, and wrote in full, 'Sarah
Isabelle.'
It piqued my disposition to inquire
— Isabelle a saint in perfectly good
standing: Ruth without the fold. Why,
I wondered? But I did not ask the
cure. I rarely bother him with ques-
tions. When I am a part of his house-
hold, I feel that I am living Balzac, and
I would not venture to show an indis-
creet curiosity that might break the
charm.
In that war-torn house the spell of
the eighteenth century is everywhere
— in the irregular flagstones of the cor-
ridors, hi the bits of faded wall-paper
still hanging here and there, even in
the cheap oak centre table about which
we sat for our many conferences — a
strange company: the cure alert, re-
sourceful, always the dominant figure;
the mayor shy, silent, determined; the
notary looking like a sketch by Thack-
eray, and talking grandiloquently —
these three children of Hattonchatel
breathing forth the atmosphere of old
France, and I of another age and world,
yet feeling through them the antiquity,
the splendor, and the genius of their
country, their ideal of patriotism; see-
ing through their eyes the changeless
character and fearless courage of the
men and women of Northern France,
who, in the face of seemingly insuper-
able difficulties and hardships, are al-
ready beginning life anew amid the
rums.
Hattonchatel on the C6tes-de-Meuse,
in all its quaint beauty, has been quite
unknown to tourists. Before the war
the only way of visiting the village was
64
THE CHRISTENING OF THE BELL
on foot. Now there is a good motor-
road to the top of the hill; but the vil-
lage itself remains the France of two
hundred years ago, unchanged. Gen-
eration after generation of French peas-
ants have lived as their fathers lived,
and died as their fathers died, within
the village walls, knowing nothing and
desiring nothing but Hattonchatel.
This village, then, gave the setting
for the mediaeval ceremony of the chris-
tening of the bell. We had chosen the
date — September the thirteenth, the
second anniversary of the liberation of
the village by French and American
troops, the two armies having come to-
gether at the foot of the hill. The exact
point of meeting is marked by a stone
shaft erected about a year ago, by the
Salvation Army, to the memory of the
First Division, the first of our troops to
engage with the French in the battle for
Hattonchatel.
Perhaps because the hill was of such
military importance during the Great
War, perhaps because it was wrested
from the Germans by the help of
America, perhaps, too, a little because
the new church bell would so soon and
for always speak of America's love for
France — perhaps for these reasons the
authorities decided to add to the chris-
tening ceremony exercises by the State
in celebration of the partial reconstruc-
tion of the village, especially the instal-
lation of the water-system. General
Berthelot, Governor-General of Metz,
was chosen to represent the Army, and
the Sous-Prefet of the Meuse, to repre-
sent the Department.
When I looked out of my window in
the cure's house, at eight o'clock on the
morning of the great day, the hill was
already black with people coming to
the fete. Some of them had walked
half the night, so eager were they to be
present. Up the hill they came, in fam-
ilies, in pairs, in groups of eight or ten,
old and young, weak and strong, many
of them wearing the costumes of Alsace
and Lorraine, all in holiday attire, their
worn faces aglow with pleasure and ex-
citement — coming to the Christening.
The exercises began with mass at ten
o'clock, at which a tablet dedicated to
the memory of the soldier dead of Hat-
tonchatel was unveiled. This cere-
mony, conducted by Monseigneur Ge-
nisty, the Bishop of Verdun, took place
in the ruins of the church. There was
no cover over our heads. Not a vestige
of roof remains. During the five years
that the interior of the church has been
exposed to the weather, shrubs four or
five feet high have grown up in the
nave; and it was against this lovely
background of green that we built a
temporary altar. On one side of the al-
tar was improvised a throne for the
bishop; on the other the peasant choir
was grouped about a little portable
organ.
The scene amid the ruins: the bishop
in his purple robes, the acolytes in
crimson slowly swinging the golden cen-
sers, the low chanting of the attendant
priests and the youthful voices of the
choir in response — this, with the sun's
rays glinting on fragments of precious
old glass still hanging in the battered
window-frames, making them flash like
jewels, and, every available nook and
corner packed with peasants, their heads
bowed in reverence, made an unfor-
gettable picture. As the services pro-
ceeded and the prayers were read, a
fanfare of trumpets, from the chas-
seurs-a-pied stationed in the cloister,
thrilled us with the thought of what the
French army had meant to civilization,
as it saddened us with the remembrance
of France's terrible losses in the war,
the while the smoke of the burning in-
cense rising through the roofless church
to heaven made us feel that every pray-
er for the soldier dead was mounting
straight to the Throne of God.
THE CHRISTENING OF THE BELL
65
The mass ended, we went outside
for the principal event of the day — the
Christening of the Bell.
This ceremony of mediaeval origin,
performed with all the pomp and dig-
nity of the Roman Church, was full
of picturesque details. Above us was
the cloudless blue, around us were the
wrecks of war — heaps and heaps of
stones piled high, the tottering walls of
the church, its bell-tower strangely up-
right; beyond, on all sides, the peasants,
the black Alsatian bows and the white
caps of Lorraine mingling with the dull
gray garments of every day, all eagerly
crowding in. Against these sombre col-
ors the brilliant uniforms of the gen-
eral and his staff" stood out in vivid con-
trast; while stretching up the village
street and fading away into the sky were
masses of horizon blue, the uniform of
the poilu of France.
The bell was placed on a low plat-
form near the entrance to the cloisters.
It was hung in a wooden frame en-
twined with green garlands and pink
roses, and surmounted by a golden
cross. At the right of the platform
stood the godfather and godmother of
the bell. On the other side were the
priests and the choir. Opposite, and
facing the bell, we built a tribune for
the speakers and invited guests, and
decorated it with the flags of France
and America.
But the bell did not hang in the
frame in its naked bronze: it was draped
in a white lace robe, veiled from curious
eyes as is a bride, and at a given point
in the ceremony, the veil was laid back
just as a bride is unveiled at the altar,
and the bishop, amid the low chanting
of the priests and the burning of the
incense, touched it with holy water and
pronounced its name.
'Je m'appelle Sarah Isabelle. J'ai
pour parrain Monsieur Jules Haldrech,
Maire. J'ai pour marraine Miss Skin-
ner. J'ai ete baptisee par Monseigneur
VOL. 188— NO. 1
C
Genisty, 1'Eveque de Verdun, le 13
Septembre, 1920, 1'Abbe Thierry etant
cure a Hattonchatel.'
The tongue was then placed in the
bell, for as yet, remember, no one had
heard its voice; a long blue ribbon was
attached to it, which the bishop pulled
three times, announcing in loud tones
to Hattonchatel and the whole coun-
tryside the advent, let us hope, of hap-
pier days for those stricken villages.
His Grace then passed the ribbon to
me, and I too sent the rich tone ringing
out across the valley; hi turn, the mayor
and the cure followed.
Then to the music of the Marche Lor-
raine we crossed over to the tribune,
where the civil exercises were opened by
General Berthelot. The general paid
a graceful tribute to America's help in
the St. Mihiel Salient, with particular
reference to Hattonchatel; after which
Monsieur le Sous-Prefet spoke elo-
quently of the work of reconstruction
in the Department of the Meuse, and of
what had already been accomplished
there. He was followed by Major Cot-
chett, representing the American Em-
bassy at Paris.
The speeches ended, the marraine of
the bell, as a part of the christening
ceremony and in keeping with its medi-
seval character, stepped out from the
tribune and, amid acclaims and huz-
zas, quite in the manner of a feudal
lord giving largesse, scattered dragees
to the crowds.
So ended the christening.
Immediately afterward luncheon was
served. It was like the feeding of the
five thousand, with the miracle left out.
The peasants of the village were served
in their own homes; the principal guests
were seated at a long table in the open
square; the crowds found places for
themselves among the ruins; but all
were served. While we were engaged in
eating, the newly christened bell was
hoisted into the belfry, and a little later,
66
FOR INSTANCE — PAUL ZONBOR
very dramatically, just as the cham-
pagne was being served, it pealed forth.
The silence of five years of suffering
was broken. Instinctively the musi-
cians sti«uck up the Sambre et Meuse,
the whole company rose to its feet and,
with tears in eyes and voice, saluted
'Sarah Isabelle.'
Toward evening we went down the
hill, — on foot, like pilgrims going to a
shrine, — and in the deep shadow we
placed upon the monument to the First
Division a laurel wreath. Carried as it
was by two common soldiers, a dough-
boy of America and a poilu of France,
to us it symbolized the close union of
the two great Republics — together in
war, together in peace.
FOR INSTANCE — PAUL ZONBOR
BY HARRY HUBERT FIELD
Unless we take seriously to heart the ed-
ucation of . . . the foreign-born, we shatt
sooner or later suffer the consequences.
— GENERAL JOHN J. PERSHING.
PAUL ZONBOR, son of a Hungarian
laborer, was born hi a small village near
the town of Temesvar, where German
is the common tongue.
In his childhood, Paul went to the
village school, where, as he saw it in
after years, the chief subject of enlight-
enment was, in general, the greatness
and glory of the reigning families of the
Austro-Hungarian kingdoms, and, in
particular, the names of each and every
prince, duke, and baron of the Haps-
burg Empire, their titles, their great
services to the country, their still great-
er service to the world at large. Super-
men, these all, as Paul and his mates
were taught: gods on earth, to be feared
and venerated.
At the age of twelve, Paul, taken
from school, was sent into the fields,
where, with other laborers, he worked
for a wage that barely bought food
enough to maintain life, leaving the ac-
quisition of clothing to kindly hazard.
As to the fields themselves, they be-
longed to a wealthy baron. His name
the laborers knew, but not his face.
What, indeed, should such a fine gentle-
man do, in a place so barbarous, so out-
landish as this his estate on the Temes?
Still, it appeared he had need of
whatever they could possibly make for
him. So they went to work at sunrise.
And when the sun stood over their
heads, they stopped to eat their midday
meal. And when the sun sank low, they
stumbled home, dog-tired, to their rest,
only to rise with the morrow's sun for
another day like the last. The sky was
their only clock, its moods their only
variety.
Thus the years passed, until the time
drew near when Paul must follow his
brothers and his friends into the army,
to serve his two years of compulsory
training.
Now, the chief conscious grievance
among the peasant inhabitants of the
Temes district was that their sons were
FOR INSTANCE — PAUL ZONBOR
67
forced to give two years out of their
young lives for this same military train-
ing; forced to give two precious years
to learn to defend with their own blood
the lands of their princes and dukes;
to learn to fight for their task-master's
sake, whenever their task-master's lands
or privileges might be endangered.
Further, the men conscripted from
the Temes district must join a regiment
officered by Austrians, who neither un-
derstood their men nor were in the least
concerned about their lives or comforts.
'Hungarian dogs,' their expression ran,
'what are they fit for but cannon-fod-
der in case of need! Everything to its
use.'
Then, when the young men came
back to the village, the two years done,
invariably they brought tales of brutal
floggings undergone, of long sentences
served in unspeakable prisons, of pro-
digious cruelties wantonly inflicted for
offenses that, in the eyes of humane of-
ficers, would have passed unrecognized
as offenses at all. Many wore disfigur-
ing scars — the marks of willful blows
from Austrian officers. And so, as the
time came near when Paul must stand
his turn, his ever-present under-horror
became a constant obsession, and his
nightly dreams were of conscription, of
Austrian officers striking him with
swords, of hideous black dungeons in
which he fought for his food, fought for
his life, fought for his reason, against
battalions of rats.
Then came a Sunday afternoon when
an uncle visited the Zonbors' mean little
cottage, bringing a letter from his son,
Paul's cousin, who had dared the un-
known and crossed the sea. The letter
spoke of a new land of promise — of a
country of the free, where men earned
more than a mere existing wage; a coun-
try where men were men, not mere slaves
to the earth.
Thus it was that Paul Zonbor first
heard of the United States of America.
And from that very Sunday he deter-
mined to leave to the Austrian officers
one man less to maltreat — to follow
his bold cousin and to try his luck in the
Country of the Free.
n
It was in the spring of the year 1906,
to be exact, that a ship crowded with
emigrants from Southeastern Europe,
entering New York Harbor, brought as
an atom among the horde this son of a
Hungarian laborer, from the little vil-
lage near Temesvar.
Once ashore, the atom shared a com-
mon lot — he was caught by one of
the swarm of mercenary employment
agents, who are always alert and eager
to clutch any ignorant victim, to suck
out his all.
' These labor agencies are often owned
and staffed by men born in Central
Europe — men who, when first they
set foot in America, were themselves
helpless atoms in a helpless mass, and
who themselves fell easy prey to the
sharks. But, their own sufferings out-
lived, they draw from their scars no
lesson of compassion — nothing but
a sinister shrewdness in doing as they
were done by. Posing as friends of the
stranger in the land, they exploit the
ignorance of their own countrymen, and
make a cannibal livelihood by skinning
them alive.
But Paul Zonbor knew nothing of
these things. And now, whether for
good or for evil, he had arrived in the
Promised Land. To-day, years later, —
a point which should be borne well in
mind throughout this account, — to-
day, years later, Paul Zonbor, looking
back on these his first experiences, en-
tirely forgets the nationality of those
who skinned him, remembering only
that it was in America, the Land of the
Free, the Promised Land, that he was
so skinned.
68
FOR INSTANCE — PAUL ZONBOR
The job that he got from the canni-
bals took him into a night bakery, in the
colossal city. Here again his mother-
tongue, German, greeted him — was
the only language either spoken or un-
derstood; and during the period that
followed, he not only worked, but lived,
moved, had his entire being among
a German-speaking, German-thinking
population. Never did it occur to him
— never was it suggested to him — to
try to learn something about the strange
country that he had so newly made his
home. His work left him stupefied. He
seemed to have neither will nor energy
nor imagination, when it was done, to
reach out beyond into the true mean-
ing, whatever that might be, of the
Promised Land. He did not even sus-
pect that it had another aspect than
that in which he slaved. To all intents,
he was living in Hungary, under Aus-
trian influences still.
But even to-day he does not realize
this. He still thinks that America, the
Promised Land, of her own deliberate
greed and inhumanity shoved him into
that hole.
Yet, through the haze in his dull
brain, one longing did arise and grow —
a great and greater longing for open air.
After the big skies of Central Europe,
the long nights in an underground ba-
kery, so suddenly assumed, were soon
intolerable; and, after he had taken his
necessary amount of sleep, the rag of
daylight that remained was not enough.
So, after a few months of stifling, the
emigrant, bestirring himself, made shift
for breath, and changed his vocation to
that of laborer for a contracting com-
pany. You can see the like of him, any
hour of any day, in any big city, han-
dling a pick or shovel in the excavation
for a new sky-scraper. And so, with no
wider change, his life wound on.
But one morning came an incident:
the man at the control carelessly push-
ed the wrong lever. Bang! Crash! A
cry — a moan — silence. The crane
had dropped its load. And two men
who, a moment before, had been active
bread-winners, lay motionless, crushed
to death. The boss came along to gath-
er the story, while the dead men lay at
his feet.
'Oh, well — they 're only Hunkies!'
he exclaimed, prefacing his orders with
that one phrase of relief.
Paul Zonbor caught the words, and,
by a perverse chance, he understood
them every one. Through the fogs in
his brain they took on life and glowed
dully, with an evil fire. And they made
his first clear picture of the concept that
he was finally to call America.
America, he perceived, was a place
where 'Hunkies' did not matter, alive
or dead. American bosses, then, were
merely Austrian officers in another
guise. 'Only Hunkies' and 'cannon-
fodder' were synonyms.
The laborers had no right under the
crane?
The incident was an exceptional one?
Not more than one boss in a thou-
sand is like the man that Paul heard
speak?
True, true, true; and that thousandth
boss was probably born anywhere on
earth except under the Eagle of Liberty.
All true. Yet Paul Zonbor, living in
the Promised Land, to this day thinks
of that early boss of his as a typical
American, and believes the typical
American boss to be a cold-blooded
slave-driver.
To be sure, he himself has since had
bosses who have treated him in a hu-
mane and friendly way; but these, he is
certain, must be the exceptions that
prove the rule, as the only ones that
he hears of aside from his own experi-
ence are described as slave-drivers and
brutes.
Next, while Paul was working with
the spade, came an opportunity to go to
Pittsburgh, at better wages. He went.
FOR INSTANCE — PAUL ZONBOR
69
Once arrived in the great iron centre,
again he found whole communities liv-
ing the only life he knew, speaking the
only tongue he understood, and being
the only things he imagined men to be.
Here again, it was as if a piece of the
Hapsburg Empire had been transplant-
ed into the heart of the United States .
Here, to such a community he naturally
gravitated, and was at once submerged.
Here, too, he met the woman he made
his wife — a woman differing in no de-
gree or habit from the one he would
have married had he never left his na-
tive land.
By and by bad times came to Pitts-
burgh— strikes and riots, want and mis-
ery. Men were tossed about, pawns in
a game they did not understand. Thus
we find Paul Zonbor, with a handful
of his countrymen, again casting loose
and moving with all their possessions
— this time to Buffalo.
Here Paul locates in a section of the
city where he is able to buy all the ne-
cessities of life from stores owned by
his countrymen; where the Austrians,
the Southern Europeans, the Germans,
have their own saloons, their own banks
and clubs; where they never come into
contact with English-speaking Amer-
icans outside their laboring hours.
And again Paul is swallowed up in a
little Central Europe, under the spray
of Niagara Falls!
HI
Nevertheless, what with the passing
of years, what with the evolution of nat-
ural character, Paul, for all the tightness
of the shell in which he has lived, has
grown. He has a certain quality now
— and a heightened value. He can
command steady work. In fact, he ac-
tually spent eight years under the same
roof, in the great Buffalo plant that
employed him. He has climbed upward
in the respect of his community; has
become a leader, well-liked and trust-
ed; is the elected chairman of the club.
Moreover, he has learned, or so he
believes, about America. If now you
were to ask Paul any sort of questions
about present-day politics, you would
find that he possesses an amazing
familiarity with things about which he
knows nothing whatever. His know-
ledge to-day includes a great deal more
than the history of the Hapsburg dy-
nasty. He is ready and glib in discuss-
ing Bolshevism, Atheism, Darwinism,
Marxism, Prohibition, John Brown,
or the Mayflower. The names of labor
• leaders the world over are common to
his memory, and he can dilate on the
particular creed and preaching of each
one.
Where did he gain all this knowledge?
In America?
Yes, surely, since the laborer of the
Temes knew nothing of it.
From Americans?
Most emphatically, no ! America has
not concerned herself with the mental
processes of Paul Zonbor. Using his
hands as vital tools, teaching him at
most a little English in order to direct
these tools, she has taken no cognizance
of his mental processes beyond those
used in shop practice.
It appears, however, that some sort
of power exists, has existed, that does
see a use for Paul's mentality. This
power manifests itself in several shapes.
For example, it supplies Paul Zonbor
with weekly newspapers printed in the
language he best understands — Ger-
man. It supplies him also with what-
ever books he may desire to read, all
written in that same language. That
those books heavily tend to certain
main lines, are chosen with purpose,
and that his desires are guided toward
them; that his judgment is distorted
by them, is not apparent to Paul. His
horizon affords so restricted a vision,
that variety of conditions and compari-
70
FOR INSTANCE — PAUL ZONBOR
son of values can play little part there
as disputants of any systematic invader.
And the actual invader is systematic
indeed !
As has already been stated, Paul
presides over a club. This club has a
very considerable number of members,
for Paul's class is large in the manufac-
turing city by the Falls. But the whole
organization has not one real American
member, and it would be strange to
hear an English word spoken within its
walls. It is, however, an exceedingly
live and active centre. It has endless
inner societies for all sorts of ends. But
beyond that, it has an amazing lot of
debates, meetings, lectures, concerts,
where the proceedings, it seems, are
stimulated by, and infused with a steady
and consistent current from without.
Nothing that is done here in any way
relates to America's America. Whether
it be in songs, discussions, or teaching,
the underlying trend is very strong and
is always the same.
All the lecturers are 'sent' from some
mysterious elsewhere. All lecture in
German, and the majority of them state
either that they are Russians or that
they have been in Russia quite re-
cently. Russia and Labor in that and
other distant parts are, almost exclu-
sively, the subjects of their talk. And
never do they miss a chance to quicken
their hearers' hatred against the em-
ploying classes of any country in the
world.
Always they affirm that the laborers
of other countries are ready to rise and
salute Bolshevism, if only they can be
sure that in the United States a ma-
jority will follow them. They tell how
prosperous the Russians are, under
their present rulers; how every man has
to work for a living, — labor for a liv-
ing, — explaining that thus none has to
work for more than six hours a day.
They tell how, in Russia, all profits are
shared, and thus all alike are wealthy;
and how more schools have been built
by the regime of the last order than
were built in a generation of Tsardom.
And above all, always they beseech,
nay, order, their audiences not to be-
lieve one word that is printed in the
American press.
'All that it says is lies, damned, de-
liberate lies,' the speaker repeats, with
a fire and an eloquence that drives his
words deep. 'America the land of the
free? Bah! Russia is the only free coun-
try on the face of the earth to-day. It
is the only country that has rid itself
of the High Capitalist — the gorging,
wine-bibbing High Capitalist. He is
your true enemy, with his wines and his
women — as bad, and a hundred times
worse than the officers that you thought
abused you in the old days at home.
Why, look at the hugeness of the thing:
the men you see around you — the
plant managers, the foremen and what-
nots — are scarcely better off, in prin-
ciple, than you are yourselves. They
are only the tools of the High Capital-
ist. They are only slave-gang bosses,
who have to drive you in order to keep
their jobs. Pity them. The High Capi-
talists are nothing else than blood-suck-
ing vampires, forever bleeding every
man under their control, from the first
down, in order to make a few more dol-
lars to keep their palaces of wickedness.
'But our day is coming, mind you.
Our plans are laid, our hour is close at
hand. When the moment arrives, we
shall strike in every country at the
same time. Russia has already set us
our example. Germany is on our side.
Italy, Canada, France, and England will
rise as one man when our leaders give
the signal. Here in the United States
we are well organized; but remember
that each one of you has to spread our
doctrine each hour of every day. So our
victory is assured.'
What response does this teaching,
preached day by day, year by year,
FOR INSTANCE — PAUL ZONBOR
71
awaken in Paul Zonbor and the like of
him? Keep sight of the fact that Paul
Zonbor, — now confessedly a Bol-
shevik, — like nearly all Bolsheviki and
I.W.W.'s, was born in an environment
of hate. In his earliest childhood he saw
his parents and all their world hating,
bitterly hating, the rulers, the rich men,
the officials of his native land. And he,
in his turn and on his own account, grew
up to hate them as bitterly.
Then, being perhaps something more
virile than the rest, he left his native
land to escape the exploiter of * cannon-
fodder,' taking refuge in the Land of the
Free. He had expected much of this
Promised Land. He had been taught,
and had taught himself, to regard it
most truly as heaven on a new earth,
where men were paid fabulous sums for
half the work that on the Temes barely
bought food enough to maintain life.
Were not the dollars huge weekly, nay,
daily, fortunes when translated into his
native currency?
Yet once in the Promised Land,
what had he found? Was it not the
term 'cannon-fodder' giving place,
when the crane drops its load, to 'only
a Hunkie,' while the mill grinds on over
the dead?
Then other . things happened —
things that, in the dim light of the
world in which he groped, nobody in-
terpreted to him — nobody, until ' they *
hunted him out with the doctrine that
gives fresh direction to the old, fierce
faculty of hate. So that, as the New
World increasingly disappointed him,
as the beauties of the Old World grad-
ually blotted out, in his memory, the
grievances that drove him across the
sea, he transferred his hatred, strength-
ened with the strength of his full ma-
turity, to objects chosen by the only
teachers that came his way.
'Who are the High Capitalists?' you
ask him now. 'Is the head of this plant
one?'
'He? No. He works himself. You
can see that. He is only a slave, driven
like the rest of us.'
'Is the president of the corporation
one?'
Paul hesitates. 'I don't know. I
should have to see how much stock he
owns. But I can find out. In two days'
time. Do you want to know?'
And so you find that the 'High Cap-
italist' actually has no other name, no
definite identity in Paul's mind, but is,
in fact, merely an imaginary figure con-
jured behind mists by paid revolution-
ary agitators.
IV
What is the cure for this prodigious
ignorance that is so genuinely misleading
a great part of the foreign-born labor in
America to-day?
As for those who make their liveli-
hood by preaching a foul and destruc-
tive doctrine, — those who defile the
world for greed and defilement's sake, —
they are best left alone, with rope enough
to hang themselves, since hang they will,
if given time and space.
But as for those who are honestly de-
ceived and misguided, like Paul Zonbor,
they, surely, have a just claim on men
of better understanding to be shown the
truth, the way to right thinking and
right living by the code of the Golden
Rule.
If a right-thinking man sees a forest
on fire, he will immediately take steps
to quench that fire, no matter to whom
the forest may belong. Yet many men
who do themselves see outbreakings of
the flame started in Russia and smoul-
dering the world over, instead of jump-
ing to help smother it, turn their heads
away, either because they believe it to
be none of their business, or because
they are too self-occupied to care for
the world at large.
That is to say, they will wait until
FOR INSTANCE — PAUL ZONBOR
their neighbors have been destroyed
and the flames have reached their own
doors, before they will stir in their com-
mon duty.
When the Reds of Buffalo were ar-
rested, at the beginning of last year,
Paul Zonbor was overlooked. Paul had
been pro-German in his sympathies all
through the war, although not at that
time an actively dangerous man. Since
the Armistice, however, the multiplied
weight of Bolshevist propaganda di-
rected upon him as a key man, in-
fluencing the thought of his fellows, had
had its cumulative effect. He was now
in the condition where any spark might
incite him to translate his theories into
bloody facts. Yet Paul was overlooked,
in the arrests of the Reds, although
many of his friends and followers went
to jail; whence, after two weeks in the
cells, they were released, to spread with
increased vigor their horrible creed,
with all the rage of martyrs to a cause.
The authorities of the plant in which
Paul had worked for eight years, having
got wind of his tendencies, determined,
however, to act for themselves. He was
an undesirable — a spreader of discon-
tent among his fellow workmen. They
would quietly dismiss him without any
words as to the cause. They did not
want to fan red coals.
Accordingly, one morning, the fore-
man of the department informed No.
1896, Paul Zonbor, that another man
would take over his job.
'Why? Don't I give satisfaction?'
asked Paul.
Paul, by the way, was one of the
most valuable men in his line. He car-
ried a string of numbers in his mind
running into the thousands, was accu-
rate, trustworthy, and in times of spe-
cial pressure had scarcely an equal, in his
own way, among the plant's personnel.
'Satisfaction? Oh, yes,' replied the
foreman; ' but we have decided that the
job is only worth seventy cents an hour,
and you are getting seventy-five. You
can go into the cleaning-room. They 're
a man short there.'
Now the cleaning-room was the
worst place in the whole plant, while
the job that Paul held was by no means
a bad one. In fact, he ran a sort of small
department of his own, with two men
under him.
'That 's not the real reason you are
canning me,' said Paul. 'Tell me the
truth straight out. What 's the matter
with me?'
'I tell you that's all there is to it,'
repeated the foreman.
'Then I want to see the manager.'
So Paul saw the manager, only to
hear the same statement, unelaborated.
Therefore, hot with rage, believing
himself the victim of a great injustice,
he went his way, and actually got a
better-paying job on the following
Monday in a neighboring but different
concern.
There, to-day, with an increased fol-
lowing, he carries on his crusade of
revolution with increased vigor.
To-day Paul Zonbor is indeed a dan-
gerous man. He is personally honest.
He has no weakening vices. He does
not drink to excess. He loves his wife
and children and is good to them. Un-
like the mass of his fellows, he is not
now foul-mouthed, whatever he may
once have been. He is thrifty, decent,
likeable, square. And he uses his brains
to the best of the only light that has
ever been given him. It comes from
Russia and it is Red. It may one day
burst into an awful flame.
This is no attempt to answer great
questions with a general panacea. It is
just the story — the literally true story
— of one man — an obscure but, as it
happens, a no longer quite negligible or
insignificant man.
Perhaps it would have profited the
corporation if, instead of allowing his
FOR INSTANCE — PAUL ZONBOR
73
mind to remain polluted with damnable
lies, they had expended time, trouble,
and money to show him how, step by
step, he has been deceived and then de-
ceived again, until nothing but black-
ness shows in front of him, and a Red
light beyond — a Red light whose gos-
pel he now preaches to his hungrily
listening, deeply trusting fellow work-
ers, as the Gospel of Salvation.
Many labor agencies in New York
have changed since 1906, although
some of them are still of the type that
exploited Paul. He could now be shown
in that field great and sincere efforts at
improvement. He could be shown Ellis
Island's schools, concerts, Americaniza-
tion lectures, and the like. He could
be shown the true value of the Work-
men's Compensation laws, which he
now distrusts. He could be taught the
meaning and sincerity of the many legis-
lative measures passed for the preven-
tion of accidents. If done in the right
spirit, a course in economics could be
so presented that even the one-time
laborer on an Austrian baron's estate,
who has since learned to think, could
be persuaded that capital is as neces-
sary as labor. Wholesome changes could
certainly be wrought in that perverted
mind; and because Paul Zonbor is
honest at heart, is true, lovable, square,
and decent-minded, the truth would
strike root in his brain.
But, difficult as it might be to attain,
there is one conceivable short cut that
would be a thousand times more rapid
and effective than all this. If the cor-
poration, instead of handling No. 1896,
Paul Zonbor, as it did, — kicking him
out, furious, ready for any revenge, —
had spent $2000 in sending him to
Russia, it would have been repaid many
times over. There let him see the actual
want, misery, slavery, brutality to-day
rampant in that unhappy country.
There let him realize that in America
he has suffered, not from Americanism,
but merely from the carrying out, in
America, by Europeans, of European
abuses, to-day in Russia pushed to their
utmost worst. And then bring him
straight back to the plant again, where,
after such an experience, he would be
the greatest curative force, the greatest
force of true Americanism that the
corporation could possibly secure for a
lessened labor turn-over and industrial
peace.
Employers complain that the cost of
production is greatly increased by the
yearly labor turn-over, often 120 per
cent. And nobody can dispute the fact.
But it is equally indisputable that, in
spite of any improved labor conditions,
in spite of the most liberal welfare
work, more will have to be done by the
majority of employers, as well as by
the government, — more and deeper
thought given, more intelligent and
further-reaching measures taken, more
present profits devoted to the effective
enlightenment of their human material,
— if the labor turn-over is to be per-
ceptibly reduced, and if the Red activi-
ties more and more permeating the
personnel are to be overcome.
THE NEW ROAD TO EQUALITY
BY GROVER CLARK
'EQUALITY before the law' has been,
and still is, one of the favorite battle-
cries of the democracy. ' Class legisla-
tion' and 'special privilege' have been
equally popular as objects of attack.
But there has not been a corresponding
unity of interpretation of these phrases
— of understanding as to what they are
to mean in terms of specific legislation
and social organization.
We condemn class legislation and
special privilege as severely as did our
predecessors. Modern industrial and
social development, however, has forced
us to a new conception of what belongs
under these categories. We insist as
strongly as they that men should be
equal, before the law, in opportunity,
and in all their relations with their
fellows. But we are finding that a
new technique, a new kind of legisla-
tion, and a new attitude on the part of
the government are necessary, if that
equality is to be real and not merely
theoretical.
In the care-free days of rampant in-
dividualism and the laissez-faire theory
in industry, the government was sup-
posed to keep its hands off the organi-
zation and conduct of industry. Labor
laws, factory laws, anti-trust laws —
all such were held to be violations of
the fundamental right of individuals to
pursue life, liberty, and happiness in
equality before the law. If some were
more successful than others in securing
financial or other rewards for their ef-
forts, they were to be congratulated.
74
And certainly it was no part of the task
of the government to handicap men in
the race for success. Yet to-day we
have such laws in profusion: laws that
put a special handicap on some indi-
viduals, or give special advantages to
others. And our Supreme Court has
found it possible to approve, as consti-
tutional, such measures.
If by 'class legislation* we mean
legislation that favors or restricts some
special group in the community, then
many of our more important modern
laws must plead guilty to this charge.
Tariff laws are designed to benefit par-
ticular groups — the manufacturers.
Labor laws benefit the workers. Anti-
trust laws put a handicap on the organ-
izers of business. Income and profit
taxes are collected from a very small
portion of the whole people. Even the
woman's suffrage amendment was class
legislation, since it benefited only a part
of the community. Yet we find no
great difficulty in approving such meas-
ures, because we feel that, while they
may apply in practice to special groups,
they benefit the community as a whole.
And we avoid a technical infringement
of the principle of equality by stating
the special privileges, or the special
prohibitions, in terms of ways of acting
rather than of persons, even though we
are well aware that in practice certain
specific persons, or groups of persons,
will be directly affected.
It is little more than soothing self-
delusion to say that in this respect
there is any essential difference be-
tween the stipulation in the Clayton
THE NEW ROAD TO EQUALITY
75
Anti-Trust Act of 1914, which exempted
labor organizations from the prohibi-
tions of the Sherman Act, and the pro-
visions of the old English law, by which
the nobility could plead exemption from
certain penalties of the law for the com-
mon people. Nor is there, from this
point of view, any essential difference
between a tariff to 'protect' an 'infant
industry' and the feudal law that gave
the king administration of the estates
of minor heirs. In each case special
groups are given special advantages.
The difference, of course, is in the
social results. We approve the modern
regulations in each case, — if we do ap-
prove them, — and condemn the an-
cient, because, as I have suggested, we
think the community as a whole is bene-
fited, or injured, as the case may be.
But we need to keep clearly in mind,
in discussing these matters of special
privilege and equality before the law,
that most of the 'progressive' measures
on which we are inclined to pride our-
selves are in reality class legislation;
and while we may not approve much
of the Socialist programme, we need to
be careful about throwing stones while
we have so much glass in the walls of
our own house.
We condemn, for example, the seizure
of socially usable property by the gov-
ernment of the Bolsheviki on the ground
that it is class legislation. Yet we ap-
prove an excess-profits tax, — at least,
the majority of us do, as represented
by our lawmakers and our Supreme
Court, — which is a seizure, in essen-
tially the same way, of socially usable
property. We deny the claim of a mon-
arch that his kingdom is his private
property, to do with as he may choose.
Of late, like the Bolsheviki, we have
begun to deny the similar claim of a
manufacturer as to his factory. But we
grant the claim to private control of
private property in most other cases.
Yet there is no essential difference be-
tween these claims. The difference —
as in the cases cited above — is not one
of kind, but of degree. The question is
not whether a person or a group shall
be given special privileges or be favored
or handicapped by class legislation;
rather it is, how far the principle of
favoring one group is to be carried, and
of the relative size of the group favored.
In other words, we are learning that
it is impossible to obtain real equal-
ity between men on an individualistic,
laissez-faire basis. And in actual prac-
tice we are seeking that equality by
various sorts of special legislation,
which favor one group as against an-
other. But our interpretation of the
doctrine of equality has lagged behind
our practice.
n
This inconsistency between the older
conception of equality and much of our
recent legislation has not escaped the
notice of able students of politics. Nor
have some of them failed to point out
the growth of a tendency to stratifica-
tion of the American people into classes
delimited, if not actually created, by
legislation which definitely grants, or
does not positively deny, special priv-
ileges to special groups. This, for ex-
ample, is the point of Mr. George W.
Alger's article on 'The Menace of
New Privilege,' in a recent issue of the
Atlantic Monthly.
Many see in this tendency a grave
danger to American social organization
as we know it, and a fundamental chal-
lenge to democracy, just because it runs
counter to the older, and even now more
generally accepted, interpretation of
the doctrine of equality. Mr. Alger ex-
presses this point of view most effec-
tively in his concluding paragraph: —
'In the final analysis, the question
resolves itself into whether we desire
the development in America of class-
war by recognizing class-distinctions,
76
THE NEW ROAD TO EQUALITY
class-rights, and class-privileges, which
make, not for peace, but for inevitable
conflict. The time has arrived when
this great question must receive a far
more thorough and consistent study by
the American people, not as classes,
but as citizens; not as petitioners for
special privileges, which the nobles of
feudalism surrendered, but as the will-
ing participators in a system of law
whose basis is equality, a system which
can have no other basis than equality,
if democracy is not to perish from the
earth.'
But in this 'thorough and consistent
study' it will appear, I think, that,
crude and in many ways undesirable
as this recent class legislation is, it is,
after all, the product of a real though
somewhat blind striving to reestablish
that real equality before the law, and
in the relations between men, which
modern industrial development has de-
stroyed. One does not need to be a
'Red' to realize that in actual practice
there is little more than a theoretical
equality before the law in America to-
day. The accumulation of wealth in
the hands of certain individuals and
certain small groups has given them a
power that has made almost a mock-
ery any talk of equality between all
men in any significant sphere of life.
The tale of the special advantages that
wealth has brought its possessors has
been told too often to need repetition
here. But it is exactly this disturbance
of the even balance of equality by the
power of accumulated capital that has
led to the whole movement for social
legislation of all kinds.
Labor laws, factory laws, the exemp-
tion of labor-unions from the operation
of the anti-trust laws, minimum-wage
legislation — all these and the multi-
tude of other attempts to better the
conditions of living of the 'have-nots'
are fundamentally attempts to restore
the balance of equality by putting the
weight of legislation into the scale
against the power of capital. All these
measures are class legislation, for they
give special advantages to one part of
the whole group as opposed to some
other part. But men have felt that it
was necessary to give such advantages,
in order to save the large majority
from complete domination by a small
minority — that is, in order to preserve
equality.
m
There can be no serious denial that
the attempt to reestablish equality by
these means has had many unfortunate
results, or that certain groups have in-
sisted on special privileges for them-
selves at the expense of the people as a
whole. But the labor organizations, the
farmers, the cotton-growers, and the
rest, are by no means the only ones
guilty on this score. And neither can
the claim be seriously advanced that
the developments in the capitalistic
organization of industry, which are in
large measure the cause of this attempt,
have been an entirely unmixed blessing.
These developments, producing the ne-
cessity for large accumulations of capi-
tal to carry on industry, and the actual
accumulation of capital to meet the
need, together with our conception of
the rights of private property, have
given a disproportionate share of power
to a relatively small group in the com-
munity, and so have eliminated real
equality, whether before the law, or of
opportunity, or in any vital sense.
But the fight for equality will go on.
And, whether we like it or not, so long
as the social organization and the laws
permit certain men — or certain small
groups — to secure and hold more than
their share of actual power and oppor-
tunity, so long will the effort be con-
tinued to right the balance by organi-
zation into groups and by legislation
favoring the non-privileged groups.
THE NEW ROAD TO EQUALITY
77
Whether this attempt by the larger
groups, made up of the individually less
powerful, to secure equality by insisting
upon 'class-rights and class-privileges'
will mean 'class- war' and 'inevitable
conflict ' will depend principally on the
vigor of the resistance made to the
attempt by those who are favored by
the present inequality. Unquestionably,
the problem must be faced by 'the
American people, not as classes, but as
citizens.' But there is real danger in the
present situation, not primarily because
the large majority of the American peo-
ple are 'petitioners for special privi-
leges,' but because a small minority,
who possess special privileges, are reluc-
tant to give them up.
At present the attack on the citadel
of privilege is being made more or less
independently by separate groups; and
each group, of defenders as well as of
attackers, is, naturally enough, more
keenly awake to its own immediate in-
terest — that of securing for its mem-
bers full equality with the most favored
individuals, or of protecting what priv-
ileges they possess — than to the inter-
ests of other groups. Hence the tend-
ency to stratification into classes. But
the fundamental cause of this stratifica-
tion is not a lack of desire for equality
on the part of those who are seeking
advantages, but a failure to unite into a
single army the different bands fighting
in this cause. Men, however, are realiz-
ing that this lack of unity delays the
final victory — or weakens the defense;
for there is a similar lack of unity
among the privileged groups. Conse-
quently, we are hearing more and more
about the necessity for presenting a
united front on both sides, and are wit-
nessing, not only in the United States,
but throughout the whole world, the
steady growth of the tendency toward a
merging of separate classes into the two
great groups of the 'haves' and the
'have-nots.'
IV
The fight for equality is not new; but
the recent attempts to secure equality
have been along a somewhat new line.
Instead of taking the negative course
of denying special privileges, as our
predecessors did, we more and more are
positively asserting the rights of special
groups.
When men first tried actually to
build a society on the principle of equal-
ity, the most pressing problem was to
clear away the special privileges of cer-
tain classes. Magna Carta, for example,
represented an attempt on the part of
the nobles, not primarily to secure pow-
ers for themselves, but rather to take
powers away from the king. Similarly,
the long history of the development of
democratic control, until quite recent-
ly, is a record of progressively success-
ful efforts on the part of the representa-
tives of the people to wrest power from
the king or the aristocracy. When the
rights of the people were positively as-
serted, it was not so much from lust
for power as such, — as the rights of
the kings and the aristocracy had been
asserted against the people, — as from
a desire to secure protection from the
abuse of power in the hands of the aris-
tocracy. Equality was to be achieved,
as it were, by taking away the jewels
and rich clothing from the favored few
rather than by giving jewels and rich
clothing to the many.
Utilitarian individualism and the
laissez-faire doctrine were the natural
results of this conception of how the
equality of men was to be realized. To
carry on the figure: business practice
and social legislation generally, for a
large part of the nineteenth century,
were based on the assumption that
everyone started out with a full suit
of clothes, while, if anyone was clever
enough to get another man's coat away
from him, or to find jewels to wear, that
78
THE NEW ROAD TO EQUALITY
was none of society's business. But to-
ward the end of the century, it became
obvious that a few people had virtually
cornered the supply of clothes and
jewels, so that in reality there no longer
was even a suit for everyone, except at
the pleasure of these few.
To drop the figure: with the accumu-
lation of capital in the hands of a few,
the emphasis in democratic legislation
shifted. Such legislation sought less
and less to take privileges from a small
group and more and more to assert
them for larger groups. The difference
between the Sherman and the Clayton
Anti-Trust acts is a case in point. The
first specifically denies the right to form
certain kinds of combinations — which
affected, as was intended, a group nu-
merically small but financially power-
ful. The latter specifically asserts the
right of other groups — the laborers,
the farmers, and so forth — to form
combinations of a sort which, in certain
respects, would otherwise be in violation
of the Sherman Act.
As I have suggested, from the older
point of view the exemptions in the
Clayton Act are clearly contrary to the
doctrine of equality before the law.
Yet, as will be generally admitted, the
Clayton Act gives special advantages
to labor organizations for the definite
purpose of helping the workers to secure
real equality in their relations with
their employers — an equality that had
been destroyed by the power which the
employers possessed through their con-
trol of capital. In reality, therefore,
this act is the product of an attempt to
make actual this theoretical equality,
rather than to destroy a real equality.
This newer tendency, through legis-
lation, to give special advantages in
order to maintain a balance of equality
has had some unfortunate results. But
the solution of the problem of class-
conflict will not come through returning
to the older attitude, even if that were
possible. A continuation of the laissez-
faire individualism of the nineteenth
century would have resulted in the
creation of a new aristocracy based on
wealth rather than on birth, — in the
beginning, at least, — which, if unre-
strained, would have developed all the
objectionable features of feudalism. A
return to this older attitude, the rein-
corporation into our legal and political
practice of the older interpretation of
equality before the law, would mean,
not the saving of democracy, but its
destruction.
Democracy will be saved, real equal-
ity, not only before the law, but in all
men's relations, will be secured, by
making sure, through legislation or
otherwise, that a balance is maintained,
in spite of the weight on one side that
comes through the possession of capital.
Clearly, the balance is not even now.
Equally clearly, we should not over-
weight it on the other side. But neither
should we forget that we must take ac-
tive steps to achieve a balance. Nega-
tive effort toward taking away advan-
tages from the few will no longer suffice.
Such efforts cleared the ground for the
growth of the present inequalities; and
men will always find means to circum-
vent merely negative prohibitions. Our
task therefore is, with due considera-
tion for the interests and rights of all,
to go forward along the positive line of
giving advantages to the many, so that
they may achieve a real equality with
those who have secured special advan-
tages for themselves.
ONLY A MATTER OF TIME
BY CHRISTOPHER MORLEY
DOWN-SLIPPING Time, sweet, swift, and shallow stream,
Here, like a boulder, lies this afternoon
Across your eager flow. So you shall stay,
Deepened and dammed, to let me breathe and be.
Your troubled fluency, your running gleam
Shall pause, and circle idly, still and clear:
The while I lie and search your glassy pool
Where, gently coiling in their lazy round, ••
Unseparable minutes drift and swim,
Eddy and rise and brim. And I will see
How many crystal bubbles of slack Time
The mind can hold and cherish in one Now I
Now, for one conscious vacancy of sense,
The stream is gathered in a deepening pond,
Not a mere moving mirror. Through the sharp
Correct reflection of the standing scene
The mind can dip, and cleanse itself with rest,
And see, slow spinning in the lucid gold,
Your liquid motes, imperishable Tune.
It cannot be. The runnel slips away:
The clear smooth downward sluice begins again,
More brightly slanting for that trembling pause,
Leaving the sense its conscious vague unease
As when a sonnet flashes on the mind,
Trembles and burns an instant, and is gone.
WHY IS HE A GENERAL?
BY NICHOLAI VELIMIKOVIC
The circumstances under which this brief parable was written deserve to be told.
When Bishop Nicholai, of Serbia, was in this country, pleading for funds for Serbian
children, a friend presented him with a copy of Elbert Hubbard's 'Message to Garcia,'
the point of which, as readers will commonly remember, was the absolute importance
of giving genuine service for wages or for contract. A few days later the Bishop wrote
his friend: 'After I read your ''Message to Garcia" I remembered a happening (which
occurred during the tragic retreat of the Serbians), which I have tried to describe in this
brief paper. The moral of it is similar to that of the "Message."' — THE EDITOR.
NIGHT and rain. Three of us were
riding in a coach, ten miles away from
our destination. One of the horses col-
lapsed and fell down. Stop. No star in
the sky, no counselor to comfort. What
to do?
A man appeared, as a nightmare —
as if he came out of the rocks on which
we were leaning.
* My name is Marko,' he said. ' Don't
worry. In a few minutes everything
will be all right/
And he disappeared. But soon after,
we found that our second horse had dis-
appeared, too.
He had stolen it; all of us thought so,
smiling ironically at the unfair game of
fate.
Yet, in a few minutes, Marko re-
turned, riding on the horse, and leading
another horse by the string.
We asked questions: Who was he?
where did he find a horse? and so forth.
He murmured something, and kept busy
about the horses and the coach.
'Ready!' he said. 'Good-night to
you.' And the darkness of night swal-
lowed him up.
'Thank God, there are still Christ-
ian men in this world, we thought,' and
started.
I visited Mrs. Haverfield's orphanage
at Uzice. She said, —
'The peasants of the surrounding vil-
lages are most helpful to me, especially
Marko. He is beyond description.'
' But who is Marko ? ' I asked, remem-
bering a dreadful emergency in my life.
'Don't you know Marko? He is a man
of perfect service to everybody. You
will see him to-morrow.'
We were sitting at the open fire and
listening to Marko. He is nothing more
than an ordinary Serbian peasant.
'Everybody must have learned a les-
son in the war. Mine is a strange one,
and yet the most valuable for the rest
of my days.'
Then he became reluctant. But we
insisted and he continued : —
'My sin against our General M
was the cause of the lesson. We were
ten privates under the same tent. Our
duty was to attend the general and his
staff. We did our duty half-heartedly,
and the officers often complained. One
day the general called all of us and
said, —
' "Brothers, you are called to do serv-
ice to me and to my officers. Do it per-
fectly and joyfully!"
WHY IS HE A GENERAL?
81
* We corrected ourselves a little. But
war continued endlessly. Day and night
we were filled with the dreams of our
homes, and we walked ceaselessly in
the camp like shadows, and did our
service very badly. Water for the offi-
cers was not brought always in time;
boots were not dried at fire and cleaned,
as they ought to be. And again and
again officers remonstrated. They must
have complained to the general. One
night the general opened our tent, look-
ed in, and asked, —
'"Brothers, are you all right?"
4 He went off. And I—'
There Marko stopped, and his eyes
were shining with tears.
'And I said loudly: "Why is he a
general? He does nothing. We are do-
ing everything. It is easy for him."
'The night was a very long one, but
our sleep fast and our dreams of home
very vivid.
"'What is that?" we all asked, as
with one voice, looking at a marvel.
And the marvel was this : all the boots,
both of the officers and our own, were
perfectly cleaned and arranged at our
feet. We went to the officers' rooms.
There, again, all the uniforms nicely
hung up and cleaned, water-jars filled,
and a big fire made in the hall, and the
hall swept and put in order properly.
'"Who did it?"
'No one of us knew. Of course, all
day we were talking of that.
'The next morning the same thing
happened. We were quite startled and
confused. "Is God perhaps sending an
angel to do this service for us?" This
we asked each other, and retold all the
fairy tales we remembered from our
childhood.
'But now, behold.
'We decided to watch. And our sen-
tinel saw, soon after midnight, our
general creeping into our tent. Oh,
shame! the mystery was now revealed
and the lesson learned.
VOL. 1S8—NO. 1
D
'That day the general asked for me.
I was trembling with all my body and
soul. It was clear for me that he must
have heard my remark about him two
nights before.
'But, O Lord, he was all smiles.
"Brother Marko, did you ever read
the Gospel?"
'My lips were trembling, and I an-
swered nothing.
'"Well," he continued, "take it once
more to-day and read the story how the
Captain of men, who is called by us the
Lord of Lords and the King of Kings,
was the perfect servant of men."
'I cried like a child found hi a theft.'
And Marko began to cry once again
in telling his story, and we all were very
much moved.
Then he took courage again, and con-
tinued : —
'Then the general said: "My bro-
ther, two nights ago you asked a ques-
tion which I have to answer now. Lis-
ten: I am your general because I am
supposed to be able to do my own
'invisible' and 'lordly' duty, but also
because I am supposed to be fit to do in
a most excellent way the service you,
the privates, are called to do."
'The general stopped and closed his
eyes. I never shall forget that moment.
I wished I were killed instantly by a
bullet, so overwhelming was the pres-
ence of the general. I stood there all
misery and fear.
'Finally the general lifted up his head
and said, —
"'You must try your hardest to do
your service to men perfectly and joy-
fully, now and always, not because of
the severe order and discipline, but be-
cause of joy hidden in every perfect
service."
'The general walked two or three
steps toward the window and turned to
me and said, —
'"Now, brother Marko, I tell you
honestly, I enjoyed greatly cleaning
82
WORLD WITHOUT END
your boots, for I am greatly repaid by
doing so. Don't forget, every perfect
service hides a perfect payment in
itself, because — because, brother, it
hides God in itself."
'Of course, after that, the service in
the general's camp was all right, and
the officers never since had to com-
plain.'
Thus finished Marko his story. The
soft words of his good general were soft-
ened still more, and all the time, with
Marko's warm tears.
Later on, I was told by many people
that Marko, who before the war was
not at all considered a very kind man,
and much less a man of stern principles,
has become, through his perfect service
to everybody within a time of existence
of eighteen months, the most beloved
human being in his mountains. At the
last election the people unanimously
asked him to go to represent them in
the Parliament; but he declined. He
said, —
'That post is for the generals, and I
am merely a private still.'
This is Private Marko's lesson from
the war, through which he has become
involuntarily a captain of men.
For I have given you an example, that
ye should do as I have done to you. Verily,
verily, 1 say unto you, the servant is not
greater than his lord; neither he that is
sent greater than he that sent him. If ye
know these things, happy are ye if ye do
them. — ST. JOHN 13, 15-17.
WORLD WITHOUT END
BY GERTRUDE HENDERSON
THE body of Mrs. Sarah Pennefather
lay on the bed, and her spirit linger-
ed, considering it. 'Curious fashion!'
mused the spirit. 'I wonder I could
have worn it all these years!'
The spirit was only this moment dis-
encumbered. It floated above its late
habiliments, wavered, and loitered still.
' I remember being proud of it when
it was new — comparatively new. The
colors I thought were pretty. They
have n't worn well. And how it has
wrinkled! It looks incredibly clumsy.
One sees these things so much more
clearly, getting a little away. It 's been
extremely uncomfortable lately — very
ill-fitting. I wonder I put up with it so
long. You patch and mend and freshen
one way and another, and try to make
it do for another season — put off as
long as you can throwing it aside and
getting something new — '
The spirit drifted, eddied, not quite
yielding yet to the breeze between the
worlds that impelled it away.
'I suppose there's really nothing I
can do for them — nothing more.
They'll all sleep until morning, and it's
really much better they should. I'm
glad to be going this way, without any
fuss. Dear children! I hope they won't
' be unhappy. Miss me, but not be un-
happy. They have their lives — and I
must go on with mine.'
WORLD WITHOUT END
83
The wind that blows between the
worlds blew stronger, filled space and
overfilled it, surged over its little boun-
daries, obliterating them, and swept on,
mighty and resistless; and the spirit that
was Mrs. Pennefather's floated out and
out upon it and away to the Uttermost,
beyond the reach of thinking — drifted,
drifted, with peace flowing about it
like currents of smooth air — drifted,
drifted, deep in seons of unconsciousness
— drifted, drifted, through sunrise col-
ors and the sparkle of adventure, and
waked in the World to Come.
Heaven lay all about, and the spirit
of Mrs. Pennefather sat sipping her af-
ternoon nectar in deep contentment,
nibbling the crisp edge of a bit of admir-
able ambrosia, and exchanging ideas
with a group of spirit ladies similarly
refreshing themselves — congenial spir-
its. One of them paused in the obser-
vation she was about to make. Mrs.
Pennefather lowered her poised cup,
looked, and saw the courteous attend-
ant waiting deferentially.
'Ouija for Mrs. Pennefather,' he
said.
The slightest possible shade crossed
Mrs. Pennefather's face. She rose, and
excused herself.
'Don't keep the tray for me,' she
said. ' I may be some time. I really had
finished.'
She moved away toward the ouija
booths and closed the door of the one
where the call was waiting.
'It's just a shame!' said one of the
remaining ladies explosively. 'She's
the sweetest thing that ever drew the
breath of heaven, and I know she never
will say a word to them; but I wish she
would! They've kept her stirred up
one way and another ever since she got
here. She is n't getting her rest at all.
And now if they have n't begun on the
ouija ! '
'I really sometimes wish,' said an-
other, ' — it seems a little harsh, and
perhaps selfish, — but I do almost wish
they had n't put in the ouija connec-
tions. It was so much more peaceful
before.'
'Oh, that kind of people! If it were
n't the ouija, it would be something
else! They 're always clamoring for at-
tention. Why don't we just systemati-
cally refuse it?'
'Some of us would,' said a third
speaker. 'I would do so myself — at
least, I think I would ; but this has been
my home for so long, there is no one
who would now be at all likely to call
me, and you cannot be perfectly sure
what you would do till the emergency
arises.'
There was a subtle suggestion of
Revolutionary times about her, deepen-
ing as she talked on. You could scarcely
say it was a matter of costume, for, of
course, this was not a material universe;
but in some indescribable, ethereal way
she conveyed it. It may have been per-
sonality. She impressed one increas-
ingly as a Martha Washington kind of
lady, though, of course, not Martha
Washington.
'Still, I think I myself should refuse,'
she went on. 'But a lady like Mrs.
Pennefather, with her soft, warm heart,
and her sense of responsibility and life-
long habit of regarding others rather
than herself, — so lately come away,
too, and loving her children so tenderly,
— you can see she really could not. I
can scarcely imagine her refusing any
claim that might be put upon her.'
The gentle spirit who had deplored
the ouija connections ' hemmed ' apolo-
getically and was about to speak again.
She might have been from Cranford.
There was something in her manner
that made one feel it, vaguely — like
the perfume emanating from the spirit
of a sprig of lavender.
'Oh, I suppose you can't refuse,' said
the vehement first speaker, breaking in
84
WORLD WITHOUT END
upon the other's hesitation. 'It just
is n't done. Whatever way they take
of calling you, you've just got to go,
ouija or anything else, if they can get
across with it. But I 'd like to get hold
of that ouija line myself and scamper
round the board a little for Mrs. Pen-
nefather's family. I know some things
I'd say!'
The gentle presence reminiscent of
Cranford tried it again.
'There are other ways so much more
delicate,' she said. 'One doesn't find
any fault with the silent outreachings
of the heart, not employing instru-
ments; though, of course, even those
are engrossing, and one questions if
they are quite — quite — kind, if I
may say so. Still, they are sensitive,
and refined, and — and very natural.
One can't wonder that the lonely feel-
ings cry out to us and keep calling us
back. But the ouija is quite unlike that.
It seems so — so indelicate. I don't
know how to say what I can't help feel-
ing about it. It has a bold way that
offends one's — is it only one's taste, I
wonder? As if it were not — perhaps
— altogether — respectful. It — it in-
sists so! Perhaps it is only because we
were not brought up to it. I can't help
feeling that it is a little humiliating, like
playing tricks on a lady and putting her
in an undignified position; and I won-
der if dear Mrs. Pennefather does n't
feel the same way.'
The door of the ouija booth opened
and Mrs. Pennefather came back. Her
expression was troubled, and she did
not resume her place among her friends.
'It's Harriet's daughter,' she said.
'She does n't know whether to run off
with Jack or not. Her mother does n't
like him, and she's quite right. Sara
won't herself after a while. But the
child is so young! There's a sort of
jolly, reckless, all-for-a-good-time flow
of spirits about him that she can't re-
sist. And he 's after her so hard ! He's
begging her to go to-night, and she
wants to and does n't want to. She's a
good child and can't bear to distress her
father and mother, but she does n't
know what to do. She 's in a whirl. I '11
just have to go and talk it over with her
and calm her down. She's reasonable,
if you can get her quiet. She always
did care what her grandmother thinks.
Just now she can't listen to her mother
because she thinks her mother is pre-.
judiced, and she won't talk to her
father. Poor little girl ! She 's having a
hard fight. She does n't know anyone
to turn to excepting her old grand-
mother, to help her make up her mind.'
'What will it matter, after a while?'
said a quiet voice that had not been lift-
ed in the ouija discussion.
'Yes, of course,' said Mrs. Penne-
father. ' I suppose we all see that here.
But this is n't after a while to Harriet's
little girl. It's now. I'll have to go
help her.'
Again the well-mannered attendant
was at their side.
'The ouija, Mrs. Pennefather,' he
said.
One of the lesser executives was talk-
ing to somebody else, but I think not to
the greatest.
'Mrs. Pennefather really is n't doing
the least good here, you know.'
'What 's the matter? Is n't she hap-
py? "Blessed damosel leaned out" —
is it that kind of case?'
'No. Oh, no! Oh, she would be, if
they 'd let her alone. She has imagina-
tion enough to see what there is in it.
It went like great music through her
when she first caught a glimpse of it —
the possibilities. She longs to be up and
about it. It 's those in the World Before
bothering around all the time, dragging
her back. They call it loving her! You
know. I don't need to tell you.'
'Mediums? Do they go as far down
as that?'
WORLD WITHOUT END
85
'Oh, yes, and worse. All the ways.
They've even a ouija lately. It's one
of the aggravated cases.'
'Well?'
'It is n't her fault at all, you know.
She really is n't here. They won't let
her be. They keep pulling her back and
back, and making her stay with them.
She is having to spend her whole time
in the World Before — that's what it
amounts to. She has n't had a chance,
the way they keep interrupting her.
She knows it's like being in a swarm
of gnats, but she has n't the heart to
brush them away — all her family's
calls and calls to her. She loved them,
you know, and her heart is so tender.'
'And yet we don't want to keep this
life from shining through. One hesi-
tates to thicken the barriers.'
' Of course, that is true. But how to
keep them from abusing it on the other
side? Now, here's this case of Mrs.
Pennefather. It 's one of any number.
You could duplicate it all over this life
and the other, I'd hate to say how
many times. Her little grandson has a
temper. Many boys have; it 's not un-
common. Well, one day, out it flies, and
another small boy gets knocked down
and goes home crying. WTiat does his
mother do? "Ambrose," she says, very
gently, "don't you remember how
Grandmother hated to see you give
way to your temper? You don't like
to do what pained Grandmother so,
do you?"
'Now, that's all very well; sweet and
loyal and loving, and appeals to what's
fine in the boy — all very well, if she'd
stop there. But does she? Not she!
She goes on. Just listen to what she
says to the youngster — and, as I said,
it 's not just Mrs. Pennefather's daugh-
ter-in-law. It's happening every day,
all over Christendom.
"Grandmother hasn't gone away
from us," she says. "We don't see her
— nearer than she ever was before!
When you feel your bad temper coming
up you just stop and think of Grand-
mother, and she'll help you get the
best of it."
'Well! There it is! So Mrs. Penne-
father has to drop all the big things she
might be doing and go back and stay
around and help Ambrose take care
of his temper, which his mother ought
to be perfectly equal to doing herself.
Mrs. Pennefather did it for Ambrose's
father, and a big job it was and took
years of patience; but she did it, and
now it's Ambrose's mother's turn to do
it for Ambrose.
'And even that is n't so bad. One
could forgive that. There's something
fine in it too, of course. But the ones
who 're just lonesome ! No other excuse
in the world, but just lonesome! What
are they thinking about ? Do they think
these Dead have n't anything else to do
than to keep hanging about their poor
little lives forever and ever? Don't
they know they have their own great
place in the marvelous universe and
can't be playing at midges' work any
longer? What do they think they died
for?
'Excuse me. It does make one im-
moderate. But the foolishness of it!
The lack of imagination ! The belittling
the whole scheme!'
There are thoughts that demand ex-
pression before the ultimate authority.
It is not quite honest to say them to
anyone else, or to leave them unspoken.
Mrs. Pennefather went to find the
very oldest residents. They might know.
Their aspect was stately and somewhat
awesome, because they were from the
most remote antiquity, but then- eyes
were kind and wise.
'Can anyone see Him?' she asked.
'The Maker of Plans?'
'The Thinker of Everything,' she
any more, but she's always near us said.
86
WORLD WITHOUT END
'You might try/ they answered.
'We don't know whether you could;
only whether we could.'
There was a great, quiet space, and
in it a veil like a misty cloud hanging,
stirring — like a breath on waters.
Mrs. Pennefather began to say what
she had to say. She thought it was the
one she had come to speak to, listening.
It could n't be anyone else. She had no
hesitation, and said what was in her
mind.
'God, O God, it isn't in the least
what I expected. I did n't think it of
you, God! Can't you ever let us off
from living? Frittering away death —
like this! They don't understand, back
there, but why can't you make them
let us alone? I was your faithful serv-
ant there, O God — you know I was!
I did the very best I knew how. I did
n't shirk or complain — much. I tried
hard! And I was so tired! I thought I
could go away and rest. And ever since
I came, every minute, they keep calling
me to help them do things. Just the
way it always was — only worse : for
then they used to try to spare me and
not let me overdo, and now they think
they 're being kind to me. Kind ! They
really think that! I don't mean to
blame them, God. It's just because
they don't know any better; but really
they do. The more they call me, the
more they think they 're being kind and
loving to me. O God, I'm so disap-
pointed in dying! Is n't there some-
thing else? Something bigger? Because
if there is n't, if it's just going on living
the same things over and over, with a
kind of a veil between, then I can't see
what's the good of dying, you know.
Because they're all such little things.
One does n't see that at the time. You
think they matter, and so you 're willing
to pour your soul into them. But to see
how little they are and how little they
matter, and just when you 've drawn a
long breath, then to feel them reaching,
reaching, clinging to you, holding you
back — when you see it does n't matter!
O God, how can you let them interrupt
great beautiful Death like that?'
Again the wind that blows between
the worlds lifted the spirit of Mrs.
Pennefather and swirled it away and
away — high into ecstasies — deep into
unconsciousness — far and far through
the unthinkable realms that lie between
the worlds. After the aeons, emerged
from the spaces, she lifted eyelids from
tired eyes and looked at the light of the
windows of her familiar bedroom and
her daughter's face bending over her.
'Am I dead?' said the living Mrs.
Pennefather, slowly moving the lips of
her body.
'No, dear — oh, no!' said her daugh-
ter. 'You've been sleeping a long time.
It's quite late.'
' I knew it could n't be like that,'
said Mrs. Pennefather after long sec-
onds; 'God would n't fool anybody so.'
She turned her head, and her eyelids
closed sleepily.
'Now,' she murmured, the words a
light breath scarcely moving her lips,
' now lettest thou thy servant depart in
peace.'
MASTERING THE ARTS OF LIFE
AS EXEMPLIFIED IN A NEW SCHOOL
BY THEODORE M. KNAPPEN
IN a greenhouse at Dayton, Ohio,
where a master of scientific research
once experimented with plant-life, there
is being conducted an interesting ex-
periment in juvenile life, conceived by
the man of research and a group of
friends and associates. There was no
significance in the choice of the green-
house for the human experiment. It hap-
pened to be the most available shelter
for the new-old school that the group
had in mind. Yet a building so little
suited for school purposes did comple-
ment an idea behind the school — that
now, as in Garfield's time, a log with
a Mark Hopkins on one end and the
student on the other is enough material
equipment to ensure the success of a
school.
This ' Moraine Park School ' began as
a preparatory school, but the scheme
has now been projected down to the
tenderest school-years; so that it is
possible for 220 of the more fortunate of
the Dayton boys and girls to pass all
their years, from kindergarten to col-
lege entrance, in the pleasant paths of
education that have been sketched for
them by the founders. The paths are
many. Some are well-defined; some are
merely blazed and left to the devel-
opment of the boys and girls as they
move forward through the years; but
all lead up toward the general goal of
mastery of the arts of life, which is edu-
cation according to the Moraine Park
conception.
The definition is important, because
it shapes the scheme of this novel school.
Manifestly the arts of life cannot be
mastered by excising the boy from life.
He cannot be prepared for life by stay-
ing out of life for twelve or sixteen
years. From the standpoint of this def-
inition, education and life cannot be
kept in separate compartments for a
quarter, or a third, of a lifetime. Edu-
cation, regarded as something wholly
preliminary to, or dissociated from,
practical life, could thus be segregated,
and has been these last fifty years in
America — or ever since our education-
al system spread out to enclose the
youth of the land in its meshes for nine
months or more in all the formative
years. The arts of life, like any tech-
nical art, are mastered by doing, not by
looking on.
But what are these arts of life, whose
mastery constitutes education accord-
ing to the Moraine Park way of think-
ing? They do not consist of technical
expertness in any particular formal
study, or in any craft. They are not
based on the attainment of a rating of
70 per cent in algebra, or on such and
such a rating in making tools and ma-
chines. On the contrary, 'the arts of
life' are described as occupations, ten
in number. And these occupations do
87
88
MASTERING THE ARTS OF LIFE
not respond to the ordinary definition
of the word, as a means of gaining a
living; rather are they the departments
of human activity which, taken to-
gether, make up the whole life. In the
'pedagese' of the school publications
these 'occupations' are set down as
(1) Body-building; (2) Spirit-building;
(3) Society-serving; (4) Man-conserv-
ing; (5) Opinion-forming; (6) Truth-
discovering; (7) Thought-expressing;
(8) Wealth-producing; (9) Comrade- or
mate-seeking; (10) Life-refreshing.
The ordinary studies of the schools
are relegated to places in these 'occu-
pations.' In the monthly report cards
that go to the parents, the latter have
to look closely to find out how their boy
is doing in history. They find it listed
as No. 3 under opinion-forming, such
unheard-of qualities in scholastic re-
ports as fairness of mind and judgment
being listed above it in this ' occupation '
or art of life. This grouping illustrates
the theory of the school. It does not
look upon history as something to be
taught for itself, but as something to be
studied as a means of developing the
ability to form sound opinions. The
boy may be very lame in history as a
study, and yet stand up well in his rating
in opinion-forming.
Should the parent wish to know how
his son is doing in chemistry, or zoology
or physics, or botany, he will consult
the score-card in vain. In the space set
aside for appraisal of progress in truth-
discovering, he will, however, get a
hint of how well the boy is doing in sci-
ence as a whole, as one of the seven fac-
tors that contribute to the mastery of
truth-discovering — but that is all.
Manifestly the boy might have only an
'unsatisfactory' in science as a study,
and being excellent and satisfactory in
the six other elements of truth-discov-
ering, make a most excellent showing
as a discoverer of truth. The other
elements of the mastery of truth-dis-
covering are set down as alertness,
thoroughness, skill in observing, skill
in experimenting, soundness in inter-
preting, and geography.
Following the obscured trail of the
traditional studies through the Moraine
Park curriculum, we find French, Latin,
Spanish, and mathematics set down
as contributors to thought-express-
ing, with truthfulness and accuracy
listed ahead of them. Unless we except
manual training, listed under wealth-
producing, this completes the list of
mention of 'studies' in the ordinary
acceptation. Grouped with manual
training under wealth-producing are
'project work,' diligence, perseverance,
honesty, initiative, thriftiness. As for
the other 'occupations,' body-building
includes eating carefully, general care
of health, regular exercise. Spirit-build-
ing is made up of loyalty to high ideals,
efforts to do the best, trustworthiness,
power to will to do the right. Under so-
ciety-serving come obedience, respect
for law, faithfulness in office, interest
in the community, punctuality. Man-
conserving is made up of generosity,
spirit of helpfulness, home-making.
Contributing to comrade- or mate-seek-
ing ability are the elements of coop-
eration, courtesy, agreeableness, frank-
ness. Elements of the mastery of the
art of life-refreshing are play interest,
sportsmanlike spirit, courage, self-con-
trol, resourcefulness.
The report card really tells the story
of the Moraine Park School. The par-
ent examines it to learn whether and
how the child is progressing in his mas-
tery of the art of living and its compo-
nent arts; the child views it as a picture
of his progress in the adventure of life.
Neither worries about the progress in
studies, school-exercises, or methods,
for both conceive of them as but 'the
material and means of education.' In
fact, the so-called studies, which must
be carried on for drill purposes, and to
keep up the articulation of the school
with the colleges and universities, and
also to keep the student from coming
short of the mastery of living because
of lack of understanding of the formal
education of the past and present, are
only a part of the instruments of edu-
cation at Moraine Park. Training in
business and in citizenship are granted
as much importance and as much time
as the formal studies; and beneath all
three is the ever-considered basic oc-
cupation of being physically well and
strong.
n
The method of the school varies in
detail from day to day, from year to
year, from class to class and pupil to
pupil, but, in general, it seeks always
to blend studies and life, mental and
moral drill, with business and citizen-
ship. So far as practicable, all things
are learned or acquired by doing. Citi-
zenship is mastered by making the
school democratically self-governing,
even to the conducting of the classes,
wherein one of the class presides and
does the 'paper work,' leaving the
teacher free to be 'one of the bunch.'
The studies are absorbed by utilizing
them. This utilization may be through
the 'projects' or through the working
out of real-life problems. The book
learning comes in as a tool in handling
the problem. Instead of leading a boy
up to a textbook on arithmetic, for
example, and giving him so many rules
to learn and so many examples to do,
the textbook is arrived at by indirec-
tion. If a boy is going through all the
phases of a duplication of earning
money, saving it, and building a home
on the installment plan, he finds him-
self up against many real-life problems
in mathematics and naturally wants
to know how to meet them. At this
stage he is eager for the study of math-
ematics. He takes up arithmetic now
89
because he has a compelling interest
in it.
Running the school and the classes
on a democratic plan inevitably leads
to a desire to study civics and politics.
In these ways the student comes to get,
as a means to an end, what in the ordi-
nary school is the end of his work. He
follows his interests. He acquires with
feverish enthusiasm the things that
he might otherwise rebel against. The
idea is, not to lay a course of education
before a boy and tell him to swallow
it, nolens volens, but to lead him along
to a point where he demands it. He
works out his own education. The
teacher stays in the background as
friend and adviser. He does not do all
the swimming himself, but gets the boy
to come into the pool with him. Educa-
tion flows from the irresistible impul-
sion of his own activities — until it
becomes his life.
So wide are the boundaries within
which the girls and boys may follow the
needle of their own inclinations that
if, as sometimes happens, a class votes
to pursue a study in the conventional
manner of study, recitations, and ex-
aminations, it has its way; for the old
way is held to be as good as any for
those who like it. This does not often
occur. Usually the indirect route is the
one followed.
Take English, for example. Spelling
and grammar are merely incidental.
The pupils read pretty much what they
want to read, fix a minimum of achieve-
ment, and choose their own themes.
Eager to write or to understand, they
perceive the necessity of knowing what
is correct in composition and rhetoric.
Spelling, grammar, and composition
are now appealed to. Themes written
in the pursuance of any study or oc-
cupation serve for the themes of the
English class. A boy who was all for ag-
riculture in his interests was utterly
indifferent to literature. But to acquire
90
MASTERING THE ARTS OF LIFE
the facts that appealed to him, he had
to read various agricultural papers and
bulletins. Then he noticed that some
of these publications were easy to read
and had an appealing style, while others
were obscure and dull. This observa-
tion opened the door of English and
literature to him. He desired to learn
how to write lucidly and interestingly
himself.
The learners of the arts of life can go
as slowly or as rapidly as their abilities
and energies determine. They receive
credits, not on the basis of so many
hours a week or on mere memory ex-
aminations and formal recitations, but
rather on what they have mastered as
shown by inquiry, ability-testing exam-
inations, and observation. As the child
progresses, he is informally appraised
from time to time, and fundamentally
surveyed and checked up at long inter-
vals. Many children are notoriously
slow in grasping particular drill stud-
ies, as, for example, mathematics. For
them there are no despairing moments
of agonizing tests and torturing exam-
inations at Moraine. The mastery of
mathematics being but one seventh
of the mastery of 'thought-expressing/
the child to whom numbers come but
slowly has abundant opportunity to
compensate his pride and defend him-
self from mortification. Left to his own
evolution in ample time, he generally
finds himself sufficiently informed, even
in the most backward studies, to master
minimum requirements before the day
comes for him to be graduated.
The so-called projects are related to
all the ten occupations. They are real-
life enterprises, in the development of
which the child finds understanding of
the arts of life. One group of boys has
a project for building an air-plane — a
natural enterprise in an aeronautical
centre like Dayton. This project has its
mechanical, scientific, and business as-
pects. First, of all, it must be financed;
and the financing must be earned. So
the boys rent a plot of land and plant
popcorn, which they tend, harvest, and
sell. This involves many business ac-
tivities and much business initiative.
Incidentally they learn something of
agriculture, something of the popcorn
business, something of banking, some-
thing of commercial correspondence. At
each stage of the progress of the project
they have to do something that is done
in everyday life — and their natural
prompting is to find out how to do it in
the best way. They are turned to com-
position, to arithmetic, to typewriting,
to bookkeeping. The mechanical and
scientific by-paths are many and obvi-
ous. The air-ship boys were unfortu-
nate enough to purchase an engine that
was not satisfactory. In trying to un-
load it, they fell into a commercial
temptation. They bethought themselves
to offer it to the school bank, which is
the project of another group, as collat-
eral for a loan, leave the loan unpaid,
and let the bank take possession of the
worthless engine. At this point they
learned something of business ethics
and morals.
The bank project, besides being one
means of the mastery of the arts of life
for its shareholders and officers, is im-
portant in the financing of the other
projects, as well as a convenience to the
students in general, and an open door to
banking practice. It has about a hun-
dred accounts and its deposits amount
to one thousand dollars. It makes loans
at current interest rates, and on notes
supported by collateral or good indorse-
ments.
The projects number more than a
hundred. Usually they are of a money-
earning or money-absorbing nature,
but they are sometimes purely research
or educational, and may be within the
school's purview or outside it. Among
them are a school drug-store; a print-
ing-shop; a newspaper; managing the
MASTERING THE ARTS OF LIFE
91
school library; toy-manufacturing; a
lunch-room; a law firm to look after
the legal contacts and court trials that
arise under the self-established govern-
ment and from the conflicts of projects;
a brokerage company; a second-hand
store on pawnshop lines; a towel-supply
service; a lost-and-found office; getting
out the school catalogue (which is al-
most entirely performed by the stu-
dents); camera shop; serving as secre-
taries to the director and instructors;
advertising production for school an-
nouncements and business projects;
an insurance company, which protects
against various losses, including broken
panes in the greenhouse that still shel-
ters the larger part of the school; an
advertising company; a bookstore; a
transfer company; a construction com-
pany; and so on.
What with the handling of the many
and diverse projects, and the work of
the 'details' that perform the school
chores, — such as janitoring, — the
internal business administration of the
school, and some of its external rela-
tions, are largely carried on by the
pupils. There are, of course, various
clubs, and sports and play are as much
a part of the daily programme as classes
and 'projects.'
m
The very fact that the school began
in a disused greenhouse and without
much physical equipment opened the
way for many projects and leaves it still
open. There were, and are, many alter-
ations to be made. The boys plan
changes in their environment, and
carry them out with saw and hammer,
plane and paint-brush. Subject to the
advice and counsel of the instructors,
they make their way through school
much as they will have to make it
when the designated school years are
over. They educate themselves. With-
in spacious bounds they follow the
paths of their own interests and inclina-
tions through the studies and activities
that give the mastery of the arts of life.
They are driven on by the impulsions
born of what they do. In a large sense
they 'run' themselves and the school.
Thus they come to the final goal of the
twelfth grade, — though grades are but
shadowy things in this school, which
flows steadily rather than advances by
steps, — only partly by virtue of the
book-learning that is revealed by set
examinations, but as men progress in
daily life; and they show their progress
by their deeds rather than by accounts
of what they have memorized.
The pupils are divided into four
groups, with a normal allocation of
four years to the first or primary group,
two years to the second, three years to
the third, and three years to the fourth.
To each group are assigned certain
standards, the attainment of which in-
dicates eligibility for the next higher
group. The standards are not arbi-
trary, but are used as goals, and are
subject to change. Just now, for exam-
ple, the child is ready to emerge from
the first group when (1) he has made
definite progress in physical develop-
ment toward the norm for his age, ac-
cording to standard tables; (2) when
he has attained satisfactory standing in
at least seven of the personal traits of
self-control, thrift, perseverance, trust-
worthiness, obedience, truthfulness,
helpfulness, generosity, courage, initia-
tive, self-reliance; (3) when he shows
by mental tests that his intelligence is
within two years of the normal for his
actual age; and (4) when he has reached
a full fourth-grade standard in the
* drill subjects,' namely, reading, spell-
ing, numbers, and writing.
To complete the work of the second
group, the requisite normal physical
progress must be in evidence ; there must
have been satisfactory advancement in
the personal traits; there must be a well-
MASTERING THE ARTS OF LIFE
established purpose ' to support the right
and oppose the wrong'; there must
be an intelligence within two years of
that indicated as normal for the child's
actual age, and the attainment of a
full sixth-grade proficiency in the drill
subjects.
To pass through the third group the
pupil must keep his physique up to the
age-standard, pass mental tests indica-
ting an intelligence within two years
of that for his age, and have a standing
of 'good' in at least seven of the nine
'occupations' that are based on the
primal occupation of body-building or
health-preserving; and must have com-
pleted, with a grade of 'good,' at least
ten of the twelve units of the drill-sub-
ject work of this group — a unit being
a year's work.
To complete the fourth group (end of
twelve years of work), the physical
standard must be satisfied, the intelli-
gence test must be passed, all the nine
'occupations' must be mastered to the
extent of 'good,' and, finally, credit
gained for twelve units of conventional
studies of this group, and a total sixteen
units, including those of the last year
of the third group. These units are
chosen so that they 'equip for entrance
to college or for a life occupation.'
In reviewing these progress-require-
ments, it will be observed that in each
group there are three fields of appraisal
in addition to the conventional ones.
Roughly, it might be said that at Mo-
raine the work of the typical school
counts only as one fourth of the pupil's
advancement; and that statement pre-
sents briefly the difference between this
school and the familiar ones. Were it
not for the fact that Moraine must
adapt itself to the general educational
scheme, in order to equip its graduates
for college entrance examinations and
to enable them to produce the accepted
symbols of education, it would doubt-
less give still less weight to the conven-
tional. It is the hope of the founders
and director to persuade colleges and
universities to accept Moraine gradu-
ates on the school's recommendation,
full confidence being felt that they will
more than make good. Already Michi-
gan, Ohio State, and some other univer-
sities and colleges have agreed to accept
Moraine boys for the full valuation the
school accords to them. A number of
boys, by their college records, have jus-
tified the school's confidence in them
and in itself.
Moraine is as adaptable and reason-
able in its own entrance-requirements
as it would have the colleges in theirs.
By means of an application blank,
which is an elaborate questionnaire, it
gets a survey of the applicant's life,
character, disposition, attainments, per-
formance, inclinations, and health.
The parent, not the child, fills out and
signs this blank. The last two ques-
tions remind him sharply of the educa-
tional creed he subscribes to in sending
his child to Moraine. They are: —
'Do you believe that self-discipline
is the kind for children to acquire,
rather than that they be trained by
force of the will of adults?'
'Do you believe that books, classes,
materials, are of secondary importance
to fundamental attitudes and qualities
in education?'
IV
The pressure of Dayton boys and
girls to get into this school, lured by the
glowing accounts of its fascinating ad-
ventures in the book of life, soon scrap-
ped the original scheme of a private
school for a dozen or so sons of the
creators. The latter are all democratic
Americans, and they abhor exclusive-
ness. They had no intention of estab-
lishing a school that should seek patron-
age, but were merely trying to find a
better way of educating their children
— not to set them apart from other
MASTERING THE ARTS OF LIFE
93
children. Within limits, a larger num-
ber of pupils would contribute to the
realization of their ideas, as it would
create a community, and establish op-
portunity for contacts and the practice
of the ' occupations ' that would be im-
possible in a small group. Moreover, a
larger school would afford a desirable
demonstration of the applicability of
the conception to the public schools.
By a weighted scale of tuition, whereby
wealthy parents pay more than those
less fortunate, it has become possible to
keep the school from becoming a mere
congregation of rich men's sons. As the
school is a self-governing democracy,
the ' citizens ' have a voice in the matter
of admissions. Newcomers are accepted
on probation while the community gets
a chance to give them the 'once over.'
No snobs or mere sons of their fathers
can get by that searching scrutiny,
although hasty judgments are often
revised after taking counsel with the
instructors.
The democratic spirit of the school is
further promoted by the comradeship
of instructors and pupils. The for-
mer have no pride of position. They
are of, for, and by the boys. They
stand on no dignity of authority. The
boys address them as familiarly as they
do each other, and they maintain their
leadership solely by virtue of their en-
gaging personalities and their success in
helping the boys to explore zestfully
the realm of education. The teacher
who requires the support of authority
cannot remain at Moraine Park.
The expansion of the school, now but
three years old, has compelled an en-
largement of its housing. A beautiful
home — not a schoolhouse — has been
erected in Dayton proper for the ac-
commodation of the little tots, a cottage
for the older girls has been erected at
the Park, and soon the boys will have
a new building there; but the green-
house will not be forsaken. Moraine
Park is out in the country, though but
a few miles from Dayton, so that the
older children have the advantage of
passing all their school-work and play-
hours in the midst of fields and forests,
though their homes are in the city. So
far, Moraine is entirely a school for
Dayton, there being no accomodations
for children who do not live with their
families. The long waiting-list makes
it doubtful whether Moraine will ever
grow away from Dayton. Its spirit will
doubtless go to other cities in like
schools to be.
The admirers of the conventional
school will decry Moraine Park as one
more of many pedagogical fads and edu-
cational experiments, and 'practical*
men will brand it as a doomed child of
theory. Yet it is entirely the creation
of practical men — self-made men —
who desired a thoroughly practical
school for their boys. When, some ten
years ago, Colonel E. A. Deeds and Mr.
C. F. Kettering, men whose names are
of much import in the American auto-
motive industries, and others, were de-
veloping one of the products of their
genius, two boys, imitating their fath-
ers, developed a waste-paper basket,
and manufactured and marketed it
with such success, that, though they
were but seven or eight years old, they
made a thousand dollars. This venture
being wound up, one of the boys took
up poultry-raising and made a corre-
sponding success of it. The fathers, per-
ceiving that the boys had developed
strong commercial, engineering, and in-
dustrial tendencies, and were educating
themselves in the 'getting-on' side of
life, so indispensable to happiness in
this age, bethought themselves whether
it was possible to send the boys on
through school and college, and give
them the rest of the equipment of a
well-balanced man of culture, without
checking or perverting their spontane-
ous tendencies to learn for themselves.
MASTERING THE ARTS OF LIFE
In other words, they desired their sons
to get college educations without losing
their innate practicality and their one-
ness with life. They sought a prepara-
tory school that would make the boys
resistant to the diversion of college life
and equip them to make the most of its
potentialities.
Thinking along similar lines, indi-
vidually for his own son, and generally
for better educational methods, was
Mr. Arthur E. Morgan, an eminent en-
gineer, who had come to Dayton to di-
rect the $35,000,000 task of preventing
such floods in the Miami Valley as the
one that cost that part of Ohio several
hundred lives and a property loss of
more than $100,000,000 in 1913. So it
came about that these men, and others
who soon became interested, decided to
start a school of their own, which would
embody their ideas of what education
should be. Realizing that the first es-
sential was the finding of a teacher with
sympathetic conceptions of education,
possessing at the same time the char-
acter, energy, and personality to be an
inspiring comrade and leader for nor-
mal boys, the searchers for something
new in schooling set out in a character-
istic way to find him. Being engineers
and producers, they drew up, through
Mr. Morgan, what they facetiously
called plans and specifications for the
type of man they desired. They pro-
ceeded deliberately. Just as they had
taken five years to plan their huge work
of flood-prevention before they put a
shovel in the ground, so they took two
years to find the man who would fit
their plans and specifications. The
whole of the United States was combed
over, and more than two thousand men
offered themselves for consideration in
response to the circular setting forth
the requirements and the conceptions
of what the proposed school should be.
Lest it be inferred that these busy
men of large affairs were seeking merely
to establish a sort of exceptional busi-
ness or technical school and were think-
ing not at all of cultural values, a few
sentences from this remarkable circular
must be quoted, with regret that the
whole of it cannot be reprinted here.
Among the acquirements which reduce
the embarrassments and inefficiencies of
everyday material life are an experimental
knowledge of commercial habits, rules and
methods; of the art of being solvent; of ap-
praising accurately one's possessions; and
of making correct measurements and judg-
ment of material values. . . . The teaching
of common-school subjects can be inter-
woven with all these interests. . . . By
such methods proficiency in elementary and
high-school subjects, as well as manual
training, to some extent, may be acquired
coincidentally with a knowledge of the usual
contacts of everyday life, whether they be
industrial, domestic, scientific, or cultural.
. . . Any education is vitally at fault which
does not develop a habit of enjoyment of
the finer resources of life. The companion-
ship of the teacher should result in opening
eyes and minds to the phenomena of natural
science — to life-processes and habits of
plants and animals; to the data of geology,
of physics and of astronomy; and to the
appeal of good literature, poetry, history,
and the various forms of art. . . . Educa-
tion is not complete if its aim is so to-engross
the attention of men and women, either in
industrial, professional, or social life, that
they will not have time to ask themselves
the question, 'What is it all about?' To
have asked this question and to have reach-
ed a satisfactory attitude, which is not out
of harmony with present-day knowledge,
is necessary to a teacher who is wisely to di-
rect the minds of boys. And unless the con-
clusion he has reached results in his having
and imparting an enthusiastic faith in the
worth-whileness of a full development of
the physical, mental, and moral faculties,
and in his being committed to complete in-
tellectual and spiritual freedom, he would
be out of place with us. As a corollary of
this attitude, we would expect that the con-
trolling necessity of life would be intellec-
tual and moral integrity, with comprehen-
sive unity of purpose. . . .
MASTERING THE ARTS OF LIFE
95
Bearing in mind always the need for main-
taining progress approximately equal to
that of our graded schools, the aims should
be, not first of all to impart knowledge, but
to open the boys' eyes and minds; to arouse
interest, aspiration, and determination; to
develop accuracy of observation and of judg-
ment. We should aim at vital orderliness,
not dead conformity; at self-reliance, self-
discipline, self-control; providing enough
routine to develop patience, power of ad-
justment, and habits of social team-work.
The circular lays stress on the teach-
ing of manners born of ' considerateness
and good-will ' ; on the encouragement of
independence, 'so that a boy will stand
on his own resources ' ; on the conserva-
tion of 'the spirit of daring and adven-
ture so nearly universal hi youth, com-
monly thwarted at every turn in a boy's
life'; and adds: 'A man whose personal-
ity and temperament do not answer to
this spirit in the boy would be out of
place with us.'
While the Dayton seekers after an
ideal education were advertising, cor-
respond ing, and traveling in search of
their Moses, a group of educators in
Colorado, meeting in 'shop' conference
every six weeks, had progressed far in
thinking out, from the standpoint of
the professional teacher, a programme
of education that the Dayton men were
groping for from the standpoint of the
layman familiar with the shortcomings
of educational systems as measured in
terms of actual life. They, too, had
evolved the idea of the 'occupations' of
life, the mastery of which would consti-
tute education. One of them was Frank
D. Slutz, then superintendent of the
public schools of Pueblo. When the
Colorado teachers heard of the Dayton
quest for a new school and a teacher,
they recommended Mr. Slutz and freely
gave him the right to use their joint-
thought product. He was elected, and,
with the help of other teachers and the
pupils, ' the particular adaptation of this
general theory to the actual practice of
the schoolroom' has been evolved.
After three years of such practice,
Mr. Slutz and the Dayton citizens who
support the school are more enamored
than ever of their venture. They regard
it as a return in conscious form to the
unconscious schooling of an earlier
American day, when the farm-boy 'had
but three months of schooling in the
year, which left nine months for him to
get an education.' Now that the three
months of schooling have grown to
nine, they seek to make them, as well as
the other three, months in which to get
an education.
'One way of looking at our school,'
says Mr. Slutz, 'is to consider it as a
return to Americanism. We had abun-
dant education in this country of a very
good quality, if of narrow field, when
the average boy got two or three months
of usually distasteful "book larnin',"
and put in the rest of the year getting
his education in the barn, the shed, and
the field, ^ith the taking on of an
elaborate system of public schools that
largely copied their methods from the
Germans or the classic English public
school, and with the extension of the
scholastic year to include three fourths
of the calendar year, we crowded out
the American sort of education, which,
as Mr. Morgan says, is as old as life.
American schools should make Amer-
icans. To make Americans, you must
inculcate and strengthen American
traits. That, our schools are not doing.
Initiative is a prime American trait,
but our schools teach conformity. We
are an ambitious people, but our schools
put a premium on average performance.
We are a sports-loving, athletic people,
but our schools tend to delegate ath-
letics to specialists. The American is
many-sided, but our educational system
aggrandizes only one side of the mas-
tery of living. Business shrewdness is
another distinctive American trait, but
THE FEELING OF IRRITATION
our education does not give us business
power. We believe in democracy and
self-government, and our schools are
autocracies. We are a religious people,
and our schools are unreligious, repress-
ing the spiritual element in education
through fear of offending sectarian
prejudices. At Moraine Park we are
trying to teach Americanism by devel-
oping the American type — not the
English, French, German, or some
other type. You can't develop a hunt-
ing dog by giving it the training suited
to a poodle.'
THE FEELING OF IRRITATION
BY FRANCES LESTER WARNER
THE feeling of irritation in its earliest
form once overtook a little girl whose
mother had enforced a wholesome bit of
discipline. In a great state of wrath,
the little girl went to her room, got out
a large sheet of paper, and ruled it
heavily down the middle. Then she
headed one column 'People I Like,' and
crowded that half of the sheet with the
names of all her acquaintance far and
near. The other half of the page she
headed 'People I Don't Like,' and in
that column listed one word only —
'Mamma.' This done, she locked the
grim document in her safe-deposit box,
and hid the key.
That glowering deed was the very
ritual of irritation. The feeling of irri-
tation is not merely one of heat : it is a
tall wave of towering dislike that goes
mounting up our blood. When we have
it, it feels permanent. Our friend is not
what we thought he was — our family
is not what it should be — our job is a
failure — we have placed our affections
in the wrong quarter. When young
politicians give way to this feeling, they
bolt the ticket; when young employees
have it, they resign. The first time that
young married people have it, they
think that love is dead. If they have
too much wealth and leisure, they fly
apart and eventually get a decree. But
in households where the budget does
not cover alimony, they commonly
stay together and see for themselves
how the wave of wrath goes down.
The material inconveniences of resig-
nations, abscondings, law-suits, and the
like, have been a great safeguard in
many a career. Nothing in Barrie's
plays is more subtle than the perfect
moment when the young couple decide
to postpone separation until the laun-
dry comes home.
It is not necessary to be a 'tempera-
mental' person, or a fire-eater of any
sort, in order to know how it feels to be
irritated — and irritating. The gentlest
folk are capable of both sensations.
Anyone who has seen a lovely lady de-
liberately stir up strife in the bosom of
a genial story-teller, by correcting his
facts for him and exposing his fictions,
will remember the tones of restrained
choler with which the merry tale pro-
gressed. Who has not remarked to a
kind relative, 'Well, if you know so
much about it, why don't you tell it
yourself? '
THE FEELING OF IRRITATION
97
There is no ratio or proportion at all
between the cause of irritation and the
ensuing state of mind. In our moments
of ferment we lose the faculty of dis-
crimination. We hardly ever refer our
exasperation to the trivial detail that
brought it on. We feel that the detail is
simply an indication of the great gen-
eral flaws in the whole situation. We
have a crow to pluck, not only with
our friend, but — to use the words of
Quiller Couch — with everything that
appertains to that potentate.
For instance, suppose that we are
at loggerheads with a fellow member
of a public-welfare committee. He op-
poses a measure that we endorse. We
instantly refer him to his class: he is a
typical politician, a single-track mind,
a combination of Mugwump and Boss
Tweed. He represents the backward-
looking element. We ourselves, mean-
while, are a blend of Martin Luther and
the prophet Isaiah, with tongs from the
altar.
Or perhaps one is irritated with a
colleague on a teaching staff, after the
events of a varied day. Irrelevant mat-
ters have happened all the morning in
amazing succession: an itinerant jan-
itor filling inkwells; an inkwell turning
turtle — blotters rushed to flood-suf-
ferers; an electrician, with tall step-
ladder and scaling-irons, to repair the
electric clock; a fire-drill in examination
period; one too many revolutions of the
pencil-sharpener; one too many patri-
otic 'drives,' involving the care of pub-
lic moneys kept in a candy-box.
And now our zealous academic friend
calls an unexpected committee meeting
to tabulate the results of intelligence-
tests. We are in no mood for intelli-
gence-tests. We object. He persists.
We take umbrage. He still calls the
meeting. Then, up rears the wave of
dislike and irritation, not at the details
that have brought us to our crusty
state, — not dislike of ink and elec-
VOL. 1X8— NO. I
tricity and patriotism and intelligence,
— but dislike of our friend and of the
Art of Teaching that he represents.
The trouble with our friend, we decide,
is his academic environment. He is
over-educated, attenuated, a Brahmin.
Nobody in touch with Real Life could
be so thoroughly a mule and an opin-
ionist. Better get out of this ultra-civil-
ized atmosphere before our own beauti-
ful catholicity of thought is crippled,
cramped, like his. At these moments
we do not stop to remember that peo-
ple are also opinionated on the island
of Yap.
Most frequently of all, we apply our
dudgeon to the kind of community in
which we live. We are nettled at a bit
of criticism that has reached our ears.
Instantly we say cutting things about
the narrow ways of a small community,
with page-references to Main Street and
the Five Towns. We forget that our
friends in great cities might be quite
as chatty. Margot Asquith lives and
thrives in crowds.
We refer our irritation, also, to types.
Any skirmish in a women's organiza-
tion is referred to women and their
catty ways. Any Church or Red Cross
breeze is an example of the captious
temper of the godly. All friction be-
tween soldiers of different nations is a
sign of Race Antagonism; the French
are not what we had inferred from
Lafayette.
In short, the whole history and liter-
ature of dissension show that people
have always tried to make their irrita-
tions prove something about certain
types, or situations, or races, or com-
munities. Whereas the one thing that
has been eternally proved is the fact
that human beings are irritable.
If we accept that fact as a normal
thing, we find ourselves ready for one
more great truth. Violent irritation
produced on small means is a deeply
human thing, a delicately unbalanced
THE FEELING OF IRRITATION
thing, something to reckon with, and
something from which we eventually
recover on certain ancient and well-
recognized lines. When our fury is at
its height, we are ready to smash any-
thing, throw away anything, burn all
bridges. Nothing is too valuable to
cast into the tall flame of our everlast-
ing bonfire. This sounds exaggerated.
'Emotion recollected in tranquillity' is
a pallid thing. But it is hot enough at
the time. The whole round of sensation
and emotion may be traveled in an
hour, at a pace incredible — a sort of
round-trip survey of the soul.
The father of a large family sat in
church at one end of a long pew. His
wife sat at the other end of the pew,
with a row of sons, daughters, and
guests ranged in the space between.
Near the close of the sermon one morn-
ing, the father glanced down the line,
gazed for a horrified moment at his
eldest daughter Kate, got out his pen-
cil, wrote a few words on a scrap of
paper, put the paper into his hat, and
passed the hat down the line. As the
hat went from hand to hand, each
member of the family peered in, read
the message, glanced at Kate, and be-
gan to shake as inconspicuously as is
ever possible in an open pew. Kate,
absorbed in the sermon, was startled by
a nudge from her brother, who offered
her the hat, with note enclosed. She
looked in and read, 'Tell Kate that her
mouth is partly open.'
Kate remembered that it must have
been. The whole pew was quivering
with seven concentrated efforts at self-
control.
Now, one would think that a moment
like this would be jolly even for the
cause of laughter in others. But it was
not. Kate knew that they had been
laughing before the note reached her,
and she was hurt. If they loved her as
she loved them, they would not want to
laugh. She set her jaw like iron and
gazed straight ahead. This started
them all off again. With the instinct of
a well-trained elder sister, she knew
that, if she wanted any peace, she ought
to turn and smile and nod cordially all
down the row, as at a reception. But it
was too late for that. She had taken
the proud line, and she would follow it
to the end.
As her expression grew more austere,
the boys grew more convulsed. Aloof
now, cut off from her kin entirely, she
sat seething. Floods of scarlet anger
drowned the sermon's end. The closing
hymn was given out, but she declined
the offered half of her brother's hym-
nal. 'Tell Kate she can open it now,'
telegraphed one of the boys as the con-
gregation began to sing. Here was her
chance to join the group and nod and
smile again, but she was too far gone.
She received the message with lifted
eyebrows, and stood with cold pure
profile averted until after the benedic-
tion. Then she turned away and walked
off in a towering passion. Her anger
was not at her father, whose note caused
the stir. She had no resentment toward
him at all. If one's mouth is open, one
would wish to be advised of the fact.
Her feeling was the mighty wrath of the
person who has been laughed at before
being told the joke.
When she reached home, the whole
family gathered around her in a group.
'I think,' said one of the boys, 'that in
the cause of friendship we owe Kate an
apology.'
The grand manner of formal apology
from one's relatives is the most disarm-
ing thing in the world. Friendly con-
versation flowed back into the normal
at once. But it was years before it was
quite safe for Kate to rest her chin on
her hand in church.
Very often our most genuine irrita-
tions appear unreasonable to our
friends. For instance, why should peo-
ple object to being called by each
THE FEELING OF IRRITATION
99
other's names? Children suffer from
this continually: grown people tend to
confuse brothers and call them by each
other's names promiscuously. We may
love our brother tenderly, and yet not
like to be confounded with him. Even
parents sometimes grow careless. The
smallest boy in a lively family had a
mother who did this. Absentmindedly
she would call the roll of all the child-
ren's names before she hit upon the
right one. Consequently, the smallest
boy learned to respond to the names
Alice, Christine, George, and Amos.
But the thing had happened to him
once too often. One morning he ap-
peared at breakfast with a large square
of cardboard pinned to his bosom; and
on the placard in large letters was
printed the word 'Henry.' Rather go
through life with a tag around his neck
than be called Alice any more.
I do not quite agree with the adage
that it takes two to make a quarrel. If
we are, really on a rampage, the other
person can be a perfect pacifist and still
call down our ire. We can make the hot-
foot excursion to the heights of mad-
ness when a friend with whom we are
arguing whistles softly away to himself
while we talk. Even worse is the person
who sings a gay little aria after we are
through. In the presence of such peo-
ple, we feel like the college girl who
became annoyed with her room-mate,
and, reflecting prudently upon the in-
conveniences of open war, rushed out of
the room and down the stairs, to relieve
her feelings by slamming the front door.
She tore open the great door with vio-
lent hands, braced it wide, and flung it
together with all her might. But there
was no crash. It was the kind of door
that shuts with an air-valve, and it
closed gradually, tranquilly, like vel-
vet; a perfect lady of a door. People
who sing and whistle and hum softly to
themselves while we rage are like that
door.
Knowing that human beings are ir-
ritable, that they can recover from their
irritation, and that we also can recover
from ours, why is it that we ever hold
resentment long? Some people, like
soapstones, hold their heat longer than
others; but the mildest of us, even after
we have quite cooled off, sometimes
find ourselves warming up intermit-
tently at the mere memory of the fray.
We are like the old lady who said that
she could forgive and forget, but she
could n't help thinking about it. We
love our friend as much as ever, but one
or two things that he said to us stay in
mind. This is because words spoken in
the height of irritation are easily mem-
orized. They have an epigrammatic
swing, a vivacity, and a racy Anglo-
Saxon flavor. Unless we are ready to
discount them entirely, they come into
our minds in our pleasantest moods,
checking our impulses of affection, and
stiffening our cordial ways.
On this account, the very proud and
the very young sometimes let a passing
rancor estrange a friend. When we are
young, and fresh from much novel-read-
ing, we are likely to think of love as a
frail and perishable treasure — some-
thing like a rare vase, delicate and per-
fect as it stands. One crash destroys it
forever. But love that involves the
years is not a frail and finished crystal.
It is a growing thing. It is not even
a simple growing thing, like a tree. A
really durable friendship is a varied,
homelike country full of growing things.
We cannot destroy it and throw it
away. We can even have a crackling
bonfire there without burning up the
world. Fire is dangerous, but it is not
final.
Of course, it is in our power to let a
single conflagration spoil all our love,
if we burn the field all over and sow it
with salt, and refuse to go near it ever
again. But after the fires have gone
down on the waste tract, then the stars
100
THE FEELING OF IRRITATION
wheel over and the quiet moon comes
out — and forever afterward we have
to skirt hastily around that territory
in our thought. It is still there, the
place that once was home.
Perhaps it is trifling and perverse to
be harking back to nature and to child-
hood for parables. But sometimes
there is reassurance in the simplest
things. The real war-god in one family
was a small boy named Gordon. When-
ever his younger sister wanted a little
peace, she used to take her dolls to the
attic, saying to her mother as she went,
'K. G.' This meant, 'Keep Gordon.'
But one time the sister was very ill.
Gordon was afraid that she was going
to die, and showered her with atten-
tions of every kind. He even gathered
flowers for her every day. The trained
nurse was much impressed. One after-
noon, when the crisis was past, the
nurse told Gordon that she thought
that he was very sweet indeed to his
little sick sister. Gordon was squatting
on the arm of the sofa, watching his
sister with speculative eye. He con-
sidered this new light upon his char-
acter for a moment, and then remarked,
'Well, you just wait till she gets her
strength.'
We live in cantankerous days. Any-
body who has energy enough to try to
do anything particular in the world has
more or less difficulty in getting on
with people. Unless he chooses to take
his dolls to the attic, he is in for occa-
sional criticism, laughter, interruptions,
and even the experience of being called
by names that are not his own. The
world sends flowers to the dying, but
not to people when they get their
strength. It is the very rare person who
goes through a busy life with nothing
to ruffle him at all.
In moments of irritation at all this,
we are tempted to rule off the world
into two columns, and in the columns
to compile two lists of people: people
who agree with us and people who do
not; 'People I Like,' and 'People I
Don't Like.' This, as we have seen be-
fore, is the simple ritual of irritation.
Unconsciously we make the lists, and
file them away. If we could lay hands
on the ghostly files of twenty years and
scan the blacklists through, we should
find that we had, not a catalogue of
permanent and bitter hatred, but a sort
of Friendship Calendar. Perhaps we
should not find our mothers very re-
cently among the blackballed; but the
chances are that, if our relatives and
friends could see the lists, they would
read with no small amazement certain
of the fine old names that once were
written there.
THE ASSIMILATION OF ISRAEL
BY PAUL SCOTT MOWRER
And Haman said unto King Ahasuerus,
There is a certain people scattered abroad and
dispersed among the people in all the provinces
of thy kingdom; and their laws are diverse from
all people; neither keep they the king's law. —
ESTHER, in, 8.
THE revival of anti-Semitism in
Europe since the close of the war, and
its curious repercussion even in the
United States, are phenomena that can
no longer be ignored. The Jews, we are
warned, are a secret organization, with
branches in every land, whose aim is
nothing less than world-domination.
To attain their bold ends, they plan, on
the one hand, to undermine society by
sapping its foundations with revolu-
tionary and anti-religious propaganda,
and on the other, to crush it from above
by attaining control of the great bank-
ing and industrial system on which the
material power of present-day civiliza-
tion immediately reposes. Taking ad-
vantage of the economic and political
confusion following five years of war,
they are even now, it is asserted, en-
gaged in realizing this ambitious pro-
gramme, at which, indeed, they have
been quietly working for a century or
more. As evidence of this alarming
thesis, it is pointed out that there are
already Jews among the leading finan-
ciers hi every country; that there are
Jews among the leading international
revolutionaries; and, finally, that all
Jews have a tendency to solidarity.
Of course, this ingenious fantasy will
not bear analysis. The Jewish agitation
is as much a menace to the Jewish cap-
italist as to the Gentile; the Jewish
employer is no less a burden of author-
ity upon Jewish workmen than upon
Christians; and from a vague feeling of
solidarity to the contrivance of a vast
and definite conspiracy is a far cry.
Moreover, it is just at the two extremes
of wealth and poverty that the racial
apostasy of the emancipated Jew is
most common.
But the fact that his theories fall to
pieces under scrutiny is of no conse-
quence to the true anti-Semite.
In Germany, the anti-Jewish agita-
tion is so vigorous that the Inter-Allied
High Commission in the Rhineland
recently felt obliged to order the troops
of occupation to seize all copies discov-
ered of a book called From the Reign
of the Hohenzollerns to the Reign of the
Jews.
In England, a writer in the sober
Blackwood's protests that, if the Jews
were to be given no part, either open or
surreptitious, in the imperial govern-
ment, the danger of revolution would
be greatly diminished. Saint-Loe Stra-
chey, writing in the Spectator, accuses
the English Jews of being Jews first and
English afterward. 'Of all the govern-
ments which have accepted the power
in Great Britain,' declared Sir Lionel
Rothschild, in a recent speech, 'none
has shown so much sympathy for the
projects and ideals of the Jews as the
present government.' And the declara-
tion is taken by Lloyd George's ene-
mies to mean that Lloyd George is
'pro-Jewish/ Has he not appointed
Sir Herbert Samuel to rule over Pales-
101
102
tine? Did he not send Sir Stuart Sam-
uel to 'investigate' the alleged pogroms
in Poland? Is not Sir Eric Drummond,
General Secretary of the League of Na-
tions, Hebraic by origin? Are not Lord
Reading and Lord Montagu, respec-
tively Viceroy of India and Secretary
of State for India, both of Jewish de-
scent? And when it comes to that, was
it not Mayer Amschel, under the better
known name of Rothschild, who ' found-
ed the dynasty of the secret emperors
of Israel'? The Poles, it appears, are
so afraid of the power of the English
Jews, that they have actually appointed
a Polish Jew, Professor Szimon Asken-
azy, as Ambassador to the Court of St.
James's. And in their effort to prove
that even the British labor movement
is under Jewish control, the British
anti-Semites, nothing daunted, assert
that Smillie is merely a tool of the Jew,
Emanuel Shinwell, who promoted the
strikes in the Clyde shipyards during
the war; that Thomas is a catspaw of
the Jew, Abraham; that Williams is
actually married to a Jewess, and that
all three are closely associated with the
'Lansbury-Fels-Zangwill group.'
In France, the old anti-Dreyfusards
of the Action FranQaise have lately re-
doubled their 'exposures' of the 'Jew-
ish peril.' 'Throughout Europe,' writes
Charles Maurras, ' the Jew is the travel-
ing-man of the revolution.' Yiddish is
'the Esperanto of revolutionists.' All
Jews, we are assured, are anti-French
and pro-German; they are Freemasons,
and enemies of Roman Catholicism.
Are not ninety-five per cent of the So-
viet chieftains Jews? Is not Viennese
Socialism Jewish and pro-German?
Are not the Jews in Upper Silesia work-
ing exclusively for Germany? It was
a telegram from the Jewish financiers
of America, dated May 29, 1919, and
signed by that 'high priest of Israel,'
Jacob Schiff (born at Frankfort), which
steeled Wilson to force concessions from
France on five vital points, — the
Saar Basin, Upper Silesia, Dantzig,
Fiume, and reparations, — or, at least,
so Maurras writes. This same Schiff,
points out Roger Lambelin, founded
the New York Jewish Theological
Seminary, and the Semitic Museum at
Harvard; and while he, in the interests
of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., fostered pro-
German sentiment during the war, his
partner Otto Kahn (born at Mann-
heim) fostered pro-Ally sentiment ; thus
an iron was kept hot in both fires. As
for 'the pro-Jew, Woodrow Wilson,'
pursues Lambelin, instead of flaying
the massacres instigated by Bela Kun,
the threatened Russian invasion of
Poland, and the eviction of innocent
Moslems in Palestine, he contented
himself, at the time of the Peace Con-
ference, with writing a letter of sym-
pathy for the Eastern European Jews
to Rabbi Stephen Wise.
In Eastern Europe, the sentiment of
anti-Semitism is not, as in Western
Europe, confined chiefly to conserva-
tives and chauvinists, but impregnates
even the masses. The Magyar peasants
are bitter against the town-dwelling
'(Communist ' Jews; and in spite of all the
Budapest police can do, bands of infu-
riated Magyars make a grim pastime
of beating an occasional son of Israel
whom they catch in the street after
nightfall. In Poland, the Ukraine, and,
to a less extent, in Roumania, the medi-
aeval legend of the ritual murder, for
which the Jews are supposed to take
the blood of a Christian babe at each
Passover, has been revived; and all
Eastern European Jews are suspected,
by their Christian neighbors, of Com-
munism. The Ukrainian Nationalist
bands have apparently been guilty of
serious and repeated pogroms. The
Poles are unanimous in their ardent and
patriotic hostility to the four or five
million Jews included within their fron-
tiers. All Jews, they firmly believe, are
THE ASSIMILATION OF ISRAEL
103
born Bolsheviki. In the Polish army,
ghastly stories of Jew-Bolshevist atro-
cities are current. I was shown a photo-
graph, found in Kief by the Poles, of a
large room, on the floor of which lay the
naked and mutilated bodies of some
fifty Russians, who had been executed,
it was said, by the Red troops, after
the mutilations had been perpetrated,
with ceremonial orgies, 'by a fanatical
sect of young Jewesses'!
n
I repeat this welter of fantasy, stray
fact, and superstition to indicate that
anti-Semitism has, indeed, once more
become a true movement of opinion,
which, far from succumbing at the scoff
of incredulity, is making converts al-
most daily, and demands from the stu-
dent of social phenomena that careful
analysis which alone can discover both
its cause and its cure.
For there is a cause. There is really a
Jewish problem, and it is as old as the
dispersion of the Jews. Anti-Semitism
is even older than the dispersion. It is
as old as the captivities. Wherever the
Jews have lived among 6ther peoples,
either perforce or of their own will, and
whether before or after the Christian
era, it has flourished. One may there-
fore well conclude, with that sincere and
able Jewish scholar, Bernard Lazare,
that an opinion of such enduring prev-
alence 'could not be the result of fancy
and of a perpetual caprice,' but that
'there must be profound and serious
reasons both for its beginning and its
persistence.' The truth is that the anti-
Semitism of Berlin and Paris is of one
piece with the anti-Semitism of Antioch
and Alexandria; the angry alarm of
Henry Ford concords strangely with
the grim fury of the Hetman Chmiel-
nicki; and if the outward form assumed
by popular sentiment against the Jews
varies somewhat in accordance with
differences of tune and place, in its one
essential cause it remains ever the same.
This cause is neither religious, as is
often averred, nor economic, as many
believe; it is political. It is based on
the observation that the Jews, through
innumerable transmutations of time
and place, not only have kept their
identity as a people, but have opposed
a vigorous, if passive, resistance to most
attempts at assimilation. The Jew, in
short, is regarded as a foreigner, whose
' laws are diverse from all people ' ; and as
such, he is considered to be an enemy
to the state.
The underlying reason for Jewish
exclusiveness is, perhaps, the law of
Moses. The sole object of life, accord-
ing to the teachings of the rabbis, is
the knowledge and the practice of the
law, for 'without the law, without Is-
rael to practise it, the world would not
be. God would resolve it into chaos.
And the world will know happiness only
when it submits to the universal em-
pire of the law, that is to say, to the
empire of the Jews. In consequence,
the Jewish people is the people chosen
by God as the depository of his will and
his desires.' This strong and narrow
spirit, instead of diminishing with the
lapse of time, seemed only to increase;
until, with the victory of the rabbis
over the more liberal Jewish schisma-
tists, in the fourteenth century, the doc-
tors of the synagogue, says Bernard
Lazare, 'had reached their end. They
had cut off Israel from the community
of peoples; they had made of it a being
fierce and solitary, rebellious to all law,
hostile to all fraternity, closed to all
beautiful, noble or generous ideas; they
had made of it a nation small and mis-
erable, soured by isolation, stupefied by
a narrow education, demoralized and
corrupted by an unjustifiable pride.'
It is well to remember that, although
the Jews of Western Europe and Amer-
ica have at present pretty well freed
104
THE ASSIMILATION OF ISRAEL
themselves from these heavy intellec-
tual and spiritual shackles, the Jews of
Eastern Europe still live, for the most
part, in strict accordance with the letter
of the Thorah and the Talmud.
The law of Moses being not only the-
ological and moral, but agrarian, civil,
and hygienic as well, no sooner did the
Jews begin to live abroad than it be-
came necessary for them, if they would
avoid contamination, to draw together
in intimate communities, and to beg
from the authorities, in the name of
their religion, certain exceptions and
privileges, just as they are demanding
them to-day, under the rubric of 'mi-
nority rights,' in Poland and Roumania.
Thus, in Rome they could not be haled
into court on a Saturday; in Alexandria
they were not subject to the common
municipal regulations, but had their own
senate, courts, and mayors.
Antiquity was tolerant; but not so
the Middle Ages. There came a time
when, with the slow dissolution of feud-
alism, the various peoples of Europe,
under the influence of the Roman Cath-
olic Church, began to cohere into na-
tionalities. All over Europe the question
of nationality was identified with the
question of religion, as it still is in East-
ern Europe and the Balkans. If you
did not belong to the Church, you were
necessarily an enemy of the State. Ob-
serving among them a people who
dressed, spoke, and behaved differently
from themselves, who claimed privi-
leges and exemptions, and desired to live
apart, the followers of the Church vin-
dictively decreed that the Jews hence-
forth should be obliged to dress differ-
ently and to live apart; and instead
of having privileges granted to them,
they were placed under a regime of spe-
cial restrictions. The Ghetto, which the
Jews had formed of their own free will,
was now imposed on them by force.
From the eleventh to the sixteenth cen-
tury, the Jews, like all heretical sects,
were persecuted, tortured, burned, kill-
ed, expelled; and in their bitter misery,
drawing together more closely than ever,
they gradually forged that profound
sense of solidarity which is still, perhaps,
their greatest source of strength.
The Protestants of the Reformation,
after trying vainly to convert the Jews,
turned angrily against them, 'The Jews
are brutes,' cried Luther, in a passion.
'Their synagogues are pig-styes; they
must be burned, for Moses would do so
if he came back to the world. They
drag the divine word in the mud; they
live by rapine and evil, they are wicked
beasts who ought to be driven out like
mad dogs.'
But the religious wars had now fairly
begun, and in the heat of the struggle
between Catholic and Protestant, the
Jews, greatly to their good, were well-
nigh forgotten. For them, the worst
was over. In the seventeenth century,
though a number of onerous restrictions
were put back into effect by the Church,
the return of the Jews within the Chris-
tian faith, so long desired, was confi-
dently, though vainly, expected.
The eighteenth century, like anti-
quity, was tolerant. In Holland and
England, no less than in Turkey itself,
the Jews were happy and prosperous.
In 1791, the French Constituent As-
sembly voted full rights of citizenship
to the Jews. It was the first act of the
emancipation, which was now to follow
rapidly in Central as well as in Western
Europe. Napoleon, at the head of his
armies, freed the Jews of Italy and
Germany. The Jewish cult was written
into the French budget in 1830. The
emancipation was completed in Aus-
tria, Germany, Sweden, Denmark, and
Greece by the Revolution of 1848; it
was completed in England in 1860, and
in Hungary in 1867. The last Western
European Ghetto was abolished in 1870,
with the fall of the Pope's temporal
power.
THE ASSIMILATION OF ISRAEL
105
III
But though many Western European
Jews have been more or less assimila-
ted during the last hundred years, there
are still many others who, though eman-
cipated so far as external restrictions
are concerned, have not desired, or have
been unable, to shake off the clannish-
ness, the peculiar mentality, inbred by
twenty or thirty centuries of almost
unbroken tradition; they may not go
to synagogue, or even to the reformed
tabernacle, but they would be repelled
at the idea of marrying outside the race,
and they preserve a special and seem-
ingly ineradicable tenderness for their
fellow Israelites, of no matter what so-
cial stratum, or what geographical sub-
division. Their inner emancipation,
their emancipation from the history and
customs of Israel, is still to be effected.
There can be no true assimilation so
long as there is not free intermarriage;
and until there is evidence of a rapid-
ly increasing assimilation, the Jewish
question, with its attendant fervor of
anti-Semitism, will continue to occupy
men's minds.
A sharp distinction must be drawn at
the present time between this question
as it presents itself hi Western Europe
and the United States, where the Jews
are externally emancipated, and as it
presents itself in Eastern Europe, where
the Jews still live medisevally to them-
selves, and where there is a tendency
on the part of the prevailing govern-
ments to restrict them in various ways.
The cleavage is somewhat blurred by
the fact that hordes of Eastern Euro-
pean Jews are still pouring annually
into Western Europe; nevertheless, gen-
erally speaking, the distinction can be
maintained. As the arguments which
are brought against the Jews in the
East include and elaborate those ad-
duced in the West, it will simplify mat-
ters if the latter be considered first.
Of the serious arguments of West-
ern anti-Semitism, two are political, and
one — the least important, but perhaps
the commonest — is economic. Briefly
stated, the economic argument is that
the Jew is congenitally a non-producer,
a parasite, living only in the cities,
trading and lending money, swelling
the army of profit-devouring middle-
men. Historically, this contention can-
not be sustained. The tribesmen of
Israel were, originally, not traders, but
farmers and shepherds. As speculators
and traders, they were far surpassed in
antiquity, first by the Phoenicians and
Carthaginians, and later by the Greeks
and Romans. It was only after the dis-
persion that their mercantile propen-
sities began to develop. The sudden
cessation of all their former activities
as husbandmen was due in the begin-
ning to their religion, which, on the one
hand, forced them to gather hi commun-
ities so as to be able to escape the con-
tamination of foreign ways and peoples,
and, on the other, taught them that they
must keep themselves pure for the even-
tual return to Jerusalem, and that hi
ploughing any soil save that of Pales-
tine, a Jew would defile himself. All ex-
iled Jews were thus constrained to be-
come city-dwellers, and city-dwellers or
town-dwellers they have since remained,
until they have indeed, at last, become
almost total strangers to the life of the
fields.
As city-dwellers, they were naturally
forced into commerce, in order to live.
At a time when other peoples were less
well organized, the Jewish communities
established in every considerable town
of the Mediterranean countries, and in
constant communication and sympa-
thy, provided an unparalleled system of
commercial agencies to the Jewish trad-
ers, who, in consequence, soon began
to prosper greatly. It was only in the
Middle Ages that the Jews began to spe-
cialize in money-lending and the gold
106
THE ASSIMILATION OF ISRAEL
traffic.1 This, again, was forced upon
them rather than of their own seeking;
but as in periods of recurrent wars, bad
crops, and famine the need for loans
and credit was very great, it was gen-
erally agreed that the necessary bank-
ing business should be turned over to
the Jews. Not infrequently, the Jewish
money-lender was merely the agent of
some Christian merchant or noble, who
did not dare lend money in person, for
fear of excommunication. At the same
time, the growing power of the guilds,
each with its patron saint, began, on
religious grounds, to force the exclusion
of the Jews from most of the principal
branches of trade and commerce. The
second-hand trade and the banking
business were about all that remained.
The latter, moreover, was congenial to
the Jews; for in that day of persecution
and expulsion they were very glad to be
able to keep their wealth in a compact,
easily hidden, and easily transportable
form.
If, therefore, in modern times, the
Jews appear to be a people of town-
dwellers, practising, at the bottom of
the social scale, peddling, petty-retail-
ing, pawnbrokerage, the poorer trades,
and, at the top of the scale, banking and
corporate commerce, the cause, evident-
ly, is less innate than historic. Even
the remarkable success of individual
Jews in modern finance can perhaps be
attributed less to any special racial fit-
ness than to a business tradition, to a
freedom from local prejudice, and to the
spirit of cooperation clearly visible be-
tween scattered Jewish individuals and
communities — a cooperation which
other peoples have not as yet been able
to attain in anything like the same de-
gree. I myself am inclined to subordi-
nate economic anti-Semitism to politi-
1 Their first real specialty was that of slave-
dealers, in which they were greatly encouraged
both v by Charlemagne and by the Caliphs. —
THE AUTHOB.
cal anti-Semitism ; for, if the latter were
unsustained, the former, I feel sure,
would soon cease to exist.
The political argument against the
Jews is that they are an ' international
nation,' more attached to the Jewish
cause, in whatever part of the world,
than to the ideals and interests of the
country in which they live, and from
which they claim the privileges of pro-
tection without according in return
their political allegiance. To this is now
frequently added, as a corollary, that
the Jew is a 'born revolutionist.' We
are here, as I have already indicated, at
the very heart of the Jewish question;
for there is no state, there is no people,
so good-natured and so confident of its
own strength, that it will unprotesting-
ly tolerate in its midst a body persis-
tently and willfully foreign, especially
when this body at the same time as-
pires to take a leading part in the na-
tional economic or political life. That
the Jews, after their dispersion, were
originally such a tenaciously foreign
body, in every community where they
settled, is beyond dispute. That they
remained so, partly of their own will,
partly under compulsion, up to the
time of the emancipation, fifty or a
hundred years ago, is equally incon-
testable. The point that remains to
be determined is, to what extent, since
the emancipation, a true assimilation
of the Jews has been effected in the
United States and in the various coun-
tries of Western Europe. To this point
I shall have occasion to return present-
ly. Meanwhile, the corollary, that the
Jew is a 'born revolutionist,' is worthy
of careful consideration.
Abstractly, there is certainly some-
thing in this assertion — something pro-
found, which reaches to the very centre
of the ancient Hebraic religious concep-
tion. The sturdy monotheism of Israel,
teaching that man shall obey Jehovah
alone, carries by implication the idea
THE ASSIMILATION OF ISRAEL
107
that all merely human authority is un-
justified and therefore negligible. This
independence of conscience and reason
is probably developed further hi Juda-
ism than in any other religion, for it is
considered as binding even on Jehovah
himself. The Talmud relates how, in a
dispute between rabbis over a point of
doctrine, the voice of Jehovah inter-
vened from the void; but no sooner was
this divine voice heard to pronounce
in favor of Rabbi Eliezir, than Rabbi
Josua protested, saying: 'It is not mys-
terious voices, it is the majority of the
sages, who should henceforth decide
questions of doctrine. Reason is no
longer hidden away in heaven, the Law
is no longer in heaven; it has been given
to the earth, and it is for human reason
to understand and explain it.'
Moreover, implicit in Judaism, is a
sentiment, quite different from the res-
ignation of Christianity and of Moham-
medanism, that the joy and satisfaction
which are the birthright of every man
who keeps the Law should be forthcom-
ing, not in some future existence, but
here on earth. Even after they have
forsworn their religion completely, a
tendency has been remarked among
the Jews to cling to the idea, not only
that all men are entitled to be happy
even in this life, but that all men are
equal before God, and that none can be
held responsible save to his own mind
and conscience. A poor man, imbued
with this spirit, and looking about him
upon the present world, is inevitably ex-
posed to the temptation of becoming a
malcontent, or even an agitator. More
important, however, than this vague
traditional predilection for revolution-
ary doctrines is the fact that the Jewish
people, for more than twenty centu-
ries, has been cosmopolitan, bound to
no country and to no lasting patriot-
ism save that of Israel. It is no more
than natural that the emancipation
should have left a large number of them
internationalists, in the literal sense
of the word. If it were not for this cos-
mopolitan character of the people as a
whole, the revolutionary proclivities of
a few individuals would perhaps have
passed almost unnoticed. Once more,
we are brought face to face with the
conclusion that the Jewish problem is,
above all, a problem of assimilation.
The belief that the Jews are involved
in a definite conspiracy for world-revo-
lution arose at the time of the French
Revolution, simultaneously with the
emancipation of the French Jews by
the Constituent Assembly. An intimate
relation between the Kabbala and Free-
masonry had long been suspected; and
now the Catholic Royalists were able
to remark that not a few Jews seemed
to be active members of the various
lodges — Masons, Illuminists, Rosicru-
cians, Martinists — in whose secret con-
claves the revolution was supposed to
have been planned. The influence of
Jewish agitators was again remarked
in the uprisings of 1830 and 1848.
But the great reproach that Euro-
pean conservatives hold against the
sons of Israel is that Karl Marx and Fer-
dinand Lassalle, the founders of modern
Socialism, were both of Jewish origin.
'This descendant of a line of rabbis
and doctors,' writes Lazare, of Marx,
'inherited all the force of logic of his
ancestors; he was a clear-headed and
lucid Talmudist ... a Talmudist who
went in for sociology, and who applied
his native qualities of exegesis to a
critique of political economy. He was
animated by the old Hebraic material-
ism, which dreamed perpetually of an
earthly paradise ... he was also a
rebel, an agitator, a bitter polemist, and
he got his gift of sarcasm and invective
from the same Jewish sources as Heine.'
The famous Manifesto of 1847 was
drawn up jointly by Marx and Engels.
The meeting of 1864, which founded the
Internationale, was inspired by Marx;
108
THE ASSIMILATION OF ISRAEL
and in the general council, Karl Marx
was secretary for Germany and Russia,
and James Cohen was secretary for
Denmark.
The work of Jewish agitators in the
Paris Commune was the subject of much
comment. Among the leaders of mod-
ern Socialism were not only Marx
and Lassalle in Germany, but the Jews
Adler and Libermann in Austria, and
Dobrojanu Gherea in Roumania; while
the role of the Russian Jews in the re-
cent Russian Revolution is known to
everyone. All these facts have tended
to keep alive the old yarn of a Jewish
' world-conspiracy.'
IV
Exact statistics are, of course, un-
available; but there are supposed to be
in the world, at the present time, from
twelve to fourteen million Jews, of
whom about a fourth are in the United
States, a fourth scattered in various
countries, east, west, north, and south,
while the remaining half are concen-
trated in Eastern Europe, or, more
specifically, in Poland, Bessarabia, and
the Ukraine. Poland alone is believed
to have four or five million Jews, and
thus becomes by far the greatest Jewish
state of the day. It is precisely in East-
ern Europe, moreover, that the Jewish
nationality is to be observed in its pur-
est form, for here there is scarcely so
much as the beginning of even a politi-
cal assimilation; though indigenous for
centuries, the children of Israel still
form a large and entirely distinct for-
eign minority. The fact that, in East-
ern Europe, religion and nationality —
as in mediaeval times throughout the
whole of Europe — are still regarded as
practically inseparable, is not a suffi-
cient explanation of this phenomenon.
The restrictive measures of the prevail-
ing governments have merely served
to accentuate a distinction ardently
desired by the Jews themselves, whose
devotion to both the civil and religious
aspects of the Jewish Law is here as
fervent as it is complete. The net result
is that the typical Polish Jew, like the
Lithuanian, Bessarabian, and Ukrain-
ian Jew, is a being absolutely apart from
his Christian neighbors. The reader
should peruse, in this connection, the
remarkably intimate and sympathetic
studies of Jewish life recently published
in Paris by Jean and Jerome Tharaud,
which will unveil to his occidental vi-
sion a world undreamed of. When to
these vivid distinctions are added the
economic and racial differences, which
have already been described in discuss-
ing the more or less assimilated West-
ern European Jews, it is difficult to find
a single remaining trait wherein the
Eastern Jews may be said to resemble
the Christian Pole, Lithuanian, Rus-
sian, or Roumanian. Those who have
not seen this community cleavage for
themselves can scarcely imagine how
thorough it is, or what profound anti-
pathy it instinctively engenders.
So much having been said, a specific
explanation of the present revival of
anti-Semitism is almost superfluous. In
Russia the majority of Jews, for obvi-
ous reasons, have rallied to the Soviet
government, thus exciting against them-
selves the always latent hatred of the
anti-Bolshevist parties. The Jews of
Poland and Roumania, being regarded,
not altogether without reason, as for-
eigners inclining to sympathize with
the enemy (Soviet Russia), are sub-
jected to all the consequences that a
similar situation provoked in America,
during the war, between Americans and
Germans. As for the half-assimilated
Jews of Hungary, they earned the last-
ing enmity of the peasants and the
administrative caste by flocking in far
THE ASSIMILATION OF ISRAEL
109
too considerable numbers to the disas-
trous red banner of Bela Kun, in the
spring of 1919. In Czechoslovakia, the
Jews are subjected to the hatred of the
otherwise fairly liberal Czechs, because
they are suspected of being pro-Ger-
man and, in general, anti-Slav.
Coming now to the more prosperous
and more completely assimilated Jews
of Western Europe and America, one
easily perceives that the feeling against
the poor ones is an outgrowth of the
fear of Bolshevism, while the feeling
against the rich ones is a part of the
general post-war clamor against profit-
eers — the feeling in both cases being
greatly intensified by the popular na-
tionalistic suspicion that the Jews are
willfully resisting assimilation.
We are thus, in the end, brought
squarely back again to the surmise from
which we started, namely, that the
Jewish question is, above all, political,
and may indeed be reduced to this one
inquiry: Is it, or is it not, possible to
assimilate the Jews? If it is, time, and
liberal measures, will suffice; if it is not,
then, so long as nations continue to be
nations, and to abhor the presence with-
in themselves of indigestible foreign
bodies, there is seemingly no solution.
Some anti-Semites have gone so far
as to assert that, the Jews being essen-
tially a race apart, assimilation is nei-
ther possible nor desirable. From this
view, I differ completely. In the first
place, the Jews are not essentially a
race apart. Ethnology has long since
established that there is no such thing
as a ' pure race/ Leaving aside the per-
tinent inquiry as to whether or not the
twelve tribes were themselves racially
pure, it is clear that, from the time of
the dispersion down to about the six-
teenth century, the Jews were exceed-
ingly active in proselytizing, and made
many converts in Europe and the Near
East. There are at present white Jews
in India, black Jews in Cochin-China,
and yellow Jews in China proper, to say
nothing of the two great disparate
branches of the European Jewish fam-
ily, — the Sephardic and the Ashken-
azic, — the one speaking Spanish, the
other Yiddish; the one black-haired,
the other predominantly sandy; the one
said to be dolichocephalic, the other
brachycephalic. And if, on the one
hand, the modern Jew is indubitably
of conglomerate origin, on the other, he
has sown his blood profoundly through
other races, notably in Spain, where
the conversions of Jews to Christian-
ity were so numerous, that there is
now said to be scarcely a family free
from the Jewish strain. The assimi-
lation of the Jews by intermarriage has
madenoticeable progress also in France,
England, Germany, America, and even
Hungary.
Obviously, therefore the possibility of
assimilating at least some of the Jews
is beyond challenge. Indeed, there is
no reason to suppose that a mixture of
the so-called Aryan and Semitic races
gives a result which is other than excel-
lent in any respect. If the Jews have
not heretofore been absorbed more rap-
idly, the causes are rather religious,
social, and political than racial.
How can it reasonably be said, more-
over, that this mixture is not desirable?
The Jews are one of the most remark-
ably gifted peoples of all time. They
have, it is true, the defects of their qual-
ities, but in this they are by no means
unique. The Jews are, in fact, general-
ly speaking, sober, adaptable, industri-
ous, and intelligent. For centuries cut
off from most forms of handicraft and
manual labor, they have been exercis-
ing their minds in study and trade.
Their achievements in art, letters, and
particularly in science and philosophy,
if not preeminent, are at least notable.
Why any nation should scorn to absorb
an element so endowed is difficult to
understand.
110
THE ASSIMILATION OF ISRAEL
There is a class of Western Jews, how-
ever, who, while approving the theory
of assimilation in the abstract, give to
the word a meaning quite different from
that generally accepted. In the minds
of these Jews, it would be a calamity
if Israel, by intermarrying with other
nationalities, should lose its distinctive
character. They assert, therefore, that
it is entirely possible for the Jews to
remain Jews in every sense of the word,
and at the same time become good
Germans or Britons, or Frenchmen, or
Americans, as the case may be. Roman
Catholics, they argue, are forbidden to
intermarry with Protestants; why must
the Jews be expected to intermarry
with peoples of other religions?
But there is in this otherwise fair-
seeming comparison a slight miscon-
ception. If Israel were merely a reli-
gion, then, when a Jew ceased to observe
the forms of this religion, he would
cease to be a Jew. But Israel is not
merely a religion, but a nationality as
well. The problem of assimilation is not
a religious but a political problem; and
to shift it arbitrarily to the religious
ground is to distort it from its true re-
lations. If the reply be made that the
orthodox Jews are absolutely forbidden
to marry outside of Israel, I would re-
join merely that this fails to explain why
so many unorthodox Jews also hold in
horror the idea of marrying Gentiles.
In the present day of intense nation-
alism, when the forces of interior cohe-
sion are engaged in a silent and bitter
struggle with the forces of internation-
al dissolution, the Jews, who by their
history have become a cosmopolitan
race in everything except their devotion
to Israel, must make a choice. They
cannot give political allegiance to two
banners, even though this double alle-
giance be defended in the name of re-
ligion. The official anti-Semitism of
some Eastern European countries of
course makes assimilation impossible;
but in Western states, where the Jews
enjoy the same privileges with every-
one else, they must expect to give in
return the same undivided loyalty.
This is particularly true in America,
who is now being asked to accord
her hospitality to thousands upon thou-
sands of Israelites, whose emigration
from Eastern Europe is being encour-
aged by every possible means. Over-
burdened already with German-Amer-
icans whose hearts are in Germany,
with Irish-Americans whose hearts are
in Ireland, and with numerous other
varieties of half-digested foreigners, she
would like to be able to count at least
on the full allegiance of her Jewish citi-
zens, whose record in the war was ex-
cellent, and to feel that, however much
they may be drawn by a fellow senti-
ment with distant coreligionists, their
hearts, nevertheless, have been defi-
nitely surrendered to the land of their
election, even to the point — when no
imperious religious reasons intervene —
of accepting the idea of marriage with
non-Jewish fellow citizens.
I myself have great faith in the loy-
alty of the vast majority of American
Jews. To those few who sincerely scru-
ple to give to America, or to any other
Gentile state, their single allegiance, a
more generous welcome would doubt-
less be extended in the ports of Pales-
tine, under the flag of Israel itself, than
in the gateways of the war-worn West-
ern world.
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FARMERS' PROBLEMS
BY BERNARD M. BARUCH
THE whole rural world is in a ferment
of unrest, and there is an unparalleled
volume and intensity of determined, if
not angry, protest; and an ominous
swarming of occupational conferences,
interest groupings, political move-
ments, and propaganda. Such a tur-
moil cannot but arrest our attention.
Indeed, it demands our careful study
and examination. It is not likely that
six million aloof and ruggedly indepen-
dent men have come together and
banded themselves into active unions,
societies, farm bureaus, and so forth,
for no sufficient cause.
Investigation of the subject conclu-
sively proves that, while there is much
overstatement of grievances and mis-
conception of remedies, the farmers are
right in complaining of wrongs long
endured, and right in holding that
it is feasible to relieve their ills with
benefit to the rest of the community.
This being the case of an industry that
contributes, in the raw-material form
alone, about one third of the national
annual wealth-production and is the
means of livelihood of about forty-nine
per cent of the population, it is obvious
that the subject is one of grave con-
cern. Not only do the farmers make
up one half of the nation, but the well-
being of the other half depends upon
them.
So long as we have nations, a wise
political economy will aim at a large
degree of national self-sufficiency and
self-containment. Rome fell when the
food-supply was too far removed from
the belly. Like her, we shall destroy
our own agriculture and extend our
sources of food distantly and precari-
ously, if we do not see to it that our
farmers are well and fairly paid for
their services. The farm gives the na-
tion men as well as food. Cities derive
their vitality and are forever renewed
from the country, but an impoverished
countryside exports intelligence and
retains unintelligence. Only the lower
grades of mentality and character will
remain on, or seek, the farm unless
agriculture is capable of being pursued
with contentment and adequate com-
pensation. Hence, to embitter and im-
poverish the farmer is to dry up and
contaminate the vital sources of the
nation.
The war showed convincingly how
dependent the nation is on the full pro-
ductivity of the farms. Despite hercu-
lean efforts, agricultural production
kept only a few weeks or months ahead
of consumption, and that only by in-
creasing the acreage of certain staple
crops at the cost of reducing that of
others. We ought not to forget that
lesson when we ponder on the farmer's
problems. They are truly common
problems, and there should be no at-
tempt to deal with them as if they
were purely the selfish demands of a
clear-cut group, antagonistic to the
rest of the community. Rather should
we consider agriculture in the light of
broad national policy, just as we con-
ill
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FARMERS' PROBLEMS
sider oil, coal, steel, dye-stuffs, and so
forth, as sinews of national strength.
Our growing population and a higher
standard of living demand increasing
food-supplies, and more wool, cotton,
hides, and the rest. With the disap-
pearance of free or cheap fertile land,
additional acreage and increased yields
can come only from costly effort. This
we need not expect from an impover-
ished or unhappy rural population.
It will not do to take a narrow view
of the rural discontent, or to appraise
it from the standpoint of yesterday.
This is peculiarly an age of flux and
change and new deals. Because a thing
always has been so no longer means
that it is righteous, or always shall be
so. More, perhaps, than ever before,
there is a widespread feeling that all
human relations can be improved by
taking thought, and that it is not be-
coming for the reasoning animal to
leave his destiny largely to chance and
natural incidence.
Prudent and orderly adjustment of
production ancf distribution in accord-
ance with consumption is recognized
as wise management in every business
but that of farming. Yet, I venture to
say, there is no other industry in which
it is so important to the public —
to the city-dweller — that production
should be sure, steady, and increasing,
and that distribution should be in pro-
portion to the need. The unorganized
farmers naturally act blindly and im-
pulsively and, in consequence, surfeit
and dearth, accompanied by discon-
certing price- variations, harass the con-
sumer. One year potatoes rot in the
fields because of excess production, and
there is a scarcity of the things that
have been displaced to make way for
the expansion of the potato acreage;
next year the punished farmers mass
their fields on some other crop, and
potatoes enter the class of luxuries; and
so on.
Agriculture is the greatest and funda-
mentally the most important of our
American industries. The cities are but
the branches of the tree of national life,
the roots of which go deeply into the
land. We all flourish or decline with
the farmer. So, when we of the cities
read of the present universal distress
of the farmers, of a slump of six bil-
lion dollars in the farm-value of their
crops in a single year, of their inabil-
ity to meet mortgages or to pay cur-
rent bills, and how, seeking relief from
their ills, they are planning to form
pools, inaugurate farmers' strikes, and
demand legislation abolishing grain ex-
changes, private cattle markets, and the
like, we ought not hastily to brand
them as economic heretics and high-
waymen, and hurl at them the charge
of being seekers of special privilege.
Rather, we should ask if their trouble
is not ours, and see what can be done
to improve the situation. Purely from
self-interest, if for no higher motive, we
should help them. All of us want to get
back permanently to 'normalcy'; but is
it reasonable to hope for that condition
unless our greatest and most basic
industry can be put on a sound and
solid permanent foundation? The farm-
ers are not entitled to special privi-
leges; but are they not right in demand-
ing that they be placed on an equal
footing with the buyers of their products
and with other industries?
II
Let us, then, consider some of the
farmer's grievances, and see how far
they are real. In doing so, we should
remember that, while there have been,
and still are, instances of purposeful
abuse, the subject should not be ap-
proached with any general imputation
to existing distributive agencies of de-
liberately intentional oppression, but
rather with the conception that the
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FARMERS' PROBLEMS
113
marketing of farm products has not
been modernized.
An ancient evil, and a persistent one,
is the undergrading of farm products,
with the result that what the farmers
sell as of one quality is resold as of a
higher. That this sort of chicanery
should persist on any important scale in
these days of business integrity would
seem almost incredible, but there is
much evidence that it does so persist.
Even as I write, the newspapers an-
nounce the suspension of several firms
from the New York Produce Exchange
for exporting to Germany as No. 2
wheat a whole shipload of grossly in-
ferior wheat mixed with oats, chaff, and
the like.
Another evil is that of inaccurate
weighing of farm products, which, it is
charged, is sometimes a matter of dis-
honest intention and sometimes of pro-
tective policy on the part of the local
buyer, who fears that he may 'weigh
out' more than he 'weighs in.'
A greater grievance is that at present
the field farmer has little or no control
over the time and conditions of market-
ing his products, with the result that
he is often underpaid for his products
and usually overcharged for marketing
service. The difference between what
the farmer receives and what the con-
sumer pays often exceeds all possibility
of justification. To cite a single illustra-
tion. Last year, according to figures at-
tested by the railways and the growers,
Georgia watermelon-raisers received on
the average 7.5 cents for a melon, the
railroads got 12.7 cents for carrying it
to Baltimore, and the consumer paid
one dollar; leaving 79.8 cents for the
service of marketing and its risks, as
against 20.2 cents for growing and
transporting. The hard annals of farm-
life are replete with such commentaries
on the crudeness of present practices.
Nature prescribes that the farmer's
'goods' must be finished within two or
VOL. 1S8—NO. 1
E
three months of the year, while financial
and storage limitations generally com-
pel him to sell them at the same time.
As a rule, other industries are in a con-
tinuous process of finishing goods for
the markets; they distribute as they
produce, and they can curtail produc-
tion without too great injury to them-
selves or the community; but if the
farmer restricts his output, it is with
disastrous consequences, both to him-
self and to the community.
The average farmer is busy with pro-
duction for the major part of the year,
and has nothing to sell. The bulk of his
output comes on at the market at once.
Because of lack of storage facilities and
of financial support, the farmer cannot
carry his goods through the year and
dispose of them as they are current-
ly needed. In the great majority of
cases, farmers have to entrust storage —
in warehouses and elevators — and the
financial carrying of their products to
others.
Farm products are generally market-
ed at a tune when there is a congestion
of both transportation and finance —
when cars and money are scarce. The
outcome, in many instances, is that the
farmers not only sell under pressure,
and therefore at a disadvantage, but are
compelled to take further reductions in
net returns, in order to meet the charges
for the services of storing, transporting,
financing, and ultimate marketing —
which charges, they claim, are often ex-
cessive, bear heavily on both consumer
and producer, and are under the control
of those performing the services. It is
true that they are relieved of the risks
of a changing market by selling at once;
but they are quite willing to take the un-
favorable chance, if the favorable one
also is theirs and they can retain for
themselves a part of the service charges
that are uniform, hi good years and bad,
with high prices and low.
While, in the mam, the farmer must
114 SOME ASPECTS OF THE FARMERS' PROBLEMS
sell, regardless of market conditions, at
the time of the maturity of crops, he
cannot suspend production in toio. He
must go on producing if he is to go on
living, and if the world is to exist. The
most he can do is to curtail production a
little, or alter its form, and that — be-
cause he is in the dark as to the probable
demand for his goods — may be only to
jump from the frying-pan into the fire,
taking the consumer with him.
Even the dairy farmers, whose out-
put is not seasonal, complain that they
find themselves at a disadvantage in the
marketing of their productions, espe-
cially raw milk, because of the high
costs of distribution, which they must
ultimately bear.
in
Now that the farmers are stirring,
thinking, and uniting as never before
to eradicate these inequalities, they are
subjected to stern economic lectures,
and are met with the accusation that
they are demanding, and are the recipi-
ents of, special privileges. Let us see
what privileges the government has
conferred on the farmers. Much has
been made of Section 6 of the Clayton
Anti-Trust Act, which purported to
permit them to combine with immun-
ity, under certain conditions. Admit-
ting that, nominally, this exemption was
in the nature of a special privilege, —
though I think it was so in appearance
rather than in fact, — we find that the
courts have nullified it by judicial inter-
pretation. Why should not the farmers
be permitted to accomplish by coopera-
tive methods what other businesses are
already doing by cooperation in the
form of incorporation? If it be proper
for men to form, by fusion of existing
corporations or otherwise, a corpora-
tion that controls the entire production
of a commodity, or a large part of it,
why is it not proper for a group of
farmers to unite for the marketing of
their common products, either in one or
in several selling agencies? Why should
it be right for a hundred thousand cor-
porate shareholders to direct 25 or 30
or 40 per cent of an industry, and
wrong for a hundred thousand coopera-
tive farmers to control a no larger pro-
portion of the wheat crop, or cotton, or
any other product?
The Department of Agriculture is
often spoken of as a special concession
to the farmers, but in its commercial
results, it is of as much benefit to the
buyers and consumers of agricultural
products as to the producers, or even
more. I do not suppose that anyone
opposes the benefits that the farmers de-
rive from the educational and research
work of the Department, or the help that
it gives them in working out improved
cultural methods and practices, in devel-
oping better-yielding varieties through
breeding and selection, in introducing
new varieties from remote parts of the
world and adapting them to our climate
and economic condition, and in devising
practical measures for the elimination
or control of dangerous and destructive
animal and plant diseases, insect pests,
and the like. All these things manifestly
tend to stimulate and enlarge produc-
tion, and their general beneficial effects
are obvious.
It is complained that, whereas the
law restricts Federal Reserve banks to
three months' time for commercial
paper, the farmer is allowed six months
on his notes. This is not a special priv-
ilege, but merely such a recognition of
business conditions as makes it possible
for country banks to do business with
country people. The crop-farmer has
only one turn-over a year, while the
merchant and manufacturer have many.
Incidentally, I note that the Federal
Reserve Board has just authorized the
Federal Reserve banks to discount ex-
port paper for a period of six months,
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FARMERS' PROBLEMS
115
to conform to the nature of the business.
The Farm Loan banks are pointed to
as an instance of special government
favor for farmers. Are they not rather
the outcome of laudable efforts to equal-
ize rural and urban conditions? And
about all the government does there is
to help set up an administrative organ-
ization and lend a little credit at the
start. Eventually the farmers will pro-
vide all the capital and carry all the
liabilities themselves. It is true that
Farm Loan bonds are tax-exempt; but
so are bonds of municipal light and
traction plants, and new housing is to
be exempt from taxation, in New
York, for ten years.
On the other hand, the farmer reads
of plans for municipal housing projects
that run into the billions, of hundreds
of millions annually spent on the mer-
chant marine; he reads that the railways
are being favored with increased rates
and virtual guaranties of earnings by
the government, with the result to him
of an increased toll on all that he sells
and all that he buys. He hears of many
manifestations of governmental con-
cern for particular industries and inter-
ests. Rescuing the railways from insol-
vency is undoubtedly for the benefit of
the country as a whole, but what can be
of more general benefit than encourage-
ment of ample production of the prin-
cipal necessaries of life and their even
flow from contented producers to satis-
fied consumers?
While it may be conceded that special
governmental aid may be necessary in
the general interest, we must all agree
that it is difficult to see why agriculture
and the production and distribution of
farm products are not accorded the
same opportunities that are provided
for other businesses; especially as the
enjoyment by the farmer of such oppor-
tunities would appear to be even more
contributory to the general good than
in the case of other industries. The
spirit of American democracy is unal-
terably opposed, alike to enacted spe-
cial privilege and to the special privilege
of unequal opportunity that arises auto-
matically from the failure to correct glar-
ing economic inequalities. I am opposed
to the injection of government into bus-
iness, but I do believe that it is an essen-
tial .function of democratic government
to equalize opportunity so far as it is
within its power to do so, whether by
the repeal of archaic statutes or the en-
actment of modern ones. If the anti-
trust laws keep the farmers from en-
deavoring scientifically to integrate their
industry, while other industries find a
way to meet modern conditions without
violating such statutes, then it would
seem reasonable to find a way for the
farmers to meet them under the same
conditions. The law should operate
equally in fact. Repairing the economic
structure on one side is no injustice to
the other side, which is in good repair.
We have traveled a long way from
the old conception of government as
merely a defensive and policing agency;
and regulative, corrective, or equalizing
legislation, which apparently is of a spe-
cial nature, is often of the most general
beneficial consequences. Even the First
Congress passed a tariff act that was
avowedly for the protection of manu-
factures; but a protective tariff always
has been defended as a means of pro-
moting the general good through a par-
ticular approach; and the statute books
are filled with acts for the benefit of
shipping, commerce, and labor.
IV
Now, what is the farmer asking?
Without trying to catalogue the reme-
dial measures that have been suggested
in his behalf, the principal proposals
that bear directly on the improvement
of his distributing and marketing rela-
tions may be summarized as follows: —
116
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FARMERS' PROBLEMS
First: storage warehouses for cotton,
wool, and tobacco, and elevators for
grain, of sufficient capacity to meet the
maximum demand on them at the peak
of the marketing period. The farmer
thinks that either private capital must
furnish these facilities, or the state must
erect and own the elevators and ware-
houses.
Second : weighing and grading of agri-
cultural products, and certification
thereof, to be done by impartial and dis-
interested public inspectors (this is al-
ready accomplished to some extent by
the federal licensing of weighers and
graders) ,to eliminate underpaying, over-
charging, and unfair grading, and to
facilitate the utilization of the stored
products as the basis of credit.
Third : a certainty of credit sufficient
to enable the marketing of products in
an orderly manner.
Fourth: the Department of Agricul-
ture should collect, tabulate, summar-
ize, and regularly and frequently pub-
lish and distribute to the farmers, full
information from all the markets of the
world, so that they shall be as well in-
formed of their selling position as buy-
ers now are of their buying position.
Fifth : freedom to integrate the busi-
ness of agriculture by means of consol-
idated selling agencies, coordinating
and cooperating in such way as to put
the farmer on an equal footing with the
large buyers of his products and with
commercial relations in other industries.
When a business requires specialized
talent, it has to buy it. So will the
farmers; and perhaps the best way for
them to get it would be to utilize some
of the present machinery of the largest
established agencies dealing in farm
products. Of course, if he wishes, the
farmer may go further and engage in
flour-milling and other manufactures
of food products. In my opinion, how-
ever, he would be wise to stop short of
that. Public interest may be opposed
to all great integrations; but, in justice,
should they be forbidden to the farmer
and permitted to others? The corporate
form of association cannot now be whol-
ly adapted to his objects and condi-
tions. The looser cooperative form
seems more generally suitable. There-
fore, he wishes to be free, if he finds it
desirable and feasible, to resort to co-
operation with his fellows and neigh-
bors, without running afoul of the law.
To urge that the farmers should have
the same liberty to consolidate and co-
ordinate their peculiar economic func-
tions, which other industries in their
fields enjoy, is not, however, to concede
that any business integration should
have legislative sanction to exercise
monopolistic power. The American peo-
ple are as firmly opposed to industrial
as to political autocracy, whether at-
tempted by rural or by urban industry.
For lack of united effort the farmers,
as a whole, are still marketing their
crops by antiquated methods, or by no
methods at all; but they are surrounded
by a business world that has been mod-
ernized to the last minute and is tire-
lessly striving for efficiency. This ef-
ficiency is due in large measure to big
business, to united business, to inte-
grated business. The farmers now seek
the benefits of such largeness, union,
and integration.
The American farmer is a modern of
the moderns in the use of labor-saving
machinery, and he has made vast strides
in recent years in scientific tillage and
efficient farm management; but as a
business in contact with other busi-
nesses, agriculture is a 'one-horse shay'
in competition with high-power auto-
mobiles. The American farmer is the
greatest and most intractable of indi-
vidualists. While industrial production
and all phases of the huge commercial
mechanism and its myriad accessories
have articulated and coordinated them-
selves, all the way from natural raw
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FARMERS' PROBLEMS
117
materials to retail sales, the business of
agriculture has gone on in much the
one-man fashion of the backwoods of
the first part of the nineteenth century, '
when the farmer was self-sufficient and
did not depend upon, or care very
much, what the great world was doing.
The result is that the agricultural group
is almost as much at a disadvantage in
dealing with other economic groups as
the jay farmer of the funny pages in the
hands of sleek urban confidence men,
who sell him acreage in Central Park
or the Chicago City Hall. The leaders
of the farmers thoroughly understand
this, and they are intelligently striv-
ing to integrate their industry so that it
will be on an equal footing with other
businesses.
As an example of integration, take
the steel industry, in which the model
is the United States Steel Corporation,
with its iron mines, its coal mines, its
lake and rail transportation, its ocean
vessels, its by-product coke ovens, its
blast furnances, its open hearth and
Bessemer furnaces, its rolling mills, its
tube mills, and other manufacturing
processes that are carried to the highest
degree of finished production compati-
ble with the large trade it has built up.
All this is generally conceded to be to
the advantage of the consumer. Nor
does the Steel Corporation inconsider-
ately dump its products on the market.
On the contrary, it so acts that it is
frequently a stabilizing influence, as is
often the case with other large organi-
zations. It is master of its distribution
as well as of its production. If prices
are not satisfactory, the products are
held back, or production is reduced or
suspended. It is not compelled to send
a year's work to the market at one time
and take whatever it can get under such
circumstances. It has one selling policy,
and its own export department. Neither
are the grades and qualities of steel de-
termined at the caprice of the buyer;
nor does the latter hold the scales. In
this single integration of the Steel Cor-
poration is represented about 40 per
cent of the steel production of America.
The rest is mostly in the hands of a few
large companies. In ordinary times the
Steel Corporation, by example, stabil-
izes all steel prices. If this is permissible
(it is even desirable, because stable and
fair prices are essential to solid and con-
tinued prosperity), why would it be
wrong for the farmers to utilize central
agencies that would have similar effects
on agricultural products? Something
like that is what they are aiming at.
Some farmers, favored by regional
compactness and contiguity, such as
the citrus-fruit-raisers of California,
already have found a way legally to
merge and sell their products integrally
and in accordance with seasonal and
local demand, thus improving their po-
sition and rendering the consumer a re-
liable service of ensured quality, certain
supply, and reasonable and relatively
steady prices. They have not found it
necessary to resort to any special priv-
ilege, or to claim any exemption under
the anti-trust legislation of the state or
nation. Without removing local con-
trol, they have built up a very efficient
marketing agency. The grain, cotton,
and tobacco farmers, and the producers
of hides and wool, because of their num-
bers and the vastness of their regions,
and for other reasons, have found inte-
gration a more difficult task; though
there are now some thousands of farm-
er's cooperative elevators, warehouses,
creameries, and other enterprises of
one sort and another, with a turn-over
of a billion dollars a year. They are
giving the farmers business experience
and training, and, so far as they go,
they meet the need of honest weighing
and fair grading; but they do not meet
the requirements of rationally adjusted
marketing in any large and fundament-
al way.
118 SOME ASPECTS OF THE FARMERS' PROBLEMS
The next step, which will be a pattern
for other groups, is now being prepared
by the grain-raisers through the estab-
lishment of sales media which shall
handle grain separately or collectively,
as the individual farmer may elect. It
is this step — the plan of the Commit-
tee of Seventeen — which has created
so much opposition and is thought by
some to be in conflict with the anti-
trust laws. Though there is now before
Congress a measure designed to clear
up doubt on this point, the grain-pro-
ducers are not relying on any immunity
from anti-trust legislation. They de-
sire, and they are entitled, to coordi-
nate their efforts just as effectively as
the large business interests of the coun-
try have done. In connection with the
selling organizations, the United States
Grain Growers Incorporated is draft-
ing a scheme of financing instrumentali-
ties and auxiliary agencies which are in-
dispensable to the successful utilization
of modern business methods.
It is essential that the farmers should
proceed gradually with these plans, and
aim to avoid the error of scrapping the
existing marketing machinery, which
has been so laboriously built up by long
experience, before they have a tried and
proved substitute or supplementary
mechanism. They must be careful not
to become enmeshed in their own re-
forms and lose the perspective of their
place in the national system. They
must guard against fanatical devotion
to new doctrines, and should seek ar-
ticulation with the general economic
system rather than its reckless destruc-
tion as it relates to them.
To take a tolerant and sympathetic
view of the farmers' strivings for better
things is not to give a blanket indorse-
ment to any specific plan, and still less
to applaud the vagaries of some of
their leaders and groups. Neither
should we, on the other hand, allow the
froth of bitter agitation, false econom-
ics, and mistaken radicalism to conceal
the facts of the farmers' disadvantages,
and the practicability of eliminating
them by well-considered measures. It
may be that the farmers will not show
the business sagacity and develop the
wise leadership to carry through sound
plans; but that possibility does not jus-
tify the obstruction of their upward ef-
forts. We, as city people, see in high
and speculatively manipulated prices,
spoilage, waste, scarcity, the results of
defective distribution of farm products.
Should it not occur to us that we have a
common interest with the farmer in his
attempts to attain a degree of efficiency
in distribution corresponding to his
efficiency in production? Do not the
recent fluctuations in the May wheat
option, apparently unrelated to normal
interaction of supply and demand, offer
a timely proof of the need of some such
stabilizing agency as the grain-growers
have in contemplation?
It is contended that, if their proposed
organizations be perfected and oper-
ated, the farmers will have in their
hands an instrument that will be ca-
pable of dangerous abuse. We are told
that it will be possible to pervert it to
arbitrary and oppressive price-fixing
from its legitimate use of ordering and
stabilizing the flow of farm products to
the market, to the mutual benefit of
producer and consumer. I have no ap-
prehensions on this point.
In the first place, a loose organiza-
tion, such as any union of farmers must
be at best, cannot be so arbitrarily and
promptly controlled as a great corpora-
tion. The one is a lumbering democracy
and the other an agile autocracy. In
the second place, with all possible power
of organization, the farmers cannot suc-
ceed to any great extent, or for any con-
siderable length of time, in fixing prices.
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FARMERS' PROBLEMS
119
The great law of supply and demand
works in various and surprising ways, to
the undoing of the best-laid plans that
attempt to foil it. In the third place,
their power will avail the farmers noth-
ing if it be abused. In our time and
country power is of value to its possessor
only so long as it is not abused. It is
fair to say that I have seen no signs in
responsible quarters of a disposition to
dictate prices. There seems, on the con-
trary, to be a commonly beneficial pur-
pose to realize a stability that will give
an orderly and abundant flow of farm
products to the consumer and ensure
reasonable and dependable returns to
the producer.
In view of the supreme importance
to the national well-being of a prosper-
ous and contented agricultural popula-
tion, we should be prepared to go a long
way in assisting the farmers to get an
equitable share of the wealth they pro-
duce, through the inauguration of re-
forms that will procure a continuous
and increasing stream of farm products.
They are far from getting a fair share
now. Considering his capital and the
long hours of labor put in by the average
farmer and his family, he is remuner-
ated less than any other occupational
class, with the possible exception of
teachers, religious and lay. Though we
know that the present general distress
of the farmers is exceptional and is
linked with the inevitable economic
readjustment following the war, it
must be remembered that, although
representing one third of the industrial
product and half the total population
of the nation, the rural communities
ordinarily enjoy but a fifth to a quarter
of the net annual national gain. Not-
withstanding the taste of prosperity
that the farmers had during the war,
there is to-day a lower standard of liv-
ing among the cotton farmers of the
South than in any other pursuit in the
country.
In conclusion, it seems to me that the
farmers are chiefly striving for a gener-
ally beneficial integration of their busi-
ness, of the same kind and character
that other business enjoys. If it should
be found, on examination, that the at-
tainment of this end requires methods
different from those which other activi-
ties have followed for the same purpose,
should we not sympathetically consider
the plea for the right to cooperate, if
only from our own enlightened self-
interest, in obtaining an abundant and
steady flow of farm products?
In examining the agricultural situa-
tion with a view to its improvement,
we shall be most helpful if we maintain
a detached and judicial viewpoint, re-
membering that existing wrongs may
be chiefly an accident of unsym metrical
economic growth, instead of a creation
of malevolent design and conspiracy.
We Americans are prone, as Professor
David Friday well says in his admirable
book, Profits, Wages and Prices, to seek
a ' criminal intent behind every difficult
and undesirable economic situation.' I
can positively assert, from my contact
with men of large affairs, including
bankers, that, as a whole, they are en-
deavoring to fulfill, as they see them,
the obligations that go with their power.
Preoccupied with the grave problems
and heavy tasks of their own immediate
affairs, they have not turned their
thoughtful personal attention or their
constructive abilities to the deficiencies
of agricultural business organization.
Agriculture, it may be said, suffers
from their preoccupation and neglect
rather than from any purposeful exploi-
tation by them. They ought now to be-
gin to respond to the farmers' difficul-
ties, which they must realize are their
own.
On the other hand, my contacts with
the farmers have filled me with respect
for them — for their sanity, their pa-
tience, their balance. Within the last
120
A PROJECT OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT
year — and particularly at a meeting
called by the Kansas State Board of
Agriculture and at another called by
the Committee of Seventeen — I have
met many of the leaders of the new
farm movement, and I testify, in all sin-
cerity, that they are endeavoring to deal
with their problems, not as promoters
of a narrow class-interest, not as ex-
ploiters of the hapless consumer, not as
merciless monopolists, but as honest
men bent on the improvement of the
common weal.
We can and must meet such men and
such a cause half-way. Their business
is our business — the nation's business.
A PROJECT OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT
BY HERBERT SIDEBOTHAM
IT is more than eighteen months
since the writer described in these pages
naval competition between the United
States and Great Britain as the great-
est danger that threatened civilization.
We were then in the first enthusiasm of
our relief from war, and hope ran high
that the United States, within or with-
out the League of Nations, would help
the Old World to nurse the ideal of
peace through freedom for which the
war had been fought; and the danger of
naval rivalry between us was then only
just visible. But in the disappoint-
ments of the past year it has gathered
form and body, and it is now no longer
a vague apprehension but a rapidly ma-
turing problem, with well-marked polit-
ical lineaments. Unfortunately, there
is reason to fear that our two govern-
ments (as is the way with all govern-
ments, if they are left alone), instead
of going to meet it, may wait until it is
on their backs. We are told that we
must not hurry or unduly press pro-
jects of appeasement; but if precipitate
action is to be feared, what other insur-
ance can we have against that than
timely discussion?
Our discussion must be frank and
practical, for this problem is not one to
be solved along the lines of revivalist
agitation. There are forces — stronger
in America than in Great Britain —
that are working for the estrangement
of the two countries; but in both there
is an immense preponderance of good-
will capable of removing mountains, if
only some convenient fulcrum for its
activity can be devised. What holds us
back is not the want of a wholesome
sentiment, but the fact that, in our mo-
tions toward each other and toward
service to the general good, our feet are
held in snares from which they must be
freed before we can accomplish the un-
doubted will of the vast majority in
both countries.
One of these snares is the natural ap-
prehension that the United States has
on the side of Japan. The causes of the
differences between them need not be
discussed here; Englishmen know and
appreciate them, from the Australian
A PROJECT OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT
121
if not from the American side. As the
programmes now stand, the United
States will have eighteen post-Jutland
capital ships in 1925, against Japan's
eleven. It will be a fair numerical pre-
ponderance, and not more than Great
Britain had over Germany at the begin-
ning of the war. But whereas England
had, by reason of her geographical posi-
tion, lying as she does like a huge break-
water between the German ports and
the seas outside, the strategic advan-
tage in the Atlantic, the strategic ad-
vantage in the Pacific is with Japan
rather than with the United States.
The United States has two sea-fronts
to defend — a strategical embarrass-
ment with which we can sympathize;
for, in the days when the old Dual Alli-
ance of France and Russia was sup-
posed to be the enemy, the writers on
naval policy were always worrying
about the danger of naval defeat, with
half the British fleet in the Channel and
half in the Mediterranean, should its
enemies succeed in concentrating their
whole force against either. It is not to
be supposed that Japan, in the event of
war, would try to invade the American
continent; but her fleets, if victorious,
would sweep American commerce off
the seas. And there is the danger, too,
of a sudden attack on the Philippines,
which, if it were successful, would leave
the United States without a naval base
in Eastern waters, unless Japan, by at-
tacking China, were to give the United
States an opportunity to use Chinese
ports.
And where, in the event of war in
these Eastern waters, would American
ships refit? The disadvantages of fight-
ing thousands of miles away from home
ports are hardly to be measured. No
one who has given serious thought to
the problems of a naval war between
the United States and Japan would
maintain that the superiority of eight-
een ships to eleven gives an extrava-
gant margin ; and one can readily under-
stand those who are responsible for
American defense at sea insisting that
this margin is the minimum.
Unfortunately, this increase of Amer-
ican shipbuilding has an automatic
effect on the British programme. Great
Britain ceased building capital ships in
1917, and has only one ship, the Hood,
which can be said to embody the lessons
of Jutland — whatever these may be.
In this year's programme four such
ships are sanctioned ; but they will not
be begun till next year, and not finished,
in all probability, till 1924. It follows
that, in order to attain an equality with
Japan in these new ships in 1925,
Great Britain will have to lay down six
ships next year; and equality with the
United States will demand an even
greater effort next year than ever was
made in one year during the competi-
tion with Germany.
Thus, with the best good-will in the
world and many protestations of mu-
tual regard, we are drifting helplessly
into a meaningless rivalry, which could
not be worse in its effects on the welfare
of the people if our two countries were
enemies. And worse even than its ef-
fects on material prosperity would be
the by-products of this rivalry in po-
litical discord, and even, it might be,
in active enmity. The government, in
introducing its naval estimates, had to
face a great deal of criticism because
its shipbuilding estimate was so small;
and this came, not from political mis-
chief-makers, but from many moderate
men. Take the following passage from
the speech on this year's estimates of
Mr. Prettyman, a former Secretary of
the Admiralty, and a man who speaks
with care and exactness : —
'Everyone will agree that agree-
ment and international arrangement
are far better than building one against
another. The practical question that
we have to consider on this estimate
122
A PROJECT OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT
is, can we afford, even when that is our
opinion, even when the world knows it
is our opinion, even when we wish the
world to know it is our opinion, — can
we afford to allow any single power
however friendly, however much we de-
sire to maintain its friendship and even
affection, even if it is of our own blood,
— can we afford to be in a position where
another nation in the world will have a
navy definitely more powerful than our
own navy? Is there any honorable
member who will accept that position?
That drives us to the one-power stand-
ard, not in the sense of desiring to
build against any other power, or to
select any single navy and to say we are
building to maintain one equal or great-
er than that, but simply from the pure-
ly defensive point of view. ... If the
United States and the government of
this country can come to any arrange-
ment by which competition can be
avoided, it will be not only unopposed
but most heartily welcomed in every
quarter of this House. But if such an
arrangement is impossible, it is impos-
sible for us to say, simply because we
trust and believe in the continued
friendship of the United States or any
other country, that we can allow them
to have a navy to which our navy
would be manifestly inferior.'
All sorts of holes can be picked in this
passage, but no honest man would deny
that it represents the views of ninety-
nine Englishmen out of a hundred; and
it may be taken as representing the per-
manent mind of the country. It is the
basis of the 'one-power standard' now
formally adopted by the British Govern-
ment. Mr. Long, ex-First Lord of the
Admiralty, on March 16, declared that
equality with any other power at sea is
a claim that England never would ac-
cept 'save in connection with a great
English-speaking nation that sprang
from our loins and must ever hold a
special place in our regard and confi-
dence.' And Mr. Long is a friend both of
the United States and of a reduction of
armaments. ' If there is to be emulation
between, for instance, the United States
of America and ourselves,' he said in
March, 1920, 'let it be in the direction
of reducing the ample margin of strength
which we each possess over all other
nations.' If he had said 'which we to-
gether possess,' his remarks would ap-
ply, not only now, but in 1925, when the
balance of naval power will be rather
different.
The issues, therefore, are plain. With
an agreement between us, the formula
of equality on the seas — a great thing,
as Mr. Long said, for Britain to con-
cede — might develop into a naval con-
sortium and a drastic reduction of arm-
aments. Without an agreement, this
formula will lead to competitive build-
ing, and that, in its turn, to political
friction, and, it may be, even to rup-
ture. It is well to speak quite plainly.
If we rely on the unmobilized mass of
friendship between the two countries,
we shall drift into serious trouble; and
the first object of those who believe
with the writer, that the future of the
world depends on the free cooperation
of both countries to further our com-
mon ideals, must be to mobilize that
friendship in the cadres of definite and
concrete proposals. To that end it is
the object of this article to contribute.
II
The writer is among those who be-
lieve that capital ships are no longer the
chief repositories of naval power; and
this belief at one time seemed to offer
a means of escape from the more costly
forms of naval competition. Supposing
that it could be established that, for
the defense of shores from invasion,
mines and submarines were sufficient,
there would belittle left to build for
but the defense of commerce on the
A PROJECT OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT
123
high seas. That being so, would it not
be possible to internationalize the high
seas outside territorial waters, which
for this purpose might be extended
from the three-mile limit to one of ten,
or even twenty miles, except in straits
that are too narrow to admit of this ex-
tension? And might not all the Great
Powers agree to police the international
sea-common thus created, in accord-
ance with a code of law mutually agreed
upon?
If such a plan had been practicable,
it is obvious that the immediate result
would have been a great reduction of
naval armaments and the removal of
three fourths of the earth's surface from
the clash of national rivalries and jeal-
ousies. But there were two great diffi-
culties in the way of such a scheme. In
the first place, the majority of expert
opinion, both in Great Britain and in
America, still believes in the capital
ship. And, secondly, the United States
is not a member of the League of Na-
tions, under whose authority and flag
the new international naval police
would have to administer the laws of the
sea-common. Clearly, in existing con-
ditions, it is necessary to approach the
problem from a different angle.
Both in Great Britain and in Amer-
ica official spokesmen have indicated
their willingness to enter an interna-
tional conference on disarmament; and
if the project has got no further, it is
because of the frightful difficulty of
arranging a basis for general discussion.
Quot gentes, tot sentential. All similar
attempts in the past have failed, and
before making another attempt, the
nation that makes a move wants to be
assured of a better prospect of success,
and in the absence of such assurance
the habitual procrastination of all gov-
ernments gets its way. The theory of
reduction has, in the past, usually been
that of simple division. You start on
the assumption that the relative power
must not be altered, and you begin the
search for a common divisor. Suppos-
ing that the ratios of naval power pos-
sessed by the leaders are as 18 to 12
and 6 — you can divide by 2 or by 3
or by 6 and still leave the relative
power unchanged. It all sounds so sim-
ple. But in fact, the common denomi-
nator has always eluded definition; for
it is not only the number of capital and
other ships that constitutes naval pow-
er, but a host of naval imponderabilia,
which defy expression in numbers that
can be divided.
A still more important reason for
past failures is that the causes of the
unstable equilibrium that make for
naval rivalry are political, and cannot
be discussed in any general conference
with the remotest chance of coming to
an agreement within a reasonable time.
This has been the unvarying history
of all previous attempts to legislate
for a reduction of armaments by a gen-
eral international agreement. The in-
dispensable conditions of success, which
have never yet been fulfilled, are these.
First, two powers should hold a pre-
liminary conference and submit their
agreement to a general conference; they
should be two powers whose views are
sufficiently close to promise agreement,
and who together exercise a prepon-
derant influence in the world's councils
on the subject under discussion. Second-
ly, these two powers should not confine
their discussion to the purely technical
aspects of disarmament, but should be
authorized to take into consideration
the political questions that may be
relevant.
The only two powers that could pos-
sibly satisfy these conditions are the
United States and Great Britain; and
it is therefore suggested, as the pre-
liminary which alone promises any
chance of success, that there should
first be a conference between repre-
sentatives of Britain and America,
124
A PROJECT OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT
empowered to discuss all the questions
bearing on disarmament, to make a
report to their governments, and, if it
is approved, to submit that, as a draft
basis for discussion, to any further con-
ference for which invitations might be
issued to other powers. If Britain and
America cannot agree, neither can any
larger conference; if, on the other hand,
we can and do agree, we can play a tune
to which all the rest of the world will
dance.
It may be that the Anglo-American
conference, when it meets, might think
it desirable to limit its discussions to
what is called the problem of the Pa-
cific; and that the general conference,
which should be summoned later to dis-
cuss its draft proposals and probably to
ratify them, should be restricted to the
powers that border on the Pacific — the
United States, England, Canada, and
Australia, Japan, China, and Siam,
Russia, France, and the Pacific States
of South America. If so restricted, the
problem would be more manageable
and the ratification of any agreement
that Great Britain and America might
reach would be much easier. This, at
any rate, one is convinced, should be
the first step to disarmament.
The question then arises, what the
programme of this preliminary Anglo-
American conference should be. Nei-
ther of these powers would wish to be
advised how to defend its own coasts
against invasion, and therefore the
principal subject that suggests itself
for discussion is, how they should pro-
tect their communications overseas.
Now, on this question there is a long
history of controversy between Great
Britain and the United States. Where-
as the former has always stood out for
the exercise of extreme belligerent
rights on the high seas, the United
States, in theory if not in practice, has
always argued for the milder practice
of respecting the rights of neutrals and
the private trading of the belligerent
nations with neutrals. This contro-
versy goes back to the very foundations
of the American Republic, for Ben-
jamin Franklin was one of the first
champions of the exemption of private
property at sea from the operations of
war; and it will not have been forgotten
that one of the arguments that Count
Bernstorff was fondest of, in the trou-
bled months before America came into
the war, was that she and Prussia had
once concluded a treaty embodying this
principle against what he called the
'navalism' (a word formed on the anal-
ogy of 'militarism') of Great Britain.
The suggestion of the writer is that
this old controversy should be resolved
in a sense favorable to the American
view, and that the conference should,
as its first business, draft a resolution
declaring that in the event of war the
non-contraband commerce of neutrals
and of belligerents, and, generally, all
private property on the high seas,
should be exempt from capture or
destruction. That Would prohibit, not
only a submarine war on commerce,
but also a cruiser guerre a la course on
the high seas. It would deprive bellig-
erents of the excuse that great fleets
are necessary for the protection of their
sea-borne commerce and of their ship-
ping in war-time.
Those who know the long history
of the controversy between England
and America on this subject will appre-
ciate how great the sentimental signifi-
cance of a concession by Britain on
this question would be. Its effect would
be that American commerce would
continue free from molestation even in
the event of war — a tremendous relief
from the anxieties of the American
Admiralty. The losses of the German
submarine campaign have gone some
way toward convincing Great Britain
that a reform in the law of capture,
which she has always resisted, is in
A PROJECT, OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT
125
her Interest; but if the operation of the
rule were, at any rate in the first
instance, confined to war in the Pacific,
her acquiescence in the change of the
law would be certain. For a country
like America, separated by the width
of the Pacific from the attacks of ene-
mies (how different from the position
of Great Britain, with her thin silver
streak alone separating her from the
cockpit of Europe!), such a reform
would rob war at sea of the greater
part of its perils.
But we should be disposed to go fur-
ther, and here would be the great
advantage of associating in our pre-
liminary conference men of politics
with the naval technicians. If Great
Britain and America agreed to such a
reform, they should also agree that, in
the event of its validity being disputed
in war, they would make common
cause in order to enforce it, and in any
general conference of Pacific powers
they would command a majority of
adherents, and would be strong enough
to enunciate it as a law that they meant
to enforce against any malignant. It
would follow, as a matter of course, al-
most, that in any war in which this
principle was involved, and in which
America was concerned to maintain
it, we should play the part of a good
ally. One condition of that would be
that we should relieve America of all
responsibility for her communications
from the Atlantic sea-board, and so
enable her to concentrate her navy in
the Pacific, thereby (apart from any
closer return that we could make to
her for her naval help in the late war)
increasing her effective naval strength
by perhaps a third.
m
Two objections are always raised to
the reform that we have in mind. In
the event of some such declaration as
this being reached at the preliminary
conference between Great Britain and
America, — that every neutral ship and
belligerent merchantman engaged in
lawful commerce shall have the free
use of the high seas without molesta-
tion, — who is to decide what is law-
ful commerce and what is not? In other
words, what is contraband? That ques-
tion we should leave to be determined
either by the legal council of the League
of Nations or by some analogue of the
League drawn from the border states of
the Pacific.
A second and more awkward ques-
tion is, what would become of blockade.
It is difficult to imagine how two pow-
ers separated by the whole width of
the Pacific could institute anything ap-
proaching an effective blockade of each
other; but, that difficulty surmounted,
one would reply unhesitatingly that
commercial blockade should be pro-
hibited under our proposed rules, and
only military blockade — that is, block-
ade of naval bases and places d'armes —
recognized, if it could be made effective.
A final difficulty arises as to the
transport of troops across the Pacific;
but this, one imagines, would in any
case be subject to the full force of the
operations of war.
It is probable that this naval agree-
ment would have to be supplemented
by one of a political character. For
example, it might be necessary for
Great Britain and the United States,
after discussing all the aspects of the
Pacific problem, to agree to guarantee
the political status quo of the border
states of the Pacific, and to make
common cause against anyone who
attacked it. But this is no more than
the Anglo-Japanese alliance does, so
far as China is concerned; and it is
understood that whatever was decided
at the preliminary conference between
Great Britain and the United States
would be submitted for ratification at
126
A PROJECT OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT
a general conference later. There
would be no exclusive alliance, but a
declaration of agreed principles, to
which other powers, including Japan,
would be invited to subscribe. But if
they did not, it would be a warning to
the rest of us to prepare, and we should
do so.
The whole matter may be put still
more simply. Two things have kept
the American continent, so far, clean
from the curse of militarism, which has
brought Europe to its present plight.
One is the Monroe Doctrine. In effect,
what is now proposed is an extension
of the Monroe Doctrine so as to include
the eastern as well as the western
shore of the Pacific. In Canning's and
Monroe's days, the danger threatened
from Europe; now the danger threat-
ens from Japan ; but the Doctrine in its
enlarged form would still apply, at any
rate so far as America's commitments
in the islands of the Pacific or even on
the mainland of Eastern Asia were
concerned. As surely as she went to
war with Germany to prevent France
from being overwhelmed, or England
from being reduced to the position of
a satellite of Germany (as she would
have been had France been defeated),
so surely must she go to war with Ja-
pan to prevent China from becoming a
Japanese province. That may seem a
crude way of putting it, with the din
of the European war still in our ears;
but if we had spoken with the same
plainness to Germany before the war,
perhaps there would have been no war
at all. And so with Japan in the hemi-
sphere of the Pacific.
The other thing that has kept the
American continent free of militarism is
the neutralization of the Great Lakes.
What in effect is proposed by the sug-
gested changes in the naval law of war
is the neutralization of the Pacific.
Backed by the combined will of Great
Britain and the United States, this can
be achieved, but in no other way. The
policy thai is now proposed is there-
fore no innovation, but only an adap-
tation to the times of the old Monroe
Doctrine and of the neutralization of
the Great Lakes, which have done such
enormous services to the liberty of the
New World in the past.
Moreover, vague as the President's
indications of his policy have been up
to the present, what he has said is cer-
tainly not inconsistent with the policy
that is here suggested. In his first
Presidential Message he declared that
he was willing 'to recommend a way
to approximate disarmament,' and also
* to join in writing the laws of interna-
tional relationship.' His opposition is
confined to proposals that would make
over any part of American sovereignty
to an international council, or in any
way hamper the free determination
of American policy by the American
people.
This objection does not hold against
the free association of concordant
wills that is proposed in this article.
It is one thing to ask the American
people to commit themselves before-
hand to resolutions of uncertain import
and unlimited responsibility that may
be passed by a body in which their will
may be in a small minority. It is a
totally different thing to ask America
(as is done here) to join in a league
based on ancient traditions of American
policy, and embodying what is the per-
manent will of the people.
Nor, again, is the suggestion here
made open to the opposite reproach of
Imperialism, for the intention is, not to
set up an exclusive alliance, but rather
to lay down ideas to which all who will
may accede. Does it not rather harmo-
nize with the President's policy of find-
ing a way to disarmament by writing
in conference the laws of international
relationship? 'Suppose,' an English
writer commented on the President's
THE WORLD FROM CORSICA
127
Message, ' that some of these laws were
written to America's satisfaction, would
she join a league for their enforcement?
Supposing, further, that this project
could be coupled with a scheme of
naval disarmament, would that influ-
ence her decision?' The suggestions
made in these pages, it is submitted,
satisfy both these tests.
It may be objected that the proposal
does not directly bring about disarma-
ment. It does more, for it removes the
causes, both political and naval, that
make for ruinous competition. It cre-
ates an alliance based, not on selfish
interests, but on permanent principles
of policy, and independent of the gusts
of popular passion; and it enlists in
support of this policy such reserves of
strength that no one would dare to
challenge it. And incidentally, without
encroaching on the liberty of either, it
forms between the United States and
Great Britain an association which
may under favorable conditions devel-
op into the keenest-tempered instru-
ment of service to humanity that the
world has ever known.
'We two nations,' said an English
writer recently, hi regard to these hopes
of closer association, 'have a common
idiom on all these mixed questions of
law and politics. On the law of the sea
we have behind us a long controversy,
which can now safely be resolved.
Each has something to give the other
and something to receive, and both
together could set an example that
others could not but follow. Both of
us wrant to keep the weapon of sea-
power bright for service in the cause
of liberty; both would wish to keep it
in its scabbard in any less holy and
compelling cause; and both try to inter-
pret our duty to our peoples in obedi-
ence to the same ideals.'
THE WORLD FROM CORSICA
BY ANNE O'HAEE McCORMICK
ON the night of President Harding's
inauguration, on the top-deck of a little
steamer bound for Corsica, two Britons,
a Frenchman, and an American were
discussing the new President and the old,
and the American attitude, in general,
in regard to international politics.
A few hours before, the American
had been standing with a French crowd
on the Avenue de la Victoire in Nice,
in front of the bulletin boards, which
announced that the London Repara-
tions Conference had decided to let
Germany feel the pinch of the sanctions
for the enforcement of the peace treaty.
There had been tension in that crowd.
It was evident that the thoughts of the
solemn Frenchmen, who were so gravely
reading the synopsis of the ultimatum
to the German delegation, were being
jerked back into the old war-channels.
The constant French contention that
the struggle was not over made them
ready for the news. Their universal
determination that Germany should
pay up made them satisfied. But they
were worried. The threat of marching
armies stirred up too many familiar
128
THE WORLD FROM CORSICA
apprehensions and unburied memories.
The tension touched even the four
travelers escaping from the troubled
European mainland to a half-forgotten
French outpost in the Mediterranean.
On that dark little platform on the
tranquil and careless sea were reitera-
ted the same arguments, complaints,
national irritations and dissatisfactions
that the American had heard over and
over again in France and England. The
Frenchman and the Englishman might
have been echoes of the querulous
voices of their countries. The English-
woman was more than that. A hint of
the public manner made evident before
she admitted it that she was a leader in
what she called the constitutional wing
of the woman's movement, and she
therefore expressed a point of view
more international than the men.
The talk, like all talk of American
politics abroad, was more concerned
with the old President than the new.
Mr. Wilson is as cordially hated by
many Europeans as any of their own
statesmen — which is saying a good
deal! He is more extravagantly ad-
mired by many others than any world-
figure except Marshal Foch. But
damned or canonized, the ex-President
even now is to Europeans by far the
most interesting American. Everybody
who talks about America at all talks
about Wilson. He is a sign of contra-
diction and of controversy — a prophet
or a quack, an autocrat or a dupe, ac-
cording to the point of view; but it is as
impossible to escape him as the text of
political debate in Europe as it was to
avoid making him the issue of the pre-
sidential campaign at home.
The Britishers, representing the Wil-
sonian school of thought, discussed the
retiring President more sympathetically
than would any but his most devoted
adherents in America. They were not
much interested in Mr. Harding, who is
still a nebulous figure in Europe, mak-
ing no appeal to the popular imagina-
tion and confusing the politicians by
his attitude toward European affairs.
The Frenchman did not agree with
what he called 'Wilson's impossible
phantasm of an impossible world,' and
he dismissed Mr. Harding with a shrug
of his shoulders, as one 'who appears
from his speeches not to know any
world, possible or impossible.' The
only point on which the three agreed
was in blaming all their troubles on the
American. That is Europe's favorite
method just now of fixing responsibility
for her political and economic woes. If
America were only with them, is the
constant cry, they could have peace;
Germany would know she was beaten;
and every malcontent would not have
an American text for his agitation.
Above all, — and that is the real head
and front of all our offending, — they
could stabilize the exchange!
'America has been Germany's tacit
ally since the end of the war,' was the
bitter complaint of the Englishman, a
ship-builder from the Tyne. 'I am not
talking so much about the encourage-
ment she has given to all the forces of
disintegration and discontent by failing
to back the peace. My chief grievance
is that she has abandoned Europe to
the European politicians.'
'Wilson was the one hope we had,'
added the Englishwoman. 'He cleared
the air for us all. He was able to express
what the English people, what all the
confused and suffering peoples over
here, were really fighting for. But it
was not what our government, or any
other government, was fighting for.
And then, when we thought we'd won,
America repudiated Wilson and all his
promises, and left us to the mercy of
the old bargainers.'
' Consider how he misled us,' said the
Frenchman. 'We let him rebuke us in
his doctrinaire fashion for trying to
look out for ourselves. We let him call
THE WORLD FROM CORSICA
129
us militarist and imperialist. And now
look at his own country! It is of an
irony.'
'But he was right, you know,' inter-
posed the Englishwoman. The Amer-
ican, mostly an interested listener to the
discussion of her country, was amused
to feel the ground shifting. 'To-day
France must strike any observer as
both militarist and imperialist. Why
otherwise should you have at this mo-
ment, when you need productive labor
more than anything else, a million un-
demobilized fighting men, not counting
the classes in military training? Any
traveler can see that France is full of
soldiers. The only building going on is
the construction of military barracks,
which are everywhere being vastly en-
larged, rebuilt, or renovated.'
The Frenchman admitted the truth
of the observation and justified the
policy. He wanted to know who else
lived next door to an enemy already
talking of revenge, and suggested pleas-
antly that, in the event of another at-
tack, France would rather be prepared
for a possible wait of two years before
anybody was ready to help her. 'As
for imperialism, I don't think it is for
the English to taunt us with that!'
The Britons admitted that, too. It
was an exceedingly frank international
dialogue.
'It is perfectly evident that the
French people dislike us,' said the Eng-
lishman, 'whatever may be the fulsome
exchanges between the governments at
this moment. One reason I left the
Riviera was that I was really made un-
comfortable by the hostile attitude,
veiled or open, of the French toward
the English. They can't disguise it even
for the sake of our value in revenue.
Why is it?'
' I suppose it is because we all have a
feeling that you gave less to the war
than we did, and got so much more out
of it,' the Frenchman answered.
VOL. 128— NO. 1
'But what else did you expect?'
asked the Englishwoman. 'Did you
ever know England to put her hand in
any fire without pulling out most of the
chestnuts? And since the war, the Brit-
ish conscience is quite dead. We have
n't a spark of feeling left, not even for
Ireland. We are perfectly represented
by Mr. Lloyd George, able to out-argue
and out-manoeuvre everybody, and
without a principle in the world.'
When the American ventured to sug-
gest that the British premier's ability
to hold his party and the people in line
under the fearful assaults of a disillu-
sionment that had unseated every oth-
er Allied leader must be a sign of great
popular confidence, as well as an amaz-
ing feat of statesmanship, the English-
woman retorted that that proved her
point.
' One of his party is an intimate friend
of ours, a well-known Coalition member
from the North. He told us just the
other day that Lloyd George holds the
curious position of being personally the
best-liked and politically the least re-
spected and trusted British premier in
history. I tell you he proves that the
British conscience is dead!'
That dialogue, reported here as typi-
cal of all one hears in Europe, was inter-
esting as a Corsican overture, because it
carried to the very shore of the island
the atmosphere of distrust, recrimina-
tion, suspicion, and bitterness which is
the miasmic air that every European
breathes to-day. It sharpened the con-
trast between that pursuing clamor of
opinion and the silence of the dawn in
which the little ship slid softly into an
empty port. The first sight of Corsica
makes you feel that you are somewhere
near the starry end of the telescope;
and the longer you stay there, the more
you get the islander's sense that the
mainlands of the earth are agitated by
a good many unnecessary troubles.
130
THE WORLD FROM CORSICA
Corsica is not troubled by any dis-
content, industrial, political, or eco-
nomic. It is quite as indifferent to Eu-
ropean, as the rest of Europe is to
American, affairs. Yet twice in Corsica
I heard shrewd native judgments of
the ex-President of the United States.
Once was when I had lost my way in
the hills behind Ajaccio, and asked a
direction of two pedestrians, in a stony
lane far from any house or landmark.
They wore capes and slouch hats, were
armed with guns, and might have
served as the brigands of the story if it
had only occurred to them to act the
part they looked. Instead, they turned
from their rabbit hunt to walk part of
the way down the hill, to be sure that I
was headed toward the town.
'You come from the country of Pre-
sident Wilson,' one of them guessed.
'A good man, but simple. When my
son here talks about going to Paris, I
always tell him that even a man of in-
telligence like your President cannot go
to a place like that without having his
head turned or his neck twisted.'
The other time was at Calvi, a town
out of a mediaeval canvas for color and
picturesqueness, its squalor guarded by
a fortress as formidable as Verdun.
Under the fort, in the newer town, near
the harbor where Casabianca made his
famous stand against the naval power
of Britain, I noticed that the main
street was named Boulevard President
Wilson. It is a sequestered little thor-
oughfare, with the sea at each end; as
out of the world as a street in a picture-
book, or Corsica itself.
I was looking up at the name with
some thought of the curious power of
personified ideas to penetrate the ends
of the earth, when I was joined by a
townsman, to whom I made my Amer-
ican acknowledgment of the honor done
by Calvi to an American.
'In Corsica,' he assured me with a
flourishing bow, 'we understand Amer-
ica better than they do in France. We
admire Wilson. We like Don Quixotes.
You know we have a claim to Christo-
pher Columbus. Go up the hill, and
they will show you the ruins of the
house where we think he was born. Of
course, Genoa disputes it. But wher-
ever he came from, he was once here,
and he discovered America. So Calvi
feels an interest in America.'
He said it with an air, that smiling
survivor in a fading village on a for-
gotten strand, the air of a grand duke
toward one of his colonies, rather stag-
gering even to a traveler accustomed to
getting strange views of her country
through foreign eyes.
'As to Mr. Wilson,' he went on, 'I
think he made some discoveries in Eu-
rope, too. He did n't accomplish very
much, when all is said; but the things
he could n't do — well, they made a
good many people over there,' with a
gesture toward the mainland, ' begin to
think. He did not come for nothing,
but he should have come to Corsica. It
is a very good place to study history, to
see what happens to heroes, and to
learn that everything takes time.'
To enter Corsica, on the very first day
of President Harding's administration,
to the accompaniment of an Anglo-
French discussion of President Wilson,
and to leave it, a week later, to the echo
of a Corsican contribution to the same
discussion, is an experience not with-
out amusement and significance. There
was a world between the two points of
view; but I am not sure that the gen-
tleman of leisure who did the honors
of the Boulevard President Wilson in
the town of Calvi, in an island so work-
less, strikeless, newsless, moneyless,
and generally idyllic, as Corsica, did
not occupy a better post for observa-
tion than those commentators who live
amid the confusion of events and the
conflict of reports.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
SHELL-SHOCK IN A SHOESHOP
THIS small exposition of a social phe-
nomenon is presented to the sorority of
shoestore sufferers merely in the hope
that it will be diagnosed as correct, and
not condemned as another extravagance
of an embittered shopper.
Things are seldom what they seem.
The other day I went to what I sup-
posed to be a mark-down sale of boots
and shoes, but found instead that I was
attending a reception; or perhaps it
would be more correct to call the social
function at which I found myself a leap-
year party, because, in a shoestore, it is
apparently always leap year.
Women in bevies were crowding and
jostling each other just inside the en-
trance, shrilly demanding some partic-
ular clerk, the name of the coveted
salesman rising above the steady stream
of feminine chatter with flattering in-
sistence. I was deafened by the Babel
of tongues among which various phrases
crashed through into my consciousness.
'Where is Mr. Johnson? I must have
Mr. Johnson. He's the only man that
knows just what I want.'
'Is Mr. Jackson here? Say, Edna, do
you mind just catching hold of that
gentleman that's talking to the fleshy
woman in blue? He's my special friend.
All the others make me get shoes that
are too big for me.'
'Oh, Mr. Sampson, here I am! You
know you told me to be sure and always
ask for you.'
'Good morning, Mr. Benson. How
are you this morning? Popular as ever,
I see! I want you to show me the very
latest thing in tango-slippers. I think
everything of Mr. Benson,' the speaker
then announced to all whom it might
concern. And the mountain of flesh from
whom this flattering declaration ema-
nated forced her way toward her cov-
eted idol, Mahomet being utterly unable
to go to the mountain.
I looked around me in despair. Each
clerk was either surrounded by a group
of ladies, or having a confidential chat
with one alone on some cushioned sofa.
Broken bits of conversation continued
to assail my ears; sometimes the sub-
ject-matter was such as would be toss-
ed to and fro between any two people
meeting at an afternoon tea; sometimes
there was an interchange of personal
gossip concerning the large world of
society in which the majority of the
shoe-purchasing and shoe-selling world
seemed to move side by side. The
feminine confidences to which I found
myself listening were the more astound-
ing in their intimacy from the fact that
often they were evidently being poured
into the ear of a total stranger. A young
girl in fur coat and pearl necklace bent
confidentially toward a swain in whose
blacking-stained palm her silk-stocking-
ed foot was temporarily reposing, and
exchanged ballroom badinage. Stout ma-
trons repeated the latest mots of their
grandchildren, or deplored the manners
of the new generation, sure of a sympa-
thetic listener at their feet. Somehow
the intimacy implied by an appeal for
sympathy always seems of the closest
possible brand.
Among the confusion of faces, I sud-
denly detected the puzzled one of a
rather deaf contemporary of my own.
I made my way to her side, and indica-
ting a confidential confessional that was
in progress at a little distance,! shouted,
131
132
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
* Don't you admire shoe-men's sym-
pathy?'
She looked alarmed for my reason.
'Schumann's Symphony?' she mur-
mured vaguely. ' Why, yes, I think it 's
beautiful, if you mean the one in D
minor.'
This would never do. 'It's no use
trying to talk in a shoeshop,' I yelled,
backing away.
'Did you say you had shell-shock?'
my deaf friend inquired again.
I nodded violently and withdrew to
continue my observations.
'Is this the new democracy?' I asked
myself in a daze. But no. I had been
to other mark-down sales. I have trav-
eled from automatic attics to bargain
basements, and everywhere the old or-
der prevailed to the extent of the pur-
chaser and the dispenser of wares being
separated by that imaginary equator
which divides the seller and the sold.
Perhaps the absence of that symbol of
separation, the counter, explains the
greater freedom of intercourse in the
shoestore. But as I had come to buy
boots and not to moralize, I decided to
be very up-to-date and, 'cut in' on some
confidential couple. Accordingly I bold-
ly placed myself beside a seal-skinned si-
ren who was discussing with her chosen
partner a movie she had seen the night
before, and said firmly, ' I have come to
buy some boots. Will you please wait
on me when you are quite through talk-
ing to this lady?'
My sarcasm passed unheeded. With-
out glancing my way, the clerk merely
pointed to a distant corner and replied,
'I am busy. Perhaps one of those other
gentlemen can attend to you.'
It was in that corner, neglected and
alone, that I evolved the theory that
the shoeman is as yet in a state of trans-
ition. He is an unclassified animal,
a sort of social Soko, or missing link.
Perhaps eventually he will arise from
his 'probably arboreal' crouch, and will
stand upright on two legs and proclaim
himself either a man or a gentleman!
Perhaps he will have a consulting par-
lor, in which ladies may lay bare their
souls (I repudiate the obvious pun) less
publicly than at present. But for the
moment the shoe-specialist is certainly
in an anomalous position, into which he
has been pushed by the incredible in-
timacy of his rich and common lady-
patronesses. Perhaps there is some psy-
chological reason why, in removing the
shoe, one removes also a shell of reserve
(perhaps shell-shocked sensibilities have
caused it to disintegrate) while a new
sole-protector is being tested.
It always establishes a pleasantly
cordial relation to find one's self hand
and glove with a courteous clerk on the
other side of the counter; but it is al-
most startling to find one's self foot and
boot — so to speak — with an impas-
sioned salesman kneeling at one's feet!
THE HIGH COST OF TALKING
Speech lightens toil, and soothes the arduous day
With pleasant converse all along the way;
Some talk all day; and others take delight
To keep on talking in their sleep all night.
ANON.
It is a difficult problem, but if the
cost of labor continues to increase, a
point will be reached at which the em-
ployer must seriously consider how
much irrelevant conversation between
employees, or between an employee and
friends or acquaintances who share his
society but not his toil, he can afford to
pay for; and, having so decided, he
must find a way to make his decision
operative. Already, for example, it is
with an indescribable emotion that the
smaller employers of labor — we who
need the carpenter, the plumber, the
man-who-takes-care-of-the-lawn, the
scrub-lady, or other members of the
newest new rich — listen to the conver-
sation of our nominal hirelings, and fig-
ure in our troubled minds how much
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
133
it is costing us a minute. We are not
mean : we are desperate — and the fact
that we, too, are now and again insidi-
ously lured into conversation with these
nominal hirelings makes us more so.
Labor is scarce; the deaf and dumb
unobtainable, — even if we employed
them they would stop work and talk
with their fingers, — and the habit of
speech, as we cannot but recognize in
ourselves as well as in others, is older in
history, far more widely practised, and
far more difficult for the victim to get
rid of, than any other.
Many thousand years ago this was a
dumb world — a world that we may
only faintly picture by trying to imagine
ourselves living naked in trees. Judged
by all modern standards, it must have
been an odd life; but it had its pleasures,
it was not dull. Primeval man (so I
read in my Science History of the Uni-
verse) 'romped and frolicked with his
fellows.' ' There were rhythmic beatings
of the hands and arms, and some ap-
proach to song ' ; but it would have been
a song without words, and what you or
I, good reader, might have thought we
were trying to sing about, even the Sci-
ence History of the Universe does not
know. The wisest of us, I judge, would
have been mentally inferior to the aver-
age modern baby; but this is perhaps
unjust to the sage; for whereas the baby
learns to talk in an environment already
provided with teachers, a vocabulary,
and topics of conversation, this worthy
fellow in the tree had to start with a
single word of his own making, and
could talk about nothing whatever until
he had invented a name for it.
The idea staggers imagination, but so
it was. Out of these rompings and frol-
ickings, these mad, glad games of tag
and hidey-go and leap-frog in the sun-
flecked glades of prehistoric forests now
turned to coal, came the first words.
Thus it may have happened that one
of us sometimes got, as we now say, too
'gay' with another; a friendly tussle
became too strenuous, and a protest-
ing squeak meaning 'Don't bite my
ear ' came by repetition to be generally
recognized as definite speech, meaning,
as the Dictionary now says, 'the appar-
atus of audition,' not intended for bit-
ing. And having thus named his e-e-e-
e-e-e-yah! primeval man went bravely on
and tried to name everything else — a
tremendous task not yet completed.
Nor, for that matter, have his de-
scendants done much to perfect the in-
strument of communication which he
thus sketchily invented, and which still
remains sadly limited. 'Many words,'
said Stevenson, 'are often necessary to
convey a very simple statement; for in
this sort of exercise we never hit the
gold; the most we can hope for is by
many arrows, more or less off on differ-
ent sides, to indicate, in the course of
time, for what target we are aiming, and
after an hour's talk, back and forward,
to convey the purport of a single prin-
ciple or a single thought.'
Yet it is something if the arrows thus
indicate the target; for so dependent is
speech upon the receptivity and state
of mind of the hearer, that many an
honest sentence fails to describe its
meaning, and many an honest thought
gets distorted in the hearing beyond the
subsequent recognition of the mind that
thought it. Here, indeed, is a cumula-
tive tragedy, the incalculable total of
countless human misunderstandings,
for which our ancestor prepared the
way when he named his ear. And wheth-
er or not it would have been better if
his ear had remained nameless is a ques-
tion for individuals to answer according
to their faith in the ultimate intention
of evolution.
However it started, and to whatever
humanly incomprehensible purpose,
the practice of speech and the pursuit
of labor have long been inseparable: one
may even argue that, with the develop-
134
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
ment of self-consciousness and conven-
tions, speech has taken the place of
romping and frolicking whenever two
or more human beings get together.
The literary-minded reader will recall
the poet Thompson's fine pastoral: —
Soon as the Morning trembles o'er the sky.
And, unperceived, unfolds the spreading day;
Before the ripened fields the Reapers stand,
In fair array, each by the lass he loves,
To bear the rougher part, and mitigate,
By countless gentle offices, her toil.
At once they stoop and swell the lusty sheaves;
While through their cheerful band the rural talk.
The rural scandal and the rural jest,
Fly harmless, to deceive the tedious time,
And steal unfelt the sultry hours away.
And although the poet was thinking of
agriculture in a coeducational phase
that is no longer common, the most cas-
ual observation must realize that urban
and suburban scandal equally well de-
ceive the tedious time, that reaping is
here symbolic of many another occupa-
tion, and that neither sex is reduced to
noticeable taciturnity by the absence of
the other. I have seen, and heard, ten
or a dozen men, nominally busy at
mending a highway outside my window;
and, although neither the so-called gen-
tler sex nor the social beverage was pres-
ent, the affair sounded, and was in effect,
very much like a tea-party — except
that now and again one of the guests
stopped talking, and scattered a shovel-
ful of gravel, with a free, graceful, and
generous gesture, over the roadbed.
This they did in rotation, so that usu-
ally one guest was scattering gravel,
and the function was progressive. It
came leisurely into view far down the
road to the east; it went leisurely out of
sight far down the road to the west,
leaving a pleasant impression of human
companionship, though less romantic
than the reapers made on Thompson.
It may yet happen, as things are go-
ing, that such toil as this will become
coeducational also, that towns will re-
cruit their street departments impar-
tially from the new electorate, and that
these sturdy highwaymen, each by the
lass he loves, will bear the rougher part
and mitigate her toil. There were, to be
sure, contingencies that did not occur
to the superficially observant poet : one
member of the cheerful band might
have set himself to mitigate the toil of
a lass whom some other member loved,
and then, as Mr. Thompson might
(more ably) have put it, —
Across the ripened field the Reaper leaps,
With bloodshot eyes, and tears the lass he loves
From him who would her labor mitigate;
And e'er that other can defend himself,
With jealous sickle reaps his hated life.
This, however, would be an extreme
case, and fruitless efforts to kill with a
pointed look would be more likely.
Under conditions that are still with
wistful optimism referred to as ' normal,'
no essayist with a heart could have
wished to change an industrial conven-
tion by which conversation has been
accepted (and paid for) as the compan-
ion of toil. It has been taken for
granted that carpenters on a roof or
plumbers in a cellar would deceive the
tedious time, that the man-who-takes-
care-of-the-lawn would hold informal
receptions for all passing friends and
acquaintances, and so on through vari-
ous employments, male, female, and
mixed. The tongue of man and the tail
of dog, it has been tacitly agreed, have
this in common — each wags when the
owner is happy; and well it would be if
the tongue, like the tail, ceased wagging
under other temperamental conditions.
Talk and toil, it has been held, go to-
gether, separate yet inseparable, like
the Siamese twins; nor is it remarkable
that this phenomenon should have been
taken as a matter of course; for each hu-
man repeats in his or her own personal
experience the history of humanity, is
born speechless, discovers with surprise
and wonder the pleasure of conversa-
tion, and never wearies of practising it;
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
135
Words, moreover, are the only currency
in which the poorest can afford to be
extravagant: each has a Fortunatus's
purse, and, however he plays the spend-
thrift, the purse is as full as ever.
Yet it must be admitted that a wid-
ower who does not dance, though he
may with equanimity once a year pur-
chase a ticket for himself and wife to
the Policeman's Ball, would be dis-
turbed if policemen, summoned at night
to capture a burglar in the second story,
stopped on the way for an informal
dance in the dining-room. The case is
not so radically different from that of
carpenters who pause in their carpen-
tering for a pleasant chat, or of the man-
who-takes-care-of-the-lawn who uses
his rake to lean on while he discusses
the political situation with the ashman.
In all justice it becomes more and more
evident that only the industrial occupa-
tion of his premises should be paid for
by an employer, and that the social oc-
cupation should be paid for by the em-
ployee. In the case of the highwaymen's
party that I have mentioned, a distinc-
tion should be made between gossiping
and graveling. But unfortunately this
sound truth is not likely to be recog-
nized by the conversationalists in soviet.
NEW LIGHTS ON BROADWAY
It is queer how you can meet old
familiar wayside acquaintances day
after day, for weeks at a time, and then,
suddenly, some little incident will pop
out of the unexpected and reveal to you
their whole personalities, setting, and
responsibility to the universe.
I went down to mail a letter and get
a paper, and walked back through the
woods. I turned off the lane at a place
that is n't usual, going over the wall
instead of through the legitimate gap
and walking through wet wild asters
and poison ivy, and by way of various
outcroppings of rock, on which I sat
down experimentally from time to time,
to open my paper, combat the mos-
quitoes briefly, and withdraw. This
departure from the path may have
been the reason for the general change
in the face of things, although I came
back before long to the usual open spot,
and found the usual two horses grazing
there, went up the little hill past them
and through the usual sagged place in
their wire-fence. On the edge of the
sunny open space on top of the hill, in
the fringy edge of the sumach and the
shade of a tree, with goldenrod adorn-
ing the prospect, I recognized the des-
tined ledge of rock on which to read my
paper; so I sat down to consider Cox
and Harding in parallel columns.
Other voices not political began to
get my attention, but I did n't listen
much. They were well away on the
other side of the trees, and it was n't
my business. After a while the two
horses came plunging out of the thicket
and across the lower edge of the grassy
space and into the thicket on the other
side, shouts pursuing; and then a man
in a whitish shirt and no-colored trou-
sers, with a long stick in his hand, came
after. He 'd been ' chasing those horses
all morning, lady,' he explained as he
went by. 'It's hard to catch horses.
You think you have them cornered and
they get away from you.'
I wished him success this time, and
thought he had it; but he had n't. Then
another man appeared — a long, lean
man who left an impression of blue
gingham shirt in the general color-effect
of the landscape as he went across it.
Had the horses gone up by here? he
wanted to know. No, not up by here;
they had gone down by here, I told him,
with the other man after them, but
they had n't passed again. So he went
off to beat the woods.
From that time my reading-room
was the scene of crossings and recross-
ings, of pursuit, escape, bewilderment,
136
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
of explosions of baffled wrath from the
White Shirt and mild perplexity from
the Blue Gingham. They ran across it,
shouting; they walked across it, puz-
zled. They collapsed on it, to pant and
rest. They called across it from oppo-
site thickets to each other, to ask what
luck. They stood in the middle of it
and scratched their heads. And once in
a long while, the horses crossed it — now
a brown streak moving above the green
leafage where the bushes were low, now
cantering into the open, flicking their
tails and having a very happy time.
They were n't his horses, said the
Blue Gingham. They were the other
man's. He just thought he'd give him
a hand. The White Shirt had a great
deal more to say. Not that he loitered
to say it — in fact, he was generally
running all the way across. But he
somehow managed in passing to convey
a great deal. He'd been after those
horses since eight o'clock this morning,
lady. He was tired out, running. He
did n't know when he'd been so tired.
He was winded. He'd like to know
where the devil those horses went. He
was to bring them in this morning, and
here it was eleven o'clock, and his folks *
were moving to-day and he had to
go home. He did n't know what he
was going to do. Those horses were
foxy. They were the coach-horses, and
they'd always been here and knew ev-
ery lane.
It had never occurred to me before to
think of those horses as belonging to
anyone. I had just thought of them as
independent personalities roaming the
woods at will — within the limitation
of certain fences, perhaps; we all have
our barriers somewhere. And here they
were flooded with a whole new light,
creatures of duties, subject to a fore-
man, a boss — to who knows what hier-
archy of authority? — maybe to Her
in the end. Here they were shown as
unreliable, sly, selfish, lazy — no con-
sideration for anybody's comfort — no
reasonableness — no gratitude — out on
strike at present, for shorter hours and
more time to eat, and who cares what
becomes of the established social sys-
tem! How little you really know the
people you meet every day!
Well, White Shirt was winded. As he
said, he'd been at it since eight o'clock
this morning, and he was tired running
all the time. He dropped on a stone
under a tree. He mopped his face and
his wide-open neck and chest. ' They 've
nothing to do but run and eat,' he said.
'On our place you just hold out an ap-
ple and the horses '11 come right to you.
We don't ever tie the cows. Don't have
to. Milk them right out in the open
field, and they'll stand. Come right to
you when you call them, and let down
their milk. They know when it 's milk-
ing-time. If they were my horses,' said
White Shirt vindictively, 'I'd put them
to the plough. I'd work some of the
fat off 'em. Work 'em eight hours a
day. Then I guess they would n't run!
Keep 'em at it about two weeks!'
Once, for a long time, there was quiet,
and I supposed the wicked were caught.
But they were n't. White Shirt reap-
peared with a paper-bag under his arm
and a hunk of bread and an apple in one
hand. I supposed it was lure, but it was
really lunch.
'It's hard to have to eat while you
run,' he said. 'Have those horses been
by?'
No, they had n't been by.
'I'm going down that way,' he said.
'If they come along, will you just let
me know, please?'
I would, willingly. But this time
White Shirt did loiter. With one foot
on my rock just above where it slanted
out of the grass, he hung, poised, and
we exchanged the stories of our lives.
All the while he fancied himself gone
down that way, hotfoot after his horses
— mopped his brow at intervals and
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
137
scarcely noticed that he was n't run-
ning and winded. He offered me his ap-
ple, but I was afraid there was only one.
I accepted the hospitality, but not the
apple — and that was very noble of
me, too, because it looked like a good
one.
It was in Illinois that the farm was
where the cows stood to be milked, and
all you had to do was to hold out an ap-
ple and the horses would come. That
was where he grew up.
'They found us in the city,' he said;
'took us out there. I was seven years
old, and there was my brother and my
sister younger. Found us in New York
City! My father and mother aban-
doned us. — No, never heard anything
about them. Don't know what became
of them, or anything. I used to think
— could n't go to sleep at night. Up to
the time I was married — up to the
time I was thirty years old — I used to
stay awake at nights wondering if I'd
ever see my parents, and wishing I knew
who they was and what they was like
and what became of them. My brother
done me out of three hundred dollars.
That was eighteen years ago. I never
saw him since. Yes, I often wished I
knew about my father and my mother.
Fifty years ago. Left us here in this
city.'
Again he asked me to let him know,
please, if the horses passed this way,
and again imagined himself gone. He
was pretty tired running after those
horses. He'd been weeding the grass
this morning and hurt his finger. ' See! '
Mathematics applied to his story would
seem to make him out fifty-seven, but
he might have been five when he held
out his grubby forefinger to show me
the long red cut across it.
'Cut it on a piece of wiregrass. It
would n't be so bad, but the place all
seems so run down — lots of weeds and
everything. I've only been on the
place a week.'
He keeps acquainted with his sister.
She never done him out of anything, I
judge. She has a big farm in Illinois. It
is the next farm to the one they grew up
on, where the cows stand and the horses
are friendly and acquainted. I suppose
she had married the farm, but did n't
learn that, because he got interested in
telling me about the butter.
He knows how to make butter with-
out any buttermilk. There's a little
whey, but not any buttermilk at all.
He made fifteen dollars once. Some
people said he could n't do it, and he
said he'd show them, and they put up
fifteen dollars, and he did do it. It 's his
receipt. Usually you take a pound of
cream and you don't get a pound of but-
ter out of it; but his way you get more
than a pound. He knows all about rais-
ing vegetables — beans and tomatoes
and corn and all the vegetables. You
put in so much seed, and you get so
many bushels back, and so many to-
matoes to the plant; and so much
money it's worth and so much to the
acre. Of course, he was n't indefinite
like that. He talked in figures; but I'm
not an intelligent farmer as he is, so I
don't remember. But he does n't forget
it — not any of it. Twenty years ago,
and he goes over it in his mind now —
it 's like going to school again. He does
n't forget a thing about it.
He can make maple syrup, too.
That's another of his receipts. You put
it on your cakes, and you'd say it was
Vermont maple syrup. He'd give any
man five dollars who could tell the dif-
ference. Nothing in it that would hurt
you. It's one kind of bark — he does
n't know whether it grows in these
woods or not, but it's a tree that grows
back there. I took it that meant Illi-
nois. You boil it in water and put in a
chemical, and pebbles — that is, you
strain it through pebbles and charcoal,
and put in so much sugar to so much
liquor, and when you get it the same
138
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
color as the maple syrup — well —
he'd give any man five dollars.
As I was going home, I met him down
where the path goes over the wall. He
called to me as soon as I came in sight,
to know whether they'd been up there
in my direction; but they had n't.
He 'd mended the fence down here, and
he did n't believe they could have got
over — he wondered if they could. I
did n't believe they could, either, for
the low place in the wall was so built up
that I did n't recognize it, and there are
new barbed wires across, besides.
And all this in New York City, just
off Broadway, and three blocks from
the subway station!
ASTRONOMY
After the sun has gone to bed,
The stars come out. All overhead
I Ve seen them twinkling. It was late,
For sometimes I stay up till eight.
If I stayed up till half-past ten,
I could n't count them, even then.
' But when the moon is shining bright,
Most of the stars keep out of sight.
And one night, when the moon was
gone,
I thought I saw them on the lawn,
As if from out my window I
Was looking right down at the sky.
But that was ignorant of me:
They were not stars at all, you see,
But little flies that fly at night,
Each carrying a tiny light.
A QUEER THING
I Ve got a shadow — and I think
It looks like when I spilled the ink,
And made a spot upon the floor
That won't come off forevermore.
The first time that I noticed it,
I was astonished, I admit.
I wondered what that thing could be
That went along in front of me!
They tell me that because the sun
Can't shine through me, or anyone,
I make this shadow on the land.
But how, I do not understand.
So when the sun is shining clear,
My shadow's always somewhere near;
And every little thing I do
My shadow goes and does it too.
And if my shadow's not in sight,
In front of me, or left, or right,
I quickly turn about and find
My shadow tagging on behind.
And sometimes it is thin and tall
Along the grass or on the wall.
And sometimes it is short and fat;
And always it is very flat.
It never makes the slightest sound
To let me know that it is round ;
And cloudy days I look in vain
For it. I guess it fears the rain.
JOHN
On January 13, 1820, Keats wrote to
his sister-in-law, in America, 'If you
should have a boy, do not christen him
John, and persuade George not to let
his partiality for me come across. 'T is
a bad name, and goes against a man. If
my name had been Edmund, I should
have been more fortunate.'
Whether or not this was true about
John Keats, the principle is true about
many other names foisted upon de-
fenseless children, who grow up embit-
tered by a real malediction, a name dis-
liked. We can learn to endure our own
features and our other limitations, but
a name cannot be lived down, it is al-
ways being spoken or written. Who can
say what an incentive there might be in
Edmund? Who knows what elements
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
139
of harmony contributed to make cer-
tain names famous? Possibly the sound
of the author's name, rather than his
merit, has won fame for many a writer.
Coleridge insisted that a woman's
name should be a trochee. Is it, per-
haps, by trochees that we measure the
fame of Geoffrey Chaucer, Edmund
Spenser, William Shakespeare, Walter
Raleigh, Philip Sidney, Francis Bacon,
Robert Herrick, Isaak Walton, William
Wordsworth, Percy Shelley, Robert
Browning, Walter Pater, and many
others? A man or woman named in
trochaic dimeter will
Climb the hill that braves the stars.
Why did Keats long to be Edmund?
There seems to be no special tradition
of literary fortune among Edmunds.
Edmund Spenser, of course, was the
poet who gave Keats his first inspi-
ration to achievement, and Edmund
Kean aroused Keats to a profounder
sense of Shakespearean tragedy. It
would be easier to explain a preference
for William. It seems to be an axiom
that a boy named William will succeed
in literature. Will was the name for a
poet, in the Middle Ages, as Bayard
was the name for a horse. In a rapid
glance over the annals of English litera-
ture I have found twenty-seven Wil-
liams who have won lasting fame.
Keats said: 'We hate poetry that has
a palpable design upon us.' With this
quotation in mind let us consider the
precedent of John in English literature.
John Gower was the great pedantic
moralist; John Wyclif, the controversial
first Protestant; John Skelton was tutor
to Henry VIII; John Lyly launched
Euphuistic platitudes; John Milton
wrote Paradise Lost; John Bunyan,
imprisoned, wrote an allegory (match-
less, to be sure) ; John Dryden wrote two
of the most childishly vapid odes in lit-
erature, for, in his own language, he was
sequacious of the lyre;
John Locke pried into the Human
Understanding.
It is easy to see why Keats did not
care to be listed with the Johns.
His friends called him, affectionately,
'Junkets'; and in this year of the cen-
tenary of his death, critics, interpreters,
and readers have made amends for his
John, for they have 'call'd him soft
names in many a mused rhyme.'
There are, however, cases of real
hardship in names. I fear for the future
of a beautiful child named Jabez. What-
ever he does, he deserves forgiveness.
Harsh unmelodious names ought to
be taboo. No human being should be
compelled to wear, not only inherited
features and tendencies, but also in-
herited names. Here in New England
many a disposition is wrecked by the
possession of some such Biblical ances-
tral name.
And then there are the classical
names. Why torment a boy by call-
ing him Achilles, or a girl by naming
her Calliope? There are tragedies and
comedies of names Proper, or otherwise.
Think of being called, aloud, ' Poe,' and
think of surmounting this affliction by
writing beautiful poems! Names have
some occult influence over destiny.
Why did Cowley ruminate in the pas-
toral strain, in many of his writings?
Was it not because he was Phineas, that
Fletcher wrote his Piscatory Dialogues?
What made Gay and Swift the fast
friends of the Wicked W^asp of Twicken-
ham ? Is there a reasonable doubt of the
suitability of the publication of Swin-
burne's poems by Chatto and Windus?
Why was ' Fiona Macleod ' preferred by
the man who wielded a critical Sharp
pen?
The moral is clear. Even if a last
name is unchangeable, a first name may
be bestowed wisely. Give a boy a name
that has no predetermined character,
no conspicuousness; let him make it
have individuality — call him John.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
When the World War broke out, Paul
Dukes was living in Petrograd. Unable to
pass the physical examination required by
the army, he took advantage of his accurate
knowledge of the Russian language and peo-
ple, and volunteered for the British Secret
Service. He was assigned to the place of a
valuable agent recently murdered by the
Bolsheviki, and for the better part of a year
lived a life such as any master of detective
fiction might profit by. Dukes served in a
munition factory, and subsequently was
drafted into the Red army itself. He organ-
ized an extensive courier service and sent
out information of great value. Subsequent-
ly he was knighted for his services. This
Atlantic article describes in detail the open-
ing chapter of his extraordinary adventures.
Dallas Lore Sharp is Professor of English
at Boston University. Katharine Fullerton
Gerould is, fortunately, a frequent contrib-
utor to these pages. Jean Kenyon Macken-
zie is the well-loved author of Black Sheep,
and the more recent Fortunate Youth, which
we never cease from recommending to every
Atlantic reader.
* * *
Laura Spencer Portor (Mrs. Francis
Pope) is connected with a leading women's
journal of New York. L. Adams Beck is an
English scholar and traveler, now living in
the Canadian West. William Beebe has re-
turned from one of his most profitable so-
journs at the Jungle Laboratory in Kartabo.
The Atlantic is glad to announce that the
second of the four gorgeous volumes of his
monograph on the pheasant is now off the
press. We call them 'gorgeous' advisedly,
for there is, perhaps, no more intense beau-
ty in nature than a pheasant's plumage; and
in both text and pictures that beauty is
caught and held to an extent which, to us,
at any rate, seems quite incredible. Alfred
G. Rolfe is senior master at the Hill School,
Pottstown, Pennsylvania.
* * *
Belle Skinner, who has ' adopted ' the vil-
lage of Hattonchatel, is an American who
140
has done much generous and self-sacrificing
work in France. Harry Hubert Field is a
young Englishman, who went from the pub-
lic school into service hi 1914, and served
with distinction and continuously until his
demobilization in April, 1919. After the
appearance of the American divisions in
France, he happened to be assigned as ' ob-
server' to one after another of the succes-
sive detachments of raw troops. A friend of
Captain Field writes to the editor: —
His mental attitude toward America from
1914 till April, 1917, was the attitude that 'the
thin red line could scarcely escape. . . . [But]
it was the acquaintance thus made with Amer-
icans in the flesh — coupled with the deepened
and sober thoughts that four and three quarters
years of war so extraordinarily developed in that
remnant of England's best that yet lives — that
brought home to him personally the real signi-
ficance of the Anglo-American relation. So, no
sooner was he demobilized than, with a directness
of action that showed the fundamental sincerity
of the thought, he got straight to the job as he
saw it: pushed aside any idea of a period of rest,
came directly to America, and with a notion that
the understratum of our structure might be the
one to learn first, went to work as a day-laborer in
one of the big factories in Buffalo. Day-work and
piece-work among the common run of Poles,
Hungarians, negroes, and what not — he stuck it
out for seven months: learned, by sharing, the
conditions under which the men lived and worked,
visited their homes as one of them — and was ac-
cepted by them as a comrade. All this, not from
the point of view of an 'uplifter,' or a 'muck-
raker,' or a Socialist, but from that of an English
gentleman, anxious to learn our domestic con-
ditions and difficulties in order that he might
sympathetically interpret, in some later time of
need, America to England. Personally I think
that I have rarely heard of any more unselfish
and high-minded bit of service, or of one more
difficult. . . . The name [Paul Zonbor] is the
only bit of fiction in the narrative.
* * *
Grover Clark was born in Japan of Amer-
ican parents. He was educated in America,
and is a graduate of Oberlin and Chicago
universities. For the last three years he has
been hi Japan and China, engaged in teach-
ing and research work along sociological and
political lines. He now holds a chair in
Government at the University of Peking.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
Christopher Morley is the happy ' columnist '
of the New York Evening Post. Nicholai
Velimirovic was born at Valjevo, Serbia, the
son of a Serbian peasant. He was educated
in Serbian schools and the College of Bel-
grade, and studied also in Switzerland,
France, England, Germany, and Russia. He
became Professor of Theology at Belgrade,
and chaplain to the court; in 1919 he was
elected Bishop of Chachak, and in Novem-
ber, 1920, Bishop of Ochrida. In the re-
construction work now going on in Serbia,
he has a leading part. He is President of
the Serbian Child- Welfare Association of
America, which, in cooperation with the
Serbian government, is carrying out a most
advanced and constructive programme of
public health and child welfare. In 1915
he was sent to the United States, to recall
Serbians living here to the defense of their
country. At that time he made addresses in
many cities of the United States and Canada,
and left behind him a profound impression.
Bishop Nicholai is at present making a sec-
ond visit to America in the interest of his
country and her people.
* * *
Gertrude Henderson sends her first con-
tribution to the Atlantic from New York
City. Theodore M. Knappen is connected
with the Washington bureau of the New
York Tribune. Frances Lester Warner,
Assistant Professor of English at Wellesley
College, is about to join the Atlantic's per-
manent staff. Paul Scott Mowrer is the
representative in Paris of the Chicago
Daily News.
* * *
The country-wide interest roused by the
publication of Mr. Alger's paper on the
'New Privilege' sought by American farm-
ers led the Atlantic to invite Mr. Bernard
M. Baruch to write an article representing
the farmer's point of view. Though not a
farmer himself, Mr. Baruch's broad experi-
ence, his recognized sympathy and public
spirit, make him an admirable spokesman
for 'the largest business in the United
States.' Everybody knows, of course, of his
services as Chairman of the War Industries
Board; but everybody, perhaps, has not
read the informing and very useful report
that he sent in answer to the request of the
141
Kansas State Board of Agriculture for his
opinion on cooperative buying. Herbert
Sidebotham, for many years an important
member of the staff of the Manchester
Guardian, became a ' student of war ' in the
service of that paper. The keenness and
comprehension of his articles brought him
wide reputation, and hi 1918 he joined the
Times, in direct succession to its military
correspondent, the famous Colonel Reping-
ton. At present he is a ' student of polities'
on the Times staff. Anne O'Hare McCor-
mick, of Dayton, Ohio, sends this informing
little contribution from abroad.
* * *
It is the Atlantic's oft-expressed opinion
that many of the 'roads to Americanization'
lead to something both different and unde-
sirable. Contrast, please, these two descrip-
tions.
This from Springfield, Massachusetts: —
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Every fair-minded person will admit that the
United States government has provided laws
which, consistent with the safety of the nation,
aid the alien to become a full-fledged citizen, with
the rights, duties, and responsibilities — save only
eligibility to the office of president — of the na-
tive born. . . .
It is unfortunate, therefore, when the execu-
tion of these laws is entrusted ... to judges
who, by their treatment . . . breed in the heart
and mind of a petitioner, not affection for this
country, but fear and distrust.
For instance, thirty alien men and I went to the
Court to take out our Declaration of Intention to
become citizens. We had been led to take this step
through daily contact with men and women who
had typified to us the fine qualities of true, loyal
Americans. We were conducted immediately to
the office, where the fee was collected. This was
only a trivial matter, but I know that it impressed
me with the idea that ' pay as you enter' could ap-
ply to more than street-cars. However, after this
introduction, we were ushered into the presence
of the judge before whom we were to be sworn in,
and from whom we were to receive our certifi cates.
Surely, this ceremony would be impressive, I
thought. But, no, we were only foreigners to the
judge, who evidently thought that since the ma-
jority knew little English, they required but little
courtesy. We stood before the bar, for there were
no seats on our side of it, for over an hour, while
the judge, with his feet on his desk, smoked, and
talked casually to other men in the office. No ex-
planation was vouchsafed to us for the delay. We
simply stood, and waited his pleasure. After an
hour had elapsed, I asked a nearby clerk if he
could tell me the cause of the delay. This was his
answer: 'Oh, you'll have to wait till the judge
gets ready.'
142
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
The judge finally decided that he was too busy
to attend to us and turned the affair over to his
deputy. This was the impressive ceremony I
heard: the deputy read my name, — which for-
tunately for me was the first on the list, — said,
' Hold up your right hand,' read the Oath of Alle-
giance, which he mispronounced and mumbled so
that I had difficulty in recognizing it, handed me
my 'First Paper,' and said, 'Next.'
The undue haste in administering the oath, the
discourtesy shown to us because we were foreign-
born, imbued me, not with respect for the court, but
with relief that the transaction was over, and indig-
nation that one man had misrepresented to thirty-
one potential citizens the ideals and traditions of
true Americanism.
DORA M. BBIGGS.
And this other from Nashville, Tennessee.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
You may be interested in an account of the wel-
come given sixteen new citizens last week in Nash-
ville, Tennessee.
The social took place in the assembly hall of
Watkins's Free Night School, where there was an
audience of over 500, mostly foreign-born.
Addresses were made by the judge, who had
granted citizenship papers, the mayor of the city,
an immigrant of many years standing, and one of
the new Americans.
After the four addresses the band played the
National airs of all the countries represented, while
the audience visited the booths along the side of
the wall, where French, Austrians, Roumanians,
Russians, Italians, Swiss, Syrians, and Hungari-
ans, dressed in the national costumes, served their
native dishes and greeted us in their mother
tongues.
This unique gathering was the work of the local
Chapter of Colonial Dames, the Council of Jewish
Women, and the Bertha Fensterwald Settlement.
Yours very truly.
With even-handed justice, we print the
following: —
SOUTH HADLEY, MASS.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Since you have gone into the advertising busi-
ness with such happy results for the spinster who
wished a ready-made, self-supporting family, do
you think you can conscientiously refuse other
applications of a soul-stirring description?
As expressing, perhaps, the suppressed desires
of a majority of your readers, I would like to sug-
gest the following advertisements which might
result in untold happiness for so many.
I. I am an earnest student, who has completed
all the work which can be done in my line in this
country. I have always wanted to travel, and as
no institution seems eager to give me a fellowship
for foreign research, I am anxious to find someone
who will supply the financial backing and permit
me to go to Europe for an indefinite time. A regu-
lar income during my absence would be necessary.
II. I am a young woman, thirty years of age,
who has grown tired of wearing her suits for years
and years and years, and mending and patching
her clothes. I am very good-looking and feel that
a suitable setting for my beauty should be pro-
vided before it fades away. Will you put me in
touch with a woman whose jewels and clothes are
no longer a shrine for beauty.
III. I am a poet whose poems have been ac-
cepted by the leading magazines, but poems en
masse are repellent to my sensitive spirit, and I
fear the effect on my genius. There must be some-
one who, if my plight were known, would gladly
give, that my poems might be privately printed,
de luxe.
IV. Well-educated college professor (with the
usual salary), devoted reader of the Atlantic, takes
special pleasure in an uninterrupted evening's
browsing. Lacking the subscription price of his
favorite periodical, a walk to the College Library
is now necessary, in order to procure the mental
stimulation at the price of breaking up the eve-
ning. Will some kind person supply the home need ?
Very truly yours,
CATHARINE W. PIERCE.
We are glad to give space to this forceful
communication from one of our recent fel-
low citizens who happens to disagree with
the statements of a contributor. We quote
litteratim from this ' American's ' letter.
CHICAGO, ILL. May 16, 1921.
THE EDITOR, ATLANTIC MONTHLY : —
Inclosed you'll find a page from the Czecho-
slovak Renew exposing your lying statements in
your magazine.
Liers are the greatest danger to the prosperity
of the world and you are one of them liars
I hope you '11 die like a dirty dog for being a liar.
Yours truly
a American
of Czechoslovak extraction.
Regarding the prejudice against Jews, so
sensibly discussed by Mr. Boas in a recent
Atlantic, many Americans of Anglo-Saxon
origin may listen with profit to this roll of
the Captains of Israel, called in a very in-
teresting letter from E. J. Doering, Lt. Col.
M. R. C., United States Army.
... It seems our narrow-minded coreligion-
ists have forgotten the Jewish saints, the founders
of the Christian religion. They probably never
heard of Sir William Herschel, H. Goldschmidt,
and W. Meyerbeer, the astronomers; of Lassar
Cohn and Victor Meyer, the chemists; of David
Ricardo and Ferdinand Lassalle, the economists;
of Geiger and Sir Francis Cohn Palgrave, the his-
torians; of Ezekiel, Israels, and Epstein, the sculp-
tors; of Madame Rachel, Edmund Kean, War-
field, and Sarah Bernhardt, the dramatists; of Sir
George Jessel and Asser, the jurists; of Georg
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
143
Brandes and Max Nordau, of literary fame; of
Cohnheim, Gruber, Strieker, Traube, Abraham
Jacobi, the great physicians; of Jacobi and Ein-
stein, the mathematicians; of Mendelssohn, Mey-
erbeer, Joachim, Rubinstein, the musicians; of
Spinoza and Moses Mendelssohn, the philosophers;
of Disraeli, Sir Matthew Nathan, Bernard Abra-
ham, the statesmen; of Baron de Hirsch and Pro-
fessor Morris Loeb, the philanthropists; nor of
Lord Reading, the Lord Chief Justice of England;
Louis D. Brandeis of the United States Su-
preme Court; Nathan Strauss, Julius Rosen-
wald, of the Council of National Defense; Jacques
Loeb, the biologist; Professor Hollander, the econ-
omist of Johns Hopkins; Felix M. Warburg, the
financier; Simon Flexner, of the Rockefeller
Foundation, and hosts of others.
It is our plain duty to fight all alienism in this
country, and work for Simon-pure, unadulter-
ated, true Americanism.
* * *
One more echo of 'Plantation Pictures,'
but one well worth listening to, comes from
Mississippi.
There must be an awakening, and as the ed-
itor of the Atlantic Monthly says, 'There must
be schools and more schools'; but to add — in
Mississippi — there must be SCHOOLS. The
pulpit, the pew and the press of the State must
awake. There must be an understanding between
the better class of whites and the better class of
colored. This is not a one-man problem, nor even
a race-problem — but a human problem. There
is not as much need for sympathy as there is for
a straightforward, candid relationship between
landlord and tenant, and with a good deal of the
white man's civilization mixed in, as Mr. Snyder
says they possess.
If there is any section of our glorious Democrat-
ic America where any class of people is so filthy,
so barbarously ignorant, so indifferent to life, so
forgetful of his loved and lost, as those described
in ' Plantation Pictures,' not only Central Missis-
sippi, not only all of Mississippi, but in a measure
all America, in the great chain of circumstance,
must be the sufferer. — But back to Charles
Dickens and his Bleak House: —
'There is not one atom of Tom's slime, not a
cubic inch of any pestilential gas in which he lives,
not an obscenity or degradation about him, not
an ignorance, not a wickedness, not a brutality of
his committing, but shall work its retribution
through every order of society up to the proudest
of the proud and to the highest of the high.'
* * *
The Poet answers to the Poet's call. A
distinguished officer of the American Navy
writes in response to Mr. Eddy's poetic
query in the April Atlantic.
The reason why it pays to publish the letters of
William and Henry James, but would not pay to
publish the sentences of Frank and Jesse, is that,
while thousands hang upon the sentences of Wil-
liam and Henry, only Frank and Jesse James
themselves ever hung upon their own sentences.
(As a matter of fact, Jesse was killed by a Ford —
Bob, not Henry.)
In other words: —
THE REASON WHY
The reason why it would not pay
To print the sentences imposed
On Frank and Jesse James that day
Is very readily disclosed.
Uncounted thousands hang upon
The sentences of William James,
And Henry is another son
A host adoring still acclaims.
The sentences of Frank and Jesse
Were those on which they both were hung,
And since they ceased to be 'in esse,'
Then- sentences are best unsung.
S. E. M.
This comment on the 'new schools,' by a
conservative, voices the natural doubts of
many teachers and parents.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
The articles in the Atlantic have interested me.
I have a desire to ask questions. We hear much
about fitting the boys and girls for life. That
means, or should mean, fitting them to become
good citizens of a great country. Will these pro-
gressive schools do that? What are some of the
fundamental lessons children should learn? What
does a schoolroom need for effective work?
The most important lesson is that of obedience.
If not learned in childhood, like some diseases of
children it comes hard later in life. American
children of the present day are not famed for their
respect for authority. Will these methods de-
velop that quality? If so, welcome freedom in the
classroom, socialized recitation, student govern-
ment, and all the rest.
A second lesson is perseverance — the doing of
a task whether we feel like doing it or not. We
cannot go far in life without coming right up
against that necessity. Here is something to be
done. The child dislikes to do it. Devices to
arouse interest fail, as they sometimes will. What
then? Does this continual appeal to the interest
of the child develop and strengthen the right kind
of fibre in his character? Is 'the irksomeness of
the steady grind' altogether to be deplored?
• The musician knows what the steady grind
means early in life. The hours at the piano or
violin are a strain upon muscles and nerves. Is it
physically more harmful for a child to sit on a
chair adjusted to his needs and give courteous at-
tention to class recitations and discussions.'
writer of one article speaks of the temperamental
child who suffered so much under this strain that
he jumped out of the window and went home. Is
it not possible that there may be children who wiU
be disturbed by the noise of the carpentry bencn
144
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
in the corner of the room, ' to which the boy may
repair when tired of mental work? '
Not only the musician, but the artist, the arti-
san, the scientist, the athlete, the farmer, and the
home-keeper know the weariness of routine. They
know, too, that the world's business must be done,
and they set themselves to the task. Is that not
the attitude of a good citizen?
And now, what about the schoolroom? What
is needed there? Ah- and sunlight, certainly, but
why luxury? An artist's studio is not a place of
ease and luxury; it is a place suited to his work.
The laboratory of a scientist may not be beauti-
ful: it is a workshop. A glance at either of these
places shows the nature of the work done there.
A schoolroom is a place where the child learns
to do things, where he discovers things by his own
thinking and experimenting, and where — after
some patient drudgery, it may be — he experi-
ences the joy of accomplishment. Does it need to
suggest the luxury of a cultured home, so that
some children ' need not step down when they leave
their homes for school'? If they do 'step down'
from these homes, and touch elbows with others
who step up when they enter the school, it seems
to me a wholesome preparation for citizenship.
Too conservative? Perhaps so; though pro-
jects and motivation are a part of my creed. But
has not the educational pendulum swung far
enough in this direction? M. T. H.
of Bostonians by the operation of the law of nat-
ural selection or the survival of the fittest. Tht
unfit are either in jail — or Heaven.
Very truly yours,
CHARLES L. DIBBLE.
'From Missouri' comes this pointed con-
tribution to a current discussion.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
What do teachers know?
One of them who is taking an extension course
in English asked me not long ago for some infor-
mation regarding modern poets. I am not an
authority, but I gave her a few names, while she
took notes industriously.
'Grace Fallow Norton,' I said, 'occasionally
has a poem in the Atlantic.'
She carefully put down, 'Norton — Atlantic'
I would n't have spoiled that for the world, so 1
went on hastily, though somewhat chokingly, to
say that Amy Lowell is perhaps at the head of the
school of free verse in this country.
She was very businesslike. 'Amy Lowell,' she
jotted down, 'school of free verse.' Then she
looked up, pencil poised, — 'And where is this
school located? ' she asked.
Sincerely,
MARY F. ROBINSON.
English as she is spoke in Boston, we have
fully discussed; but of English as Boston
writes her, the publication of the following
example may be of educational interest to
Chicago and way stations.
KALAMAZOO, MICHIGAN.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
The wonderful tales which have been related
by your correspondents concerning the super-ed-
ucated proletariat of Boston are by no means in-
credible to me. Of course Bostonians are expert
linguists — they have to be, in order to get about
their city and keep out of jail.
For example, on a visit to your city, my eye
lighted on this sign : ' Smoking allowed on this car
only when weather permits running cars with
windows open, and then only back of cross seats,
when at least four windows on each side, includ-
ing windows back of cross seats, are open.'
I repressed my desire. But suppose some un-
fortunate, more venturesome than I, had decided
to take a chance. Suppose that, after reading this
sign carefully, he had taken his place as directed,
back of the cross seats, and that the four win-
dows on each side were open, including the win-
dows back of the cross seats. But suppose that,
having only a single-track mind, he had failed to
note that it was raining outside, and hence, al-
though the windows were open, the weather
really would not permit running the cars with
windows open. He would of course be violating
the regulation by smoking, and the poor devU
would be liable to fine or imprisonment. Per-
sonally I am inclined to account for the culture
And while we are on the subject of teach-
ing, perhaps it is appropriate to notice a
certain attitude toward it on the part of
some parents. We print this remarkable
example sent us from a famous school.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Behold the trials of the secondary school which
endeavors to teach the youth of to-day the art of
English Composition. The paragraph below is
the reaction, in part, of a lawyer of New York
City whose son had failed to meet the require-
ments. The name of the boy and of the school are
changed, the rest is an exact transcript.
'Just how a boy can fail in the subject of Eng-
lish, even I today with my own experience, can-
not see or understand, and without hesitation or
fear of possible successful contradiction I assert
that no man lives today who could mark a pupil
as having failed or succeeded in English, except
on possibly definitions or lack of committing
something to memory; the subject of English is
too broad to be marked down that way to a day,
one might be very learned in English along one
line and be utterly dumb about another, who then
could say failure, it seems incredible to be argued
even, but for fear you may not understand me I
wish to say definitely that I am raising no issue
with you or Kensington. I do not occupy any
position to do that, but it is such an all important
element to all growing young men that good views
of any person might be valuable even to Kensing-
ton when submitted by fair impartial men and I
am trying to do that, notwithstanding John is
involved.'
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
AUGUST, 1921
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF DISARMAMENT
BY FRANK L COBB
IN 1910 David Lloyd George, then
Chancellor of the Exchequer in the As-
quith Cabinet, estimated that the di-
rect war expenditures of ' the countries
of the world ' were at that time no less
than $2,250,000,000 a year, and were
increasing at a rate that would double
this sum by 1920. He then predicted
that the economic life of the nations
could not long endure the strain; and it
did not long endure the strain. Within
four years Europe was in the midst of
the most disastrous war yet recorded
in the annals of the human race.
By common consent Germany has
been held responsible for this conflict,
and this responsibility is formally ac-
knowledged in the Treaty of Versailles.
But when we say that Germany was re-
sponsible, we do not mean that Ger-
many alone created the conditions that
brought about the war, and that Ger-
many alone shaped the issues that in-
spired the appeal to arms. The record
of Germany's guilt is, in the main, the
record of the Imperial Government in
the latter part of July, 1914, after Lord
Grey, then Sir Edward Grey, the British
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
had made an appeal for a four-power
conference, to adjust the situation that
had grown out of the assassinations at
Serajevo.
VOL. 128— NO. a
A
Speaking recently in the House of
Commons, the British Prime Minister,
in referring to the origin of the war,
said, —
'The more one reads the memoirs
and books written in the different coun-
tries upon what happened before Au-
gust 1, 1914, the more one realizes that
no one at the head of affairs quite
meant war at that stage. It was some-
thing towards which they glided, or
rather staggered and stumbled, perhaps
through folly.'
President Wilson was savagely cen-
sured in 1916 for a speech in which he
said that he did not know just what the
war was about, and had never been able
to find anybody who could tell him.
To his exasperated critics there was no
mystery whatever about it. Europe was
at war because the Germans were a
wicked and depraved folk, who had
taken diabolical advantage of the un-
suspecting innocence of the Russians,
the French, and the British. An opin-
ion of that sort does well enough for the
temporary purposes of propaganda, but
it hardly serves the ends of history; and
curiously enough we are still without
authentic information as to the final ar-
gument that swung the Imperial Gov-
ernment to one of the most reckless and
disastrous decisions in all history. All
146
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF DISARMAMENT
the German war memoirs, biographies,
and recollections that have appeared
since the war are strangely vague when
they arrive at that fateful moment
when the sword was thrown into the
balance. They do not tell us precisely
who was in favor of and who was op-
posed to war, and what the final argu-
ment was that determined the course
of the Government.
Yet it is possible to piece together
certain scraps of information that are
available, and arrive at a fairly satis-
factory conclusion. In order to sustain
its enlarged military establishment, the
German Government had been com-
pelled to impose what was equivalent to
a tax on capital. This tax was most bur-
densome to German commerce and in-
dustry under the intensive competition
to which they were subjected. Not only
were the Social Democrats, the most
numerous party in the Empire, prepar-
ing to resist the renewal of the military
estimates, but German business was in-
creasingly restive under its load of taxa-
tion. To the Junker mind, there was
no solution of the problem short of war.
To diminish the military establishment
was unthinkable. To make the political
concessions necessary to appease the
Social Democrats and obtain their sup-
port for the army programme was like-
wise unthinkable. The overhead had
become too great for the Imperial sys-
tem. Then came the murder of the heir-
apparent to the throne of Austria-Hun-
gary, and the General Staff instantly
reverted to the ancient precept of im-
perialism, — not merely German im-
perialism, but all imperialism, — •• which
is that a successful foreign war is the
best means of averting a domestic crisis.
And so Europe was plunged in blood in
consequence of a military panic that
had its origin in an economic emergency,
which in turn was produced by com-
petitive armament. The Lloyd George
prediction of 1920 was fulfilled.
When the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer made the speech referred to,
the $2,250,000,000 which the nations
were spending every year for past and
future wars represented $50,000,000,-
000 of wealth, on a basis of five per cent.
In other words, $50,000,000,000 of the
world's assets were for all practical pur-
poses segregated and devoted to the
task of earning income to be devoted
exclusively to supporting military ad-
ventures of one kind or another.
After a war that cost approximately
$348,000,000,000 in property and pro-
duction, nobody quite knows the ag-
gregate war budget of the nations. It
has been variously estimated at from
eight to ten billion dollars a year. If we
take the smaller figure and capitalize
it at the modest rate of five percent,
the amount is $160,000,000,000 -
which means that, after extinguishing
$348,000,000,000 of the world's wealth,
$160,000,000,000 of what is left is now
set aside to pay the reckoning and make
ready for new wars.
It is needless to say that labor and
industry cannot carry that burden, and
when government attempts to sweat
them to that extent, it is defeating the
very ends of national defense which it
professes to serve. War is no longer a
conflict between uniformed forces of
professional combatants. It is a con-
flict of all the resources of the belliger-
ents, of whatsoever kind and nature.
What ended this war was the over-
whelming economic force of the United
States. What enabled Germany to
fight all Europe to a standstill on two
fronts was, not its superior military es-
tablishment, but its superior economic
system.
The German army was undoubtedly
the most perfect military machine ever
constructed by the genius of man, but
it ditched itself within six weeks after
the beginning of the war. All the elab-
orately contrived plans of the General
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF DISARMAMENT
147
Staff were frustrated at the battle of
the Marne, after von Kluck had out-
marched his communications. The
remainder of the war was a series of
desperate attempts on the part of the
German high command to adjust it-
self to conditions that it had never con-
templated; and in the end it was the
economic collapse of internal Germany
which left LudendorfFs armies a defense-
less shell. So much for military pre-
paredness at its best and its worst.
While military experts are acrimoni-
ously discussing the lessons of the war,
the most important lesson attracts prac-
tically no attention on their part. It is
the lesson that was demonstrated in its
most dramatic form by the American
intervention — that is, that economic
resources can be easily and quickly
translated into military resources; that
a sound economic system is the essen-
tial element in any extensive military
undertaking. But these resources are
not interchangeable. Economic energy
can be speedily converted into military
energy, but military energy is not re-
controvertible into economic energy.
Like the radiated heat of the sun, it is
lost. It can never be reassembled and
welded into another sun.
The white man's civilization is an
economic civilization. It is sustained
by economic supremacy, and by that
alone. It is that which has given to the
so-called Nordic races their dominion
over land and sea. In point of numbers
they are inferior to the brown and yel-
low races. In point of physical courage
they are likewise inferior, for the Orien-
tal faces both torture and death with a
resignation and a fatalism that the white
man either had never attained or has
long ago lost. In ability to endure hard-
ship, to exist on a minimum of nour-
ishment, and to survive in the midst
of an evil environment, the swarming
millions of Asia are superior to the
European or the American, As for in-
tellectual power, dismissing the uses to
which that power is applied, the East-
ern mind has attained a discipline and a
subtlety of reasoning that the Western
mind has never yet achieved. It is the
white man's economic accomplishments
which have been the magic carpet that
transported him everywhere, and the
armor that none could penetrate. WTiile
this economic supremacy exists, no oth-
er race can challenge the white man's
civilization. Whenever that supremacy
has been weakened, the white man's
civilization has been menaced. It is
again in peril.
Three great military empires were
extinguished in the war, but three great
economic empires were wrecked, as
well. Russia has been rightly described
as an 'economic vacuum.' Austria-
Hungary is practically in ruins; and
whether the great German economic
machine will ever be permitted to func-
tion freely again is still a matter of
speculation. We are only beginning to
comprehend the terrific impact of the
blow that the war dealt to the economic
structure of Europe; and from the day
the Armistice was signed, conditions
have grown steadily worse. It must be
apparent to anybody who will examine
the situation dispassionately that, un-
less this economic fabric can be speed-
ily restored, modern civilization may
slowly disintegrate, to its utter ruin, as
preceding civilizations have disinte-
grated. V,
Obviously the place to begin the work
of reconstruction, so far as the govern-
ment is concerned, is with the burden
of taxation under which all the great
nations are groaning. The one point at
which an extensive reduction of taxa-
tion can be made, which reduction will
have an instantaneous economic effect,
is military expenditure.
The United States is spending on fu-
ture wars alone more than the entire
net expenses of the Federal govern-
148
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF DISARMAMENT
ment five years ago. It is spending as
much as the aggregate net earnings of
all the railroads of the country in their
most prosperous year. Nobody has yet
shown wherein there is a shadow of an
excuse for this exhausting strain on the
nation's economic resources, or what
peril or policy of government can war-
rant such expenditure. To say that it is
done for the national defense is silly.
The national defense is weakened, not
strengthened, by this excessive drain.
Of all the nonsense that is talked
about preparedness, no other nonsense
quite touches the depths of imbecility
which are reached by the prattle about
nations that are 'rich but defenseless.'
Nations that are rich are not defense-
less. They contain in themselves all the
elements for defense. They may have
been defenseless in times when war was
the exclusive business of professional
soldiers, but all that has been changed.
The elements of national defense are
now the sum total of all the economic
resources of the country plus all the man
power. In time of imminent danger,
the mobilization of a thousand chemists
might be infinitely more important than
the mobilization of a million troops.
The conventional argument that
armament is a form of national insur-
ance is one that is not highly impressive
in the circumstances. Insurance does
not run parallel with competitive ar-
mament, and it is with competitive ar-
mament that the world is dealing. No
property-owner feels compelled to take
out new policies because a business rival
has increased his insurance. Nor does
he ever feel impelled to establish a two-
policy or three-policy standard in re-
spect to other property owners, or sol-
emnly to announce as a measure of life
or death that, come what may, his in-
surance must equal that of any of his
competitors, whether he occupies a fire-
proof building or not.
Moreover, if a manufacturer devoted
eighty per cent of his total income, as
the United States government is do-
ing, to paying insurance premiums, his
creditors would soon intervene, and his
case would also receive the careful at-
tention of an expert alienist. He might
be solvent, and he might be sane, but
neither his solvency nor his sanity would
be taken for granted. What an individ-
ual could not do without subjecting
himself to court proceeding is what ev-
ery government is doing in the name of
national defense.
No nation can be asked to strip itself
of all defense — that is beyond the
bounds of reason; but the system of
competitive armament has nothing to
sustain it except the incompetency of
statesmanship. Most wars are made
by politicians engaged in capitalizing
race-prejudices and international rival-
ries for their own advantage. Wars
that spring from the people themselves
are few, indeed; and most of the money
that is now spent in preparing for an-
other war among the white races is
doubly wasted. If there is such a war
during the lifetime of the next genera-
tion, on a scale equal to that of the re-
cent war, it makes no difference who
triumphs or who is defeated. Victor
and vanquished alike will perish in the
ruins of the civilization that they have
destroyed.
Spending money on competitive ar-
mament at this time, under the pretext
of providing for national defense, is like
drawing blood from a patient who is
suffering from pernicious anaemia. The
disease may not be fatal in itself, but
the remedy is sure to be. Whether Eu-
rope can recover from the effects of this
inconceivably disastrous war is still a
debatable question. No person even
reasonably familiar with the situation
in which mankind finds itself would ven-
ture to predict the general state of civ-
ilization five years hence. The issue is
still hanging in the balance.
PREACHING IN LONDON 149
The old Prussian doctrine of Welt- petition of armament that has been
macht oder Niedergang has taken on as- stimulated beyond the wildest dreams
pects that were never dreamed of by of ante-bellum imperialism. Unless the
Bernhardi or the General Staff. It has statesmanship of the world can be
extended itself to all Western civiliza- brought to a realization of the impera-
tion — the Weltmacht that comes from tive necessity of economic rehabilita-
continued economic development, or the tion and of the immediate need of sacri-
Niedergang that must result from eco- ficing everything that stands in the way
nomic exhaustion. Collapse is inevitable of that rehabilitation, then indeed was
if the impaired resources of the world this war the Gotterdammerung — the
are to be steadily depleted by the com- twilight of the white man's gods.
PREACHING IN LONDON
BY JOSEPH FORT NEWTON
[From 1916 to 1920 the writer was Minister of the City Temple, in London, following the
Reverend R. J. Campbell. His ministry was not intended to be permanent, but was under-
taken as a kind of unofficial ambassadorship of good-will from the churches of America to
the churches of Britain, and as an adventure in Anglo-American friendship. It was a great
privilege to stand at the cross-roads of the centuries at such a time, a teacher of Christian
faith and an interpreter of the spirit and genius of our country to the motherland. The fol-
lowing pages, from a diary kept during those years of the great war and the little peace,
record observations, impressions, and reflections, of men, women, and movements, of
actors still on the stage of affairs, of issues still unsettled, and events that seem to
have more than a passing meaning, and of beauty-spots in one of the loveliest lands on earth.
Of the necessity of the friendship of English-speaking peoples I am still convinced; but
the possibility of it is not so manifest as it seemed to be. Once I discussed this matter with
the most picturesque statesman of England over the tea-cups; and to my suggestion that
America should have a tea-hour for relaxation from the strain and hurry of its life, he re-
plied: 'But, remember: we offered you tea once and you would not take it!' His thought
was that what Britons and Americans need is 'a smoking-room acquaintance ' — something
to break the stiffness and formality, and enable them to mingle in freedom and fellowship.
No doubt; but great nations cannot meet in a smoking-room, and in this instance their ig-
norance of each other is appalling. Still, if each one who journeys from one country to the
other is an ambassador of good-will, the sum of our efforts will be felt at last.
Once more I wish to express my deep gratitude for the cordial and fraternal reception
everywhere accorded me in England, Scotland, and Wales, and to renew the hope that,
when the irritation and confusion of war and reaction have passed away, the two great
English-speaking peoples may be drawn into an intelligent and enduring friendship.]
May 17, 1917. — London! If I had all things turn to the left, as they do in
been set down here from anywhere, or the Inferno of Dante. And how quiet,
from nowhere, I should have known Compared with the dm of New York, 01
that it is 'ye olde London town,' where the hideous nightmare of the Chicago
150
PREACHING IN LONDON
loop, London is as quiet as a country
village. There are no sky-scrapers to be
seen, but the picture spread out like
a panorama from Primrose Hill is not
to be forgotten. Slowly it works its
ancient spell, — equally on long sun-
drenched afternoons, and on those
pensive evenings of not insistent rain,
— everywhere the hauntings of history,
everywhere the stir and throb of his-
tory in the making. From a low, dim
sky a gentle rain was falling when I ar-
rived, and a soft wind, burdened with a
damp fragrance, came as a delicate
promise of the purity at the heart of
things. Along the aloof avenues of the
rich, and the drab streets of the poor,
that little wind wandered, like a breath
of God bringing a sudden tenderness
and sad beauty to an imaginative soul.
At such times the essential spirit of
London is revealed, — its mysterious
promise of half-hidden things becoming
almost palpable, — and I feel strangely
at home in its quiet excitement, its vivid
stimulations, and its thousand evoca-
tive appeals. London has seen war be-
fore; it is a very old city, weary with
much experience, and willing to forgive
much because it understands much.
Yes, it is London; but the question is,
Which London is it? For there are
many Londons — the London of the
Tower and the Abbey, of Soho and the
Strand, of Downing Street and White-
chapel, of Piccadilly and Leicester
Square. There is the London of Whit-
tington and his Cat, of Goody Two-
shoes and the Canterbury Shades, of
Shakespeare and Chatterton, of Nell
Gwynne and Dick Steele — aye, the
London of all that is bizarre in history
and strange in romance. They are all
here, in this gigantic medley of past and
present, of misery and magnificence.
Sometimes, for me, it is hard to know
which holds closest, the London of fic-
tion or the London of fact, or the Lon-
don of literature, which is a blending of
both. Anyway, as I see it, Goldsmith
carouses with Tom Jones, and Harry
Fielding discusses philosophy with the
Vicar of Waken* eld; Nicholas Nickleby
makes bold to speak to Mr. W. M.
Thackeray, and to ask his favor in be-
half of a poor artist of the name of Tur-
ner; and 'Boz,' as he passes through
Longacre, is tripped up by the Artful
Dodger, and falls into the arms of St.
Charles Lamb on his way to call on
Lady Beatrix Esmond. No doubt my
London is in large part a dream, but it
is most enchanting.
May 20. — Attended the King's
Weigh House Church to-day, — made
famous by Dr. Binney, — and heard
Dr. Orchard preach. He is an extraor-
dinary preacher, of vital mind, of au-
thentic insight, and of challenging per-
sonality. From an advanced liberal
position he has swung toward the Free
Catholicism, and by an elaborate use of
symbols is seeking to lead men by the
sacramental approach to the mystical
experience. Only a tiny wisp of a man,
seldom have I heard a preacher more
searching, more aglow with the divine
passion. He does not simply kindle the
imagination : he gives one a vivid sense
of reality. He has a dangerous gift of
humor, which often sharpens into satire,
but he uses it as a whip of cords to drive
sham out of the temple. He said that
preaching in the Anglican Church 'is
really worse than necessary/ and he
was sure that in reordination it is not
enough for the bishop to lay his hands
on the preacher; the servant-girl and
the tram-driver ought also to add their
consecration. With his face alight he
cried, 'You need Christ, and I can give
Him to you.' Surely that is the ulti-
mate grace of the pulpit. It recalled
the oft-repeated record in the Journal
of Wesley, in respect to the companies
to whom he preached: 'I gave them
Christ.' It was not merely an offer: it
was a sacrament of communication.
PREACHING IN LONDON
151
How beautiful is the spirit of rever-
ence which pervades an English church
service, in contrast with the too free
and informal air of our American wor-
ship. The sense of awe, of quiet, of
yearning prayer, so wistfully poignant
in these days, makes an atmosphere
most favorable to inspiration and in-
sight. It makes preaching a different
thing. In intellectual average and moral
passion there is little difference between
English and American preaching, but
the emphasis is different. The English
preacher seeks to educate and edify his
people in the fundamentals of their faith
and duty; the American preacher is
more intent upon the application of re-
ligion to the affairs of the moment. The
Englishman goes to church, as to a
house of ancient mystery, to forget the
turmoil of the world, to be refreshed in
spirit, to regain the great backgrounds
of life, against which to see the prob-
lems of the morrow. It has been said
that the distinctive note of the Amer-
ican pulpit is vitality; of the English pul-
pit, serenity. Perhaps each has some-
thing to learn from the other.
May 27. — No man may ever hope
to receive a warmer welcome than was
accorded me upon my return to the City
Temple, and it was needed. Something
like panic seized me, perhaps because I
did not realize the burden I was asked
to bear until I arrived at the Temple.
Putting on the pulpit gown of Joseph
Parker was enough to make a young
man nervous, but I made the mistake of
looking through a peep-hole which he
had cut in the vestry door, the better
to see the size of his audiences. The
Temple was full clean back to the
'Rocky Mountains,' as the top gallery
is called — a sea of faces in the area,
and clouds of faces above. It was ter-
rifying. Pacing the vestry floor in my
distress, I thought of all the naughty
things the English people are wont to
say about American speakers — how we
talk through the nose, and the like. My
sermon, and almost my wits, began to
leave me. There was a vase of flowers
on the vestry desk, and in the midst of
my agony, as I bent over it to enjoy the
fragrance, I saw a dainty envelope tuck-
ed down in it. Lifting it out, I saw that
it was addressed to me, and, opening it,
this is what I read : —
Welcome! God bless you. We have
not come to criticize, but to pray for you
and pray with you. — THE CITY TEM-
PLE CHURCH.
At once all my nervousness was for-
gotten; and if that day was a victory, it
was due, not to myself, but to those who
knew that I was a stranger in a strange
land, and whose good-will made me feel
at home in a Temple made mellow by the
richness of its experience, like an old
violin which remembers all the melo-
dies it has heard.
May 28. — Every day, almost any-
where, one sees a little tragedy of the
war. Here is an example. Scene I: a
tube train standing at Blackfriars Sta-
tion. Enter a tired-looking man with a
'cello in its cumbrous case. He sinks
heavily into a seat and closes his eyes.
People passing stumble against his in-
strument and are, in about equal num-
bers, apologetic, annoyed, and indiffer-
ent. Enter a tall New Zealander. He
sits opposite the tired 'cellist, and looks
lovingly at the instrument. Scene H:
the same, four stations west. The New
Zealander rises to leave the car. The
musician looks up, and his eyes meet
those of the soldier. The latter smiles
faintly, trying to be light-hearted, and
pointing to the 'cello-case, says: 'No
more of that for me. It was my favorite
instrument.' He goes out, and the 'cell-
ist sees that his right sleeve is empty.
He flushes slightly and, after a moment,
blows his nose defiantly, looking round
furtively to see if anyone has had the
indecency to notice his emotion. No
one has.
152
PREACHING IN LONDON
June 4. — Went down to-day to see
White Horse Hill, near Uffington, and
lay for hours on the June grass near the
head of that huge horse carved in the
chalk. What a superb panorama of
Southern, Western, and Midland shires
lay spread out, with the Hampshire and
Wiltshire downs to the south, clipped
out on the skyline. Just below is the
vale of White Horse, which Michael
Drayton, no mean judge of such mat-
ters, held to be the queen of English
vales. The great creating tide of sum-
mer is nearing its zenith. Everything
is brimming over with sap, scent, and
song. Yet one is conscious of the infi-
nitely old all around, of the remote and
legendary. The Horse himself, for in-
stance — who cut him out of the turf?
When? To what heroic or religious
end? There is nothing to tell us. How
different Nature is in a land where man
has mingled his being with hers for
countless generations ; where every field
is steeped in history and every crag is
ivied with legend. Such places give me a
strange sense of kinship with the dead,
who were not as we are; the 'long, long
dead, the men who knew not life in
towns, and felt no strangeness in sun
and wind and rain.' Uffington Castle,
with its huge earth walls and ditches,
is near by. Perhaps the men of the
Stone Age fortified it. Perhaps King
Alfred fought the Danes there. Nobody
knows, and a day in June is no time to
investigate. But what is that faint,
rhythmic throb? The guns in France!
June 9. — Spent yesterday afternoon
and evening at the country house of
Lord and Lady M , with an oddly
assorted group of journalists, labor
leaders, socialists, radicals, conserva-
tives, moderates, and what not. It was
a rainbow club, having all colors of
opinion, and yet, as Carlyle said of his
talk with Sterling, 'except in opinion
not disagreeing.' They discussed many
matters, formally on the lawn, or
informally in groups, with freedom,
frankness, and thoroughness. They
were not afraid of names or labels.
They cracked the nut of every kind of
idea and got the kernel. The war, of
course, was a topic, but more often
the background of other topics, in the
light and shadow of which many issues
were discussed, such as Ireland, Anglo-
American relations, industrial democ-
racy, socialism, religion, and the like.
The Government was mercilessly criti-
cized — not merely abused, but dealt
with intelligently, with constructive
suggestion, and all in good spirit. Try
to imagine such discussions at a dinner-
table on Fifth Avenue.
It was a revelation to me, showing
that there is more freedom of thought in
England than in America. Liberty, in
fact, means a different thing in England
from what it does with us. In England
it signifies the right to think, feel, and
act differently from other people; with
us it is the right to develop according to
a standardized attitude of thought or
conduct. If one deviates from that
standard, he is scourged into line by the
lash of opinion. We think in a kind of
lock-step movement. Nor is this con-
formity imposed from without. It is in-
herent in our social growth and habit.
An average American knows tens times
as many people as the average English-
man, and talks ten times as much. We
are gregarious; we gossip; and because
everyone knows the affairs of every-
one else, we are afraid of one another.
For that reason, even in time of peace,
public opinion moves with a regiment-
ed ruthlessness unknown in England,
where the majority has no such arrogant
tyranny as it has with us.
June 11. — More than once recently
I have heard Dr. Forsyth lecture, and I
am as much puzzled by his speaking as
I have long been by his writing. Each
time I found myself interested less in
his thesis than in the curiously involved
PREACHING IN LONDON
153
processes of his mind. It is now several
years since I read his famous article on
'The Lust for Lucidity,' a vice, if it is
a vice, of which his worst enemy, if he
has an enemy, would never think of ac-
cusing him. It is indeed strange. I have
read everything Dr. Forsyth has writ-
ten about the Cross, and yet I have no
idea of what he means by it. As was
said of Newman, his single sentences
are lucid, often luminous, — many of
them, indeed, glittering epigrams, —
but the total result is a fog, like a Scot-
tish mist hovering over Mount Cal-
vary. One recalls the epigram of Eras-
mus about the divines of his day, that
'they strike the fire of subtlety from the
flint of obscurity.' Just when one ex-
pects Dr. Forsyth to extricate his
thought, he loses himself in the mystic
void of evangelical emotion. But per-
haps it is my fault. When he writes on
other subjects — on literature and art,
especially — he is as inspiring as he is
winsome.
June 14. — To-day was a soft, hazy
day, such as one loves in London; and
suddenly, at noon, there was a rain of
air-raid bombs. The explosions were
deafening. Houses trembled, windows
rattled or were shattered — and it was
all over. Throngs of people soon filled
the streets, grave, silent, excited, but
with no signs of panic. Quickly ambu-
lances were moving hither and yon.
Not far from the City Temple I saw a
cordon formed by police joining hands
at the doorway of a shattered house, as
the dead and mutilated — one little
girl with her leg blown off — were being
cared for. Calm good-nature prevailed.
Officials were courteous and firm. Ev-
erybody was kind, helpful, practical.
Even the children, darting to and fro,
seemed not to be flustered at all. I find
it difficult to describe, much less to ana-
lyze, my own reaction. I seemed to be
submerged in a vast, potent tide of emo-
tion, — neither fear, nor anger, nor ex-
citement, — in which my will floated
like a tiny boat on a sea. There was an
unmistakable current of thought, how
engendered and how acting I know not;
but I was inside it and swept along by it.
While my mind was alert, my individu-
ality seemed to abdicate in favor of
something greater than itself. I shall
never forget the sense of unity and fu-
sion of purpose, a wave of common
humanity, which drew us all together
in a trustful and direct comradeship.
June 18. — Met H. G. Wells at lunch
to-day, his invitation being a response
to my sermon on his book, God, the In-
visible King. He entered with a jigging
sort of gait, perspiring profusely, —
in fact, doing everything profusely, —
all fussed up about the heat, saying that
he feared it would exterminate him.
In personal appearance he is not dis-
tinguished, except his eyes, where one
divines the strength of the man. Eager,
friendly, companionable, his talk, thin-
ly uttered, is not unlike his writing —
vivid, stimulating, at times all-ques-
tioning. Just now he is all aglow with
his discovery of God, ' the happy God of
the heart,' to use his words. He looked
surprised when I suggested that he had
found what the Bible means by the
Holy Spirit, as if he had thought his dis-
covery entirely new. What if this in-
teresting man, — whose genius is like a
magic mirror reflecting what is in the
minds of men before they are aware of
it themselves, — so long a member of
the Sect of Seekers, should join the Fel-
lowship of the Finders. Stranger things
have happened, but his rushing into
print with his discovery fills me with
misgiving. The writing man is an odd
species, but I recall the saying of the
Samoan chief to the missionary: 'We
know that at night Some One goes by
among the trees, but we never speak of
it/ Anyway, we had a nutritious time.
Two ministers have just told me how,
at a meeting of ministers some time ago,
154
PREACHING IN LONDON
which they attended, a resolution was
offered, and nearly passed, to the effect
that not one of them would darken the
doors of the City Temple during my
ministry. My visitors told it with
shame, confessing that they, too, had
been prejudiced against me as an
American. It recalled how, thirty
years ago, when Dr. John Hall was
called to the Fifth Avenue Presbyterian
Church, New York, he received a letter
' from an American friend saying, 'You
will find a prejudice against you in the
minds of some of the smaller men here.
It is natural that they should feel slight-
ed by a call being given to you, a foreign-
er, which to some extent will be strength-
ened by the prejudice against Irishmen
in particular.' Evidently human nature
is much the same on both sides of the
sea; but that was long ago, and our two
countries were not then allies in the
great war. I do not recall that in recent
years any British minister working in
America — of whom there are many,
but not half enough — has had to face
such a feeling.
July 18. — Joined the Bishop of Lon-
don at luncheon with the Lord Mayor
at the Mansion House, and he was much
interested in the ministry of my col-
league, Miss Maude Royden. The two
grave questions in his mind seemed to
be, first, does she actually stand in the
pulpit where I stand when I preach?
second, does she wear a hat? If I had to
wear the gaiters of the Bishop of Lon-
don, I should be concerned, not about
Miss Royden's hat, but about what she
is doing with the brains under her hat.
Like John Wesley, she may remain all
her days in the Anglican fold, but she
will be there only in her private capac-
ity, and her influence will be centrifugal.
The Bishop, moreover, though his fore-
sight is not abnormal, ought to suspect
the existence of the forces gathering
about the greatest woman preacher of
our generation outside his jurisdiction.
Had he been wise, instead of leaving her
to consort with feminists, intellectuals,
and social revolutionaries outside the
church, he would have set her the task
of bringing them inside. As it is, the
little dark woman in the big white pul-
pit is a note of interrogation to the fu-
ture of the Church of England, and the
sign of its failure to meet a great move-
ment; but the Bishop can see nothing
but her hat!
Frail of figure, slight unspeakably,
with a limp in her gait, as a speaker
Miss Royden is singularly effective in
her simplicity and directness. There is
no shrillness in her eloquence, no im-
pression of strain. In style conversa-
tional rather than oratorical, she speaks
with the inevitable ease of long practice.
Some of her epigrams are unforgettable
in their quick-sighted summing up of
situations; as when she said recently in
the Royal Albert Hall: 'The Church of
England is the Conservative Party at
prayer.' She is an authority on all mat-
ters pertaining to woman and child,
holding much the same position in Eng-
land that Miss Jane Addams has long
held in America. Untrained in theol-
ogy, — which some hold to be an ad-
vantage, — she deals with the old is-
sues of faith as an educated, spiritually
minded woman in sensitive contact
with life, albeit casting aside the ' muf-
fled Christianity' that Wells once de-
scribed as the religion of the well-to-do
classes. Not the least important part of
her work is what I call her ' clinic ' ; her
service as guide, confidant, and friend
to hundreds of women, and as confessor
to not a few. Here she does what no
man may ever hope to do, doubly so at
a time when England is a world of
women who are entering upon a life
new, strange, and difficult. As she re-
mains a loyal Anglican, at least we are
giving an example of that Christian
unity of which we hear so much and see
so little.
PREACHING IN LONDON
155
July 20. — How childish people can
be, especially Britishers and Americans
when they begin to compare the merits
and demerits of their respective lands.
Each contrasts what is best in his coun-
try with what is worst in the other, and
both proceed upon the idea that differ-
ence is inferiority. It would be amusing,
if it were not so stupid. One sees so
much of it, now that our troops are be-
ginning to arrive in small detachments,
and it is so important that contacts
should be happy. As it is, Americans and
Englishmen look at each other askance,
like distant cousins who have a dim
memory that they once played and
fought together, and are not sure that
they are going to be friends. Both are
thin-skinned, but their skins are thick
and thin in different spots, and it takes
time and tact to learn the spots. Each
says the wrong thing at the right time.
Our men are puzzled at the reticence of
the English, mistaking it for snobbish-
ness or indifference. The English are
irritated at the roars of laughter that
our boys emit when they see the dimin-
utive 'goods' trains and locomotives,
and speak of England as if they were
afraid to turn around lest they fall into
the sea. Among the early arrivals were
a few, more talkative than wise, who
said that, England having failed, it was
'up to America to do the trick.' They
were only a few, but they did harm.
Alas, all of us will be wiser before the
war is over. If only we can keep our
senses, especially our sense of humor.
But there is the rub, since neither un-
derstands the jokes of the other, re-
garding them as insults. Americans and
Scotchmen understand each other quick-
ly and completely, no doubt because
their humor is more alike. We shall
see what we shall see.
This friction and criticism actually
extend to preaching. The other day I
heard an American preach in the morn-
ing, a Scotchman in the afternoon, and
an Englishman in the evening. It was
most interesting, and the differences of
accent and emphasis were very striking.
The American was topical and oratori-
cal, the Scotchman expository and ana-
lytical, the Englishman polished and
persuasive. After the evening service a
dear old Scotchman confided to me that
no Englishman had ever preached a real
sermon in his life, and that the sermon
to which we had just listened would be
resented by a village congregation in
Scotland. On my objecting that there
are great preachers in England, he in-
sisted that ' an Englishman either reads
an essay, or he talks nonsense; and
neither of these is preaching.' As a rule,
a good English sermon is, if not an es-
say, at least of the essay type; but the
Scotchman exaggerated. When I made
bold to ask him what he thought of
American preaching, with a twinkle in
his eye he quoted the words of Herbert:
' Do not grudge
To pick treasures out of an earthen pot.
The worst speaks something good: if all want
sense,
God takes a text, and preacheth patience.'
Not wishing to tempt providence, I did
not press the matter; but we did agree,
diplomatically, that neither type of
preaching is what it ought to be. The
people are not astonished at the teach-
ing, as of old, nor do the rulers tremble
with rage.
July 24. — Had a delightful chat over
a chop with Sir Gilbert Parker, and a
good 'row' about Henry James. When
I called James's renunciation of his
American for British citizenship an
apostasy, my host was ' wicked ' enough
to describe it as an apotheosis. It was
in vain that I argued that James was
not a true cosmopolitan, else he would
have been at home anywhere, even in
his own country. The talk then turned
to the bad manners of the two countries,
ours being chiefly diplomatic, theirs
literary. Indeed, if one takes the trouble
156
PREACHING IN LONDON
to read what Englishmen have written
about America, — from the days long
gone when they used to venture across
the Atlantic to enlighten us with lec-
tures in words of one syllable, to the
days of Dickens, and how Britishers
have gone sniffing their way through
America, finding everything wrong be-
cause un-English, — it is a wonder there
has not been war every five years.
This attitude of supercilious and thinly
veiled contempt has continued until it
has hardened into a habit. Nor could
we recall any books written in America
in ridicule of England. Meanwhile, our
diplomatic atrocities have been out-
rageous. Such antics and attitudes, we
agreed, would make friendship impos-
sible between individuals, and they de-
mand an improvement in manners, as
well as in morals, on both sides. In the
midst of the question whether Watts-
Dunton saved Swinburne or extin-
guished him, there was an air-raid
warning — and so we reached no con-
clusion.
July 27. — Received the following
letter from a City Temple boy in the
trenches: —
SOMEWHERE IN HELL, July 16.
DEAK PBEACHER, —
The luck is all on your side; you still be-
lieve in things. Good for you. It is topping,
if one can do it. But war is such a devil's
nursery. I got knocked over, but I am up
and at it again. I'm tough. They started
toughening me the first day. My bayonet
instructor was an ex-pug, just the man to
develop one's innate chivalry. They hung
out the bunting and gave me a big send-off,
when we came out here to scatter the Hun's
guts. Forgive me writing so. I know you
will forgive me, but who will forgive God?
Not I — not I! This war makes me hate
God. I don't know whether He is the God of
battles and enjoys the show, as He is said
to have done long ago. ... If so, there are
smoking holocausts enough to please Him in
No Man's Land. But, anyway, He let it
happen ! Omnipotent! and — He let it hap-
pen! Omniscient! Knew it in advance, and
let it happen! I hate Him. You are kinder
to me than God has been. Good-bye.
The religious reactions of men under
the pressure and horror of war are often
terrifying. The general rule — to which,
of course, there are many exceptions
both ways — is that those who go in
pious, with a kind of traditional piety,
come out hard and indifferent, and some-
times militantly skeptical; while those
who were careless emerge deeply seri-
ous — religious, but hardly Christian,
with a primitive pantheism mixed with
fatalism. Many, to be sure, are con-
firmed in a mood such as haunts the
stories of Conrad, in which the good and
bad alike sink into a ' vast indifference,'
or the mood of Hardy, in whom pessi-
mism is mitigated by pity. Others fall
back upon the 'hard, unyielding de-
spair ' of Russell, and their heroism fills
me with awe. Huxley, I know, thought
the great Force that rules the universe
a force to be fought, and he was ready
to fight it. It may be magnificent, but
it is not war. The odds are so uneven,
the fight so futile. And still others have
learned, at last, the meaning of the
Cross.
(In the interval between these two en-
tries, I went along the war-front, as a guest
of the British Government; and after spend-
ing some time speaking to the troops, re-
turned to America. I discovered an amaz-
ing America, the like of which no one had
ever seen, or even imagined, before. Every-
where one heard the sound of marching,
marching, marching; and I, who had just
seen what they were marching into, watched
it all with an infinite ache in my heart.
Hardly less terrifying was the blend of alarm,
anger, hate, knight-errantry, hysteria, ideal-
ism, cynicism, moralistic fervor and plain
bafflement, which made up the war-mood
of America. One felt the altruism and in-
humanity, the sincerity and sheer brutish-
ness lurking under all our law and order,
long sleeked over by prosperity and ease,
until we were scarcely aware of it. From
PREACHING IN LONDON
157
New York to Iowa, from Texas to Boston I
went to and fro, telling our people what the
war was like; after which I returned to
England.)
October 24. — Joined a group of Free
Church ministers at a private breakfast
given by the Prime Minister at No. 10
Downing Street. It was the most ex-
traordinary function I have ever at-
tended, as much for its guests as for its
host. Mr. Lloyd George spoke to us for
more than an hour, and we saw him at
close quarters in the intimacy of a self-
revelation most disarming. What a
way he has of saying, by the lifting of
an eyebrow, by the shrug of the shoul-
ders, by a gesture in a pause, volumes
more than his words tell. He feels that
his Free Church brethren are estranged,
and he wished to explain matters and
set himself right. His address was very
adroit, but one felt a suggestion of cun-
ning even in his candor, despite a win-
ning smile. He talked like a man in a
cage, telling how he was unable to do
many things he would like to do. As he
spoke, one realized the enormous diffi-
culties of a man in his place, — the pull
and tug of diverse interests, — his in-
credible burdens, and the vast issues
with which he must deal. No wonder
time has powdered his hair almost
white, and cut deep lines in his face.
Behind him hung a full-length painting
of Pitt, and I thought of the two to-
gether, each leading his country in an
hour of supreme crisis. I thought him
worthy of such company, — though
hardly in the Gladstone tradition, — a
man of ideas rather than of principles,
with more of the mysterious force of
genius than either Pitt or Peel, but lack-
ing something of the eternal fascina-
tion of Disraeli. Such men are usually
regarded as half-charlatan and half-
prophet, and the Prime Minister does
not escape that estimate.
At the close of the address there was
a disposition to heckle the Prime Min-
ister, during which he learned that
Nonconformity had been estranged to
some extent — and he also learned why.
One of the urgent questions before the
country is an actual choice between
Bread and Beer, -and the Government
has been unable, apparently, to decide.
The food-hogging brewery interests
seem to be sovereign, and the Prime
Minister is tied — too willingly, per-
haps. When asked why, unlike Presi-
dent Wilson, he avoids the use of the
word God in his addresses, I thought
his reply neat. It is done deliberately,
he said, lest he seem to come into com-
petition with the blasphemous mouth-
ings of the German Emperor. His final
plea was that, as Britain must bear the
brunt of the war until America is ready,
— as Russia bore it until Britain was
ready, — she must muster all her cour-
age, her patience, and her moral forti-
tude.
As I left the house, a group of lynx-
eyed, sleuth-like press-men — good fel-
lows, all — waylaid and assailed me for
some hint of the meaning of such a gath-
ering; but I was dumb. They were dis-
appointed, saying that 'after a minister
has had breakfast with the Prime Min-
ister he ought to be a well-primed min-
ister'; but as I declined to be pumped,
they let me go. When the supply of
truth is not equal to the demand, the
temptation is to manufacture, and
speculations in the afternoon papers as
to the significance of the breakfast were
amazing. It was called 'A Parson's
Peace,' in which the Prime Minister
had called a prayer-meeting to patch up
a peace with the enemy — which i
about as near as some journals ever
arrive at the truth.
November 6. — Under cover of a
dense fog— a dirty apron which Mother
Nature flung over us to hide us from the
air-raiders — I went down last night
into Essex, to preach in a village chapel
for a brother who is discouraged in his
158
PREACHING IN LONDON
work. I found the chapel hidden away
on a back street, telling of a time when
these little altars of faith and liberty
dared not show themselves on the main
street of a town. It was named Bethes-
da, bringing to mind the words of Dis-
raeli, in Sybil, where he speaks of ' little
plain buildings of pale brick, with
names painted on them of Zion, Bethel,
Bethesda; names of a distant land, and
the language of a persecuted and ancient
race; yet such is the mysterious power
of their divine quality, breathing con-
solation in the nineteenth century to
the harassed forms and harrowed souls
of a Saxon peasantry.' Nor is that all.
They have been the permanent foun-
tains of religious life on this island; and,
in any grand reunion of the Church
hereafter to be realized, their faith,
their patience, their heroic tenacity to
principle must be conserved, else some-
thing precious will perish. Tribute is
paid to the folk of the Mayflower for
their daring of adventure in facing an
unknown continent for the right to
worship; but no less heroic were the
men who remained in the homeland,
fighting, suffering, and waiting for the
freedom of faith and the liberty of
prayer.
November 10. — So, at last, it is de-
cided that we are to be rationed as to
bread, sugar, and fats of all kinds, and
everybody must have a coupon. It is a
democratic arrangement, since all will
share equally as long as the supply
lasts. Unfortunately the Truth has
been rationed for a long time, and no
coupons are to be had. It is a war fought
in the dark by a people fed^on lies. One
recalls the line in the Iliad, which might
have been written this morning: 'We
mortals hear only the news, and know
nothing at all.' No one wishes to pub-
lish information which would be of aid
to the enemy; but that obvious precau-
tion is made the convenient cover of
every kind of stupidity and inefficiency.
Propaganda is the most terrible weapon
so far developed by the war. It is worse
than poison gas. If the wind is in the
right direction, gas may kill a few and
injure others; but the possibilities of
manipulating the public mind, by with-
holding or discoloring the facts, are ap-
palling. One is so helpless in face of it.
No one can think intelligently without
knowing the facts; and if the facts are
controlled by interested men, the very
idea of democracy is destroyed and be-
comes a farce. This, and the prostitu-
tion of parliamentary government in
every democratic land, are the two
dangers of a political kind most to be
dreaded.
November 17. — Dean Inge, of St.
Paul's, is one of the greatest minds on
this island, and an effective preacher if
one forgets the manner and attends to
the matter of his discourse. An aris-
tocrat by temper, he is a pessimist in
philosophy and a Christian mystic in
faith — what a combination! If not
actually a pessimist, he is at least a Cas-
sandra, and we need one such prophet,
if no more, in every generation. No
wonder he won the title of ' the gloomy
Dean.' Without wasting a word, in a
style as incisive as his thought, — clear,
keen-cutting, — he sets forth the truth
as he sees it, careless as to whether it is
received or not. There is no unction in
his preaching; no pathos. It is cold in-
tellect, with never a touch of tender-
ness. Nor is he the first gloomy Dean
of St. Paul's. There was Donne, a
mighty preacher in his day, though
known now chiefly as a poet, whom Wal-
ton described as 'enticing others by a
sacred art and courtship to amend their
lives.' Yet surely the theology of
Donne was terrifying rather than en-
ticing. There is very little of the poet in
Dean Inge, and none of the dismal
theology of Donne, who was haunted
equally by the terrors of hell and by the
horrors of physical decay in death.
AFRICAN FOLK
159
December I . — The British Army is
before Jerusalem! What an item of
news, half dream-like in its remoteness,
half romantic in its reality. What
echoes it awakens in our hearts, evoking
we know not how many memories of
the old, high, holy legend of the world !
Often captured, often destroyed, that
gray old city still stands, like the faith
of which it is the emblem, because it is
founded upon a rock. If Rome is the
Eternal City, Jerusalem is the City of
the Eternal. Four cities may be said to
stand out in the story of man as centres
of the highest life of the race, and about
them are gathered the vastest accumu-
lations of history and of legend : Jerusa-
lem, Athens, Rome, and London! But
no city can have the same place in the
spiritual geography of mankind that
Jerusalem has. For four thousand years
it has been an altar and a confessional
of the race. Religiously, it is the capital
of the world, if only because Jesus walked
in it and wept over it. O Jerusalem, if
we forget thee, Athens fails, Rome fails,
London fails! Without the faith and
vision that burned in the city on Mount
Moriah, our race will lose its way in the
dim country of this world. Berlin does
not mean much. Jerusalem means
everything. If only we could agree that,
hereafter, when we have disagree-
ments, we will make our way to the
ancient City of God, and arbitrate)
them!
AFRICAN FOLK
BY HANS COUDENHOVE
OLD PRESIDENT KRUGER is reported
to have said that the white man who
understands a native has not yet been
born. C. J. Rhodes used to call the na-
tives 'those poor children'; but he was
not, like Kriiger, born and brought up
among them, and to him, on his tower-
ing height, .they were, no doubt, only
those poor children. To one who is in
incessant contact with them, without
being officially a master, they will, al-
though often reminding him of children,
appear vastly different in essence. Na-
tives are often childlike, but much of-
tener childish, in the expression of mer-
riment and in their entertainments; and
sometimes they appear to bring into
their intercourse with the white man
who has gained — or thinks he has
gained — their confidence the trustful-
ness of children. But these are about
all the points of resemblance between
the two.
There are, however, a great many
points of resemblance between natives
and Europeans, irrespective of age; and
these are the more striking by contrast
with the many points of difference,
But it is in the character of the native
himself that the greatest contrasts
occur. As regards taste, for instance:
one and the same individual will on one
occasion show remarkable artistic in-
stinct, and on another he will exhibit
160
AFRICAN FOLK
the greatest delight in things which, to a
white man, appear both inartistic and
ugly. In many tribes men and women
are fond of decorating their heads with
flowers, and in doing so show a just ap-
preciation of the effects of form and
color. And yet the very men and women
who display exquisite judgment when
they adorn themselves with the means
which Nature has put at their disposal,
forfeit all their artistic sense the mo-
ment they come in touch with Euro-
pean wearing apparel, and walk about,
objects of abject ridicule, with flayed
tropical helmets, in torn coats and
trousers either three times too large or
three times too small for their size.
I once tore off the worn black-cloth
cover of my diary. When my cook ap-
peared before me on the following morn-
ing, he was wearing it round his neck as
an ornament.
Years ago, when I was living in Ta-
veta, in British East Africa, Malikanoi,
one of the two paramount chiefs of the
Wataveta, wore a shock of unusually
long, unkempt hair. He was supposed
to be a magician, and his subjects be-
lieved that his occult powers, like those
of Samson as an athlete, lay in his
hair. As he dressed, besides, in non-
descript old discolored European gar-
ments, his appearance could not be
called either prepossessing or dignified.
As the time came near when his son —
a splendid lad, who, at the age of six-
teen, had killed a lion single-handed
with his spear — was to come of age,
Malikanoi announced that, in honor of
the occasion, he would shave off his
hair.
I was invited to the festivities as a
guest; and, in consequence, on the day
appointed, I repaired to the Taveta for-
est, where the dances took place. There,
sitting on an old deck-chair, I found the
chief; and my surprise was as great as
must have been, in Mr. Locke's novel,
that of Ephraim's guests, when Clemen-
tina Wing made her appearance in a
hundred-guinea gown and diamonds.
His head and face were clean-shaven,
and I noticed for the first time the
Csesarean outline of his clear-cut profile.
He was wrapped in the ample folds of a
toga, dyed the color of amethyst, and
he had wound round his bald head a sin-
gle string of glass beads of the same
color as the toga. He presented a per-
fect picture, and I said to myself that
the mere imagining of such a combina-
tion as the toga and the glass beads of
one and the same color indicated pro-
found artistic feeling. Yet for years
that man had walked about looking like
a buffoon.
II
Another field where the contradic-
tions in a negro's aesthetic notions are
very apparent is that of the dances.
Some are very beautiful, and others
very ugly ; yet the performers themselves
do not appear to see any difference.
The Wakinga of the Livingstone Range,
for instance, have a dance with solos
which might have been, and perhaps
— who knows? — was performed be-
fore the shrine of some Greek deity in
the days of Pericles. Nothing more
beautiful, from a choregraphic point of
view, could be imagined. And yet these
same people have another dance — I
regret to say it is the more popular of
the two — which, so far as ugliness goes,
baffles description. After a time, I for-
bade it in my camp, where small groups
were frequently performing it. My
wish was respected, but, ag a punish-
ment, I suppose, for my want of taste,
the other, the beautiful dance, was nev-
er again executed in my presence, al-
though I repeatedly asked for it.
It is the same with their songs. Many
natives, as is well known, have splendid
voices, mostly baritone and tenor, rare-
ly bass. Some of their choruses are a
pleasure to listen to. But they will, in
AFRICAN FOLK
161
the midst of their songs, no matter
whether they are performing singly or
with others, often change, all of a sud-
den, into an ear-rending falsetto, with-
out apparently feeling conscious of any
difference. They call it 'singing with
the small voice,' and protests are re-
ceived with surprise.
Nowhere, however, is the inconse-
quential behavior of the native more
glaring than where his cleanliness is
concerned. Except in the waterless
plains, and where they are in the habit
of coating themselves with oil and red
ochre, — the one, generally, coincides
with the other, — most natives are ex-
tremely fond of bathing. This is espe-
cially the case in hilly countries tra-
versed by many streams. They do not
appear to mind the cold in the least,
and often bathe in midwinter before
sunrise. Certain tribes, like that of the
Wayao of Nyasaland, might be said to
be fanatically fond of bathing. They
bathe three and four times a day, and
their bath is as great a necessity to them
as food or drink.
A curious consequence of this admir-
able quality has been, on several occa-
sions, the complete failure of attempts
on my part to cure people of skin dis-
eases or ulcers. Patients with diseases
which necessitated the keeping on of an
ointment for several consecutive days
would persist in bathing at least once a
day, heedless of the fact that they were
getting rid, in the process, of all the
stuff which was to bring them health or
relief; while others could not be pre-
vented from taking off, while bathing,
bandages which had been carefully
swathed round their limbs an hour or
two before. And yet the garments of
these very people — some of whom
will rather suffer disease than go, for
a short period, without their daily bath
— very often, particularly when they
have adopted European garb, teem with
lice, as their huts swarm with bugs and,
VOL. 138— NO. 2
too often, also, with the dangerous re-
current fever-ticks.
Besides being, to all appearance,
quite indifferent to vermin, they lack
the most rudimentary notions of hy-
giene and sanitation, even in countries
long inhabited by white men, and do
not seem to feel the slightest disgust
when they come into contact with
those nameless things which fill every
European with horror. In this respect
they are simply exasperating: to treat
people with ulcers, a duty which, now
and then, falls to the lot of every
traveler in Tropical Africa, is a most
thankless task. They will drop the
soiled cotton- wool just detached from
their sores anywhere near, and put
their hands or their feet in it with the
greatest unconcern. Once I actually
found a man, a Ngoni, washing his
soiled bandage in his cooking-pot, with
the stream running past not a hundred
yards away.
The mention of this incident reminds
me of a native peculiarity against
which every traveler and every settler
in Tropical Africa has been fighting
from time immemorial, and will prob-
ably go on fighting until the end of
tune. No matter how near to the camp-
ing-place or to the house the stream
passes, the servants will never carry the
cups, pots, and plates to it, in order to
wash them in the running water: they
will, instead, carry a bucket with water
to the kitchen or to the cooking-place,
and here wash everything in the same
water.
The single inland tribe of my ac-
quaintance that forms an exception
to this general rule of indifference to
the cleanliness of their surroundings is
the Wasokiri to the north of Lake
Nyasa. They might have been to school
in Holland.
It is often mentioned, as a proof of
the native's tacit admission of the white
man's superiority, that he will always,
162
AFRICAN FOLK
when he has the choice, come to the
latter for cure of disease, in preference
to his own doctors. But his ineradicable
objection to hospitals, where such exist,
does not support this opinion. It is a
curious fact that many natives share
with a considerable number of the poor
classes among white people the idea
that, in hospital, they are being experi-
mented upon; while others are con-
vinced that a stay in the hospital in-
evitably means the loss of a limb. I
have known many cases of natives who,
rather than agree to being taken into
hospital, would resign themselves to the
prospect of endless suffering or death;
and many more where the patients,
after being told that they would be sent
to the hospital, simply vanished.
On closer examination, this apparent
preference of the native for European
remedies, where their use does not im-
ply a visit to the hospital, reduces itself,
like most native questions, to one of
pounds, shillings, and pence. Europe-
ans generally charge nothing at all, or
only nominally, for their assistance,
while native doctors are very expensive,
comparatively speaking. The fees vary
from three to fifteen shillings and more;
or, where coin is not yet in general use,
the equivalent in goods. In Nyasaland
the fee for curing an ulcer is three shil-
lings; for relieving an impaired diges-
tion, six; for more dangerous diseases,
fifteen. This fee is never paid in ad-
vance, and — a detail which rnight be
recommended for adoption in civilized
communities — only when the cure has
been a total success. When natives are
asked what would happen if they did
not pay up after being cured, they de-
clare that the cured patient would im-
mediately fall ill again, and, if he per-
sisted in his refusal, die.
Many writers on African affairs, and
the majority of settlers, are of opinion
that the marked changes that appear in
the general behavior of male African
negroes when they first start courting
are of a pathological nature; and for
many years I shared this view. But of
late I have come to ask myself whether
these changes are not simply the effect
of various drugs, to the use of which, at
that particular period of their existence,
natives are much addicted, and of which
they partake with that absence of mod-
eration which characterizes them when-
ever it is a question of gratifying the
senses.
Several of these elixirs are in use in
that country; the one reputed to have
the most effect is made by boiling the
inner bark of a tree which is conspicu-
ous, where it occurs, by the dark color
of its small leaves, in contrast with the
lighter green of the Myombo forest in
general.
I have had occasion to observe the
effects of this drug, almost day by day,
on a young fellow in my service, a Yao,
who had resolved to marry, native fash-
ion, a pretty young widow, who was
somewhat older than he. Arvad would,
of course, never have told me that he
was drugging himself, but he was be-
trayed to me by the man who was pro-
viding him with the stuff. The effects
of the drug on the lad were remarkable
indeed. For several days he appeared
to be in a kind of waking trance, like
Mrs. Gamp, walking about with a stiff,
extended neck, a fixed stare, and utter-
ing a kind of sotto-voce recitative. This
state was interrupted from time to
time by intermezzos of buoyant gayety !
After about a week, he completely lost
his memory : when I sent him to deliver
a message, he sat down in front of the
house; and, when I followed him there
about half an hour later, he had deliv-
ered no message, totally unconscious
of the fact that the person to whom the
message was sent sat not five yards away
from him. He had forgotten all about
it. Shortly afterward we parted com-
pany, by mutual consent.
AFRICAN FOLK
163
III
The native pharmacopoeia, though
mixed with superstitious practices, com-
prises many efficacious remedies for all
kinds of diseases; and when the time
comes for it to be investigated thorough-
ly and extensively, it will probably add
some invaluable and quite unforeseen
data to our own store of medical know-
ledge. Native doctors are notoriously
reticent. For years, in German East
Africa, Europeans have tried in vain
to find out the cure of the Wahehe
tribe against syphilis — a cure which, at
least as far as all outward symptoms
are concerned, is wonderfully effective.
Doubtless there exist, among native
tribes, secret medicines about which we
know nothing at all. Occasionally, and
by chance, one hears hints which give
much food for speculation.
One striking instance may be men-
tioned. Speaking about the spirillum
fever-tick, the authors of The Great Pla-
teau of Northern Rhodesia say : * An inter-
esting point — though, unfortunately,
one that cannot be vouched for — is that
some of the Angoni have, by repeated
attacks in generation after generation,
become immune. To preserve this im-
munity when traveling, and with the
idea of imparting immunity to their
friends, they are said to carry these
home-bred ticks with them, from place
to place.' This statement, to which the
writers themselves do not appear to
give too much credit, apart from sound-
ing fantastic, is also, so far as the tame
tick's action is concerned, rather ob-
scure. But the fact of domesticated
ticks being taken along like household
pets by people going on a journey finds
an interesting confirmation, unknown,
I think, to the authors just quoted, in
a book which was written in the Reign
of Queen Anne, the Journal of Robert
Drury, the Madagascar slave, attrib-
uted by some to Defoe. He tells ex-
actly the same story about one of the
Madagascar tribes and their ticks or
bugs, which must have been the iden-
tical spirillum ticks.
The expression 'cowardly native' is a
household word among Europeans in
Africa, and yet, instances of courageous
actions of natives, such as, to my know-
ledge, no white man ever performed, are
innumerable. The reason for this entire-
ly unmerited reputation probably lies in
the fact that, as a rule, they are not in
the least ashamed to admit that they
are, or that they have been, afraid,
while a white man, unless he is a recog-
nized hero, will die rather than make
such an avowal. Another reason, no
doubt, lies in their many idiosyncrasies
and the superstitious awe with which
perfectly harmless things inspire them.
Almost all the natives, for instance,
from the Indian Ocean to the lakes,
fear chameleons much more than they
fear snakes.
It is very common to hear travelers
complain about the cowardice of native
followers, who, when the caravan was
charged by a rhino, threw down their
loads and fled. I should like to know
what else, in the name of common
sense, they ought to have done — sat
down and awaited developments? Na-
tive experience of wild animals and their
ways is far more extensive and thorough
than ours, and, as a rule, they behave,
in an emergency brought about by an
encounter with wild animals, in a per-
fectly rational manner, based on a know-
ledge of that particular creature's hab-
its. They will run away from a rhino
and jump aside, well aware that its im-
petus will carry it past. But they know
better than to run away from elephants.
I have seen natives, under a charge of
these, lie down and remain motionless
on the ground, knowing that the short-
sighted giants would mistake them for
logs and step over them. I have seen
Wataweta killing elephants with bows
164
AFRICAN FOLK
and arrows. There were a lot of men,
it is true; still, their audacity was mar-
velous; they were like king crows. The
same people also hunt elephants by
hamstringing them and then finishing
them off with spears.
Not many years ago, an English of-
ficer in Uganda, who had been seized by
a lion, was rescued by his own native
servant, who beat the animal off with a
whip of hippo hide; and a little later, in
German East, a German officer whom I
personally knew was saved in the same
way by an Askari, who, afraid to shoot,
drove the lion away with the butt-end
of his rifle.
A missionary told me how, in Konde-
land, an unarmed native saved a little
girl who had been seized by a lion. The
latter was playing with the child as a
cat plays with a mouse, carrying her in
its mouth for a few yards without hurt-
ing her, then putting her down and mov-
ing away to some distance, to sit down
and watch. The native picked up the
child and walked slowly backward,
step by step, stopping dead still when-
ever the lion made a rush, and so at
last reached a place of safety. I know
of several instances when natives have
beaten off adult leopards with cudgels,
and in the great, lion-infested plains
of East Africa, the killing of lions with
spears by natives, as was done by Mali-
kanoi's young son, is by no means un-
common.
When the Masai, bravest and most
romantic of natives, walk through the
Nyika alone at night, and become
aware that lions are near, they sit down
and pull their mantles over their heads.
They assert that no lion in the open at-
tacks a motionless man whose face he
cannot see. The hunting offshoot of the
Masai people, the Wandorobbo, who
roam through the Nyika in search of
game as the Redskins roamed through
the American prairie, never sleep in
their huts, — temporary shelters meant
to last but a few days, — but always in
the open, between the huts, and with-
out fires. They pretend that no wild
beast has ever carried one of them
away at night.
Very few natives fear snakes, that
last resource of the adventureless trav-
eler, although, as a rule, they kill them,
as they kill lizards or rats. In certain
tribes natives exist who have been for-
bidden by their doctor, after a success-
ful cure, not necessarily from the effects
of snake-bite, never again to kill a snake,
and they religiously obey the command.
The dreaded puff-adder, no doubt on ac-
count of its sluggishness, is everywhere
treated with contempt. This snake is to
some a fetish, and these will not molest
it, even if it chooses to take up its tem-
porary residence in one of their huts. I
have known one living under these hap-
py circumstances, and growing fat on
the ubiquitous rat. The Wanyamwesi
and Warukuma, born snake-charmers,
handle puff-adders without the slightest
fear. Many of these people, it is true,
are, or believe themselves to be, immune
against snake poison, having undergone,
at the hand of their medicine-men, a pro-
longed and dangerous treatment result-
ing in Mithradatism.
Where crocodiles abound, natives, in
accordance with the saying that famil-
iarity breeds contempt, grow exasper-
atingly foolhardy, women as well as
men, and frequently have to pay the
penalty of their imprudence. Relations
between the natives and the crocodile,
however, are of a complicated and even
mysterious nature. Some wear charms
against the monsters, in which they
implicitly believe; and I must admit
that I have never heard of any one of
them coming to grief. Also, there un-
doubtedly are crocodiles that are not
man-eaters, although the common as-
sertion that crocodiles that get plenty
of fish will not eat man falls flat before
the many casualties on the great lakes,
AFRICAN FOLK
165
which teem with fish. A curious phe-
nomenon is, that there are well-defined
stretches in several East African rivers
where the crocodiles are perfectly harm-
less, while above and below these sanc-
tuaries no one, except the above-men-
tioned bearer of charms, can enter the
water with impunity.
Some fifteen years ago I accompanied
Lieutenant W , of the battalion of
the King's African Rifles stationed in
Jubaland, on a trip up the Juba Riv-
er, in the flat-bottomed government
steamer which was then, besides native
dugouts, the only means of communica-
tion on that river. The steamer had to
be made fast to the shore every night;
and one morning we stopped near a
village called Ali Sungura — AH the
rabbit — after its chief. There was at
that time living on the Juba a famous
wizard, who was looked upon as a sort
of paramount chief of all the crocodiles
in Jubaland, the which, so it was said,
on certain nights of the year, repaired
to his hut en masse, to hold a Baraza.
On the morning after our arrival in
Ali Sungura, we walked ashore, where
we were greeted by the chief, whom we
asked if the wizard was there. He said
that he was not; and, pointing to a man
standing near him, he added, 'This is
his son.'
My companion asked the young fel-
low if he, too, was immune against
crocodiles.
Thereupon the chief pointed to a
creek, about two hundred yards in
width, and extending some way inland.
'He swims through here every day,' he
said. ' He works on the other side.'
We looked, and saw, near the oppo-
site shore, the eye-knobs of many croco-
diles protruding from the water. We
then asked the wizard's son himself if
the chief had spoken the truth; and, on
his replying in the affirmative, we asked
him further if he would swim through
aow, for a rupee. To this he readily
assented, and we asked Ali Sungura if it
was really safe.
Ali Sungura laughed and declared
that there was not the slightest danger.
So we promised the man his rupee, and
he, after fastening tight around his
body the white cloth he was wearing,
immediately walked into the water,
while Lieutenant W cocked his ri-
fle and stood ready to shoot.
The wizard's son soon got out of his
depth and took to swimming. He swam
toward the opposite side, deliberately,
without displaying any hurry and right
across the school of crocs, some, but not
all, of which dived on his approach. He
scrambled ashore, and, after a short
rest, came back the same way. He took
his rupee with obvious pleasure.
The chief, Ali Sungura himself, had
the reputation of being a mchawi, or
wizard, specializing as a werewolf. Ac-
cording to rumor, he was in the habit
of walking about, at night, in the shape
of a wolf, and of doing, in this dis-
guise, as the wolf does. The old su-
perstition, that certain people have the
power to assume the shape of some ani-
mal, is as widespread in Tropical Africa,
as it is in other parts of the world ; and
the natives of a village can be very posi-
tive and quite convinced when they as-
sure you that such and such a lion, or
such and such a leopard, is not really an
animal, but a mchawi, who is in the
habit of taking its shape.
Not long ago, in Nyasaland, I asked
an old Yao, who had just returned from
Fort Johnston, if the lions had made
themselves very unpleasant there of
late. He replied that only one had com-
mitted depredations, and even killed
people, but that he was known to be a
mchawi. He added : ' They have caught
the man, they will take him to the Res-
ident.' f t
'And what will happen to him? I
asked.
'Oh, nothing,' he replied with a sigh,
166
AFRICAN FOLK
'they will do nothing to him; the Eng-
lish always want to see everything,' put-
ting the emphasis on the word 'see.'
I said to myself that it was rather for-
tunate for that were-lion that the Eng-
lish always want to 'see everything.'
IV
That there exists, principally in the
region of the great lakes, a category, or
class, or sect, of people who habitually
indulge in satisfying a perverse inclina-
tion to feed on the flesh of human
corpses is an indisputable fact, to which
several administrators and explorers
have born testimony. I need mention
here, chosen from many others, only Sir
Harry Johnston, Mr. J. F. Cunning-
ham, and Mr. Dutkevich, in his contri-
bution to Mr. Peter Macqueen's book,
In Wildest Africa. The best known are
the Bachichi, an organized secret soci-
ety on the Sese Islands in Lake Victo-
ria, who have for many years occupied
the authorities. But they are by no
means isolated. I am inclined to think
that in other parts of Tropical Africa,
where these ghouls occur, they, too,
form a fraternity among themselves.
This is undoubtedly the case in Buanji,
at the northern end of the Livingstone
Range, where they are known as Niam-
buddas. These, however, according to
native report, differ from their col-
leagues in other countries by the sinister
detail, that they kill, and then season
in a pool of water, those whom they
have selected as their victims and de-
coyed with all the artifices of a thug.
In Buanji, no man dares, at night, to
go however short a distance from the
camp or village by himself, while across
the boundary, in Ukinga, the same
man will walk about alone, at night,
with as little fear as if it were day.
The Bachichi and other corpse-eaters
dig out the bodies of people who have
died a natural death, and then eat
them. They may, otherwise, be per-
fectly harmless members of the com-
munity. In Nyasaland a corpse-eater is
called a mchawi, although that is really
the Swahili name for wizard. Here, un-
less otherwise explained, the first inter-
pretation is always that of corpse-eater.
As in the case of the were-carnivores,
so in this latter case, — but here, I am
afraid, with more justification, — pub-
lic opinion always pretends to be accu-
rately posted concerning the identity of
the mchawi. Although feared, however,
and treated with a measure of respect,
they are not always demonstratively
shunned. I know of one case in which a
whole village transported its penates
half a mile away from the hut of a
mchawi, after it had burned to the
ground all its own dwellings. The oc-
currence that gave rise to this whole-
sale desertion was, so I was told by the
people themselves, that some time after
the death and burial of one of the
mchawi's two wives, the second one ran
away, giving as a reason that, the night
before, her husband had brought back
into the hut the lifeless body of the de-
ceased. Perhaps a friendly neighbor,
who did not weigh overmuch, had
helped in a stratagem to get rid of the
runaway. But the man's little boy also
ran away; he said that his father kept
him walking about all night, and that he
could not stand the fatigue. He never
went back to his old home to stay. I
knew the whole family, and met them
often. The mchawi married a third
wife, who, as long as I knew her, ap-
peared to be perfectly content and
happy; but then, people say that she
shares her husband's tastes. Be all
this as it may, Ndalawisi — such is the
man's name — had undoubtedly le
physique de I'emploi: bloodshot eyes,
lantern-jaws, and a large mouth with
protruding yellow fangs and visible
gums.
All the men who have been pointed
AFRICAN FOLK
167
out to me as corpse-eaters have the
same type of visage, and it is quite pos-
sible that many an innocent man owes
his evil reputation only to the fortui-
tous shape of his face.
Weird and frightful legends have
been woven by folklore around these
creatures. One thing, however, is cer-
tain: natives, when brought in con-
tact with corpses and putrefaction, do
not feel the same horror that we do.
A bright, intelligent young fellow once
asked me, in a matter-of-fact way, if
I had never tasted a corpse. To my
indignant protest, 'The smell alone is
sufficient to drive a man away,' he re-
plied, 'No, the smell is very pleasant!'
And on another occasion I was asked
quite seriously if, among the many
' tinned stuffs ' brought into the country
by Europeans, there is not also tinned
human meat.
This total indifference to the smell of
putrefaction and the contact with it
had fostered awful customs among the
Sakalawas on the southwest coast of
Madagascar before the French govern-
ment stopped, or tried to stop, them by
legislation. Corpses were kept exposed
For weeks above-ground before burial,
the length of the period of exposure de-
pending upon the rank of the individual.
Even when you were camped a mile
away from the village, the odor, when
the wind blew your way, made a con-
tinued stay impossible. Dead chiefs
were carried in state from village to vil-
lage for months, and in each village were
kept exposed for weeks on a wooden
platform; Bacchanalian revelries went
on as long as the visit lasted, and it was
a common thing for the young men, at
the height of the festivities, to go and
stand under the platform and rub all
over their bodies the liquid matter which
oozed from the corpse and trickled
through the planks.
Not only the dead, but death itself,
seems not to inspire the Sakalawas with
any terror. Their burial rites are of the
merriest, and anybody unacquainted
with the customs of that nation would
be convinced, on first witnessing the
approach of a funeral cortege, with its
gay music, its bullock-cart decorated
with bunting, shining pieces of metal,
and small mirrors, that it was a nup-
tial party. Again, suicide by one of
the many deadly poisons that abound
in every thicket of that island, where, as
in Ireland, venomous snakes do not ex-
ist, is resorted to quite as a matter of
course, on the least provocation, even
by children when they have been scold-
ed by their parents.
Nearly all natives, including most of
the Mohammedan tribes, are, with the
exception of the Somali and the warrior
castes of the Nilotic tribes, passionately
addicted to drink. There is much truth
in what has been written : that the whole
population of Tropical and Subtropical
Africa is drunk after sunset. Many
kinds of fermented liquor exist, some of
which are very palatable, as, for in-
stance, the honey-beer of the Wataweta,
or a kind of champagne that the Wa-
bena produce out of the sap of a bam-
boo, which, curiously enough, refuses to
yield its precious liquid when it is trans-
planted from its own country. At the
time of year when this sap is collected,
both men and women drink it to excess,
until they fall down senseless near their
fires. I have been shown in Ubena
many little children who had been badly
burned because their mothers had col-
lapsed too close to the fire, and many
grown-up persons who, being unable
from drunkenness to crawl back into
their huts, had been shockingly muti-
lated by hyenas.
Pambe — beer made either from bana-
nas or from maize and millet — is the
curse of the African native. Entirely
unable as he is by constitution to resist
temptation, he drinks as long as the
state of his finances and the existing pro-
168
AFRICAN FOLK
visions permit. It has always seemed
to me as if the effects of intoxication on
a native were different from what they
are on a European. They may be sim-
ilar when he gets hold of whiskey; but
they undoubtedly differ in cases of
drunkenness produced by pombe. In a
native who has got drunk on pombe, the
effect is none the less violent because it
is less apparent in the beginning. Its
climax is reached some twenty-four to
thirty-six hours after the libation has
ceased, and manifests itself in a nervous
irritability which often leads to disas-
trous consequences. Some individuals
in this state, although sober to all ap-
pearances, become a grave danger to
their neighbors. It was in this condi-
tion, as I have been informed on good
authority, that the Police Askaris in a
certain East African colony committed
all those wanton acts of cruelty which
created such a sensation in Europe a
few years before the war. One need
not go very far, perhaps, to recover the
recipe of the famous drink of the
Assassins.
It is probable that the shortness of
memory, with which most natives are
afflicted to quite a remarkable degree
as regards things which do not touch
them directly, is due in part to this
racial vice and in part to the abuse
of the elixirs mentioned above. This
deficiency of memory is a palpable evil,
not, I think, sufficiently recognized as
such by those who employ natives, and
is the source of many mistakes and acci-
dents that are attributed to culpable
neglect or evil intent. The very tone of
voice in which a native says, ' Nimesa-
hau' (I have forgotten), implies that,
for him at least, to forget is a conclusive
excuse, which precludes all possibility
of guilt and desert of reproach. Very
frequently they do not remember what
they have said a few minutes before;
they will give you half a dozen different
names in'succession for the same moun-
tain or river, and look quite surprised
when, glancing at your notebook, you
tell them that they have given you an
entirely different name a little earlier in
the day. This weak memory, added
to the difficulty which, like Darwin's
Aborigines of the Terra del Fuego, even
comparatively civilized negroes have in
'understanding the simplest alterna-
tive,' is the chief obstacle that travelers
encounter to getting correct informa-
tion. And yet, — another anomaly, —
African negroes are the greatest lin-
guists on earth.
It has happened to me, not once only,
but repeatedly, that I have come among
a tribe accompanied by men who had
never heard its idiom; and, before a
month was over, they were, without a
single exception, able to converse flu-
ently with the inhabitants, and that
even when that particular language
differed from their own as much as does
English from Italian.
But not that only; although I speak
very indifferent Swahili, — a language
which it is very easy to learn to speak
badly, and almost impossible for a Eu-
ropean to learn to speak faultlessly, —
new servants who entered my employ
learned to speak it in a few weeks sim-
ply by my talking to them. That they
learned it from me was quite evident
from the fact that they acquired all my
mistakes ! This facility in learning new
languages is, perhaps, connected with
the extraordinary mimetic power of
natives, which Darwin also mentions
with regard to Kaffirs as well as Fue-
gians and Australians.
Besides their facility in learning new
languages, negroes also have a remark-
able gift for communicating with each
other by signs. I have often been as-
tounded to notice how all the inhabi-
tants of a village, including the children,
were able to converse fluently with a
deaf-mute. A few signs with the lips
and the fingers were sufficient to convey
AFRICAN FOLK
169
the meaning of a long sentence, and the
mute did not seem to be in the least in-
convenienced by his inability to enun-
ciate words.
It would appear as if, in the different
colonies of East and Central Africa,
very few natives belonging to the house-
holds of Europeans speak the latter's
language. This apparent ignorance,
however, is open to doubt. It seems cu-
rious that ' boys ' who are not supposed
to understand a word of English or
Portuguese should constantly be caught
listening to their employers' conversa-
tion; and that vital secrets, exchanged
between two Europeans, in the presence
of natives who, when addressed directly
in their master's language, reply only
with a vacant stare, should, within
twenty-four hours, inevitably become
public property. Natives are as inquisi-
tive as they are incapable of keeping a
secret. The latter is a fortunate evil.
Were negroes able to hold their tongues,
there would not be a white man alive in
Africa to-day.
Of course, the inaccuracies in the
statements of negroes are, in the ma-
jority of cases, due to deliberate lying.
But sometimes they are unpremeditated
and unintentional.
It is extremely difficult to find, in
native statements, the line of demarca-
tion between deliberate falsehood, lapse
of memory, and a congenital inability
to distinguish accurately between the
real and the unreal. They all lie, all,
without a single exception, though in
various degrees, and they themselves
know and sometimes admit it; and I
have met one, at least, who expressed
they could find a measure of justifica-
tion in the writings of more than one
philosopher.
For their lies, they have the funniest
excuses. Some time ago I missed one
of my men, and when I inquired after
him, I got, from a lad named Moham-
mad, the answer: 'He has gone into the
forest to dig for medicine.'
'What is the matter with him?' I
asked.
'He has great pains in his head and
stomach.'
Sometime later, Wasi — that was
the absent man's name — came back,
carrying firewood, and when I asked
him why he had not told me that he
was ill, he was very much surprised.
There was absolutely nothing the mat-
ter with him. I then soundly rated Mo-
hammad for telling such lies, when my
head-boy interfered by saying in a con-
ciliatory tone, 'He did not lie, master.
He said it only to make conversation.'
Native logic runs in grooves different
from ours, often in an exactly contrary
direction. When I listen to their argu-
ments, I am often reminded of Leonard
da Vinci's famous reversed drawing of
the castle of Amboise. On one occasion,
one of my boys told me that another
boy had told him something, which, al-
though a matter of small importance,
he was not supposed to communicate to
others. I taxed this other boy with hav-
ing betrayed my confidence, but he flat-
ly denied having spoken. I confronted
them both, and a friendly dispute en-
sued, which led to no result. I then
said to the boy who, according to the
other, had spoken without leave, 'Why
**«-*• » V iX*V> I, VyiAV/j C4, ». 1 V 1 1 -^ I ^ »? 11W V^VLSI. \^UUV^V* ^ . .
to me, with apparently genuine feeling, are you not angry with Sohman for tell-
his regret for this hereditary defect, ing such a lie about you?' To whi
The average native does not appear to
see any fundamental difference between
reality and imagination — a point of
view for which, if they only knew it,
smilingly replied, 'No! I am not angry!
Why should I be angry? He lied!
had spoken the truth, then I should be
angry.'
(A further paper by Mr. Coudenhove mil appear later.)
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
BY WILLIAM McFEE
HE came out of the Strada Mezzodi
running, shoulders back, gloves and
cane held bosom-high in his clenched
fists, like an athlete's corks, the whole
body of the man pulsing and glowing
from the ascent of that precipitous
slot. Came out into the Strada Reale,
and brought up against me with a
squashing thump that left us limp and
uncertain of the future.
He took off his cap and mopped his
swiftly sloping forehead with the heel
of his hand — an original and unfor-
gettable gesture. There he was, un-
changed and unchangeable, a knotty
sliver of England, exactly the same,
save for the Naval Reserve uniform,
as when, some nine years before, I had
seen him barging his way into the ship-
ping office in North Shields, to sign off
articles, for he was going away home
to Newcastle, to get married.
There he was, ready-witted as ever,
for he demanded with incredible ra-
pidity of utterance what the h I
thought I was doing, and recognized me
even as he asked. He was, for all his
doeskin uniform and characteristically
shabby lace and gloves, the same scorn-
ful, black-browed, hook-nosed trucu-
lent personality. Small, yet filling the
picture like bigger men by reason of
his plunging restlessness, his discon-
certing circumlocution of body, he vi-
brated before me, even now, an incar-
nate figure of interrogation. He found
breath and voice, and shook my hand
in a limp, lifeless fashion that convey-
170
ed an uncanny impression of its being
his first timorous experiment in hand-
shaking — another peculiar and para-
doxical by-product of his personality.
He turned me round and propelled
me back along the Strada Reale. He
said the man I wanted to see at the
Base Office was away playing polo, and
I could see him in the morning. He
asked where my baggage was; and
when I told him, he said the Regina
was the worst hotel in town and there
was a room vacant next to his in the
Angleterre. He turned me suddenly
into the entrance hall of a vast struc-
ture of stone, where in the cool dark-
ness diminished humans sat in tiny
chairs and read the news-telegrams at
microscopic notice-boards. An ornate
inscription informed me that this place
had been the auberge of the Knights
of the Tongue of Provence; but he said
it was the Union Club. He examined
a row of pigeonholes and took out some
letters.
We sallied forth into the afternoon
sunlight again, and he hurried me
along toward the Piazza de San Gior-
gio. A captain and two commanders
passed, and I saluted, but my com-
panion spun round a corner into the
declivity called the Strada San Lucia,
and muttered that his salutes were all
over and done with. Scandalized, yet
suspecting in my unregenerate heart
that here lay a tale that might be told
in the twilight, I made no reply. An-
other turn into the fitly named Strada
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
171
Stretta, no more than a congregation of
stone staircases largely monopolized by
goats with colossal udders and jingling
bells, and we hurtled into the archway
of an enormous mediaeval building whose
iron gate shut upon us with a clang like
a new-oiled postern.
And as we ascended the winding
stone stairs there came down to us a
medley of persons and impressions.
There were far gongs and musical cries
pierced by a thin continuous whine.
There was a piratical creature, with
fierce eyes and an alarming shock of
upstanding black hair, who wielded a
mop and stared with voracious curios-
ity. There came bounding down upon
us a boy of eleven or so, with brown
hair, a freckled nose, and beautiful gray
eyes. There descended a buxom wom-
an of thirty, modest and capable to the
eye, yet with a sort of tarnish of sorrow-
ful experience in her demeanor. And
behind her, walking abreast and in
step, three astounding apparitions, —
Russian guardsmen, — in complete re-
galia, blue and purple and bright gold,
so fabulous that one stumbled and
grew afraid. Mincingly they descend-
ed, in step, their close-shaven polls
glistening, their small eyes and thin
long legs giving them the air of some-
thing dreamed, bizarre adumbrations
of an order gone down in ruin and
secret butchery to a strangled silence.
A high, deep, narrow gothic doorway
on a landing stood open, and we edged
through.
I had many questions to ask. I was
reasonably entitled to know, for exam-
ple, the charges for these baronial halls
and gigantic refectories. I had a legiti-
mate curiosity concerning the superb
beings who dwelt, no doubt, in media>
val throne-rooms in distant wings of
the chateau. And above all I was wish-
ful to learn the recent history of Mr.
! Eustace Heatly, sometime second en-
i gineer of the old S,S, Dolores, late
engineer lieutenant, and now before
my eyes tearing off his coat and vest
and pants, and bent double over a long
black coffin-like steel chest, whence he
drew a suit of undeniable tweeds. But
it was only when he had abolished the
last remaining trace of naval garniture
by substituting a cerise poplin cravat
for the black affair worn in memory of
the late Lord Nelson, and a pair of
brown brogues for the puritanical mess-
boots of recent years, that Heatly turned
to where I sat on the bed and looked
searchingly at me from under his high-
arched, semi-circular black eyebrows.
He was extraordinarily unlike a na-
val officer now. Indeed, he was un-
like the accepted Englishman. He had
one of those perplexing personalities
that are as indigenous to England as
the Pennine Range and the Yorkshire
Wolds, as authentic as Stonehenge;
yet, by virtue of their very perplexity,
have a difficulty in getting into litera-
ture. There was nothing of the tall,
blond, silent Englishman about this
man, at all. Yet there was probably no
mingling of foreign blood in him since
Phoenician times. He was entirely and
utterly English. He can be found in
no other land, and yet is to be found
in all lands, generally with a concession
from the government and a turbulent
band of assistants. His sloping simian
forehead was growing bald, and it
gleamed as he came over to where I
sat. His jaws, blue from the razor,
creased as he drew back his chin and
began his inevitable movement of the
shoulders that preluded speech. He
was English, and was about to prove
his racial affinity beyond all cavil.
'But why get yourself demobilized
out here?' I demanded, when he had
explained. 'Is there a job to be had?'
'Job!' he echoed, eyebrows raised,
as he looked over his shoulder with
apparent animosity. 'Job! There 's a
fortune out here! See this,'
172
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
He dived over the bed to where his
uniform lay, and extracted from the
breast-pocket a folded sheet of gray
paper. Inside was a large roughly pen-
ciled tracing of the Eastern Mediter-
ranean. There was practically no no-
menclature. An empty Italy kicked at
an equally vacuous Sicily. Red blots
marked ports. The seas were spattered
with figures, as in a chart, marking
soundings. And laid out in straggling
lines, like radiating constellations, were
green and yellow and violet crosses.
From Genoa to Marseilles, from Mar-
seilles to Oran, from Port Said and
Alexandria to Cape Bon, from Salonika
to Taranto, those polychromatic clus-
ters looped and clotted in the sea-lanes,
until the eye, roving at last toward the
intricate configuration of the Cyclades,
caught sight of the Sea of Marmora,
where the green symbols formed a close-
ly woven texture.
'Where did you get this?' I asked,
amazed; and Heatly smoothed the
crackling paper as it lay between us on
the bed. His shoulders worked and his
chin drew back, as if he were about to
spring upon me.
'That's telling,' he grunted. 'The
point is, do you want to come in on
this? These green ones, y' understand,
are soft things, in less 'n ten fathom.
The yellows are deeper. The others
are too big or too deep for us.'
'Who's us?' I asked, beginning to
feel an interest beyond his own person-
ality.
He began to fold up the chart, which
had no doubt come by unfrequented
ways from official dossiers.
'There's the skipper and the mate
and meself,' he informed me; 'but we
can do with another engineer. — Come
in with us!' he ejaculated; 'it's the
chance of a lifetime. You put up five
hundred, and it 's share and share alike.'
I had to explain, of course, that what
he suggested was quite impossible. I
was not demobilized. I had to join a
ship in dock-yard hands. Moreover, I
had no five hundred to put up.
He did not press the point. It seemed
to me that he had simply been the
temporary vehicle of an obscure wave
of sentiment. We had been shipmates
in the old days. He had never been a
friend of mine, it must be understood.
We had wrangled and snarled at each
other over hot and dirty work, and had
gone our separate ways ashore, and he
had rushed from the shipping-office
that day in Shields and never even said
good-bye ere he caught the train to
Newcastle and matrimony. Yet here
now, after nine years, he abruptly
offered me a fortune! The slow inexor-
able passage of time had worn away
the ephemeral scoria of our relations
and laid bare an unexpected vein of
durable esteem. Even now, as I say,
he did not press the point. He was
loath to admit any emotion beyond a
gruff solicitude for my financial ag-
grandizement.
While we were bickering amiably
on these lines, the high, narrow door
opened, and the buxom woman ap-
peared with a tea-tray. She smiled and
went over to the embrasured window,
where there stood a table. As she stood
there, in her neat black dress and white
apron, her dark hair drawn in smooth
convolutions about her placid brows,
her eyes declined upon the apparatus
on the tray, she had the air of demure
sophistication and sainted worldliness
to be found in lady prioresses and
mother superiors when dealing with
secular aliens. She was an intriguing
anomaly in this stronghold of ancient
and militant celibates. The glamour
of her individual illusion survived even
the introduction that followed.
'This is Emma,' said Heatly, as if
indicating a natural but amusing fea-
ture of the landscape; 'Emma, an old
shipmate o' mine. Let him have that
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
room next to this. Anybody been?'
'Yes,' said Emma in a soft, gentle
voice, 'Captain Gosnell rang up. He
wants to see you at the usual place.'
'Then I'll be going,' said Heatly,
drinking tea standing, a trick abhorred
by those who regard tea as something
of a ritual. ' Lay for four at our table
to-night, and send to the Regina for
my friend's gear. And mind, no games ! '
He placed his arm about her waist.
Then, seizing a rakish-looking deer-
stalker, he made for the door, and
halted abruptly, looking back upon us
with apparent malevolence. Emma
smiled without resigning her pose of
sorrowful experience, and the late en-
gineer lieutenant slipped through the
door and was gone.
So there were to be no games. I
looked at Emma, and stepped over to
help myself to tea. There were to be
no games. Comely as she was, there
was no more likelihood of selecting the
cloistral Emma for trivial gallantry
than of pulling the admiral's nose. I
had other designs on Emma. I had
noted the relations of those two with
attention, and it was patent to me
that Emma could tell me a good deal
more about Heatly than Heatly knew
about himself. Heatly was that sort
of man. He would be a problem of
enigmatic opacity to men, and a crystal-
clear solution to the cool, disillusioned
matron.
And Emma told. Women are not
only implacable realists, they are un-
conscious artists. They dwell always
in the Palace of Unpalatable Truth,
and never by any chance is there a
magic talisman to save them from their
destiny. Speech is their ultimate need.
We exist for them only in so far as we
can be described. As the incarnate
travesties of a mystical ideal, we in-
spire ecstasies of romantic supposition.
There is a rapt expression on the fea-
tures of a woman telling about a man.
173
Duty and pleasure melt into one suf-
fusing emotion and earth holds for her
no holier achievement. And so, as the
reader is ready enough to believe, there
were no games. Apart from her com-
mon urbane humanity, Emma's lot in
life, as the deserted wife of a Highland
sergeant deficient in emotional stability,
had endowed her with the smooth effi-
ciency of a character in a novel. She
credited me with a complete inventory
of normal virtues and experiences, and
proceeded to increase my knowledge
of life.
H
The point of her story, as I gathered,
was this. My friend Heatly, in the
course of the years, had completed the
cycle of existence without in any degree
losing the interest of women. I knew
he was married. Emma informed me
that they had seven children. The
youngest had been born six months
before. Where? Why, in the house in
Gateshead, of course. Did I know
Gateshead? I did. As I sat in that
embrasured window and looked down
the thin, deep slit of the Strada Lucia,
past green and saffron balconies and
jutting shrines, to where the Harbor
of Marsamuscetto showed a patch of
solid dark blue below the distant per-
fection of Sheina, I thought of Gates-
head, with the piercing East Coast
wind ravening along its gray, dirty
streets, with its frowsy fringe of coal-
staithes standing black and stark above
the icy river, and I heard the grind and
yammer of the grimy street-cars striv-
ing to drown the harsh boom and crash
from the great yards of Elswick on the
far bank. I saw myself again hurrying
along in the rain, a tired young man in
overalls, making hurried purchases of
gear and tobacco and rough gray blank-
ets, for the ship was to sail on the turn
of the tide. And I found it easy to
see the small two-story house half-way
174
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
down one of those incredibly ignoble
streets, the rain, driven by the cruel
wind, whipping against sidewalk and
window, the front garden a mere pud-
dle of mud, and indoors a harassed,
dogged woman fighting her way to
the day's end, while a horde of robust
children romped and gorged and blub-
bered around her.
'Seven,' I murmured, and the bells
of a herd of goats made a musical com-
motion in the street below.
'Seven,' said Emma, refilling my cup.
'And he 's not going home yet, even
though he has got out of the navy,' I
observed with tactful abstraction.
'That's just it,' said Emma, 'not
going home. He's gone into this sal-
vage business, you see. I believe it's
a very good thing.'
'Of course his wife gets her half-pay,'
I mused.
'She gets all his pay,' accented
Emma. 'He sends it all. He has other
ways — you understand. Resources.
But he won't go home. You know,
there's somebody here.'
So here we were coming to it. It
had been dawning on me, as I stared
down at the blue of the Marsamuscet-
to, that possibly Heatly's interest for
Emma had been heightened by the fact
that he was a widower. Nothing so
crude as that, however. Something
much more interesting to the high gods.
Between maturity and second child-
hood, if events are propitious, men
come to a period of augmented curios-
ity fortified by a vague sense of duties
accomplished. They acquire a convic-
tion that, beyond the comfortable and
humdrum vales of domestic felicity,
where they have lived so long, there
lie peaks of ecstasy and mountain-
ranges of perilous dalliance. I roused
suddenly.
'But now he's out of the navy,' I
remarked.
'You mustn't think that,' said
Emma. ' He is n't that sort of man.
I tell you, she's all right.'
' Who ? The somebody who 's here ? '
'No, his wife's all right as far as
money goes. But there 's no sympathy
between them. A man can't go on all
his life without sympathy.'
'What is she like?' I asked, not so
sure of this.
'Oh, I'm not defending him,' said
Emma with her eyes fixed on the sugar-
bowl. 'Goodness knows / 've no reason
to think well of men, and you're all
alike. Only, he's throwing himself
away on a — Well, never mind. You '11
see her. Here's your room. You can
have this connecting door open if you
like.'
'Fine,' I said, looking round, and
then walking into a sort of vast and
comfortable crypt. The walls, five feet
thick, were pierced on opposite sides
as for cannon, and one looked instinc-
tively for the inscriptions by prisoners
and ribald witticisms by sentries. There
was the Strada Lucia again, beyond a
delicious green railing; and behind was
another recess, from whose shuttered
aperture one beheld the hotel court-
yard, with a giant tree swelling up and
almost touching the yellow walls. I
looked at the groined roof, the distant
white-curtained bed, the cupboards of
black wood, the tiled floor with its old,
worn mats. I looked out of the window
into the street, and was startled by an
unexpectedly near view of a saint in a
blue niche by the window, a saint with
a long sneering nose and a supercilious
expression as she looked down with her
stony eyes on the Strada Lucia. I
looked across the Strada Lucia, and
saw dark eyes and disdainful features
at magic casements. And I told Emma
that I would take the apartment.
'You '11 find Mr. Heatly in the Cafe
de la Reine,' she remarked gently;
'he's there with Captain Gosnell.'
But I wanted to see neither Heatly
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
nor Captain Gosnell just yet. I said
I would be back to dinner, and took
my cap and cane.
Ill
After wandering about the town,
gazing upon the cosmopolitan crowd
that thronged the streets, and musing
upon many things, — upon deserted
wives and deserting husbands, and
their respective fates, — I approached
the Libreria, and saw Heatly seated at
a table with two other men, in the
shadow of one of the great columns.
Just behind him a young Maltese
kneeled by a great long-haired goat,
which he was milking swiftly into a
glass for a near-by customer. Heatly,
however, was not drinking milk. He
was talking. There were three of them
and their heads were together over the
drinks on the little marble table, so
absorbed that they took no notice at
all of the lively scene about them.
There was about these men an aura
of supreme happiness. In the light of
a match-flare, as they lit fresh ciga-
rettes, their features showed up harsh
and masculine, the faces of men who
dealt neither in ideas nor in emotions,
but in prejudices and instincts and
desires. Then Heatly turned and saw
me, and further contemplation was out
of the question.
IV
Of that evening and the tale they told
me, there is no record by the alert
psychologist. There is a roseate glam-
our over a confusion of memories.
There are recollections of exalted emo-
i tions and unparalleled eloquence. We
traversed vast distances and returned
safely, arm in arm. We were the gen-
erals of famous campaigns, the heroes
i of colossal achievements, and the con-
i querors of proud and beautiful women.
175
From the swaying platforms of the
Fourth Dimension we caught glimpses
of starry destinies. We stood on the
shoulders of the lesser gods, to see our
enemies confounded. And out of the
mist and fume of the evening emerges
a shadowy legend of the sea.
By a legerdemain which seemed timely
and agreeably inexplicable, the marble
table under the arcade of the Libreria
became a linen-covered table in an im-
mense and lofty chamber. We were at
dinner. The ceiling was a gilded frame-
work of paneled paintings. Looking
down upon us from afar were well-fed
anchorites and buxom saints. Their
faces gleamed from out a dark and
polished obscurity, and their ivory
arms emerged from the convolutions
of ruby and turquoise-velvet draperies.
Tall candelabra supported colored
globes, which shed a mellow radiance
upon the glitter of silver and crystal.
There was a sound of music, which
rose and fell as some distant door
swung to and fro; the air still trembled
with the pulsing reverberations of a
great gong, and a thin whine, which
was the food-elevator ascending in dry
grooves from the kitchen, seemed to
spur the fleet-footed waiters to a frenzy
of service. High cabinets of dark wood
stood between tall narrow windows
housing collections of sumptuous plates
and gilded wares. On side tables heaps
of bread and fruit made great masses
of solid color, of gamboge, saffron, and
tawny orange. Long-necked bottles
appeared reclining luxuriously in wick-
er cradles, like philosophic pagans about
to bleed to death.
At a table by the distant door sits
the little boy with the freckled nose
and beautiful gray eyes. He writes in
a large book as the waiters pause on
tip-toe, dishes held as if in votive offer-
ing to a .red Chinese dragon on the
mantel above- the boy's head. He
writes, and looking out down the en-
176
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
trance, suddenly laughs in glee. From
the corridor come whoops and a stac-
cato cackle of laughter, followed by a
portentous roll of thunder from the
great gong. The boy puts his hand
over his mouth in his ecstasy, the
waiters grin as they hasten, the head
waiter moves over from the windows,
thinking seriously, and one has a vision
of Emma, mildly distraught, at the
door. Captain Gosnell, holding up the
corner of his serviette, remarks that
they are coming, and studies the wine-
list.
They rush in, and a monocled major
at a near-by table pauses, fork in air
over his fried sea-trout, and glares.
In the forefront of the bizarre pro-
cession comes Heatly, with a Russian
guardsman on his back. The other two
guardsmen follow, dancing a stately
measure, revolving with rhythmic
gravity. Behind, waltzing alone, is
Mr. Marks, the mate. Instantly, how-
ever, the play is over. They break
away, the guardsman slips to the floor,
and they all assume a demeanor of
impenetrable reserve as they walk dec-
orously toward us. They sit, and be-
come merged in the collective mood of
the chamber. Yet one has a distinct
impression of a sudden glimpse into
another world — as if the thin yet
durable membrane of existence had
split open a little, and one saw, for a
single moment, men as they really are.
And while I am preoccupied with this
fancy, which is mysteriously collated
in the mind with a salmi of quails,
Captain Gosnell becomes articulate.
He is explaining something to me.
It is time Captain Gosnell should be
described. He sits on my left, a portly,
powerful man, with a large red nose
and great baggy pouches under his
stern eyes. It is he who tells the story.
I watch him as he dissects his quail.
Of his own volition he tells me he has
twice swallowed the anchor. And here
he is, still on the job. Did he say twice?
Three times, counting — well, it was
this way.
First of all, an aunt left him a little
money and he quit a second mate's
job to start a small provision store.
Failed. Had to go to sea again. Then
he married. Wife had a little money,
so they started again. Prospered. Two
stores, both doing well. Two counters,
I am to understand. Canned goods,
wines and spirits on one side; meats
and so forth on the other. High-class
clientele. Wonderful head for business,
Mrs. Gosnell's. He himself, understand,
not so dusty. Had a way with custo-
mers. Could sell pork in a synagogue,
as the saying is.
And then Mrs. Gosnell died. Great
shock to him, of course, and took all
the heart out of him. Buried her and
went back to sea. She was insured, and
later, with what little money he had,
he started an agency for carpet-sweep-
ing machinery. Found it difficult to
get on with his captain, you see, being
a senior man in a junior billet. As I
very likely am aware, standing rigging
makes poor running gear. Was doing
a very decent little . business too, when
— the war. So he went into the Naval
Reserve. That 's how it all came about.
Now, his idea is to go back, with the
experience he has gained, and start a
store again — merchandising in his opin-
ion, is the thing of the future. With
a little money, the thing can be done.
Well!
But it was necessary to have a little
capital. Say five thousand. So here
we were.
A bad attack of pneumonia with
gastritis finished him at Dover. Doc-
tor said if he got away to a warmer
climate, it would make a new man of
him. So a chat with a surgeon-com-
mander in London resulted in his being
appointed to a mine-layer bound for
the Eastern Mediterranean. Perhaps I
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
had heard of her. The Ouzel. Side-
wheeler built for the excursionists.
Started away from Devonport and
took her to Port Said. Imagine it I
Think of her bouncing from one moun-
tainous wave to another, off Finisterre.
Think of her turning over and over,
almost, going round St. Vincent. Fine
little craft for all that. Heatly here
was Chief. Marks here was Mate. It
was a serious responsibility.
And when they reached Port Said,
they were immediately loaded with
mines and sent straight out again to
join the others, who were laying a com-
plicated barrage about fifty miles
north. Four days out, one day in. It
was n't so bad at first, being one of a
company, with constant signaling and
visits in fine weather. But later, when
the Ouzel floated alone in an immense
blue circle of sea and sky, they began
to get acquainted. This took the com-
mon English method of discovering,
one by one, each other's weaknesses,
and brooding over them in secret.
What held them together most firmly
appears to have been a sort of sophisti-
cated avoidance of women. Not in so
many words, Captain Gosnell assures
me, but taking it for granted, they
found a common ground in 'Keeping
in the fairway.' Marks was a bachelor,
it is true, but Marks had no intention
of being anything else. Marks had
other fish to fry, I am to understand.
I look at Marks, who sits opposite to
me. He has a full round face, clean-
shaved, and flexible as an actor's. His
rich brown hair, a thick, solid-looking
auburn thatch, suddenly impresses me
with its extreme incongruity. As I
look at him, he puts up his hand,
pushes his hair slowly up over his fore-
head, like a cap, revealing a pink scalp,
rolls the whole contrivance from side to
side, and brings it back to its normal
position.
More for comfort than anything else,
VOL. 1S8—NO. 2
B
177
Captain Gosnell assures me, for nobody
is deceived by a wig like that. What is
a man to do when he has pretty near
the whole top of his head blown off
by a gasometer exploding on the West-
ern Front? There's Marks, minus his
hair and everything else, pretty well
buried in a pit of loose cinders. Lamp-
post blown over, lying across him.
Marks lay quiet enough, thinking. He
was n't dead, he could breathe, and one
hand moved easily in the cinders. Be-
gan to paddle with that hand. Went on
thinking and paddling. Soon he could
move the other hand. Head knock-
ing against the lamp-post, he pad-
dled downward. Found he was moving
slowly forward. Head clear of the lamp-
post. Gritty work, swimming, as it
were, in loose ashes. Hands in shock-
ing condition. Scalp painful. Lost
his hair, but kept his head. Suddenly
his industriously paddling hands swirl-
ed into the air, jerking legs drove him
upward, and he spewed the abrasive
element from his lips. He had come
back. And had brought an idea with
him. Before he went into the army,
Marks was second officer in the Mar-
chioness Line, afflicted with dreams of
inventing unsinkable ships and collap-
sible life-boats. Now he came back to
life with a brand-new notion. What was
it? Well, we 'd be having a run over
to the ship bye-and-bye and I would
see it. It could do everything except
sing a comic song.
'We had been relieved one evening,'
Captain Gosnell observes, 'and were
about hull down and under, when I
ordered dead slow for a few hours.
The reason for this was that, at full
^peed, we would reach Port Said about
three in the afternoon, and it was gen-
erally advised to arrive after sunset, or
even after dark. Besides this, I set a
course to pass round to the east'ard of
a field we had laid a week or so before,
instead of to the west'ard. This is a
178
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
simple enough matter of running off
the correct distances, for the current,
if anything, increased the margin of
safety. We were making about four
knots, with the mine-field on the star-
board bow, as I calculated, and we
were enjoying a very pleasant supper
in my cabin, which had been the pas-
senger saloon in the Ouzel's excursion
days — a fine large room on the upper
deck, with big windows, like a house
ashore. The old bus was chugging
along, and from my table you could
see the horizon all round, except just
astern, which was hid by the funnel.
Nothing there, however, but good salt
water, and the Holy Land a long way
behind. It was like sitting in a conserv-
atory. The sea was as smooth as glass,
with a fine haze to the south'ard. This
haze, as far as I could judge, was mov-
ing north at about the same speed as
we were going south, which would
make it eight knots, and in an hour
we would be in it. I mention this be-
cause it explains why the three of us,
sitting in a cabin on an upper deck,
saw the battleship all together, all at
once, and quite near. We all went on
the bridge.
'Now you must understand,' went
on Captain Gosnell, 'that the subject
of conversation between us while we
were at supper was money. We were
discussing the best way of getting hold
of money, and the absolute necessity
of capital after the war, if we were to
get anywhere. This war, you know,
has been a three-ringed circus for the
young fellows. But to men like us it
has n't been anything of the sort. We
have a very strong conviction that
some of us are going to feel the draft.
We are n't so young as we used to be,
and a little money would be a bless-
ing. Well, we were talking about our
chances — of salvage, prize-money,
bonuses, and so forth. Our principal
notion, if I remember, that evening,
was to go into business and pool our
resources. For one thing, we wanted
to keep up the association. And then,
out of the Lord knows where, came this
great gray warship heading straight —
Captain Gosnell paused and regard-
ed me with an austere glance. Mr.
Marks and Heatly were listening and
looking at us watchfully. And over
Mr. Marks's shoulder I could see the
three officers with their polychromatic
uniforms gleaming in the soft orange
radiance of shaded lamps.
'You understand what I mean?'
said Captain Gosnell. 'We stood on
the bridge watching that ship come up
on us, watching her through our glasses,
and we did not attach any particular
importance to her appearance. When
we saw the Russian ensign astern, it
did not mean a great deal to us. She
was as much an anomaly in those ter-
rible waters as a line-of-battle ship of
Nelson's day. That was what stag-
gered us. An enormous valuable ship
like that coming out into such a sea.
Suddenly the value of her, the money
she cost, the money she was worth, so
near and yet so far, came home to us.
I had an imaginary view of her, you
understand, for a moment, as some-
thing I could sell; a sort of fanciful
picture of her possibilities in the junk
line. Think of the brass and rubber
alone, in a ship like that! And then we
all simultaneously realized just what
was happening. I had my hand
stretched out to the whistle-lanyard,
when there was a heavy, bubbling
grunt, and she rolled over toward us
as if some invisible hand had given her
a push. She rolled back to an even keel
and began pitching a very little. This
was due, I believe, to the sudden going
astern of her engines, coupled with the
mine throwing her over. Pitched a lit-
tle, and, for some extraordinary reason,
her forward twelve-inch guns were
rapidly elevated as if some insane gun-
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
ner was going to take a shot at the
North Star before going down. From
what we gathered later, things were
going on inside that turret which are
unpleasant to think about. There was
that ship, twenty-five thousand tons
of her, going through a number of
peculiar evolutions. Like most battle-
ships, she had four anchors in her bows,
and suddenly they all shot out of their
hawse-pipes and fell into the sea, while
clouds of red dust came away, as if
she was breathing fire and smoke at us
through her nostrils. And then she
began to swing round on them, so that,
as we came up to her, she showed us
her great rounded armored counter,
with its captain's gallery and a little
white awning to keep off the sun. And
what we saw then passed anything in
my experience on this earth, ashore or
afloat. We were coming up on her, you
know, and we had our glasses so that,
as the stern swung on us, we had a
perfectly close view of that gallery.
There were two bearded men sitting
there, in uniforms covered with gold
lace and dangling decorations, smoking
cigarettes, each in a large wicker chair
on either side of a table. Behind them
the big armored doors were open and
the mahogany slides drawn back, and
we could see silver and china and very
elaborate electrical fittings shining on
the table, and men in white coats walk-
ing about without any anxiety at all.
On the stern was a great golden two-
headed eagle, and a name in their pecu-
liar wrong-way-round lettering which
Serge told us later was Fontanka. And
they sat there, those two men with
gray beards on their breasts like large
bibs, smoking and chatting and point-
ing out the Ouzel to each other. It was
incredible. And in the cabin behind
them servants went round and round,
and a lamp was burning in front of a
i large picture of the Virgin in a glitter-
i ing frame. An icon. I can assure you,
179
their placid demeanor almost paralyzed
us. We began to wonder if we had n't
dreamed what had gone before, if we
were n't still dreaming. But she con-
tinued to swing and we continued to
come up on her, so that soon we had
a view along her decks again, and we
knew well enough we were n't dream-
ing very much.
'Her decks were alive with men.
They moved continually, replacing
each other like a mass of insects on a
beam. It appeared, from where we
were, a cable's length or so, like an
orderly panic. There must have been
five or six hundred of them climbing,
running, walking, pushing, pulling, like
one of those football matches at the
big schools, where everybody plays at
once. And then our whistle blew. I
give you my word I did it quite uncon-
sciously, in my excitement. If it had
been Gabriel's trumpet, it could not
have caused greater consternation. I
think a good many of them thought
it was Gabriel's trumpet. It amounted
to that almost, for the Fontanka took
a sort of slide forward at that moment
and sank several feet by the head. All
those hundreds of men mounted the
rails and put up their hands and shout-
ed. It was the most horrible thing.
They stood there with uplifted hands
and their boats half-lowered, and shout-
ed. I believe they imagined that I
was going alongside to take them off.
But I had no such intention. The
Ouzel's sponsons would have been
smashed, her paddles wrecked, and
we would probably have gone to the
bottom along with them. We looked
at each other and shouted in sheer fury
at their folly. We bawled and made
motions to lower their boats. I put
the helm over and moved off a little,
and ordered our own boat down. The
fog was coming up and the sun was
going down. The only thing that was
calm was the sea. It was like a lake.
180
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
Suddenly, several of the Fontanka's
boats almost dropped into the water,
and the men began to slide down the
falls like strings of blue and white
beads. She took another slide, very
slow but very sickening to see.
'I fixed my glasses on the super-
structure between the funnels, where
a large steel crane curved over a couple
of launches with polished brass funnels.
And I was simply appalled to find a
woman sitting in one of the launches,
with her arms round a little boy. She
was quite composed, apparently, and
was watching three men who were
working very hard about the crane.
The launch began to rise in the air,
and two of the men climbed into her.
She rose, and the crane swung outward.
We cheered like maniacs when she
floated. In a flash the other man was
climbing up the curve of the crane, and
we saw him slide down the wire into
the launch.
' By this time, you must understand,
the other boats were full of men, and
one of them was cast off while more
men were sliding down the falls. They
held on with one hand and waved the
other at the men above, who proceeded
in a very systematic way to slide on
top of them, and then the whole bunch
would carry away altogether and van-
ish with a sort of compound splash.
And then men began to come out of
side-scuttles. They were in a great
hurry, these chaps. A head would
appear, and then shoulders and arms
working violently. The man would be
just getting his knees in a purchase on
the scuttle frame, when he would shoot
out clean head-first into the sea. And
another head, the head of the man who
had pushed him, would come out.
'But don't forget,' warned Captain
Gosnell, ' that all these things were hap-
pening at once. Don't forget that the
Fontanka was still swarming with men,
that the sun was just disappearing, very
red, in the west, that the ship's bows
were about level with the water. Don't
forget all this,' urged Captain Gosnell,
'and then, when you 've got that all
firmly fixed in your mind, she turns
right over, shows the great red belly
of her for perhaps twenty seconds, and
sinks.'
Captain Gosnell held the match for
a moment longer to his cigar, threw
the stick on the floor, and strode into
the room, leaving me to imagine the
thing he had described.
V
And these three, in their deftly han-
dled and slow-moving launch, with their
incredible passengers, the woman with
her arms round a little boy, were the
first to board the Ouzel. Captain Gos-
nell had stopped his engines, for the sea
was thick with swimming and floating
men. They explained through Serge,
who had climbed down the crane, — a
man of extended experience in polar
regions, — that they were officers in
the Imperial Russian Army, entrusted
with the safe-conduct of the lady and
her child, and therefore claimed prece-
dence over naval ratings.
That was all very well, of course; but
the naval ratings were already swarming
up the low fenders of the Ouzel, climb-
ing the paddle-boxes and making excel-
lent use of the ropes and slings flung to
them by the Ouzel's crew. The naval
ratings were displaying the utmost ac-
tivity on their own accounts; they im-
mediately manned the launch, and set
off to garner the occupants of rafts and
gratings. Even in her excursion days,
the Ouzel had never had so many pas-
sengers. Captain Gosnell would never
have believed, if he had not seen it, that
five-hundred-odd souls could have found
room to breathe on her decks and in her
alleyways. All'dripping sea-water.
Captain Gosnell, leaning back on the
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
maroon-velvet settee and drawing at
his cigar, nodded toward the talented
Serge, who was now playing an intri-
cate version of 'Tipperary,' with many
arpeggios, and remarked that he had to
use him as an interpreter. The senior
naval officer saved was a gentleman who
came aboard in his shirt and drawers
and a gold wrist-watch, having slipped
off his clothes on the bridge before
jumping; but he spoke no English.
Serge spoke 'pretty good English.'
Serge interpreted excellently. Having
seen the lady and her little boy, who
had gray eyes and a freckled nose, in-
stalled in the main cabin, he drew the
captain aside and explained to him the
supreme importance of securing the
exact position of the foundered ship;
'in case,' he said, 'it was found pos-
sible to raise her.'
And when we got in, and transferred
the men to hospital, and I had made my
report, they gave me no information to
speak of about the ship. I don't think
they were very clear themselves what
she was to do, beyond making for the
Adriatic. As for the passengers, they
never mentioned them at all, so of course
! I held my tongue and drew my conclu-
sions. Serge told me they had been
bound for an Italian port, whence his
party was to proceed to Paris. Now he
, would have to arrange passages to Mar-
seilles. He took suites in the Marina
Hotel, interviewed agents and banks,
hired a motor-car, and had uniforms
made by the best Greek tailor in the
'town. We were living at the Marina
while ashore, you see, and so it was easy
for us to get very friendly. Heatly, there,
was soon very friendly with the lady.
'No,' said Captain Gosnell with per-
Ifect frankness in reply to my look of
sophistication, ' not in the very slightest
; degree. Nothing of that. If you ask me,
: I should call it a sort of — chivalry.
:j Anybody who thinks there was ever
! any thing — er — what you suggest —
181
has no conception of the real facts of
the case.'
This was surprising. It seemed to
put Emma in an equivocal position,
and my respect for that woman made
me reluctant to doubt her intelligence.
But Captain Gosnell was in a better
position than Emma to give evidence.
Captain Gosnell was conscious that a
man can run right through the hazards
of existence and come out on the other
side with his fundamental virtues unim-
paired. They all shared this sentiment,
I gathered, for this lovely woman with
the bronze hair and gray eyes; but
Heatly's imagination had been touched
to an extraordinary degree. In their in-
terminable discussions concerning their
future movements, discussions highly
technical in their nature, because inves-
tigating a sunken armored warship is
a highly technical affair, Heatly would
occasionally interpret a word, empha-
sizing the importance of giving her a
fair deal.
'But she never reached Marseilles.
They were two days off Malta when
an Austrian submarine torpedoed the
French liner and sank her. They did
not fire on the boats. And our lady
friend found herself being rowed slowly
toward a place of which she had no
knowledge whatever. Serge told us
they were pulling for eighteen hours
before they were picked up.'
'And she is here now?' I asked cau-
tiously.
'Here now,' said Captain Gosnell.
'She usually comes down here for an
hour in the evening. If she's here, I'll
introduce you.'
VI
She was sitting on a plush lounge at
the extreme rear of the cafe, and when
I first set eyes on her, I was disappoint-
ed. I had imagined something much
more magnificent, more alluring, than
this. In spite of Captain Gosnell s
182
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
severely prosaic narrative of concrete
facts, he had been unable to keep from
me the real inspiration of the whole ad-
venture. I was prepared to murmur,
'Was this the face that launched a
thousand ships?' and so on, as much as
I could remember of that famous bit of
rant. One gets an exalted notion of
women who are credited with such pow-
ers, who preserve some vestige of the
magic that can make men 'immortal
with a kiss.' Bionda, in a large fur coat
and a broad-brimmed hat of black vel-
vet, had cloaked her divinity, and the
first impression was Christian rather
than pagan. 'A tired saint,' I thought,
as I sat down after the introduction and
looked at the pale bronze hair and the
intelligent gray eyes.
She had a very subtle and pretty way
of expressing her appreciation of the
homage rendered by these diverse mas-
culine personalities. Her hands, emerg-
ing from the heavy fur sleeves, were
white and extremely thin, with several
large rings. She had nothing to say to
a stranger, which was natural enough,
and I sat in silence watching her. She
spoke English with musical delibera-
tion, rolling the r's and hesitating at
times in a choice of words, so that one
waited with pleasure upon her pauses
and divined the rhythm of her thoughts.
She preserved in all its admirable com-
pleteness that mystery concerning their
ultimate purpose in the world which is
so essential to women in the society of
men. And it was therefore with some
surprise that I heard her enunciate with
intense feeling, 'Oh, never, never, nev-
er!' There was an expression of sad
finality about it. She was conveying to
them her fixed resolve never to board a
ship again. Ships had been altogether
too much for her. She had been inland
all her life, and her recent catastrophes
had robbed her of her reserves of forti-
tude. She would remain here -in this
Island. She sat staring at the marble
table as if she saw in imagination the in-
finite reaches of the ocean, blue, green,
gray, or black, forever fluid and treach-
erous, a sinister superficies beneath
which the bodies and achievements of
men disappeared as into some unknown
lower region.
Women have many valid reasons for
hating the sea; and this woman seemed
dimly aware of a certain jealousy of
it — that alluring masculine element
which destroys men without any aid
from women at all. Her faith in ships
had not suffered shipwreck, so much
as foundered.
They were all agreed. Serge was of
the opinion that, if they recovered a
tenth of the bullion which her husband,
who had a platinum concession in the
Asiatic Urals, had consigned to his agent
in Paris, there would be enough for
all. Serge, in short, became the active
spirit of the enterprise. He knew how
to obtain funds from mysterious firms
who had quiet offices down secluded al-
leys near Copthall Court and Great St.
Helens, in London. He made sketches
and explained where the stuff was
stowed, and, presuming the ship to be
in such and such a position, what bulk-
heads had to be penetrated to get into
her. He obtained permission to accom-
pany the Ouzel on her four-day cruises,
and they never had a dull moment. He
brought water-colors along, purchased
at immense expense from the local ex-
tortioners, and made astonishing draw-
ings of his hosts and their excursion
steamer. He sang songs in a voice like
a musical snarl — songs in obscure dia-
lects, songs in indecent French, songs in
booming Russian. He danced native
Russian dances, and the click of his
heels was like a pneumatic calking-tool
at work on a rush job. His large, serious
face, with the long, finely formed nose,
the sensitive mouth, the sad dark eyes
suddenly illuminated by a beautiful
smile, the innumerable tiny criss-cross
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
183
corrugations above the cheek-bones
which are the marks of life in polar
regions, fascinated the Englishmen.
Without ever admitting it in so many
words, they knew him to be that ex-
tremely rare phenomenon, a leader of
men on hazardous and lonely quests.
Without being at all certain of his name,
which was polysyllabic and rather a
burden to an Anglo-Saxon larynx, they
discovered his character with unerring
accuracy. From the very first they
seem to have been conscious of the
spiritual aspect of the adventure. They
listened to the tittle-tattle of the hotel
bars and the Casino dances, and re-
frained from comment. The scheme
grew in their minds and preoccupied
them. Mr. Marks and Heatly spent
days and nights over strange designs,
and Heatly himself worked at the bench
in the port alleyway, between the pad-
dle-box and the engine-room, construct-
ing mechanical monstrosities.
But as weeks went by and Serge con-
tinued to communicate with Paris and
London, it became clear that he was
not at all easy in his mind. Some people
say, of course, that no Russian is easy
in his mind; but this was an altruistic
anxiety. He judged that it would be
best for them to get on to Paris, where
Bionda had relatives and he himself
could resume active operations.
And so they started, this time in a
French mail-boat bound for Marseilles.
Our three mine-sweepers saw them off.
And Captain Gosnell, as we walked up
the Strada Stretta and emerged upon
the brilliant Strada Reale, was able to
convey a hint of the actual state of
affairs.
'She knew nothing,' he said. 'She
was still under the impression that there
would always be an endless stream of
money coming from somebody in Paris
or London. She was, if you can excuse
the word, like a child empress. But
there was n't any such stream. Serge
and the others had a little of their own;
but hers was mostly in an ammunition
chamber on B deck in a foundered war-
ship, along with the bullion, bound to
the Siberian Bank. She was n't worry-
ing about money at all. She was wish-
ing she was in Marseilles, for her experi-
ences on ships had n't given her a very
strong confidence in their safety. And
Serge was anxious to get her to Paris,
to her relatives, before what money she
had ran out.'
Suddenly she gathered up her gloves
and trinkets and said she must be going.
She had worked hard that day and was
tired. We rose and, as if by precon-
certed arrangement, divided into two
parties. It was the general rule, I gath-
ered, that the gentlemen who had acted
as her bodyguard for so long should
undertake this nightly escort. We filed
out into the deserted square, and the
last view we had of them was the small
fur-clad figure tripping away up the
empty and romantic street, while over
her towered the three tall soldiers, look-
ing like benevolent brigands in their
dark cloaks.
As we turned toward the Grand
Harbor, Captain Gosnell remarked
that, if I cared to come, they could
show me something I had probably
never seen before. We descended the
stone stairs leading to the Custom
House Quay. To see them diving with
long strides down those broad, shallow
steps, the solitary lamps, burning before
dim shrines high up, lighting their forms
as for some religious mystery, they ap-
peared as men plunging in the grip of
powerful and diverse emotions. The
captain was plain enough to any intel-
ligence. He desired money that he
might maintain his position in England
— a country where it is almost better
to lose one's soul than one's position.
Mr. Marks, beneath the genial falsity
of a wig, concealed an implacable fidel-
184
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
ity to a mechanical ideal. Heatly, on
the other hand, was not so easily ana-
lyzed as Emma had suggested. He ap-
peared the inarticulate victim of a re-
mote and magnificent devotion. He
gave the impression of a sort of proud
disgust that he should have been thus
afflicted.
So we came down to the water, and
walked along the quay until we hailed
a small, broad-beamed steamer, very
brightly lighted but solitary, so that
Captain Gosnell had to use a silver
whistle that he carried, and the shrill
blast echoed from the high ramparts of
the Castle of Sant' Angelo.
A boat came slowly toward us, and
we went aboard . She was a strange blend
of expensive untidiness. Great pumps
and hoses, costly even when purchased
second-hand, lay red and rusty and
slathered with dry mud about her decks.
We descended a foul ladder through an
iron scuttle leading to the one great
hold forward. The 'tween-decks were
workshops, with lathes, drills, and sav-
age-looking torch-furnaces. Things that
looked like lawn-mowers afflicted with
elephantiasis revealed themselves on in-
spection as submersible boring-heads
and cutters that went down into inac-
cessible places, like marine ferrets, and
did execution there.
In the centre, however, suspended
from a beam, was the masterpiece. It
would be vain to describe the indescrib-
able. It resembled in a disturbing way
a giant spider with its legs curled semi-
circularly about its body. A formidable
domed thing, with circular glass eyes
set in it, and a door as of a safe or the
breech-block of a gun. From this pro-
truded a number of odd-looking mech-
anisms, and below it, flanked by cat-
erpillar belts, on which the contrivance
walked with dignity upon the bed of the
ocean, were large, sharp-bladed cutters,
like steel whorls.
While I gazed at this, endeavoring to
decide how much was reality and how
much merely excited imagination, Mr.
Marks went down and proceeded to set
a ladder against the side of the machine.
He grasped wheels and levers, he spoke
with vehemence to Heatly, who ran to
a switchboard and encased his head
in a kind of listening helmet. Then
Mr. Marks climbed nimbly through the
aperture and drew the door to with a
click. A light appeared within, shining
through the enormously thick glass,
and showing a fantastic travesty of Mr.
Marks moving about in his steel prison.
Captain Gosnell indicated the triumph-
ant perfection of this thing. They were
in constant telephonic connection with
him. He could direct a bright beam in
any direction, and he could animate any
one or all of the extraordinary limbs of
the machine. Suppose a ship lay in sand
shale, mud, or gravel. He could dig
himself under her, dragging a hawser
which could be made fast to a float on
each side. He could fasten on to a given
portion of the hull, drill it, cut it, and in
time crawl inside on the caterpillar feet.
He had food, hot and cold drinks, and
oxygen for two days. He could sit and
read if he liked, or talk to the people on
the ship. And quite safe, no matter
how deep. Wonderful !
I dare say it was. It was a fabulous-
looking thing, anyhow, and as Mr.
Marks, moving like a visible brain in a
transparent skull, started and stopped
his alarming extremities, it struck me
that humanity was in danger of tran-
scending itself at last. It was soothing
to come up on deck again and see Sant'
Angelo in the moonlight like the back-
cloth of an Italian opera. It was a com-
fort to hear that one of the men, who
ought to have been on duty, was drunk.
Perhaps he had found the machinery
too powerful for his poor weak human
soul and had fled ashore to drown the
nightmare of mechanism in liquor. One
could imagine the men-at-arms, whose
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
duty it was to watch from those stone
towers, slipping out of some newly in-
vented corselet with a jangle and clang,
and stealing away in an old leather
jerkin, only half laced, to make a night
of it.
Not that there was anything funda-
mentally at odds with romance in this
extraordinary adventure into deep wa-
ters, I mused, as I lay in my vast cham-
ber that night. Knights in armor, releas-
ing virgin forces of wealth buried in the
ocean. Heatly was moving about in the
next room, smoking a cigarette.
'What does she do for a living?' I
asked.
He came and stood in the doorway
in his pajamas. He blew a thread of
tobacco from his lips.
' She keeps a tea-shop near the Opera
House/ he said. 'We don't go there;
knowing her as we do, it would n't be
the right thing.'
' But I can, I suppose,' I suggested.
'Yes, you can, I suppose,' he as-
sented from somewhere within his room.
'You don't object, of course?' I went
on.
The light went out.
VII
Wedged in between Lanceolotte's
music-shop and Marcus's emporium of
Maltese bijouterie I found a modest door
and window. In the latter was a simple
card with the word TEAS in large print.
Below it was a samovar, and a couple
of table centres made of the local lace.
'Can I go upstairs?' I asked the little
boy with the gray eyes and freckled
nose; and he smiled and nodded with
delightful friendliness.
'Then I will,' I said; and he rushed
up in front of me.
There was nobody there. He cleared
a table by the low window. Across the
street was the broad and beautiful fa-
cade of the Opera House. The an-
185
nouncement board bore the legend 'To-
night — Faust.'
'You want tea?' said the boy, with a
forward dart of his head, like an in-
quisitive bird.
I nodded.
'Toast?'
I nodded again. 'I thought you were
at the hotel,' I remarked.
'Only in the evenings,' he explained,
lifting his tray. 'You want cakes, too?'
I nodded again, and he seemed to ap-
prove of my catholic taste. A low voice
said, ' Karl ! ' and he hurried down out of
sight.
I was sitting there munching a bun
and enjoying some really well-made tea
(with lemon), and watching a number of
cheerful well-dressed people emerging
from the theatre, when something caus-
ed me to look round, and I saw the face
of Bionda just above the floor. She
was standing at a turn in the stair, re-
garding me attentively. I rose, and she
came on up.
'I thought,' she said without raising
her eyes, 'that I had seen you before.
Have you everything you wish?'
'Everything except someone to talk
to,' I said.
She raised her eyes with a serious ex-
pression in them. 'I will talk if you
wish,' she said gravely.
'Do sit down,' I begged.
I wished to sit down myself, for the
window was low. She complied.
'I am a friend of Mr. Heatly,' I went
on.
Her face lighted up. 'He is a very
nice man,' she said, laughing. 'He likes
me very much. He told me he was
going to look after me for the rest of
my life. He makes me laugh very
much. You like him?'
'I used to be on the same ship with
him,' I said; 'years ago, before he was
married.'
'Ah, yes, before he was married. 1
see. Now you go on a ship again? '
186
KNIGHTS AND TURCOPOLIERS
'When she arrives from Odessa.'
'From — ' She looked hard at me.
'Perhaps there will be news, if she
comes from Odessa.'
'Maybe.' (She sighed.) 'You have
had no news, then, since the Revolu-
tion?'
'Nothing. Not one single word. In
there, it is all dark. When your ship
comes, there will be passengers, no?'
'Ah, I could n't say,' I replied. 'We
must wait. If there are any, I will let
you know.'
'Thank you.' Her gaze wandered
across the street. 'They have finished
the play. What do you call when they
sing — before?'
'A rehearsal, you mean.'
'Yes. Well, they have finished. There
is Mephistopheles coming out now.'
She nodded toward a tall gentleman
in tweeds, who was smoking a cigarette
and swinging a cane on the upper ter-
race. 'He waits for Margarita. There
she is.'
A robust creature emerged, putting
on long gloves, and the two descended
to the sidewalk. Bionda laughed.
'Does Margarita usually walk out
with Mephisto?' I asked.
'Oh, they are married,' she informed
me with a whimsical grimace, ' and very
happy.'
' What are you? ' I demanded abrupt-
ly. 'Not a Slav, I am sure.'
'Me? No, I am a Bohemian,' she
said.
'How appropriate! How exquisitely
appropriate!' I murmured.
'From Prague,' she added, sighing a
little.
'An enemy?' (She nodded.) 'But if
you will only consider yourself Czecho-
slovak — ' I suggested.
She made a gesture of dissent and
rose. 'Let me know when your ship
comes in,' she said; and I promised.
Three young naval lieutenants in
tennis undress came up the stairs and
called for tea. The little boy came up
to take their order, and I paid him and
went out.
Our intimacy increased, of course, as
the days passed, and I began to won-
der whether or not I too was about to
pass under the spell and devote my life
to the amelioration of her destiny. If
my ship went back to Odessa, I would
be the bearer of messages, an agent of
inquiry seeking news of a dim conces-
sionnaire in the Asiatic Urals. I made
extensive promises, chiefly because I
was pretty sure my ship would prob-
ably go somewhere else — Bizerta or
Tunis.
The simple sailor man in time devel-
ops a species of simple cunning, to pro-
tect himself from being too oppressively
exploited. But it is practically impos-
sible to rid a woman of the illusion that
she is imposing upon a man. Even
Emma thought it well to warn me of
my danger. She heard rumors about
that woman. Where had she got the
money to start her tea-shop, eh? And
when all the officers had gone home,
where would she get customers? And
so on.
These questions did not preoccupy
Bionda herself, however. She was sad,
but her sadness was the inevitable re-
sult of delightful memories. Her life
had been full and animated ; and it was
only natural, since fate had left her
stranded on a pleasant island, that she
should indulge her desire for retrospect
before rousing to do herself full justice
in the new environment. The possibil-
ity of regaining the wealth that had been
lost did not seem to interest her at all.
She never spoke of the expedition of
Captain Gosnell and his fellow adven-
turers. It seemed doubtful at times
whether she understood anything at all
about it. A shrug, and she changed the
subject.
And then one day I was stopped by
two of the Russian officers as they came
KNIGHTS AND
down the hotel stairs, and they told me
they had received their orders at last.
They were to report at Paris.
'We sail to-morrow for Marseilles,'
said one; and his great spur jingled as
he stamped his foot to settle it in the
high boot. With much difficulty he made
known their hope that I would give
Madame any assistance in my power
when her other friends were gone. I
agreed to this with alacrity, since I my-
self would probably be a thousand miles
away in a few weeks' time. And the little
boy? Yes, I would look after him, too.
It was the Saturday night before my
ship arrived (she came in on Monday, I
remember) that I joined Captain Gosnell
and his lieutenants at the Cafe de la
Reine. They were exceedingly yet dec-
orously drunk. They were to sail the
next morning. They had adjourned to a
small ante-room of the cafe, and through
a closed glass door an amused public
could obtain glimpses of the orgy.
Captain Gosnell's austere features had
grown gradually purple; and though he
never became incoherent, or even noisy,
it was obvious that he had reached an-
other psychic plane. And so there may
have been a significance in the grandi-
ose gesture with which he raised a glass
of champagne and murmured, —
'To Her, whom we all adore, who
awaits — awaits our return. Our mas-
cot. May she bring us luck!'
He sat down and looked in a puzzled
way at the empty glass. He gradually
drank himself sober, and helped me to
get the others into a cab. Mr. Marks,
his wig over one eye, snored. Heatly
began to sing in the clear night, —
'Wide as the world is her Kingdom of power.'
The cab started. As they turned
the corner I heard the high, windy
voice still singing, —
'In every heart she hath fashioned her throne;
As Queen of the Earth, she reigneth alone ' —
And then silence.
187
Next morning, after Early Mass, as
we walked slowly up the rampe and
came to a pause on the ramparts of the
I-ower Barracca, I was curious to dis-
cover whether this departure of her
champions would make any authentic
impression upon her spirits.
'Suppose,' I was saying, 'we had a
message from Odessa, that your hus-
band had arrived. And suppose he sent
for you? Or that he had reached Paris
and wanted you there?'
'Oh, I should go, of course. It would
be like life again, after being dead.'
Here was a fine state of affairs!
We were all ghosts to her, phantoms
inhabiting another shadowy world, cut
off from life by an immense, pitiless blue
sea. Compared with that distant and
possibly defunct concessionnaire in the
Asiatic Urals, we were all impalpable
spectres! Our benevolence had about
as much conscious significance for her
as the sunlight upon a plant. I did not
speak again until the little steamer, with
a croak of her whistle, passed out be-
tween the guns of the harbor-mouth
and began slowly to recede across the
mighty blue floors, a great quantity of
foul smoke belching from her funnel
and drifting across the rocks. And then
i I mentioned casually what was hap-
pening — that those men were bound
• upon her affairs, seeking treasure at the
• bottom of the sea, devoted to an ex-
travagant quest.
: She made no reply. The steamer re-
; ceded yet further. It became a black
blob on the blue water, a blob from
•- which smoke issued, as if it were a bomb
I which might explode suddenly with a
tremendous detonation, and leave no
trace. But Bionda's eyes were not fixed
upon the steamer. She was gazing mu-
singly upon the great cannon frowning
down from the further fortress. And
after a while she sighed.
' Like life, after being dead ! ' she mur-
mured again.
188
'SOMETIMES WE HARDLY WANTED YOU'
It was as if she had forgotten us. She
was like a departed spirit, discontented
with the conveniences and society of
paradise, who desires to return, but
dreads the journey. And it became an
acute question, whether at any time
she had achieved any real grasp of her
position. Had she ever realized how she
had inspired these men to unsuspected
sentiments and released the streams of
heroic energy imprisoned in their hearts?
Did she suspect even for a moment how
she had engaged their interest, mo-
nopolized their time, established herself
in defiance of all the rules of life in the
midst of their alien affection? Did she
know or care how they toiled and suf-
fered, and perhaps sinned, for her? Did
she ever imagine herself as she was,
not resting on the inert earth, but re-
clining in comfort on the taut and
anxious bodies of men?
Or one may put the question this
way — Does any woman?
' SOMETIMES WE HARDLY WANTED YOU'
BY FANNIE STEARNS GIFFORD
SOMETIMES we hardly wanted you,
Our days together were so rare:
Hill-tops, brook-hollows, and the blue
Castles of windless sunny air;
Camp-fires by certain secret springs,
Green trails that only we could trace —
Love made us misers of these things.
And you, still wandering in space,
Little and lone and undiscerned —
We did not know we needed you.
Strange! — For your bright warm self is burned
Into our hearts, till all that blue
Of morning, and pearl-mist of night,
Wind, water, sun, — those secret ways, —
Mean You; our youth and lovely light,
Our laughter and our length of days!
THE NAME OF THE LORD
BY MILTON O. NELSON
MY earliest memories go back to the
time when I was the youngest of a fam-
ily of six in an unbroken row of boys
on a southern Wisconsin farm a mile
and a half long. Father was a man of
long plans and wide vision ; and in that
vision was a group of six farms occupied
by thrifty farmers, all bearing his sur-
name, all members of the Methodist
Church, all honoring their father and
their mother, each an honor to his
church and a blessing to the land which
the Lord their God had given them.
This vision accounts in part for the size
of the farm on which I was born. The
family was later increased by the addi-
tion of three daughters, and these in
their measure increased the size of the
vision.
Father was of the Pilgrim Father
type as nearly as American conditions
permitted in the period covered by his
life — 1817 to 1898. At the age of
eighteen he had persuaded his father to
move from the ancestral farm in the
Highlands of the Hudson out into the
new West. This migration was only as
far as Brockport, New York, a region
then considered quite westerly by peo-
ple of the lower Hudson. But seven
years later father gathered together the
portion of the family goods that fell to
him, and took his journey into the land
of his own great dreams, staking out a
government claim in the big timber
near the little town of Milwaukee.
This event was four years before Wis-
consin was admitted to the Union.
Two years later, to his cabin and
clearing in the big woods he brought
as his bride a Rochester schoolmistress
twenty-one years of age, the child of
Methodist parents. Nine years later,
finding themselves in a community un-
congenial and irreligious, they, with
their accumulated substance and four
little sons, migrated again — this time
to the farm where I was born. Their
settling here was largely determined by
the fact that not far away, and just
across the Illinois line, was a Methodist
society, which had given the name
of 'Christian Hollow' to the section
about it.
This church being too far away for
our convenient attendance, Methodist
preaching service was set up in father's
cabin. Here, also, the first public
school in our neighborhood was opened,
with mother as teacher. When the pub-
lic schoolhouse was built, a year or two
later, it was made larger by a few square
feet than the community thought neces-
sary, because of father's offer to give
$100 for such an enlargement, on con-
dition that religious meetings be per-
mitted in the building.
Wherever father halted in his pil-
grimages, 'there builded he an altar
unto the Lord'; and wherever mother
spread the table, thither came presently
the Methodist circuit-rider. In both of
father's Wisconsin homes his house was
the first Methodist preaching-place in
the community; and on both farms
Methodist camp-meetings were held, to
189
190
THE NAME OF THE LORD
which both father and mother devoted
unstinted time and provision.
Of the Methodist society in our neigh-
borhood, father was made class leader,
which office in those days carried with
it the authority and responsibility of
vice-pastor. He also was superintend-
ent of the Sunday School. These being
the days before Sunday-School helps,
the exercises consisted chiefly of com-
mitting to memory Scripture and the
Methodist catechism. I have but the
faintest memory of father's method of
officiating; but his way of drilling the
Ten Commandments into the mind of
a child could hardly be excelled. It ran
like this: —
'Thou shalt not take the name, thou
shalt not take the name, of the Lord
thy God in vain, of the Lord thy God in
vain, for the Lord will not hold him
guiltless, for the Lord will not hold him
guiltless, that taketh his name in vain,
that taketh his name in vain.'
The commandment given for the
day's advance lesson was repeated by
the school in concert, and the drill was
made cumulative, the school reviewing
each Sunday, in this double-barreled
fashion, all the commandments previ-
ously committed. This solemn drum-
ming, drumming in the ears of the child-
ren added not a little, I suppose, to the
weight and authority of the Scriptures :
But the children of our family were
more impressed, I think, by the morn-
ing and evening worship in the home.
To us small folk on this large farm, the
greatest item in the business of farming
was family prayers. At least, this was
the only portion of the day's programme
that might not be omitted, or at least
shifted about to suit circumstances.
This service consisted of a chapter
from the Bible read by father, two
verses of a hymn, led by mother, fol-
lowed by a prayer by father. Evening
worship consisted of a hymn led by
mother and a prayer by mother. We all
knelt in prayer. No meal was ever
begun without a blessing being asked.
So, according to this programme, the
whole family came together formally
into the presence of the Almighty five
times a day. Besides this, there were
the individual morning and evening
prayers at the bedside.
Morning worship immediately pre-
ceded breakfast. The salt pork fried,
the gravy made, the potatoes drained,
and all set back on the stove to keep
warm; the big stack of buckwheat cakes
on the hearth covered to prevent their
cooling off — these are a well-defined
memory of the morning programme.
Then father sat down with the big
Bible in his lap, and mother with the
baby in her lap; the circle of children
came to order, and worship wholly oc-
cupied the next ten or fifteen minutes.
It was never hurried and never per-
functorily done. Though father's pray-
ers were much the same from day to
day, they were not seldom varied to
cover the spiritual needs of some of us
delinquent children, particularly the
youngest pair of boys — the ' little
boys,' as father designated us.
The chastening rod was an estab-
lished institution in our home. It was
not a vulgar gad, but a sprout of that
ancient and honorable rod spoken of in
the Scriptures as being so wholesome
and necessary to the spiritual upbring-
ing of the children of Israel. It was
rarely applied without a preparatory
lecture, in which father's eyes would
usually fill with tears, or threaten to.
But whipping was not so dreaded by us
two small offenders as the process of
being ' carried to a throne of grace ' on
the wings of father's petitions. In these
pleadings father's voice would often
tremble, his throat choke, and pauses
in the prayer, painful beyond telling,
would occur. It did sometimes seem to
me that a big man like father ought not
to take advantage like that of a little
THE NAME OF THE LORD
fellow, right in the presence of the
whole family — quite an audience in
our home. Our whippings, however,
were always mercifully private; except
that brother Willett and myself, com-
monly committing our sins by two and
two, answered for them in pairs. But
these devotional floggings did have their
designed and desired effect on our daily
behavior. One would go pretty steadily
for a few days on the strength of such a
holy grilling.
The section in which our farm lay
was then a region of 'oak openings,'
about equally divided between woods,
scrub brush, and prairie land — a little
too rolling for the best farming, but
reasonably fertile. Our section faced
toward the south on the beautiful roll-
ing prairies of northern Illinois; and to
the east and north undulated away in
scrub-covered hills, which we called
'barrens,' down to the heavy hardwood
timber that spread eastward from the
valley of the . Pecatonica River — a
muddy, twisting, sluggish stream. Much
of this region, being not yet under
plough, offered good pasturage in the
grazing season to the settlers' small
herds of cattle.
After the morning milking, the farm-
ers turned their herds into the fenced
highway, gave them a run in the de-
sired direction by the aid of dogs or
boys, and left them to find their way to
the 'commons,' as we called these un-
fenced lands. There the cattle kept
together fairly well in the lead of the
bell cow, as they grazed and roamed
throughout the day, sometimes joining
with one or more of the neighbor herds.
In the evening, children from each
household were sent to find and fetch
them home.
These children usually fell in with
each other and hunted in groups,
searching this way or that, as the habit-
ual movement of the herds at the time
might determine. We would thus trail
191
the cattle through groves and brush-
land, looking for fresh marks in the
cowpaths, stopping to listen for the
bells, and determining by their tone
which was Crosby's, which La Due's,
which Nelson's, which Beedy's, and
which Ballinger's. Sometimes the herd
would shift their feeding-grounds for
the day by the space of a mile or more.
Sometimes the cows, well fed, and not
being such heavy milkers as to feel an
urge toward the milking-yard, would be
found in the high brush, standing stock-
still, with mute bells. On occasions like
these the children would often wander
till nightfall, coming home tired and
sleepy, to tired, sleepy men-folk, forced
to sit up late and add the work of milk-
ing to an already overworked day.
Among these little cow-hunters were
girls of nine or ten years and boys of
four or five. Rarely did children above
the age of twelve go after the cows, if
there were younger ones to send. A
child old enough to wear shoes in sum-
mer was considered rather mature to
send for the cows.
These herds commonly consisted of
not more than a dozen cattle, young
and old; and, fortunately for us, each
herd separated easily from the flock on
the way home, as they passed the cow-
yards where they belonged. But should
an animal stray, and fail to come up
with the herd at night, it was a serious
matter. Not seldom it happened that
it was never seen again. It was there-
fore one of our greatest cares to know
that the herd we brought home was
intact.
Our schoolhouse stood at the junc-
tion of two roads, in an acre plot set off
from the corner of a cultivated field.
Here, a highway running east and west
was joined by one running south. A
half-mile south on this road father had
built, in the spring of 1865, a temporary
cow-pen to serve as a milking-yard.
Here our cattle were penned at night,
192
THE NAME OF THE LORD
and from here driven, after the morning
milking, to the schoolhouse corner and
sent running east. The country to the
west was more difficult ground for cow-
hunting, and so long as pasture was
good to the east, we were careful to
keep our cows from 'going west.'
II
It was about three o'clock of a July
afternoon, I being then aged 'five, go-
ing on six/ that, sitting at my desk in
the schoolhouse, I saw through the
open door, a red-roan steer come trot-
ting down the east road and into the
schoolhouse yard. It was our big three-
year-old. My hand shot up.
'Teacher,' I said, 'it 's our steer.
He's strayed. Can me and Orill be ex-
cused to drive him home?'
At her prompt assent, we seized our
straw hats and tin lunch-pails, and ran
out. I rushed to block the west road,
while Orill ran to the east. It was com-
paratively easy to head the animal into
the lane going south, for he seemed
himself to have chosen to travel that
way.
Now, impounding in a roadside pen
on the prairie a three-year-old steer of
the type prevailing in Wisconsin in the
year 1865, gone astray from his herd
and nervous with nostalgia, was a prob-
lem serious enough for a cowboy much
beyond five years of age; though at the
time I was not aware of the fact. My
plan of campaign was based on the pre-
sumption that, reaching the yard, the
steer would go directly into it. Then I
would rush up behind him and put up
the bars, and there he would be caught
and safely held till we should bring the
rest of the herd from the commons in
the evening. In the event that the
steer ran past the bars, I would duck
under the fence, run through the field
on the east of the road, and head him
off, while Orill, with lifted club and
voice, would bar his retreat to the
north. Seeing himself thus outwitted,
and fairly trapped, the steer would lower
his horns and tail and enter the yard.
Now, though I must at this time have
been a fairly well-seasoned cowboy, with
a year or more of cow-punching to my
credit, this was the first major opera-
tion in cowboy strategy of which I had
had immediate command. I knew
enough of the functioning of a steer's
brain to know that the chances of yard-
ing the brute were at least not all in my
favor. By this time the steer was trot-
ting down the south road, and we had
much ado to keep up with his swift
gait.
Hot, excited, and blown, we reached
the cow-pen, the bars of which were in-
vitingly down. But the steer did not
see the yard at all. He ran beyond it,
then slowed his speed a little. I ducked
into the cornfield to the east of the
road, and, by hard running, overhauled
and headed him back. -Back he ran,
again past the bars, but OrilPs club and
cries turned him.
Now thoroughly flustered by his pre-
dicament, the steer headed at me on the
run, while I, dancing, yelling, and swing-
ing my dinner-pail, halted him again.
But instead of charging back upon
Orill, he wheeled to the west and, rising,
vaulted the old rail-fence, and coming
down with a crash, bounded off into
a forty-acre field of green and waving
wheat.
As he came down on the broken
fence, I, bursting with hot and baffled
rage, shouted, 'God damn you!'
All I remember further as to that
steer is how he looked as he triumph-
antly headed westward, trailing down
the slope through the waving wheat,
spoiling valuable grain.
I was dazed, terrified at what I had
done. I had said the very wickedest
possible swear- word. I had taken the
name of God in vain. I had never be-
THE NAME OF THE LORD
fore used such words, or even enter-
tained them for use. No one of our fam-
ily had in their lives done so wicked a
thing. And to add woe to wickedness,
I had said this in the presence of Orill
Huntley, son of godless parents. I re-
member putting my head down on a
rail of the fence and crying, and Orill's
coming up to comfort me.
'It ain't bad to say it just once,' he
said. ' It 's when you say it all the time
that's wicked.'
But I refused to be comforted by
such sophistry. Father's theology con-
tained no such modifying clause. It
could not look upon sin with the least
degree of allowance. I believed myself
to be the chief of sinners, all unaware
that this untaught lad was telling me a
great life-truth.
When, finally, I had dried my eyes,
I solemnly charged Orill never to tell
on me, and he as solemnly promised.
Thus temporarily calmed, I went about
the day's business with a leaden lump
beneath the bosom of my little hickory
shirt. I remember no more of the
week's occurrences except that I kept
my secret well.
But Sunday brought torment. I rode
in the farm wagon with the family to
the Sunday service, as a condemned
criminal rides on his coffin to the gal-
lows. I had pictured to myself the
scene that would occur in Sunday
School. We would repeat the Third
Commandment in concert: 'Thou shalt
not take the name, thou shalt not take
the name, of the Lord thy God in vain,
of the Lord thy God in vain' — and at
the close father would turn to me and
say, ' Did you ever take the name of the
Lord thy God in vain? ' and I had fully
I determined within myself to answer up
with what promptness and firmness I
could muster, 'No, sir.'
What else could one do? Could one
| say, to his own confusion, before the as-
i sembled congregation, 'Yes, sir, I swore
VOL. 138— NO. %
193
at the "steer when he jumped over the
fence'? Such a thing was unthinkable.
There was but one way of escape from
the dilemma, and that was boldly to lie
my way out. Nor would this have been
the first time I had found a lie a very
present help in trouble.
Before the exercises began, as I was
sitting in fear and trembling, down the
east road came a wagon with the whole
Huntley family in it. They were com-
ing to Sunday School. Orill would be
with them, of course, and when father
would put his awful question, 'Did you
ever take the name of the Lord thy God
in vain?' and I answered, 'No, sir,'
Orill would rise and in a loud voice
would say, 'Yes, you did! You swore
at the steer when he jumped over the
fence!'
For about the space of one mortal,
interminable minute, ' the fear of death
encompassed me and the pains of hell
gat hold upon me.' I had never before,
nor have I since, experienced such re-
finement of terror as I suffered then.
Punishment of that quality after death
would be sufficient penalty for any mor-
tal sin in the category.
But the wagon passed. It was not
the Huntleys' wagon at all. The Hunt-
leys had never attended our Sunday
School. Father did not ask us to repeat
any of the commandments that day;
nor, of course, was the awful question
asked. It did not occur to me then that
there was not the remotest possibility
that father would ask such a question.
I went home relieved and reprieved,
but not pardoned. I carried my dark
secret safely but heavily for what seem
to me to have been long years, during
which period I entertained for a time
the fear that I had committed the 'un-
pardonable sin.'
It never occurred to me then that my
determination to add bold and willf
lying to profanity was the only really
wicked act of the whole sad affair. But
194
THE NAME OF THE LORD
had I known it well, I doubt not -that I
should have been willing to assume the
risk of lying in order to escape the pun-
ishment that would probably have been
meted out to me, had my fault been dis-
covered. What that punishment might
have been I had reason later to guess,
from the ill luck that befell brother
Willet some two years after.
One evening, when Willet, coming
from school, was being badgered be-
yond endurance by some bullying
neighbor boy, he turned on his tormen-
tor and told him to 'go to hell.' The re-
port of this dreadful lapse flew on swift
wings to our parents' ears. Then the
wheels of industry on our farm stopped
stock-still. There was a star-chamber
session in the West Room — father and
mother in prayer with the little culprit,
asking God for mercy and pardon for
him; and following this, sentence
passed on him by father, without mercy
or pardon. One of the items of the sen-
tence was that Willet must read noth-
ing for two weeks but the Bible and
the Methodist hymn-book. But the
peak of the punishment was reserved
for the class-meeting on the following
Sunday.
At these class-meetings the lay mem-
bers were waited on in turn by the class
leader and asked to 'testify.' Each rose
in his seat and gave his religious experi-
ence for the week last past, and usually
added his hopes and good resolves for
the week to come — all spoken in a
more or less formal and solemn way, as
if a punishment were being endured in
the process. The leader advised, com-
mended, rebuked, or encouraged, as the
case might require, then passed on to
the next victim.
When father came to his little shamed
and penitent boy, he prefaced his call
for a testimony by the general informa-
tion to the house that Willet had been
a very wicked boy that week, but he
hoped he had asked the Lord to for-
give him.
Willet did not respond to the call to
testify, but hid his burning face in his
arms on the school-desk and kept si-
lence. Willet was nine years old. Mo-
ther made no interference. I wonder
she did not. But from what I learned
later of her tender heart, she must have
suffered anguish for her sinful little son
during this inquisitional torture; and
knowing her, later, so well, I wonder
that some good angel had not sent
blaspheming me to her on that ill-
starred summer day, to weep my sin
out in her gentle arms instead of on a
fence-rail.
The terrible conscientiousness of a
parent, which could stir up such storm
and stress of soul in a child's young life,
may seem beyond any justification.
But looking back now over a half-cen-
tury of the world as it is, I am convinced
that freedom from the habit of irrever-
ence may be cheaply bought, even at
that. Indeed, I came to that conclusion
before I was a grown youth.
Ten years or so after my adventure
in profanity, I was sent on an early
morning errand to the house of a neigh-
boring farmer. A group of rough young
men were in the kitchen, waiting for
breakfast. It was the very hour when
father, in our home, was praying in the
midst of his children. One of the men
had on his knee a prattling child, evi-
dently struggling with his first coherent
speech. There was loud laughter and
great merriment among the men. A girl
of about fourteen years called to her
mother in the next room, —
'Maw, O maw! come hear baby! Oh,
ain't he cunnin'?'
The baby was practising the same
high explosive I had used when the steer
jumped over the fence.
ITS TWO LITTLE HORNS
BY FRANCES THERESA RUSSELL
IF a dilemma would be content to
wear only one horn, innocent adven-
turers into the field of debate and argu-
ment would be less dangerously beset
by the beast of embarrassing alterna-
tives. Then, for instance, when a col-
lege professor catches sight of a fel-
low traveler, wantonly strayed from
the royal road of reason and distress-
ingly impaled on the right horn of a
logical dilemma, — labeled ' What Do
Students Know?' — he will not feel
called upon to precipitate himself, as a
gratuitous exercise in agility, on the
left horn, inscribed ' What Do Teachers
Know?' There is, to be sure, a safe ag-
nostic front between these two perilous
projections, called 'What Does Any-
body Know? ' But that is a place of un-
profitable repose and affords no scope
for mental gymnastics.
Such opportunity was offered, how-
ever, by the gyrations of Professor
Boas, for the play of the intellectual
muscles of a certain group of spectators,
that I am recording this latter reaction
for the entertainment of yet other be-
holders who may be interested.
This morning I carried the May At-
lantic into my classroom and read to
my aspiring essay-writers this accepted
article, as a sample of how to do it.
Quite on their own initiative, the young
neophytes discovered that in many re-
spects it was rather an object-lesson on
pow not to do it. So promptly was the
xme of contention pounced upon, so
:hick and fast came the responses, from
sophomore and Senior, from lads and
assies, that my position demanded all
the tact of the Speaker of the House.
Perhaps the total effect can best be con-
veyed in the form of a colloquy by the
members of the class, with the author
of 'What Do Teachers Know?' as the
object of the inquiries. The general im-
pression was somewhat as follows : —
Question. ' The writer says, " The an-
cients were interested in interpreting
facts, not in accumulating them." How
could they interpret what they had not
accumulated and therefore did not
have?'
Answer. Silence.
Question. ' If " intelligence is insensi-
tive to mere facts, and reacts only to
ideas," where does it get the ideas to
react from? What is an idea but a de-
duction from two or more facts?'
Answer. Silence.
Question. 'If "artichokes and cha-
meleons and Yale and the date of the
battle of Lexington have very little
place in the production of understand-
ing and intelligence and critical power,"
what has?'
Answer. 'A benevolent and human-
istic skepticism, and a willingness to
weigh and balance, to expound and elu-
cidate, are all that is needed.'
Question. 'But what is there to be
skeptical about but facts? What is
there to put in the balance and weigh?
What to expound and elucidate about?
Answer. Silence.
Question (from a demure maid in the
back row). 'Doesn't Professor Boas
seem to have a good many facts at his
command, and use them pretty freely
in this very anathema against them/
195
196
ITS TWO LITTLE HORNS
Answer. 'They speak for themselves/
Question. 'Socrates is eulogized for
his "sublime ignorance." Was it hon-
est-to-goodness ignorance or a sublime
assumption of it?'
Answer. Silence from the Oracle,
broken by a modest voice from over by
the window. 'Seems to me I read some-
where that the Socratic method was
simply the wise man's pretense of an
ignorance that longed for enlighten-
ment, and that "on this baited hook
were caught the unwary whose pretense
was to a wisdom when they had it not." '
Question. 'In what "mysterious
way" does information come when it
is needed?'
Answer (from a sad Sophomore).
* Sometimes, in my case anyhow, through
chagrin and bitterness, by first having
my ignorance exposed.'
Question. 'The Ph.D. is rebuked for
writing a treatise on something that no-
body had ever thought of before. What
would be its value if somebody had
thought of it before and done it?'
Answer. Silence.
Question. ' In that connection, if no-
body ever did an unthought-of thing,
what would become of pioneering and
progress? Who would be in the van and
blaze the trail?'
Answer. Silence.
Question. 'When did the Ph.D. can-
didate begin being ignorant of every-
thing else in order to write his disserta-
tion?'
Answer (from an irreverent youth
next the radiator) . ' Since no credit is
given him for the eighteen or twenty
years of education from the kindergar-
ten through the Master's degree, he
must have risen right up from his cradle
to "bore, face downward, into his prob-
lem, while the world floated by in
clouds, and he as unaware as a lamprey
of logarithmic functions." He could
have had no more information or cul-
ture to start in with than a Hottentot.'
Question. 'Even if a field can be
"melancholy," by permission of the
pathetic fallacy and in spite of Ruskin,
how can it be "evasive"?'
Answer (from the end-man). 'By
disregarding mere facts.'
Question. 'All these English courses
that are listed as a waste of time and
money — does any one student have to
swallow them all? And if anyone did
have a honing to know about, say, the
Bible, or Johnson and his circle, or Cel-
tic poetry, or the American Novel, why
should it be forbidden him? Are they
not all honorable subjects? If one con-
sumes his beef and bread, can't he add a
salad, an entree, or a dessert?'
Answer (from the teacher). 'If he
has a good digestion and a sharp appe-
tite, he may go right through the whole
menu, with impunity and profit, from
cocktail to cheese and coffee. Nay, for
the elect there are still cakes and ale,
and ginger shall be hot in the mouth.'
Question. ' If to one who has been in
the army "the university seems as a
kingdom of shadows where ghosts
teach living men," do the professors
who were in the army seem like ghosts,
and the students who never left home,
like living men?'
Answer. Silence.
Question (from a Sophomore). ' If the
cynical Seniors have found out there is
"nothing in it," why don't they pass
the word down and stave off some of
this stampede toward halls of learning?
Most failures don't keep on being more
and more popular, as the colleges seem
to be doing.'
Answer (from a strangely cheerful
Senior). 'Pure maliciousness. They
like to see more silly flies walk into the
same spider's web.
Question (from the teacher). 'The
grand climax of the wholesale indict-
ment before us is one on which you
should be able to testify. So far as your
own experience goes, is it true that " the
WILLIAM JAMES AND HIS LETTERS
Freshmen are keen, eager, and hungry,"
and "the Seniors disillusioned, cynical,
and fed up"?'
Answer. (Concourse of expressive
grins from the class; remark from an in-
corrigibly joyous Junior.) ' When I was
a Freshman and herded with the big
first-year classes, my hunger was main-
ly for my dinner or a fight, and I was as
keen and eager as the rest of the bunch
to jump at the sound of the closing
bell. We never allowed any professor
to run over the hour.'
The courteous innuendo of his con-
clusion reminded me that our own gong
had sounded forty seconds before, and
I speedily turned the rascals out, com-
mending them to the next dose of
frothy and venomous facts with which
they were being fed up ad nauseam.
And as I prepared to measure out an-
other sickening spoonful for my own
helpless victims, I thought of Strun-
sky's fallacy-puncturing observation in
197
his 'The Everlasting Feminine,' that
any statement whatever made about
Woman is true. So is any generaliza-
tion about students and professors.
Some Freshmen are indeed wonderfully
keen and eager; others are an incredible
miracle of sodden stupidity and indif-
ference. Some Seniors are flaccid and
unstrung; others are just being keyed
up to concert pitch. Some teachers are
— anything you like; others are every-
thing you do not like. Accordingly,
when it comes to students versus teach-
ers, or facts versus ideas, or information
versus intelligence, or summer versus
winter, or food versus fresh air, the dia-
lectician may well take a cue from the
canny Ruggles girl, confronted with a
choice between hard versus soft sauce,
and take 'a little of both, please.'
For in the logical realm there re-
maineth classification, interpretation,
and discrimination, of parent facts and
progeny ideas; and the greatest of these
is discrimination.
WILLIAM JAMES AND HIS LETTERS
BY L. P. JACKS
FOR William James the ' facts ' of chief
importance in the universe were per-
sons. He began his thinking from that
end. Among those who have earned
the name of philosopher there is none
whose philosophy is a more sincere and
complete expression of his own person-
ality. The kites that he flew were all
anchored in himself. His philosophy is,
in fact, himself writ large. This in a
sense is true of all philosophers, though
they are not always aware of it; but
James knew it and accepted it as one
of his guides to the meaning of Truth.
His 'will to believe' is fundamentally
nothing else than the right to be your-
self, and to express yourself in your own
way, without entangling your freedom
in alliances with those big classifica-
tions or abstractions which reduce man-
198
kind to the dead levels of thought, ac-
tion, and character. Or, to put it from
the other side, the Universe that he in-
terprets is just the same kind of high-
spirited, restless, inconsistent, adven-
turous, unaccountable being that each
man who has attained to self-knowledge
finds within his own breast. Against
the idea of the Universe as a Big Insti-
tution, 'governed' by a system of in-
violable law, — the idea which has be-
come so dear to those who are bewitched
by the catchwords of modern science,
— James reacted with the strongest
aversion; and the reason for the reac-
tion lay in his temperamental inability
to live in such a world himself, or to
conceive that any free spirit would be
at home under its cast-iron conditions.
Writing to Theodore Flournoy in 1895,
the year before the publication of
The Will to Believe, he says, ' I do hope
[your daughters] are being educated in
a thoroughly emancipated way, just like
true American girls, with no laws ex-
cept those imposed by their own sense
of fitness.' There are those, perhaps, to
whom a statement such as this will ap-
pear as heralding a general disrespect
for the Ten Commandments. The best
answer to their fears is the picture of
James revealed in these letters. It is
the picture of a very perfect gentleman,
of a finely tempered ethical nature, of a
large and tender heart, and of personal
loyalty raised to the highest power.
Perhaps the greatest service rendered
by James to the spiritual life of his age
is that he makes philosophy interesting
to everybody. Whatever the merits of
his doctrine may be, — and that is a
question into which the present writer
does not propose to enter, — there is
not a doubt that philosophy in his
hands is always something that ' makes
a difference,' a vitally important exer-
cise, which no man who would live a full
life can afford to neglect. Its problems
are not mere themes for discussion, but
critical points in the battle of life. His
work, in consequence, has given an im-
mense impetus to philosophic study all
over the world. What the number of
his actual disciples may be cannot of
course be said, though it is probably
very large; but that he has raised phil-
osophic study to a higher level of im-
portance, increased the number of
those who pursue it, and conferred a
new zest upon the pursuit, is beyond
question. There are few professors of
the subject who do not owe him a
heavy debt for redeeming it from the
dullness and futility into which it was
otherwise falling.
And the secret of his influence is un-
mistakable. Long before these letters
appeared, readers of his works were
conscious of being in contact with a
mind whose insight was the direct out-
come of the breadth and depth of its
human sympathy. That impression is
now confirmed. Thanks to the admir-
able selection that has been made of the
letters, and to the unobtrusive skill
with which they have been woven to-
gether, the reader has now a clear ap-
prehension of the man whose personal-
ity he had dimly felt or imagined in his
published works. The effect is almost
as if James's philosophy had been visi-
bly acted on the stage. We see how in-
separably connected the man and the
doctrine were. The only doubt that re-
mains is as to which is the text and
which the commentary.
• It is not as 'a disinterested spectator
of the universe' that James addresses
himself to the great problems that con-
cern us all. On the contrary, the force
of his appeal springs precisely from the
profound and living interest that he
took in the universe, and especially in
that part of it which consists of his fel-
low men. He appears before us, not as
a 'spectator' at all, but as an actor in
the drama of life; and we see that his
philosophy is merely his 'action' con-
WILLIAM JAMES AND HIS LETTERS
tinued and rounded off on a higher
plane. Disinterestedness is here re-
placed by the interest which not only
discovers truth but embodies it in per-
sonality, thereby endowing it with a
power and vitality which impartial
cold-bloodedness is doomed forever to
miss. This is as it should be. All doc-
trines that have moved the world have
originated in the same way.
II
Philosophers who believe they can
explain the universe should first read
these letters, and then ask themselves
if they can explain that particular item
of the universe which went, while he
lived among us, and which still lives on,
under the name of William James. Of
course, all of us who have been trained
in philosophy, or even have dabbled in
it, think we can explain why ' individu-
als' must exist, or (to use a phrase of
the schools) why ' the One must differ-
entiate itself into a Many.' But if any-
body asks us how many a self-respecting
One should differentiate itself into, we
' are sadly at a loss. For some reason
that is very obscure to us, the 'One'
i that is revealed in human life has dif-
ferentiated itself into about two thou-
sand million individual souls. But why
so many, no more and no less? Would
not the One have got through this busi-
ness of differentiating itself into indi-
vidual men and women just as success-
fully, if the number of them had been
half as large, or even if there had been
no more than ten or a dozen of us all
told? Nor would our difficulties be at
Jan end, even if we got the two thousand
, millions satisfactorily accounted for.
^For we should then have to explain why
; William James happened to be one of
them. Anybody else might have taken
his place without making any difference
Ito the total, or to the theory. But a
igreat difference would have been made
199
to the world. The truth is that, until
we have explained why individuals are
who they are, and not somebody else,
we have explained nothing. All that
we can say of each is, in the last resort,
'by the grace of God he is what he is.'
And we say it with peculiar emphasis
and fervor when William James is the
name before us.
The philosophy of William James took
its rise in the question raised by the
last paragraph. He was himself, if one
may say so, flagrantly unique, and his
uniqueness was manifest in nothing so
much as in the power he possessed of dis-
cerning the disguised or hidden unique-
ness of other people, and, indeed, of ev-
ery single thing, great and small, which
the universe contains. He was intensely
alive to the queerness of things, and to
those inalienable qualities in men and
women which make each one of them
an astonishment and a portent. Once,
speaking to him of the men who were
going into a certain profession, I said,
'They all appear to be lopsided men.'
His answer was: 'My dear fellow, did
you ever meet a man who was not lop-
sided?' This uniqueness of the man,
displaying itself most of all in his rec-
ognition of uniqueness in everybody
else, is what makes these letters of
James an admirable introduction to his
philosophy. His problem, so to speak,
is incarnate in his own person, and it is
suggested by his attitude to his cor-
respondents.
Deeply interesting it is to observe
the wide variations in the tone, the
style, the matter of the letters, accord-
ing to the correspondent whom James
is addressing. Among collections of
letters recently published several could
be named off-hand which serve only to
reveal the uniformity of the writers
own personality. But these letters re-
veal also the personalities of those t
whom they are addressed. They in-
duce us effectively, not only to William
200
WILLIAM JAMES AND HIS LETTERS
James, but to his circle of friends.
After a little practice you can put your
hand over the name at the head of the
letter and, reading a few sentences,
make a shrewd guess as to the man,
or woman, he is addressing. And, of
course, in revealing his correspondent,
James reveals himself far more clearly
than if he wrote from the egocentric
position. Unconsciously he acted in his
correspondence on the principle, which
is the rule of all fine and chivalrous
spirits, of 'so helping others to affirm
their personalities as to affirm one's
own at the same time.'
In this way the letters become an
introduction, not only to James's
Pragmatism, but to his ethics and to his
religion: for in spite of his own hesita-
tions on the point, or perhaps in conse-
quence of them, there can be no doubt,
save to those whose minds are obsessed
by narrow definitions, that he was a
profoundly religious man. To recognize
the uniqueness of one's neighbor, and
to concede him his rights as a unique
individual, is at the same time to pro-
claim the doctrine of Free Will by put-
ting it into action as the law of our
human relationships — the one form in
which freedom can never be over-
thrown.
In this connection, it is not without
significance that one of the closest
friendships revealed by these letters is
that which subsisted between James and
the most formidable of his philosoph-
ical opponents — Josiah Royce. One
has only to look at the photograph in
which they are presented together, to
realize that these two high-souled an-
tagonists welcomed each other's pres-
ence in the universe. In the view of
James, the form of philosophy was es-
sentially dramatic — no monologue of
a solitary sage, but a partnership of
reciprocally interacting minds, each
bringing its own contribution in re-
sponse to some definite need of the hu-
man spirit, and deriving enrichment of
meaning from its contact with the
others. Behind them all he saw the
'will to believe,' or the will to disbe-
lieve, as the case might be; and, though
his perception of this often irritated op-
ponents in their attitude toward him,
its effect upon his attitude toward
them was to raise his toleration to the
point of positive sympathy.
'It's a will-to-believe on both sides,'
he wrote to Charles H. Strong in 1907.
'I am perfectly willing that others
should disbelieve: why should not you
be tolerantly interested in the spectacle
of my belief? . . . Meanwhile, I take
delight, or shall take delight, in any ef-
forts you may make to negate all super-
human consciousness, for only by these
attempts can a satisfactory modus vi-
vendi be established.' Here, no doubt,
the severe logician will detect an in-
consistency. Why should the thinker
who desires his own work to prevail ex-
tend a warm welcome to another think-
er who says the flat opposite? Only a
sportsman can answer the question,
though his answer, when given, will be
quite unintelligible to the mere logician.
The sportsman desires to win, but if he
is a true sportsman, he will be glad
rather than sorry when the crew that
steps into the competing boat is as
highly trained as his own. This, too, is
inconsistent. By no device of logical in-
genuity can you reconcile your desire to
win with your preference for an oppo-
nent who has a fair chance of beating
you. It is a paradox which James dis-
covered in philosophy, and which he
thoroughly enjoyed. He was a great
master in things appertaining to the
sportsmanship of the Spirit.
'He looks more like a sportsman than
a professor,' said one of his pupils. To
which we may add that he looked what
he was, and that it would be good
for philosophy if more of its professors
looked like him.
WILLIAM JAMES AND HIS LETTERS
III
Both from the tone and from the sub-
stance of these letters it is abundant-
ly evident that for James the critical
things of life were the personal relations.
More than once he says so, totidem ver-
bis. ' Ideality is only to be found in the
personal relations.' 'The best things in
life are its friendships.' One can imag-
ine him subscribing without much hesi-
tation to the saying of William Blake:
'The general good is the plea of the
scoundrel, the hypocrite and the flat-
terer. He who would do good, let him
do it in minute particulars.' From this
' saying the distance is not great to the
following sentences from a letter to
Mrs. Henry Whitman : ' Let us all be as
I we are, save when we want to reform
: ourselves. The only unpardonable
crime is that of wanting to reform one
another.' His rejection of the concep-
tual mode of arriving at truth is here
reflected in his distrust of regimenta-
tion as a means of arriving at good con-
duct. For a striking passage, which re-
veals his inner mind on this subject,
take the following from another letter
to the last-named correspondent: —
'As for me, my bed is made: I am
against bigness and greatness in all
their forms, and with the invisible mo-
lecular forces that work from individual
II to individual, stealing in through the
crannies of the world like so many soft
rootlets, or like the capillary oozing of
ti water, and yet rending the hardest
monuments of man's pride if you give
them time. The bigger the unit you
deal with, the hollower, the more brutal,
the more mendacious, is the life dis-
I played. So I am against all the big or-
uganizations as such, national ones first
and foremost; against all big successes
Band big results; and in favor of the
i eternal forces of truth which always
work in the individual and immediately
unsuccessful way — under-dogs always,
201
till history comes, after they are long
dead, and puts them on the top.'
Had James lived ten years longer and
witnessed the war, and the hideous con-
fusion sequent upon it to which the
blundering blindness of the 'big organ-
izations' has brought the world, he
would not have found it necessary to
add, as he does, that his words on this
subject would probably be 'quite un-
intelligible to anybody but myself.'
The truth they tell is precisely what the
war and its after-effects have made in-
telligible to everybody. We see, on the
one hand, the big organizations, 'espe-
cially the national ones,' everywhere
confronted by problems with which
they are wholly incapable of coping; at-
tempting to govern the action of forces
which are intrinsically beyond human
control both in their vastness and in
their infinite complexity; while, on the
other hand, the pretense of coping with
them surrounds the whole operation
with an atmosphere of make-believe
and mendacity, which not only dis-
credits government as such, but de-
moralizes the character of the politician
and of the citizen who follows him. In
the attempt to keep up this fiction, on
which the very life of the big organiza-
tions depends, the politics of the world,
both national and international, be-
come, for the most part, a mere struggle
for power among those who are ambi-
tious to sit in the seats of the mighty;
and to this struggle the real interests of
mankind, which government is sup-
posed to serve, are sacrificed wholesale.
Against the regimental mode of
thought which, beginning in the realms
of speculative philosophy, ends by
staging this fatal force on the boards
of history, William James was, by both
temperament and conviction, a rebel.
For ages past our civilization has been
obsessed by the notion that man is a
being whose first and outstanding need
is the need to be governed. But we have
WILLIAM JAMES AND HIS LETTERS
only to read over the first essay in The
Will to Believe to satisfy ourselves that
this is precisely the conception of man
which James challenges from the out-
set. The first need of man is the need
to be taught and not the need to be
governed. Aufond man is an ungovern-
able being, who, in the last resort, sub-
mits to no law 'save that which is im-
posed by his own sense of fitness.' There
is no such thing as ' keeping him in his
place,' for the simple reason that his
life consists in the process of moving
out of his place and finding a new one,
in obedience to a creative impulse which
it were a sin to deny and a crime to
restrain.
That this is the position to which the
doctrine of 'the will to believe' ulti-
mately leads up is, I think, abundantly
clear from the passage I have just
quoted from the Letters. At this point
James's 'Humanism' and his 'Amer-
icanism' are two names for the same
thing. Unlike his brother Henry, his
heart was always with the American
rather than the European type of civ-
ilization, and the root of his prefer-
ence, so far as it was the result of reflec-
tion, lay in the fact that America gives
to 'the molecular forces' a wider free-
dom to play their part.
'My dear Mack,' he writes to his
brother-in-law, 'we "intellectuals" in
America must all work to keep our
precious birthright of individualism,
and of freedom from these institutions.
Every great institution is perforce a
means of corruption — whatever good
it may also do.'
And again, to Miss Frances R. Morse,
'God bless the American climate, with
its transparent, passionate, impulsive
variety and headlong fling. . . . God
bless America in general. . . . Talk of
corruption! We don't know what the
word corruption means at home, with
our improvised and shifting agencies of
crude pecuniary bribery, compared with
the solidly entrenched and permanently
organized corruptive geniuses of mon-
archy, nobility, church, army, that pene-
trate the very bosom of the higher kinds
as well as the lower kinds of people in all
the European States (except Switzer-
land) and sophisticate their motives
away from the impulse to straightfor-
ward handling of any simple case.'
These words were written more than
twenty years ago. How far America
may still deserve the blessings which
James here invokes upon her is not for
the present writer to say. But that the
war and the sequel to the war have left
the ' great institutions ' of Europe more
exposed than ever to capture by sinister
forces hardly admits of a doubt. Even
the League of Nations, designed by its
first authors for the express purpose of
countering these forces, seems, at the
present moment, to be in no little dan-
ger of yielding to them. What, indeed,
would James have said about this
well-meant effort to cure 'the big or-
ganizations' of their inherent vices
by creating a yet bigger one, which
shall include them all? There is nothing
in these letters to indicate that he
'would have blessed it. That he was a
lover of peace is, of course, evident
enough; and if further proof is needed,
it can be found in his Moral Equivalent
for War. But in this matter, as in so
many others, we should have found
him, I imagine, with the molecular for-
ces and against the big organizations.
IV
To the present writer William James
appears as the forerunner of a time
when Education will have become the
primary concern of mankind and Gov-
ernment secondary, when ' light ' will be
esteemed more highly than ' power ' -
an order which reverses their relative
positions at the present moment. From
his whole view of the universe, and of
WILLIAM JAMES AND HIS LETTERS
man as a creative element within it, it
follows that the problem of developing
the unused energies of the human mind
is of far greater importance than that
of controlling by regulative systems the
energies that are now in operation. In-
deed, we may say that the second prob-
lem, on which all our political activities
are now centred, will be solved only in
so far as we approach to a solution of
the first. By giving to men the largest
scope and opportunity to develop as
free creative individuals, we establish
the only conditions under which per-
sonal, social, and national morality can
flourish. Right relations between man
and man, between nation and nation,
are impossible on any other terms.
The whole group of doctrines which
centre round ' the will to believe ' need,
therefore, to be restudied in the light of
the history of the last ten years. In the
conception of a ' block universe,' against
which James never ceased to lift up his
voice, will be found the parent and pro-
totype of all the stereotyped systems,
whether of social order or of religious
thought, which successive seekers after
power have sought in vain to impose
upon a rebellious world, thereby divert-
ing the forces that are needed for the
education of mankind into a struggle
for the mastery, which moves forever
in a vicious circle and whose principal
fruit is misery and disaster.
By his own confession, James left his
work incomplete; he felt that he had
built 'only one side of the arch.' The
completion will come when a mind
arises sufficiently powerful to correlate
the pragmatic principle with the great
movements of human history now in
^progress. There is little danger that his
•teachings will be forgotten; the march
vf events will continue to bring them to
mind; and though the form in which he
left them may be altered, the spirit that
I inspired them will live on and play an
203
ever-increasing part in moulding the
civilization of the future. William
James is probably the best contribu-
tion America has so far made toward
establishing the final community of
mankind. But it will not be a commun-
ity after the type of any of the 'big or-
ganizations' now in existence.
I may be reminded that what we are
here concerned with is not the teaching,
but the man. For answer, I would re-
peat that the two are essentially one.
In revealing that unity, Mr. Henry
James has shown us his father as he es-
sentially was, has paid a tribute to his
memory than which none could be more
fitting, and at the same time has made a
contribution of great importance to the
h'terature of his native land. The pic-
ture that he has presented reinforces at
all points the essential values of the life
and work of William James, and leaves
upon those who knew him the impres-
sion of a living portrait.
In the well-known sermon of Phillips
Brooks, named 'The Candle of the
Lord,' there are a few sentences that
seem to me to sum up the man as he is
here presented to us, and perhaps I may
be forgiven for quoting them at length.
'There is in a community a man of
large character, whose influence runs
everywhere. You cannot talk with any
man in all the city but you get, shown
in that man's own way, the thought,
the feeling of that central man who
teaches all the community to think, to
feel. The very boys catch something of
his power, and have something about
them that would not be there if he were
not living in the town. What better
description can you give of all that than
to say that that man's life was fire, and
that all those men's lives were candles
that he lighted, which gave to the rich,
warm, live, fertile nature that was in
him multiplied points of exhibition, so
that he lighted the town through them?
IN THE SHADOW OF FANEUHI
BY CHARLES BERNARD NORDHOFF
TOWARD evening the wind died away
to a little breeze from the southeast;
barely enough to fill the sails of the
schooner and ruffle gently the calm
surface of the sea. Banks of cloud,
gold-rimmed and flushing in the sunset,
were piled above the horizon, and be-
neath them loomed a purplish blur of
land — the skyline of Huahine, first
of the Leeward Islands.
I was stretched on the after-deck,
listening to the faint lap and gurgle of
water under the counter. The sound of
subdued laughter came from the fore-
castle, breaking a murmur of voices
speaking softly in the native tongue.
The ship's bell sounded twice, seemed
to hesitate, and rang twice again. A
sailor in dungarees and a ragged straw
hat came aft to replace the helmsman,
who yawned as he stepped aside from
the wheel, stretching huge bare arms
in a gesture of relief. I noticed for
the first time that he was of a type rare-
ly seen in the islands to-day: a hand's-
breadth taller than what we count a tall
man; superbly proportioned on a giant
scale, and light-skinned as a Sicilian or
Catalan.
The white man beside me looked up
with a scowl. He was a lean and
bilious gentleman, with eyebrows that
twitched unpleasantly when he spoke,
and the air of perpetual discontent
that goes with a dyspeptic mouth. I
used to wonder why the directors had
selected him for his task — the collec-
tion of Polynesian material for the
cases of an American museum.
'Have a look at that boy,' he re-
204
marked; 'I've collected in a good
many parts of the world, but I never
had to deal with such people as these
Kanakas. They're liars and thieves,
every one of them, and that overgrown
rascal Teriiaro is the worst of the lot.
He took me in for a while — I was
quite warmed up over his yarns of a
burial-cave at Opoa.
'I was sent here to get together a lot
of weapons and bowls and ornaments
— genuine old stuff. Nowadays it is
all stowed away in the burial-caves;
there must be hundreds of them scat-
tered through the islands, but if you
think it is easy to find one, try it some
day! I don't want to carry away bones
— the French government won't allow
that; all I want is the ethnological stuff
and measurements of a series of old
skulls. Living specimens don't prove
much, because the modern native is
saturated with white blood. Even
among the natives the secrets of the
burial-caves are closely guarded; I dis-
covered that after I'd wasted three
months without getting on the track of
one. By that time everyone on the
beach knew what I was after, and that
I was offering a thousand francs to the
man who would show me what I want-
ed to see. Then one morning Teriiaro
knocked at my door, shaky and blear-
eyed at the end of a seven-day spree.
He speaks a little English.
'His proposition was simple: for a
thousand francs down and another
thousand when the job was finished to
my satisfaction, he would show me the
burial-cave at Opoa — the biggest of
IN THE SHADOW OF FANEUHI
them all, he claimed. We were to run
down to Raiatea by different boats, and
while I waited at Uturoa, he would go
ahead to see that the coast was clear,
bring out and hide all the stuff he could
carry, and return to take me around
the island by night in his canoe. I
had to swear not to give him away.
'Jackson gave me a line on the boy.
I said I was considering him for a guide
to help me explore the interior of
Raiatea. Yes — he knew the island
well; people lived near Opoa; chiefs
since heathen times. Well, I took a
chance. I waited at Uturoa and finally
Teriiaro came to tell me that he had
failed; years before, he had known the
cave, but now he could n't find it —
perhaps a landslide had blocked it up.
I was put out; he had taken my money
and made a fool of me; but I raised
such a row about my thousand francs
that, when we got back to Tahiti, he
persuaded old Jackson — Ah, here's
Jackson now.'
A thin old man in pajamas was com-
ing aft. His eyes of faded blue regarded
the world with a glance at once kindly
and cynical; a short curved pipe — so
permanently affixed that it seemed as
much a part of him as his nose — pro-
truded through the curtain of a white
moustache. The manager of the Atoll
Trading Company was known to re-
move his pipe, now and then, in order
to knock out the ashes and fill it; and
presumably it did not remain in his
mouth when he slept; but at other
itimes it was to be seen in place, trailing
i blue wisp of smoke, and lending to
lis utterances — pronounced between
:eeth forever held apart by a quarter-
nch of hard rubber — an individual
juality. Old Jackson is a person of
Considerable education, and probably
:he most successful trader in eastern
Polynesia; and he knows more of the
lative life than is considered good for
i white man. As he sat down carefully
205
beside me, settling his back against the
rail, the collector rose to go below. The
trader smiled behind his moustache.
'Still croaking about his thousand
francs, eh?' he said, when the other
was gone. 'Teriiaro paid that long ago
— I lent him the money myself. I
fancy he 's been telling you what a lot
of thieves and liars the natives are —
a conclusion based on a single expe-
rience. No doubt he 's right — the na-
tive does n't differ very much from
the rest of us. But Teriiaro, though
he does drink a bit, is not a bad boy;
I 've known his grandfather for twenty
years, and you won't come across a
finer old chap. The men of the family
were hereditary high priests at Opoa
for centuries, and the missionaries still
suspect the old man of dabbling in
heathenism. The boy was probably
lying when he told this collector person
he could n't find the cave; he admitted
as much to me when he asked me to
lend him the money to make good his
advance. I '11 give you his side of the
story as he told it to me that day; you
can believe what you like — the native
yarn, at any rate, is the more enter-
taining of the two.
'From the time of his birth, Teriiaro
lived at the mouth of the valley of
Opoa, — at the foot of Faneuhi, the
sacred mountain, — in the house of his
grandfather, Matatua. There is not a
drop of white blood in the family, which
is of the highest aristocracy, as natives
go; you've seen the boy-- a much
bigger man, and lighter-colored, than
the run of them. Before the mission-
aries came, Opoa, on the island of
Raiatea, was the holiest place in the
Eastern Pacific: Oro, the war-god, was
born there, and human sacrifices we«
brought from distant islands to be slam
before the platform of rock in the grove
of ironwood trees. When a high chief
died, his body, embalmed by rubbing
with cocoanut oil and the juices of
206
IN THE SHADOW OF FANEUHI
herbs, was laid on the marae for the
ceremonies which would admit his
spirit to Rohutu Noanoa — the Sweet-
Scented Heaven. After that, the corpse
was borne, secretly and by night, far
into the recesses of the valley, to a cave
known only to the few who were its
guardians. Nowadays the forest has
grown thick about the neglected marae,
and the natives fear the place as the
haunt of evil spirits, saying that the
hunter of a wild pig or gatherer of fire-
wood who sets foot on that ground will
be afflicted with a palsy, or break out
with loathsome sores like those of a
leper.
'Matatua, the grandfather of Terii-
aro, is a wizard of great repute among
the people. They believe that he can
foretell the future, invoke the spirits
of the dead, and lay spells which cause
those who incur his displeasure to
sicken and die. He alone on the island
can subdue the fury of the fire in the
Umuti, and by the power of his incan-
tations pass unharmed — with those to
whom he gives leave — over the white-
hot stones. The missionary at Uturoa,
to whom Matatua is a thorn in the
flesh, came once to view this fire-walk-
ing; but he could make nothing of
it and said that it was devil's work —
that Matatua was an unholy man, to
be avoided like the devil himself.
Nevertheless, the people still come from
great distances to consult Matatua —
though secretly, for fear the missionary
might hear of it.
'During the boyhood of Teriiaro,
there were times of year when strange
visitors came to the old man's house —
gray-haired men of stately carriage and
slow speech. No one could say whence
they came, and the boy — dozing on
his mat — could hear them until far
into the night, speaking with his grand-
father in an old language he could not
understand. Sometimes, when the talk-
ing was finished, they passed quietly
out into the darkness; sometimes the
boy fell asleep, and awoke at daybreak
to find them gone and Matatua sleep-
ing heavily in his corner. Once, when
the moon was in its last quarter and
he could see dimly, he rose as they
went out and followed secretly until he
saw them disappear in the forest where
the skulls lie by the marae; but fear
overcame him then, and he turned
back. On those nights, fishermen on
the barrier reef saw awesome things:
glowing masses of flame, like pale
comets, rushing down the mountainside;
fitful glares on the tree-tops, as of fires
suddenly fed and as suddenly extin-
guished; and sometimes, if the night
breeze blew strongly from the land, they
heard the faint deep throb of drums.
'As Teriiaro grew older, his grand-
father began to tell him stories of the
old days: of forays against distant
islands; of heroes, chiefs, and magic
omore — short club-like spears, fash-
ioned by wizards and hardened in
fires kindled at the ever-burning oven
of Miru. The names of these omore,
together with legends of the warriors
who bore them, have lived from gener-
ation to generation in the islands —
handed down in traditions like those
of Excalibur, or the magic sword of
Roland.
' Once the old man took the boy with
him, far up into the valley, to gather
herbs. At a place where three great
miro trees grew apart from the rest of
the forest, Matatua led the way to the
base of a cliff. Directing his grandson
to bind dry cocoanut fronds for a torch,
he moved aside a thin slab of stone,
disclosing a passage into the bowels
of the mountain. Presently they stood
in a lofty cavern, its ceiling lost in
shadows that advanced and retreated
in the flickering torchlight. From
niches about the rocky walls looked
out the skulls of men long dead ; on the
dry sandy floor, in ordered rows, lay
IN THE SHADOW OF PANEUHI
the gigantic figures of chiefs, bound
with wrappings of delicately plaited
cinnet; and beside each dead warrior
was his polished omore of ironwood.
And Matatua led the way from one
to another, telling the names of men
and of the clubs they had borne, and
reciting their deeds in the poetic words
of other days.
'In this way, Teriiaro came to know
of the Sacred Cave of Opoa. On ac-
count of a woman, he left the house of
his grandfather and came to Tahiti.
Tetua was her name — she lived in the
district of Opoa and her pretty face
caught the fancy of Teriiaro. Her
family was of the lowest class of society
— the Manahune, whom some believe
to be the descendants of an aboriginal
race, smaller and darker-skinned than
the Polynesian immigrants. Matatua
sternly forbade the match — the gulf
between the families was too great.
But Teriiaro was no longer a child, and
one night he and the girl stole away to
Uturoa by canoe, and took passage on
a schooner to Papeete.
'I heard their story when he came
to my office asking for work. As it
chanced, I needed an extra hand to
unload copra, and for a time he and
Tetua got on happily enough. Then
the boy began to run wild, wandering
about at night with drunken com-
panions and sleeping wherever the rum
overcame him. The girl used to stop
me on the streets, her eyes swollen
with tears, and ask if I could n't do
something to keep her husband
straight.
'I got tired of it, finally, and put him
aboard a schooner trading through
the Paumotu. Hard work and clean
living soon made a man of him; but
when he returned to Papeete, the story
was always the same. It was at the
end of one of these sprees that he
! heard of the collector and made up his
207
'Had such a proposal been made to
him when he first arrived in Tahiti, he
would have dismissed the idea with
horror. But he had been a long time in
Papeete and had heard white men,
whose wisdom he had no reason to
doubt, ridicule the old beliefs — call-
ing them heathen nonsense, fit only
to deceive the ignorant. The offer of
money in advance was an irresistible
temptation; he spent the thousand
francs on drink and dresses for Tetua,
before his departure for the Leeward
Group.
'The collector stopped in Uturoa,
as they had agreed, while Teriiaro went
on to the house of his grandfather.
The old man received him gravely, say-
ing that he had done well to come home,
for reports of his bad habits in Tahiti
had reached Raiatea. If he suspected
the object of Teriiaro's visit, he gave
no sign, and the boy began to fancy,
with a faint new-born contempt, —
even here, in the shadow of Faneuhi,
the sacred mountain, — that, after all,
white men were right. But he pre-
tended interest when Matatua spoke
of a desire to initiate him in the wisdom
of the ancients, and suggested that he
leave home no more.
'On the third morning the old man
launched his canoe, telling his grandson
that he was obliged to make a trip to
Tevaitoa, on the far side of the island,
where he owned land. There was copra
to be weighed and sold — he might be
gone a week. Teriiaro stood on the
beach until the canoe had rounded a
distant wooded point. His chance had
come.
'It was still early when he started
on his journey inland. The grass was
still damp with dew; the air was cool,
and fragrant with the scent of pua blos-
soms. He was thinking of the things
he would buy with the second thousand
francs: a new guitar, bright with pearl
Imind to rifle the Opoa burial-cave. inlay, which would mark him as a man
208
IN THE SHADOW OF FANEUHI
of substance among his friends; the
long-coveted watch with a luminous
dial; a pair of shoes for Tetua, the kind
with high heels, such as the half-caste
girls in Papeete wear. His feet were as
nimble as his thoughts; he glanced up,
and the three great miro trees, stately
and sombre as in the days of his boy-
hood, stood before him. The rest of the
story I can tell you only as he told it
to me.
'When he had bound torches of dried
cocoanut frond, he walked toward the
base of the cliff, where years before his
grandfather had shown him the en-
trance of the cavern. As he drew near
the place, he saw a thing that made
him pause. There, on a great rock, —
glaring at him and seeming to oppose
his passage, — was a lizard far larger
than any known in the islands to-day.
"Ah," thought the boy, in half-terrified
bravado, "does my grandfather leave
the king of all the lizards to guard
his dry bones when he is away?" But
when he cast a stone at the lizard, it
vanished, and in its place stood an old
man with hair as white as coral long
bleached in the sun. His eyes were ter-
rible to see; they held the eyes of
Teriiaro with a strange power, causing
his courage to melt away, and the
strength to flow from his limbs. Then
the life went out of him, and he knew
no more until he became aware of a
beating in his brain — a sound which
changed to the throbbing of a great
drum.
'When his eyes opened he saw what
chilled his blood. There was the marae
with its row of skulls, lighted from
either side by torches which seemed
trees aflame. On the platform of rock
lay a shapeless thing, like an unhewn
log, wound about with fine cinnet and
decked with tufts of red feathers. At
the foot of the marae was gathered a
company of tall old men, dressed in the
fashion of the ancient days, and in their
midst one knelt by the Ofai Tuturu —
the Praying-Stone — intoning a solemn
chant. It seemed to Teriiaro that the
priest was offering up something that
lay before him. At times he paused in
his chanting, and held up both hands
toward the image on the marae. Then
the drums thundered and the flame of
the burning trees seemed to leap up
with redoubled brightness. Moving his
head a little, the boy saw that the offer-
ing was the dead body of a man; and at
that moment the priest plucked out an
eye and held it above his head, while
the drums throbbed louder and deeper
than before, and the huge torches,
which seemed never to be consumed,
sent flames leaping to the tops of the
ironwood trees.
'As full consciousness returned toi
him, Teriiaro realized with a sudden
pang of terror that his hands and feet
were bound, and that two silent men,
with axes of dolerite in their hands,
stood over him. Was he destined to lie
where the body of that other man lay
now — an offering to the feathered and
shapeless god? He nearly swooned at
the thought; and when he felt himself
seized and lifted by many hands, his
senses left him for the second time.
'A blinding light awakened him —
the morning sun, shining through a
familiar doorway, was full on his face.
Filled with wonder and relief, he
glanced about. There in the old corner,
sleeping peacefully on a mat, lay Mata-
tua, his grandfather. Teriiaro began
to hope that he had only dreamed a
strangely vivid and terrifying dream;
but presently he noticed on his arm a
loop of cinnet, tied in a curious manner;
and as he puzzled over this, a disquiet-
ing memory came back to him — a say-
ing of his grandfather that in heathen
days a victim destined for sacrifice
was thus distinguished.
'Stealthily and in haste he launched
his canoe and paddled away from the
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
209
place to which he would never dare
return. In Uturoa he heard a story
that did not lessen his terror: a fisher-
man of Tevaitoa had gone alone in his
canoe to the reef, and no man had seen
him since. There had been lights on
the reef that night, — other fishermen,
doubtless, from farther up the coast, —
but no trace of this man or his canoe
remained. So Teriiaro was not sorry
when the schooner for Tahiti came; he
neither slept nor ceased to glance be-
hind him until he landed on the Pa-
peete beach.'
Old Jackson peered at me as he fin-
ished his improbable tale. The moon
was up, and in its clear light I could
see the wrinkles about his eyes and the
gleam of white eyebrows and mous-
tache. His pipe had burned out; I
watched him fumble for a moment be-
fore he took it from his mouth with an
air of sudden resolution. Without a
word, he filled it from an enormous
rubber pouch and replaced it hastily
between his teeth. When the tobacco
was burning, he spoke again.
' You know what a row this collector
made,' he said; 'the boy was so badly
scared that I advanced the money
myself to avoid a fuss. Teriiaro is a
first-rate hand on a schooner, but he 's
not keen on making this Raiatea trip —
watch him to-morrow, and you'll see
that he won't set foot ashore.'
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
BY LEONORA PEASE
'Is teacher gone by de school?' asked
Carmilla anxiously of the big boy
sweeping the steps that led up from the
cement walk, where Carmilla stood, to
the level of the sunny oblongs of win-
dows in the old-fashioned house of the
three Miss Shannons.
The big boy stopped sweeping.
'Is de green teacher gone?' pursued
Carmilla, referring to Miss Shannon of
the green gown.
'Dunno,' he answered, looking down
on Carmilla reflectively. 'The brown
teacher's went.'
'Is de blue one?'
'Yep, she's went, too.'
Across the square, from the windows
VOL. 128— NO. &
c
opposite, Marian had just flung impa-
tiently behind her, 'Hurry up, mamma,
and comb my hair — there's the blue
Miss Shannon going.'
At a quarter to eight, five mornings
out of the week, the brown Miss Shan-
non walked west up the square to the
Avenue, where the car ran north; at
eight o'clock, the blue Miss Shannon
walked west up the square to the Avenue
and the car going south; and at eight-
fifteen, the green Miss Shannon walked
east past the end of the square to the
schoolhouse.
Carmilla herself lived east, over the
other side of the school and the car-
tracks, on which the cars went clanging
210
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
and banging and whizzing under the
school's east windows, and from which
most of the teachers alighted mornings.
From this squatty and grimy locality
Carmilla escaped, across the strip of
asphalt drive, to the cement walk and
the steps down which the green Miss
Shannon was awaited, to the brilliant
plot of grass and new-blown elms of the
square, to the red and yellow tulips set
out in their bed to welcome the spring.
If some whimsical gardener had set
Carmilla, in slim green dress and round
red-and-yellow hat, down among them,
she would have made a flaunting little
human tulip. Instead, in her little fa-
ded cotton slip, with mop of dark hair
over forehead and neck, black eyes big
and sad, Carmilla was an appealing
small waif of a child as she waited there
by the flower-bed for her teacher.
Theresa Steffanelli, now breathlessly
accosting the big boy, ' Is teacher gone
by de school?' was in better harmony
with the color-scheme. Her bright-blue
sweater over a scarlet skirt, plump pink
cheeks under an outstanding crop of
dark hair tied with a flaring bow of red
ribbon, made a brilliant splotch against
the gray of the walk. The splotch be-
came a streak as Dominic appeared
panting behind Theresa, in his green
sweater banded with red; and Jassa-
mine, following, contributed the yellow
of her long, overhanging sweater. A
little farther along the walk, Angelo, in
startling new green pants (fastened with
some uncertainty by safety-pins to his
shirt), bore down upon the common
goal, and Mary formed a drab tail in
her washed-out print gown. As she
perched herself on the green Miss Shan-
non's lowest step, Mary explained de-
murely, ' I dot a sweat-uh, but I not dot
it on now.' Marian, flying from across
the square, in white apron, her bright
fluffy curls contrasting with Jassamine's
black tresses slicked back from the part-
ing to the two buttons of coiled pigtails,
came in time for the flutter and swirl
in the bevy of children, which an-
nounced the green Miss Shannon de-
scending the steps.
At the moment, in her green dress,
fair hair coiled high on her head, and
smiling face, the green Miss Shannon
might have been mistaken for spring.
The old-fashioned houses of the old-
fashioned square were so near the school
that she had no more need of a hat this
morning than had the Italian women of
the neighborhood, or Theresa, Carmilla,
and Jassamine. Like a breeze of spring,
she blew the bambinos before her with a
'Now see who can get to the corner
first.'
Another bit of brightness came up
with the green Miss Shannon from the
rear and caught step — ' de teacher by
Room 15,' whose house was around the
corner of the square. Snappy black
eyes and satiny black hair in buns over
her ears, thin beau-catcher curl glued
in the middle of her forehead, well-
powdered nose, modish one-piece blue
taffeta gown above her trim, pointed
French-heeled boots, the young Miss
O'Callahan seemed to be protesting,
'Teachers are not going to be frumps
any longer.' Miss O'Callahan was on
her second-year salary, but she lived at
home, and managed by charge accounts
to keep her clothes paid for, and to
squeeze out five dollars for her Grade
Teachers' Association — more than some
did. She was an intelligent young
woman, and twice as good a teacher as
she looked.
Walking over from the car on the
Avenue, and nearing them from behind,
were Miss Fletcher, tall and fair, gram-
mar grade, Miss Marie DeMar, stout
and dark, primary, both inconspicu-
ously and economically dressed, and
Miss Jarvis, domestic science, well at-
tired. Miss Jarvis was a 'special,' and
on higher salary. Teachers of domestic
science had originally put in more time
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
211
at Normal School, but now went through
in the same time as the elementary
teachers, and their superior rank had
begun to grind on the elementaries.
The elementaries had subsisted on
meagre pay until the war, when their
unexpected exodus from the classroom
brought an alarmed and speedy but
cautious increase in their salaries, with
more generous raises for the higher-paid
groups. It seemed an established idea
that they should be the lowest paid in
the service.
'But if the manual-training men get
more pay, why should n't the domestic-
science women?' an apologist might
begin.
'Yes, of course, and the singing, and
all the other specials — What I want to
know is, what is the matter with the
grade teachers? Who works harder
than we do? ' an elementary would mus-
ter spunk to ask; a query that could
not get itself answered, and the thing
went on grinding.
'My kid sister,' Miss O'Callahan was
saying, on their walk through the morn-
ing sunshine to the schoolhouse, 'says
she'll never be a teachar — not on your
life. My father wants her to go to Nor-
mal, but she says she's going to busi-
ness college.'
'Just what my niece declares,' joined
in Miss Fletcher. ' She thinks it 's enough
to look at me.'
' I wish I could do anything else,' the
green Miss Shannon threw in wistfully,
'but teach school.'
The remark would not have been
noticed from another speaker; but the
green Miss Shannon, — she of the smil-
ing eyes and cheering word, never ailing
or complaining or indignant or critical,
— from the reformer's point of view the
most dangerous of optimists!
'You too?' the stout, dark teacher
said. She was herself not unaware of
the irony of things, but temperament-
ally humorous and profoundly patient.
'Say, if anything should separate you
two from the service,' Miss O'Callahan
protested, 'what's to become of me,
and Miss Polonski, and the rest of us
sweet young things? We think we know
the game when we come out of Normal,
but we can't stand long before our
classes without running to you to ask
what's the next move.'
'So I've observed,' Miss Fletcher re-
joined, as they went in at the teachers'
entrance, and on to the office key-board
to take down their keys.
Speeding down the hall with her
bright troop, the green Miss Shannon
espied the diminutive Salvadore Del-
monico, contrary to rules, waiting at
the door of Room 16. His small body
was agitated by an emotion beyond
his present expression in English, as
he poured out, 'Teacher — de big boy
come — teacher, de big boy he go by de
desk — de big boy he swipe all de
marbles on you — he runs away —
runs down dat way — '
The marbles! That treasured collec-
tion, held in trust. For every marble
that went thump, thump, thump on the
floor in school-time, custody in that
safe repository, the right-hand drawer
of teacher's desk; but at the end of the
term, restoration. Now many pairs of
big dark eyes of rightful owners will
watch the progress of recapture. And
the nine cents, ah, the nine cents of
Theresa, entrusted to teacher's care
yesterday and forgotten — what of
that? And the soul of the big boy —
should it not be rescued from such a
pitfall?
'Down dat way,' into the boys' base-
ment, in pursuit, hurries teacher; gets
wind of one Pasquale Pappa, hales
him into Room 16 ere the nine o'clock
gong strikes. What of the marbles, Pas-
quale Pappa? What of the nine cents?
Pasquale looks accusingly upon Sal-
vadore.
'Yes, I was bring de waste-basket
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
last night by de sweepers. I see him,'
pointing at Salvadore, ' swipe de marble
out de teacher's desk, an' he give me one
an' I drop it back. I tell him if he do
dat, de teacher '11 holler on him.'
'I wants my mudder,' screams Sal-
vadore, 'my mudder, my mudder, my
mudder! '
The game is up. But the marbles,
who has the marbles? 'Rafael has
de marble.' — 'No, teacher, Salvadore
give de marble.' — 'Who else has the
marbles?'
Here they stand in a row — Michael,
Tony, Joseph, Rafael, Dominic, Jaspar.
— 'Teacher, Salvadore give de marble.'
— 'Where are they now?' — Lost,
gamed, given, swiped — scattered. And
the money, the nine cents?
'No, teacher, I did n't rob de moneys
on youze. It's a sin to rob de moneys
on de teacher.' His father Salvadore
can deceive, his mother he can hoax,
'de teacher' he cannot. 'Where is the
money?' It is at home hidden in 'my
mudder's' sweater pocket. 'Go home
and get it.' Emanuel, the largest boy
in the grade, conducts him.
II
Two new dark little boys come in
and present paper slips to teacher. Al-
ready she has fifty-three bambinos for
the forty-eight seats. A fiction prevails
in school-circles (obtained from aver-
ages) of forty-eight pupils to a room,
and a pleasantry of forty-two to a room.
But there are the elastic small chairs.
'What is your name? John Scully?
That 's an Irish name,' laughs the green
Miss Shannon.
'Yes, yes,' says John; for only 'yes,
yes' can he say.
' But you 're not Irish,' the nice teach-
er jokes.
' Yes, yes.'
' You 're Italian.'
' Yes, yes.'
'How do you spell it? Ah, "Sculle,"'
reads the green Miss Shannon. 'Paul
Brosseau. You 're a little French boy,
are n't you?"
'No, ma'am — Catholeek.'
Max brings a note: —
'DEAR TEACHER,
All of your children are hitting my
Maxie on the way home. I want that
stopped. I'll tell the principal. And
they make noses on him. I want that
stopped. Another thing, they always
take his things, and I want that stopped.
Your loving
MRS. ROSENBERG.'
The Italian parents cannot write
notes, not so much as excuses for tardi-
ness. The laggards are many. They
must be punished; they must learn the
sorry fate of the sluggard; they shall
not sing with the others; they shall sit
in a row on low chairs back of the teach-
er till the singing is over. ' They sing at
me,' the culprits complain, and weep.
They sing at them, 'A birdie with a
yellow bill,' and point and shake their
forefingers. 'Ain't you 'shamed, you
sleepy head?' They sing at them,
'Tick-tock, tick-tock, clocks are say-
ing,' and at 'Then comes school and
— don't — be — late,' 'Dey shakes deir
fingers on me,' Anthony says, and weeps
more.'
Will he be sitting on this little mourn-
ing bench to-morrow? No, he will come
early, and stand up by his seat and sing
and point and shake his finger at the
woeful mites who will be sitting as now
he is sitting. The joy of singing shall
be his, and the fun of being a make-be-
lieve car of the six make-believe trains
in the room, seven cars long, and the
first child is an engine. Arms touching
shoulders in front, imitative feet shuf-
fling, left hand for a whistle, right hand
rings the bell, off goes the train : —
'Chu, chu, chu, chu, chu, chu, chu,
I am a chu-chu train;
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
Blow the whistle, ring the bell,
Now we '11 start again.
Chu, chu, chu, chu, chu, chu. chu,
See how fast I go.
When I come to bridges,
Then I 'm — very — s-l-o-w.'
Now they are standing very straight,
as the green Miss Shannon is standing,
right-hand fingers outspread, three fin-
gers stiff, two curved, left forefinger
ready to be the captain: —
'Five little soldiers standing in a row.
Three stood up straight and two — just so.
Along came the captain, and, what do you think?
Up they all jumped as quick as a wink.'
They hit the t's and the n and the k
at the end of the words, as the green
Miss Shannon shows them. If some do
not, they sing it again. It is just as in
the phonics lesson, which comes after
the singing. The phonics lesson con-
sists of making sounds, after the man-
ner of beasts, birds, and insects which
have preceded them up the scale of
being, even as the green Miss Shannon
makes sounds: sounds of the English
tongue, associated with symbols of the
English language. A disguised drill,
vivified by the green Miss Shannon,
carried along with enthusiasm — but
interrupted.
Emanuel and Salvadore reappear.
The morals lesson is allowed to fit the
occasion. Nobody has yet instructed
teacher to put the morals lesson at a
certain time on the programme. Sal-
vadore brings to teacher a bright new
dime. No tears, no nine cents; only a
bright new dime. Teacher looks upon
the dime, upon Salvadore, upon Eman-
uel. Emanuel is Jewish, and does not
know the Italian words Salvadore talk-
ed to his father. Is it that teacher has
another time demanded the dime for
the yarn used in the weaving of the
doll rug, for the paste, for the crayons,
what not? Salvadore shall have the
dime for his teacher. Ah, that was
teacher's slip. Now Peter shall take
213
back the new dime and make inquiries
of the father, and Salvadore shall sit in
Room 16 until Peter returns, and shall
read his lesson.
Salvadore does not wish Jp read his
lesson. He loves to sing, he loves to
draw, he does not love to read. He has
lost his book. Phena too has forgotten
her book. Dominic has torn his. Jas-
par has chewed the corners off his.
Concetti's is very dirty. Carmilla's is a
maze of loose pages, which she care-
fully keeps in order and reads like a
public speaker turning the pages of his
manuscript. Teacher has found an-
other book for Salvadore to read from,
and Phena may sit with Marian, whose
book, carefully covered with brown
cambric, is clean and untorn. Teacher
looks with bright eyes on Marian, and
speaks glad words of her book. But the
rest may not 'make nice their books
like teacher says.' They get them 'off
my big brudder,' or 'by de principal,'
and never were they as Marian's.
'Yiz can buy dem off de candy
woman,' volunteers Theresa.
'Yiz! What should you say?' re-
minds teacher.
With a little toss of her head,
'Youze,' Theresa corrects herself. So
continuously does teacher struggle to
break the mould of environment.
Rosie finds the picture-lesson page
for Salvadore — the picture of many
bugs. 'Who sees a new word? Salva-
dore?' — ' Teacher, I know — bug.'
Last year teacher must not tell the new
word; the new word was sacred to
phonics. This year the principal says
teacher must tell the new word. No,
the word is not 'bug/ It is what bees
say. 'What are bees?'- 'They are
fairies,' says Phena, looking at the
picture. They have wings. 'Who has
been to the country?' Tony. Every-
body points to Tony. 'Tonywuzbyde
country.' But neither does Tony know
bees from fairies.
214
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
So teacher tells and Marian reads.
Carmilla listens and reads just as
Marian has read. 'Now read the last
sentence, Carmilla.' Carmilla must
read from the top, swiftly, with a little
hum, till she comes to it. 'Do you like
to make honey?' she reads glibly, and
looks up to find that teacher's eyes
have the little jokes in them. Like Sal-
vadore, Carmilla cannot fool teacher.
Now Salvadore will read : —
'"Bugs, bugs, little bees. Do you
like to fly sunshines? You are busy
little bees to make moneys for me. Do
you like to make moneys?"' Money
means something to Salvadore, honey
does not.
Down falls Jimmie's marble, thump,
thump, thump, rolling on the floor to
teacher. Teacher says, 'Um! Another
lovely marble I have for my collection.'
Carmilla sees that teacher looks with
bright eyes upon the marble. It must
be that teacher likes the beautiful
marble. Carmilla has no beautiful
marble to give to teacher, but she has
the glass pendant she found in the al-
ley, which Jaspar offered to trade for
two marbles. The glass pendant is a
fine thing to have, to make rainbows by
— still, she would like to give teacher
the beautiful marbles.
Now comes Peter back with the nine
cents for Theresa. The father 'says
like this ' to teacher for Salvadore —
'Teacher shall close him up in a dark
room.' The suggested punishment not
being in accord with modern methods,
teacher is wondering what she shall do
with Salvadore and with Salvadore's
class. Teacher has asked for kinder-
garten material for Room 16, to keep
busy half the tiny restless folk, while
the other tiny restless folk read ; but no
kindergarten material has come for
teacher; for different things has teacher
asked in vain. Five rooms use the scis-
sors, and it is not now the turn of Room
16. Salvadore's class go to the board
and make 'two hills,' which is an n, and
'three hills,' which is an m, while the
first-reader class read about the ' Shear-
ing of the Sheep.'
'Oh, I know a sheep, teacher,' ex-
claims Joseph. 'We got one by our
house.'
'Are you sure you have a sheep,
Joseph?'
'No, teacher, he got no sheep. He
got a dog. I seed it, teacher.'
Jassamine's reading of the 'Ba, ba,
Black Sheep' is a sort of free transla-
tion into understandable language: —
'One for de fahder,
One for de mudder,
And one for de little boy dat 's lame.'
Teacher can use the rest of the twenty
minutes' reading period implanting in
the minds of the A Class an idea of
a ' master,' a ' dame,' and a ' lane.' But
after starting this same class in the first
lesson of the book, beginning, —
Ply the spade and ply the hoe,
Plant the seed and it will grow, —
teacher's enthusiasm must be invin-
cible. One child had indeed indicated a
dim, associated notion of a hoe. 'It's
what you sprinkles water wid, teacher.'
Teacher did not write the book, or
adopt it as the standard reader for the
schools; teacher 's business is to teach it.
As the C Class do not use the book,
their reading lesson, of teacher's de-
vising, is more flexible. ' Stand,' teacher
says, and shows the word printed on a
card. At the first lesson no one moves,
and teacher lifts a child to his feet.
Then a few have learned and show the
other children by actions. 'Sit,' 'Run,'
'Jump.' So they work at the English
vocabulary until recess.
The substitute in Room 14, — Be-
ginning First, — an experienced higher-
grade teacher, is trying to get her flock
into ranks in the hall. The green Miss
Shannon goes to her assistance.
'They can't understand you,' the
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
215
substitute teacher explains, in comic
dismay. 'You have to lift them out of
their seats and carry them into the
coat-room. Then someone's hat is lost.
" Boo-hoo-hoo. I wants my mudder."
Where is his hat? Oh, where? "Why
here's his hat," some little smart thing
says. Put it on. Then — Well, I'm
not coming back here to-morrow.'
The stout, dark teacher, farther up
the hall, has come to say a friendly
word to the substitute.
'You should hear our superintendent
speak out in meeting,' she rejoins, and
imitates him pompously. ' " All children
are alike susceptible. If our children are
not as proficient as in other districts, it
is the fault of the teacher."'
'I would n't want better entertain-
ment,' the substitute comments, 'than
to watch some of these superintendents
teach school a while. I should start
them in your district.'
They laugh, and being merry, the
stout, dark teacher goes on to tell them
what her loyal Phena has just now im-
parted to her. 'I hearn a kid say youze
fat,' tells Phena. 'Youze is n't fat.'
Their laughter is cut short by the
recess bell, and the substitute signals
her despair to the green Miss Shannon,
on hall duty, as the lines of wriggling,
bobbing, evasive bambinos advance
upon Room 14. Irrepressible are the
bambinos. Twice must teacher speak
to Theresa for whispering while teacher
is telling the story of 'The Three Bears.'
Carmilla tells the story after teacher,
while Theresa whispers.
' Do you want me to pin this on you? '
teacher reminds Theresa, and shows
the big red-paper tongue. Theresa for
a little while then does not whisper to
Carmilla and Jassamine and Angelo and
Peter. But soon again, —
'Come here, Theresa,' says teacher.
With reluctant steps Theresa complies.
There she stands in the corner, with the
red tongue pinned on. Yes, before now
has the red tongue been wet with tears.
They dramatize the Three Bears.
Marian is Golden Locks, Peter is the
big 'fah-der' bear, Becky is the middle-
sized 'mudder' bear, Dominic is the
'littlest' baby bear. They draw the
Three Bears. There is writing, spelling,
dismissal of the B and C classes, calis-
thenics, games, sight-reading from the
dilapidated sets of books furnished by
the Board, — books, pages, parts miss-
ing, — doubling up in seats, skipping
pupils who draw blanks. — Noon.
Teacher sees the lines out, locks the
door, and races for the penny-lunch
room. The teachers volunteer to help
serve the swarms of children, as at this
hour the employees paid by the Board
are swamped. Carmilla comes for the
bowl of soup, the glass of milk, the
sandwich — The pennies to pay for
them? That is the green Miss Shan-
non's secret. When Carmilla first came
to Room 16, she was thinner than now,
and whiter. The green Miss Shannon
watched, wondered; then one morning
Carmilla fainted. Teacher sent quickly
for the school doctor. Carmilla was
under-nourished, the school doctor
said. Teacher brought a bowl of soup
from the penny-lunch room. Yes, soup
was all the medicine Carmilla needed.
The school nurse went to where Car-
milla lived — the father dead, the mo-
ther all day away at the laundry; in
the evening the nurse went and showed
Carmilla's mother how better to pre-
pare the scanty fare. But for the green
Miss Shannon and the penny lunch and
the flower-bed in the square, little
Carmilla —
It was a breathless, spinning noon
hour for the green Miss Shannon, stop-
ped short by the gong, watching the
lines of children flowing up the stairs
and halls and into Room 16 again, clos-
ing the door. 'What have you there
in your desk, Tony? ' - ' Nudding.' -
'Yes, teacher, he have. He swipe some-
216
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
thing off de peddler.' What should a
head of cabbage be doing in Tony Ap-
pa's desk? 'Where did you get that,
Tony? ' — 'I buyed it for two cent off de
peddler.' — 'No, teacher, he never did.
We seed him swipe it off de peddler.'
Witnesses go with Tony to restore the
cabbage to the peddler, while the room
is at work constructing the cardboard
house and furniture of the Three Bears.
A bambino comes from the substitute
teacher in Room 14, and teacher goes
with him, only for a little while. A
man, a strange man, opens the door and
looks on them with sharp eyes, and
goes away. Rosie stands up.
'Teacher,' Rosie bursts out as the
green Miss Shannon returns, 'a man
comes by us and he looks on us.'
'How did he look?'
'My God, I don't know. You bet-
ter stay in here.'
Teacher 'looks on Rosie,' but Car-
milla does not know what teacher is
thinking. She is thinking of the strange
things Rosie says, and is remembering
about Rosie and the Christmas party.
The day of the Christmas party Rosie
came to school much too early, and
when she saw the green Miss Shannon
approaching, ran to her and asked when
it would be time for the Christmas
party to begin.
'Not yet. After a while.'
Then at recess Rosie asked again.
'Not yet. After a while.'
And at noon, and between times,
when would it be time for the Christ-
mas party to begin?
'Not yet. After a while.'
More and more incredulous and sus-
picious of teacher's assurances Rosie
was growing. Time dragged to after-
noon recess, lessons going on as usual.
It was proper to rebuke and caution
teacher as Rosie herself had been re-
buked and cautioned ; yet with restraint.
' I 'm afraid you lie some, teacher; it 's
an awful sin.'
But how should Rosie reinstate her-
self after the party, which came off af-
ter all, in the kindergarten room, with
a trimmed tree, and candy and red
apples from teacher, and games and
singing.
' O teacher, youze so lovely to us by
your party,' said Rosie; 'just like a
mudder.'
'Yes, just like a mudder,' agreed
Joseph.
'Yes, teacher,' Dominic hesitated;
' but so many childrens and no fah-der ? '
III
Again Carmilla does not know. Why
is teacher smiling? But she likes to
look on teacher when she smiles, and
when the little jokes are in her eyes,
and upon her green dress. Carmilla is
a sort of small moon to teacher's sun.
Carmilla goes on with the construction
lesson, cutting and pasting the table on
which are to stand the three bowls of
broth of the Three Bears.
But this is not all of school, what
they have been doing to-day. No-
no. Sometimes the superintendent
comes. Then they all sit up very
straight, just as the green Miss Shan-
non stands. They do not whisper, not
even Theresa. She will certainly have
the red tongue pinned upon her if she
whispers before the big, prim, sad man
who is the superintendent. Some-
times the smart young man in the office
— he must be smart because he is
the principal — comes in swiftly and
goes out swiftly. Sometimes the man
who does not wear his coat comes in
and looks at the fixture on the wall
(which is a thermostat) and goes out
again. Sometimes the lady in the pret-
ty dress and beads, — a black one on
each side and a green one in the middle,
like an eye, three of them on a chain, —
comes in briskly and smiles at teacher,
and sits in the chair, and the bambinos
CARMILLA'S TEACHER
all stand and sing for teacher, blow out
lights with their breath, and step up
and down the scale and choose songs;
and the bead lady tells them how nicely
they sing, and talks a minute to teacher,
and goes out briskly.
Sometimes, after teacher takes out all
the drawings they have done, strings
many along the blackboards, and puts
many in a pile on her desk, the lady
with the gray hair comes in slowly and
looks at the drawings, and Carmilla,
who is a monitor, and Marian, who is a
monitor, and Antonio and Peter pass
papers and crayons, and the children
draw for teacher, and the lady with the
gray hair tells teacher that the drawings
are good, and goes out slowly.
Sometimes the young lady in the
gym suit looks in, for whom they go to
the gym; and the young lady in the
gym suit sits and plays at the piano,
and for teacher they march and skip
and swing on the big swings and rings,
as they have practised with teacher for
the gym lady; and then with teacher
and the gym lady they play the games.
Yes, all of these come sometimes
and go sometimes. But teacher always
stays. But what Carmilla does not
know is that these folk, every one, and
the teacher above in the domestic-
science kitchen, and the teacher below
in the manual-training shop, and the
teachers three blocks off in the Mann
Technical High School, are all much
more important and dignified figures
than her teacher, with much more im-
portant and dignified salaries.
It is true that, in the meetings of
teachers, where Carmilla does not go,
there is talk — admirable talk — of
teacher's service and devotion and self-
sacrifice and indispensability; and the
big, prim, sad man who is the superin-
217
tendent says that the only part any-
one else has in the system is to help
teacher. But the stout dark primary
teacher and the tall fair grammar teach-
er and the green Miss Shannon, who no
longer care for words, and the young
Miss O'Callahan and Miss Polonski,
who never will care for words, reflect
that they who would help should ask,
not always tell, the doers what to do,
and they question why teacher's must
always be the lowest place. Carmilla
does not know that the green Miss
Shannon, and the blessed ones like her,
are growing rarer and rarer. She is
conscious in her small soul, as are the
simple foreign folk about her, that the
one who knows her, and who is her light
and hope, is her teacher — Carmilla's
teacher.
On the way home with teacher, across
the strip of asphalt drive, along the
cement walk toward the tulip-bed,
Carmilla opens her little grimy fist,
disclosing the two bright glass marbles
traded by Jaspar for the pendant that
makes rainbows. Wriggly coils of col-
ors inside the crystal spheres, tiny
rainbows imprisoned, the marbles wink
up at Carmilla. Almost does the little
fist close again on their shimmer.
'Here, teacher. Here's two marbles
for you.'
'O Carmilla — for me! Thank you,
dear. Urn, two such nice marbles.'
The little jokes are in teacher's eyes.
'But you know Miss Shannon cannot
have any marbles except those that go
thump, thump, thump- Now the
little jokes are in Carmilla's eyes, too.
'You keep them, Carmilla. Mind you
hold tight.' She bends down and closes
the little fist over the gleaming bits.
There is a sweet and tender light in the
eyes of Carmilla's teacher.
DOMESTIC SUPERSTITIONS
BY RALPH BARTON PERRY
SUPERSTITIONS are perpetuated main-
ly in the church and the home, because
whatever is said out loud in either place
is intended to edify those who hear it.
Parents and other adult members of the
family belong to the priestly caste. It
is their business to preach the doctrine
and to be ostentatiously on their good
behavior. Like their colleagues of the
church, they feel the strain and find it
necessary to enjoy stolen hours of un-
frocked relaxation, which they spend
with others of the profession who are
pledged not to betray them. There are
so many whom circumstance has
placed in this position, but who feel un-
equal to its duties, that there is a wide-
spread tendency to centralize the work
of edification in the boarding-school,
where it can be done by paid experts.
As yet, however, this relief is too ex-
pensive to be generally enjoyed, and it
still falls to the common lot of the
adult to work, to pay taxes, and to offi-
ciate in the home.
Edification breeds superstition sim-
ply because fictions having sentimental
value have to be preferred to facts. In
the home this begins with the myths of
Santa Claus and fairyland, and ends
with the myth of the Perfect Gentle-
man and the Perfect Lady. In the
home, as in the church, there are ecclesi-
astical as well as doctrinal superstitions
— that is, superstitions having the
function of protecting the prestige of the
authorities. In the case of the home
these superstitions have to do particu-
218
larly with the pure benevolence, exem-
plary rectitude, and perfect manners of
the parents. This idealized, fictitious
parent may vary to any degree from
the real parent. His activities off the
stage, the friends with whom he asso-
ciates there, and even his past history,
are constructed and recast to fit the
role of paragon which he assumes in the
domestic drama.
Despite the weakness of his position
otherwise, the adult member of the
home enjoys this great advantage, that
he fixes its superstitions in the form
which they finally assume. He utilizes
the experiences, deeds, and shrewd
comments of the children, but puts his
own interpretation on them. It is the
adult who tells the story — sometimes,
from motives of pride or retaliation, to
other adults of rival domestic establish-
ments; sometimes, for purposes of edifi-
cation, to one of the children. In either
case the moral that adorns the tale be-
comes its dominant feature, and it is
the adult saga-maker who points the
moral. He enjoys this advantage at his
peril, however. For he is the most de-
fenseless victim of his own eloquence.
His rivals do not believe him because
they possess prior domestic superstitions
of their own. The children are pro-
tected by their inattention, levity, and
worldly wisdom. But he himself hears
himself so often, and takes himself so
seriously, that he is like to become the
only thoroughly orthodox adherent of
his own teaching. It is in the hope of
DOMESTIC SUPERSTITIONS
opening the eyes of the domestic adult,
and enabling him to resist this insidi-
ous process of auto-suggestion, that
these words are written.
There is, for example, a widespread
belief that the mother, or wife, or resi-
dent aunt, or other domestic adult fe-
male, is the lover and champion of the
home. Man is supposed to be a natural
vagrant, only with great difficulty pre-
vented from spending his idle time wan-
dering from club to club, or from hole
to hole on the golf-links. Woman, on
the other hand, is supposed to be by
nature the nostic or homing animal.
Domestic dynamics, in short, are com-
monly explained as a resultant of the
centrifugal force of the male and the
centripetal force of the female. This is
doubtless the more edifying view of the
matter, because it idealizes what cir-
cumstance has decreed to be necessary.
Since livelihood falls to the lot of the
male and homekeeping to the lot of the
female, it is prettier to suppose that the
deepest passion of the one is the love of
outdoors, and of the other the love of in-
doors; just as it would be prettier to
suppose that a man compelled to earn
his living as a night-watchman was by
nature a nocturnal animal.
The facts, however, do not agree
with this edifying view of the matter.
The greatest day in the history of a
privileged woman is the day of her Com-
ing Out. From that day forth she wages
a more or less ineffectual struggle to
stay out. On the other hand, the great-
est hour in a man's day is the hour when
he sets his face toward home. Every
day, through hours of work, he is sus-
tained by the same bright vision, which
he derives from romantic fiction, or
from his own creative imagination. He
sees himself joyfully greeted by a house-
hold, no member of which has anything
else to do, or any other wish, save to
make him comfortable. They have all
indulged themselves to their hearts'
219
content earlier in the day, and now it is
his turn to be indulged. It is under-
stood that he, and he alone, is tired.
Any attentions or amiability on his
part are gratefully appreciated, but
they are not demanded, or even ex-
pected, of him. After dinner, there is a
certain comfortable chair waiting for
him in an accustomed spot near a read-
ing-lamp. The contour of the uphol-
stery is his perfect complement. He
fits himself to the chair, reaches for the
evening paper, and then experiences
the purest rapture of domestic bliss. It
consists in a sense of being ' let alone,'
of snugness, relaxation, and a hovering
protection. But, like all ecstasies, it is
essentially indescribable.
This is man's sustaining vision. It is
only a vision, but, like all visions, it
shows where the heart lies.
Now, why is it only a vision ? Because
it leaves out approximately seventy-
five per cent of the facts. All the other
members of the household are tired, also,
and are as conscious of having acquired
merit and earned indulgence as is the
male wage-earner. Each, like the adult
male, forms his own conception of the
end of a perfect day by the simple
method of opposition. The children,
having spent most of the day in a re-
strained posture on a school-bench, in-
cline to riot. The woman, having spent
the day indoors, desires to go out; and
having seen no one during the day ex-
cept the postman, the milkman, and the
iceman, desires to associate more exten-
sively with her kind. She, too, has been
sustained during the day by a vision
-children tucked in bed, her hus-
band fired with social zeal, best clothes,
a taxicab, a meal prepared by somebody
else, and then a dance or the theatre,
friends, gayety, and late to bed ! Hence,
while for the man the symbol of home
is the armchair, for the woman it is the
dressing-table. When the inward-bound
man and the outward-bound woman
220
DOMESTIC SUPERSTITIONS
meet on the threshold at the end of the
day, then indeed is the ligature of mat-
rimony strained !
What might or will be the case under
a different social organization it is im-
possible to predict. The present domes-
tic motivation is doubtless a more or
less artificial pressure-effect of circum-
stance. Men work all day in order to
be able to go home; women, in order to
be able to leave home. Men are stand-
ing outside, looking in; women, inside,
looking out. In both cases the force of
inclination is equal and opposite to the
force of circumstance. Thus the day of
the man and the day of the woman and
the day of the children culminate dis-
cordantly; and at .the only hour when
the family is united in the flesh it is
divided in spirit. Somebody must spend
the 'free' evening virtuously and pa-
tiently doing something that he does
not want, or else everybody must spend
it in a joint debate that nobody wants.
Possibly, in some future time, men and
women will both work at home and go
out to play; or will both go out to work
and spend the evening in adjoining
armchairs. Even then one does not see
one's way clear about the children.
As it stands, then, man is the lover
and champion of the home. To him it
is a haven, a place of refuge, and an op-
portunity of leisure. Woman is the cus-
todian and curator of the home. It is
her place of business. ' Woman's place
is in the home' is not a description of
female human nature, but a theory re-
garding the division of labor, or a pre-
cept, coined and circulated by men who
want homes and need women to create
them.
This corrected view of the home-sen-
timents throws a new light on certain
habits of life which might be supposed
at first to contradict it. There is, for
example, man's well-known addiction
to clubs. It is popularly supposed that
he resorts to these places in order to get
away from home. Quite the contrary.
He goes to his club because his club is
the nearest approximation to his ideal
of home that is available. It is more
homelike than home. A man's club does
not exist for the promotion of social
life, but for the purpose of avoiding it.
It is essentially a place where the up-
holstery is deep, where one can read
newspapers and eat, and where one is
safe from intrusion. In other words, a
man goes out to his club only from fear
of having to go farther out.
Or, consider the popular view that
women are more religious than men.
The real point seems to be that women
are more inclined than men to go to
church; which is a very different thing.
Sunday is related to the week as the
evening to the day. For a man, there-
fore, it is a day at home; and for a
woman, a day out. A man's idea of
Sunday is to surround his house with
barbed-wire, lock and barricade the
doors and windows, disconnect the tele-
phone, put on his slippers and an old
suit, and then devote the day to read-
ing the paper and 'puttering.' A
woman's idea of Sunday is to have
everything cleaned and polished up,
including the children; everybody in
best clothes; and then have half of her
friends in in the afternoon, and visit the
other half in the evening. Now it is not
difficult to see which programme and
mood most easily accommodates itself
to public worship. If you are all dressed
up and socially inclined, what can be
more natural and agreeable than going
to church? And if you are down cellar,
in old clothes, building bookshelves out
of a packing-box, what can be more
impossible?
According to the orthodox super-
stition, woman, as inwardly bent on
religion and the home, is the natural
conservative. She is regarded as the in-
stinctive exponent of established things
— of convention, authority, and the
DOMESTIC SUPERSTITIONS
221
moral code. As a matter of fact, being
more or less rigidly subjected to these
things, her heart is set against them.
Only men are really shocked; women
pretend to be, because men would be
still more shocked if they did n't.
Men, who have had the making of
laws, have a real respect for them;
women publicly observe them, but se-
cretly regard them as little better than
a nuisance. It is the same opposite play
of inclination and circumstance that
has been observed in the narrower
sphere of the home. Men, being placed
by circumstance in positions of hazard
and exposure, long for security; women,
being accustomed to security, long for
freedom and adventure.
II
But to return to our domestic super-
stitions. The most distinctive and high-
ly developed domestic art is scolding.
The orthodox belief is that scolding is
a, sort of judicial censure administered
from motives of the purest benevolence.
If there is a tone of anger in it, that is
supposed to be righteous indignation,
or the voice of offended justice, the
^colder being for the moment the
nouth-piece of the categorical impera-
j:ive. Scolding is conceived to be a duty
Deculiar to the home because of the
•elation of guardianship in which one
nember of the family stands to another.
Thus one is one's child's keeper, or one's
vife's, or one's husband's, but not one's
iieighbor's.
Now, what are the facts? Among
mimals, where motives are more un-
.shamed, scolding is a mode of threat or
-ttack. It is a manifestation of enmity.
There is ho reason for supposing it other-
rise in the case of the domestic life
•f man. Statistics would undoubtedly
eveal an almost perfect correlation be-
ween the frequency and intensity of
colding and the parent's threshold of
on
irritability — the latter depending _..
conditions of age, digestion, fatigue,
temperamental irascibility, and person-
al idiosyncrasy.
Why should scolding be peculiar to
the home? Not because the home is
dedicated to benevolent admonition,
but because the family circle provides
perpetual, inescapable, intimate, and
unseasonable human contacts. Indi-
viduals of the same species are brought
together in every permutation and com-
bination of conflicting interests and in-
compatible moods. There is no other
grouping of human beings which pro-
vides so many stimuli for the combative
instinct. When this instinct is aroused
among the children, it is called quarrel-
someness, and is greatly deprecated by
adults. When it is aroused in the adult
himself, it assumes the more or less
sublimated form of scolding. It flour-
ishes in the home because it is both
aroused and protected there. Scold-
ing provides a reputable method of
venting spleen when other outlets are
stopped by law and convention. In the
home, scolding can be indulged in with
impunity so long as it does not arouse
the neighbors. Its victims are defense-
less ; and the corporate pride of the fam-
ily seals the mouths of its members, so
that a decent repute may be preserved
before the world. It is this conspiracy
of silence and regard for appearances
that has created the fiction of the hap-
py fireside choir, where all voices carol
in perpetual unison.
There would be no merit in this ex-
posure, did it not serve to bring to light
the real disciplinary value of home life,
which consists, not in the eloquence and
light of admonition, but rather in the
aggravation of social experience. An in-
dividual who learns how to live cheer-
fully, or even how to live at all, in a
home, finds little difficulty in living
with his fellows anywhere else. The
scolding of children teaches them not so
DOMESTIC SUPERSTITIONS
much the error of their ways, as a prac-
tised skill in getting on with irritable
adults, many of whom they will meet
in real life later on. Perhaps the most
superb manifestation of domestic life
is the magnanimity of children — their
swift forgetfulness of injury and their
indulgence even of those human weak-
nesses of which they are themselves the
victims. Both children and adults, con-
sorting with one another in every com-
bination of age and sex, in every condi-
tion of health, at every hour of the day,
and in a great variety of moods and
temperaments, exhaust the whole reper-
tory of human relations and learn how
to live together. The best name for this
is patience. It is the lack of this which
distinguishes the bachelor, the maid,
the orphan, and in some degree the only
child.
In the family, as elsewhere, example
is said to be better than precept. The
idea is that the child, carefully noting
the heroic or saintly qualities of the fa-
ther, mother, or resident aunt, — those
qualities particularly celebrated in do-
mestic song and story, — models his
action closely thereon, and so of his own
accord grows in wisdom and hi favor at
the same time that he grows in stature.
But the observed results are so unlike
this as to justify suspicion that here,
too, we have to do with a superstition.
And such is, indeed, unhappily the
case. While it is doubtless true that the
exemplar is better than the preceptor,
in the family, at least, there is no ground
for believing that example works any
better than precept. What the child
gives particular attention to in the
domestic adult is the genial weakness,
the human errancy, the comic relief, the
discomfiture of dignity. He carefully
notes that his father smokes and swears,
and puts his feet on the table; and that
his mother or resident aunt eats candy,
uses slang, and puts her elbows on the
table. He thereupon does these things
himself, not because he is imitating a
model, but because, having an inclina-
tion to do them anyway, he takes ad-
vantage of the fact that his monitor is
for the moment disarmed.
It is not that the child is indifferent
to example, but that he finds his exam-
ples elsewhere. The domestic adult is
not in his line at all. He would as soon
think of imitating him as the domestic
adult himself would think of imitating
the Emperor of Japan or the Grand
Llama of Thibet. He has his own pan-
theon and hierarchy of heroes in the
real world outside. These are some-
times adults, more often the elders of
his own tribe. In any case they are free
from that odor of sanctity and strained
posture of edification which disqualify
the domestic adult. It should be added
that this discontinuity, though it may
prevent emulation, does not hinder,
but rather promotes, a certain shrewd,
critical observation; so that a child
may find himself presently cultivating
the complementary opposite of certain
types of character that have been pecu-
liarly familiar to him in his domestic
environment.
Ill
Many minor superstitions arise from
domestic myopia. The intensity and
the close propinquity of the domestic
drama exaggerates all its values, both
positive and negative. The normal
genius of childhood is mistaken for
individual distinction; and its normal
limitations for individual delinquency.
Within the family all children are re-
markable ; generic traits disappear from
view altogether. The parent who will
laugh heartily at a cartoon depicting
the characteristic greediness, cruelty,
truancy, disobedience, noisiness, irre-
sponsibility, and general barbarism of a
fictitious boy or girl, will at once stiffen
into apprehensive sobriety when his own
child betrays the least of these weak-
DOMESTIC SUPERSTITIONS
nesses. Viewing human life as a whole,
he observes that children grow and out-
grow, and that mischievous children
have been known to spend their adult
years outside the penitentiary; he may
even recollect that he had a fault or two
himself in early years; but as regards his
own children, every offense is a crime,
every evil a calamity, and every inci-
dent a crisis. His only salvation lies in
frequent, unannounced visits to other
families. ,
IV
We have finally to examine a funda-
mental superstition relating to the seat
of domestic authority. In so far as the
feudal principle, or the theocratic prin-
ciple, or the autocratic principle, or the
plutocratic principle, survives here and
there, owing to the conservatism of
the home, the father does manage to re-
tain some semblance of authority. But
patriarchy is on its last legs. There is
little to it now but outward form and
old court ritual. The father still gives
his name to the family, sits at the head
of the table, and — oh, yes, pays the
bills! But there is more service than
authority hi the second and third of
these prerogatives, since someone has
to carve, and it is the making rather
than the paying of bills that really
counts. Of course, he can still tyran-
nize over the family by making himself
so disagreeable that he has to be bought
off; but in a family anybody can do
that. It is not a power that attaches to
the male parent as such. As father, he is
still the titular monarch, and that is
about all. If he were formally to abdi-
jcate, it would not alter the actual bal-
ance of domestic forces in the least.
Meanwhile, it is to be feared that he
Ito some extent exploits the pathos of
his fallen greatness, and wrings from
the feelings of his wife, children, or sis-
ter-in-law various minor concessions
iffecting his comfort. Nothing can ex-
223
ceed the scrupulousness with which ap-
pearances are preserved in public. He
still takes the curb when the family
uses the sidewalk, and is the last to en-
ter and the first to leave a public or
private conveyance. But to one who
knows life as it is, the irony and bathos
of the modern age are summed up in two
spectacles: Kaiser Wilhelm chopping
wood at Amerongen, and the paterfa-
milias washing dishes in the pantry.
If the father has fallen from author-
ity, who has superseded him? The mo-
ther? Not at all. The popular impres-
sion to that effect has no basis except
the fact that the power of the mother
has increased relatively to that of the
father. But this is due to the fall of the
father rather than to any notable rise
of the mother. No, the new domestic
polity is neither the patriarchy nor the
matriarchy, but the pediarchy.
That the children should encroach
upon, and eventually seize, the author-
ity of the parents is not so strange as
might at first appear. After all, it is
only the domestic manifestation of the
most characteristic social and politi-
cal movement of modern times, the
rise, namely, of the proletarian masses.
Within the family the children consti-
tute the majority, the unpropertied, the
unskilled, and the unprivileged. They
are intensely class-conscious, and have
come to a clearer and clearer recogni-
tion of the conflict of interest that
divides them from the owners and man-
agers. Their methods have been sim-
ilar to those employed in the industrial
revolution — the strike, passive resist-
ance, malingering, restriction of out-
put, and, occasionally, direct action.
Within the family, as in the modern
democracy, the control is by public
opinion. It is government of the child-
ren, by the children, and for the child-
ren. But this juvenile sovereignty is ex-
ercised indirectly rather than directly.
The office-holders are adults, whose
DOMESTIC SUPERSTITIONS
power is proportional to their juvenile
support. The real (though largely un-
seen and unacknowledged) principle of
domestic politics is the struggle for
prestige among the adults. Some em-
ploy the methods of decadent Rome,
the panem et circenses; others, the arts
of the military hero or of the popular
orator. But all acknowledge the need
of conciliating the juvenile masses.
The power of juvenile opinion is due,
not merely to its mass, and to the bold-
ness and unscrupulousness with which
it is asserted, but to its reinforcement
from outside. It is more than a domes-
tic movement: it is an interdomestic
movement. The opinion of the children
is thus less provincial than that of
domestic adults. It has, furthermore, a
force which it derives from its more in-
timate contact with the main currents
of history. The domestic adult is in a
sort of backwash. He is looking toward
the past, while the children are thinking
the thoughts and speaking the language
of to-morrow. They are in closer touch
with reality, and cannot fail, however
indulgent, to feel that their parents and
resident aunt are antiquated. The child-
ren's end of the family is its budding,
forward-looking end; the adults' end is,
at best, its root. There is a profound
law of life by which buds and roots
grow in opposite directions.
The domestic conflict is in many of
its notable features parallel to the in-
dustrial conflict; and they may be of
common origin. It is natural that simi-
lar remedies should be proposed. The
Taylor system and other efficiency sys-
tems have already broken down in both
cases. Conservatives will propose to
meet the domestic problem by higher
allowances and shorter school-hours,
with perhaps time and a half for over-
time and a bit of profit-sharing. Lib-
erals will propose boards of conciliation
with child representation, attempts to
link study and chores with the 'crea-
tive' impulses, and experiments in di-
vided management. Radicals and do-
mestic revolutionists will regard all such
half-way measures as utterly ineffec-
tual, because they preserve the paren-
tal system in its essentials. They will
aim to consummate the revolution as
soon as possible by violence, and then
to bring a new order into being through
a dictatorship of a sectarian minority.
This new order would be an almost
exact inversion of the parental order.
Whereas, under the present system, the
parents are supposed to control the
home for the benefit of the children,
providing them with the necessities of
life, and giving them work and advice
for their own good, under the new sys-
tem, the children would control the
home for the benefit of the parents and
other adults, assuming full responsibil-
ity for their living, and employing their
expert servicesonly as might be required.
However difficult it may be to put such
a change into effect, there is, from the
adults' point of view, much to be said
for it.
TWENTY-FIVE HOURS A DAY
BY A. EDWARD NEWTON
IF one elects to live well out in the
country, going to the opera presents se-
rious difficulties. One can't very well go
home to dress and go in town again; and
if one decides to stay in town at a hotel,
there is a suit-case to be packed in the
morning — an operation the result of
which I abhor, as I always forget some-
thing essential. On one occasion some
years ago, I, like a dutiful husband, had
agreed to go to the opera; and having
packed my bag and sent it to my hotel,
I dismissed from my mind the details
of my toilet, until I came to dress in the
evening, when I discovered, to my hor-
ror, that I had absentmindedly packed
a colored neglige shirt instead of the
white, hard-boiled article which custom
has decreed for such occasions, and
that several other little essentials were
missing. I was quite undressed when I
made this discovery; it was already
late, and my temper, never absolutely
flawless on opera nights, was not im-
proved by my wife's observation that
we should surely miss the overture. I
thought it altogether likely and said so
— briefly.
It was, as I remember, my Lord
Chesterfield who observed that when
one goes to the opera one should leave
one's mind at home; I had gone his
Lordship one better — I had left prac-
tically everything at home, and I heart-
ily wished that I was at home, too. I
shall not, I think, be accused of over-
statement when I say that it is alto-
gether probable that most married men,
VOL. 188— NO. g
D
if they could be excused from escorting
their wives to the opera, would cheer-
fully make a substantial contribution
to any worthy — or even unworthy —
charity.
Thoughts such as these, if thoughts
they may be called, surged through my
head as I rapidly dressed, and prepared
to dash through the streets in search of
any 'gents' furnishing-goods' shop that
might chance to be open at that hour.
I needed such articles of commerce as
would enable me to make myself pre-
sentable at the opera, and I needed
them at once. It was raining, and as I
dashed up one street and down another,
I discovered that the difference between
a raised umbrella and a parachute is
negligible; so I closed mine, with the re-
sult that I was thoroughly drenched be-
fore I had secured what I needed. I
have the best of wives, but truth com-
pels me to say that when, upon my re-
turn, she greeted me with the remark
that what she wanted especially to hear
was the overture and that we should
certainly be late, I almost — I say I al-
most — lost my temper.
Is it necessary for me to remark that
we do not go to the opera frequently?
It was my wife's evening, not mine; and
as I sat on the side of a bed, eating a
sandwich and struggling to insert square
shirt pegs in round holes, to the gently
sustained motif that we should surely
miss the overture, I thought of home, of
my books, of a fire of logs crackling, of
my pipe, and I wondered who it was
226
TWENTY-FIVE HOURS A DAY
that said when anything untoward hap-
pened, 'All this could have been avoid-
ed if I had stayed at home.'
Finally, after doing up my wife's
back, 'hooking them in the lace,' I fin-
ished my own unsatisfactory toilet, feel-
ing, and doubtless looking, very much
as Joe Gargery did when he went to see
Miss Havisham. But at last we were
ready, and we descended to the lobby
of our hotel, having in the confusion
quite overlooked the fact that we should
require a taxi. It was still raining, and
not a taxi or other conveyance was to
be had! I was quite nonplussed for the
moment, and felt deeply grieved when
my wife remarked that it was hardly
worth while now to leave the hotel —
we were so late that we should miss the
overture anyway; to which I replied —
but never mind specifically what I said :
it was to the effect that we would go to
the opera or bust.
But how? Standing at the door of
the hotel, I waited my chance, and fin-
ally a taxi arrived; but quite unexpect-
edly a man appeared from nowhere and
was about to enter it, saying as he did
so, in a fine rolling English voice, ' I wish
to go to the opera house.' There was no
time to lose; quickly brushing the man
aside, I called to my wife and passed her
into the taxi; and then,turning to the
stranger, I explained to him that we,
too, were going to the opera, and that
he was to be our guest, pushed the as-
tonished man into the machine, told the
driver to go like h (to drive rapidly),
and, entering myself, pulled the door to
and heaved a sigh of relief. We were
off.
For a moment nothing was said. We
were all more or less surprised to find
ourselves together. I think I may say
that my newly discovered friend was
astonished. Something had to be said,
and it was up to me. ' My name is New-
ton,' I said; and gently waving toward
Mrs. Newton a white-kid-gloved hand,
which in the darkness looked like a
small ham, I explained that Mrs. New-
ton was very musical and was particu-
larly anxious to hear the overture of the
opera and I was unavoidably late. I
added that I hoped he would forgive
my rudeness; then, remembering that
I was speaking to an English gentle-
man, who probably thought me mad,
I inquired if he was not a stranger in
Philadelphia.
'Yes,' he replied, 'I only arrived in
the city this evening.'
'And have you friends here? ' I asked.
His reply almost disconcerted me,
'Present company excepted, none.'
'Oh, come now,' I said; 'I took you
for an Englishman, but no Englishman
could possibly make so graceful a speech
on such short notice. You must either
be Scotch or Irish; whenever one meets
a particularly charming Englishman, he
invariably turns out to be Scotch — or
Irish.'
'Well, the fact is, I'm Scotch,' my
friend replied; 'my name is Craig,
Frank Craig; I'm an artist.'
'Don't apologize,' I said. 'You are
probably not a very great artist. I 'm a
business man, and not a very great bus-
iness man either, and as we are the only
friends you have in the city, you shall
have supper with us after the opera.
Don't decline; I'm very much at home
in our hotel, as perhaps you noticed.
Ask for me at the door of the supper-
room. Don't forget my name. Here we
are at the opera house, in good time for
the overture after all.'
And I passed my friend out of the
taxi, and he, assuring me that he would
join us at supper, went his way and we
ours.
During the performance, which was
miserable, I chuckled gently to myself
and wondered what my Scotch friend
thought of the affair and whether he
would keep his appointment. The opera
was late, there was the usual delay in
TWENTY-FIVE HOUBS A DAY
getting away, and it was almost mid-
night when the head waiter conducted
my new-found guest to our table. Then
for the first time we had a good look at
each other, and told each other how
funny it all was and how unexpected
and delightful. After an excellent sup-
per and a bottle of champagne, followed
by a fine brandy, and cigars, — - for I
determined to do the thing well, — we
grew confidential. We talked of life and
of travel, and finally, of course, about
books and authors.
'Have you ever met Booth Tarking-
ton?' my friend inquired. I had. Did I
know him? I did not. Craig had been
staying with him in Indianapolis. Had
I ever heard of Arnold Bennett? I had.
Did I care for his books? I did. He
also had been staying with Booth Tar-
kington in Indianapolis: in fact, Ben-
nett and he were traveling together at
the present time.
'Bennett is doing a book for the Har-
pers to be called Your United States,'
Craig explained; and he, Craig, was
doing the illustrations for it.
'And where is Arnold Bennett now?*
I asked.
' Upstairs, in bed and asleep, I hope.'
'And what are you doing to-mor-
row?'
'Well, Bennett is lunching with the
literati of the city, and I'm going to
take photographs and make sketches
for our book. We are each on our own,
you know.'
'But the literati of the city,' I re-
peated doubtfully. 'That would be
Agnes Repplier, of course, and Dr. Fur-
ness, and Weir Mitchell, and who else?'
We were rather shy of literati at the
moment, as we still are, and I hoped
these would not fail him.
Craig did n't know; he had not been
invited.
'And after the luncheon, what next?'
I inquired.
'Well, I believe that we are to go to
227
the picture-gallery of a Mr. Weednaar,
with a friend who has secured cards for
us. I'm not invited to the luncheon,
but I'm keen to see the pictures.'
'Very well,' I said, 'let me make
plans for you. I tell you what we'll do:
I'll make it a holiday; I shall get my
motor in from the country, and go
around with you and show you the
sights. You want to see "Georgian"
Philadelphia, you say — we call it "Co-
lonial"; I know it well; I'll be your
guide, you shall take your photographs
and make your sketches, and in the af-
ternoon we, too, will go out and see
Mr. Widener's pictures, — his name, by
the way, is Widener, not Weednaar, —
and if I can find Harry Widener, a scion
of that house and a friend of mine, I 'H
get him to ask us out for lunch, and we
will be there to welcome Bennett and
his friend with their cards on their arri-
val. What, by the way, is the name of
your friend to whom you owe your in-
troduction to Mr. Widener?'
'A Mr. Hellman of New York; a book-
seller, I believe; perhaps you know him
too.'
'Perfectly,' I said; 'I probably owe
him money at this very minute. '
With this understanding, and much
pleased with each other, we parted for
the night.
II
The next morning, at half-past nine,
we met in the lobby of the hotel and I
was presented to Arnold Bennett. I do
not remember that at that time I had
ever seen a photograph of him, and I
was rather disillusioned by seeing a per-
son quite lacking in distinction, dressed
in ill-fitting clothes, and with two very
prominent upper teeth, which would
have been invaluable had he taken to
whistling, professionally.
'So you are the man,' he said, 'who
has so captivated my friend Craig. He
told me all about your escapade last
228
TWENTY-FIVE HOURS A DAY
night, over the breakfast-table, and in
the excitement of narration he ate my
eggs.'
'No matter,' said I; 'you are going to
lunch with the literati of the city; you
ought not to worry over the loss of your
eggs. But what is quite as important,
who is giving the luncheon?'
'George Horace Lorimer,' he replied,
i ' Then, ' said I, ' you certainly need not
worry over the loss of a pair of eggs. In
an hour or two you'll be glad you did
not eat them, for Lorimer understands
ordering a luncheon, no man better.
I'm sorry for Craig, for he's lunching
with me; but we shall join you during
the afternoon at Mr. Widener's.'
This seemed to upset Bennett com-
pletely. 'But we are going to Mr.
Weednaar's by appointment — we have
cards — '
' I know, from George Hellman,' I in-
terrupted; 'I don't need any cards. If
Harry Widener is at home, we will
lunch with him; if not, we will join you
some time during the afternoon.'
Bennett looked at me with astonish-
ment. He had doubtless been warned
of bunco-steerers, card-sharks, and con-
fidence men generally: I appeared to
him a very finished specimen, probably
all the more dangerous on that account.
We left him bewildered; he evidently
thought that his friend would be the
victim of some very real experiences be-
fore he saw him again. As we parted, he
looked as if he wanted to say to Craig,
'If you play poker with that man, you
are lost'; but he did n't.
Ill
We Philadelphians do not boast of
the climate of our city. During the
summer months we usually tie with
some town in Texas — Waco, I believe
— for the honor of being the hottest
place in the country: but in November
it is delightful, and we have the finest
suburbs in the world. If it were not
for its outlying districts, Philadelphia
would be intolerable. But the day was
fine, we were in high spirits, like boys
out for a lark, which indeed we were,
and I determined that our sightseeing
should begin at the ' Old Swedes,' or, to
give it its proper name, 'Gloria Dei,'
Church, and work our way north from
the southern part of the city, stopping
at such old landmarks as would seem
to afford material for Craig's pencil.
What a wonderful day it was ! Agree-
able at the time, and in retrospect de-
lightful, if somewhat tinged with mel-
ancholy, for I chanced to read in an
English newspaper not long ago of the
death of my friend Craig, in some way
a victim of the war. But looking back
upon that day, everything seemed as
joyous as the two quaintly carved and
colored angels' heads, a bit of old Swed-
ish decoration, which peered down upon
us from the organ-loft of the old church
about which Craig went into ecstasies
of delight — as well he might, for it is a
quaint little church almost lost in the
shipping and commerce that surrounds
it. Built by the Swedes in 1700, it
stands on the bank of the Delaware, on
the site of a block-house in which reli-
gious services had been held more than
half a century before its erection.
Too few Philadelphians know this
tiny church or attend its services: it is
out of the beaten track of the tourist;
but some of us, not entirely forgetful
of old Philadelphia, love to visit it oc-
casionally, and if the sermon gets weari-
some, as sermons sometimes do, we can
creep out stealthily and spend a few
minutes prowling around the grave-
yard, — where interments are still
made occasionally, — looking at the
tombstones, on which are curiously cut
the now almost illegible names of devout
men and women who departed this life
in faith and fear more than two cen-
turies ago.
TWENTY-FIVE HOURS A DAY
229
'But come now,' I at last had to say,
'this is our first, but by no means our
best church; wait until you see St.
Peter's.'
The ride from Old Swedes Church to
St. Peter's has nothing to recommend
it; but it is short, and we were soon
standing in one of the finest bits of Co-
lonial church architecture in America.
'Why,' exclaimed Craig, 'we have
nothing more beautiful in London, and
there is certainly nothing in New York
or Boston that can touch it.'
'Certainly, there is n't,' I said: 'and
if you were a Philadelphian and had an
ancestor buried in this church or within
its shadow, you would not have to have
brains, money, morals, or anything
else. Of course, these accessories would
do you no harm, and in a way might be
useful, but the lack of them would not
be ruinous, as it would be with ordinary
folk.' Then I spoke glibly the names of
the dead whom, had they been living, I
should scarcely have dared to mention,
so interwoven are they in the fabric of
the social, or as some might say, the un-
social, life of Philadelphia.
'And these people,' said Craig, 'do
they look like other people — do you
know them?'
It was a delicate question. It was not
for me to tell him that a collateral an-
cestor was a founder of the Philadel-
phia Assembly, or to boast of a bowing
acquaintance with that charming wom-
an, Mrs. John Markoe, whose family
pew we were reverently approaching.
Craig could, of course, know nothing
of what a blessed thing it is to be a
member, not of St. Peter's, but of 'St.
Peter's set,' which is a very different
matter; but he fully appreciated its
architectural charm, and as we strolled
about, he observed with the keenest in-
terest the curious arrangement of the
organ and altar at one end of the church,
and the glorious old pulpit and reading-
desk at the other, with a quite un-
necessary sounding-board surmounting
them like a benediction.
'How dignified and exclusive the
square pews are ! ' said Craig. ' They look
for all the world like the lord of the
manor's, at home.'
'Yes,' said I, 'and not half so exclu-
sive as the people who occupy them.
You could have made a very pretty pic-
ture of this church crowded with wealth
and fashion and beauty a hundred and
fifty years ago, if you had been lucky
enough to live when there was color
in the world; now we all look alike.'
'I know,' said Craig; 'it's too bad.'
I could have told him a good deal of
the history of Christ Church, which we
next visited. It is only a short distance
from St. Peter's; indeed, in the early
days, Christ Church and St. Peter's
formed one parish. The present struc-
ture was built in 1727, of bricks brought
over from England. Architecturally, it
is the finest church in Philadelphia; and
so expensive was it for the congregation
of two hundred years ago that, in order
to finish its steeple and provide it with
its fine chime of bells, recourse was had
to a lottery! Indeed, two lotteries were
held before the work was completed.
Philadelphians all felt that they had a
stake in the enterprise, and for a long
time the bells were rung on every possi-
ble occasion. Queen Anne sent over a
solid-silver communion service, which is
still in use, and its rector, Dr. William
White, after the Revolution, became
the first Bishop of the Episcopal Church
in the United States of America, hav-
ing finally been consecrated at Lambeth
after years of discussion as to how the
episcopacy was to be carried on. So
'Old Christ,' as it is affectionately
called, may properly be regarded as the
Mother Church in this country. When
Philadelphia was the national capital,
Washington attended it, as did John
Adams, and Benjamin Franklin, occa-
sionally—perhaps not often enough.
230
TWENTY-FIVE HOURS A DAY
But our time was limited and there
was much to see: Carpenter's Hall, and
the State House with its beautiful win-
dows, which Craig called Palladian, and
its splendid Colonial staircase, from
which I was powerless to draw his at-
tention to the far-famed Liberty Bell.
'I know all about that,' said Craig;
'I've been reading it up; but if you can
tell me in what single respect an Eng-
lishman has n't just as much liberty as
an American, I shall be glad to listen.'
Having forgotten to point out the
grave of our greatest citizen, Benjamin
Franklin, who, we love to tell Boston-
ians, was born in Philadelphia at seven-
teen years of age, we retraced our steps
— if one can be said to retrace one's
steps in a motor — to the Christ Church
burying-ground at Fifth and Arch
Streets. There, peering through the
iron railing, we read the simple inscrip-
tion carved according to his wish on the
flat tomb: 'Benjamin and Deborah
Franklin, 1790.' I have always regret-
ted that I had not availed myself of the
opportunity once offered me of buying
the manuscript in Franklin's hand of
the famous epitaph which he composed
in a rather flippant moment in 1728 for
his tombstone. The original is, I be-
lieve, among the Franklin papers in the
State Department at Washington, but
he made at least one copy, and possibly
several. The one I saw reads: —
THE BODY
of
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
PKINTER
(Like the cover of an old book
Its contents torn out
And stript of its lettering and gilding)
Lies here, food for worms.
But the work shall not be lost
For it will (as he believed) appear once more
In a new and more elegant edition
Revised and corrected
by
THE AUTHOR.
No doubt the plain marble slab, with
the simple name and date (for Franklin
needs no epitaph in Philadelphia), is
more dignified, but I have always wish-
ed that his first idea had been carried
out.
As we were only a stone's throw from
the Quaker Meeting-House, we paid it
a hasty visit, and I confessed, in reply
to the question, that, often as I had
passed the austere old brick building, I
had never entered it before, although I
had always intended to.
At last I looked at my watch — un-
necessarily, for something told me it
was lunch-time. We had had a busy
morning; Craig had made sketches with
incredible rapidity while I bought pho-
tographs and picture-postals by the
score. We had not been idle for a mo-
ment, but there was more to be seen,
Fairmount — not the Park; there was
no time for that, and all parks are more
or less alike, although ours is most beau-
tiful; but the old-time 'water-works,'
beautifully situated on the hillside,
terraced and turreted, with its three
Greek temples, so faultlessly propor-
tioned and placed as to form what Joe
Pennell says is one of the loveliest spots
in America, and which, he characteris-
tically adds, we in Philadelphia do not
appreciate.
But Craig did. It was a glorious day
in mid-November, the trees were in
their full autumn regalia of red and
gold, the Schuylkill glistened like silver
in the sun, and in the distance tumbled,
with a gentle murmur of protest at be-
ing disturbed, over its dam into the
lower level, where it becomes a river of
use if not of beauty. I thought how
seldom do we business men pause in the
middle of the day to look at anything so
free from complications as a 'view.'
My factory was within ten-minutes'
walk; there, penned up amid dirt and
noise, I spend most of my waking hours,
discussing ways and means by which I
TWENTY-FIVE HOURS A DAY
231
may increase the distance between my-
self and the sheriff, neglecting the beau-
ty which unfolds itself at my very door.
I determined in future to open my eyes
occasionally; but hunger put an end
to my meditations. Food is required
even on the most perfect day; by this
time the literati must have met —
and parted. Back to the city we sped,
lunched at my club, thence to Lynne-
wood Hall, the palatial residence of Mr.
Widener, some miles from the centre of
the city.
On our arrival we were ushered,
through the main entrance-hall, beauti-
fully banked with rare flowers, into the
gallery in which is housed one of the
finest collections of pictures in America.
Bennett and George Hellman were al-
ready there, and Mr. Widener, the old
gentleman who had formed the collec-
tion, was doing the honors.
Harry, his grandson, was there, too,
and to the amazement of Bennett wel-
comed me with outstretched arms. 'I
got your telephone message, but too late
to connect with you; I've been in New
York. Why did you not come to lunch?
You were not at your office. I left mes-
sages for you everywhere.'
Bennett looked greatly relieved; so I
was not an intruder after all and, won-
derful to relate, nothing had happened
to Craig.
Mr. Widener seemed relieved to see
me, and I soon grasped the reason. He
did not know who his guest was.
'Who is this man?' he whispered to
me.
'Arnold Bennett, the distinguished
English author,' I replied.
'Does he know anything about pic-
tures?' he asked.
'I have no doubt he does,' I replied.
'Here is a man who certainly does.'
And I presented Craig, who, to the
great relief of his host, was vocal.
And then I saw how things had been
going. Bennett, with his almost un-
canny power of observation, had seen
and doubtless understood and appre-
ciated everything in the gallery, but
had remained mute; an 'Oh' or an 'Ah*
had been all that Mr. Widener was able
to extract from him. The old gentle-
man had seemingly been playing to an
empty house, and it irked him. Craig
had the gift of expression; knew that he
was looking at some of the masterpieces
of the world, and did not hesitate to
say so.
We strolled from one gallery to an-
other, and then it was suggested that
perhaps we would care to see — But the
afternoon was going; Bennett had to be
in New York at a certain hour; it was
time to move on.
'Spend another night in Philadel-
phia,' I said to Craig; 'you must not go
without seeing Harry's books. After a
while there will be tea and toast and
marmalade and Scotch and soda; life
will never be any better than it is at
this minute.'
Craig did not require much urging.
Why should he? We were honored
guests in one of the finest houses in the
country, in a museum, in fact, filled to
overflowing with everything that taste
could suggest and money buy; and for
host we had the eldest son of the eldest
son of the house, a young man distin-
guished for his knowledge, modesty,
and courtesy. We went to Harry's
apartment, where his books were kept,
where I was most of all at home, and
where finally his mother joined us. In
the easy give-and-take of conversation
time passed rapidly, until finally it was
time to go, and we said good-bye. It
was my last visit 'to Lynnewood Hall,
as Harry's guest. Five months later,
almost to a day, he found his watery
grave in the Atlantic, a victim of the
sinking of the Titanic.
On our way back to our hotel we
agreed that we would go to the theatre
232
WOOD NUPTIAL
and have supper afterward; there was
just time to. change, once again gnawing
a sandwich. By great good fortune
there was a real comedy playing at one
of the theatres ; seats were secured with-
out unusual difficulty, and we were soon
quietly awaiting the rise of the curtain.
After the performance we had supper,
which had been ordered in advance.
We were at the end of a perfect day, a
red-letter day, a day never to be forgot-
ten, Craig said. We had known each
other something like twenty-four hours,
yet we seemed like old friends.
'I can't hope to give you such a day
as we have had, when you come to Lon-
don; but you'll look me up, won't you?'
'Yes, of course, and meantime I want
you to do something for me.'
'Anything, my dear boy; what is it?
' I want a presentation copy of Buried
Alive, with an inscription in it from
Arnold Bennett, and on a fly-leaf I
want a little pencil sketch by you.'
'Right-o. I '11 send it directly I get to
New York.'
But I had to wait several days before
I received a small package by express,
which, on opening, I found to be a beau-
tiful little water-color painting by Craig
of the picturesque old stone bridge
over the Thames at Sonning; and in an-
other package, the book, Buried Alive,
with a characteristic inscription. The
author was doubtful of my identity to
the very last, for he wrote, 'To Mr.
Newton of Philadelphia, I believe, with
best wishes from Arnold Bennett.'
WOOD NUPTIAL
BY JOSEPH AUSLANDER
THE woods are still; the scent of old rain stirs
Out of the trampled fronds and over us;
And now the evening air is glamorous
With parley of the bramble gossipers,
And fireflies who trace diameters
Of light along a winking radius,
And rasping saws, and the continuous
Insistence of the thicket carpenters.
The architects of night are scaffolding
Our minster to a pandemonium
Of flute and timbrel, warmth of brass and string,
And thrill of triangle and tympanum;
The Reverend Beetle hems his fas and do's,
And frogs intone their oratorios.
THE INTERPRETER. II
A ROMANCE OF THE EAST
BY L. ADAMS BECK
EARLY in the pure dawn the men
came, and our boat was towed up into
the Dal Lake through crystal water-
ways and flowery banks, the men on
the path keeping step and straining
at the rope until the bronze muscles
stood out on their legs and backs, and
shouting strong rhythmic phrases to
mark the pull.
'They shout the Wondrous Names of
God — as they are called,' said Vanna,
when I asked. 'They always do that
for a timed effort. Badshah! The Lord,
the Compassionate, and so on. I don't
think there is any religion about it, but
it is as natural to them as one, two,
three to us. It gives a tremendous lift.
Watch and see.'
It was part of the delightful strange-
ness that we should move to that strong
music.
We moored by a low bank, under a
great wood of chenar trees, and saw
the little table in the wilderness set in
the greenest shade, with our chairs be-
side it, and my pipe laid reverently up-
on it by Kahdra.
Across the glittering water lay, on
one side, the Shalimar Garden, known
to all readers of Lalla Rookh — a para-
dise of roses; and beyond it again
the lovelier gardens of Nur-Mahal, the
Light of the Palace, that imperial wom-
i an who ruled India under the weak Em-
i peror's name — she whose name he set
thus upon his coins: 'By order of King
Jehangir, gold has a hundred splendors
added to it by receiving the name of
Nur-Jahan the Queen.'
Has any woman ever had a more
royal homage than this most royal
woman — known first as Mihr-u-Nis-
sa, Sun of Women ; later, as Nur-Mahal,
Light of the Palace; and, latest, Nur-
Jahan-Begam, Queen, Light of the
World?
Here, in these gardens, she had lived
— had seen the snow mountains change
from the silver of dawn to the illimit-
able rose of sunset. The life, the color
beat insistently upon my brain. They
built a world of magic where every
moment was pure gold. Surely — sure-
ly to Vanna it must be the same! I be-
lieved in my very soul that she who
gave and shared such joy could not be
utterly apart from me.
Just then, in the sunset, she was sit-
ting on deck, singing under her breath
and looking absently away to the Gar-
dens across the Lake. I could hear the
words here and there, and knew them.
'Pale hands I loved beside the Shalimar.
Where are you now — who lies beneath
your spell?
Whom do you lead on Rapture's roadway
far,
Before you agonize them in farewell?
'Don't!' I said abruptly. 'You did
that on purpose!'
9SS
234
THE INTERPRETER
' What? ' she asked in surprise. ' That
is the song everyone remembers here.
Poor Laurence Hope! How she knew
and loved my India! What are you
grumbling at?'
Her smile stung me.
'Never mind,' I said morosely. 'You
don't understand. You never will/
And yet I believed sometimes that
she would — that time was on my side.
When Kahdra and I pulled her across
to Nur-Mahal's garden next day, how
could I not believe it, her face was so
full of joy as she looked at me for
sympathy?
We were pulling in among the reeds
and the huge carved leaves of the water-
plants, and the snake-headed buds loll-
ing upon them with the slippery half-
sinister look that water-flowers have, as
if their cold secret life belonged to the
hidden water-world and not to ours.
But now the boat was touching the lit-
tle wooden steps.
Oh, beautiful, most beautiful — the
green lawns, shaded with huge pyra-
mids of the chenar trees; the terraced
gardens where the marble steps climbed
from one to the other, and the moun-
tain streams flashed singing and shining
down the carved marble slopes. Even
in the glory of sunshine, the passing of
all fair things was present with me as I
saw the empty shell that had held the
Pearl of Empire, and her roses that still
bloom, her waters that still sing for
others.
The spray of a hundred fountains
was mioty diamond-dust in the warm
air laden with the scent of myriad
flowers.
Kahdra followed us everywhere, sing-
ing his little tuneless, happy song. The
world brimmed with beauty and joy.
And we were together.
Words broke from me: —
' Vanna, let it be forever! Let us live
here. I '11 give up all the world for this
and you/
'But you see,' she said delicately, 'it
would be "giving up." You use the
right word. It is not your life. It is a
lovely holiday, no more. You would
weary of it. You would want the city
life and your own kind/
I protested with all my soul. But she
went on: —
'No. Indeed, I will say frankly that
it would be lowering yourself to live a
lotos-eating life among my people. It
is a life with which you have no tie.
A Westerner who lives like that steps
down; he loses his birthright, just as an
Easterner does who Europeanizes him-
self. He cannot live your life, nor you
his. If you had work here, it would
be different. No — six or eight weeks
more; then go away and forget it/
I turned from her. The serpent was
in Paradise. When is he absent?
On one of the terraces a man was
beating a tom-tom, and veiled women
listened, grouped about him in brilliant
colors.
'Is n't that all India?' she said; 'that
dull reiterated sound? It half stupefies,
half maddens. Once, at Darjiling, I saw
the Llamas' Devil Dance: the soul, a
white-faced child with eyes unnaturally
enlarged, fleeing among a rabble of
devils — the evil passions. It fled wildly
here and there, and every way was
blocked. The child fell on its knees,
screaming dumbly — you could see the
despair in the starting eyes; but all was
drowned in the thunder of Thibetan
drums. No mercy — no escape. Hor-
rible!'
' Even in Europe the drum is awful/
I said. 'Do you remember in the
French Revolution, how they drowned
the victims' voices in a thunder-roll of
drums?'
'I shall always see the face of the
child, hunted down to hell, falling on
its knees, and screaming without a
sound, when I hear the drum. But lis-
ten— a flute! Now, if that were the
THE INTERPRETER
Flute of Krishna, you would have to
follow. Let us come!'
I could hear nothing of it; but she in-
sisted, and we followed the music, in-
audible to me, up the slopes of the gar-
den that is the foot-hill of the mighty
mountain of Mahadeo; and still I could
hear nothing.
Vanna told me strange stories of the
Apollo of India, whom all hearts most
adore, even as the herd-girls adored
him in his golden youth by Jumna River
and in the pastures of Brindaban.
II
Next day we were climbing the hill
to the ruins where the evil magician
brought the King's daughter nightly to
his will, flying low under a golden
moon. Vanna took my arm, and I
pulled her, laughing, up the steepest
flowery slopes until we reached the
height; and, lo! the arched windows
were eyeless, a lonely breeze was blow-
ing through the cloisters, and the beau-
tiful yellowish stone arches supported
nothing and were but frames for the
blue of far lake and mountain and the
divine sky. We climbed the broken
stairs, where the lizards went by like
flashes; and had I the tongues of men
and angels, I could not tell the wonder
that lay before us — the whole wide
valley of Kashmir in summer glory,
with its scented breeze singing, singing
above it.
We sat on the crushed aromatic herbs
and among the wild roses, and looked
down.
'To think,' she said, 'that we might
have died and never seen it!'
There followed a long silence. I
thought she was tired and would not
break it. Suddenly she spoke in a
strange voice, low and toneless : —
'The story of this place. She was the
Princess Padmavati, and her home was
in Ayodhya. When she woke and found
235
herself here by the lake, she was so ter-
rified that she flung herself in and was
drowned. They held her back, but she
died.'
'How do you know?'
' Because a wandering monk came to
the abbey of Tahk-i-Bahi near Pesha-
war, and told Vasettha the Abbot.'
I had nearly spoiled it all by an ex-
clamation, but I held myself back. I
saw she was dreaming awake and was
unconscious of what she said.
'The Abbot said, "Do not describe
her. What talk is this for holy men?
The young monks must not hear. Some
of them have never seen a woman.
Should a monk speak of such toys?"
But the wanderer disobeyed and spoke,
and there was a great tumult, and the
monks threw him out at the command
of the young Abbot, and he wandered
down to Peshawar; and it was he later
— the evil one! — that brought his
sister, Lilavanti the Dancer, to Pesha-
war, and the Abbot fell into her snare.
That was his revenge!'
Her face was fixed and strange; for a
moment her cheeks looked hollow, her
eyes dim and grief-worn. What was she
seeing? what remembering? Was it a
story — a memory? What was it?
'Men have said so; but for it he sur-
rendered the Peace. Do not speak of
her accursed beauty.'
Her voice died away to a drowsy mur-
mur; her head dropped on my shoulder;
and for the mere delight of contact I sat
still and scarcely breathed, praying that
she might speak again. But the good
minute was gone. She drew one or two
deep breaths, and sat up with a bewil-
dered look, which quickly passed, and
left only a painful knitting of the brows.
'I was quite sleepy for a minute.
The climb was so strenuous. Hark — I
hear the Flute of Krishna again.'
Again I could hear nothing, but she
said it was sounding from the trees at
the base of the hill. Later, when we
236
THE INTERPRETER
climbed down, I found she was right — •
that a peasant lad, dark and amazingly
beautiful, as these Kashmiris often are,
was playing on the Flute to a girl at his
feet, looking up at him with rapt eyes.
He flung Vanna a flower as we passed.
She caught it and put it in her bosom.
A singular blossom, three petals of pur-
est white, set against three green leaves
of purest green; and lower down the
stem the three green leaves were re-
peated. It was still in her bosom after
dinner, and I looked at it more closely.
'That is a curious flower,' I said.
'Three and three and three. Nine.
That makes the mystic number. I never
saw a purer white. What is it?'
'Of course it is mystic,' she said seri-
ously. ' It is the Ninefold flower. You
saw who gave it?'
'That peasant lad.'
She smiled.
' You will see more some day. Some
might not even have seen that.'
'Does it grow here?'
'This is the first I have seen. It is
said to grow only where the gods walk.
Do you know that throughout all India
Kashmir is said to be holy ground?
It was called long ago the land of the
Gods, and of strange, but not evil, sor-
ceries. Great marvels were seen here.'
I felt that the labyrinthine enchant-
ments of that enchanted land were clos-
ing about me — a slender web, gray,
almost impalpable, finer than fairy silk,
was winding itself about my feet. My
eyes were opening to things I had not
dreamed. She saw my thought.
'But you could not have seen even
that much of him in Peshawar. You
did not know then.'
'He was not there,' I answered, fall-
ing half-unconsciously into her tone.
'He is always there — everywhere;
and when he plays, all who hear must
follow. He was the Pied Piper in Hame-
lin; he was Pan in Hellas. You will hear
his wild fluting in many strange places
when you know how to listen. When
one has seen him, the rest comes soon.
And then you will follow.'
'Not away from you, Vanna.'
'From the marriage feast, from the
Table of the Lord!' she said, smiling
strangely. 'The man who wrote that
spoke of another call, but it is the same
— Krishna or Christ. When we hear
the music, we follow. And we may lose
or gain heaven.'
It might have been her compelling
personality, it might have been the
marvels of beauty about me, but I
knew well that I had entered at some
mystic gate. My talk with Vanna grew
less personal and more introspective.
I felt the touch of her finger-tips lead-
ing me along the ways of Quiet: my feet
brushed a shining dew. Once, in the
twilight under the chenar trees, I saw
a white gleaming and thought it a
swiftly passing Being; but when in
haste I gained the tree, I found there
only a Ninefold flower, white as a spirit
in the evening calm. I would not gather
it, but told Vanna what I had seen.
'You nearly saw,' she said. 'She
passed so quickly. It was the Snowy
One, Uma, the Daughter of the Hima-
laya. That mountain is the mountain
of her lord — Shiva. It is natural she
should be here. I saw her last night
leaning over the height — her chin pil-
lowed on her folded arms, with a low
star in the mists of her hair. Her eyes
were like lakes of blue darkness, vast
and wonderful. She is the Mystic
Mother of India. You will see soon.
You could not have seen the flower
until now.'
'Do you know,' she added, 'that in
the mountains there are poppies clear
blue — blue as turquoise? We will go
up into the heights and find them.'
And next moment she was planning
the camping details — the men, the
ponies — with a practical zest that
seemed to relegate the occult to the ab-
THE INTERPRETER
237
surd. Yet the very next day came a
wonderful happening.
The sun was just setting and, as it
were, suddenly the purple glooms bank-
ed up heavy with thunder. The sky
was black with fury, the earth passive
with dread. I never saw such lightning
— it was continuous and tore in zigzag
flashes down the mountains, literally
like rents in the substance of the world's
fabric. And the thunder roared up in
the mountain gorges with shattering
echoes. Then fell the rain, and the
whole lake seemed to rise to meet it.
We were standing by the cabin win-
dow, and she suddenly caught my
hand, and I saw in a light of their own
two dancing figures on the tormented
water before us. Wild in the tumult,
embodied delight, with arms tossed vio-
lently above their heads, and feet flung
up behind them, skimming the waves
like sea-gulls, they passed. I saw the
fierce aerial faces and their unhuman
glee as they fled by; and she dropped
my hand and they were gone.
Slowly the storm lessened, and in the
west the clouds tore raggedly asunder
and a flood of livid yellow light poured
down upon the lake — an awful light
that struck it into an abyss of fire.
Then, as if at a word of command, two
glorious rainbows sprang across the
water with the mountains for their
piers, each with its proper colors chord-
ed. They made a Bridge of Dread that
stood out radiant against the back-
ground of storm — the Twilight of the
Gods, and the doomed Gods marching
forth to the last fight. And the thunder
growled sullenly away into the recesses
of the hill, and the terrible rainbows
faded until the stars came quietly out,
and it was a still night. But I had seen
that what is our dread is the joy of the
spirits of the Mighty Mother; and
though the vision faded, and I doubted
what I had seen, it prepared the way
for what I was yet to see.
Ill
A few days later we started on what
was to be the most exquisite memory
of my life. In the cool gray of a divine
morning, with little rosy clouds neck-
ing the eastern sky, we set out from
Islamabad for Vernag. And this was
the order of our going. She and I led the
way, attended by a sais (groom), and a
coolie carrying the luncheon basket.
Half-way we would stop in some green
dell, or by some rushing stream, and
there rest and eat our little meal, while
the rest of the cavalcade passed on to
the appointed camping-place; and in the
late afternoon we would follow, riding
slowly, and find the tents pitched.
It was strange that, later, much of
what she said escaped me. Some I noted
down at the time, but there were hints,
shadows of lovelier things beyond, that
eluded all but the fringes of memory
when I tried to piece them together and
make a coherence of a living wonder.
For that reason, the best things cannot
be told in this history. It is only the
cruder, grosser matters that words will
hold. The half-touchings — vanishing
looks, breaths — O God, I know them,
but cannot tell!
In the smaller villages, the headman
came often to greet us and make us wel-
come, bearing on a flat dish a little of-
fering of cakes and fruit, the produce of
the place. One evening a headman so
approached, stately in white robes and
turban, attended by a little lad who
carried the patriarchal gift beside him.
Our tents were pitched under a glorious
walnut tree, with a running stream at
our feet.
Vanna, of course, was the interpreter,
and I called her from her tent as the
man stood salaaming before me. It was
strange that, when she came, dressed in
white, he stopped in his salutation, and
gazed at her in what, I thought, was
silent wonder. She spoke earnestly to
238
THE INTERPRETER
him, standing before him with clasped
hands — almost, I could think, in the
attitude of a suppliant.
The man listened gravely, with only
an interjection now and again; and
once he turned and looked curiously at
me. Then, in his turn, he spoke, evi-
dently making some announcement,
which she received with bowed head;
and when he turned to go with a grave
salute, she performed a very singular
•'ceremony, walking slowly round him
three times, keeping him always on the
right. He repaid it with the usual sa-
laam and greeting of peace, which he be-
stowed also on me, and then departed
in deep meditation, his eyes fixed on
the ground.
I ventured to ask what it all meant,
and she looked thoughtfully at me be-
fore replying.
'It was a strange thing. I fear you
will not altogether understand, but I
will tell you what I can. That man,
though living here among Mohamme-
dans, is a Brahmin from Benares, and,
what is very rare in India, a Buddhist.
And when he saw me, he believed he
remembered me in a former birth. The
ceremony you saw me perform is one
of honor in India. It was his due.'
'Did you remember him? ' I knew my
voice was incredulous.
'Very well. He has changed little,
but is further on the upward path. I
saw him with dread, for he holds the
memory of a great wrong I did. Yet he
told me a thing that has filled my heart
with joy.'
' Vanna — what is it?'
She had a clear, uplifted look which
startled me. There was suddenly a chili
air blowing between us.
' I must not tell you yet, but you will
know soon. He was a good man. I am
glad we have met.'
She buried herself in writing in a
small book that I had noticed and long-
ed to look into, and no more was said.
We struck camp next day and trekked
on toward Vernag — a rough march,
but one of great beauty, beneath the
shade of forest trees, garlanded with
pale roses that climbed1 from bough to
bough and tossed triumphant wreaths
into the uppermost blue. In the after-
noon thunder was flapping its wings far
off in the mountains, and a little rain
fell while we were lunching under a big
tree. I was considering anxiously how
to shelter Vanna, when a farmer invited
us to his house — a scene of Biblical
hospitality that delighted us both. He
led us up some breakneck little stairs
to a large bare room, open to the clean
air all around the roof, and with a kind
of rough enclosure on the wooden floor,
where the family slept at night. There
he opened our basket, and then, with
anxious care, hung clothes and rough
draperies about us, that our meal might
be unwatched by one or two friends
who had followed us in with breathless
interest.
Still further to entertain us, a great
rarity was brought out and laid at Van-
na's feet, as something we might like to
watch — a curious bird in a cage, with
brightly barred wings and a singular
cry. She fed it with a fruit, and it flut-
tered to her hand. Just so Abraham
might have welcomed his guests; and
when we left, with words of deepest
gratitude, our host made the beautiful
obeisance of touching his forehead
with joined hands as he bowed.
To me the whole incident had an ex-
traordinary beauty, and ennobled both
host and guest. But we met an ascend-
ing scale of beauty, so varied in its as-
pects that I passed from one emotion
to another, and knew no sameness.
That afternoon the camp was pitched
at the foot of a mighty hill, under the
waving pyramids of the chenars, sweep-
ing their green like the robes of a god-
dess. Near by was a half-circle of low
arches falling into ruin, and as we went
THE INTERPRETER
239
in among them, I beheld a wondrous
sight — the huge octagonal tank made
by the Mogul Emperor Jehangir to re-
ceive the waters of a mighty spring
which wells from the hill and has been
held sacred by Hindu and Moslem. And
if loveliness can sanctify, surely it is
sacred, indeed.
'How all the Mogul Emperors loved
running water!' said Vanna. 'I can see
them leaning over it in these carved
pavilions, with delicate dark faces and
pensive eyes beneath their turbans, lost
in the endless reverie of the East, while
liquid melody passes into their dream.
It was the music they best loved.'
She was leading me into the royal
garden below, where the young river
flows beneath the pavilion set above
and across the rush of the water.
'I remember before I came to India,'
she went on, ' there were certain words
and phrases that meant the whole East
to me. It was an enchantment. The
first flash picture I had was Milton's
Dark faces with white silken turbans wreathed,
and it still is. I have thought ever since
that every man should wear a turban.
It dignifies the uncomeliest, and it is
quite curious to see how many inches a
man descends in the scale of beauty the
moment he takes it off and you see only
the skull-cup about which they wind it.
They wind it with wonderful skill, too.
I have seen a man take eighteen yards
of muslin and throw it round his head
with a few turns; and in five or six min-
utes the beautiful folds were all in order
and he looked like a king. Some of the
Gujars here wear black ones, and they
are very effective and worth painting
- the black folds and the sullen tem-
pestuous black brows underneath.'
We sat in the pavilion for a while,
looking down on the rushing water, and
she spoke of Akbar, the greatest of the
Moguls, and spoke with a curious per-
i sonal touch, as I thought.
'I wish you would try to write a
story of him — one on more human
lines than has been done yet. No one
has accounted for the passionate quest
of truth that was the real secret of his
life. Strange in an Oriental despot if you
think of it ! It really can be understood
only from the Buddhist belief (which,
curiously, seems to have been the
only one he neglected) that a mysteri-
ous Karma influenced all his thoughts.
If I tell you, as a key-note for your
story, that in a past life he had been a
Buddhist priest, — one who had fallen
away, — would that at all account to
you for attempts to recover the lost
Way? Try to think that out, and to
write the story, not as a Western mind
sees it, but pure East.'
'That would be a great book to write
if one could catch the voices of the past.
But how to do that?'
'I will give you one day a little book
that may help you. The other story I
wish you would write is the story of a
dancer of Peshawar. There is a con-
nection between the two — a story of
ruin and repentance.'
'Will you tell it to me*'
'A part. In this same book you will
find much more, but not all. All can-
not be told. You must imagine much;
but I think your imagination will be
true.'
'Why do you think so?'
'Because in these few days you have
learned so much. You have seen the
Ninefold flower, and the rain-spirits.
You will soon hear the Flute of Krish-
na, which none can hear who cannot
dream true.'
That night I heard it. I waked, sud-
denly, to music, and standing in the
door of my tent, in the dead silence of
the night, lit only by a few low stars, I
heard the poignant notes of a flute. I
it had called my name, it could not
have summoned me more clearly, and
I followed without a thought of delay,
240
THE INTERPRETER
forgetting even Vanna in the strange
urgency that filled me.
The music was elusive, seeming to
come first from one side, then from the
other; but finally I tracked it as a bee
does a flower, by the scent, to the gate
of the royal garden — the pleasure
place of the dead Emperors. The gate
stood ajar — strange! for I had seen the
custodian close it that evening. Now
it stood wide, and I went in, walking
noiselessly over the dewy grass. I knew,
and could not tell how, that I must be
noiseless. Passing as if I were guided
down the course of the strong young
river, I came to the pavilion that span-
ned it, — the place where we had stood
that afternoon, — and there, to my
profound amazement, I saw Vanna,
leaning against a slight wooden pillar.
As if she had expected me, she laid one
finger on her lip, and stretching out her
hand, took mine and drew me beside
her as a mother might a child. And
instantly I saw!
On the farther bank a young man in
a strange diadem or mitre of jewels,
bare-breasted and beautiful, stood
among the flowering oleanders, one
foot lightly crossed over the other as he
stood. He was like an image of pale
radiant gold, and I could have sworn
that the light came from within rather
than fell upon him, for the night was
very dark. He held the Flute to his lips,
and as I looked, I became aware that
the noise of the rushing water tapered
off into a murmur scarcely louder than
that of a summer bee in the heart of
a rose. Therefore, the music rose like
a fountain of crystal drops, cold, clear,
and of an entrancing sweetness, and
the face above it was such that I had no
power to turn my eyes away. How shall
I say what it was? All that I had ever
desired, dreamed, hoped, prayed, look-
ed at me from the remote beauty of the
eyes, and with the most persuasive
gentleness entreated me, rather than
commanded, to follow fearlessly and
win. But these are words, and words
shaped in the rough mould of thought
cannot convey the deep desire that
would have hurled me to his feet if
Vanna had not held me with a firm
restraining hand.
Looking up in adoring love to the
dark face was a ring of woodland crea-
tures. I thought I could distinguish the
white clouded robe of a snow leopard,
the soft clumsiness of a young bear,
and many more; but these shifted and
blurred like dream creatures — I could
not be sure of them or define their num-
bers. The eyes of the Player looked
down upon their passionate delight
with careless kindness.
Dim images passed through my mind.
Orpheus — no, this was no Greek.
Pan — yet again, no. Where were the
pipes, the goat-hoofs? The young Dio-
nysos — no; there were strange jewels
instead of his vines. And then Vanna's
voice said as if from a great distance, —
'Krishna — the Beloved'; and I said
aloud, 'I see!' And, even as I said it,
the whole picture blurred together like
a dream, and I was alone in the pavilion
and the water was foaming past me.
Had I walked in my sleep? I won-
dered, as I made my way back. As I
gained the garden gate, before me, like a
snowflake, I saw the Ninefold flower.
When I told her next day, speaking of
it as a dream, she said simply, 'They
have opened the door to you. You will
not need me soon.'
'I shall always need you. You have
taught me everything. I could see noth-
ing last night until you took my hand.'
'I was not there,' she said smiling.
'It was only the thought of me, and
you can have that when I am very far
away. I was sleeping in my tent. What
you called in me then you can always
call, even if I am — dead.'
'That is a word which is beginning
to have no meaning for me. You have
THE INTERPRETER
241
said things to me — no, thought them —
that have made me doubt if there is
room in the universe for the thing we
have called death.'
She smiled her sweet wise smile.
' Where we are, death is not. Where
death is, we are not. But you will un-
derstand better soon.'
IV
Our march, curving, took us by the
Mogul gardens of Achibal, and the
glorious ruins of the great Temple at
Martund, and so down to Bawan, with
its crystal waters and that loveliest
camping-ground beside them. A mighty
grove of chenar trees, so huge that I felt
as if we were in a great sea-cave where
the air is dyed with the deep shadowy
green of the inmost ocean, and the mur-
muring of the myriad leaves was like a
sea at rest. The water ran with a great
joyous rush of release from the moun-
tain behind, but was first received in a
basin full of sacred fish and reflecting a
little temple of Maheshwara and one of
Surya the Sun. Here, in this basin, the
water lay pure and still as an ecstasy,
and beside it was musing the young
Brahmin priest who served the temple.
Since I had joined Vanna I had be-
gun, with her help, to study a little
Hindostani, and, with an aptitude for
language, could understand here and
there. I caught a word or two, as she
spoke with him, that startled me, when
the high-bred ascetic face turned serene-
ly upon her, and he addressed her as
'My sister,' adding a sentence beyond
my learning, but which she willingly
translated later: 'May He who sits
above the Mysteries, have mercy upon
thy rebirth.'
She said afterward, —
'How beautiful some of these men
are. It seems a different type of beauty
from ours — nearer to nature and the
old gods. Look at that priest: the tall,
VOL. 128— NO. 2
figure, the clear olive skin, the dark
level brows, the long lashes that make a
soft gloom about the eyes, — eyes that
have the fathomless depth of a deer's,
— the proud arch of the lip. I think
there is no country where aristocracy
is more clearly marked than in India.
The Brahmins are the aristocrats of the
world. You see, it is a religious aristoc-
racy as well. It has everything that can
foster pride and exclusiveness. They
spring from the Mouth of Deity. They
are his word incarnate. Not many kings
are of the Brahmin caste, and the Brah-
mins look down upon those who are not,
from sovereign heights.'
And so, hi marches of about ten miles
a day, we came to Pahlgam on the banks
of the dancing Lidar. There were now
only three weeks left of the time she had
promised. After a few days at Pahlgam
the march would turn and bend its way
back to Srinagar, and to — what? I
could not believe it was to separation:
in her lovely kindness she had grown
so close to me that, even for the sake
of friendship, I believed our paths must
run together to the end; and there were
moments when I could still half con-
vince myself that I had grown as neces-
sary to her as she was to me. No — not
as necessary, for she was life and soul to
me; but perhaps a part of her daily ex-
perience that she valued and would not
easily part with.
That evening we were sitting outside
the tents, near the camp-fire of pine
logs and cones. The men, in various
attitudes of rest, were lying about, and
one had been telling a story, which had
just ended in excitement and loud
applause.
'These are Mohammedans, said
Vanna, 'and it is only a story of love
and fighting, like the Arabian Nights.
If they had been Hindus, it might well
have been of Krishna or of Rama and
Sita. Their faith comes from an earlier
time, and they still see visions. The
THE INTERPRETER
Moslem is a hard practical faith for
men — men of the world, too. It is not
visionary.'
' I wish you would tell me what you
think of the visions or apparitions of
the Gods that are seen here. Is it all
illusion? Tell me your thought.'
'How difficult that is to answer! I
suppose that, if love and faith are strong
enough, they will always create the
vibrations to which the greater vibra-
tions respond, and so create God in
their own image at any time or place.
But that they call up what is the truest
reality, I have never doubted. There is
no shadow without a substance. The
substance is beyond us, but under cer-
tain conditions the shadow is projected
and we see it.'
'Have I seen, or has it been dream?'
'I cannot tell. It may have been the
impress of my mind on yours, for I see
such things always. You say I took
your hand?'
'Take it now.'
She obeyed, and instantly, as I felt
the firm cool clasp, I heard the rain of
music through the pines — the Flute-
Player was passing! She dropped it,
smiling, and the sweet sound ceased.
'You see! How can I tell what you
have seen? You will know better when
I am gone. You will stand alone then.'
'You will not go — you cannot! I
have seen how you have loved all this
wonderful time. I believe it has been
as dear to you as to me. And every day
I have loved you more. You could not
— you who are so gentle — you could
not commit the senseless cruelty of
leaving me when you have taught me to
love you with every beat of my heart.
I have been patient — I have held
myself in; but I must speak now. Mar-
ry me, and teach me. I know nothing.
You know all I need to know. For
pity's sake, be my wife.'
I had not meant to say it; it broke
from me in the firelit moonlight with a
power that I could not stay. She looked
at me with a discerning gentleness.
'Is this fair? Do you remember how
at Peshawar I told you I thought it was
a dangerous experiment, and that it
would make things harder for you?
But you took the risk like a brave man,
because you felt there were things to be
gained — knowledge, insight, beauty.
Have you not gained them?'
'Yes. Absolutely.'
'Then — is it all loss if I go?'
'Not all. But loss I dare not face.'
' I will tell you this. I could not stay
if I would. Do you remember the old
man on the way to Vernag? He told me
that I must very soon take up an en-
tirely new life. I have no choice, though,
if I had, I would still do it.'
There was silence, and down a long
arcade, without any touch of her hand,
I heard the music, receding with ex-
quisite modulations to a very great dis-
tance; and between the pillared stems,
I saw a faint light.
' Do you wish to go ? '
'Entirely. But I shall not forget you,
Stephen. I will tell you something.
For me, since I came to India, the gate
that shuts us out at birth has opened.
How shall I explain? Do you remember
Kipling's " Finest Story in the World " ? '
'Yes: fiction!'
'Not fiction — true, whether he knew
it or no. But for me the door has open-
ed wide. First, I remembered piece-
meal, with wide gaps; then more con-
nectedly. Then, at the end of the first
year, I met one day at Cawnpore an
ascetic, an old man of great beauty and
wisdom, and he was able by his own
knowledge to enlighten mine. Not
wholly — much has come since then;
has come, some of it, in ways you could
not understand now, but much by di-
rect sight and hearing. Long, long ago
I lived in Peshawar, and my story was
a sorrowful one. I will tell you a little
before I go.'
THE INTERPRETER
243
'I hold you to your promise. What
is there I cannot believe when you tell
me? But does that life put you alto-
gether away from me? Was there no
place for me in any of your memories
that has drawn us together now ? Give
me a little hope that, in the eternal
pilgrimage, there is some bond between
us, and some rebirth where we may
meet again.'
'I will tell you that also before we
part. I have grown to believe that you
do love me — and therefore love some-
thing which is infinitely above me.'
'And do you love me at all? Am I
nothing, Vanna — Vanna?'
'My friend,' she said, and laid her
hand on mine. A silence and then she
spoke, very low. 'You must be pre-
pared for very great change, Stephen,
and yet believe that it does not really
change things at all. See how even the
Gods pass and do not change. The early
Gods of India are gone, and Shiva,
Vishnu, Krishna have taken their
places and are one and the same. The
Gods cannot die, nor can we, or any-
thing that has life. Now I must go
inside.'
The days that were left we spent in
wandering up the Lidar River to the
hills that are the first ramp of the as-
cent to the great heights. She sat, .one
day, on a rock, holding the sculptured
leaves and massive seed-vessels of some
glorious plant that the Kashmiris be-
i lieve has magic virtues hidden in the
seeds of pure rose embedded in the
white down.
'If you fast for three days and eat
ij nine of these in the Night of No Moon,
• you can rise on the air light as thistle-
down and stand on the peak of Hara-
I moukh. And on Haramoukh, as you
know, it is believed that the Gods dwell.
There was a man here who tried this en-
chantment. He was a changed man for-
ever after, wandering and muttering to
1 himself, and avoiding all human inter-
course as far as he could. He said he
had seen the Dream of the God!
' Do you think he had seen anything? '
'What do I know? Will you eat the
seeds ? The Night of No Moon will soon
be here.'
She held out the seed-vessels, laugh-
ing. I write that down; but how record
the lovely light of kindliness in her eyes
— the almost submissive gentleness that
yet was a defense stronger than steel?
I never knew — how should I? —
whether she was sitting by my side or
heavens away from me in her own
strange world. But always she was a
sweetness that I could not reach, a cup
of nectar that I might not drink, unal-
terably her own and never mine, and
yet — my friend.
She showed me the wild track up into
the mountains, where the pilgrims go
to pay their devotions to the Great
God's shrine in the awful heights.
Above where we were sitting, the riv-
er fell in a tormented white cascade,
crashing and feathering into spray-dust
of diamonds. An eagle was flying above
it, with a mighty spread of wings that
seemed almost double-jointed in the
middle, they curved and flapped so wide
and free. The fierce head was out-
stretched with the rake of a plundering
galley, as he swept down the wind, seek-
ing his meat from God, and passed ma-
jestic from our sight.
Vanna spoke, and as she spoke I saw.
What are her words as I record them?
Stray dead leaves pressed in a book —
the life and grace dead. Yet I record,
for she taught me, what I believe the
world should learn, that the Buddhist
philosophers are right when they teach
that all forms of what we call matter
are really but aggregates of spiritual
units, and that life itself is a curtain
hiding reality, as the vast veil of day
conceals from our sight the countless
orbs of space. So that the purified mind ,
even while prisoned in the body, may
244
THE INTERPRETER
enter into union with the Real and, ac-
cording to attainment, see it as it is.
She was an interpreter because she
believed this truth profoundly. She
saw the spiritual essence beneath the
lovely illusion of matter, and the air
about her was radiant with the motion
of strange forces for which the dull
world has many names, aiming indeed
at the truth, but falling, oh, how far
short of her calm perception! She was
of a House higher than the Household
of Faith. She had received enlighten-
ment. She believed because she had
seen.
Next day our camp was struck, and
we turned our faces again to Srinagar
and to the day of parting. I set down
but one strange incident of our journey,
of which I did not speak even to her.
We were camping at Bijbehara, await-
ing our house-boat, and the site was by
the Maharaja's lodge above the little
town. It was midnight and I was sleep-
less — the shadow of the near future
was upon me. I wandered down to the
lovely old wooden bridge across the
Jhelum, where the strong young trees
grow up from the piles. Beyond it the
moon was shining on the ancient Hindu
remains close to the new temple; and
as I stood on the bridge, I could see the
figure of a man in deepest meditation
by the ruins. He was no European. I
could see the straight, dignified folds of
the robes. But it was not surprising that
he should be there, and I should have
thought no more of it, had I not heard
at that instant from the farther side of
the river the music of the Flute. I can-
not hope to describe that music to any
who have not heard it. Suffice it to say
that, where it calls, he who hears must
follow, whether in the body or the spirit.
Nor can I now tell in which I followed.
One day it will call me across the River
of Death, and I shall ford it or sink in
the immeasurable depths, and either
will be well.
But immediately I was at the other
side of the river, standing by the stone
Bull of Shiva where he kneels before the
Symbol, and looking steadfastly upon
me a few paces away was a man in the
dress of a Buddhist monk. He wore the
yellow robe that leaves one shoulder
bare; his head was bare, also, and he
held in one hand a small bowl like a
stemless chalice. I knew I was seeing
a very strange and inexplicable sight,
— one that in Kashmir should be in-
credible, — but I put wonder aside, for
I knew now that I was moving in the
sphere where the incredible may well
be the actual. His expression was of the
most unbroken calm. If I compare it
to the passionless gaze of the Sphinx,
I misrepresent, for the Riddle of the
Sphinx still awaits solution, but in this
face was a noble acquiescence and a
content which, had it vibrated, must
have passed into joy.
Words or their equivalent passed be-
tween us. I felt his voice.
'You have heard the music of the
Flute?'
' I have heard.'
'What has it given?'
'A consuming longing.'
' It is the music of the Eternal. The
creeds and the faiths are the words that
men have set to that melody. Listen-
ing, it will lead you to Wisdom. Day
by day you will interpret more surely.'
'I cannot stand alone.'
' You will not need. What has led you
will lead you still. Through many
births it has led you. How should it
fail?'
'What should I do?'
'Go forward.'
'What should I shun?'
'Sorrow and fear.'
'What should I seek?'
'Joy.'
'And the end?'
THE INTERPRETER
'Joy. Wisdom. They are the Light
and Dark of the Divine.'
A cold breeze passed and touched my
forehead. I was still standing in the
middle of the bridge above the water
gliding to the ocean, and there was no
figure by the Bull of Shiva. I was alone.
I passed back to the tents, with the
shudder that is not fear but akin to
death upon me. I knew that I had been
profoundly withdrawn from what we
call actual life, and the return is dread.
The days passed as we floated down
the river to Srinagar.
On board the Kedarnath, now lying
in our first berth beneath the chenars,
near and yet far from the city, the last
night had come. Next morning I should
begin the long ride to Baramula, and
beyond that barrier of the Happy Val-
ley down to Murree and the Punjab.
Where afterward? I neither knew nor
cared. My lesson was before me to be
learned. I must try to detach myself
from all I had prized — to say to my
heart that it was but a loan and a gift,
and to cling only to the imperishable.
And did I as yet certainly know more
than the A B C of the hard doctrine by
which I must live? Que vivre est diffi-
cile, 0 mon coeur fatigue! — An immense
weariness possessed me — a passive
grief.
Vanna would follow later with the
wife of an Indian doctor. I believed she
was bound for Lahore; but on that
point she had not spoken certainly,
and I felt that we should not meet again.
And now my packing was finished,
and, so far as my possessions went, the
little cabin had the soulless emptiness
that comes with departure.
I was enduring as best I could. If she
had held loyally to her pact, could I do
less? Was she to blame for my wild
hope that in the end she would relent
and step down to the household levels
of love?
245
She sat by the window — the last
time I should see the moonlit banks
and her clear face against them. I
made and won my fight for the courage
of words.
'And now I've finished everything,
thank goodness! and we can talk.
Vanna — you will write to me?'
'Once. I promise that.'
'Only once? Why? I counted on
your words.'
'I want to speak to you of something
else now. I want to tell you a memory.
But look first at the pale light behind
the Takht-i-Suliman.'
So I had seen it with her. So I should
not see it again. We watched until a
line of silver sparkled on the black wa-
ter, and then she spoke.
'Stephen, do you remember in the
ruined monastery near Peshawar, how
I told you of the young Abbot, who
came down to Peshawar with a Chinese
pilgrim? And he never returned.'
'I remember. There was a dancer.'
'There was a dancer. She was Lila-
vanti, and was brought there to trap
him; but when she saw him she loved
him, and that was his ruin and hers.
Trickery he would have known and es-
caped. Love caught him in an unbreak-
able net, and they fled down the Pun-
jab, and no one knew any more. But I
. know. For two years they lived to-
gether, and she saw the agony in his
heart — the anguish of his broken
vows, the face of the Blessed One re-
ceding into an infinite distance. She
knew that every day added a link to
the heavy Karma that was bound about
the feet she loved, and her soul said,
"Set him free," and her heart refused
the torture. But her soul was the strong-
er. She set him free.'
'How?'
'She took poison. He became an as-
cetic in the hills, and died in peace, but
with a long expiation upon him.'
'And she?'
246
THE INTERPRETER
' I am she.'
' You ! ' I heard my voice as if it were
another man's. Was it possible that I
— a man of the twentieth century —
believed this impossible thing? Im-
possible, and yet — What had I learned
if not the unity of Time, the illusion of
matter? What is the twentieth cen-
tury, what the first? Do they not lie
before the Supreme as one, and clean
from our petty divisions? And I my-
self had seen what, if I could trust it,
asserted the marvels that are no mar-
vels to those who know.
'You loved him?'
'I love him.'
'Then there is nothing at all for me.'
She resumed as if she had heard
nothing.
'I have lost him for many lives. He
stepped above me at once; for he was
clean gold, though he fell; and though
I have followed, I have not found.
But that Buddhist beyond Islamabad
— you shall hear now what he said. It
was this. "The shut door opens, and
this time he waits." I cannot yet say
all it means, but there is no Lahore for
me. I shall meet him soon.'
'Vanna, you would not harm your-
self again?'
'Never. I should not meet him. But
you will see. Now I can talk no more.
I will be there to-morrow when you go,
and ride with you to the poplar road.'
She passed like a shadow into her
little dark cabin, and I was left alone.
I will not dwell on that black loneliness
of the spirit, for it has passed — it was
the darkness of hell, a madness of jeal-
ousy, and could have no enduring life
in any heart that had known her. But
it was death while it lasted. I had mo-
ments of horrible belief, of horrible dis-
belief; but however it might be, I knew
that she was out of reach forever. Near
me — yes ! but only as the silver image
of the moon floating in the water by the
boat, with the moon herself cold myri-
ads of miles away. I will say no more
of that last eclipse of what she had
wrought in me.
The bright morning came, sunny as
if my joys were beginning instead of
ending. Vanna mounted her horse, and
led the way from the boat. I cast one
long look at the little Kedarnath, the
home of those perfect weeks, of such
joy and sorrow as would have seemed
impossible to me in the chrysalis of my
former existence. Little Kahdra stood
crying bitterly on the bank; the kindly
folk who had served us were gathered,
saddened and quiet.
How dear she looked, how kind, how
gentle her appealing eyes, as I drew up
beside her! She knew what I felt, that
the sight of little Kahdra, crying as he
said good-bye, was the last pull at my
sore heart. Still she rode steadily on,
and still I followed. Once she spoke.
' Stephen, there was a man in Pesha-
war, kind and true, who loved that Lila-
vanti, who had no heart for him. And
when she died, it was in his arms, as a
sister might cling to a brother; for the
man she loved had left her. It seems
that will not be in this life, but do not
think I have been so blind that I did
not know my friend.'
I could not answer — it was the reali-
zation of the utmost I could hope, and
it came like healing to my spirit. Bet-
ter that bond between us, slight as most
men might think it, than the dearest
and closest with a woman not Vanna.
It was the first thrill of a new joy in my
heart — the first, I thank the Infinite,
of many and steadily growing joys and
hopes that cannot be uttered here.
I bent to take the hand she stretched
to me; but even as our hands touched,
I saw, passing behind the trees by the
road, the young man I had seen in the
garden at Vernag — most beautiful, in
the strange mitre of his jeweled diadem.
His Flute was at his lips, and the music
rang out sudden and crystal-clear, as if
THE INTERPRETER
247
a woodland god were passing to awaken
all the joys of the dawn.
The horses heard, too. In an instant
hers had swerved wildly, and she lay on
the ground at my feet.
VI
Days had gone before I could recall
what had happened then. I lifted her
in my arms and carried her into the
rest-house near at hand, and the doctor
came and looked grave, and a nurse was
sent from the Mission Hospital. No
doubt all was done that was possible;
but I knew from the first what it meant
and how it would be. She lay in a white
quietness, and the room was still as
death. I remembered with unspeakable
gratitude later that the nurse had been
merciful and had not sent me away.
So Vanna lay all day and all night ; and
when the dawn came again, she stirred
and motioned with her hand, although
her eyes were closed. I understood, and,
kneeling, I put my hand under her
head, and rested it against my shoulder.
Her faint voice murmured at my ear.
' I dreamed — I was in the pine wood
at Pahlgam, and it was the Night of
No Moon, and I was afraid, for it was
dark; but suddenly all the trees were
covered with little lights like stars, and
the greater light was beyond. Nothing
to be afraid of.'
'Nothing, beloved.'
'And I looked beyond Peshawar,
farther than eyes could see; and in the
ruins of the monastery where we stood,
you and I — I saw him, and he lay with
his head at the feet of the Blessed One.
That is well, is it not?'
'Well, beloved.'
'And it is well I go? Is it not?'
'It is well.'
A long silence. The first sun-ray
touched the floor. Again the whisper : —
'Believe what I have told you. For
we shall meet again.'
I repeated, 'We shall meet again.'
In my arms she died.
Later, when all was over, I asked my-
self if I believed this, and answered with
full assurance, Yes.
If the story thus told sounds incred-
ible, it was not incredible to me. I had
had a profound experience. What is a
miracle? It is simply the vision of the
Divine behind nature. It will come in
different forms according to the eyes
that see, but the soul will know that its
perception is authentic.
I could not leave Kashmir, nor was
there any need. On the contrary, I saw
that there was work for me here among
the people she had loved, and my first
aim was to fit myself for that and for
the writing I now felt was to be my
career in life. After much thought, I
bought the little Kedarnath and made
it my home, very greatly to the satis-
faction of little Kahdra and all the
friendly people to whom I owed so
much.
Vanna's cabin I made my sleeping-
room, and it is the simple truth that
the first night I slept in the place that
was a Temple of Peace in my thoughts
I had a dream of wordless bliss, and
starting awake for sheer joy, I saw her
face in the night, human and dear,
looking upon me with that poignant
sweetness which would seem to be
the utmost revelation of love and pity.
And as I stretched my hands, another
face dawned solemnly from the shadow
beside her, with grave brows bent on
mine — one I had known and seen in
the ruins at Bijbehara. Outside, and
very near, I could hear the silver weav-
ing of the Flute that in India is the sym-
bol of the call of the Divine. A dream;
but it taught me to live.
(The End)
THE TWILIGHT OF PARLIAMENT
BY A. G. GARDINER
IT is a fact of universal admission that
the prestige of the British Parliament
has not been at so low an ebb in living
memory as it is to-day. We should have,
I think, to go back to the time when
George III, in his pursuit of personal
government, packed the House of Com-
mons with his creatures, to parallel the
disrepute into which the present Parlia-
ment has fallen. The House of Com-
mons has lost its authority over the
public mind and its influence upon
events. The press has largely ceased to
report its proceedings, and the scrappy
descriptive summary has taken the
place of the full-dress verbatim reports
with which we were familiar a few years
ago. This is no doubt largely due to the
revolution in the press which has re-
placed the sober seriousness of the past
by a tendency to keep the public amused
with sensation and stunts. But the fact
does reflect the public sense of the de-
cadence of Parliament.
And there is an odd touch of irony in
this — that the depreciation affects the
popular House much more than the
House of Lords. For generations the
latter has been a threatened institu-
tion, the last hope of impossible causes
and the bugbear of the reformer. Its
record of stupid opposition to every
movement of enlightened and rational
change has been the tradition of a cen-
tury; but it seemed that, with the great
Budget fight of 1910 and the passing of
the Parliament Act, its power for mis-
chief had been finally controlled. It
248
was an ogre that had lost its teeth and
its claws, and was henceforth harmless.
And behold! Just at the moment when
the representative House is at last
based on the broadest possible fran-
chise, when the suffrage is universal
and women have the vote, we are con-
fronted with the spectacle of a House of
Commons so negligible as to be almost
beneath contempt, and so mute and
servile that, by comparison, the heredi-
tary Chamber stands out in contrast as
the guardian of public liberties and
free institutions. For long years Lib-
erals have been fighting for a thor-
oughly representative system and for
imposing restraint upon the reaction-
ary tendencies of the Upper House.
And having accomplished their aim,
they find that they have to turn, for
the experience of whatever remnant of
enlightened and liberal-minded opinion
there remains, from the House of Com-
mons to the House of Lords. There at
least an occasional weighty voice is
heard in protest against the follies of the
government. There at least is some
reminiscence of the spirit of independent
criticism, which has certainly vanished
from a House of Commons that ex-
ists simply to register the decrees of a
ministry.
If we seek to discover the causes of
the decline of the Parliamentary insti-
tution, the most general conclusion will
be that it is an incident in the convul-
sion of the war. There can, of course,
be no doubt on this point. It is the war
THE TWILIGHT OF PARLIAMENT
that has shaken the pillars of West-
minster and left the governance of
England more chaotic and indetermin-
ate than it has been for two centuries.
But while this is undoubtedly true, it is
also true that for some years before the
war there had been tendencies at work
which had been undermining confidence
in Parliamentary government. The
transfer of power from the educated
middle classes to the mass of the people,
while a just and inevitable development
of the democratic idea, was productive
of results which were not wholly salu-
tary. The appeal ceased to be to an in-
structed community, which could be
reached by argument, and passed to the
millions who had neither the taste nor
the time for the consideration of affairs,
and became interested in them only
when passion was aroused.
The development enormously en-
hanced the power of the demagogue in
politics. It made the appeal to reason
more difficult and the appeal to violent
emotion infinitely more profitable.
And the change in the seat of power was
accompanied by another change, which
intensified the demagogic tendency.
The press became aware of the big bat-
talions and set out to exploit them. An
enterprising youth named Harmsworth,
having discovered, by the success of
Answers and similar erudite publica-
tions, that what the great public want-
ed to know was how many acres there
were in Yorkshire, how many letters in
the Bible, how far the streets of Lon-
don put end to end would reach across
the Atlantic, and so on, determined to
apply the spirit of this illuminating gos-
pel to the conduct of the daily press.
His triumph was phenomenal. In the
course of a few years the whole char-
acter of the English press was changed.
It passed mainly into the hands of a
few great syndicates, with young Mr.
Harmsworth, now Viscount Northcliffe,
as the head of the new journalistic hier-
249
archy. It led the public on stunts and
sensations. It debased the currency of
political controversy to phrases that
could be put in a headline and passed
from mouth to mouth. The old-fashion-
ed newspaper, which reported speeches
and believed in the sanctity of its news-
columns, went under or had to join in
the sauve qui pent. Parliament was
treated as a music-hall turn. If it was
funny, it was reported; if it was seri-
ous, it was ignored. With the exception
of a few papers, chiefly in the provinces,
like the Manchester Guardian and the
Scotsman, the utterances of serious
statesmen other than the Prime Min-
ister were unreported. The Midlothian
campaign of Gladstone, which used to
fill pages of the newspapers, would to-
day be dismissed in an ill-reported half-
column summary devoted, not to the
argument, but to the amusing asides
and the irrelevant interruptions.
All this profoundly affected the Par-
liamentary atmosphere. The power
outside the House was no longer a vigi-
lant influence upon events within the
House. The statesman ceased to rely
upon his reasoned appeal to the facts.
He found that the way to dominion
over Parliament was not by argument
on the floor of the House, but by mak-
ing terms with the great lords of the
press outside, who controlled the ma-
chine that manufactured public opin-
ion. Long before the war Mr. Lloyd
George had appreciated the changed
circumstances and taken advantage of
them. A press man was much more im-
portant to him than a Parliamentary
colleague or a prince of the blood. He
might forget to reply to an archbishop,
but he would never forget to reply to a
journalist. His acquaintance among
the craft was more various and peculiar
than that of any politician of this day
or any other day. There was no news-
paper man so poor that he would not
do him reverence and entertain him t(
250
THE TWILIGHT OF PARLIAMENT
breakfast. While his former colleague,
Mr. Asquith, studiously ignored the
press and would no more have thought
of bargaining with Northcliffe and
Beaverbrook for their support than of
asking his butler to write his speeches,
Mr. George lived in the press world,
knew every leading journalist's vul-
nerable point, humored his vanity, and
gave him a knighthood or a peerage as
readily as his breakfast.
By these ingenious arts, which I have
had the pleasure of watching at pretty
close quarters for twenty years past, he
built up that press legend of himself
which has been so invaluable an asset
to him. It has not only enabled him to
establish his own political fortunes: it
has enabled him to destroy the political
fortunes of one set of colleagues after
another — unhappy gentlemen, who
did not know the secret doors of Fleet
Street, and found themselves frozen
out of the public affections by a mys-
terious wind that emanated from they
knew not where.
It may be worth while to mention the
chief figures of the press bodyguard
with which Mr. George has displaced
the authority of Parliament and made
himself more nearly a dictator than the
country has seen since the days of
Cromwell. They are really very few,
but between them they influence the
opinion and control the news-supply of
nineteen twentieths of the people of the
country. They are Lord Northcliffe,
whom he made a viscount; his brother,
Lord Rothermere, whom also he made a
viscount; a third brother, Sir Leicester
Harmsworth, whom he made a baronet;
Mr. George Riddell of the News of the
World, whom he made Lord Riddell;
the manager of the Times, Sir Stuart
Campbell, whom he made a knight;
the manager of the Mail, whom he made
a knight; Sir H. Dalziel of the Daily
Chronicle and Pall Mall; Sir William
Robertson Nichol (also made a knight),
who, as editor of the British Weekly,
keeps him right with the Nonconform-
ist public; Sir Edward Hulbar, the own-
er of a great group of papers in London
and Manchester (a baronetcy for him);
Lord Beaverbrook of the Daily Express,
who was given a peerage for engineer-
ing the overthrow of the Asquith min-
istry. There are others, but these are
the leaders of the claque through which
Mr. George rules England and, in larger
degree than any man living, the con-
tinent of Europe. It is a great achieve-
ment. The press lords have so indoc-
trinated the public mind with the
Lloyd George legend that it is doubtful
whether they themselves can destroy
their own creation. Lord Northcliffe,
disappointed at not being chosen, as a
part of his contract, to represent Eng-
land at the Peace Conference, has tried
to destroy it, but has found that he did
his work too thoroughly to undo it eas-
ily. The public has become so attached
to the legend that they find it hard to
surrender it until the press can agree
upon a new legend to put in its place.
That will not be easy, for no other man
living has anything approaching Mr.
George's genius for manipulating the
press, and he has had five years of pow-
er in which to consolidate his hold upon
the machine of government and to es-
tablish his friends in all the strategic
positions of influence.
II
But, side by side with this transfer
of real power from Parliament to the
press, there has been another tendency
operating to discredit the House of Com-
mons. This tendency has no doubt
been aggravated by the disrepute of
Parliament itself. It is the idea of
direct action. The Labor movement,
just when it seemed to have the control
of Parliament within its grasp, devel-
oped a school which aimed at repudiat-
THE TWILIGHT OF PARLIAMENT
ing Parliament altogether, or, at least,
at subordinating it to the exercise of
direct industrial power outside. The
view of the leaders of this movement
was that Parliament was an institution
which, however democratic its basis,
became inevitably the instrument of
the capitalist interests, and that the
realities of government must pass to the
organized industrial classes before La-
bor could get justice or achieve the aims
it had in view. Between the mutually
destructive ideas of possessing Parlia-
ment and dispossessing Parliament, La-
bor has temporarily lost its way. The
rank and file of the movement, I think,
is still overwhelmingly in favor of a Par-
liamentary system; but the intellectual
energy is largely behind the new school
of thought, and the discredit that has
fallen upon the present Parliament has
strengthened the motive of direct ac-
tion. The result has been disastrous
both to Labor and to Parliament. The
cleavage of politics tends more and more
to be between Labor and Capital, with
the latter in control of Parliament and
the former increasingly disposed to
make its power felt outside by the in-
terruption of the processes of industry.
This insurgent disposition of the ad-
vanced section of Labor is aggravated
I by the subservience of the press to the
[ money interest. The present condition
of journalistic production makes it
i practically impossible for newspapers
I to be run in the interests of the men;
and the conviction that both the press
and Parliament are against them gives
impetus to the preachings of direct
» action.
Another consideration that has help-
ed to make Labor distrust Parliament
iis its own failure as a Parliamentary
factor. There are some seventy Labor
i members in the present House of Com-
Imons; but it is notorious that they are,
lias a whole, the least efficient body in
the Chamber. The fact is due to two
251
things. While it is the intellectual who
dictates the abstract policy of the party,
it is the mass of the party that nomi-
nates and elects the members; and it is
the practice to send to Westminster
trade-unionsecretariesofthird-rateabil-
ity and generally without either politi-
cal training or Parliamentary instinct.
Nor is this the only handicap. They
are deprived of all independent action,
and enter the House committed to a
certain collective course on any given
issue, regardless of what the debates
may reveal. All this has made Labor
a singularly negligible influence in the
House, and has increased its disposi-
tion to distrust an instrument it has
failed to use.
HI
And there is another cause of the de-
cline of the Parliamentary institution.
I do not think it can be doubted that it
is not to-day attracting the best intel-
lectual and moral material of the coun-
try to the extent to which it attracted
it a generation or two ago. The push-
ful and clever lawyer is still there in
abundance; but the great public-spirit-
ed citizen, who entered Parliament, not
for what he could make out of it, but
from a disinterested passion for the com-
monwealth, — the man of the type of
Cobden and Bright, — has disappeared.
No first-rate Parliamentary figure, has
emerged during the past twenty years,
with the exception of Mr. Churchill, a
mere swashbuckler of politics.
This, I fear, is not an accidental cir-
cumstance. It is due to the changed
conditions. In the past the private
member of distinction had an oppor-
tunity of making his influence felt,
which is no longer possible. If he had
anything to say, he was able to say it,
and he was assured that through the
press he would reach the mind of the
country. All this is changed. The pri-
vate member has few chances of being
252
THE TWILIGHT OF PARLIAMENT
heard and no chance of being reported.
Though he speak with the tongue of
angels, the popular press, occupied with
important matters like the forthcoming
prize-fight 01* the latest society divorce
suit, will be deaf to his pleadings. If he
is to make any impression, he must be
a noisy nuisance, who cannot be sup-
pressed. The effect of this is to make
Parliament increasingly unattractive to
the men who would give it distinction,
but who are not prepared to devote
their time and their energies to an un-
profitable and not very elevating service.
I remember Lord Morley, when he
was at the India Office, deploring the
disappearance of the great private mem-
ber, who consecrated distinguished abil-
ities of mind and character to the serv-
ice of the State without any desire for
office.
'You mean a man of the type of
Cobden,' I said.
'No,' he replied, 'I would be satis-
fied with something less than Cobden.
I would be content if the House of Com-
mons produced one private member
of the type of Bradlaugh: powerful in
speech, courageous in action, with a
large understanding of affairs, and no
eye upon the front bench. But there is
no such man to-day.'
There is no such man, because there
is no room for such a man. Burke would
be almost as much out of his element in
the House of Commons to-day as the
Archbishop of Canterbury would be
out of his element on the race-course.
The change in the character of the
House of Commons is, of course, largely
due to the enormously increased ac-
tivities which modern developments
have imposed upon it. The tide of
business that flows through the House
is so impetuous, that the large issues of
conduct are lost in the mass of multi-
tudinous detail, and the appeal to the
moral standards of public conduct has
become almost as irrelevant as a sermon
on the stock exchange. Those who are
concerned about these things find a
more fruitful field for their activities
in the social and intellectual world out-
side than they could hope to find in the
House of Commons of to-day.
But in spite of these general tenden-
cies, which have slowly and insensibly
transformed the spirit and procedure of
Parliament, it remains true that the low
esteem in which it is held to-day is
mainly due to the war. On the 3rd of
August, 1914, the House of Commons
was put into cold storage, and from
that condition of frozen inactivity it
has never emerged. Recalling that un-
forgettable scene when Sir Edward
Grey made the speech that committed
England to the war, one seems to look
across a gulf that can never again be
spanned. Power so completely passed
from the House of Commons to the
executive, that the merest murmur of
criticism was enough to send a man in-
to political exile for the rest of his days.
Mr. Ramsay MacDonald made such a
murmur when Sir Edward Grey sat
down, and he has not recovered from
the consequences to this hour. He is
marked with the indelible stain of hav-
ing said what half the Cabinet were say-
ing in private the day before, and what
many of them, including Mr. Lloyd
George, were saying only three hours
before. For four years and more the
iron law of unquestioning obedience
was imposed on the House of Com-
mons. It became a registering machine.
It was drilled and disciplined to the
service of the executive. Its power of
initiative vanished. The function of
the opposition to oppose was abolished.
The liberties of the Chamber were blot-
ted out, and the House lost the very in-
stinct of free criticism and independent
thought. This paralysis continued so
long that it became the habit of men's
minds. They were unconscious of their
chains. It would almost be true to say
THE TWILIGHT OF PARLIAMENT
253
that they came to wear their chains
proudly, as the symbol of their patriotic
self-surrender. The more they clanked
them, the more they asserted their de-
votion to the country. The very tradi-
tion of a free Parliament passed away.
That tradition might have been re-
covered at the end of the war, if power
had been in the hands of men who rev-
erenced the Parliamentary institution.
But Mr. Lloyd George had no disposi-
tion to restore to Parliament the unpre-
cedented authority with which the war
had invested him at the expense of Par-
liament. The events of the years of the
war and his skillful adaptation of them
to his aim of personal government had
made him dictator in all but name. The
fiction of Parliament continued, but he
ruled the country through the press and
through his control of the official ma-
chine, and he seized the moment of
hysteria that came with the end of the
war to rush an election that enabled
him to secure a House of Commons
exactly adapted to his purpose.
The squalor and shame of that elec-
tion, with its coarse appeals to the
worst appetites of the mob, is a humili-
ating memory. Its fruit continues in a
House of Commons that is without
precedent since the days of the pocket
boroughs. Not a single Liberal states-
man of front-bench rank was returned,
and for the first time in modern annals
the representative chamber was with-
out an organized opposition. Two small
fragments of the Liberal and Labor
parties were returned, but they con-
sisted of new and inconspicuous men,
and as they acted in isolation, the small
influence they might have exercised up-
3n events was dissipated.
The disaster to the opposition was
:ompleted by the dramatic course of af-
fairs in Ireland. The Nationalist party
lad for generations formed a formid-
able opposition bloc in the House; but
j:he election swept the Nationalist party
out of existence, and in its place, Na-
tionalist Ireland elected a solid phalanx
of Sinn Fein candidates, who, adopting
the policy of repudiating the English
Parliament, have made no appearance
at Westminster. Mr. George was there-
fore left in possession of Parliament
with a completeness unlike anything in
history. Not only was there no opposi-
tion confronting him, but the unwieldy
mob of members sent to support him
came, not as free representatives freely
elected, but as his personal adherents
who, in accepting his 'coupon,' had
practically undertaken to disestablish
Parliament and endorse his personal
dictatorship without challenge.
It is needless to say that a House of
Commons elected in these circumstances
and under these conditions was of a
quality new to the walls of St. Stephen's.
It was composed for the most part of
men who had done well out of the war
and expected to do still better out of the
peace. The wiser mind of the nation
was wholly absent from it, and the scum
thrown up by the war was left in un-
disputed possession. Owing their seats
entirely to the strategy of Mr. George,
depending for the retention of these
seats entirely upon his maintenance in
office, at once ignorant of and indiffer-
ent to the traditions of Parliament,
they provided a perfect instrument for
his purpose. In the previous Parlia-
ment, opposition had been silenced by
the supposed requirements of the war;
but in this Parliament it has been sup-
pressed as a sort of blasphemy against
the divine right of dictatorship. No
proposal has been too grotesque to be
swallowed with servile and uncom-
plaining obedience. Even Mr. George's
fantastic fifty-per-cent tax on German
imports — every copper of which came
out of English pockets — was accepted
almost without discussion, although the
whole business community was panic-
stricken at so inconceivable a form of
254
THE TWILIGHT OF PARLIAMENT
commercial suicide. The folly perish-
ed by its own silliness within a fort-
night, but it has been duly followed by
other follies, like the Anti-Dumping
bill, which has been received with the
same complacent imbecility. Cabinet
responsibility has ceased to exist, the
safeguards of the constitution have
gone one by one; ministers have de-
clined into mere clerks, responsible, not
to Parliament, but to their chief; treas-
ury control has vanished from finance,
and an orgy of unchecked extravagance
runs riot through the departments; the
benches of the House are crowded with
placemen, for whom new offices have
been created in such abundance that
Mr. George can vote down the feeble
opposition with his salaried supporters
alone. We are in the presence of an ex-
periment in personal government which
would have been unthinkable a decade
ago.
Two issues will show how completely
Parliament has abdicated. The story
of the events in Ireland during the past
year has no parallel in our annals for
more than a century. The facts, denied
or travestied with impudent effrontery
by Sir Hamar Greenwood, are no longer
in doubt. Every day adds its dreadful
chapter to an indictment such as no
civilized government in modern times
has been subjected to. In other and
better days one incident of the thousand
that have occurred would have stung
Parliament to an indignant anger that
would have swept the government that
authorized it from office. One has only
to invoke the great name of Gladstone
to appreciate the moral death that has
fallen upon an institution that sits day
by day and month by month in guilty
and approving complicity with the chief
authors of this indelible crime.
Or take the enormous disaster that
has paralyzed industrial England this
summer. Whatever share of respon-
sibility the unions have for that catas-
trophe, it is small in comparison with
the share of the government. The}
made vast profits by controlling the
coal-trade, and used them to conceal
the deficiency in their accounts. Noth-
ing was set aside from the coal profits
for the purpose of restoring the trade
to normal conditions when the slump
came. It came as the result, largely, oi
Mr. George's surrender to the French
demands at Spa, which glutted France
with German coal and brought about
the collapse of the English coal-trade,
And with this collapse, almost at a
moment's notice, coal was decontrolled,
and the miner was left to bear the whole
burden of the government's gross im-
providence. The wrong was open and
palpable, but the House of Commons,
in this as in every other crucial test,
abdicated all its functions of criticism
and appeasement. It was plainly in
sympathy with the idea of using the
occasion to destroy organized Labor,
at whatever cost to the community.
Probably the idea will prevail. Labor
may be left beaten, impoverished, and
sullen. But in thus destroying the last
element of confidence among the work-
ing-classes in its good faith, Parlia-
ment will have suffered no less heavy a
blow.
The future is incalculable. Parlia-
mentary government, of course, there
will continue to be; but whether Parlia-
ment can recover from the atrophy of
years of war and the ignominy of years
of peace to anything approaching the
prestige of other days is more than
doubtful. The rot has gone far, and we
are in the presence of disruptive forces
which cannot be measured. The Caesar-
ism of Mr. Lloyd George on the one
hand, and the challenge of direct action
on the other, seem to be crushing the
institution between the hammer and
the anvil. Apart from the abnormal
happenings of the past seven years, the
social and industrial changes of the last
THE JAPANESE IN HAWAII
generation have foreshadowed a re-
shaping of the machine of government.
Decentralization is in the air, and the
demand for an instrument less remote
and cumbrous, more sensitive and im-
mediately responsive to local needs, is
increasingly made.
The universal loss of faith — in men,
in institutions, in creeds, in theories —
which is the devastating product of the
war has touched nothing, not even the
Church, more blightingly than it has
255
touched Parliament. It would have
suffered less had there been a great
moral influence, to which the constitu-
tional idea was as sacred as it was
to Hampden, or Burke, or Gladstone,
in control of affairs when the tempest
came. But the upheaval of the war left
it the sport of a nimble genius to whom
the soul of Parliament is nothing and
the manipulation of mob emotion
through the press the only vehicle of
statesmanship.
THE JAPANESE IN HAWAII
BY WILLIAM HARDING CARTER
THE recent census shows that, out of
a total population of 255,912 in the
Hawaiian Islands, 109,269 are Japan-
ese. The increase in Japanese popula-
tion since 1910 is 29,594, or 37.1 per
cent, compared with 18,564 or 30.4 per
cent drring the preceding decade. The
disproportionate number of Japanese
in comparison with that of other nation-
alities in the islands constitutes an in-
tricate and perplexing problem, and a
knowledge of the history of Japanese
immigration is essential to any proper
consideration of the situation.
Diplomatic relations between Japan
ind Hawaii began with a treaty of
unity and commerce in 1871. Scarcity
)f agricultural labor in Hawaii caused
Honorable Charles R. Bishop, Minister
j)f Foreign Affairs, to take up with the
Hawaiian consul in Tokyo the subject
J)f an arrangement for obtaining labor-
TS from Japan; but nothing came of it
mlil King Kalakaua visited Japan, in
881, when the Hawaiian Minister of
Immigration, Honorable William Nev-
ins Armstrong, initiated negotiations
with the Japanese government on the
subject of emigration of laborers from
Japan to Hawaii.
In 1883 Colonel C. P. laukea was
accredited to the Court of Japan as
Minister Plenipotentiary, for the special
purpose of arranging for Japanese im-
migration, and was instructed by the
Hawaiian Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Honorable Walter Murray Gibson, in
this remarkable manner: —
'You will please impress upon the
mind of the Minister the very excep-
tional character of these proposals, and
the evidence they afford of the high
value His Majesty's government places
upon the friendly alliance between this
country and Japan, and upon the Jap-
anese race 05 a repopidating element.'
Later, under date of July 22, 1885,
Mr. Gibson wrote to Count Inouye: -
'I desire in the first place to assure
Your Excellency that, owing to the
256
THE JAPANESE IN HAWAII
strong desire of Hawaii to settle upon
her soil a kindred and kindly people
like the Japanese, this government is
most anxious to meet the views and
requirements of Japan on all points.'
Under date of January 21, 1886, the
Hawaiian Consul-General at Tokyo, Mr.
R. W. Irwin, wrote to Count Inouye:
'I accept unreservedly the terms and
conditions laid down in Your Excellen-
cy's communication of yesterday, and
I am prepared to sign the immigration
convention.'
The Hawaiian Minister of Foreign
Affairs, under date of March 5, 1886,
wrote to Count Inouye: 'Mr. Irwin un-
reservedly accepted these stipulations,
and I have now the honor to accept his
engagement and to confirm on the part
of His Majesty's government the sev-
eral subsidiary agreements referred to,
in so far as may be consonant with the
constitution of the kingdom and His
Majesty's treaty obligations with for-
eign powers.'
Count Okuma in reply informed Mr.
Irwin: 'I accept your assurances in
these regards, as well as other particu-
lars specified in your communication,
as an authorized statement of the ob-
ligations which your government as-
sumes in the premises, and I shall so
regard the understanding as binding on
our respective governments, subject to
the right of revoking same, either in
whole or in part, which is specifically
reserved to me.'
In 1885 there were less than fifty Jap-
anese in Hawaii; but under the encour-
agement of the terms of the treaty, the
number increased to twenty thousand
in ten years, at which time Japan de-
manded the exclusion of any more Chi-
nese laborers.
Foreseeing future complications, the
Constitution of 1887 was made to limit
the franchise to * every male resident of
the Kingdom of Hawaiian, of American
or European birth or descent, who shall
have taken an oath to support the con-
stitution and laws, and shall know how
to read or write either the Hawaiian,
English, or some European language.'
In the following year, 1888, demands
for the franchise for the Japanese be-
gan, and continued, as a diplomatic
bone of contention along the line of
favored-nation clauses, until 1893, when
Mr. Fujii, Consul-General, made a cat-
egorical demand upon President Dole
for the granting of the franchise by the
Provisional Government — which had
superseded the Monarchy — to all Jap-
anese in Hawaii, including field-laborers
brought under contract, over whom the
Japanese government retained control
by withholding 25 per cent of their
wages.
President Dole explained that there
could be no foundation in law, reason,
or the usages of nations for one nation
to demand of another, as a right, per-
mission for its subjects to cast off
their allegiance and acquire citizenship
in another country. The relation of
sovereign and subject, state and citizen,
comprises an obligation between the
governing authority and the individ-
ual; otherwise, an overcrowded country
could unload its surplus population up-
on a smaller country, and by the utiliza-
tion of the enforced franchise eventually
and legally absorb the smaller country.
This, in the last analysis, would result
from the democratic theory that gov-
ernment should follow from the consent
of the governed.
Following the establishment of the
Republic of Hawaii, the immigration
convention lapsed, but Japanese con-
tinued to arrive as free immigrants in
greater numbers than before, 5129
having arrived in 1896. Matters were
reaching a serious condition by reason of
the heavy immigration. It was neces-
sary to end a situation which threaten-
ed to jeopardize the continued devel-
opment of Hawaii along Anglo-Saxon
THE JAPANESE IN HAWAII
257
lines ; and under the terms of the general
statutes of Hawaii nearly 1500 Japan-
ese who arrived were denied entrance.
The native Hawaiian population has
been disappearing in about the same
ratio in which that of the Japanese has
increased. Some of the early explorers
estimated the native population of the
group of islands as high as 250,000; but
in 1832 a census was taken, and showed
only 130,313. Twenty years later the
population had dwindled to 71,019, of
whom 2119 were foreigners. Improved
agricultural conditions, incident to the
reciprocity treaty with the United
.States, turned the tide, and in 1896 the
total population was 109,020, of whom
only 39,504 were Hawaiians. The cen-
sus of 1910 showed only 26,041 Hawai-
ians, and the new census, that of 1920,
shows that the number of natives has
declined to 23,723.
While the native Hawaiian race is
steadily disappearing, it still exercises
power in local political matters through
the considerable number of half-castes,
born of intermarriages of whites and
Chinese with Hawaiians, who now num-
ber 18,027 and are steadily increasing.
There is practically none of the popu-
lating by mixing of races, anticipated
when the Japanese were invited to set-
tle in the islands. The Japanese men
VOL. 128— NO. 8
E
marry only Japanese women, and their
children are habitually registered as
Japanese with officials of their own gov-
ernment. A large proportion of them
are sent back to Japan for part of their
education. The younger children at-
tend both the public schools of Hawaii
and private Japanese schools. The
number of Japanese women in Hawaii
has increased rapidly, — the ratio of
women to men having nearly doubled
since 1900, — and now is 42.7 per cent.
The Japanese have increased in num-
ber since the census of 1910 by 29,599,
and with Filipinos comprise three fourths
of the total increase.
The main elements of population,
other than Hawaiians and Japanese,
are Chinese, Portugese, Filipinos, Por-
to Ricans, and Spaniards. Americans,
British and Germans have been more
powerful in commercial and financial
interests than in numbers.
The islands are fertile, then* location
is of immense and growing importance,
and altogether they constitute a vital
element in the future problems of the
Pacific. The United States arrived at
their possession through a process of
stumbling, and doubtless the great prob-
lems arising from the commercial and
strategic position of the islands will be
met in the same way.
ROOT, HOG, OR DIE
BY PHILIP CABOT
CHEAP, efficient transportation is the
life-blood of New England. Located at
the extreme northeastern corner of the
country, it has been, since the death of
the China trade, as dependent on its
railroads as man upon his food. With-
out them we die, and yet for twenty
years a process of decay has been going
on — stealing over us like creeping
paralysis, but so gradually that for
many years it passed almost unnoticed.
Ten years ago rumblings and cracks
in the walls gave us warning, however,
of the collapse which has now occurred.
To-day the New England railroads not
only are bankrupt, but seem bankrupt
beyond repair. Faced with this condi-
tion at a time when war had raised the
pressure on our whole industrial system
to a point never before reached, the
manufacturer and distributer turned to
the motor-truck, as the only possible
avenue of escape; with the result that,
in a brief five years, our main radial
highways have been converted into
railroad rights of way, and are now
choked with heavy traffic for which
they were never designed.
Every abuse carries its penalty. The
penalty for this abuse of our roads will
be a heavy one, which the tax-payer
must pay. The Commonwealth of
Massachusetts has spent more than
$25,000,000 of the tax-payers' money in
road-construction, much of which has
258
already been ground to powder under
the wheels of the five- ton truck; and the
damage must to-day be repaired at
perhaps double the former cost. Our
State tax has mounted in recent years
by leaps and bounds; the contribution
of the truck-owner to the cost of road-
construction is so trivial, that most of
the burden will fall upon the tax-payer,
on whose now over-loaded back a huge
additional levy is apparently about to
fall at the very moment when he is
expecting relief. And make no mistake
as to who must bear the burden. The
old notion that a tax could be pinned
upon one class has vanished into thin
air. We now realize that it is not the
capitalist who pays the tax, or the man-
ufacturer. It is the man in the street
who pays the tax, in the increased cost
of everything he buys. He pays the bill
for every waste of public money.
At the present time 2,000,000 ton-
miles of freight are transported annu-
ally by truck; and five years hence, if
the growth continues, the figure will be
60,000,000.
Apparently the business community
has come to the conclusion that the
motor-truck is to replace the railroad
for freight traveling 100 miles or less,
and is developing its business along
these lines. The decision is a vital one,
which must rest, one would suppose, on
some well-matured plan, the practica-
ROOT, HOG, OR DIE
bility and financial results of which
have been thoroughly tested and ade-
quately proved. But such is not the
case. As a matter of fact, the proposi-
tion to make such a change in our trans-
portation system not only is one which
no intelligent merchant or manufac-
turer would recommend, if he knew the
facts, but is a venture, not merely wild,
but literally impossible.
The traffic which it is proposed to
handle in this way will hi five years'
time require, for Massachusetts alone,
at least 2000 miles of main highways
constructed primarily for that purpose,
at a cost exceeding $40,000 per mile, or
a total of $80,000,000. Such a sum of
money cannot be raised and economi-
cally spent in the brief space of time
within which the work must be done;
for unless the thing is done promptly,
our industrial life will be strangled.
But even if it were possible, the result
would be a system of transportation so
costly in operation as to be prohibitive.
The cost per ton-mile of handling
freight in such a way would be more
than the traffic would bear; and if the
money were raised and spent, it would
be wasted. This can be shown by fig-
ures which, while subject to much
uncertainty, are adequate for the
purpose.
It now costs from 15 to 50 cents per
ton-mile for motor-truck operation, de-
pend ing upon two variables — the dis-
tance hauled and the so-called load-
factor. By load-factor is meant the
ratio between the maximum number of
ton-miles per day that a truck can trans-
port and the actual number of ton-
miles transported. It is the habit of
motor-truck manufacturers and opera-
tors to figure a load-factor of 50 or 60
I per cent; but this is certainly too high,
though it is difficult to say exactly
what the figure should be. But con-
sidering that these trucks are to replace
[i our freight cars, and that in New Eng-
259
land the load-factor on a freight car is
certainly less than 5 per cent, the above
figures are wholly unreasonable. If a
load-factor of 20 per cent were obtained,
it would indeed be remarkable. At this
load-factor, operating costs per ton-
mile, without profit, will vary from 30
to 40 cents, according to conditions.
To this figure the intelligent critic
may object, on the ground that, the
truck being a relatively new device,
great economies in fuel are to be looked
for; but in the first place, fuel is a rela-
tively small item, and in the second
place, it must be remembered that, as
time goes on, the wages cost, which even
now is a large item, will tend to increase.
Compared with railroad wages to-day,
this cost is very low, and it is practi-
cally certain that operators cannot be
found in large numbers who will work
regularly for the wages and under the
working conditions now in effect. Look-
ing five years ahead, therefore, and
adding to the operating cost the fixed
charges and maintenance of way and
structures, it seems clear that the aver-
age cost per ton-mile of this method
of transportation will not fall below 50
cents. The present cost of way and
structures is estimated at 33 cents per
ton-mile. If in the next five years the
traffic doubles annually, which would
mean a traffic of 60,000,000 ton-miles,
this might come down to ten cents. If
the trucks were taxed ten cents per ton-
mile, this would produce an income of
$6,000,000 per year, which, added to
the $3,500,000 in fees now assessed, is
hardly enough to meet the necessary ex-
penditures. But at this rate, assuming
a 20 per cent load-factor, about 10,000
trucks would be required, and the tax
per truck would be $600 per year. Com-
pare the present license fee, and note
what the tax-payer is contributing.
We are, then, in this position: in
order to provide and maintain the nec-
essary right of way to do the business,
260
ROOT, HOG, OR DIE
an annual expenditure of more than
$10,000,000 during the next five years
will be necessary; and when the job is
done, we shall have created a system,
the operating cost of which will be
prohibitive. Obviously, this is no solu-
tion of our problem. Better to pay the
money to the present owners of the
railroads, whose rights of way have
already cost twice the sum which it is
now proposed to spend in duplicating
them, and are far better adapted for
the purpose.
This is not a fact, however, which
should cause the legitimate and far-
sighted truck-manufacturer any alarm.
He is engaged in a great permanent
industry, not in. raising mushrooms.
Sound, steady expansion upon a firm
foundation is his watchword and his
goal, and any movement which tends
to throw upon him a sudden but ephem-
eral demand will damage him. A great
structure, built upon a quicksand, that
will topple over and crush him, would
be an unmitigated misfortune, which
he will be the last to encourage. He is
to-day painfully digging himself out of
such a crumbling ruin resulting from
the war boom, and he will not need a
second object-lesson. The burnt child
dreads the fire.
We are clearly driven to the conclu-
sion that the only way out of the di-
lemma (if there be any) is by improv-
ing and cheapening our local railroad
freight-service. Perhaps this is impos-
sible; perhaps we are in a blind alley
from which there is no way out. But
have we really tried to escape? Have
we put our best brains and energy into
a desperate effort to improve our rail-
road service? Have we employed the
best methods that the keenest business
imagination can devise to help us? Of
course we have done nothing of the
kind. Look at the railroads of New
England to-day and the conditions un-
der which they operate.
n
The railroad system of New England
— into which the investing public has
already poured the best part of a billion
dollars, to which should be added annu-
ally $25,000,000 more to keep it up-to-
date — is the greatest single industry
we have. At the head are a group of
over-driven slaves, beaten from pillar
to post by government officials and
labor-union leaders, and under them a
small army of operating men in a semi-
mutinous condition, whose principal
aim at the present time seems to be to
secure as high wages and do as little
work as possible. Here is a business in
the management of which the highest
degree of skill, cooperation, and imag-
inative power must be employed and
allowed to function in the most efficient
manner. But we have either failed to
show great skill in selecting the execu-
tive officers, or have forced them to
work under impossible conditions.
The freight-traffic of New England
is peculiar. Unlike that of our great
Western states (or even that which
the great trunk lines handle), the busi-
ness of New England is largely in less
than car-load lots. New England is, in
fact, far more like old England, and
has properly been compared to a huge
terminal. In the conduct of this busi-
ness, we have allowed ourselves to be
dominated — one might almost say
hypnotized — by the ideas of train-load
and motive power associated with the
great name of James J. Hill. The bank-
ers have selected Western men to op-
erate our systems, with lawyers and
politicians of the old New England
school for their adjutants and advisers.
It is a fundamental axiom of life that
no great operation can be carried on
without team-work — the most active
and loyal cooperation between all mem-
bers of the organization, from top to
bottom. The capacity for team-work
ROOT, HOG, OR DIE
261
(that , vigorous cooperative effort ex-
pressive of the militant soul) is the
measure of civilization, of the rise of
civilized man above the brute. This is
fundamental and axiomatic; but to
what extent has it been achieved in the
railroad business? No one who will
take the trouble to talk with the rail-
road employees need long remain in
doubt. The attitude of the great rail-
road unions and of the individual opera-
tive is one of sullen discontent, or active
hostility to the executive officers. The
system of rules and working conditions
on which the men insist seems primarily
designed to make the operation of the
business as costly and inefficient as
possible. In an industry where the
prosperity, and even the life, of the
community demands maximum effi-
ciency and minimum cost, the great
body of the workers spend their best
time and effort to frustrate both. Is it
strange that the service is unsatisfac-
tory and that costs are high? It would
be a miracle if it were otherwise. One
risks nothing in saying that the business
must be reorganized from top to bot-
tom before it can function properly.
The thing is possible. Many of us
can remember the time, a generation
ago, when the frame of mind of these
railroad workers was radically differ-
ent: when men were proud of the com-
panies they served, loyal to their inter-
ests, and spoke with bated breath of
their superior officer as ' the old man, ' a
term of highest reverence, affection,
and respect. We can remember the fine
figure of the conductor of the fast train,
bowing to his distinguished passengers,
all of whom called him by name. That
was the spirit necessary for success, but
it is conspicuous to-day by its absence.
It was the result of a great local enter-
prise, owned, managed, and operated by
local men, on whom the responsibility
for success had been squarely placed,
and who had been allowed relative free-
dom of action. They breathed the free
air of their native hills, were honored
and respected by their fellow citizens,
and, feeling the full weight of responsi-
bility with power, met the test.
The conditions which have produced
the ruin that we now face belong, per-
haps, in the province of the philosopher
rather than the statesman, but some
comprehension of them is essential; for
the men who must to-day get us out of
this tangle are like the doctor who must
diagnose the disease before he can cure
it.
The public mind has been directed
during recent years to blunders and
scandals of a financial character, which
are supposed to be the root cause of the
present collapse; and doubtless they
have contributed to it. But they are
not the main cause. The failure is in
management, not in finance. Either
this great industry has assumed propor-
tions beyond the power of men to deal
with, or through lack of sufficient imag-
ination and grasp of the nature of the
problem, the owners and the public
have failed to attract, or have driven to
distraction, the type of man that was
needed. That the industry has become
very large, that such men as are needed
to run it successfully are rare, no one
will deny. But we cannot afford to
admit that the job is beyond our power.
The word 'impossible' is not popular
with our people. Where there 's a will,
there 's a way.
On the other hand, that we have
failed to get the right managers, or
that, having got them, we have not
allowed them to do their work, is also
clear; and before we discharge them as
incompetent, we are bound in fairness
to consider the conditions under which
we have placed them.
Public regulation of the industry
began fifty years ago; but only within
twenty-five years did it become gene-
ral and of decisive importance. During
262
ROOT, HOG, OR DIE
the latter period, however, the railroad
systems of New England have been
under the strictest supervision of eight
independent regulative commissions,
each supreme in its own jurisdiction
(the limits of which were not always
clear), each holding divergent views as
to the policy to be pursued, and unani-
mous only in this, that railroad execu-
tives were naughty boys, who needed
stern discipline ; and the rod has not been
spared. As a result, the major portion
of these men's time has been spent in
attending public hearings, in preparing
to attend them, or in endeavoring to
act in such a way that they would not
have to. Little time or energy has been
left them to consider how to run the
business so as to meet the rapidly
changing conditions; and they have had
less than no encouragement to look into
the future with the keen constructive
insight which was essential to success.
They have been forced into the ignoble
position of holding responsibility with-
out real power, of being accountable
for results which they did not cause,
and of being blamed for every failure,
whether brought about by them or
by others.
Note, also, that men browbeaten as
these men have been are not likely to
overflow with the milk of human kind-
ness, and may pass on similar treatment
to their subordinates. Whatever the na-
tive capacity of the railroad executives,
therefore, clearly they have labored
under insuperable obstacles. The power
to regulate, like the power to tax, is the
power to destroy, and public regulation
in New England has in this respect
achieved a notable success.
m
The time has come, however, when
the business men of New England must
make radical improvements in the
whole railroad situation, or we die.
Freight rates and services and (to a
lesser degree) passenger business must
be cheapened and improved, or New
England industries will perish. A sys-
tem of motor-transportation is no
remedy, nor is government ownership
and operation. The collapse is not due
primarily to financial failure, but to
failure of the human element; and in
this respect, government officials, under
present conditions, will not act with
more vision, intelligence, and energy
than private officials. The essential
thing is that the public (that is, the
tax-payer) should clearly grasp the fact
that this is a matter of life or death,
and determine to meet it with the des-
perate energy which alone will bring
success.
The two main issues that must be
grasped are: first, that the railroad
industry (like all others) must be con-
ducted by a group of men enthusiasti-
cally interested in their work and loyal
to it and to each other from top to bot-
tom; and second, that the conditions
of traffic of New England are not like
those of the West and South, but more
like those of Europe, and must be
studied and dealt with as such.
It is the industrial life of New Eng-
land that is at stake, and our hope must
rest on New England men. The West
has its own problems to worry over, and
the type of brains and energy which
have made New England industrially
great must save us now, or we perish.
We must rely on Eastern men — not
men steeped in and hypnotized by the
ideas of train-load and motive power
invented by Jim Hill to solve the traffic-
problems of the great-plains states. For
observe that the local traffic of New
England is much of it in less than car-
load lots. Freight cars of thirty to fifty
tons' capacity are not what our traffic
requires. The five-ton motor-truck, or
the five-ton railway-van used in Eng-
land, is more suited to our conditions.
ROOT, HOG, OR DIE
Light trains and speed in handling must
be the order of the new day.
One of the most serious stumbling-
blocks in our local freight situation to-
day is the cost and the delay in hand-
ling at terminals. Our present system
of freight-houses and freight-handling
is calculated to produce a maximum
of both. It must be done away with.
New methods must be devised. Already
the lines along which these methods
will run are beginning to appear. The
motor-truck has replaced the horse for
local haulage. Removable bodies, which
can be loaded by the merchant or man-
ufacturer in his shipping-room and slid
on to the motor-chassis that backs into
the room, will take the goods to a
freight-yard (not a freight-house) where
overhead traveling-cranes will hoist
these bodies over as many intervening
tracks as is necessary to deposit them
on freight-cars placed according to
their destination, one or several bodies
on each car. If necessary, tarpaulins
can be stretched over them for protec-
tion against the weather, and the trains
will be made up in small units, hauled
by light, economical engines (which in
the not-distant future will be electric).
Such trains will be dispatched at fre-
quent intervals, and unloaded by the
same method at their destination. The
business of transporting goods to and
from the freight-yards can, if necessary,
be done by the railroad companies
themselves (as it is in England) ; but it
will probably be wiser to leave this part
of the operation in the hands of separate
local agencies.
By some such method deliveries of
much of the local freight can be greatly
speeded up and costs of handling re-
duced; and, as to the balance, systems
of handling by small electric trucks at
the freight-house, such as are now being
tried in the Milwaukee freight-house
of the St. Paul, will save much man-
power and reduce costs.
However, it is not by the increased
use of machinery alone that the cost
of handling freight can be cut down.
Better organization of man-power and
a better spirit in the men can result in
an increased efficiency which would cut
the handling cost in two. No freight-
handler need fear the loss of his job.
His future is in his own hands; for, if he
will use his head as well as his hands,
and put will-power behind both, no
machine can displace him. But he must
now face the music, for the tax-payer,
once thoroughly aroused, will insist that
he shall handsomely earn his pay or
give way to a machine that will.
Just what the cost of handling local
freight by rail ought to be, it is perhaps
impossible to say; but some approxi-
mation to the point where the dividing
line between motor-truck transport and
rail transport will come can be made in
this way. Assuming a price of 15 cents
per hundredweight for cost of delivery
at the freight-yard and removal there-
from, or about three dollars per ton at
each end, we have a fixed charge of six
dollars per ton on every ton moved,
however far it goes. At a cost of 50
cents per ton-mile for motor transport,
six dollars will move a ton twelve miles;
so that for this and shorter distances
the railroad cannot compete. This dis-
tance, amounting to six miles at each
end of the operation, fairly represents
the area of the larger industrial com-
munities, where streets designed for
heavy traffic have already been pro-
vided; and within these areas the truck
will clearly be supreme. Beyond this
point, however, the railroad costs
should be less, in view of the fact that
the Class II rate, within which class
most of the local traffic could with skill-
ful readjustment be made to come, is
now only five and a half cents, with all
the terminal cost upon its head. Even
if the cost for hauling local freight is as
high as five cents, plus the cost of hand-
264
ROOT, HOG, OR DIE
ling at terminals, it is clear that, above
the twelve-mile limit, a saving over the
50 cents per ton-mile for motor costs
can be shown.
But there is one feature essential to
the success of this or any other scheme.
The railroads must be efficiently oper-
ated. Loyalty, team-work, and dis-
cipline in railroad operations — all are
absolutely vital to any improvement
whatsoever. Without these no system,
no industrial operation, can succeed.
Scientific management and the best of
methods are futile if the human ele-
ment fails. The army of 75,000 men
who operate the railroads of New Eng-
land must be loyal to its commander, or
the enemy (high taxes and high man-
ufacturing costs) will drive us from the
field.
At the present moment the nation is
much agitated by the controversy be-
tween the railroad executives and the
railroad unions, over the question of
wages and working conditions — the
unions demanding that all such ques-
tions shall be settled on a national
basis, while the executives plead for the
privilege of dealing directly with their
own employees. It is beyond the scope
of this article to analyze the merits of
this controversy; but it may not be
amiss to point out that, in the heat of
battle, the parties are in danger of los-
ing sight of the real issue — the shadow
may be mistaken for the substance.
Effective team-work requires loyalty
and discipline. Industrial organizations
that survive the test of time are organ-
ized upon the same principles as an
army, in which there must be supreme
command and also subdivision into
units, to the commanders of which
much liberty of action is allowed. The
organization of the National Baseball
League forms an analogy which is in-
structive, for the business as a whole is
recognized as a close monopoly, con-
trolled absolutely by a small group of
men; while at the same time the indi-
viduality of the clubs is not lost, com-
petition is of the keenest character, and
discipline is preserved.
But whatever be the form of organi-
zation, it is essential to success that
each individual who comprises it shall
be interested in his work, proud of his
job, and loyal to it and to his superior
officer. That it is easy to create such a
condition, it would be idle to assert; but
it will be impossible without the closest
and most intimate relations between
officers and men, and any system which
tends to keep them apart will be fatal.
This is, perhaps, the most serious
objection to the scheme of national
agreements, for which the leaders of the
railroad unions contend.
The transportation conditions of
New England are peculiar. They are
wholly different from the conditions of
the South or the West, and a union
official living in Cleveland knows little,
and is likely to care less, about the
special problems of our community.
The railroads of New England must be
owned, managed, and operated by men
whose homes and hearts, as well as
their heads, are in New England. The
operating men, from the engineer to
the freight-handler, must know clearly
that the success and the efficiency of
operation of the roads is vital to their
own lives; that when they strike, they
strike their own wives and children;
that, if costs are high, they must pay
them; and that, if the business is a fail-
ure, they and theirs will be the sufferers.
If, in the process of reorganization on
which we must now embark, new men
are required in responsible positions,
they should be sought, and will be
found, among the rank and file of the
present operating force. The spirit of
team-play, which is essential, can be
created and kept alive only by making
it clear to every man, from water-boy
to president, that promotion is the sure
ROOT, HOG, OR DIE
265
reward of good work; and in addition
to this, public regulation must be so
administered that responsibility and
power will not be divorced; that the
men we look to for results shall have
freedom of action within reasonable
limits, and be given a chance to show
what they can do.
Moreover, unless these apparently
simple principles are entirely fallacious,
they would seem to indicate the solu-
tion of the problem of grouping the New
England roads, which is now so hotly
disputed. Current argument is largely
controlled and its lines directed by the
hoary tradition that the problem is a
financial one, to be settled like a sum in
arithmetic, notwithstanding the crop
of failures which this method has pro-
duced in the past. But one is tempted
to suggest that an experiment in deal-
ing with it primarily as a human prob-
lem could not be a worse failure, and
might succeed.
Nothing is more alien to industrial
progress than a narrow provincialism,
and yet the strongest motive-forces of
the race are its personal loyalties to
family — to clan — to State and to
Nation. If this motive can be enlist-
ed, it is irresistible, and will sweep
aside obstacles that baffle the econo-
mist and the banker. So that it might
well be found that the slogan, 'New
England money, New England men,
New England roads, ' will lead us to a
victory which the bankers in New York
who guide the destinies of the Trunk-
Line Association cannot achieve.
The roads of New England must
either be grouped together or parceled
out among the Western trunk-lines.
The figures point to the latter course;
but the powerful popular instinct,
which has opposed this in the past, rests
upon a sound (if somewhat inarticulate)
foundation. New England railroads
succeeded when they were local enter-
prises supported by the loyalty of New
England. As they slipped from this
basis, they began to fail, and they have
now collapsed. To our old rock-founda-
tion we must now painfully return.
It is idle to suppose that the contro-
versies which have destroyed the morale
of our railroad organizations are be-
tween Labor and Capital, or that one
class in the community is more vitally
interested in their solution than an-
other. The penalty of failure will not
fall most heavily upon the big business
man or the banker. These can, and
will, escape and win a livelihood in oth-
er fields. It is the workingman — the
man in the street — who will suffer. New
England is his home; its future and
his are one. If New England suffers
from the failure of its transportation-
system, these men and their wives and
children must bear the consequences.
And if these men fail to realize the
true nature of the problem, as they
have failed hitherto, and to cooperate
in its solution, they, and chiefly they,
will suffer.
The present attitude of railroad labor,
which seems to be striving for high
wages and limited output, is suicidal.
These men behave as if efficient and
economical operation of the railroads
were somebody else's business. In fact,
it is their own. If they maintain their
present attitude, they will destroy them-
selves and force their fellow citizens to
shatter them and their organizations as
a measure of self-preservation. The
remedies will have to be drastic, for it
is a matter of life and death.
To sum up the situation, then, and
put a point upon the spear, we are
faced with a vital problem, upon the
successful solution of which hangs the
future of New England. We are to-day
a manufacturing community, to which
cheap and rapid local transportation is
essential. Owing to the collapse of our
railroad system, we have not got it
266
ROOT, HOG, OR DIE
Transportation by motor-truck, except
for short distances, is too expensive.
Our goods must be transported by
rail, if at all, and we must either pro-
vide cheap and rapid railroad transpor-
tation, or perish as a manufacturing
centre.
This conclusion does not imply that
the policy of the Commonwealth regard-
ing the construction of state roads has
been unwise. On the contrary, such
construction, properly planned and
administered on the basis of payment
by the automobile of its share of cost
and maintenance, through a system of
registration fees, is sound and popular.
But these roads were designed for rela-
tively light traffic; their foundations
and bridges are wholly inadequate to
withstand the blows of a five-ton truck,
and their use for freight-service of this
character is wantonly wasteful. The
$25,000,000 investment of the tax-
payers' money is being destroyed by a
use that was never intended. Your
pocket-knife makes a poor claw-ham-
mer, to say nothing of the effect on the
knife.
That the task is not beyond our power,
there is no question. Brains and energy
of the sort that have made New England,
if applied to this problem, will solve it.
A small commission, composed of the
leaders of our industrial life, could, in a
very short time, verify the facts of the
case and draw up a statement which
every citizen in New England could
understand, and which should be pub-
lished and advertised in such a way as
to drive it home in every section and
in every class. The tax- payers, once
aroused, will then insist that the neces-
sary steps be taken at once. Different
methods of handling goods and of hand-
ling men must be put in operation, but
these methods need not of necessity be
invented. To a large extent, the labor-
saving devices which we need are al-
ready in existence and in use in other
industrial or construction organiza-
tions. The future methods of handling
men need not, in fact must not, be new.
They must be the methods now in use
in other great, efficient, and successful
industries.
Whether these changes can be car-
ried out by the men who now operate
the roads remains to be seen. With a
clear mandate and a fair chance, which
they have not had heretofore, they
should be given time to show what they
can do. If they fail, they must be re-
placed by men who will not fail. Needs
must when the Devil drives. Our need
is desperate, and the right men can be
found. Management, and not money,
is what, we need. The motor-trucks for
local deliveries, the terminals, the rail-
roads, and a large part of the necessary
equipment are at hand. We have the
tools — our problem is to use them
with the requisite skill.
BY DAVID HUNTER MILLER
THE story of the Paris negotiations
about the Adriatic has not yet been
written; perhaps all of it cannot be told
until we read the papers of Orlando and
Lloyd George, of Sonnino and President
Wilson, and of some other figures who,
at times at least, played a part in the
drama; but certainly an attempt can
now be made to outline the picture and
to reconstruct the progress of one of the
failures of Paris, a failure, however,
which paved the way for the final end-
ing, by the Treaty of Rapallo, of the
differences between Italy and the king-
dom of the Serbs, the Croats, and the
Slovenes.
First of all, let us recall to our minds
just what the Adriatic problem was.
When Italy became at once a united
nation and a great power, her situation
geographically was both singularly
satisfactory and unsatisfactory. That
great peninsula, which looks on the
map like a gigantic boot projecting into
the Mediterranean, has a coast-line
with an extraordinary opportunity for
commerce. On the other hand, the
Italian frontier on the north and north-
east was almost hopeless for defense,
and, indeed, seemed drawn so as to in-
vite attack.
But we are concerned only with the
Adriatic, whose western waves wash
the coasts of Italy for five hundred
miles, from beyond Venice to the Med-
iterranean. From the point of view of
modern naval warfare, no sea is more
one-sided. Every advantage is with the
east : the many islands, often with con-
cealed channels and with an indented
shore behind them, protected by an al-
most impassable mountain range along
the coast, not only are beyond all
attack, but, with their deep harbors
and their hiding-places, make an ideal
haven for warships; but the unbroken
coast-line on the Italian side, with its
shallow waters and almost no ports, af-
fords no naval base. Moreover, the wa-
ters of the Italian shores are shallow,
while those leading to the Mediterra-
nean by the Straits of Otranto are deep
and the currents swift, so that mines in
that twenty miles of channel are hardly
possible. No wonder that, despite the
Allied fleets, Austria controlled the
Adriatic throughout the war.
But the Adriatic problem meant
more than this. The shores of the Adri-
atic that were not Italian were largely
within the Empire of Austria-Hungary.
Before the war, the peninsula of Istria,
coming down east of Venice, had to the
north the great Austrian port of Trieste
and near its southern tip the famous
naval base of Pola. Hungary reached
the sea just below, at Fiume, the outlet
for a hinterland of varied races under
different governments. Farther south,
Austrian territory extended along the
coast, in the narrow strip of Dalmatia,
that Adriatic wall along which Serbia
was looking for a window. And when
one thought of the Adriatic, one could
not but think of the provinces of Bos-
nia and Herzegovina, annexed by Au&-
267
268
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
tria-Hungary with a cynical contempt
for treaties ; and one must think also of
two other countries on the sea below
Dalmatia — Montenegro, that superb
anomaly of independence, and Albania,
a land that had always lived its own
life in the Balkans, but apart from the
rest of the world and of Europe till
1913.
With its memories of Italian civili-
zation and culture, where Italian power
had long since lost sway; with its med-
ley of races, of religions, and of govern-
ments; with the conflicting strategic
positions and ambitions of the great
powers bordering on its waters; with its
cross-currents of commercial rivalries,
and with ancient hatreds smouldering
under modern injustice, the Adriatic
presented a situation which, at any
static stage, it might well seem impos-
sible to change without disaster, but
which, in the state of flux created by a
great war, became a problem whose
solution was well worthy of any wisdom.
II
The diplomatic history of the Adri-
atic in the World War is usually dated
from the Pact of London. But I put it
farther back. I date it from that night
in August, 1914, when the Italian Am-
bassador at Paris woke the French
Minister of Foreign Affairs in his bed-
room, and told him that the attacks by
Germany on France and on Russia
were not a, casus fcederis within the
terms of the Triple Alliance, and that
Italy would remain neutral. Then was
taken the great decision by Italy, a
decision which really put the Adriatic
question on the lap of the gods, and
which, by permitting the withdrawal of
French troops from the Italian frontier,
made possible the first victory of the
Marne.
Now, the Pact of London has been
denounced by almost every recent crit-
ic; and, in particular, it has been de-
nounced by every so-called 'liberal,' a
term which seems to me often to mean
one who is very tolerant of his own
point of view. We have been told that
the Pact of London was secret, that it
was a bargain — a hard bargain —
driven by Italy with the Allies, and that
it violated every principle of self-deter-
mination and of justice. Well, despite
the critics and despite the fact that they
charged me at Paris with the crime of
being pro-Italian, I think I can con-
sider the Pact of London by an exami-
nation of its provisions in the light of
the circumstances surrounding its crea-
tion; and that is how any international
document should be considered.
That treaty was signed on April 26,
1915, between Italy, Great Britain,
France, and Russia; and one of its
provisions was that Italy should enter
the war on the side of the Allies within
one month thereafter. This fact alone
repels all criticism on the ground of
secrecy at the time; for it could hardly
be expected that public announcement
would be made of a future move in the
war.
Of course, no one can defend secret
treaties in principle, for the principle of
secrecy in diplomacy is an evil one. But
the evil was not generally recognized in
Europe in 1915; we are apt to forget
the great change which has taken place
in world-sentiment in this matter. The
Covenant of the League of Nations con-
tains a clause for the public registration
of treaties; any such idea would have
been wholly illusory and impossible on-
ly a few years ago, for the fundamental
law of almost every continental state
made provision for secret treaties. In-
deed, if we go back a century in our own
history, we find the Congress of the
United States under Madison passing
secret laws, which for years were kept
off our statute-books.
By the rest of the Pact of London it
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
was agreed that Italy should have vari-
ous territorial acquisitions in the Adri-
atic and elsewhere, and that she should
be given a loan in London of £50,000,-
000 — a very modest sum from the
later point of view of war finance. I am
reminded in this connection of a remark
which Mr. Lloyd George is reported to
have made in Paris, to the effect that
the refusal of Great Britain to give Tur-
key a loan of £20,000,000 hi 1914 was
the most extravagant economy known
to history.
Of course, the territorial clauses of
the Pact of London were a bargain be-
tween Italy and the Allies; but I fail to
see that they were a harsh bargain.
Passing, for the moment, any question
of the righteousness of the clauses,
surely France and Great Britain were
not being treated harshly; they were
not giving away anything of their own,
and from the point of view simply of
self-interest, they could well afford to
be generous with the territory of their
enemies before they were just; it was
not their ox that was being gored in
Dalmatia.
Now the territorial clauses of the
Pact of London have such a direct rela-
tion to the Adriatic negotiations at
Paris that it is necessary to examine
those clauses in some detail; perhaps
their justice or injustice has become a
matter of no practical moment; but
still I shall turn aside to consider that
question of justice, for otherwise the
background of the Paris negotiations
may be seen in a false light.
The moral qualities of an act are to
be judged as of its date and not from
subsequent events. I not only admit,
but insist, that in 1919 it would have
been wrong and unjust, as well as un-
wise and impossible, to carry out the
terms of the Pact of London; but, to
consider fairly the situation of 1915,
we must lay aside our knowledge of sub-
sequent events, difficult as that is to do.
269
In the spring of 1915, when Italy en-
tered the war, the cause of the Allies
was not going well. They were making
no progress on the Western Front, and
in the East, Russia was about to meet
with a severe defeat. No one dreamed
of a rout of Germany or of a complete
remaking of the map of Europe. A
continuance of the former European
alignment seemed reasonable to expect,
in a modified form, perhaps, but cer-
tainly with no overturn of the situation.
Italy had lived her national life of
two generations in a continuous and
justified state of fear — a sentiment al-
most unknown to American statesmen,
but which has had, and has, a more
profound influence on European thought
and action than can well be imagined.
The door in the Alps was open. Italy
visualized a German empire and an
Austro-Hungarian empire existing after
the war, the former probably, and the
latter certainly, deeply hostile to her;
and so Italy sought safety, sought to
acquire a frontier as impregnable as
possible, together with the control of
the Adriatic. Most of the questioned
territorial gains secured by Italy in the
Pact of London in the region we are
now considering were of comparatively
little material value; their worth was
chiefly as a defense against attack.
Furthermore, unless the Empire of
Austria-Hungary was to collapse, the
future of the Jugo-Slav movement was
problematical. In 1915, one might, per-
haps, have predicted a greater Serbia,
but hardly a union of all the Jugo-Slavs.
Certainly, there was no heaven-sent
reason why any of those peoples should
be governed from Vienna or from Buda-
pest rather than from Rome, if they
were not to have their own capital at
Belgrade. And while Serbia did not
sign the Pact of London, Russia, the
self-constituted protector of the Balkan
Slavs, was a consenting party.
So, while the terms of the Pact of
270
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
London were drawn in the spirit of the
old and now discredited diplomacy,
still Italy, from the standpoint of 1915,
was largely justified in signing that
treaty, although the same treaty in
1919 would have been unrighteous and
unjust.
By the Pact of London, while a part
of the coast toward the north of the
Adriatic, including specifically Fiume
and all the coast of Croatia, was not to
be Italian, the whole of the Istrian pen-
insula was to go to Italy, and in addi-
tion an extensive strip of Dalmatia
above Spalato, with nearly all the is-
lands off the coast; and when to these
was added Valona and its gulf, almost
opposite Brindisi and the heel of the
Italian boot, the control of the Adriatic
was complete; it would have been whol-
ly Italian in all but name.
But by the time the Conference of
Paris met, a change had come over the
spirit of the political dream of Eastern
Europe. The ancient empire, which
had been the natural enemy of Italy,
had vanished. And here let me say that
it is a common criticism, born of com-
mon ignorance, to charge the Confer-
ence of Paris with the Balkanization of
Eastern Europe, that catching phrase.
It was no treaty that set up separate
governments at Prague, at Budapest
and at Vienna, for those separate gov-
ernments had existed since before the
German Armistice. And no Peace Con-
ference could have joined together these
fragments of an empire which its peo-
ples had put asunder.
Nor was it any outside influence
which brought to a conclusion that na-
tional movement which resulted in the
union of the three Jugo-Slav peoples —
peoples of different religions, indeed,
and under different governments, some
of whom had been under alien rule for
centuries, but who were all of nearly
the same blood and of nearly the same
speech.
It has recently been made public, as
perhaps some had earlier suspected,
that not all the Americans at Paris were
of one mind with their chief about the
principle of self-determination. It now
appears that there were some unex-
pressed and private thoughts at Paris,
to the effect that self-determination is
a rather unsettling doctrine and one
not based on sufficiently ancient legal
precedents; but surely everyone who
is at all familiar with the history of the
Jugo-Slav movement will agree with
Woodrow Wilson that 'self-determina-
tion is not a mere phrase.'
For in place of Serbia we found, not a
Greater Serbia, but a new kingdom, the
kingdom of the Serbs, the Croats, and
the Slovenes; a kingdom including Ser-
bia and Montenegro, and which had
taken in not only Bosnia and Herze-
govina, but also Croatia and Slavonia,
and other parts of Austria-Hungary; a
kingdom which regarded its claim to
Dalmatia and the adjacent islands as
perfect, and which had aspirations, not
only to Istria but even to Trieste.
And the change that had come was
not a change in fact and in feeling only,
but also in law. The Jugo-Slavs were
not bound technically or in any other
sense by the Pact of London, but held
it as void from their point of view, and
claimed that it had been annulled by
the so-called 'Pact of Rome,' of April,
1918, a claim which had in it, perhaps,
more of equity than of technical ac-
curacy. But more important, practi-
cally, was the fact that the United
States was certainly not bound by the
Pact of London, to which we had never
directly or indirectly assented; indeed,
the American legal view was that the
Pact of London, so far as it conflicted
with the Fourteen Points, bound no-
body at all; for the Fourteen Points
had in substance been accepted by
Italy as well as by France and Great
Britain, even though they had not been
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
formally incorporated in the Austro-
Hungarian Armistice of November 3,
1918, as they were in the strictest sense
made part of the German Armistice
eight days later.
But the Pact of London remained a
factor throughout the negotiations.
The British and the French recognized
fully the unwisdom of that treaty in
the light of events, though they were
naturally unwilling to deny that an
agreement which they had signed was
binding as to them; so that, with some
hesitation, doubtless, they recognized
that they could not deny their support to
Italian claims based on that treaty.
But, as all the world knows, the Ital-
ians did not stand on the Pact of Lon-
don alone, for they claimed Fiume,
which was specifically and by name
excluded from their claims by that very
document.
m
It was with such a background, such
a confusion of conflicting facts and
legal theories, that the Paris negotia-
tions between the United States and
Italy regarding the Adriatic took place.
For it was between those two powers
that the real Adriatic negotiations at
Paris were carried on. The British and
the French were entirely willing to ac-
cept in advance anything that America
and Italy agreed to, and the Jugo-
Slavs were practically committed to
the same view by their offer of arbi-
tration before President Wilson. In-
deed, as the Jugo-Slavs were a new
political union of peoples, it was said at
Paris, perhaps with some reason, that
their three representatives, Mr. Ves-
nich, a Serb, Mr. Pachitch, a Slovene,
and Mr. Trumbitch, a Croat, would
have preferred to accept, as easier to
defend in their own country, an agree-
ment announced to them rather than
one that had obtained their assent.
Obviously, any criticism which alleged
271
that one branch of the newly formed
union had been sacrificed for the bene-
fit of the others would not have been
easy to meet. The difficulties of their
situation were illustrated by a sym-
bolic remark made by one of their dele-
gates in Paris, that he was negotiating
with a dagger at his back, held by his
own colleagues.
If I have succeeded in my attempted
outline of the geography of the Adri-
atic, it will be seen that there were four
regions there where the Italian and
Jugo-Slav views and aspirations clashed :
Istria, the islands belonging partly to
Istria and partly to Dalmatia, the Dal-
matian mainland, and Fiume. Doubt-
less, if the question were asked of any-
one which of these four was the cause
of the final difficulty between President
Wilson and the Italians, the answer
would be Fiume; but that answer would
be wrong. It was not Fiume that prov-
ed the finally impossible point, but an-
other region, very closely related to that
of Fiume, it is true, but still distinct:
it was a little strip of territory running
along the Gulf of Fiume and then down
the Istrian coast, with a hinterland of
small importance — a strip which a
New York journalist at Paris wittily
called the 'Riverside Drive of Istria';
a strip which the Italians valued highly,
but only because it would bring Italian
territory up to Fiume itself.
During President Wilson's first visit
to Europe, little progress was made
toward any settlement of the Adriatic
question. Signer Orlando, the Italian
Prime Minister, had, indeed, during
that time, most actively and heartily
worked with President Wilson in the
drafting of the Covenant of the League
of Nations, and the relations between
the two chiefs of state were most cordial.
But the Adriatic was not directly re-
lated to a peace with Germany, with
which all the delegations were then
more particularly occupied.
272
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
It was not until President Wilson
came to Paris for the second time that
the whole matter was taken up directly
between him and Signer Orlando, in
great detail. The Italians naturally
wanted settled a question which was of
more direct interest to them than the
terms of the peace with Germany, even
including reparations.
In the negotiations, President Wilson
rested almost wholly, I think I may say
wholly, on the opinions of his territorial
advisers, on all details of the various
proposals. He was, indeed, willing to
accept any agreement freely entered in-
to between Italy and the Jugo-Slavs;
but no such agreement was possible,
perhaps for the reasons I have indi-
cated, perhaps, partly, because of the
very natural hostility then existing be-
tween the two countries. The Serbs
had, of course, fought valiantly and de-
votedly on the side of the Allies; but
the Croats and the Slovenes had been
subjects of Austria-Hungary, and while
many of them had in fact supported the
Allied cause, still the Italians did not
then feel very kindly toward peoples,
some of whom had, a few short months
before, fought against Italian troops on
the Piave.
The American point of view, as I have
said, necessarily was that the subject
must be considered wholly independent-
ly of the Pact of London; and the opin-
ion of Professor Douglas Johnson, the
eminent geographer of Columbia Uni-
versity and the American territorial
adviser, in this matter supported the
Italian claims as to Fiume not at all,
practically not at all as to the Dalma-
tian mainland, to a very limited extent
as to the islands, and in Istria up to,
but only up to, the line drawn by Pro-
fessor Johnson, which became known
as the Wilson line.
It is difficult to describe verbally the
Wilson line, in which, indeed, important
changes were made from time to time
after it was originally laid down; but it
left in Jugo-Slav territory a very con-
siderable part of eastern Istria, and
specifically, and more important, per-
haps, it was intentionally drawn so as
to leave wholly in Jugo-Slav territory
the railroad running north from Fiume
to Vienna. From the Italian point of
view, one great objection to it was
bound up with the matter of Fiume;
for the Wilson line, in every form, left
Fiume physically separated by land
from Italy.
The views of the American territorial
adviser were that the position taken by
him really involved very great conces-
sions to Italy : that the Wilson line was
drawn so as to leave several hundred
thousand Slavs in Italy and perhaps
only 75,000 Italians on the other side of
the frontier; that Dalmatia, with the
exception of Zara, a city of 12,000 peo-
ple, was almost wholly Slav; and that
the Dalmatian and Istrian islands were
likewise mostly Slav; and, finally, that
Fiume, while possibly half-Italian in
its population, was the essential eco-
nomic outlet to the sea for a vast hin-
terland, much of which was part of
Jugo-Slavia and the rest a part of Hun-
gary and other regions toward the
north.
IV
This leads me to say something a lit-
tle more in detail of Fiume, a city which
for its size has certainly had more than
its share of the headlines on the front
pages during the last two years.
Fiume owes its commercial import-
ance to its location at the only real
break in the mountain-range running
down the eastern coast of the Adriatic.
Nowhere else along that shore south of
Fiume can railroads easily reach the
sea. While it has not a naturally fine
harbor, its facilities had been well de-
veloped by Hungary, and are suscepti-
ble of further improvement; and while
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
273
logically not serving the same terri-
tory as Trieste, it is a commercial rival
of that city. In 1914 the trade of Hun-
gary found its political and natural
outlet at Fiume, and its surrounding
country and neighboring hinterland
were wholly Slav. If the suburb of
Susak, a part of the port, is included as
being in everything but in law a part of
the city, the Italians, while the largest
group in Fiume, were not a majority of
the population.
These facts made the Italian claim
to Fiume seem to President Wilson
wholly outside of any principle of self-
determination, and the Italian argu-
ment had no other real basis. So that,
so long as the Italian demands included
Fiume, any successful result of nego-
tiations between President Wilson and
the Italian representatives was impos-
sible. So-called 'compromise proposals'
could mean only that one side or the
other should give way. And in fact
the negotiations between Orlando and
President Wilson in March and April
were more than unsuccessful, for they
ended in President Wilson's public
statement of April 23, which not only
ended the discussions, but caused the
temporary withdrawal of the Italian
delegation from Paris.
The reasons that led President Wil-
son to declare publicly his position in a
matter which was under discussion are
still somewhat obscure. It seems that he
was informed, I believe erroneously,
that a public statement was about to be
made by the Italian delegation. Cer-
tainly, late in the evening of the day be-
fore the issuance of President Wilson's
statement, Count Macchi di Cellere,
the Italian Ambassador at Washington,
who was then in Paris, had no idea of
such a purpose, for he then handed me
a typewritten copy of the latest Italian
proposal, in four brief items; and the
day that President Wilson's statement
appeared, the count told me that Signer
VOL. 128 — NO. 2
Orlando had not succeeded in his at-
tempt to see President Wilson that
day, owing to the latter's other en-
gagements; and that Mr. Lloyd George
had sent word to the Italian delegation
that three of the four items of the
Italian proposal were acceptable, and
had asked for information as to the
fourth, which concerned Fiume.
But whatever were the reasons for
President Wilson's action, certainly
some of its effects were unfortunate.
It stirred up much feeling about the
whole matter, particularly in Italy, and
tended to take the question out of the
realm of discussion and argument and
into the sphere of the emotions, an un-
satisfactory background for any inter-
national exchanges.
Still, the negotiations were only in-
terrupted ; their first chapter was closed,
but they were resumed, on the initia-
tive of Colonel House, when Orlando
and Sonnino came back to Paris. And
I feel free to speak in some detail of
those later negotiations of May, 1919,
for their story has been largely pub-
lished in Italy in the Memoirs of Count
Macchi di Cellere.
Colonel House's aim was to arrive at
a solution which would be satisfactory
to the Italians, and which, at the same
time, would not be an abandonment of
the principles laid down by President
Wilson. Certainly, this was a consum-
mation devoutly to be wished, but one
that seemed almost impossible on its
face. However, Colonel House not only
tried it, but demonstrated that it was
not impossible; and while the desired
goal was not reached, the failure was no
fault of his.
After talking with Orlando and Pres-
ident Wilson, Colonel House evolved
and had accepted this plan for dis-
cussions, which, indeed, was itself a
proof of his extraordinary influence,
both with his chief, President Wilson,
and with his friend, Signor Orlando:
274
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
conversations were to take place be-
tween Orlando and myself, with the
view of reaching an accord between us,
either temporary or final; anything
that we agreed on would be supported
by Colonel House, and would be care-
fully considered by President Wilson on
Colonel House's recommendation; in
other words, whatever Orlando agreed
to with me would bind Italy, but not
America.
My path in the matter, so far as per-
sonal relations were concerned, was
made easier by my close friendship with
Count Macchi di Cellere, whose death,
a few months later, was a real loss to
his own country and a sad blow to his
many friends here. And while Signer
Orlando kept the negotiations strictly
in his own hands, the Count di Cellere
was frequently, and Baron Sonnino oc-
casionally, present at our talks.
These rather extraordinary conver-
sations with Signor Orlando, which
took place at the hotel of the Italian
delegates, and which were necessarily
carried on in French, were always en-
tirely amicable and cordial; indeed,
Signor Orlando's attractive personal-
ity, combined with his juristic attitude
of mind, precluded any other course of
discussion.
I often recall a few words of Signor
Orlando which seemed to me to speak
in part his thoughts on the meetings of
the Council of Four. I was talking one
evening with him and Marshal Joffre,
who said to Orlando, in French, 'Do
you know any English?' To which
Orlando replied that he knew very lit-
tle— 'Nothing,' he added, 'except
these words, "eleven o'clock, I don't
agree, good-bye."'
Now, there is one sort of solution al-
most always possible in a diplomatic
discussion, and that is a modus vivendi,
an agreement to postpone final deci-
sion and to arrange a status for the
intervening time. In view of the diver-
gence of thought between President
Wilson and the Italians, this seemed one
way out of the difficulty, and it was dis-
cussed in various forms. But there
were obvious objections to any such
postponement, and the terms of the
intermediate status, the questions of
temporary occupation and of tempo-
rary government, presented new prob-
lems without solving old ones.
The real attitude of the Italians was
not one of eagerness for the application
of the Pact of London; they regarded it
rather as a claim which they might re-
luctantly be forced to press. Orlando
said to me that that treaty was his
last line of defense; that, if no solution
were possible, if no delay were obtained,
he would be compelled to fall back up-
on the Pact of London, — for he would
have nothing else, — although he did
not like it and did not believe it was in
accordance with the principles of Presi-
dent Wilson.
So the talks with Signor Orlando
soon turned toward the possibility of a
definitive agreement, and I proposed
a formula, the most important point of
which was that Fiume should be an in-
dependent city and free port under the
protection of the League of Nations.
This suggestion was not wholly novel,
but it was the first time, I think, that it
had been definitely made in that form
in the negotiations. It differed from
the views of the American territorial
advisers, who would have preferred to
give Fiume to the Jugo-Slavs; and it at
the same time rejected the Italian de-
mand, which would have made Fiume
Italian, or, at least, have put it under
Italian protection.
My own belief at Paris was — and
despite the episode of d'Annunzio, I
have never seen any reason to change
it — that a fair vote by secret ballot of
the inhabitants of Fiume would have
shown a very large majority in favor of
a free city and against either Jugo-Slav
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
or Italian sovereignty; people usually
vote according to their own ideas of
self-interest; and that Fiume, which is
essentially a port of through 'traffic
both ways, would be more prosperous
and more developed under its own con-
trol than under either that of Italy or
that of the Jugo-Slavs, particularly in
view of the Hungarian and other traffic,
seems to me clear. I do not intimate
that that fact, if it be a fact, is conclu-
sive, but it is certainly entitled to some
weight.
It soon appeared that President Wil-
son would accept this solution as to
Fiume. The Italians hesitated. But in
their inner feelings, the members of the
Italian delegation were not at all of one
mind about Fiume. After all, Fiume
represented a dream of Italian senti-
ment rather than a reality of Italian
needs. And there were not lacking
Italian statesmen who thought that,
by insisting on Fiume, Italy would be
seeking a shadow which might well
mean abandoning some real substance.
And finally Orlando yielded and agreed
that he would accept the solution as to
Fiume. I thought for a moment that per-
haps Colonel House had again achieved
the seemingly impossible, and that the
Adriatic question was to be solved.
But there remained Dalmatia, the
islands off the coast, and Istria. The
first presented comparatively little diffi-
culty, though causing much discussion.
The Italians claimed only one or two
towns on the mainland, and Baron Son-
nino, unyielding as he is usually pic-
tured, said that Italy was not inflexible
about the islands.
Baron Sonnino has often been painted
in the black colors of a reactionary, and
no one knew better than he that the in-
dictment had been drawn. He said to
me once with a smile, 'If we come to an
agreement, you might add a clause to
the effect that Baron Sonnino should
retire from office, for that might help
275
to get the agreement accepted'; and
'after all,' he added, 'I am an old man,
and have been in office as Foreign Min-
ister since the war began.'
Reactionary or no, Baron Sonnino
had all the charm of the old school, and
his manner made me recall the remark
of Lord Rosebery, who said that, while
he agreed with the Liberals, he prefer-
red to dine with the Conservatives.
All that was left was the location of
the Wilson line in Istria; the Italians
wanted it moved east at its southern
end, over toward Fiume, so as to leave
in Italy all of Istria, with a boundary-
line touching Fiume itself; but here
President Wilson, still resting on the
recommendations of his territorial ad-
visers, refused to yield; and the Italians
were equally firm, considering that they
had already given up too much, or at
least enough, of their claims, and that
the physical junction with Fiume was
indispensable from their standpoint.
Indeed, national aspirations are so
bound up with national sentiment and
tradition, that it is not a matter of pure
fancy to recall that the Italian claim of
1919 had been phrased six centuries be-
fore the Conference of Paris, by Dante,
in one of the most famous lines of the
Inferno, where he spoke of the sea east
of Istria as 'the Quarnero, whose wa-
ters are the confines of Italy and bathe
her farthest frontiers.'
So on this point of Istria, a compara-
tively minor one, if the situation is
looked at as a whole, the negotiations
broke down and failed to result.
Whose duty was it to yield? The
answer depends on the point of view.
The American territorial advisers, right-
ly considering the Pact of London a
nullity as to the United States, consid-
ered, not only that Italy had received
great concessions, but that she had
276
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
really yielded nothing at all. Their
opinion was that, as Italy had been
given the strongest possible frontier in
the north, a grant which included as
Italian even the southern part of the
Austrian Tyrol, and as the remaining
land-frontier had been drawn east of
the ethnic line, Italy had received all
her just claims; and they considered,
too, that Italy would be safe as to the
Adriatic, an opinion shared by the
American naval experts.
The other argument was that, as-
suming the correctness of the views of
the American territorial advisers, the
importance of reaching a solution out-
weighed the importance of the change
in the line in Istria; that the difference
between the two proposals was not
great enough to be a difference in prin-
ciple, but only in degree; that the ad-
vantages of a present solution so nearly
correct in theory, a solution in which
Italy had yielded her claim to Fiume, —
a claim which, whether defensible or
not, had aroused passions and feelings
of a grave character, — should not be
dismissed in favor of the mere possi-
bility of a slightly different solution
later on; and that a continuance of such
a difference between two neighboring
countries involved grave risks of war;
or if not the risk of war, that it involved
at least the possibility of the applica-
tion of the provisions of the Pact of
London — a treaty which everyone,
Italy included, wished to discard.
I am frank to say that the latter was
my own view; I thought that President
Wilson should have yielded for the
sake of the greater good of a final set-
tlement as against the lesser good of
the assumed correctness of the Wilson
line.
Whether I am right or not, certainly
the failure of the settlement brought
about a year and a half of uncertainty,
and made possible the mimic war of
d'Annunzio; and the final result, as we
shall see, was more favorable to Italy in
regard to Istria and the Wilson line than
the solution proposed in the conversa-
tions that I had with Orlando.
Whether one agrees or not with the
stand of President Wilson, one cannot
but admire its courage and its disre-
gard of political results; the man who
stands for what he thinks just, even
when his course is bound to lose votes,
is almost as rare nowadays as the great
auk. Those political results followed
as surely as the night the day; the op-
position to President Wilson capitalized
his stand on the Adriatic question, and
from their flotation of the sentiment
which that stand had aroused drew
large dividends in ballots.
After President Wilson came back to
Washington, discussions continued at
Paris and by exchanges between the
various governments. Their most im-
portant feature was the proposal to
Italy, made in December, 1919, by
Great Britain, France, and the United
States jointly, in which President Wil-
son, under the advice of Dr. Bowman,
of the American Geographical Society,
made substantial concessions from his
earlier views. But this proposal was not
accepted, and it was followed by the ac-
cord of January, 1920, between France,
Great Britain, and Italy, under the
leadership of Signer Nitti, an accord
which President Wilson refused to ac-
cept, but which, so far as it related to
Jugo-Slav relations with Italy, was in
substance incorporated into the final
agreement of the Treaty of Rapallo.
I omit any discussion of the occupa-
tion of Fiume by d'Annunzio — that
amazing madness which destroyed for
months the trade of a commercial city
and brought about increased feeling
among the various partisans on all sides,
but which convinced no one who was
not convinced before, and left the offi-
cial attitudes of the governments of
Italy and of the Jugo-Slavs unchanged.
THE ADRIATIC NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS
277
Nor can I do more than allude to the
matter of Albania — an important
part of the Adriatic question, but one
not so much discussed at Paris.
All ideas of any partition of Albania,
or of an Italian protectorate, or even
of Italian occupation of the port of
Valona, have been finally abandoned.
By a treaty signed on August 2, 1920,
Italy, .retaining only two headlands
near Valona and the island of Saseno,
off the coast, recognizes the indepen-
dence of Albania within the frontiers
of 1913; any doubt as to the separate
existence of Albania is at an end: she
has a real and apparently stable gov-
ernment of her own, and has, indeed,
become a member of the League of
Nations.
But the final settlement of the Adri-
atic question between Italy and the
Jugo-Slavs is not unrelated to the in-
conclusive Paris negotiations. That
settlement took place last autumn, and
its moving cause was the American
election on November 2, which obvi-
ously left Italy a free hand and which
brought keenly home to the Jugo-Slavs
the advice of the Scriptures: 'Agree
with thine adversary quickly, whiles
thou art in the way with him.'
For just ten days after our election,
there was signed on November 12, at
lapallo, a little winter resort near
ienoa, a treaty between Italy and the
dngdom of the Serbs, the Croats, and
he Slovenes, which settled their dif-
erences as to the Adriatic, and settled
them as the Italian government, not as
the Italian extremists, wanted them
settled.
It is interesting to compare the terms
of the Treaty of Rapallo with those
proposed at Paris. Italy gets four island
groups in the Adriatic, of considerable
strategic but little other importance;
and in Dalmatia a little territory at
Zara. Fiume, with a small strip running
along the gulf, becomes independent.
Thus far, we might be in Paris instead
of at Rapallo. But the Wilson line in
Istria becomes a thing of dreams. Not
only do the Italians get a frontier touch-
ing that of Fiume; not only do they get
all of Istria; but the line near Laibach
goes even east of the line of the Pact of
London, making a strategic frontier
even more strategic than before.
I called the Adriatic negotiations at
Paris a failure. Perhaps I was too harsh:-
although they did not reach any final
result, they demonstrated the obso-
lescence of the Pact of London, they
paved the way for an agreement to be
reached between the parties, and they
showed the moral fibre of a man who
wanted to be right, even while he was
President.
I try never to think of what might
have been at Paris, for nothing is more
vain than to recast a mythical present
from an imaginary past. One must be a
philosopher and think of Sainte-Beuve's
striking phrase in his introduction to
the Memoirs of Saint Simon: 'On ne
refait point 1'histoire par hypothese.'
(History cannot be made over by sup-
posing.)
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
PERIOD FURNITURE
IN our town, as in others like it, the
recent years have proved epochal. First
there was the War, and after that the
H. C. L., and after that the Coal Boom,
and after that the Interior Decorator.
On every hand new houses are going up
and old ones either coming down or
undergoing a transforming process of
rejuvenation.
Contractors and builders are bustling
busily, and our afternoon bridge clubs
flow gently along, — like the tide of
Sweet Afton, — to a murmuring stream
of period furniture, oriental rugs,
glassed-in porches, grass-cloth hangings,
refectory tables, and breakfast alcoves.
One morning I received a call from
an interior decorator. He was a pleas-
ant little gentleman with a portfolio
under his arm, and he greeted me with
so obvious an assurance of being ex-
pected that I asked him to come in.
'I have called,' said he, 'about the
period furniture for the library and
dining-room, and I have here' — indi-
cating the portfolio — 'the photographs
of the special "pieces" which our Mr.
Astrachan has selected for those rooms.
The designs are extremely chaste, as
you will see, and entirely correct in line
and detail. If you are at leisure — '
And then it developed that he was a
pleasant little gentleman who had made
a mistake.
He had been assigned by Messrs. As-
trachan & Kolinsky, Interior Decora-
tors, of Fifth Avenue, to take charge of
the furnishings and fittings of an exten-
sively remodeled mansion farther up the
street, whose owner bore the same name
as my own. The homes in this section
278
of the town are not numbered, and in-
quiries at the hotel had resulted in his
arrival at my door.
Followed explanations, profuse apol-
ogies, and a bowing exit.
Our interview had taken place in the
hall, from which, through uncurtained
doorways, were widely visible the con-
tents of the library, the living-room,
and the dining-room; and during the
brief colloquy the pleasant little gentle-
man's glance — heavily bounded by
tortoise-shell — had embraced with the
sweeping observation of an expert the
varied appurtenances of those apart-
ments.
Incredulity, shocked disapproval, a
look akin to horror, following his swift
survey of the dining-room, passed rap-
idly in procession across his mobile
countenance; and as he politely backed
away, it was with the feeling of one ar-
tistically condemned that I closed the
door.
In the hall I stood still and looked
about me.
'Period furniture!' Surely no dwell-
ing-place in all the town was so thorough-
ly period-furnitured as mine! The
dining-room, now, — the dining-room,
whose time-honored plenishings had re-
ceived that devastating lightning glance
from Mr. Astrachan's dismayed dep-
uty, — were not that massive board oi
convoluted oak, and those six accom-
panying chairs, 'Jacobean'? They
were — great-uncle Jacobean; indirect-
ly inherited by my husband at the dis-
mantling of his bachelor relative's old-
fashioned domicile. The sideboard and
china-closet — also inherited, but nol
from the same source — were eloquent
emblems of an obsolete pattern, whose
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
material and finish contrasted neatly
with the table and chairs. The library
at my right harbored the customary
craft of libraries, — books aplenty,
magazines galore, — but the desk be-
tween the windows was a middle-aged
'rolltop,' and before the fireplace stood
an armchair with a gilt-embossed back
and permanently waved legs — a ' Wil-
liam and Mary' chair, presented at my
marriage, twenty years ago, by Aunt
Mary and Uncle William, and held ever
since in the reverence befitting the wed-
ding-gift that was accompanied by a
check.
The living-room across the hall —
but here my descriptive powers fail,
coming to a full stop, as it were, before
the florid architecture of the mid- Vic-
torian 'sofa,' the Bronze Age on the
mantelpiece, the bent-wood rocker of
the early eighties, the monastic simplic-
ity of the Mission table, with its bulg-
ing-bowled lamp of Royal Worcester,
and the rigid outlines, blackly angular,
of the 'upright' piano in the corner.
No, the familiar furniture of this well-
loved and lived-in room is not, strictly
speaking, ' Period ' — it is exclamation
point, preceded by a dash!
My mind's eye in its travels ascends
the stairs.
In the large front bedroom is the Pe-
riod of Archibald II. Here stands aus-
terely the bed of black walnut, — the
wide double bed of the old regime, —
whereon my grandparents slumbered
peacefully, undisturbed by scandalized
fore-visionings of the slim twin couches
af fashionable modernity. Here, too, is
its companion bureau, ponderous, mov-
ing reluctantly, when needs must, upon
complaining castors, and boasting a
swinging oval mirror and a mottled
narbled top.
Through the doorway of the adjoin-
,ng dressing-room looms a mausoleum-
ike structure of carved and paneled
iherry, which, like the dining-room
279
table and chairs, had once belonged to
Great-uncle Jacob. Blatantly this arti-
cle of vertu hits the eye. Frankly hide-
pus it is, indeed — exteriorly; but with-
in — ah, it is within that one must seek
its adequate excuse for being; for be-
hind its glossy red panels are smooth,
wide shelves of fragrant cedar, where
moth-inviting peltry may be safely
stored. A separate compartment is
divided into broad dust-proof spaces —
spaces fortuitously ideal for shoes, ad-
mirable for hats. Beneath are four
brass-handled drawers, deep and gener-
ous, wherein repose my most cherished
linens and where, in un-cramped ease,
my treasured centre-pieces lie extended,
their broidered surfaces untroubled by
a fold.
At one side an unexpected door, fit-
ted with a lock and key, conceals a small
receptacle quite perfectly adapted to
the particular use to which I am confi-
dent it was put by bachelor Great-uncle
Jacob. At any rate, as the little door
swings back, a faint bouquet, subtle, al-
luring, salutes my nostrils, and I find
myself thinking oddly of — of lemon-
peel and Araby the Blest, and tinkling,
delicate glasses.
There is, indeed, a legend extant, to
the effect that, in the reign of Great-
grandfather Archibald I, there existed
certain possessions of rare old mahog-
any. Whispers have reached me of a
glass-knobbed 'low-boy,' of Chippen-
dale chairs, of adorable top-tipping
card-tables with pie-crust edges; there
is even a tradition of a wondrous Shera-
ton sideboard. But, alas, these gems of
antiquity were all reduced to ashes by a
destructive fire, which necessitated the
immediate erection of a new house fur-
nished throughout in 'modern' style.
Perhaps, after all, it is just as well.
As a family we should probably have
quarreled violently over the distribu-
tion of those gracious relics. For what
domestic disintegrations might not that
280
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
Sheraton sideboard have been respon-
sible? — besides occasioning the sin of
covetousness in the souls of our friends
and acquaintances.
As it is, we accepted our just appor-
tionment of our ancestors' ' delusions of
grandeur ' in a spirit of resigned calm and
the harmony of mutual commiseration.
But what is one to do — such a one
as I, that is, to whom has descended, in
the fullness of time, a proportionate
share of the Lares and Penates of two
dismantled homesteads, as well as a
sprinkling of bestowals from several on
the side-lines?
Sell them? Give them away? Cast
them to the flames? Never! Forbid
such sacrilege! Besides, — I confess it
unashamed, — I don't want to. I like
these things. I am 'attached' to them.
The 'Elizabethan' roll-top desk in the
library where, in years agone, Aunt
Elizabeth kept her circumspect accounts
and copied her recipes; the cherry sar-
cophagus, where Great-uncle Jacob
housed his wardrobe and assembled the
ingredients of the mellow consolation
that warmed his lonely heart, are com-
panions tried and true. Chosen with
anxious care and conscientious economy
in the placid ' boomless ' past, endeared
by long usage and hallowed by memory,
these 'Period' furnishings are now be-
loved members of the family; and so I
am determined they shall remain, even
though my gardener's spade should
strike oil in the backyard, or my face-
tious Airedale unearth a coal-mine un-
der the front steps. Nevertheless, my
inherited honesty, chaste in design and
correct in line and detail, forces me to
admit that, at times, the rummage-sale
has been a help.
TERESINA
Teresina has gone to school. I
watched her round black hat, snug blue
sweater, scarlet dress, white legs and
brown feet, twinkling away up the path
in the frosty morning dew, safely es-
corted by an older black-hatted, blue-
sweatered edition of schoolgirlness, very
patronizing and sweet in her role of
friendly protector.
Teresina will come racing home at
noon, full of wisdom: French words shy-
ly attempted, crayoned chefs-d'ceuvres,
' writings ' of incalculable value.
And I shall be so glad — oh, so glad!
— to have her back again; to hug her
and wash her and feed her, and listen to
her complex tales of the big boy who
cried and the light-haired boy who
pushed her head off his desk when she
leaned harmlessly upon it, and the girls
who whispered and had to go out and
sit on the stairs, and the dog who looked
in the window. Teresina has given me
five years of gladness; for she is curly
and crinkly in body and mind, stubborn
and sweet, amazingly good and appall-
ingly naughty. Truly, to send her to
school has been my adventure almost
more than hers, such adventures being
of the privileges of parenthood.
But to-day, after two weeks of school,
my own private adventure begins. To-
day, for the first time in all her five dar-
ling demanding years, I am all alone in
the house — and the clock just striking
ten! For Jennie, the beneficent tyrant
of our domestic past, has gone to com-
mand another kitchen, and to begin
loving another baby just come from the
Blue Children, as she has so loyally
loved our Teresina.
Even though her departure means
baking and brewing and sweeping for
me, and many moments of regret for
lost comfortings and cossettings — I am
all alone in the house!
This morning my new green dishes
danced perilously from their suds; the
steel wool scratched without pity over
pans and kettles; the kitchen floor got a
lick and a promise of further sweeping.
I sprinkled a basket of clothes against
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
281
the ironing, and rolled them hard and
swiftly in fat bundles; I made beds and
dusted one table and two chairs (no
more, on my life) ; and all the time I was
hurry-scurrying, joyfully, breathlessly,
with my spirit on flightiest tippy-toes,
even like a very young person with a
wonderful picnic or a wonderful party
before her.
For, when all those most necessary
good works were done, I would have to
myself two hours — two fat morning
hours; not the tired contented time
after supper, when X and I sit happily
by the fire, and find our heads nod-
ding over our books, and a strange need
of sleep before the clock strikes nine;
but the clear-shining, brisk, notable
forenoon !
No dear but insatiable calls for drinks
of water, graham crackers, dress-up
scarves, pencils, paper, mud-pie spoons;
no need to arbitrate between tearful
claims, provide 'tea-parties,' and deal
out rubbers and reproofs. And from the
kitchen no urgent or comic problems;
explosive announcements that the pota-
toes are all out, or the ice-man did n't
stop; not even (a thing to be missed
afterward, but not to-day in the first
flush of adventure) any friendly coax-
ing at eleven o'clock: 'I'm almost dead
for the lack of a cup of tea; and if you'll
come and sit in the kitchen with me, I '11
make you some cinnamon toast/
Two hours! — And half an hour has
already fled while I write this, for sheer
comfort in telling how strange and fresh
is freedom. — To-night shall I ask
X how to disconnect the telephone for
those two precious hours? Or shall
I trust, as I do to-day, that in some
miraculous fashion a thick black mark
will strike through our name and num-
ber in every telephone book in town, so
that all my friends and foes shall turn
away from some ominous approach to
me, muttering, 'That's queer. That's
very queer!' and I shall go unscathed.
For if people only knew how wonder-
ful it is to be free, surely they would not
need me for just two hours!
It would seem easy to say to the peo-
ple whom I love much and those whom
I love even a little, — those who would
understand and those who would not,
— ' I am going to keep two hours of five
days in the week quite free. I — am —
going — to — try — to — write.'
But I can't say it. The fatal word up
there printed itself slowly, shyly, as if
I said, 'I'm going to get very drunk,'
or, 'I'm going to smuggle diamonds,'
or, 'I'm going off with Mrs. Smith's
husband.'
It is very strange. Ever since my lit-
tle-girlhood, 'writing ' has been my most
ultimate and easy escape from the per-
sistences of life. And lately, when I have
been so happy that often the wings of
my joy seem ready to burst some in-
ward fetter and flash out living and
shining, 'writing' has been my only way
of setting free a thousandth part of
that pulsing joy. The public worth of
what I write is of no such matter as the
doing of it. It is not needful that a pri-
vate art should make repayment hi cash
or fame, for its possessor to love it and
to require its practice.
But it is strange, as I said, that with
all these years of certainty about my de-
sire to 'write,' I have never felt that
anybody else, or many other bodies,
would truly understand the place it
holds in my life. I could say, 'I must
clean house,' or ' I must go to a commit-
tee meeting'; but to say, save to those
very few who know me better than I
know myself, ' I must write,' has seemed
foolish and vain.
It is as if my assumption of needing
time to write would strike my hearers
as an ill-judged remark of my older
brother's struck us long ago. He, scrib-
bling at some great work destined for a
St. Nicholas contest, put us younger
roisterers into a mood of derisiveness
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
with his reproof. 'Hush, children!
Don't make such a row! I'm writing
for the Press!'
Will not my announcement of a liter-
ary retreat bring me under the same
condemnation? Will people not, even
while they applaud my worthy purpose,
wonder a little: 'But will she leave all
her housework till afternoon? Will her
family get enough to eat? Will she give
up the committees and things she used
to belong to? Can't we ever call her up
between ten and twelve?' And, worst
of all, stealthily, won't they say, 'I do
wonder if the kind of thing she writes is
worth all that fuss'?
No, I really think they would not say
any of those things. Most of them
would understand, if I dared to pursue
my course of innocent folly.
But the fact remains that only to the
Contributors' Club can I speak with
perfect frankness. For I know that
there must be hundreds of Atlantic-resid-
ing women who feel as I do about some
pet art or handicraft; who steal time for
it, sneakingly, apologetically; who will
not love their fathers and husbands and
children and neighbors any the less for
a restrained practice of it.
They will understand without ever
needing to measure up any personal
knowledge of me against any possible
failure or achievement.
They will know how I feel this Oc-
tober morning, when Teresina has gone
dancing to school, and the house sits
quiet by its sunny meadow, and the au-
tumn crickets purr in the yellow garden.
They will know why I shall not cut
off my telephone or turn the key in my
door, and yet, why I must needs run so
precipitately to my desk, sweep aside
bills and letters, and scratch off all this
folly of confession.
It is half-past eleven: three quarters
of an hour more before the white legs
and brown feet trot up the brick walk,
and the curly head rubs against my
chin in greeting. Perhaps there is even
time to copy some of this on the type-
writer.
What do I care whether the Atlantic
will accept this or not? Have I not had
an hour and a half of perfect, undis-
turbed, secret, old-fashioned scribbling?
And when X reads it to-night, I
thank the Lord that he will only chuckle,
and will announce in no uncertain
voice, —
'I'll attend to that telephone busi-
ness to-morrow morning, first thing.'
I shall not let him do it, of course.
But, just the same, thank the Lord!
ON TYPEWRITERS
Of course, they are merely a sign of
the times, but anyone who has sat in an
office with eighteen or twenty of them
rattling like a brook in full spate within
the compass of four too-narrow walls,
retains a searing of the mind. One of
many captains lays down one of many
cigarettes, calls one of many stenog-
raphers, and begins: 'Take this.' Then,
in a wasting monotone, the soulless
voice of a Frankenstein, varied only by
an occasional, 'No — scratch that out,'
he drones a letter to his tailor, an advice
to the General Staff, or a description of
the cotton plains of Turkestan. The
form of the sentences varies as little as
the captain's voice. They are short.
They begin with the substantive, fol-
lowed by a verb, which is in turn fol-
lowed by an adjective or another noun,
and at the end, as a kind of miserable
rear-guard, is suspended the phrase —
'there being' such and such a thing, or
such and such a condition. It was my
fortune to read a great many army re-
ports during a year in the War Depart-
ment, and I speak from experience when
I say that the 'there-being' construc-
tion is one passionately admired by the
military man. At last the drone dies
away in a discussion of the latest regu-
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
283
lation concerning the form of signature,
and, wafting oriental odors, the stenog-
rapher resumes her place at her ma-
chine, draws a powder-puff from her
bosom, — for, like Moses, ' the skin of
her face did shine/ — and pats her
nose. These formalities concluded, the
noise is increased by her contribution
on the keys.
Well, that is the business world, and
undoubtedly the typewriter is of im-
mense value; but do you not resent its
intrusion on the world of friends and
social relationships? It is part of the
Zeitgeist that tolerates ' thru ' and * yours
aff'y.' People say that it saves so much
time in writing; but how much loss it
causes in individuality! When I receive
a typed letter from a friend, it makes me
feel as post-cards do, that I am on his
conscience, not in his mind. Also it
makes people careless of their grammar
and spelling. A very delightful young
man of my acquaintance, with an Ox-
ford education and a real knowledge of
literature, can write that he was ' much
empressed by the difficulty of getting a
birth' on a steamship to Japan.
You are typing. You come to the end
of the line, thinking there is room to
strike the final e of ' possible,' or the t of
'just'; but the little beggars stick, so
you either let the word go as it is, or al-
low the e or t to dance off on the next
line as Karen's red shoes danced away
when she tore them from her feet in the
churchyard.
So much of modern literature bears
the stamp of having been composed on
the typewriter — the sentences some-
times brisk and impatient, sometimes
lumbering along like a train of mule-
wagons over a sandy plain. Perhaps one
half of the books one so criticizes were
produced by the old-fashioned means
of a pen, but I do maintain that very
few appear of which the reader can say,
'This is a labour of love, the work of a
man who lingeringly wrote each sen-
tence as though it were his last.' Could
Sir Thomas Browne have captured the
mood which sombres the lovely pages
of his Hydriotaphia while seated before
a clacking machine, or the translators
of the Bible have touched the wings
of Gabriel? Surely they wrote, as Fra
Angelico painted, on their knees. Gone
are the days of Grub Street, when the
author, his feet curled under his chair, a
wad of paper thrust under the hind-legs
of the table to keep it steady, and be-
fore him scribbled sheets and a china
ink-pot, sat with his pen between his
lips and eyes fixed on the patch of sky
behind the garret window. Unless he
has been changing the ribbon of his
typewriter, the author of to-day no
longer has an inky finger. Before any-
one catches me up on this generali-
zation, I hasten to make a few excep-
tions— notably Henry James. Great
man as one has always considered him,
one's admiration leaps to amazement
on realizing that he dictated his books.
M on Dieu! quel h&mme! Surely he must
have had some physical method of keep-
ing track of his rhetorical labyrinths,
such as walking down a long room drop-
ping pebbles to record the fall of his
relative, subjunctive, and parenthetical
clauses, and on the return journey pick-
ing them up, — thus sure that not one
had escaped, — until all were safely
gathered in the rare triumph of a full
stop.
I have a little collection of French
poems of the nineteenth century, after
many of which is a reproduction of the
original, with its blots, its erasures, its
emendations. It is a pleasure to go over
the pages and see the poet's hesita-
tions — an encouragement, indeed, that
brings the Olympians nearer earth.
Who, I ask you, would treasure the
first draft of 'La Maison du Berger,'
were typing substituted for the delicate
flow of De Vigny's pen; and for the im-
patient dash over some discarded word,
284
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
— a gesture of dismissal, it seems, to
the second-rate, — a row of little x'sl
Such a sacrilege were comparable to
reading Keats to the accompaniment of
an insecure set of false teeth.
One more protest, and I have done.
It is against those apostles of efficiency
who, overvaluing that most common
commodity, time, bring their type-
writers on the train with them, and
make the journey hideous by an inces-
sant flow of soul. A parlor-car, to nor-
mal people, is a place where they read
novels they would not dare read at
home, sit vacantly counting the silos
on the various farms they pass, plan
campaigns for seizing railroad cross-
ings, or, from the appearance of the
houses, decide the fitting names for the
families that inhabit them. When my
brother and sister and I were small, our
mother and governess could always be
sure of one peaceful quarter of an hour
during the journey which we frequent-
ly made between Albany and Buffalo.
That time came when we approached
Syrause; for having been told that
there were a great many negroes there,
we always pressed our noses against the
window to enumerate rapturously all
persons of color whom we saw. I still do
it, and achieved, a month ago, the fine
total of thirty. On the return journey I
found, to my anger, that the counter-
interest of watching a one-armed man
typing took my mind from the main
business of the day, so that my score
was only seven.
VIGIL
I had a plan that I would keep
Myself awake: I would not sleep,
But listen hard till far away
The silver bells upon his sleigh
I heard, and on the neighbors' roofs
The clatter of those tiny hoofs.
Then from my nice warm bed I 'd creep;
Out of my window I would peep,
And see him with the bag of toys
He yearly brings good girls and boys.
For from my window I can see
The chimney of our library,
Where all our stockings in a row
Hang till the fire has burned so low
That down the chimney, warm and
wide,
Old Santa Claus can get inside.
But if a fire there should be
With roaring flames, it seems to me
The chimney 'd get so piping hot,
I guess he 'd think he 'd better not.
I made my prayer, and went to bed,
And Mother tucked me in, and said,
'Dear, drowsy head
On pillow white,
Sleep sound all night.'
And then I made believe to fall
Right sound asleep: but in the hall
I heard our old grandfather-clock —
Tick-lock tick-lock tick-lock lick-lock
Tick-lock tick-lock lick-lock lick-lock
Tick-lock . . .
Then, all at once, it struck eleven —
And / had gone to bed at seven I
I listened then with all my might;
And far away across the night
I heard his sleigh-bells' tinkling tune,
And guessed that he was coming soon.
But ever fainter grew the sound,
Till silence fell the whole world round
Except for old grandfather-clock —
Tick-lock lick-lock lick-lock lick-lock —
He'd come and gone; and I admit
That I was rather glad of it.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
To Frank I. Cobb the New York World
has owed for many years the reputation
of printing the most vigorous and cogent
editorial page in the United States. Dr.
Joseph Fort Newton, called during the
war to preach in the City Temple, — the
famous preaching pulpit in London, — is
minister of the Church of the Divine Pater-
nity in New York City. Hans Coudenhove,
a Dutchman who has spent most of his ac-
tive life in Africa, sends this paper from Zom-
ba, in Nyasaland. William McFee is at
present chief engineer of the S. S. Toloa,
under the British flag.
* * *
Fannie Stearns Gilford, one of the most
graceful and individual of American poets,
lives in Pittsfield, Massachusetts. Milton O.
Nelson, formerly associate editor of the
Minneapolis Journal, has lately joined the
staff of the Portland (Oregon) Telegram.
The story here told is, of course, a record
from the author's life. Indeed, it could not
be anything else. The author was brought
up in a household closely patterned after
Old Testament ideals. Perhaps we may,
without breach of confidence, publish a par-
agraph from a highly interesting letter of
recollections.
Father [writes Mr. Nelson] was innately mod-
est, even diffident. He never pestered us much
with taking daily inventories of our spiritual rela-
tions with the Infinite, as the elder Gosse bothered
his afflicted son; nor did he ever presume to know
the mind of God to a nicety. But the question up-
permost in his thought always was : ' Are my child-
ren saved? ' Evidence of this is given in his words
when his first child — John Newton, aged 26,
who went as a missionary to Peru, Brazil — died
of yellow fever two months after his arrival.
The first words father spoke after the shock of
the tidings were: 'One of my boys is safe.'
* * *
Frances Theresa Russell, a new contribu-
tor, is of the faculty of Leland Stanford
Junior University. L. P. Jacks, Principal of
Manchester College, Oxford, and editor of
the Hibbert Journal, was for many years a
familiar and affectionate friend of William
James. Charles Bernard Nordhofif is living
at Papeete, in the South Seas. Leonora
Pease, a teacher in the public schools of
Chicago, knows whereof she writes.
* * *
Ralph Barton Perry is Professor of Philos-
ophy at Harvard. A. Edward Newton, now
diverting himself in English auction-rooms,
will return to America in tune for the publi-
cation of his new volume in September.
L. Adams Beck is an English scholar and
traveler, now living in the Canadian West.
Joseph Auslander is an American poet at
present teaching at Harvard.
* * *
Alfred G. Gardiner, distinguished Eng-
lish journalist and essayist, for many years
editor of the London Daily News, but now
living in alert retirement, keeps his study
window wide open on politics. Major-Gen-
eral William H. Carter, U.S.A., a West
Point graduate of 1873, in the course of his
service commanded the Hawaiian Depart-
ment. Retired in 1915, he was recalled to
active service in 1917. His article is in a
large degree authoritative. Philip Cabot is a
Boston banker, who has had long and suc-
cessful experience in the conduct of public
utilities. David Hunter Miller, a New York
lawyer with a detailed knowledge of political
and social conditions in Europe, served dur-
ing the Peace Conference as technical ad-
viser to the American Commission to Nego-
tiate Peace. His article is, of course, a rec-
ord at first hand.
* * *
Mr. Stewart's entertaining paper has
rallied to the Atlantic the support of fox-
hunters everywhere. An old hand at the
sport writes us from Bloomington, Illinois,
this interesting epistle.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Charles D. Stewart's very interesting article
in the June Atlantic, called 'Belling a Fox,' sets
down what he calls three facts. From experience
in following the trails of foxes in the snow I can
confirm the first two facts, but I am compelled to
differ from Mr. Stewart regarding the third, which
is, 'you cannot approach within gunshot of a
fox.'
285
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
286
Several years ago, in Funk's Grove, McLean
County, Illinois, while I was following the tracks
of a fox in the snow, footprints indicated that an-
other man had been following the same tracks.
I met him later, on another trip. He was a young
farm-hand named La Follette, and his boyhood
home had been in Virginia. He earned a shot-
gun and said he was hunting foxes by following
their tracks. I asked to be allowed to go with him.
We skirted a piece of dense woods and came upon
tracks leading into the woods, which he pro-
nounced to be 'long tracks,' and explained that
the fox was starting off on a long hunting-trip
and it would be useless to follow. The tracks led
straightaway through the woods.
Later, in a draw, or low place, we came upon
what he called 'short tracks,' leading from the
woods into open country. The tracks were zigzag
and advantage was taken of bare pieces of ice and
grass. La Follette stated that the fox was ap-
proaching a place to lie down, and was seeking to
conceal its tracks. Within a few minutes we ap-
proached a fall-ploughed field, where the ridges
were bare of snow, and there was a low hill.
Asking that I remain behind, La Follette cau-
tiously followed the tracks and stopped frequently
to examine the ground with an old-fashioned spy-
glass. Two red foxes were approached within
gunshot as they were apparently asleep on the
top of the hill and were not aware of the hunter's
presence. They were not seen until they jumped
up to run, and both were crippled in two shots.
We followed the more seriously crippled fox
for about two miles, but spent three hours in cov-
ering this distance. After examining the tracks,
La Follette said the fox would lie down if not
pursued too closely; and we sat down for over an
hour to let it 'get stiff' before the final careful
advance was made which resulted in the fox being
killed. We then took up the trail of the second
fox, but lost it later when the snow melted.
La Follette told me that the fox killed that day
was the eighth killed by him that winter, and
made a total of about thirty foxes killed by him
in the same manner. He always hunted alone
and found the foxes by tracking them in the snow.
Very truly yours,
FRANK W. ALDBICH.
Horrors as might be pale, as usual, before
horrors as is.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
A 'Contributor' to the June issue writes an
amusing article which opens with these words:
'If "that blessed word Mesopotamia" were in
practical use to-day, it would doubtless suffer the
horror of becoming Meso or Ma.'
If it were in practical use to-day! Is it not,
perhaps, to many thousands of British soldiers
and sailors? At any rate one of them, sending a
batch of snapshots, writes as follows: 'so now you
know what Mespot looks like! '
This sounds quite 'practical,' and moderately
descriptive!
Yours truly,
MARY KELLOGG SHERRILL.
Vernon Kellogg's papers on Life and
Death have moved many people to break
through the artificial reticences with which
we hedge ourselves in.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
I find it impossible to refrain from sending a
few words in an attempt to express a little of the
intense interest and satisfaction I have just had
in reading 'The Biologist Speaks of Death' in the
June Atlantic. While I have always secretly felt
myself to be an 'agnostic' — if so ignorant a be-
ing as I dare call herself anything — yet, since
the death of the person dearer to me than all
others, I have read here and there, listened here
and there to things that have made me waver —
particularly taken in conjunction with many
startling and impressive dreams of my lost dear
one. But the condition of mind I have been in
since meeting with this loss has been made a
thousand times more agonizing than before by
these half-doubted, agitating, distracting, un-
comfortable theories and testimonies that have
appeared in articles and books dealing with
spiritism ; and now, after reading this clearly ex-
pressed, authoritative essay, I feel more at ease,
— more at peace, — more nearly satisfied on this
terrible yet inevitable problem than ever before;
and so grateful to the author who wrote it that I
felt impelled to try to express, however clumsily
and inadequately, my indebtedness to him. The
part of the article that means perhaps more to me
than any other begins, ' Sadly he answers, " I can
give you no comfort'" — ending with the words
' He does not know.' But every word of the article
has been interesting and valuable to me, in my
perplexity and sorrow. However undesirable,
flat, stale, and unprofitable life seems — at least
I have the comfort of reading the Atlantic
Monthly! And this article I have found so en-
lightening, convincing, and — compared with
all else I've read on the subject — so satisfying.
With gratitude unspeakable,
Believe me, sincerely yours,
O R .
* * *
Was ever self-confession more essentially
complete than this, since Dogberry wrote
himself down an ass?
PHILADELPHIA, June the Tenth, 1921.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
That vacuous article entitled 'What Consti-
tutes an Educated Person To-Day,' which you
admitted to your columns for June, in which it is
stated that no man can fairly be called educated
who lacks the power to use his native language
correctly, impels me to respond.
In the first place I am the fortunate holder of a
degree of A.B., with Honors in my chosen field; I
also am a Master of Arts, a Master of Science
and a Doctor of Philosophy, the two latter de-
grees having been granted by Harvard Univer-
sity. I have taught at Harvard and have the
Professorial title from teaching in a Western Uni-
versity. I am a Fellow of the American Associa-
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
287
tion for the Advancement of Science, a member
of, among others, two scientific societies, mem-
bership in which is by invitation only and is con-
sidered as recognition of a certain ability to put
to good use a so-called education. I am also a
member of Sigma Xi, concerning which you prob-
ably know nothing and for your elucidation I will
state that it is the equivalent in Science of the Phi
Beta Kappa in the arts. Moreover I enjoy good
music, paintings and sculpture; am fairly con-
versant with good literature and am able to dif-
ferentiate to some extent the wheat from the
chaff. In addition I am an Associate Editor of a
scientific journal. Notwithstanding this humor-
ously imposing list of accomplishments I lack the
power to use my native language correctly —
and what is probably more awful, I don't give a
damn, and if I lack education according to the
standard set by your contributor I am tickled to
death that I lack the feeble and theoretical intel-
ligence that goes with such education that gives
rise to the mane sneers such as your Contributor
is allowed to publish in the Atlantic. If I admitted
such drivel to the columns of my journal I would
be fired from my job at the next annual meeting.
Come on, Atlantic, what is the matter with you?
Are you so cloyed with your own self-assumed
sweetness that you think the only educated per-
sons are those who belong to your own little
mutual admiration society? I fail to find in your
pages any logical basis for the opinion that you
are really high-brow. You have the patina only,
not the substance. Where are your Leigh Hunts,
your Hazlitts, your Charles Lambs, your Emer-
sons? You don't begin to come hah*- way up to
those writers in what you publish, in so far as fine
writing goes.
Oh yes, I forgot to tell you that I have also
published so far in my youthful career some
thirty-six (36), count 'em, scientific articles as the
results of my studies, and all of these have ap-
peared in reputable scientific journals. They are
not always in correct English, but they get the
idea across.
AN UNEDUCATED PERSON.
P.S. I am not signing my name for the very
obvious reason that I have no desire to toot my
own horn except behind the scenes.
Behind the Scenes!
mercifully drawn.
But the curtain is
What the scholar learns is often over-
matched by what the teacher is taught.
May 15, 1921.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
In a recent examination of a group of boys who
will next year be in college, I received the fol-
lowing answers: —
1. Who was Florence Nightingale? A singer.
2. Who was Huckleberry Finn? An Irish writer.
He wrote ' Mark Twin.'
8. Who was Grover Cleveland? The fellow who
put the fine tower on Princeton.
4. Explain the use of shall and will. Shall is
wed by -polite people, will by all others.
5. Where is Tyre? Sidon? Parts of an auto-
mobile.
After receiving such answers, week in, week
out, is it any wonder teachers forget all they ever
knew? Is it any wonder teachers lose then- sense
of humor and their hair? Et clamor meus ad te
veniat?
COLIN C. CLEMENTS.
The following elucidation of an unsolved
Atlantic mystery of some months' standing
comes to us from the professor of Romance
Philology in Columbia University.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
The alluring chronicle which, under the title of
'A Little Boy's Utopia,' appeared in your num-
ber for May, begins as follows: —
' My little nephew was three and a half when he
began to talk about "the Stewart Country," and
between five and six when he gave us to under-
stand that the subject was forever closed. The
origin of the name was a mystery we never fath-
omed [italics mine]. Asked why it was called so,
he would say, "That is its name," with the pa-
tience born of answering many foolish questions.
He described it as "that far land where I lived
when Mulla was a little gayl, too little to be my
Mulla"; and professed to be able to visit it at
will.'
With the flair of a professional philologist, —
who must needs also be something of a psycholo-
gist, — I continued, with mind gently alert, my
reading of the article, in the hope of discovering
the solution of the puzzle that had piqued for
years the curiosity and ingenuity of the child's
family circle.
Internal evidence soon furnished the clue.
About midway of the brief narrative occurs the
preparation of the explanation, in the form of
quotations from the child's own entertaining
testimony; and somewhat farther on in the story
is given the complete though unconscious con-
firmatory evidence of the aunt who tells the tale.
' "When I lived in the Stewart Country" — 1
can hear the change of tone that marked the
familiar opening: it was a kind of half -sad dron-
ing. ... "I sat on the grass and my Stewart
Country lamb climbed up into the tree and threw
the oynges down to me." . . . "My Stewart
Country lamb" was the hero of many of those
wonderful tales.'
Now for the aunt's corroborative contribu-
tion:—
'One day a relic of some past era of domestic
art was unearthed from the store-room — a huge
pincushion of white canton flannel in the shape
of an animal. But what animal? The question
was being discussed in the language of ^ the old
primers. "Is-it-a-cat? No-it-is-a-goat." Some-
one was trying to lift it by an imaginary tail, to
see if it was a guinea pig. The little boy sat gaz-
ing at the object in a kind of trance.
'All at once his arms opened wide. "My
Stewart Country lamb!'"
Is the demonstration sufficiently convincing?
'One day a relic of some past era of domestic
'288
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
art was unearthed from the store-room, . . .
"My Store- Room Country Lamb!'" (My Sto-
woom Tountwy lamb.)
Observe that the child could not pronounce the
letter r (witness 'gayl' and 'oynge') either in
'store-room' or in 'Country' — which is pre-
cisely why the chronicler, unconsciously true to a
well-recognized principle in the science of palae-
ography, has inserted an imagined r in the imagin-
ary word 'Stewart,' on the erroneous supposi-
tion that in view of the child's lisp in the word
'tountwy' there ought to be an r in 'Stewart.'
As for the final t in 'Stewart,' it is simply the
initial t of the child's pronunciation of 'tountwy.'
— The study, by the way, of childish mutilations
or modifications of speech, and the possibility of
their perpetuation in the vocabulary of adults,
such as the childish reduplication of Old French
ante (English aunt), ante-ante, modern French
tante, is lately coming into its own.
But to return to the ' Stewart Country.' This
mysterious, fascinating Store-room Country of
Aladdin's lamps and Seven-League boots and all
the untold wealth of quaint and curious discarded
treasures, was what my own children used to call
the Story-Room. The one-time children are now,
alas, all flown from the parental roof-tree, but in
the far-flung ends of the earth to which the At-
lantic penetrates, they will doubtless all be proud
to find themselves here immortalized in its classic
columns. HENRY ALFRED TODD.
* * *
Poetry is eternal, and — who knows?
— the poet may be, too.
OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA, May 14, 1921.
GENTLEMEN, —
I am herewith sending you a poem of mine for
your magazine. Should you deem my poem
worthy of publication, I should appreciate your
sending some remuneration to me, in order that
I might buy some more paper and ink for the
purpose of sending you some more of my literary
efforts. Yours truly,
* * *
Gradually the Atlantic is finding its niche.
HOPEWELL, VIRGINIA, June 10, 1921.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
I am Employment Manager for a company that
is hiring in fifty girls a week, and I have several
times made trips through the State to get a line on
girl-power.
^ I arrived the other night in a town about eleven
o'clock at night, and found three hotels abso-
lutely filled up. I had my Atlantic under my arm,
as I had been reading it on the train. As I stood
at the counter, wondering what to do, — as there
was no Y. W. in the town, — the clerk asked me
to come to one side as he wanted to speak with
me. When I went over to him, he said, 'Are you
with the "Y"?' I said, 'No.' He said, 'Well,
I saw you with that magazine and I know you
must be all right, so I wanted to let you know
that I have a room here that the Travelers' Aid
takes by the month, and she is away for four
days, so I'm going to let you have it.'
The same thing happened again, in another
town; for drummers seem to be very busy hunt-
ing business these days and they fill up the hotels.
When I found I could n't get in a hotel, I tele-
phoned to a dormitory run by a big cotton mill
for their employees. It was a veritable palace of
a dormitory. When I arrived, at twelve o'clock
at night, the watchman let me in and the head
worker of the dormitory politely greeted me and
told me how to find my quarters. As she turned
to go, she saw I had in my hand an Atlantic, and
she said, ' We don't usually take in strangers this
way at this time of the night, but I judged from
your voice over the telephone that you were a
lady, and now I see you with your Atlantic. I
know you are a person we will be glad to have
with us.'
And this is Virginia, and not Massachusetts!
Hereafter, I shall always carry an Atlantic un-
der my arm in my travels.
MARY L. MORRIS,
Woman Employment Supervisor.
* * *
Here is a letter which supplements ad-
mirably a recent Atlantic discussion.
AKRON, OHIO, June 28, 1921.
GENTLEMEN, —
To your illuminating articles and letters on the
foreign-born in America, permit me to add a let-
ter which to me evidences the pathetic desire of
the sender to be identified with his adopted coun-
try. Wladyslaw F. Meszkowski, a faithful soldier
of Uncle Sam, writes: —
'Dec. 23, 1920.
'Dear Mr. Captain C. Southworth, —
Have receiving your tip (Armistice Anniver-
sary) card and glad to return enswer with fully
thanks now captain I am I getting along mostly
fine and working hard to keep my living so — I
most tell you captain when I got descharge I went
to school for a while and after a took civil service
court school which does help me and now I am
working a little job in mashinerry work. I may
be great successful some day latter on. I am sin-
gle yet and wont decided to be a maried before I
can eorining something or receive a batter posi-
tion. . . . 'Yours
'WALTER FRANK
'This is my new address. This name I am us-
ing in working sociation. Meszkowski is known
just as same.'
I am sure that many others who served during
the late war could tell of many instances of the
pride our foreign-born ex-soldiers, or at least some
of them, have in their certificates of honorable
discharge. Not that all of them were anxious to
fight, — and after all, who were? — but having
served, they feel that they are no longer ' Dagoes '
or 'Hunkies.' Surely all who love America will
try to see that they are not disillusioned. Let
us join Walter Frank in the hope that he may be
' great successful some day,' and in the meantime
let us help some other Walter Frank maintain his
new self-respect and pride.
Very truly yours,
CONSTANT SOUTHWORTH.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
SEPTEMBER, 1921
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
BY CORNELIA J. CANNON
FOR thirty years the philanthropists
of America have indulged in a perfect
orgy of charitable activity. They have
developed and expanded every form of
humanitarian service common to the
civilized nations, and have searched
the world and their own imaginations
for types of moral and physical ailment
to which the philanthropies of old were
oblivious, in order that they might still
further improve society, and have even
wider openings for the spread of their
social enthusiasms. They have organ-
ized to deal with every form of human
need, and have established institutions
to rectify every variety of human de-
fect. They have had oversight, from
the cradle to the grave, of those unfor-
tunates who anywhere along the way
have fallen out of balanced adjustment
to their environment. Pre-natal clinics,
baby-welfare stations, orphan asylums,
charity hospitals, penny-saving socie-
ties, child-hygiene associations, home-
economics organizations, social-hy-
giene boards, dental clinics, and settle-
ment houses have dotted the land. The
socially minded have concerned them-
selves with the unmarried mother, the
crippled, the blind, the insane, the
deaf, the traveler, the tubercular; they
have agitated for better housing, for
VOL. IK—NO, s
A
home nursing, for backyard play-
grounds; they have enunciated a phil-
osophy of the family, developed a tech-
nique of case-work, and formulated
methods for conducting the philan-
thropic enterprises which have been
generally accepted as an essential part
of our organization . of society. It has
been social heresy to inveigh against or
even question the fundamental impor-
tance of these charities. Indifferent to a
protest so feeble as to be practically
unheard, institutions for social uplift
have followed our spread across the con-
tinent like prairie tumble-weed blown
by an autumn gale.
But something has happened in the
last year or so. The apparently solid
support of these societies has shown
signs of giving way. The expensive
philanthropies, manned by profession-
ally trained and highly paid experts
doing careful individual work with the
maladjusted, have been supported by a
lavish public. The gifts came from the
possessors of old wealth, who had been
trained to accept philanthropic obliga-
tions as paramount, a sort of first lien
on property, and from the possessors of
new wealth, seeking outlets for their
surplus. The money came compara-
tively easily. A mushroom tradition of
290
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
the ethical beauty of dying poor gave
impetus to the generous impulses of
the donors. Rich Americans have
' gone in ' for philanthropy as the Eng-
lish gentleman goes in for sport. Each
man has adopted his pet charity, has
preyed upon his friends for help, and
been preyed upon in turn.
This impulse of giving did not always
imply personal sacrifice. 'Give till it
hurts' was a slogan developed by the
war emergency. In the piping days of
peace such drastic advice would have
defeated its own ends. 'Give as much
as you comfortably can' is about as
strong a stimulus as we can stand to-
day. Of late the charitable institu-
tions, perhaps in desperation, have as-
sumed a truculent tone, an air of
authoritative activity, of -an implied
right to our donations, that has robbed
us of the grace of generosity. We con-
fess to a harried feeling in the presence
of the grim alternatives daily offered to
us, of either surrendering our money or
accepting a major responsibility for the
downfall of philanthropic institutions.
Must we bear the burden of moral
obloquy imposed upon us by the anx-
ious philanthropists, or is there some
justifiable limit to our charitable efforts
to help our less fortunate brethren?
May it not be just possible that this
revolt of the giving public is not alto-
gether selfish, but is the harbinger of
a moral revolution?
II
A survey of the philanthropic quan-
dary discloses some new elements in the
complex. Thousands of families in the
past had incomes with a comfortable
surplus, which was available for the
support of an elaborate system of phil-
anthropies. These surpluses have fallen
into the remorseless grasp of the col-
lector of surtaxes. Our national, and
only legitimate, community-chest now
offers sanctuary to the moneys that
used to be lavished on the widow and
orphan. This is a consideration that
might be easily overlooked, and yet is
a factor of significance as a sign of the
times. We have seen fit, for the com-
mon good, to appropriate from the
pockets of our citizens sums so gigantic
that they make the large donations of
recent years to the cause of philan-
thropy seem like a tiny star in a giant
galaxy.
If we can tax so heavily for purposes
of war without raising a word of pro-
test, would it not be possible to do
something commensurate for purposes
of peace without reaping the whirlwind?
The money has passed beyond the
reach of the philanthropists. Has the
responsibility associated with its for-
mer use passed with it? After all, whose
duty is it to see that this is a better
world? Is it not the natural burden of
the people who inhabit the earth —
not of a selected few, but of all the
people? Can we not look forward to a
day when our philanthropic obligations
will be brought to our attention, not by
an appeal from boards of directors, but
by a tax-,bill from the properly con-
stituted authorities?
Whatever the future may hold for
us, the community of the present will
no longer support private charities on
the scale and in the manner it has done
in the past. We are forced to ask our-
selves whether the basis of the philan-
thropic movement is sound; whether it
is doing an essential work; and whether
that work can be carried on in the face
of a general refusal on the part of the
public to back the philanthropists.
What lies at the root of the philan-
thropic impulse? The moralist would
say brotherly love. But it is a love that
takes a very different attitude from
that we show toward our blood broth-
ers. It could hardly be called friend-
ship, for it assumes no equal give and
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
291
take. Might it be a subconscious re-
sponse to the doctrine drilled into a
Christian nation, 'Thou art thy broth-
er's keeper ' ? Or is it an obscure expres-
sion of some primitive herd-instinct,
coming up with us from the palaeozoic
ooze, determining alike the conduct of
the Neanderthal Man and of Edith
Cavell? The impulse is not only not
simple, but is probably extremely com-
plex. There are in it elements of kindly
condescension, of a sympathetic fellow
feeling, and of ardent generosity.
We can imagine the philanthropist
saying to himself, 'Here is a world ad-
mittedly imperfect, and here are we
humanitarians eager to set it right.
What exception can be taken to our
urge toward betterment? What if it
does perpetuate in our minds and in
the community's the differences of man
from man? The differences are there,
and closing our eyes to them does not
eliminate them. We are willing to give
our time, our money, and our enthus-
iasm to bring health and happiness to
our brothers who are poor and suffering.
It is impossible that the community
wishes to repudiate us. We are the
exemplars, however imperfect, of the
Christian ideal which is the basis of our
civilization.'
We have many things to say in reply
to him. An enthusiastic friend of a
blind man offered to bring another
blind man to see him, thinking thereby
to give pleasure to both. 'No,' said the
blind man, 'I do not wish to meet
people on the ground of my infirmities.'
Our philanthropist's first handicap lies
here. His human contacts are on the
basis of infirmities, poverty, ignorance,
sin, never on the basis of any mutual
interest or responsibility. It is not 'our
baby-welfare clinic,' to which we all
bring our babies, but 'your baby-wel-
fare clinic,' to which I bring my baby
to be told how I should take care of it.
It is not ' our home-economics associa-
tion,' but 'your home-economics club,'
to which I am invited to come and
learn the wider use of corn-meal.
Environment has perhaps favored
you more than it has me; but I also
have a contribution to make to our
mutual betterment, if you can only
bring yourself to count me in. It is not
enough for you to love humanity. You
must have a delicate respect for the
soul of humanity, that sensitive instru-
ment which registers progress in terms
of the individual's victory over himself.
I do not wish to be lifted up by you
or anyone else; I wish to lift myself.
Even though the height I attain by my
own efforts be not so lofty, the founda-
tions of my character are firmer and
are better able to resist the assaults of
temptation.
A fastidious respect for our brother's
personality makes heavy drafts on our
tolerance — too heavy at times to be
honored. So we fail in our efforts to
help, and ascribe our failure to the ob-
duracy of the beneficiary, or to inferior
traditions inherited from alien races.
We are willing to admit that our mu-
nicipal government is very bad, but we
aver that it is better for us to manage
it inefficiently for ourselves than to
allow anyone else to manage it for us,
however admirable the immediate re-
sults might be. When, however, it
comes to the decisions of a man's life
by which his character is to be built
up, if he happens to be poor, we may
remove from him the opportunity for
choice by a pressure he is unable to
withstand. We show a Gargantuan
daring in assuming responsibility for
lives alien to our own. How much good
are we justified in hoping or expecting
will come of it? Of course, each reader
will instantly think of cases he or she
has known in which lives have been
markedly altered for the better by con-
tacts formed in philanthropic associa-
tion. There are perhaps many, but how
292
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
large do these cases bulk in the total
number of individuals dealt with? How
do such successes balance the effort,
money, enthusiasm, and vital energy
that have gone into these attempts at
human reconstruction? In our own per-
sonal lives, who has influenced us save
those whose family relations, social
status, and range of interests most
closely approximate our own? We
should regard as an impertinence, if
done to us, the invasion of spiritual
privacy that the more tolerant victims
of misfortune accept as part of their
disability. They act upon our advice
if they must, they disregard it if they
can, but they preserve untouched the
inner citadel of their personality,
whence their fighting forces may sally
forth once the siege is raised. Could
we accomplish as much with as well-
bred dignity?
A serious defect, seemingly inherent
in the organization of philanthropic
effort, is the intense individualism of
each unit and the frequent jealousy or
disregard of one another. It may be
the fault of their virtues, each organi-
zation having an almost fanatical sense
that it holds the key to human regen-
eration. To the outsider it looks like a
lot of ants tugging from all sides at a
dead beetle. The beetle does not move,
and the ants use a prodigious amount
of energy, to no avail. Cooperation is
a word often on the lips of the social
worker, but not always understood.
Indeed, such fundamental cooperation
as has been achieved has usually been
accomplished by forming an additional
cooperating agency to accomplish it.
And yet, duplication of effort or fail-
ure to recognize reasonable limits to
the number of philanthropic estab-
lishments is a spoliation of the whole
community.
A more fundamental danger, and one
to which the best are prone, is reluc-
tance to let go and cease functioning
when the need is past. Vested funds,
rooted traditions, personal zeal, often
conspire to keep alive institutions
which have served their day and whose
continued existence is only an incubus
on the community. It is a rare board
of directors that will admit the failure
of its experiment or recognize that
changing conditions demand an en-
tirely new alignment if an institution
is to fulfill its purpose. Occasionally a
day nursery does close its doors and
fight for mothers' pensions, or an or-
phan asylum lets its plant lie idle while
it places out its charges in homes; but
do not the chimneys of many a mis-
taken charity pour out the smoke of a
high-priced coal on a world that has
long ceased to have any need for such
an organization? No intrenched idea
seems more difficult to dislodge than
this passion for a philanthropy for its
own sake. Endowments perpetuate
what should be only temporary; they
give immortality to the normally trans-
itory; until our land is weighted down
with foundations and institutions which
fetter the free spirit of a changing
world.
Ill
Are the philanthropic societies doing
an essential work? In every communi-
ty there are the discerning who have
eyes to see an evil and imaginations to
vision a good that can be brought out
of it. They gather round them the few
whom they can inspire with their
enthusiasm, and try out the new idea.
These are the social pioneers, the lead-
ers to whom we all look for guidance.
In so far as charitable societies catch
the spirit of these adventurers and hold
the ideal of their own labor as pioneer-
ing, they do a vital work, and in the
future, as in the past, will be essential to
social progress. But the assumption of
many philanthropic associations, that
they are to go on forever, that they
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
293
are as permanent a part of the run-
ning of a democracy as the ballot-box
itself, robs their effort of much of its
significance.
'Yes,' the philanthropist may say,
'that is all very well; but if we do not
care for the orphans, who will? If we
do not stand by the unmarried mothers,
who will befriend them? If we do not
maintain day nurseries, how can needy
widows go out to work?'
In a civilization so complex as ours
it is not feasible that we should depend
on these small philanthropic groups to
keep the great machine going and the
grosser injustices from being done, and
it is impossible that we should continue
to be mendicants for their bounty. It
is not self-respecting for any communi-
ty to let the few shoulder the responsi-
bilities of the many. What are we going
to do about it? The public is bringing
the whole matter to an issue by refusing
any longer to support private charities
on the present scale, whether that scale
is regarded as extravagant or not. On
the other hand, there remains a mass
of good-will, energy, and devotion to
the bettering of the world, available
for the common service. How can such
money as there is, and such energy, be
employed to the best advantage? How
can what is prescient in the philan-
thropic movement be preserved, and
what is unsocial be eliminated?
If you compare a city which has a
full quota of philanthropic societies to
care for every type of human sin and
weakness with one which has practi-
cally nothing, you will not necessarily
find any superiority in the more richly
equipped. Of course, you may say,
'What would the first city be with-
out the institutions? Its problems are
graver than those of the second city,
and its evil is held in check only by the
activities of the generously inclined.'
But are not a community's standard
and quality primarily due to its educa-
tional opportunities, its living condi-
tions, its civic enthusiasm, its moral
standards, its homogeneity of feeling,
and not to the efforts that any one
group may make to improve any other
group?
The status of the philanthropies dur-
ing the war was a revelation like that
made by a dazzling streak of lightning.
During those momentous years there
were high wages, prohibition, and
plenty of work for everyone. The
demands on the charitable societies
dropped fifty per cent and more. The
poor and the sick seemed to be no more
with us. The question forced itself
upon us, ' Is it possible that the philan-
thropies have been on the wrong tack,
that fair wages and decent living condi-
tions are the basis of a sound civiliza-
tion, and that the philanthropists are
but poulticing a surface sore?' There
were some few associations which saw
in the light of this great experiment the
portent of their own ultimate dissolu-
tion. Though of making philanthro-
pies there seems no end, of ending them
there seems to be no beginning, so that
the total number in existence has not
been appreciably reduced by the world-
shaking convulsions of the war.
A new orientation has, however,
taken place in the public mind toward
the philanthropist as the sensitive
register of human suffering, and the
chief guide to the alleviation of human
misery. We are beginning to recognize
that the same passion for humanity
that inspires one man to lavish money
on baby welfare, rescue homes for girls,
and Christmas dinners for the poor
makes another man a radical. The
impulses in both cases are the same,
but the second man is trying to think
more fundamentally than the first.
His methods may be clumsy and his
suggested solution crude, but his aim
is to remove the causes of human de-
spair, not to risk the loss of precious
294
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS'
time by attempting to modify their
tragic consequences.
The philanthropists belong to a class
on which the injustices of our present
basis of society have not borne heavily.
They serve unconsciously as a bulwark
of the status quo, for whose defects they
are ready and eager to apply pallia-
tives. They are the great menders and
patchers-up of society, not the sur-
geons who cut deep into the festering
sore and scrape the bone. They express
the tenderness and pity of man, not his
reasoning intelligence. Their technique
is developed to a high degree of perfec-
tion, but their philosophy lags far be-
hind. They know better how to do a
thing than why. We must turn to them
for methods, the fruit of long and care-
ful experiment; but as yet they have
offered us no fundamental basis for the
work of human improvement. It is not
through their eyes that we shall see life
steadily and see it whole.
IV
The interlocutor queries, 'What are
we here for? ' and instead of being satis-
fied with the exemplary reply, 'To help
others,' invites disaster by persisting,
'But what are the others here for?'
Here is the Achilles heel of the philan-
thropic movement. In the soul of the
philanthropist stirs a passion for bet-
terment, a real desire that life shall be
more endurable for us all. But in the
method he employs he ignores partici-
pation by the 'others.' He uses the
ways of an aristocracy instead of those
native to a democracy.
The major indictment against phil-
anthropy is that it has ignored the
opportunities democracy offers for re-
forms from within. It has distracted
our minds and attention from commun-
ity responsibility for the removal of
social defects. It has encouraged us to
leave reforms to the activity of self-
appointed groups. Its reforms have
tended to be superficial, because it has
everywhere selected for its leaders
those interested in philanthropy, but
not in democracy. The typical lover
of his kind will pour out money for the
starving Chinese though he may hesi-
tate to contribute to campaign expen-
ses for public-school associations. The
novice can catch the thrill of teaching
folk-dancing to the tenement-house
child or distributing bread tickets to the
poor; but an offer to pay the expenses
of a board of health 'clean-up cam-
paign ' requires imagination of a differ-
ent order.
Yet a great people committed to the
experiment of organizing a democratic
society fails in so far as it refuses to use
the forms appropriate to democracy.
Here about us are all the types of com-
munity effort that we have so far
evolved: boards of health, school com-
mittees, overseers of the poor, courts,
probation systems, boards of parole,
poorhouses, commissioners for the
blind, public libraries, departments for
the care of defectives, for the care of
children, for giving mothers' pensions,
for the supervision of public safety, for
the treatment of the tubercular, hospi-
tals, dispensaries, parks and play-
grounds — and yet how few philan-
thropists try loyally to work out their
problems through this wealth of agen-
cies before organizing associations of
their own.
And where is the reformer who ever
feels that, once a law is passed and a
department created, there is any fur-
ther responsibility on his shoulders?
Yet, if we had the wit to see it, our
responsibility is then but just begin-
ning. City and county and state offi-
cials are only our leaders; we are the
rank and file, who must stand back of
them if they are to be truly effective.
An autocracy does not need the coop-
eration of its citizens; it is not organ-
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
295
ized to depend on that; but the failures
of democracy are the failures of citizens
to play their part. The governing de-
partments belong to us. Their success-
es are ours; their mistakes disgrace us.
Think what a board of health might
accomplish if the citizens made an
effort to work wholeheartedly with it!
Think what a street-cleaning depart-
ment might be in a city where every
inhabitant felt as responsible for the
sidewalk and street in front of his
property as for his parlor floor! Think
of the quality a community might ac-
quire with a school system which was
the pride and anxious concern of every
parent in the city!
Where are the members of the com-
munity who might have leisure and
money to band their fellows together
and work unrestingly with the public
officials to build the City Beautiful?
They are supporting attractive homes
for the aged poor, while wages are too
low to allow a worker to save for the
future; they are establishing asylums
for illegitimate children, while public
dance-halls are not safeguarded; they
are forming classes to teach English to
foreigners to whom the evening schools
are open; they are spending large sums
to teach music to children, while the
school department is too impoverished
to give a class more than two hours'
instruction a day.
These efforts may be good in them-
selves, but a community must make
its investments with some sense of
proportion. Enthusiasm for the indi-
vidual may be a blunder. Suppose that
through our failure to carry on some
charity individuals do suffer here and
there. There are bound to be sufferers
at best; but one is blind indeed who
does not see that more misery may be
saved in the end by the more broadly
conceived plan. Even a very slight
enlargement of the department for
child-care in a board of health would
accomplish more for the welfare of our
youthful citizens than the work any
private society for the care of babies
could do in twenty years.
Has philanthropy any place, then, in a
modern community? The concern of
the philanthropist is legitimately with
those social responsibilities not yet
assumed by all. A group of persons
dedicating themselves to the study of
existing evils, to the practice of admit-
tedly temporary demonstrations of im-
proved methods for combatting these
evils, and to a determination never to
shoulder any permanent responsibility
for the carrying-out of reforms, has a
very important place in society to-day.
If such a group of social experimenters
has, after a suitable interval of time,
failed to persuade the community of the
value of the suggested reforms so that
the authorities are ready to adopt
them, it should feel no false pride in
abandoning the venture. The experi-
ment may have been impracticable;
other forces in the community may
have been attacking the problem from
a more advantageous position; or pub-
lic sympathy, without which no reform
is possible, may have been lacking. In
any case the paddle-wheels are beating
empty air, and it behooves the reform-
ers to conserve their fuel till the tide
comes in. Such an attitude requires
a very high order of self-effacement,
though one surely not beyond the ca-
pacities of true lovers of their kind.
The reluctance of organized socie-
ties to surrender their work to the com-
munity itself is not always due to an
exaggerated sense of the importance
of their own contribution, but may be
inspired by a very real fear of a conse-
quent lowering of standards. The ap-
prehension is understandable, but it is
shortsighted. How many persons who
have seriously tried to cooperate with
public servants have found them im-
possible to work with? In some com-
296
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
munities there is political corruption of
a serious nature. This does not, how-
ever, justify turning to private charity
as a way out. It might serve the poor
and suffering of such a city much better
if all the charitable institutions closed
their doors and used their time and
money to establish and back a good
government. In most of our cities the
government, though often inefficient
and unenlightened, is not corrupt, or
beyond the influence of the citizens
who have no private axe to grind. The
worst failures are due to the fact that,
as soon as the officials are elected, the
public forgets all about them and leaves
them to the companionship of the few
who come to abuse and the many who
come to get some favor for themselves
or their friends. Public servants can
hardly credit their senses when citizens
come with a desire to back them in
doing a difficult task, or to help them
in their efforts to carry on their work
efficiently. Citizens have no one except
themselves to thank if an official, left
to the mercies of the self-seeking, be-
comes careless in self-defense or cor-,
rupt through evil associations.
Think of the daily battle the officers
of a board of health have to fight! They
are the bane of every vicious element
in a city, the enemy of every man who
wishes to break the sanitary laws.
Every dishonest landlord, every filthy
tenant hates them. They are hounded
by peddlers who wish to be exceptions
to the law; by the dealers who prefer
to leave their trash on the sidewalk; by
butchers who are unwilling to screen
their premises; by stable-keepers who
refuse to remove manure; by irate par-
ents who see no sense in quarantine;
by the gentry who spit on the side-
walk; and by lodging-house keepers
who do not think eight sleeping in a
hall bedroom excessive. The law-abid-
ing citizens leave the board of health
alone.
Is it any wonder that the officials
feel that the hand of man is against
them, and sometimes weaken in play-
ing such a losing game? If only the
people could realize that the board of
health is their creation, trying in the
face of mountainous difficulties to carry
out their orders and make the com-
munity a place of safety for them and
their children, they might feel a share
in the responsibilities, a pride in the
achievements, and a sense of personal
failure in the mistakes. Real contact on
the part of citizens with governmental
problems often brings home the fact
that the defects which loom large are
due to a lack of money, of public back-
ing, and of legal authority — circum-
stances beyond the control of the of-
ficial, but within the power of his
employer, the public.
The high standards of our heavily
endowed and well-managed philan-
thropies may be beyond our station in
life. A democracy has to surrender
a certain perfection of efficiency. We
deplore it, though we know the com-
pensations are great. We make our
mistakes, but we learn from our fail-
ures and develop a power that would
be withheld from us if we were per-
petually guarded from error by superior
intelligences.
The taking over by towns and states
of the responsibility for the care and
prevention of tuberculosis, a work ably
initiated all over the country by the
anti-tuberculosis associations, undoubt-
edly meant in some places an inferior
quality in the treatment given; but
the comprehensiveness of the work
that is being done and the promise that
the activity throughout the country
makes for an eventual control of the
dread disease, is something no private
organization, however efficient and
ably run, could have hoped to attain.
Yet anti-tuberculosis associations con-
tinue to exist, refusing to recognize that
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
297
their pioneer work is done and that
their outposts should be moved further
on.
Legal aid societies have figured as
charities since their inception. Only
recently a profoundly significant change
of attitude has begun to show itself in
the minds of those cognizant of the
flaws in the relation between justice and
the poor. Legal advice for those with
small means is being accepted as a part
of the public administration of justice,
a responsibility of the people as a whole,
not a benefit conferred by the rich on
their less fortunate fellows. The very
fact that the impecunious client be-
comes a part of the system itself brings
him the assistance of the public agen-
cies of our juridical machinery, which
are not so readily available to the pri-
vate organization. The needs of the
litigant become of primary concern to
those responsible both for protecting
his rights and for enforcing the decrees
of the law-makers.
In the educational world the kinder-
gartens have passed through somewhat
the same cycle. They were begun as
an experiment, by private enthusiasts,
then given a grudging hospitality by
our public-school system, and finally
accepted in their entirety as an essen-
tial part of the educational course in all
progressive communities. And yet oc-
casional settlement houses have main-
tained kindergartens close to those of
adjacent schools, on the ground that the
school was crowded or the teachers not
so skilled as their own. Did the idea
of lending an extra room for the use of
the public school, or bringing commu-
nity pressure to bear to increase school-
equipment and to improve the quality
of the teachers, lie beyond the range of
possibilities in the minds of these set-
tlement directors? Such institutions
have kept up their old routine, instead
of using their freedom to try new ways
of bringing light into dark places. The
amount of public money available for
experiments is always small. The tax-
payer is perhaps justifiably reluctant
to have his money used for purposes
which may prove to be Utopian; so that
many promising but untried methods
must wait on the generosity and ini-
tiative of private enthusiasts for their
testing out. This makes the plodding
work of an institution which accepts
itself as a fixed part of the social uni-
verse so deeply disappointing.
The Workmen's Compensation acts
can hardly be said to be the result of an
enlightened refusal on the part of the
private charities to bear the burden
of the tragedies of industry, but they
lifted from the philanthropic agencies
burdens which the industry should it-
self bear. The acts suddenly made the
problem distinct. They drew the atten-
tion of the industries to the cost of acci-
dents, which had been previously borne
by the families of the victims and the
philanthropies of the community, and
had now become a heavy drag on the
profits of production. The expense was
quickly recognized as excessive, and
intelligent efforts were made to reduce
it. The most spectacular effect has been
the greatly increased demand for safety
appliances, medical and nursing care
in factories, and a final and perhaps
determining pressure for the prohibi-
tion amendment. The philanthropist
might have gone on indefinitely carry-
ing the load ; but when the responsibil-
ity for faulty industrial conditions was
thrown on the community at large,
through additional cost of the products
of industry, something fundamental
took place.
The Mothers' Pension acts have had
a similar history. They have removed
a crushing weight from the shoulders
of women with young children, and
placed it on the shoulders of the tax-
payers. The tax-payers, however, per-
form a double function. They not only
293
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
provide money for the pensions, but
make and enforce the laws as well.
They have not been content with dol-
ing out groceries and paying rent, but
have made new laws about deserting
husbands, and have stimulated the
activity of the courts and the extra-
diting agents to return these evaders to
the bearing of their responsibilities. In
our capacity as the governing body in a
democracy, we go far beyond any indi-
vidual's ability to achieve. We become
supermen, and can accomplish the
seemingly impossible.
Education used to be regarded as a
philanthropy. Charitable schools cast
their turbid shadow on mid- Victorian
literature. It was a form of charity
which was withheld as far as possible
from the working classes, lest it make
them restless and dissatisfied, and was
given out only in quantities which were
expected to add to the usefulness but
not to the ambition of the lower ranks
of society. Democracy has discredited
education as a philanthropy, and rec-
ognized it as the right of every poten-
tial citizen, the only insurance against
the anarchy of ignorance, and the sole
safeguard of the institutions of a free
people.
The public schools offer to all the
children of the Republic the oppor-
tunity to prepare for citizenship to-
gether — the rich and the poor, those
with long traditions of culture and
those with long traditions of toil — in
the atmosphere and under the inspira-
tion of the community institution. If
the schools as they exist to-day are not
good enough for one man's children,
they are not good enough for any man's
children, and the enlightened lover of
his kind must throw the money, inter-
est, and enthusiasm he may be putting
into the private schools into the public.
Whatever improvement he can there
achieve will better the education of
hundreds of children instead of tens,
and will not lapse with the passing of
his interest. Citizens interested in edu-
cation, who devote themselves to the
building up of private and parochial
schools, have not been touched by the
Americanization movement and have
never fundamentally grasped the Amer-
ican idea. The place for them to help
is in the school-system itself, where the
problem is acute, the laboratory pre-
pared, and where an outside intelligent
interest is of value in keeping alive the
professional enthusiasm which may be
repressed by the insistent demands of
the daily duty. No money can return
larger dividends in real accomplish-
ment than that added to the bud-
get of our public schools; nor can any
community interest more certainly
strengthen the best elements in our
civilization than that devoted to the
improvement of the public education.
What is our moral responsibility to
our brothers, fortunate and unfortu-
nate alike? If we give the best educa-
tion we can to every citizen, if we keep
the community health at the highest
possible level, and provide ample oppor-
tunities for innocent pleasure; if we
strengthen the churches and safeguard
working conditions in our industries;
if we provide the most favorable en-
vironment that lies within our power,
cannot we trust the individual to work
out his own destiny? Even those social
workers who devote most time and at-
tention to work with the individual find
that the problem of human difficulty
is largely one of faulty character. Is
not the remedying of that defect be-
yond the power as well as the province
of any self-constituted group in the
community? Must we not leave those
changes to the interplay of the influ-
ences of a man's family, church, friends,
teachers, and fellow workmen, in an
PHILANTHROPIC DOUBTS
299
environment as wholesome for all of
us as our united efforts can make it?
The new keeper of his brother is the
man who looks to bettering his home
town, not to giving his old coat to the
beggar. At the Judgment Seat we may
be asked, ' What did you do to improve
your city government?' and not be
allowed to introduce evidence as to our
distribution of the scraps from our
table. Our task is, not buttressing the
weaknesses of our fellows with our
strength, but organizing the energies
of man to reconstruct his world.
The dream of our people is the com-
ing in of true democracy. Dreaming
does not bring the realization nearer.
In the organization of human society
the pronouncement, 'Let there be
peace,' is of no value unless it is accom-
panied by some concrete suggestion as
to how this desirable end may be at-
tained. The philanthropist's contribu-
tion must be experimental work on
happier methods of living together.
There is no particular dignity or virtue
in giving money to a soup-kitchen or
in giving clothes to the children of
the unemployed. But there is a tonic
in working in one's home, one's busi-
ness, and one's community to prevent
unemployment.
The genius of the American people
is never going to allow itself to be
daunted by such a problem. A nation
that could devise the traction plough,
tame the wilderness, and build the
Panama Canal has inventive ability
enough to make continuous mutual
service a possibility. Each man's work
means every other man's additional
comfort and leisure. The problem of
uninterrupted employment is surely no
more occult than the problems of organ-
ization and distribution that our great
corporations have successfully wrestled
with. But so long as we placate our
intelligence and pacify our consciences
by our philanthropies, we put off the
day of attack on the sources of poverty
and distress.
The game of democracy cannot be
played from the grand stand. The
humanitarian finds it fatally easy to sit
on the side-lines and criticize. He may
be willing to sponge the combatants'
faces and run no risk of getting dirt on
his clothes, but to play the people's
game, he must get into the ring and be
willing to take knockout blows and still
come back. The only place where the
game can be played is within the organ-
izations of our towns, our counties, our
states, and our nation. And the only
way it can be played is by citizens
fighting together as fellow sufferers
against the forces of corruption and
destruction that lie in wait for us.
The social workers, the professionals
of the philanthropic movement, are
themselves becoming weary of their
dependence on the uncertain generosity
of the patrons of the poor. Many of
them, especially the more thoughtful,
have felt an inner skepticism as to the
fundamental character of their work,
even while they have developed a tech-
nique which they feel is their real con-
tribution to the solution of the social
riddle. The primary interest of the best
of them is not so much that of keeping
their own particular institutions alive,
as of animating the community as a
whole with the spirit they have devel-
oped, and transferring to the public
agencies the methods worked out by
years of experiment in private enter-
prises.
The community organizations deal
with masses; and, as masses are sim-
ply the sum-total of individuals, the
perfection of the result depends on the
intelligence with which each depend-
ent's difficulty is treated. To carry
over into public work the professional
ability, the intellectual enthusiasm,
and the discriminating judgment that
have characterized the activities of the
300
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
best social workers, is a responsibility
of the philanthropists who pay their
taxes but who have ceased giving to
private charities. The passing of laws
alone will never bring in the millen-
nium; the establishment of public com-
missions to do the work the private
groups are now doing is not enough.
We must feel a responsibility, as indi-
viduals and as a nation, for the organ-
izations we share in common. We can
afford to give over into public control
our private institutions for the service
of our fellow men, if we continue to
exercise the same energy that we have
devoted to them in cultivating the so-
cial outlook of our public officers and
in increasing the scientific and humani-
tarian character of our community
institutions.
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
BY E. BARRINGTON
[From a packet of letters, written in the middle of the eighteenth century by Lady
Fanny Armine to her cousin, Lady Desmond, in Ireland, I have strung together one
of the strangest of true stories — the history of Maria Walpole, niece of the famous
Horace Walpole and illegitimate daughter of his brother, Sir Edward Walpole. The
letters are a pot-pourri of town and family gossip, and in gathering the references to
Maria Walpole into coherence, I am compelled to omit much that is characteristic
and interesting.]
July, 1757.
WHY, Kitty, my dear, what signifies
your reproaches? I wish I may never be
more guilty than I am this day. I laid
out a part of your money in a made-up
mantua and a petticoat of Rat de St.
Maur, and for the hat, 't was the exact
copy of the lovely Gunning's — Maria
Coventry. And though I won't flat-
ter you, child, by saying your bloom
equals hers (for I can't tell what hers
may be under the white lead she
lays on so thick), yet I will say that
your Irish eyes may ambuscade to the
full as well beneath it, though they
won't shoot an earl flying, like hers, be-
cause you have captured your baronet
already!
But 't is news you would have —
news, says you, of all the gay doings of
the town.
And how is her Gunning Grace
of Hamilton, you ask, and do the
folk still climb on chairs at Court to
stare at her? Vastly in beauty, child.
She was in a suit of fine blue satin at the
last Birthnight, sprigged all over with
white, and the petticoat robings broid-
ered in the manner of a trimming wove
in the satin. A hoop of the richest
damask, trimmed with gold and silver.
These cost fourteen guineas a hoop,
my dear. Who shall say the ladies of
the present age don't understand refine-
ments? Her Grace had diamonds plas-
tered on wherever they would stick,
and all the people of quality run mad
to have a stare at so much beauty, set
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
301
off with as much glare as Vauxhall on a
fete night, and she as demure as a cat
after chickens.
But 'tis always the way with these
sudden-come-ups, they never have the
easy carriage that comes from breeding,
and 't is too much to expect she should
be a topping courtier.
You must know Horry Walpole was
there, in gray and silver brocade, as
fine and finical a gentleman as ever,
and most genteelly lean; and says I to
him, 'What think you, Mr. Walpole,
of our two coquet Irish beauties? Do
they put out all the fire of our English
charmers?'
So he drew himself up and took a
pinch of rappee (can't you see him,
Kitty, my girl?), and says he, —
'Madam, to a lady that is herself all
beauty and need envy none, I may say
we have a beauty to be produced
shortly to the town that will flutter all
the world excepting only the lady I
have the honor to address.'
And, Lord! the bow he made me,
with his hat to his heart!
'La, man,' says I, 'who Js she? But
sure I know. 'T is the Duchess of
Queensbury reduced a good half in size
and with a new complexion.'
But Horry shook his ambrosial curls.
'No, madam, 'pon honor! A little
girl with the vivacity of sixteen and
brown eyes, brown hair — in fact, a
brown beauty.'
And then it flashed on me and I
says, —
'Good God! — Maria! But sure she
can't be presented. 'T is impossible!'
And could have bit my silly tongue out
when 't was said.
He shrugged his shoulders like a
Frenchman — 't is the last grace he
picked up in Paris, and turned from me
to the new lady errant, Miss Chester,
who models herself on the famous Miss
Chudleigh. But nothing could equal
the horrid indecency of Miss Chud-
leigh's habit at the masquerade at
Vauxhall t'other day! She was Iphi-
genia in a Greek undress, and says
Horry, —
'Sure, never was a more convenient
thing — the victim is prepared for the
priest to inspect the entrails without
more ado.'
I thought we should have died laugh-
ing. 'T is only a woman of breeding
knows exactly where certainty should
stop and imagination take its place.
But, Kitty child, who do you guess
is the new beauty? I give you one, I
give you two, I give you three! And if
't was three hundred, you 'd be never
the wiser. Why, Maria Walpole, you
little blockhead! Maria, the daughter
of Sir Edward Walpole, Kerry's brother.
What think you of that? But Sir Ed-
ward never was married, says you.
True for you, Kitty, but don't you
know the story? No, to be sure.
There 's no scandal in Ireland, for St.
Patrick banished it along with the
snakes and their poison, because the
island that has so many misfortunes
would have died of another.
Well, take your sampler like a good
little girl and hearken to the history
of the lovely Maria that 's to blow out
the Gunning candles. Let me present
to your la'ship Sir Edward Walpole,
brother to the Baron of Strawberry
Hill. A flourish and a sliding bow and
you know one another! Sir Edward,
who resembles not Horry in his love for
the twittle-twattle of the town, is a
passable performer on the bass-viol,
and a hermit — the Hermit of Pall
Mall. But the rules of that Hermitage
are not too severe, child. 'T is known
there were relaxations. And notably
one.
The Hermit some years since was
lodged in Pall Mall, and in the lower
floors was lodged a dealer in clothes,
with prentices to fetch and carry.
Lord! says Kitty, what's this to the
302
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
purpose? Attend, Madam. The cur-
tain rises!
T is an old story: the virtuous pren-
tice — and the unvirtuous. There was
one of them — Dorothy Clement, a rus-
tic beauty, straw hat tied under the
roguish chin, little tucked-up gown of
flowered stuff, handkerchief crossed
over the bosom, ruffled elbows. 'T is
so pretty a dress, that I protest I mar-
vel women of quality .don't use it!
However, this demure damsel looked
up at Sir Edward under the hat, and
he peeped under the brim, and when he
left the house and returned to his own,
what should happen but the trembling
beauty runs to him, one fine day, for
protection, swearing her family and
master have all cast her off because
't was noted the gentleman had an eye
for a charming face.
Well, child, 'tis known hermits do
not marry. 'T is too much to ask of
their Holinesses. But he set a chair at
the foot of his table for the damsel and
bid her share his pulse and crusts; and
so 't was done, and whether in town or
country, the Hermitess kept him com-
pany till she died. Sure the Walpoles
are not too fastidious in their women,
excepting only Horry of Strawberry
Hill, who has all the finicals of the others
rolled up in his lean body.
Well, Kitty, there were four children :
— a boy, — nothing to the purpose, —
and Laura, Maria, and Charlotte. And
the poor lasses, not having a rag of
legitimacy to cover 'em, must needs
fall back on good behavior and good
looks. I saw Laura, a pretty girl, in the
garden at Englefield some years since,
when I was airing in Lady Pomfret's
coach; and as we looked, the little hoy-
den Maria comes running up in muslin
and blue ribbons, all health and youth
and blooming cheeks and brown curls
and eyes — a perfect Hebe. And 't is
she — the milliner's brat — that's to
borrow the Car of Love and set the
world afire. But she can't be presented,
Kitty; for our high and mighty Royals
frown on vice, and not a single creature
with the bar sinister can creep into
court, however many may creep out.
And that's that!
And now I end with compliments and
curtsies to your la'ship, and the glad
tidings that one of the virgin choir of
Twickenham, those Muses to which Mr.
Horace Walpole is Apollo, has writ an
Ode so full of purling streams and
warbling birds, that Apollo says he will
provide a side-saddle for Pegasus, and
no male shall ever bestride him again.
September, 1758.
O la, la, la ! Was you ever at the Bath,
child? Here am I just returned, where
was great company, and all the wits
and belles, and Miss Biddy Green, the
great City fortune, run off with Harry
Howe, and her father flourishing his
gouty stick in the Pump Room and
swearing a wicked aristocracy should
have none of his honest guineas. But
he'll soften when he sees her presented
at court, with feathers stuck in her poll
and all the city dames green with spite.
'T is the way of the world.
But to business. The town is talking
with hundred-woman power on the
marriage that Laura, — by courtesy
called Walpole, — the Hermit's eldest
daughter, makes to-morrow. 'T will
astound you, Lady Desmond your
Honor, as much as it did your humble
servant. For Miss Laura honors the
Church, no less, with her illegitimate
hand, and no less a dignitary than a <
Canon of Windsor! Is not this to be a
receiver of stolen goods? Does not his
Reverence compound a felony in tak-
ing such a bride? What say you? 'T is
Canon Keppel, brother to Lord Albe-
marle; and mark you, Kitty — the
Honorable Mrs. Keppel has the right to
be presented where Miss Laura might
knock at the door in vain! We come up
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
in the world, child, but the Walpoles
had always that secret.
'T will set the other charming daugh-
ters dreaming of bride cake. All the
world talks of Maria, a shining beauty
indeed. Horry Walpole is enchanted
at Miss Laura's match — sure, an ille-
gitimate Walpole, if niece to the Baron
of Strawberry is worth a dozen of your
Cavendishes and Somersets! I laughed
like a rogue in my sleeve when says
Horry to me at my drum, —
'Colonel Yorke is to be married to
one or both of the Miss Crasteyns,
great city fortunes — nieces to the rich
grocer. They have two hundred and
sixty thousand pounds apiece. Nothing
comes amiss to the digestion of that
family — a marchioness or a grocer.'
Says I, flirting my fan, —
' 'T is gross feeding, sure, Mr. Wal-
pole. Now, had it been a royal illegiti-
mate.'
He looked daggers, and took a pinch
of snuff with an air. Never was a man
with more family pride, though he af-
fects to scorn it.
What think you of this latest news of
Lady Coventry? The people are not
yet weary of gazing upon the Gunning,
and stared somewhat upon her last
Sunday was se'night in the Park. Would
you believe it, Kitty, that she. com-
plained to the King, and His Majesty,
not to be outdone in wisdom, offers a
guard for her ladyship's beauty. On
this she ventures into the Park and,
pretending fright, desires the assistance
of the officer, who orders twelve ser-
geants to march abreast before her and
a sergeant and twelve men behind her;
and in this pomp did the silly little fool
walk all the evening, with more mob
about her than ever, her blockhead
husband on one side and my Lord Pem-
broke on the other! I'm sure I can't
tell you anything to better this, so
good-night, dear sister, with all af-
fectionate esteem.
April, 1759.
Great news, your la'ship. I am but
just returned from a royal progress
to visit the Baron of Strawberry Hill.
Strawberry was in prodigious beauty —
flowers, cascades, and grottoes all dis-
played to advantage in a sunshine that
equaled June. The company, her Gun-
ning Grace of Hamilton, the Duchess of
Richmond, and your humble servant.
Says Mr. Horace, leaning on his am-
ber cane and surveying us as we sat in
the shell on the terrace, —
'Strawberry Hill is grown a perfect
Paphos. 'T is the land of beauties, and
if Paris himself stood where I do, he
could never adjudge the golden apple.'
He writ to George Montagu after, who
showed the letter about town, —
'There never was so pretty a sight
as to see the three sitting. A thousand
years hence, when I begin to grow old,
if that can ever be, I shall talk of that
event and tell the young people how
much handsomer the women of my
time were than they are now.'
There's a compliment like a fresh-
plucked rose from the Lord of Straw-
berry. It reads pretty, don't it, child?
Horry was in vast wit — 't was like the
Northern Lights hurtling about us —
made us blink! The Duchess of Rich-
mond pretending she could not recall
her marriage-day, says Horry, —
'Record it thus, Madam. This day
thousand years I was married ! '
'T was not till a week later I discov-
ered this to be a bon mot of Madame de
Sevigne. His jewels are polished very
fine, but 't is not always in the Straw-
berry mine they are dug. But to our
news — What will your Honor pay me
for a penn'orth?
'T is of our beauty, Maria — ahem !
Walpole. The pretty angler has caught
her fish — a big fish, a gold fish, even
a golden-hearted fish, for 't is Lord Wal-
degrave! A belted earl, a Knight of the
Garter, no less, for the pretty milliner's
304
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
daughter. You don't believe it, Kitty?
Yet you must, for 't is true, and sure,
if beauty can shed a lustre over pud-
dled blood, she has it. Lord Villiers,
chief of the macaronis, said, yesterday
was a week, —
'Of all the beauties Miss Walpole
reigns supreme — if one could forget
the little accident of birth! Her face,
bloom, eyes, teeth, hair, and person are
all perfection's self, and Nature broke
the mould when she made this paragon,
for I know none like her.'
'T is true, but 't is so awkward with
these folk that can't be presented nor
can't meet this one nor that. Still, I
have had her much to my routs and
drums, where 't is such an olla podrida
that it matters not who comes. But
Lady Waldegrave may go where she
will; and certainly the bridegroom has
nothing to object on the score of birth,
for he comes from James the Second by
the left hand, and for aught I know a
left-hand milliner is as good these Re-
publican days. Anyhow, 't is so, and
Horry, who would have all think him
above such thoughts, is most demurely
conceited that a Walpole — ahem! —
should grace the British peerage. Re-
mains now only Charlotte, and I dare
swear she will carry her charms to no
worse market than Maria, though not
so great a Venus.
I went yesterday evening to the
Bluestocking Circle at Mrs. Mon-
tagu's fine house. I am not become
learned, Kitty, but 't was to hear the
lionesses roar, and because I knew the
Lord of Strawberry would be there and
was wishful to hear his exultations.
Lord preserve us, child, what a fright-
ening place! We were ushered into
the Chinese Room lined with painted
Pekin paper, and noble Chinese vases,
and there were all the lions, male and
female, in a circle — the Circle of the
Universe. All the great ladies of the
Bluestocking Court were there; the
vastly learned Mrs. Carter, Mrs. De-
lany over from Ireland, the Swan of
Lichfield Miss Anna Seward, Mrs.
Chapone, and other lionesses and cub-
esses. My dear, they sat in a half-moon,
and behind them another half-moon
of grave ecclesiastics and savants, and
Horry at the head of them, in brown
and gold brocade. 'T was not sprightly,
Kitty. 'T is true these women are good
and learned, and some of them well
enough in looks; but 't is so pretentious,
so serious, — I lack a word! — so cen-
sorious of all that does not pull a long
face, that, when Mrs. Montagu rose to
meet us with the shade of Shakespeare
in attendance (for no lower footman
would serve so majestic a lady), I had
a desire to seize her two hands and gal-
lop round the room with her that I
could scarce restrain. But sure she and
the company had died of it !
I expected great information from
such an assemblage, but 'twas but a
snip-snap of talk — remarks passed
from one to another, but served as it
were on massy plate — long words, and
too many of 'em. Dull, my dear, dull!
And so 't will always be when people
aim to be clever. They do these things
better in France, where they have no
fear of laughter and the women sparkle
without a visible machinery. ?T was
all standing on the mind's tip-toe here.
And when the refreshments were served
I made for Horry —
On silver vases loaded rise
The biscuits' ample sacrifice.
And incense pure of fragrant tea.
But Bluestockingism is nourished on
tea as wit on wine.
'So, Mr. Walpole,' says I, 'what is
this news I hear of Miss Maria? My
felicitations to the bridegroom on the
possession of so many charms.'
And Horry with his bow, —
'I thank your ladyship's partiality
and good heart. For character and cred-
it, Lord Waldegrave is the first match
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
305
in England, and for beauty, Maria
— excepting only the lady I address.
The family is well pleased, though
'tis no more than her deserts, and
't was to be expected my father's grand-
child would ally herself with credit.'
'T is when Horry Walpole gives him-
self these demure airs that I am tempted
to be wicked, Kitty. For what signifies
talking? The girl is a beauty, but Nancy
Parsons and Kitty Fisher are beauties,
too, and if the court and peerage are
opened to women of no birth, why
what's left for women of quality?
'T is certain the next generation of the
peerage bids fair to be extreme ill-born,
and the result may be surprising. But
I held my tongue, for I have a kindness
for Horry and his niece, though I laugh
at 'em.
I thought Mr. Walpole looked ill, and
doubted whether I might hope to see
him at my Tuesday rout. Says he, —
* 'T is the gout, Madam, that ungal-
lant disorder, and had I a mind to brag,
I could boast of a little rheumatism
too; but I scorn to set value on such
trifles, and since your ladyship does me
the honor to bespeak my company, I
will come if 't were in my coffin and
pair. May I hope your ladyship will
favor us at Maria's nuptials. Sure the
Graces were ever attended by Venus
on occasions of ceremony.'
He would have said more, but the
Queen of the Blues swam up, protesting
and vowing she had never seen such a
goddess as Miss Maria Walpole; that
were she to marry the Emperor of the
world, 't would be vastly below the
merit of such glowing charms. And so
forth. 'T is a lady that paints all her
roses red and plasters her lilies white,
and whether 't is malice I can't tell, but
believe 't is possible to blast by praise
as well as censure, by setting the good
sense of one half the world and the envy
of the other against the victim. So she
shrugged and simpered and worked
VOL. 128— NO. S
every muscle of her face, in hopes to be
bid to the wedding; but Mr. Walpole
only bowed very grave and precise, and
turned away, and I with him. And no
more circles for me, my dear; and here
I conclude, and my next shall be the
epithalamium.
ISth May, 1759.
Kitty, child, when you was married,
did you look about you from under
your hat? — did you take a sly peep at
the World, the Flesh, and the Devil,
and wonder which was the bridegroom?
I did, but I '11 never tell which he proved
to be! Well, Maria was married two
days since, and Horry Walpole favored
me to-day with a glimpse of the letter
he writ to his friend Mann on the oc-
casion. 'T was very obliging; but you
know all he writes is writ with one eye
on the paper and one on posterity, so
't is no wonder if he squints a little by
times. However, here's to our letter.
'The original day was not once put
off — lawyers and milliners all canoni-
cally ready. They were married in Pall
Mall just before dinner, and we all
dined there, and the Earl and the new
Countess got into their post-chaise at
eight and went to Navestock alone.
On Sunday she is to be presented and
to make my Lady Coventry distracted.
Maria was in a white and silver night-
gown, with a hat very much pulled
over her face. What one could see of it
was handsomer than ever. A cold maid-
en blush gave her the sweetest delicacy
in the world.'
So far our doting uncle, Kitty; but
't is indeed a fair creature. I saw the
long soft brown eyes lifted once and
flash such a look at the bridegroom — I
dare to swear Lord Waldegrave wished
away then the twenty years between
them. Poor Lady Coventry, indeed!
Her race is run, her thread is spun, her
goose is cooked, and any other trope
you please; for what signifies all the
306
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
white lead at the 'pothecary's com-
pared to the warm brown of Maria's
complexion and her long eyelashes!
Lady Elizabeth Keppel had a gown
worthy of the Roman Empress she
looks, with that beak nose and nut-
cracker chin. 'Twas a black velvet
petticoat, embroidered in chenille, the
pattern a great gold wicker basket filled
to spilling over with ramping flowers
that climbed and grew all about her per-
son. A design for a banqueting hall
rather than a woman; or indeed a com-
mittee of Bluestockings might have
wore it to advantage. She had winkers
of lace to her head, and her hoop cov-
ered so many acres that one could but
approach at an awful distance and
confidences were impossible — a sure
reason why the modish ladies will soon
drop the hoop.
I saluted the bride after the cere-
mony and says I, —
' Maria, my love, I attend your pres-
entation on Sunday, and I bring my
smelling bottle for Lady Coventry.
'T is already said her guards will now
be transferred to your ladyship, toge-
ther with a detachment from each ship
of the Fleet, to secure so much beauty.'
She has the sweetest little dimple in
either cheek, and twenty Cupids hide
under her lashes.
' I have no wish, Madam, to dethrone
my Lady Coventry, if even 't were
possible,' says she. 'That lady has oc-
cupied the throne so long, that 't is
hers by right, and the English people
never weary of -an old favorite.'
'T was two-edged, Kitty, as you see,
and I will report it to the other lovely
Maria, and 't will be pretty to see the
rapiers flash between the two.1 'T is not
only the men carry dress swords, child.
But I thought Miss Maria a downy
nestling, with never a thought of re-
partee, till now. 'T is born in us, child.
.It begins with our first word and is our
last earthly sigh.
May, 1759.
Well, was you at the presentation,
Lady Desmond, for I did not see your
la'ship.
Says you, 'How was that possible
with the Irish Sea between us? So out
with the news ! '
The company was numerous and
magnificent, and Horry Walpole in his
wedding garment of a white brocade
with purple and green flowers. 'T was
a trifle juvenile for his looks, but I
blame him not; for my Lady Towns-
hend would choose for him though he
protested that, however young he might
be in spirits, his bloom was a little past.
I could see he was quaking for his nup-
tialities — lest Maria should not be
in full beauty.
T' other Maria — Coventry — in
golden flowers on a silver ground —
looked like the Queen of Sheba; and
were not our Monarch anything but
a Solomon, I would not say but —
A full stop to all naughtiness! But I
must tell you her last faux pas, for you
know, child, she's as stupid as she's
pretty. She told the King lately that
she was surfeited with sights. There
was but one left she could long to see.
What, think you, it was? — why, a
coronation!
The old man took it with good hu-
mor; but Queen Bess had made a divorce
between her lovely head and shoulders
for less.
Well, into the midst of this prodi-
gious assemblage, with Uncle Horry
quaking inwardly and making as though
Walpole nieces were presented every
day, comes the fair Waldegrave, gliding
like a swan, perfectly easy and genteel,
in a silver gauze with knots of silver
ribbon and diamonds not so bright as
her eyes. I dare swear not a man there
but envied my Lord Waldegrave, and
many might envy the beauty her hus-
band, a good plain man, grave and
handsome. But the bride! She swam
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
307
up to His Majesty, like Venus floating
on clouds, and her curtsey and hand-
kissing perfect. Who shall talk of blood
in future, when a milliner's daughter
can thus distinguish herself in the fin-
est company in Europe? 'T is true 't is
mixed with the Wai pole vintage; but
when all 's said and done, who were the
Walpoles? If you get behind the coarse,
drinking Squire Western of a father,
you stumble up against Lord Mayors
and what not! So 't is a world's won-
der, and there I leave it.
As for Maria Coventry — do but
figure her! I saw her pale under her
rouge when the bride entered, and her
eyes shot sparks of fire, like an angry
goddess. Could they have destroyed,
we had seen her rival a heap of ashes
like the princess of the Arabian Nights.
I tendered her my smelling-bottle, out
she dashed it from her, and then, smil-
ing in the prettiest manner in the world,
says to my Lord Hardwicke, —
"T is said women are jealous of each
other's good looks, my lord, but 't is
not so with me. I am vastly pleased
with my Lady Waldegrave's appear-
ance. T is far beyond what was to be
expected of her parentage. She looks
vastly agreeable, and I hope she will
favor me with her company.'
'T was cleverer than I supposed her,
and sure enough she did nothing but
court the bride, and now the two
beauties go about to all the sights and
routs together and are the top figures in
town, and all the world feasts its eyes
upon two such works of nature — and
Art it must be added, so far as Maria
Coventry is concerned; for she is two
inches deep in white lead, and the doc-
tors have warned her 't will be the
death of her.
Kitty, I found my first gray hair
yesterday. 'T is my swan-song. I am
done with the beaux and the toasts and
the fripperies. When I spoke to Harry
Conway at the Court, his eyes were so
fixed on Lady Waldegrave that he heard
me not till I had spoke three times.
Get thee to a nunnery, Fanny! I shall
now insensibly drop into a spectatress.
What care I! To ninety-nine women
life ends with their looks, but I will be
the hundredth, and laugh till I die!
Four years later.
Why, Kitty, your appetite for news
grows by what it feeds on. Sure you
are the horse-leech's true daughter,
crying, 'Give, give!' You say I told
you not of Charlotte Walpole's mar-
riage. Sure, I did. Maria married her
sister well — to young Lord Hunting-
tower, my Lord Dysart's son. 'T is a
girl of good sense. She loved him not,
nor yet pretended to, but says she to
Maria, —
' If I was nineteen I would not marry
him. I would refuse point-blank. But
I am two-and-twenty, and though 't is
true some people say I am handsome,
't is not all who think so. I believe the
truth is, I am like to be large and heavy
and go off soon. 'T is dangerous to re-
fuse so good a match. Therefore tell
him, sister, I accept.'
And 't was done. I had this from
Maria herself, who took it for an in-
stance of commendable good sense; but
I know not — somehow I would have
a girl less of a Jew with her charms.
Anyhow, stout or no, she will be my
Lady Countess Dysart when his father
dies; and now sure, there are no more
worlds left for the Walpole girls to
conquer. Their doting Uncle Horry
could never predict such success. The
eldest girl's husband is now Bishop of
Exeter.
Poor Maria Coventry is dead — the
most lovely woman in England, setting
aside only t'other Maria. 'T was from
usage of white lead, Kitty, and tell
that to all the little fools you know!
It devoured her skin, and she grew so
hideous that at the last she would not
308
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
permit the doctors to see her ruined
face, but would put out her hand be-
tween the curtains to have her pulse
took. She was but twenty-seven.
Sure, I am Death's herald, for I must
tell you, too, my Lord Waldegrave is
dead, and the beauty a widow after
but four years' marriage. I saw her but
yesterday, full of sensibility and lovely
as Sigismonda in Hogarth's picture.
She had her young daughter, Lady
Elizabeth, in her lap, the curly head
against her bosom, the chubby cheek
resting on a little hand against the
mother's breast. Sure never was any-
thing so moving as the two — exact to
the picture Mr. Reynolds painted.
She has a great tenderness for his
memory, and well she may, when the
position he raised her to is considered.
'T is like a discrowned queen, for her
jointure is small, and she is now no
more consequence to his party, so his
death has struck away her worldly
glory at a blow. Indeed, I pitied her,
and wiped away her floods of tears with
tenderness that was unaffected. But for
such a young woman, I won't believe
the scene is closed. What — are there
no Marquises, no Dukes for such per-
fection?
But 't is brutal to talk so when she
is crying her fine eyes out. I wipe my
naughty pen and bid you adieu.
Two days later.
I attended Mrs. Minerva Montagu's
reception, and there encountered the
Great Cham of Literature, Dr. John-
son, rolling into the saloon like Behe-
moth. Lady Waldegrave's bereavement
was spoke of and says he, —
'I know not, Madam, why these af-
flictions should startle us. Such beauty
invokes ill fortune, lest a human being
suppose herself superior to the dictates
of Providence.'
'Certainly she is the first woman in
England for beauty,' says I, very net-
tled; 'but 'tis to be thought she had
chose a little less beauty and rather
more good fortune, had she been con-
sulted. 'T is hard she should be pun-
ished for what she could not help!'
' Let her solace herself with her needle-
works, Madam. A man cannot hem a
pocket-handkerchief and so he runs
mad. To be occupied on small occa-
sions is one of the great felicities of the
female train and makes bereavement
more bearable.'
'T is a bear roaring his ignorance of
the world, my dear. But he has a kind
of horse sense (if the female train would
but let him be) that makes him en-
durable and even palatable at times.
1764.
Kitty, my dear, have you forgot that,
when my Lord Waldegrave died, I writ,
' Are there no dukes to pursue the love-
ly widow?' Give honor to the prophet!
She refused the Duke of Portland, that
all the fair were hunting with strata-
gems worthy of the Mohawks. She re-
fused this, that, and t' other. And the
town said, 'Pray who is the milliner's
daughter, to turn up her nose at the
first matches in England? Has she de-
signs on the King of Prussia, — for our
own young monarch is wed to his Char-
lotte, — or is it the Sultan, or His Holi-
ness the Pope that will content her
ladyship?'
No answer. But, Kitty, 't is me to
smell a rat at a considerable distance,
and I kept my nostrils open! Our
handsome young King has a handsome
young brother, — His Royal Highness
the Duke of Gloucester, — and this
gentleman has cast the sheep's eye, the
eye of passion, upon our lovely widow!
What think you of this? That it can-
not be? Then what of the King Co-
phetua and other historic examples? I
would have you know that in the ten-
der passion there's nothing that can-
not be. It laughs at obstacles and rides
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
309
triumphant on the crest of the impos-
sible. I knew it long since, but 't is over
the town like wildfire now.
Meeting my Lady Sarah Bunbury
yesterday, says she, —
'Lady Fanny, sure you know the
Duke of Gloucester is desperately in
love with my Lady Waldegrave. Now
don't mask your little cunning face with
ignorance, but tell me what's known.
What have you heard from Horry
Walpole?'
'Nothing, your la'ship/ says I, very
demure.
'Well,' says she, "t is reported the
King has forbid him to speak to his
fair widow, and she is gone out of town.
He has given her two pearl bracelets
worth five hundred pound. That's not
for nothing surely. But for what?'
'Indeed, 't is an ambiguous gift,
Madam,' says I, whimsically; 'and may
mean much or little. Give me leave to
ask whether 't is Pursuit or Attainment
as your la'ship reads it?'
But she tossed her head, the little
gossip, and off she went.
I can tell you thus much, Kitty: the
Walpoles are main frightened. It may
be a cast-back to the principles of the
milliner mother. And there was never
the difference between her and Sir Ed-
ward Walpole that there is between
Maria and a Prince of the Blood. Her
birth is impossible. My Lady Mary
Coke asking me if the mother were not
a washerwoman, says I, ' I really cannot
determine the lady's profession.' But,
spitfire as she is, 't is too true Maria is
playing with fire, and there should be
nothing between him and her mother's
daughter. She is indeed more indis-
creet than becomes her. His chaise is
eternally at her door, and, as my Lady
Mary says, she is lucky that anyone
else countenances her at all. If they
do, 't is as much from curiosity as any
nobler emotion. Indeed I fear her repu-
tation 's cracked past repair. Meeting
Horry Walpole last night at the French
Embassador's, he was plagued with
staring crowds, and he made off after
braving it a while. I hear the King is
highly offended and the Queen yet
more. She has a great notion of birth,
and though poor, the Mecklenburg
family has as good quarterings as any
Royals in Europe. For my part, Kitty,
I know not. Yet, if we seek for pedigree
in horse and dog, 't is to be supposed
worth something in Adam's breed also.
And this ill-behavior in Maria con-
firms me.
Yet I have visited the fair sinner, for
I love her well. She can't help neither
her birth nor her beauty, but sure her
kind heart is all her own. She wept and
would reveal nothing, but asked me to
be so much her friend as to think the
best of her. 'T is pity her tears were
wasted on a mere woman. The drops
beaded on her lashes like rain on a rose.
Well, God mend all! say I. Sure none
of us have a clear conscience and if any-
one was to come up behind us and
whisper, ' I know when, how, and who ! '
't is certain there are few women but
would die of terror. Yet I did not think
Maria a rake — though a Prince's.
1770.
Kitty, Kitty, 't is all come out! But
I may say the town knew it after the
masquerade in Soho, when His Royal
Highness appeared as Edward the
Fourth and Maria as Elizabeth Wood-
ville, the pretty widow he made his
Queen. You '11 allow 't was a delicate
way to let the cat out of the bag. It
could not longer be kept within it, for
the lady's sake, for there is to be a lit-
tle new claimant one day to the Crown,
if all the elder stem should fail. They
were married four years ago, Kitty!
Sure never was an amazing secret bet-
ter kept! And I will say she hath borne
much for the Prince's sake and with
good sense. But think of it! Maria
310
THE WALPOLE BEAUTY
No-name — the milliner's base-born
daughter — to be Her Royal Highness
the Duchess of Gloucester, Princess of
Great Britain! Was ever human fate so
surprising? 'T was a secret even from
her father and uncle, by the Duke's
command; but she has now writ her
father so pretty a letter that 't is the
town's talk, Horry Walpole having
shewed it about. But Horry — have
you forgot his pride, hid always under
a nonchalance as if 't was nothing? I
was at Gloucester House, where she
received en princesse, two nights ago;
and to see Horry kiss her hand and
hear him address her with, — ' Madam,
your Royal Highness,' at every word, —
sure no wit of Congreve's could ever
equal the comedy! But if looks were
all, she should be Queen of England —
a shining beauty indeed! She wore a
robe in the French taste, of gold tissue,
her hair lightly powdered, with a ban-
deau of diamonds and the Duke's min-
iature in diamonds on her breast. He,
looking very ill at ease, as I must own,
stood beside her. The King and our
little Mecklenburger Queen are dis-
tracted, the royal ire withers all be-
fore it; but it can't be undone, though
they will pass a Marriage Act to make
such escapades impossible in the future.
But the Walpole triumph ! 'T is now
proved in the face of all the world that
a Walpole illegitimate is better than a
German Royalty, for he might have
married where he would. No doubt but
Horry Walpole always thought so, yet
't is not always we see our family pride
so bolstered.
Meagre as a skeleton, he looked the
genteelest phantom you can conceive,
in pure velvet and steel embroideries.
For my part, I am well content and
wish Her Royal Highness joy without
grimace. 'T is true I laugh at Horry
Walpole, for in this town we laugh
at everything, from the Almighty to
Kitty Fisher; but I have a kindness for
him and for Maria, and had sooner they
triumphed than another. 'T is not so
with the town. O Kitty, the jealousy
and malice! 'T would take fifty letters
to tell you the talk, from the Court
down.
Well, Her Royal Highness gave me
her hand to kiss, very gracious. She
will not let her dignity draggle in the
mud, like others I could name. But
whether she would have been more easy
with Portland or another, I will not
determine. The Fates alone know, and
sure they can't be women, they keep
their secrets so well!
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
BY A. EDWARD NEWTON
I ONCE heard a charming woman say
at dinner, 'I don't think I ever had
quite as much fresh asparagus as I
wanted.' In like manner, I don't think
I shall ever get as much of London as is
necessary for my complete happiness; I
love it early in the morning — before it
rouses itself, when the streets are de-
serted; I love it when throngs of people
— the best-natured and politest people
in all the world — crowd its thorough-
fares; and I love it, I think, best of all,
at sunset, when London, in some of its
aspects, can be very beautiful. If I
were a Londoner, I should never leave
it, except perhaps for a day or two now
and then, so that I could enjoy coming
back to it.
The terrible world-upheaval through
which we have just passed is responsi-
ble for my not having been in London
for six years, and I greatly feared that
those years might have left some un-
happy imprint upon the Old Lady. In-
deed, she may have lost a tooth or a
wisp of hair; but aristocratic old ladies
know how to conceal the ravages of
time and circumstance, and as I looked
around the railway station while my
belongings were being stowed away in
the 'left luggage' room, I saw only the
usual crowd quietly going about its
business.
Then, as I stepped into my taxi and
said, 'Simpson's in the Strand,' and was
being whirled over Waterloo Bridge,
I said to myself, ' Nothing has changed.
Nothing has changed except that the
fare, which was once eightpence, is now
a shilling/
I said it again, with not quite the
same certainty, when, after eating my
piece of roast beef and a little mess of
greens and a wonderful potato, I called
the head waiter and complained that
the meat was tough and stringy. 'It
is so,' said that functionary, and con-
tinued: 'you see, sir, during the war we
exhausted' (with careful emphasis upon
the h) 'our own English beef, and we are
now forced to depend upon — ' I looked
him straight in the eye; he was going to
say America, but changed his mind and
said, 'the Argentine.'
'Very neatly done,' I said, ordering
an extra half-pint of bitter and putting
a sixpence in his hand ; ' to-morrow I '11
have fish. I'm- very sure that nothing
can have happened to the turbot.'
It was only a little after one, when,
leaving Simpson's I lit a cigar and turn-
ed westward in quest of lodgings. As
the Savoy was near at hand, I thought
no harm would be done by asking the
price of a large double-bedded room
overlooking the river, with a bath, and
was told that the price would be five
guineas a day, but that no such accom-
modation was at that moment avail-
able. 'I'm glad of it,' I said, feeling
that a temptation had been removed;
for I have always wanted a room that
looked out on the river; and, continuing
westward, I inquired at one hotel after
another until, just as I was beginning to
feel, not alarmed, but a trifle uneasy,
311
312
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
I secured, not just what I wanted, but a
room and a bath which would serve —
at the Piccadilly.
I had been kept waiting quite a little
time in the lobby, and as I looked
about me there seemed to be a good
many foreigners in evidence, a number
of Spaniards and, I suspected, Germans.
A fine manly young fellow, with only
one arm (how many such I was to see),
who manipulated the lift and to whom.
I confided my suspicions, replied, ' Yes,
sir, I believe they is, sir; but what are
you going to do? They calls themselves
Swiss!'
But in my anxiety to get to London,
I have forgotten to say a word about
the Imperator, on which I crossed, or of
the needless expense and delay to which
one is subjected in New York, for no
reason that I can see, but that some
of what Mr. Bryan called 'deserving
Democrats' may be fed at the public
trough.
After being photographed, and get-
ting your passport and having it vised
by the consul of the country to which
you are first going, and after assuring
the officials of the Treasury Depart-
ment that the final installment of your
income tax will be paid, when due, by
your bank, — though where the money
is to come from, you don't in the least
know, — you finally start for New
York, in order that you may be there
one day before the steamer sails, so
that you may again present your pass-
port at the Custom House for final in-
spection. I know no man wise enough
to tell me what good purpose is served
by this last annoyance. With trunks
and suitcases, New York is an expen-
sive place in which to spend a night,
and one is not in the humor for it; one
has started for Europe and reached —
New York.
But fearful that some hitch may oc-
cur, you wire on for rooms and get them,
and ' the day previous to sailing, ' as the
regulation demands, you present your-
self and your wife, each armed with a
passport, at the Custom House. Stand-
ing in a long line in a corridor, you even-
tually approach a desk at which sits
a man consuming a big black cigar.
Spreading out your passport before him
he looks at it as if he were examining
one for the first time; finally, with a
blue pencil, he puts a mark on it and
says, 'Take it to that gentleman over
there,' pointing across the room. You
do so; and another man examines it,
surprised, it may be, to see that it so
closely resembles one that he has just
marked with a red pencil. He is just
about to make another hieroglyph on
the passport when he observes that
the background of your photograph is
dark, whereas the regulations call for
light. He suspends the operation; is it
possible that you will be detained at the
last moment? No! with the remark,
' Get a light one next time,' he makes a
little mark in red and scornfully directs
you to another desk. Here sits another
man — these are all able-bodied and pre-
sumably well-paid politicians — with
a large rubber stamp; it descends, and
you are free to go on board your ship — •
to-morrow.
The Imperator made, I think, only
one trip in the service of the company
that built her; during the war she re-
mained tied up to her pier in Ho bo ken;
and when she was finally put into pas-
senger service, she was taken over,
pending final allocation, by the Cunard
Line. She is a wonderful ship — with
the exception of the Leviathan, the
largest boat afloat; magnificent and
convenient in every detail, and as
steady as a church. The doctor who
examines my heart occasionally, look-
ing for trouble, would have had a busy
time on her. I fancy I can see him,
drawing his stethoscope from his pocket
and suspending it in his ears, poking
round, listening in vain for the pulsa-
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
313
tion of her engines; fearful, no doubt,
that he was going to lose his patient, he
would have prescribed certain drops in
water at regular intervals, and, finally,
he would have sent her in a very large
bill.
I am quite sure that I owe my com-
paratively good health to having been
very abstemious in the matter of exer-
cise. But it was my habit to take a con-
stitutional each day before breakfast;
this duty done, I was able to read and
smoke thereafter with a clear conscience.
Four and a half times around the prom-
enade deck was a mile, the steward told
me; and I can quite believe it.
Coming back to earth, or rather sea,
after this flight into the empyrean, I am
bound to admit that the Germans knew
how to build and run ships. And the
beautiful part of the Imperator was
that, though you saw a German sign oc-
casionally, not a German word was
heard. How completely, for the time
being at any rate, the German nation
has been erased from the sea! I some-
times doubt the taste of the English
singing 'Rule, Britannia'; it is so very
true — now.
II
As we entered Southampton Water
after a pleasant and quite uneventful
voyage, we saw almost the only sign of
the war we were destined to see. A long
line, miles long, of what we should call
torpedo-boat destroyers, anchored in
midstream, still wearing their camou-
flage coloring, slowly rusting themselves
away.
We landed on a clear, warm Septem-
ber afternoon, and, Southampton pos-
sessing no charm whatever, we at once
took train for Winchester, which we
reached in time to attend service in the
austere old cathedral. The service was
impressive, and the singing better than
in most cathedrals, for the choir is
largely recruited from the great school
founded centuries ago by William of
Wykeham. After the service, we stood
silently for a moment by the tomb of
Jane Austen; nor did we forget to lift
reverently the carpet that protects the
tablet let into the tombstone of Izaak
Walton. After tea, that pleasant func-
tion, we drove out to the Hospital of St.
Cross, beautiful and always dear to me,
being, as it is, the scene of Trollope's
lovely story, The Warden.
Seated at home in my library, in
imagination I love to roam about this
England, this ' precious stone set in the
silver sea,' which, however, now that
the air has been conquered, no longer
serves it defensively as a moat; but as
soon as I, find myself there, the lure of
London becomes irresistible, and almost
before I know it I am at some village
railway station demanding my 'two
single thirds' to Waterloo or Victoria,
or wherever it may be.
So it was in this case. I did, however,
take advantage of the delightful weather
to make a motor pilgrimage to Sel-
borne, some fifteen miles across coun-
try from Winchester. A tiny copy of
White's Natural History of Selborne
came into my possession some forty
years ago, by purchase, at a cost of fif-
teen cents, at Leary's famous book-
shop in Philadelphia; and while I now
display, somewhat ostentatiously per-
haps, Horace Walpole's own copy of the
first edition, I keep my little volume for
reading and had it with me on the
steamer.
The Wakes, the house in which Gil-
bert White was born and in which he
died, is still standing on what is by cour-
tesy called the main street of the little
village, which is, in its way, I suppose,
as famous as any settlement of its size
anywhere. The church of which he was
rector, and in which he preached, when
he was not wandering about observing
with unexampled fidelity the flora and
fauna of his native parish, stands near
314
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
the upper end of a tiny public square
called the Plestor, or play-place, which
dates only from yesterday, that is to
say, from 1271 ! Originally an immense
oak tree stood in the centre; but it was
uprooted in a great storm some two
centuries ago, and a sycamore now
stands in its place. Encircling it is a
bench upon which the rude forefathers
of the hamlet may sit and watch the
children at play, and on which we
should have sat but that we were more
interested in the great yew which stands
in the near-by churchyard. It is one of
the most famous trees in England, — a
thousand years old, they say, — and
looking old for its age; but it is so sym-
metrical in its proportions that its im-
mense size is not fully realized until one
slowly paces round it and discovers
that its trunk is almost thirty feet in
circumference.
The church, which has luckily es-
caped the restorations so many parish
churches have been compelled to under-
go, is in no wise remarkable. Many
Whites are buried therein; but our par-
ticular White, the one who made Sel-
borne notable among the villages of
England, lies outside in the churchyard,
near the north wall of the chancel, the
grave being marked by a half-sunken
headstone on which one reads with dif-
ficulty two simple letters, ' G. W.,' and a
date, '26th June, 1793'; but a tablet
within the church records at greater
length his virtues and distinctions.
m
There is nothing more exhausting
than the elegance of a big hotel; and to
move from a fashionable caravansary
in Philadelphia to another in London or
Paris is to subject one's self to the in-
convenience of travel, without enjoying
any of its compensations. One wants to
enjoy the difference of foreign countries
rather than their somewhat artificial
resemblances. At the end of a busy day,
when one is tired, one wants peace,
quiet, and simplicity — at least, this
one does; and so, when our attention
was called to a small apartment in Al-
bemarle Street, from the balcony of
which I could throw a stone into the
windows of Quaritch's bookshop, in the
event that such an act would afford any
solution to the problem of securing the
books I wanted, I closed the bargain in-
stantly and was soon by way of being
a householder on a very small scale.
We had been told that 'service' in
England was a thing of the past, that it
has disappeared with the war; but this
was only one of the many discouraging
statements which were to be entirely
refuted in the experience. No one could
have been better cared for than we, by a
valet and maid who brushed our clothes
and brought us our breakfast; and
shortly after ten each morning we
started out upon our wanderings in
whatever direction we would, alert for
any adventure that the streets of Lon-
don might afford. This is an inexpen-
sive and harmless occupation, inter-
esting in the event and delightful in
retrospect. Is it Liszt who conjures
us to store up recollections for consump-
tion in old age? Well, I am doing so.
I know not which I enjoy most, beat-
ing the pavements of the well-known
streets, which afford at every turn
scenes that recall some well-known his-
toric or literary incident, or journeying
into some unexplored region, which
opens up districts of hitherto unsus-
pected interest. Years ago, when slum-
ming first became fashionable, one
never used to overlook Pettycoat Lane
in far-off Whitechapel : of late years it
has been cleaned up and made respect-
able and uninteresting. But how many
people are there who know that there is
a very pretty slum right in the heart
of things, only a short distance back
of Liberty's famous shop in Regent
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
315
Street? If interested in seeing how the
other half lives, look it up when you are
next in London, and you will be aston-
ished at the way in which the pursuit of
life, liberty, and happiness unfolds it-
self in a maze of little streets and courts
all jumbled together. London has al-
ways been a city in which extremes
meet; where wealth impinges upon
poverty. Nowrhere can greater con-
trasts be obtained than in that terra in-
cognita which lies just to the south of
Soho. The world lives, if not in the
open, at least in the streets; and food,
fruit, fish, and furbelows are exposed
for sale on barrows and trestles in what
appears to be unspeakable confusion.
I had discovered this curious slum
years before my friend Lucas, that sym-
pathetic wanderer in London, called at-
tention to it in his delightful volume,
Adventures and Enthusiasms.
But there is to my mind an even
choicer little backwater, just off Fleet
Street — Nevill's Court, which I first
visited many years ago, during a mem-
orable midnight ramble in company
with David Wallerstein, a Philadelphia
lawyer and an old friend, who, by rea-
son of his wide reading, retentive mem-
ory, and power of observation, seemed
able to better my knowledge of London
even in a district where I had thought
myself peculiarly at home.
Nevill's Court runs east from Fetter
Lane. One enters it by an archway,
which may easily be passed unnoticed;
and to one's great surprise one comes
suddenly upon a row of old mansions,
one of which was pointed out to me as
once having been the town residence of
the Earl of ^Yarwick. ' It was a grand
house in its day, sir,' said a young
woman in an interesting condition, who
was taking the air late one afternoon
when I first saw it; 'but it's let out
as lodgings now. Keir Hardie, M.P.,
lodges there when he's in London; he
says he likes it here, it's so quiet.'
'And how long have you lived here?'
I inquired.
'Oh, sir, I've always lived about
'ere in this court, or close to; I like liv-
ing in courts, it's so quiet; it 's most like
living in the country.'
All the houses look out upon ample,
if now sadly neglected, gardens, through
the centre of which flower-bordered
paths lead to the front doors. Push
open one of the several gates, — one is
certain to be unlocked, — or peer
through the cracks of an old oaken
fence which still affords some measure
of the privacy dear to the heart of every
Englishman, and you will see a bit of
vanishing London which certainly can
last but a short time longer. The roar of
the city is quite unheard; one has sim-
ply passed out of the twentieth century
into the seventeenth.
Oxford Street is to me one of the
least interesting streets in London. It
is a great modern thoroughfare, always
crowded with people going east in the
morning, and west in the evening when
their day's work is done. I was walking
along this street late one afternoon,
when my eye caught a sign, 'Hanway
Street,' which instantly brought to
mind the publishing business conducted
in it more than a century ago by my
lamented friend, William Godwin. I
hoped to learn that it was named after
the discoverer of the umbrella, but it is
not. Hanway Street is a mean, narrow
passage running north out of Oxford
Street, as if intent upon going straight-
way to Hampstead; but it almost im-
mediately begins to wobble and, finally
changing its mind, turns east and stops
at the Horse-Shoe Tavern in the Tot-
tenham Court Road.
My hour of refreshment having come,
I stopped there, too, and over a mug of
ale I thought of Godwin, and as a result
of my meditations, decided to follow up
the Godwin trail. And so, the inner
man refreshed, I continued east through
316
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
Holborn until I came to Snowhill, to
which street Godwin subsequently re-
moved his business and his interesting
family. Turning off to the left, and
doubling somewhat on my tracks, I de-
scended Snowhill, and found myself
facing a substantial modern building,
which challenged attention by reason
of the rather unusual decoration of its
facade. It needed but a glance to see
that this building had been erected
on the site of the Saracen's Head Inn,
immortalized by Charles Dickens in
Nicholas Nickleby. Let into the wall
were two large panels, one being a
school-scene bearing the legend 'Dothe-
boys Hall'; the other, a 'Mail Coach
leaving Saracen's Head.' Over the
arched doorway was a fine bust of
Dickens, while to the left was a full-
length figure of the immortal Mr.
Squeers, and on the right a similar figure
of Nicholas Nickleby.
In the pleasure of my discovery I al-
most forgot all about Godwin, whose
shop was once near-by; proving again,
what needs no proof, that many charac-
ters in fiction are just as sure of immor-
tality as persons who once moved
among us in the flesh. Then I remem-
bered that John Bunyan had lived and
died in this street, when Snowhill was
described as being very narrow, very
steep, and very dangerous. This led
me to decide that I would make a pil-
grimage to Bunyan's tomb in Bunhill
Fields, which I had not visited for many
years.
And so, a few days later, I found
myself wandering about in that most
depressing graveyard, in which thou-
sands of men and women, famous in
their time, found sepulture — in some
cases merely temporary, for the records
show that, after the passing of fifteen
years or so, their graves were violated
to make room for later generations, all
traces of earlier interments having been
erased. Poor Blake and his wife are
among those whose graves can no longer
be identified.
On the day of my visit it was much
too damp to sit on the ground and tell
sad stories of anything; but I had no
difficulty in coming upon the tomb of
Defoe, or that of Bunyan, a large altar-
like affair, with his recumbent figure
upon it. An old man whom I met loiter-
ing about called my attention to the
fact that the nose had recently been
broken off, and told me that it had been
shot off by some soldier who had been
quartered during the war in the near-by
barracks of the Honorable Artillery
Company. It appears that some mis-
creant had, to beguile the time, amused
himself by taking pot shots at the statu-
ary, and that much damage had been
done before he was discovered. I think
I shall accuse the Canadians of this act
of vandalism. It is always well to be
specific in making charges of this kind;
moreover, it will grieve my talented
friend, Tait McKenzie, the sculptor,
who comes to us from Scotland by way
of Toronto, and who thinks it a more
grievous crime to mutilate a statue than
to damage a man.
It will have been seen from the fore-
going that I am the gentlest of explorers.
Give me the choice of roaming the
streets of London in search of a scarce
first edition of, say, The Beggar's Opera,
— so delightfully performed month
after month at the Lyric Theatre in
Hammersmith, but which lasted scarce-
ly a week in New York, — and a chance
to explore some out-of-the-way country
with an unpronounceable name, and
my mind is made up in a moment. I
have found the race with the sheriff
sufficiently stimulating, and, on a holi-
day, give me the simple, or at least the
contemplative, life.
Just before leaving home, I had
lunched with my friend Fullerton Wal-
do; his face positively oeamed with hap-
piness and his eye sparkled. Why? Be-
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
317
cause he was going to Russia to see for
himself what the Bolsheviki were doing.
o
' You will see plenty of misery, you may
be sure,' I replied. 'Why look at it?
Why not let the Russians stew in their
own juice? Ultimately they will come
home, those that are left, wagging their
tales behind them.'
But no, he wanted to see for himself.
So we parted, each of us going his own
way, and both happy.
But I did see one thing unusual
enough to have interested even so so-
phisticated a traveler as Waldo, and
that was the crowd which, on Armistice
Day, that is to say, the eleventh of No-
vember, 1920, at exactly eleven o'clock
in the morning, stood absolutely silent
for two whole minutes. London is a
busy city; there is a ceaseless ebb and
flow of traffic, — not in a few centres
and here and there, as with us, but
everywhere, — and when this normal
crowd is augmented by thousands from
the country, intent upon seeing the dedi-
cation of the Cenotaph in the centre
of Whitehall and the burial of the
unknown warrior hi the Abbey, it is
a crowd of millions. And .this huge
crowd, at the first stroke of eleven,
stood stock-still ; not a thing moved, ex-
cept, perhaps, here and there a horse
turned its head, or a bird, wondering
what had caused the great silence, flut-
tered down from Nelson's monument in
Trafalgar Square. And so it was, we
read, all over Britain, all over Australia
and Africa, and a part of Asia and
America: the great Empire, Ireland
alone excepted, stood with bowed head
in memory of the dead. Not a wheel
turned anywhere, not a telegram or
telephone message came over the wires.
These English know how to stage big
effects, as befits their Empire; with
them history is ever and always in the
making. And when at last the bunting
fluttered down from the Cenotaph, and
when the bones of the Unknown, with
the King representing the nation as
chief mourner, were deposited in the
Abbey, there formed a procession which
several days afterward, when I sought
to join it, was still almost a mile long!
IV
London can boast of countless little
museums, or memorials, to this or that
great man; and it is soon to have an-
other: Wentworth Place, in Hampstead,
with which the name of Keats is so
closely connected. When this is opened
to the public, — I have visited it pri-
vately, — it is to be hoped that it will
take on something of the kindly atmos-
phere of the Johnson House in Gough
Square, rather than that of the cold mu-
seum dedicated to that old dyspeptic
philosopher, Thomas Carlyle, in Chel-
sea. I remember well when he died.
He was said to have been the Dr. John-
son of his time. Heaven keep us! Car-
lyle! who never had a good or kindly
word to say of any man or thing; whose
world, 'mostly fools,' bowed down be-
fore him and accepted his ravings as
criticism; whose Prussian philosophy,
'the strong thing is the right thing,'
was exploded in the great war. I have
lived to see his fame grow dimmer day
by day, while Johnson's grows brighter
as his wit, wisdom, and, above all, his
humanity, become better known and
understood.
To Gough Square, then, I hastened,
once I was comfortably installed in my
little flat, to see if any of the sugges-
tions I had made at a dinner given by
Cecil Harmsworth, in the winter of
1914, to the Johnson Club, to which I
was invited, had been carried out. The
door was opened to my knock by an old
lady who invited me in as if I were an
expected guest. She explained that it
was hoped that ultimately one room
would be dedicated to the memory of
Boswell and others of the Johnsonian
318
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
circle, — Goldsmith, Garrick, Mrs.
Thrale, Fanny Burney, and the rest, —
and that the whole house would be per-
vaded by the immortal memory of Dr.
Johnson, the kindest as well as the
greatest of men; but that, owing to the
war, not as much had been accom-
plished as had been hoped.
'And so,' I replied, 'my suggestions,
have not been entirely forgotten. I had
feared — '
'Why,' continued the old lady, 'can
you be Mr. Newton of Philadelphia?'
I could have hugged her; for, gentle
reader, this is much nearer fame than I
ever hoped for. What a morning it was !
Mrs. Dyble called for her daughter, and
I was presented, and again found to be
not unknown; and believe me, these two
women were so absolutely steeped in
Johnson as to shame my small learning
and make me wish for the support of
real honest-to-God Johnsonians, such
as Tinker or Osgood, or my friend R. B.
Adam, of Buffalo, who has the greatest
Johnson collection in the world, and
who, when next he goes to London, has
a treat in store which will cause him to
forget, at least momentarily, his charm-
ing wife and his young son; charming
wives and young sons being not uncom-
mon, whereas Gough Square is unique.
Any man of fine heart and substan-
tial means could have bought the
Gough Square house, but it required a
singularly wise and modest man to fit
it up so simply, so in keeping with the
Johnsonian tradition; to say, 'We don't
want a cold, dry-as-dust museum; we
want the house to be as nearly as possi-
ble what it was when the great Doctor
lived in it and compiled the dictionary
in its attic room.' So it is, that 17
Gough Square, Fleet Street, is one of
the places which it is a delight to visit.
A fine Johnsonian library has been
lent, and may ultimately be given, to
the house; paintings, portraits, rare
prints, and autograph letters abound;
and in these interesting surroundings,
friends, literary societies, and clubs
may meet for the asking, and teas and
dinners may be sent in from the nearby
Cheshire Cheese. And all this might
have been done, and yet the house
might have lacked one of its greatest
charms, namely, the kindly presence
and hospitality of two women, the dis-
covery of whom, by Mr. Harmsworth,
was a piece of the rarest good fortune.
Mrs. Dyble is a soldier's wife, her hus-
band being a color sergeant in one of
the crack regiments; and the story goes
that, during the air-raids, when the
Germans were dropping bombs on all
and sundry, the old lady went, not into
the ' tubes ' for shelter, but, to meet the
bombs half-way, into the attic; there,
taking down a copy of Boswell, she read
quite composedly through the night;
for, as she said, she would not be worthy
of her soldier husband if she were not
prepared to face death at home as he
was doing in France. But how long,
I ask myself, will her daughter, Mrs.
Rowell, a pretty widow, be content to
live upon the memory of Dr. Johnson?
I was especially pleased to convey to
the Johnson House a superb photo-
graph of a portrait of Dr. Johnson by
Reynolds, which had recently been ac-
quired by Mr. John H. McFadden of
Philadelphia. I was sitting in my club
one afternoon, when Mr. McFadden
came up and asked me how I would like
to see a picture of Dr. Johnson which he
had just received from the Agnews in
London. Of course, I was delighted, and
a few minutes later I was in the small
but exquisite gallery of eighteenth-cen-
tury portraits which Mr. McFadden
has collected. Familiar as I am sup-
posed to be with Johnson portraits, I
had never seen the one which was
shown me. It was obviously Dr. John-
son; and as soon as I returned home and
had an opportunity of consulting my
notes, I saw that it was the portrait
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
310
painted for Dr. Taylor of Ashbourne.
So far as I have been able to learn, it
has never been engraved or even photo-
graphed; and I told its owner that he
owed it to himself and all Johnsonians
to have it photographed in the best pos-
sible manner, and to send a copy to the
Johnson House at Lichfield, and also to
Cecil Harmsworth. This Mr. McFad-
den readily consented to do ; and so, on
my arrival in. London, I had the pleas-
ant duty of presenting the pictures.
The portrait is of a very old man; the
head is bent forward, the face is kindly,
and about the mouth is the tremulous-
ness of age. I take it, indeed, to be a
speaking likeness, and it *pleases me to •
fancy that the kindly Doctor has just
made the remark quoted by Boswell:
' As I grow older, I am prepared to call
a man a good man on easier terms than
heretofore.'
During the war, when Germany was
dropping bombs on London and Eng-
land was protesting that no real mili-
tary purpose was served thereby and
that the priceless treasures in the mu-
seums that had always been open to
the public were being endangered, Ger-
many characteristically replied that
England should not keep her bric-a-brac
in a fortress. Whether London is a for-
tress or not, I do not know; doubtless
the Tower once was, and doubtless a
certain amount of bric-a-brac is stored
therein; but the Tower is a fatiguing
place, and I fancy I have visited it for
the last time; whereas I shall never
cease to delight in the London Museum,
filled as it is with everything that illus-
trates the history, the social and busi-
ness life of a people who by no accident
or chance have played a leading part in
the history of the world.
This wonderful collection is housed
in what was for years regarded as the
most sumptuous private residence in
London. It is situated in Stable Yard,
very near St. James's Palace, and not
so far from Buckingham Palace as to
prevent the late Queen Victoria from
dropping in occasionally for a cup of
tea with her friend, the Duchess of
Sutherland, who for many years made
it her residence. The story goes, that
Her Majesty was accustomed to remark
that she had left her house to visit her
friend in her palace. Be this as it may,
it is a magnificent structure, admirably
fitted for its present purpose; and I was
fortunate enough to be one of its first
visitors when it was thrown open to the
public in the spring of 1914. The ar-
rangement of the exhibits leaves noth-
ing to be desired; and if one does not
find the garments of the present reign-
ing family very stimulating, one can
always retire to the basement and while
away an hour or so among the pano-
ramas of Tudor London, or fancy him-
self for a brief time a prisoner in New-
gate.
But the streets of a great city are
more interesting than any museum, and
it was my custom generally to stroll
through St. James's Park, gradually
working my way toward Westminster,
thence taking a bus to whatever part of
London my somewhat desultory plans
led me. One morning I had just climbed
the steps which lead to Downing Street,
when a heavy shower forced me to
stand for a few moments under an arch-
way, almost opposite number 10, which,
as all the world knows, is the very un-
imposing residence of the Prime Minis-
ter. Standing under the same archway
was an admirable specimen of the Lon-
don policeman, — tall, erect, polite,
intelligent, imperturbable, — and it oc-
curred to me that the exchange of a
'British-made' cigar for the man's
views on the war would be no more
than a fair exchange. And right here
let me say that, all the time I was in
England, I did not hear one word of
complaint or one word of exultation.
There was no doubt in Bobby's mind
320
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
who won the war, 'but mind you, your
fellows was most welcome, when they
came'; and I thought I detected just a
trifle of sarcasm in his last words. ' We
don't like the Germans, but we don't
wear ourselves out 'ating 'em,' he said,
in reply to my question.
Just here our conversation was inter-
rupted by an old lady, who came up to
inquire at what hour Mrs. Lloyd
George was going out. ' I 'm not in her
confidence, ma'am,' replied my friend;
and continuing, he suggested that he
had gone to bed hungry many a night
but had n't minded in the least, be-
cause he knew that British ships were
taking the American army to France.
'I've a tendency to get 'eavy, hany-
way,' he continued. His views on the
League of Nations were what one usu-
ally heard. He 'had no confidence a
man's neighbors would do more for a
man than a man would do for himself;
that 'Wilson was a bit 'eady; and the
American people 'ad let 'im down some-
thing terrible.'
Another morning, walking past the
Horse Guards, I noticed on approach-
ing the Mall an enormous German can-
non mounted on its heavy carriage, the
wheels of which must have had at least
five-inch tires. This engine of death,
having shot its last bolt, was an object
of the greatest interest to the children
who constantly played about it. As I
passed it, one little chap, probably not
over four years of age, was kicking it
forcibly with his little foot, his act be-
ing regarded approvingly the while by
the Bobby who was looking on; but
when finally he began to climb up on
the wheel, from which he could have
got a nasty fall, the policeman took the
little lad in his arms, lifted him care-
fully to the ground, and bade him 'be
hoff,' with the remark, 'You'll be tear-
ing that toy to pieces before you are a
month older; then we won't 'ave noth-
ing to remind us of the war.'
' I should n't think you were likely to
forget it,' I remarked, looking at his
decorations and handing him a cigar.
'Well, sir,' he replied, thanking me
and putting the cigar in his helmet, ' it 's
curious how one thing drives another
out of your mind. I was in it for three
years, and yet, except when I look at
that gun, I can't rightly say I give it
much thought.'
I had an experience one day, which I
shall always remember, it was so unex-
pected and far-reaching. I was sitting
in the back room of Sawyer's bookshop
in Oxford Street, talking of London,
and rather especially of Mr. W. W.
Jacobs's district thereof, in which I had
recently made several interesting 'short
cruises,' in company with his night
watchman (he who had a bad shilling
festooned from his watch-chain, it will
be remembered), when I felt rather
than saw that, while I was talking, a
man had entered and seemed to be
waiting, and rather impatiently, to get
into the conversation. Now just how
it came about, I don't exactly know;
but soon I found myself suggesting
that Londoners know relatively little
of their great city and that it was only
the enlightened stranger who really
knew his way about.
'And this to me,' said the stranger in
a harsh, strident voice, of such unusual
timbre that its owner could have made
a whisper heard in a rolling-mill.
'Think of it,' he continued, turning to
Sawyer, ' that I should live to be beard-
ed in my den — by a — by a — '
He paused, not at a loss for a word
so much as turning over in his mind
whether that word should be kindly or
the reverse. This gave me an oppor-
tunity to look at the man who had en-
tered, unasked, into the conversation in
very much the same way that I had
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
321
entered into his London. He was seem-
ingly about sixty years of age, short
rather than tall, with piercing eyes
under bushy eyebrows, but chiefly re-
markable for his penetrating voice,
which he used as an organ, modulating
it or giving it immense power. One
felt instinctively that he was no patri-
cian, but rather a 'city man' accus-
tomed to giving orders and having
them obeyed promptly, and having a
degree of confidence in himself — say,
rather, assurance — which one associ-
ates with Chicago rather than with
London.
Now I am conceited enough to think
that, with the ordinary mortal, I can
hold my own in conversation when Lon-
don is the subject; so almost before I
knew it, I was trying to make myself
heard by one who had evidently decided
to take the lead hi the conversation.
The result was that two men were talk-
ing for victory at the same time, greatly
to the amusement of Sawyer.
Finally my stranger-friend said,
'Have you many books on London?*
To which I replied, relieved that the
subject had taken a bookish turn, 'Yes,
about three hundred, ' which number is,
say, a hundred and fifty more than I
actually possess.
'I have over six thousand,' said my
friend; 'I have every book of impor-
tance on London that ever has been
written.'
'Yes,' said I, 'and you have the ad-
vantage in discovering first how many
books I had. If I had been as keen as
mustard, as you are, I would have
asked the question, and you would have
said three hundred; then I could have
said six thousand.'
'Listen to him,' roared my friend; ' he
even doubts my word. Would you like
to see my books?'
'Have you a copy of Stow?' I replied,
to try him out.
'Yes,' answered my friend; 'every
VOL. 128— NO. S
B
edition, including a presentation copy
of the first edition of 1598, with an in-
scription to the Lord Mayor.'
Now, presentation copies of the Sur-
vay, properly regarded as the first book
on London, are very rare; I had never
seen one, and I replied that nothing
would give me greater pleasure than to
see his books. When and how could a
meeting be arranged?
'Shall we say next Thursday after-
noon?'
'Very good, but where?'
'Now,' continued my friend, 'pay at-
tention. Tell your second chauffeur to
get out your third Rolls-Royce car — '
'Never mind my chauffeurs and my
Rolls-Royce cars,' I interrupted; 'if you
are on the line of a penny bus, tell
me how to reach you from Piccadilly
Circus.'
'Good,' continued my friend; 'you
know the Ritz?'
'From the outside,' I replied, 'per-
fectly.'
'Well, go to the Bobby who stands
outside the Ritz, and ask him to tell you
what bus to take to Clapham Junction;
and when you get there, just ask any
Bobby to direct you to John Burns's on
the north side of Clapham Common.'
John Burns! Had I heard aright?
Was it possible that I was actually talk-
ing to John Burns, the great labor lead-
er, who had once marched a small army
of 'Dockers' from the East End of
London to Westminster, and who had
finally become an all-powerful Member
of Parliament, and Privy Councillor,
and President of the Board of Trade
and of the Local Government Board;
John Burns, without whose approval
not a statue, not a pillar-box or a fire-
plug had been located for the past
twenty years, and who had, when the
war broke out, resigned all his offices of
honor and emolument because he could
not conscientiously go along with the
government! As I recovered from my
322
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
astonishment, John Burns, with a fine
sense of dramatic values, had disap-
peared. I looked at his name and ad-
dress written in his own hand in my lit-
tle engagement-book. 'Well,' said I to
myself, 'that looks like a perfectly good
invitation; John Burns will be expect-
ing me about half-past four, and I am
not going to disappoint him.'
A few days later, at the hour ap-
pointed, we descended from a taxi and
found our friend awaiting us at his
front gate. Across the roadway stretch-
ed Clapham Common, itself not with-
out historic interest; but it was a cold,
raw day in late October, and the inside
of a city home is always more interest-
ing than the outside. As I removed my
coat, I saw at a glance that I had not
been deceived in the number of his
books. There were books everywhere,
about fifteen thousand of them. All
over the house were open shelves from
floor to ceiling, with here and there a
rare old cabinet packed with books,
which told the life-story of their owner.
Books are for reading, for reference,
and for display. John Burns had not
stinted himself in any direction. Throw-
ing open the door of a good-sized room
in which a fire (thank God!) was burn-
ing brightly, Burns said briefly, 'Lon-
don, art and architecture in this room;
in the room beyond, political economy,
housing and social problems. Rare
books and first editions in the drawing-
room. Now come upstairs: here is bio-
graphy and history.' Then, throwing
open the door of a small room, he said,
'This is my workshop; here are thou-
sands and thousands of pamphlets, care-
fully indexed.' On landing at the head
of the stair, he said, 'Newton, I've
taken a fancy to you, and I 'm going to
let you handle — carefully, mind you
— the greatest collection of Sir Thomas
More in the world; over six hundred
items, twice as many as there are in the
British Museum. Here they are, manu-
scripts, letters, first editions.' And
then, dropping the arrogance of the col-
lector who had made his point, he took
up a little copy of Utopia, which he had
bought as a boy for sixpence, and said,
'This book has made me what I am;
for me it is the greatest book in the
world; it is the first book I ever bought,
it is the corner-stone of my library, the
foundation on which I have built my
life. Now let us have tea!'
During this pleasant function I plied
my host with question after question;
and he, knowing that he was not being
interviewed, was frankness itself in his
replies. His judgment of the great men
of England with whom he had worked
for a lifetime was shrewd, penetrating,
and dispassionate; and, above all, kind-
ly; their conduct of the war, his reason
for not going along with the nation (he
and Lord Morley were the two con-
spicuous men in England who, upon the
outbreak of the war, retired into private
life) was forceful if, to me, unconvinc-
ing; and I quoted Blake's axiom, that a
man who was unwilling to fight for the
truth might be forced to fight for a lie,
without in the least disturbing his
equanimity. My remark about Blake
served to send the conversation in an-
other direction, and we were soon dis-
cussing Blake's wife, whose maiden
name he knew, and his unknown grave
in Bunhill Fields, as if the cause and
effect of the great war were questions
that could be dismissed. Seeing a large
signed photograph of Lord Morley on
the wall, and a copy of his Life of Glad-
stone and his own Recollections on the
shelves., I voiced my opinion that his
friend was the author of five of the dull-
est volumes ever written, an opinion I
would be glad to debate with all comers.
In reply to my question as to how
he had accomplished so much reading,
leading as he has done for so many
years the life of a busy public man, he
answered, ' I read quickly, have a good
MY OLD LADY, LONDON
memory,* (there is no false modesty
about John Burns) 'and I never play
golf.'
'Well, I am like you in one respect.'
'What's that?' he asked; and then,
with a laugh, 'You don't play golf, I
suppose.'
What I thought was my time to score
came when he began to speak French,
which I never understand unless it is
spoken with a strong English accent.
This gave me a chance to ask him wheth-
er he had not, like Chaucer's nun, stud-
ied at Stratford Atte Bowe, as evident-
ly 'the French of Paris was to him
"unknowe." ' He laughed heartily, and
instantly continued the quotation.
But anyone who attempts to heckle
John Burns has his work cut out for
him; a man who has harangued mobs
in the East End of London and else-
where, and held his own against all
comers in the House of Commons, and
who has received honorary degrees for
solid accomplishment from half a dozen
universities, is not likely to feel the pin-
pricks of an admirer. And when the
time came for us (for my wife was with
me) to part, as it did all too soon, it was
with the understanding that we were to
meet again, to do some walking and
book-hunting together; and anyone
who has John Burns for a guide in
London, as I have had, is not likely
soon to forget the joys of the experience.
Holidays at last come to an end.
If all the year were playing holidays,
To sport would be as tedious as to work.
We came home and, greetings exchan-
ged, our first impressions were those of
annoyance. As a nation, we have no
manners; one might have supposed that
we, rather than the English, had had our
nervous systems exposed to the shock
of battle; that we, rather than they, had
been subject to air-raids and to the
deprivations of war; that we had be-
come a debtor rather than a creditor
nation. We found rudeness and surli-
ness everywhere. The man in the street
had a 'grouch,' despite the fact that he
was getting more pay for less work than
any other man in the world; and that
the President had told him that he had
an inalienable right to strike. For the
first time in my life I felt that 'labor
would have to liquidate' — to use a
phrase to which, in the past, I have
greatly objected. No question was civ-
illy answered. The porter who carried
our bags took a substantial tip with a
sneer, and passed on. It may be that
America is ' the land of the free and the
home of the brave'; but we found the
streets of our cities dangerous, noisy,
hideous, and filthy. It is not pleasant
to say these things, but they are true.
BACK-YARD ARCILEOLOGY
BY WAEREN K. MOOREHEAD
DURING the past fifty years citizens
and institutions of New England and
New York have contributed large sums
for archaeological expeditions in remote
sections of the New and Old Worlds. I
suppose it is not inaccurate to state
that certain individuals of New Eng-
land were pioneers in financing Mexi-
can, Central American, and South
American expeditions for the Peabody
Museum. Dr. Winslow's labors aroused
much interest in the study of early
European and Egyptian cultures, and
other researches which were begun by
the English, French, or Italians. To-
day, the explorer seeking funds for a
survey of ruins in Yucatan finds ready re-
sponse to his appeal for contributions.
In short, our American public — par-
ticularly here, east of the Hudson — is
more or less educated in archaeologi-
cal matters. The subject has become of
popular interest. We read with avidity
articles in the National Geographical
Magazine concerning peoples of remote
corners of the globe — although these
same descriptions, printed thirty years
ago, would have bored us. Everybody
knows about the cave-man, and what
he did ; our Sunday newspapers regularly
announce the discovery of another 'new
buried city.' Even the movies portray
expeditions of all kinds, some slightly
' scientific,' and others made in the foot-
hills out from Los Angeles, or in the
mountains and woods a mile from the
business section of Saranac Lake.
Last, but not least, Mr. Wells has
delved — or his assistants have — into
archseologic lore, and we find the whole
324
'beginnings of the human race' con-
densed into a few pages, in order that
the tired business man, or weary pro-
fessional person, or the general public,
may absorb the leading facts of pre-his-
tory, as well as history itself, quickly
and conveniently.
People not only buy, but they actu-
ally read, books treating in more enter-
taming fashion of archaeological discov-
eries and primitive peoples. I recall
that, thirty years ago, a scientist im-
mediately lost caste, did he write for
the public. Following the prevalent
custom of that time, his works were dull
and pedantic. Few* persons outside the
cult to which he belonged knew him or
his books; for it was considered bad
form for him to do that which would in-
terest mankind at large. To-day, most
of us believe that our work is a part of
the generally accepted educational sys-
tem; that it should be presented in an
attractive form, in order that it may
reach the largest number of readers.
While much nonsense has undoubtedly
been published in the press and maga-
zines, and a great deal of sensational
and unscientific information dissemi-
nated by the movies, yet, on the whole,
people are better informed to-day con-
cerning the early history of our race,
and of primitive man in general, than
they were two decades ago.
Permit me to hasten, at this junc-
ture, to assure the anxious scholar that
I do not claim there are more masters of
archaeology to-day than formerly; what
I wish to convey is the impression that
our public has a more intelligent inter-
BACK-YARD ARCHAEOLOGY
325
est In the subject. This is indicated in
the correspondence files of the average
archaeologist. Let him compare letters
of 1890 with those of to-day, and he will
observe that the correspondent to-day,
when addressing the museum curator
or a field-man, is somewhat familiar
with the subject. We have fewer 'crank'
communications. It has been three
years since one of these came to our
Department; yet in one month during
1895 I received two letters from persons
who wished to know my 'formulae' for
making 'mineral rods, by means of
which buried treasures are found.'
Formerly, most persons supposed that
a museum was a place where 'relics'
were bought and then exhibited to
gaping and curiosity-seeking visitors.
This changed attitude toward the mu-
seum may be traced to our museum prop-
aganda; to the work of the Association
of Museums, to the spread and influ-
ence of children's museums, — popular
among their elders, as well, — and to
the many illustrated talks on natural
history and related topics.
New England's part in lifting archae-
ological research (and museum study)
out of the narrow rut of the specialist
and placing it upon the hill, that its
light might not be hidden, but, on the
contrary, be seen of men, is consider-
able. Indeed, New England occupies
a place of distinction as the patron of
archaeology and research. Was it not at
Salem, away back in 1803, that the
trading- and whaling-vessel masters
brought their 'curios' and ship-models
home and exhibited them? Most fitting
is it that the museum there, after a cen-
tury of honorable existence, should dis-
play these priceless objects of the long
ago. Here, Professor Morse, and at
Cambridge, Professor Putnam, began
their work in the early eighteen-sixties.
Morse's popular lectures, sparkling
with humor, filled with worth-while in-
formation, stimulated interest and had a
far-reaching result. Putnam preached
thorough science in exploration, and
gathered about him many young stu-
dents. These men are to-day heads of,
or occupy positions of standing in, a
dozen of the larger museums in this and
other countries.
Yet all the interest on the part of
the young scientists who went forth,
and of the men who gave funds, and of
the public, seemed to centre in places
away from and not in New England.
With a few exceptions — notably Mr.
C. C. Willoughby's explorations in
Maine — no one thought that there
was and is such a thing as the archae-
ology of New England. Obviously, the
reason they all neglected the home ter-
ritory is not far afield. We have no
mounds, no cliff-dwellings or ruined
cities. We even lack caverns and cave-
man! Thus we possess nothing cal-
culated to appeal to the imagination.
Wealthy people would give money for
investigations of visible monuments.
They had seen pictures of remains in the
West, the South, and Asia. Putnam
could secure little money for work
hereabouts. He was told that there
was neither romance nor charm in
New England exploration. As a nat-
ural sequence, archaeologists, with one
accord, went West, South, or abroad,
with the result that, until systematic
explorations were undertaken in 1912,
we knew less about our own land
(archaeologically) than we did about
regions five thousand miles away.
In 1909 I visited my friend Director
Willoughby of the Peabody Museum,
and consulted with him concerning
work in our home field. It had been
neglected; yet here we might find the
beginnings of Algonquin culture, Es-
kimo influence, tribes of pre-Pilgrim
days, and so forth. There were far-
reaching possibilities. Our trustees kind-
ly voted the necessary funds, and I
applied methods used in Ohio, Arizona,
326
BACK-YARD ARCHAEOLOGY
and New Mexico to the State of Maine.
In short, we ran a Western survey in
the East.
For nine years we have worked hard,
carrying large crews to the most distant
points in Maine and elsewhere; it is
now time to render the public an ac-
count of our stewardship. During this
period we have traveled over 5000 miles
in our large, twenty-foot canoes. We
have found seventeen Indian cemeteries
of the prehistoric period, and taken out
the contents of 440 graves. Our men
mapped over 200 village, camp, or
shell-heap sites in Maine alone. The
grand total of artifacts in stone, bone,
shell, and clay is rising 17,000; and all
this in one state of New England where
there were supposed to be few ' Indian
remains.' We found one shell-heap (in
the Bar Harbor region, near Lemoine)
over 700 feet long and five feet deep, in
places, and averaging over two feet of
debris. From this heap the men took
5000 articles of prehistoric manufac-
ture, and two years later reexplored for
another museum, and secured 2500
more. So far as I am aware, the total
of 7500 stone, clay, bone, and shell ob-
jects (all human handiwork) from one
site is exceeded by only five other sites
in the whole United States, and these
are in the thickly settled mound-builder
and cliff-pueblo regions of the West.
Our stone-gouges from Maine graves
evince a skill in stone-working, grind-
ing, and polishing not excelled else-
where in the world. That is, the Maine
gouges are easily the highest Stone-Age
art in gouge manufacture. I am not
speaking of axes or hatchets, but of the
long polished gouges.
We find slender spears 14 to 22 inches
in length, beautifully wrought and
scarcely thicker than a lead pencil.
The famous prehistoric Japanese spears
are much shorter and of less fine work-
manship. One polished dagger of slate,
with a wide blade and handle carefully
worked out, is the equal of any similar
specimen I have observed from Europe
or Asia.
These graves are of such antiquity
that no bones remain therein. There
are eight distinct types of tools found,
— all stone, — and great quantities of
powdered red hematite occur in each
grave, seldom less than one or two
quarts, and frequently half a bushel.
No large deposit of soft hematite occurs
in Maine, save at Katahdin Iron Works;
and analysis indicates that the Indians
brought it from that source, probably
in canoes, possibly overland, to their
villages farther south. None of the
ochre masses has been found in shell-
heaps along the coast, or in caches, or at
their village sites. We therefore con-
clude that it was used in mortuary
ceremonies.
These types of stone artifacts per-
sistently occur in the 'Red Paint Peo-
ple's ' graves, but in more recent Algon-
quin burials they are totally absent.
We have proved the existence of a very
ancient culture, different from any other
in this country.
My purpose in mentioning these dis-
coveries at some length is merely to call
attention to the interesting and un-
known field that we have at hand. It is
now proposed to spend the next eight
years in intensive exploration of ancient
Indian places in Connecticut, Rhode
Island, and Massachusetts, with the
cooperation of local historical and sci-
entific societies and certain individuals.
We shall attempt — at least, in some
small measure — to reconstruct the life
of our aborigines in pre-Colonial times;
and at best our task is beset with diffi-
culties. There are no prominent monu-
ments indicating where we shall exca-
vate. Our results are obtained through
persistent testing of one region after
another, for the surface indications are
meagre. Land has been cultivated
hereabouts for the past two and a half
BACK-YARD ARCHAEOLOGY
327
centuries, and most of the village-site
indications forever destroyed. We look
for flint, chert, or quartz chips, burned
stone, and discolored soil. Then we
sink holes in search of ash-pits and pot-
tery, which are signs of a large or per-
manent Indian town. Upon a knoll, or
the slope of a hill, near-by, should be the
cemetery, and we set the men at work
searching for that. It has been care-
fully estimated that in one hundred
farms or estates examined, we find one
site. Thus, the percentage is ninety-
nine to one against us — not a very
attractive proposition if measured by
commercial standards.
Dr. Thomas Wilson, for many years
Curator of Anthropology in the Smith-
sonian, was wont to utter a sentiment
somewhat as follows: 'Evidences of
prehistoric occupation of a given area
are found, not in proportion as they ex-
ist, but rather as men search.' This is
especially true of New England. Be-
cause of the scarcity of remains and the
long labor necessary to discover sites,
zest and charm are added to our ex-
plorations. The element of chance is
not so much a factor as the element
of discovery of new types. Common
broken bones from the shell-heaps, if
occurring in lower layers, when studied
by Dr. Allen, proved to be those of the
extinct mink, prehistoric dog, and ex-
tinct seal. Our 'Red Paint People' cul-
ture may be the beginnings of Eskimo
culture — certainly, it is unlike any-
thing else on our continent.
Descending the St. John River, in ex-
treme northern Maine, a region of un-
broken forests, with no sign of human
habitation save the occasional aban-
doned logging-camp, we discover pot-
tery at a point farther north in Maine
than it has been previously reported.
We land at the mouth of Big Black
River, near the Quebec line, and find a
spruce forest growing over ancient ash-
pits, and that here man tarried some
time and manufactured stone knives
and weapons.
We voyaged down the Penobscot and
stopped at Mattawamkeag. Here once
stood a village of large extent, inhabited
at different times; for we discovered
one type of implement on the west bank
and other and different forms on the
east bank. Upon the high hill to the
north were buried the later Abenaki of
the Jesuit mission; we found some of
their simple graves, but ceased excavat-
ing, as it has not been our custom to
excavate in cemeteries where Indians
were buried with church rites. Tradi-
tion has it that one of the priests was
mortally wounded when the mission
was destroyed by Massachusetts troops;
and on the retreat of the English, the
Indians searched the ruins, found the
chapel-bell, and buried it alongside the
good Father in a simple grave oh that
hill.
Many interesting things are to be ob-
served in New England archaeology.
Pipes were not so common as in the
West or South, and the pottery is far
inferior to that of the Iroquois and
southern Algonquins. Thus, smoking
was not in general use and the ceramic
art was undeveloped. The stone axe
probably came in from the West, and
does not appear to be native to the
region.
Our greatest Indian population lay
along the coast, the lower Connecticut
Valley, Martha's Vineyard, and Rhode
Island. It is here that the larger villages
of Pequots, Narragansetts, Podunks,
and others were located. On the large
town-sites and in the cemeteries one
should be able to discover articles in-
dicating tribal commerce with bands
living in New York or New Jersey, and
also to obtain specimens of aboriginal
art, since the more skilled workmen
would naturally locate in the populous
communities. Hence, when the survey
inspects the site of King Philip's town,
328
BACK-YARD ARCHAEOLOGY
the Pequots' fort, and similar spots, it
is hoped that lower layers of the ash-
pits will prove rich in evidence. There
must have been Indian towns in New
England long before the Smith, Cabot,
and other visitations. Whence these
people came, and their relationship to
Long Island and New Jersey Algon-
quins — all these and similar questions
may not be solved, but we shall cer-
tainly obtain more reliable data upon
their migrations or origins.
New England is thickly settled, and
most Indian sites are to-day occupied
by towns. Where once were wigwams,
lawns stretch down to the sea. One
would suppose that we might encounter
opposition in securing permission to ex-
cavate, yet the contrary is true. In
twelve years of expeditions, we have
requested hundreds of owners to allow
us to excavate, and have been refused
but ten times. This is a remarkable
record. One lady at Bar Harbor stated
that I could open trenches, provided no
dirt was left on her lawn. We brought
our tent-flies into service, used a sod-
cutter, rolled the turf and stacked it on
one tent, the earth on another. We
dug large pits, filled them carefully, re-
placed the sod, and wet it down. My
men, proud of a good job, have always,
with one accord, agreed that she paid
them their greatest compliment. We
worked three hours; she, meanwhile,
played auction bridge with her friends
in the cottage. When we had finished,
she came out, looked over the lawn,
and asked me when we were to begin
digging!
At Orland, Maine, a cemetery ex-
tended under a large barn, filled with
new hay. The owner consented to ex-
plorations, provided his hay was not
left out over-night. We secured extra
labor, moved the stock, vehicles, and
hay outside, took up the floor, and
found seventeen graves. These were
opened and photographed. Then the
floor was relaid, the stock led back, hay
put in the mow, and work finished be-
fore dark. We have taken up trees and
flower-beds, moved pens and sheds,
worked under a saw-mill, and even dug
in railroad yards. One wealthy lady
would not permit us to complete an im-
portant cemetery because the pine-
needles covering the sand might be dis-
turbed. These had fallen from 'runt'
pines out on an ocean-swept point, and
were of no size. I offered to send the
men with a team into a heavy pine
growth a mile distant and bring her a
wagon load of larger needles; but in
vain. Nature had deposited those pine
'spills,' and they must remain. Hence,
we were compelled to desist; but local
people dug there Sundays, undermined
her precious trees, and they all fell!
Therefore, she lost both trees and nee-
dles, and the cemetery was lost to
science.
There is a charm in New England
archaeological research. Most explorers
prefer difficult tasks, and finding evi-
dences of our prehistoric American
predecessors in this region is not easy.
It is pleasant, this voyaging along in
the canoe, carrying a crew of State
o' Maine men, who have accompanied
us on many a trip — the Susquehan-
na, Texas deserts, Connecticut, Lake
Champlain, New Brunswick, and all
the Maine rivers. We land at a conve-
nient spot, and set up camp in thirty-
two minutes. All hands help the cook,
and we get four tents erected and bag-
gage stored within that time. Then we
scatter and look for surface signs. The
farmers or villagers come to camp, and
our mission is explained. They are very
accommodating and kind — only the
foreigners living in the lower Connecti-
cut have caused us trouble.
One might suggest that explorers in
distant lands face dangers, and that our
work, contrasted with theirs, is both
simple and easy. I have worked in the
BACK-YARD ARCHEOLOGY
329
Southwest in early days, before the
automobile, and personally know one's
sufferings in sand-storms, how one
feels when without water in the desert.
I have had trouble with horse-thieves,
been in quicksand, and experienced
kindred discomforts. Yet, in July or
August in the North Woods, the 'five
standard flies ' have made life miserable
for the survey, and have caused more
real inconvenience than we ever expe-
rienced on that famous Far Western
Painted Desert. The running of our
canoes, one at a time, safely through
the worst part of the fifteen-mile falls
on the Connecticut, by Ralph Dorr,
was a performance unsurpassed by any-
thing ever witnessed by us on the West-
ern surveys. Navigating three long
open canoes in a heavy sea-fog, from
Bangor to Castine hi one day, consti-
tuted a record of which the crew may
justly be proud.
So, if one should suppose that there
are no 'adventures' possible in line of
duty (for we never take unnecessary
risks) in New England explorations,
that person should, if possible, join us
on our last trip to Maine to be made this
summer, when we hope to examine the
upper Aroostook and head of the East
Branch, and from thence travel across
northern Maine to the upper St. John
waters, turn southeast, and work down
to the Rangeleys.
There are not many indications of
ancient Indian occupation in that re-
gion, for natives could exist with less
hardships nearer the coast. As the
colonists spread inland, there was an In-
dian migration northward; but there is
no evidence of long-continued residence
north of the central portion of the state.
Indeed, I am of the opinion that the In-
dian occupation of much of Maine and
Canada is comparatively recent.
Quite likely the next few years of ex-
ploration along the lower Connecticut
River, and the coast from New Haven
to Providence (including a strip some
twenty miles back from salt water),
will prove that we had a considerable
Indian population prior to the Smith
and Cabot voyages. The relationship
of these tribes to other Algonquins is to
be carefully studied, through a compar-
ison of artifacts. Archaeology alone
must furnish the evidence, since lan-
guages and folk-lore of native Ameri-
cans living prior to 1600 are unknown.
A few years hence, the pages of New
England Indian history previous to Eu-
ropean contact will have been written.
We shall then realize that our aborigi-
nes played no unimportant part in the
life of the American red race.
PIONEERS
BY MRS. A. DEVEREUX
[The following authentic letters, which the Atlantic has been privileged to copy from
the yellowing sheets still in the writer's possession, tell a story of the pioneer spirit
which ought to be preserved. No introduction is necessary, but the reader should know
that the writer was, in 1865, a wife of ten years. Mrs. Devereux still lives, at the
age of ninety-three.]
COLUMBUS, NEBRASKA, October 15, 1865.
(Geographical centre of the United States)
DEAR MOTHER, —
I have a long story to tell you, of why
I am here with Will, in this small, rough
prairie village, so small and remote, I am
sure you have never heard of it before.
It is 90 miles from our home in Council
Bluffs, with no nearer settlement of any
size in any direction, and hundreds of
miles from any railroad, and I doubt if
the view from our window would im-
press you very favorably, yet it seems
very good to us to be here.
My last letter to you told of Will's
successful return journey from Denver,
as far as Cottonwood Springs; from
Fort Kearney later he wrote of greatly
improved health: he would be home
ready for duty in two weeks more, com-
ing on slowly to get the full benefit of
longer outdoor life in the early Oc-
tober days; and his enthusiasm over
wagon-travel and camping-out for
health was greater than ever. Ranches
were not so far apart, and the ranch
women could bake his bread, which,
he owned, with his own baking in the
Dutch oven, had been often very poor.
Nor need he wait to join the slow prog-
ress of pack-trains, as he was forced to
do farther West, where the Indians were
dangerous and an escort of soldiers was
furnished. He would enjoy camping by
330
himself in freedom and quiet, and he
would soon be home.
At 4 o'clock P.M. of the very day this
letter reached me, a telegram came from
Grand Island, saying, 'Very ill by the
roadside; come at once and bring the
doctor.' You can imagine how dazed I
was for an instant, and then the impulse
to move heaven and earth to reach
him quickly; but where Grand Island
was, or how I was to get there, I knew
no more than if I had not lived two
years at one of the gateways to that
great plain stretching 500 miles west
to Denver.
I called to a passing friend, who, for-
tunately, was a woman of presence of
mind, and had been to Denver herself.
She recalled at once the important fact
that it was the day for the Overland
coach, which only every other day left
Omaha at evening for Denver; and it
was nearly time for the last boat on the
ferry to Omaha, and the ferry was two
miles away.
'Send me the doctor and someone to
take me to Omaha,' was all that I wait-
ed to say; and hastened to put the few
things in my bag I could think of.
She found our good friend and bank-
er, Mr. Deming, at the first corner, in
his buggy, and he drove to the door at
once, and offered to see me started on
the coach; and best of all, a need I had
PIONEERS
331
not yet thought of, he could furnish me
funds for the journey, and arrange, as
we drove on, for any emergency which
should call for more. It was impossible
for the doctor to go with me, but he
came to me, and gave me all the advice
he could.
In half an hour from the time the
telegram reached me, we were on our
way, and I had a little tune to collect
myself before reaching the ferry. I was
so absorbed in going over that terrible
telegram, to gain some new light on it,
that I had no fear or hesitation about
taking the journey, nor did I recall
what little I knew about such rough
travel in the unsettled West, or what it
might demand of my strength, if not of
my courage; and I wondered, vaguely,
why Mr. Deming should ask me if I
were sure I had better try to go. Of
course I must go.
We reached Omaha just in time, and
Mr. Deming secured the whole of the
back seat of the coach for me; and as I
crawled into it at 9 o'clock, in the dark-
ness, I heard the driver say, 'Two
nights and a day will bring her there';
and the dim lanterns outside showed
me Mr. Deming's pale and frightened
face as we rolled away.
It was well fear was not added to my
anxiety. The rapid movement of the
four horses gave me relief, and the in-
tense silence of the black night left me
free to think; for though Mr. Deming
said with trembling voice, as he shut
the coach-door, 'A lady going to her
sick husband; won't you be kind to
her?' and I was conscious of persons in
the other seats, I thought no more of
them, and set about making myself
comfortable enough for one who could
not sleep. I rolled the ill-smelling blan-
ket into pillows, and made a tent-cover
from head to foot of the big mosquito
net that my thoughtful friends insisted
I should take, as I left home.
When day dawned, we had left the
rolling hills between Omaha and the
Elkhorn behind us, and were passing
rapidly over the plains of the Platte
valley. I had grudged the delays of the
night, when they stopped to change
horses, for every hour made one less of
that terrible sum of ' two nights and a
day,' before I could reach Will, 'ill by
the roadside'; but when the light be-
came clearer in the coach, there was a
moment's sense of repugnance, but no
fear, when I met the eyes of three of
the roughest-looking men I had ever
seen, staring at me. They had not
spoken a word through the long night,
I believe in kindness to a lone woman,
though they seemed not only coarse,
but dull. They rarely spoke to each
other during the time I was with them,
and never to me; and when awake,
seemed filled with astonishment at my
presence there.
At the noon station a new passenger
took the vacant seat in front of me, and
it was very pleasant to see the unmis-
takable signs of a more cultivated type
of man. He was kind to me, giving me
helpful attentions at the rough stage-
stations, where we tried to eat. Once
he insisted, without any complaint of
mine, that a basin of water should be
placed on a chair inside the shanty for
my use, instead of my sharing with the
men the towels and basin on the bench
outside the door. A sense of being pro-
tected by this good man encouraged a
little sleep, and the slow hours wore on.
Toward night I began to inquire
about Grand Island, supposing that I
was to go on to that station, and should
reach it next morning. But when, later,
the driver was changed with the horses,
the new one came to the coach-door
and asked, 'Is there a woman here,
going to her sick husband?' To my
eager inquiries of what he could tell me
about Will, he could only say, 'They
told me to watch out for ye, and leave
ye at Lone Tree; get there in the night
332
PIONEERS
some time.' This, I found, was eight
miles east of Grand Island, from which
the telegram came.
After midnight I began to peer into
the darkness with beating heart, full of
vague and terrible fears. I think my
friend in the coach was anxious, too,
with too much sympathy to sleep; for
he was good to me in a silent way,
which helped me to wait quietly.
At two o'clock in the morning the
coach suddenly stopped, and we knew
it was not to change horses; it was too
quiet. The coach-door opened, and in
silence my neighbor sprang out, and I
silently followed. The driver bade us
make for a dim light not far away; it
was a lantern hanging under Will's
wagon, standing by the roadside. My
friend helped me to climb into the dark
opening under the canvas cover, from
which a voice strangely unnatural call-
ed faintly, 'I thought you would never
come; now let me go to sleep.'
Instinctively I knew there was peril,
though I could not distinguish his face.
The stranger exclaimed, 'I can't
leave you so; this is dreadful; I will
stay.'
But I knew Will must, first of all,
get rest that night. No doubt he had
forced himself to keep awake until the
coach came by. I hope the man knew I
was grateful for his kindness, but I
could only whisper, 'Go on; I can do;
send me a physician if you can find one.'
Later on, I did get comfort at a critical
time, through his remembrance of us,
though he found no physician.
I crawled along the wagon-bed until
I came to Will's head, and sat down on
the straw and soothed him to sleep.
He was too ill to tell me anything about
himself, only feebly saying once, 'I
shall get well now.'
When it was light enough to see, I
crept out the front, and found the
wagon was drawn up beside an old
empty hut, and near-by was a newly
built log-cabin, and a long sod-barn,
and no other habitation in sight. Two
half-grown boys came out of the new
cabin, and I went in to find someone to
get me the nourishment I must have for
Will, and food for myself, and to learn
something about him.
A frowzy, dull-eyed woman met me;
her yellow face and yellow hair and
lank figure told me the kind of emigrant
she was. She seemed to have not a
particle of interest in the sick man out-
side; had I been some unknown species
of human kind, she could not have ap-
peared more dazed. A coarse-featured
girl of eighteen, maybe, joined her, and
paying no attention to my wants, they
continued to stand silent, and stare at
my face, my clothes, and my hair.
I think nothing up to that time came
so near breaking my courage as the si-
lent stare of that dull, passionless wo-
man. I knew then that I was little bet-
ter than alone, on the wide prairie, with
a very sick man.
I begged for fire, and hot water, and
milk, and gamed by degrees from them,
that Will had come to their cabin a
week before and given his horses to the
care of the sons, because he was ill, and
had sent one of them back to Grand
Island with the dispatch to me, later;
and they had made soup for him once,
when he said they must. Did I think
he would die? and, Was it a catching
sickness?
I knew as little as they what his sick-
ness was; but I meant that he should
not die, and that they should give me
help, though I did not say so. The hot
milk I gave him revived him, and he
slept again, while I searched his box of
stores, and made myself a homelike cup
of tea on their old broken cook-stove.
A spider and a kettle were all the uten-
sils they had; but I cleaned up Will's
saucepans, and then looked about me.
He could not stay longer in that wagon.
I could not climb in and out, and care
PIONEERS
333
for him. They insisted there was no
place for him in their cabin, and indeed
he needed quiet and good air, which
he would not have there; but I found
in the old hut a bedstead frame, with
boards across it, and on them a ragged
hay-bed.
The floor of the hut was like that of
an old barn, and the sod-roof was bro-
ken La spots, but was shelter enough for
those mild sunny days. I asked for
fresh hay for the bed, and in perfect
silence they did just what I bade them
to do, and then stood again and stared
at me.
The bed was the sole piece of furni-
ture in the hut, and there was not much
more in the newer cabin. I looked about
for a box to serve as a chair, but none
could be found. A cask of onions and
one of oats stood at one side of the
small square room, and the chickens
ran in and out of the broken door, freely,
all day. When the boys came to their
breakfast, I got them to carry Will to
the hut on the mattress-bed in his
wagon, on which he had slept during
his two months' journey; and on my
taking off his heavy clothing, he slept
more quietly, but could tell me little
about himself.
I gradually learned that, after his
last letter to me, he had failed for some
nights to get good sleep. Mosquitoes
appeared in swarms, and horse-thieves
were about, so that Punch and Judy
had to be watched at night. He felt
himself growing ill, and pushed on,
hoping at least to get to Columbus, the
nearest place he could find advice and
care. But that was 60 miles farther
east, and when his strength gave out
entirely, he stopped beside this cabin,
because there was a barn where his
horses could be made safe. How he had
lived since he sent the dispatch, he did
not know. He thinks the women brought
him water, and he wanted nothing more.
He was waiting for me.
I made a seat for myself on the foot
of his bed, with his overcoat as a pil-
low, and watched, and fed him with all
the nourishing things I could contrive
from our limited stores, and did not
know enough to know that he had a
low malarial fever, fast assuming a
typhus form. He insisted that he need-
ed nothing but rest, and in his weak
state I dared not experiment with the
few medicines I had with me. I ate in
the other cabin, with the silent family,
living mostly on rice and crackers, and
tea of my own making; their bacon and
mashed potatoes, with the bacon fat
stirred into the potato until it was al-
most a soup, was intolerable to me; and
badly made hot soda bread, with cof-
fee, was all they had besides to eat.
They came west from Southern In-
diana. The women wore home-made
linsey-woolsey gowns, with straight,
scant skirts, and I envied them, as I
went about in the dust with full skirts
and hoops; so I packed away the hoops,
and sewed up my skirts in festoons,
and laid aside my small hat, which
seemed so absurd a covering in that
spot, and went bareheaded to and fro in
the sun.
One evening the boys came in with
an antelope thrown across one of their
ponies, which they had shot at some
distance, somewhere, and I thought
Will could have soup, and I could have
a change in food; but before morning
they had it all packed in salt, and the
stew they made for dinner had a dread-
ful taste.
All day long the sun shone from a
cloudless sky. A few rods in front of our
door, the perfectly level trail to Den-
ver stretched in a yellow line of dust to
the limits of the horizon, east and west.
Four or five miles away, a brown spot
indicated a cabin, and a dun fringe of
low trees, still farther away, marked
a stream; otherwise, the circle of the
horizon bounded an unbroken plain,
334
PIONEERS
green as m summer, but utterly silent
and unvaried, except when clouds of
dust rose in the west, and long lines of
oxen came slowly by the door, some-
times as many as sixteen pairs fastened
behind each other, drawing as many
huge white-covered empty wagons on
their return trip to Omaha. Made
up in this fashion, one or more men
could manage the train returning; and
in these days of emigration west, wagon-
drivers could be readily found to go
to Denver; but few wished to return.
Every day the stage-coach passed, east
or west, and it seemed a friendly link
between us and the world, 150 miles
away.
The mail was carried the alternate
day on a buckboard with a single seat,
sometimes shared with the driver by a
passenger. After ten days of hope and
despair, I saw plain signs of increasing
weakness in Will, and watched eagerly
for the buckboard to pass at noon.
I must get advice from someone, if
only from the stage-man. It seemed odd
that it should halt before I went out,
and a passenger should spring out and
come at once to me, asking, 'How is
your husband?' I knew at a glance he
was an Eastern man and a gentleman;
and oh! the intense relief to my over-
strained nerves just the sight of him
gave me, utter stranger as he was.
In a few words he explained: he had
heard of our desolate state from the
man who was kind to me in the coach
when I came to Will; he was not sure
he should find us still there, butf he
would inquire. He was engineer of the
force then at work at points east and
west, surveying the line of the Union
Pacific Railroad.
I could not speak of our great need,
but he turned away and ordered the
man to go on without him. I protested,
'You will lose your place in the stage,
and cannot get away from here, maybe
for days.'
'I can walk, and nine miles farther on
I have a corps of men, and can overtake
them.'
'But you will have no place to sleep,
and little to eat.'
'I shall do; and this is dreadful for
you and your husband,' he said, and
bade the stage-man go on. He told me
he knew nothing at all of sickness, and
Will was too weak to bear the sight of
a strange face; so he sat down on the
wagon-tongue outside, and I went back
to the hut with more courage.
He brought me my food to the door;
and when, at evening, the mosquitoes
grew worse than usual, he built a
smudge of damp grass before the door,
and all night I saw him at intervals,
pacing backwards and forwards beside
it. He could not rest in the wagon
even, for there were no blankets, and the
mosquitoes had taken possession. To-
ward morning Will revived, and I could
leave him, to consult with my new
friend a moment. He said I must send
one of those boys back twenty-five miles
to Wood River, where there was said to
be a physician; and he undertook the
task of getting the boy off.
Then, finding he could do little for
us, and the coach going east fortunate-
ly having a vacant seat, he took it,
charging me, if we needed assistance
later, either there or on our way east,
to send someone to hunt up a surveying-
party, and he would give orders to
them, along the line, to go at once at
my call. This gave me much comfort;
for a vague, horrible sense had been
growing clearer to me of what might be
my needs if Will did not improve in
that desolate land, sixty miles from an
Eastern settlement.
The doctor came next day; he proved
to be a German, from a small cattle-
ranch, with little knowledge of English,
and less of medicine. He looked at Will
in astonishment and then at me, and
fairly gasped as he exclaimed, 'What-
PIONEERS
335
ever sent such a man as he out here?'
Will's pale, refined face certainly was
not that of the ordinary ' freighter ' he
had prescribed for.
He finally said that he did n't know
what to do for ' his kind,' and he thought
'he would die if he did n't get out of
here,' and he 'minded he would any-
way'; and then he turned away indif-
ferently, and went to gossip with the
woman in the cabin.
That coarse bluntness was needed to
settle my mind. We must move east
early next morning, and that man
should go with us and drive. He pro-
tested that he could not. He must go
back to his cattle. But I still had some
faith in his medical knowledge, and
meant he should go with us, and set
about getting ready. Will was too ill to
counsel me about arrangements, and
the wagon was ready to start before I
disturbed him, to tell him my plans.
My firmness about its being best to
go gave him courage to allow us to move
him carefully into his old place in the
wagon ; and when I turned to the doctor,
who still doggedly declared he could
not go, and told him to get into the
driver's seat at once, he obeyed, as if I
had some right to control him.
With our small store of brandy at
hand, I climbed in beside Will, and we
moved on slowly. At first the motion
exhausted him; but he was certainly
no worse when we halted at noon, four
or five miles on ; and at the end of a short
day's journey, we found, at a ranch,
a comfortable lounge in the living-
room of the family, which made a bed
for him; and he took milk more freely,
and slept quietly; and I lay on the
floor beside him, and slept, too.
It was strange how little sleep I
needed, and how little I minded the
roughness of everything.
Still under protest that his- cattle
would suffer for care, the German
helped me make things comfortable for
the second day's journey, and, to my
relief, went with us, though sulky and
silent. As for nursing or giving advice
to his patient, the man was utterly in-
capable; but I believed he could drive
and care for the horses; and, in my
anxiety, I had failed to take carefully
the direction in which the surveying-
party were to be found, and no one
seemed to know anything about them,
nor could we make any delay with
safety, to find help from them. We
must make a longer drive that day, to
reach shelter at night; but the death-
like look had gone from poor Will's
face, and the smooth prairie trail gave
little jar to the spring wagon, as the
horses never moved faster than a steady
walk.
Noontime brought us to the best sod-
house I had seen; it was really a com-
fortable home. There were no floors,
but the ground was hard and polished,
and the inside walls were covered with
white cotton cloth, and a ceiling, made
of the cloth, was suspended under the
roof of sod-covered poles. I made tea
and toast for Will on the good cook-
stove, and ate with relish, myself, the
good dinner that the wholesome-look-
ing women of the house prepared for
the doctor and me; for though it was
not a stage-station, in that new coun-
try all houses 'keep,' as the people say.
At night, the house where we had
planned to stay was more pretentious,
but I did not like the looks of the ranch
men and women who came out to help
us; and having my choice between a bed
in the living-room of the family and one
in an empty old cabin near-by, I chose
the latter. The door would not shut,
the bed was not clean, the dirt-floor
was no better than the roadway, and
the dust from the old sod-roof above us
lay in black ridges on our faces next
morning; but it was enough that Will
was certainly gaming strength.
The weather was still soft and mild,
336
PIONEERS
and the sun shone all day; the air was a
tonic, and Will dozed away the hours
in comfort. I had been able to buy an
empty soap-box, of which I made a bet-
ter seat for myself, and we started, with
good courage, on our last day's ride
to Columbus, where we should find a
hotel and a good physician, and could
dismiss our German, and rest until Will
was well enough to go home.
But a new trouble met me. Our dri-
ver had found whiskey at the ranch, and
brought a bottle away with him. He
soon fell asleep and, after a little, tum-
bled in a heap on the floor of the wagon,
under the high seat. I could not reach
the reins nor dare I alarm Will, who was
sleeping and had observed nothing. I
only hoped the man would continue to
sleep, for the dear horses were old
friends, and I knew they would keep to
the trail, and turn all right if they should
meet a train, which was not likely to
happen, as at this season they were all
going east. Before we reached the
crossing at the Loup River, not far from
Columbus, which was a difficult ford
and my dread all the anxious day, the
man had slept off his stupor enough to
climb to his seat and take the reins
again; and to my great relief, another
single wagon, like our own, was about
to crawl down the steep bank into the
deepest portion of the current. Our
Punch and Judy did not need guiding
to follow the lead; and we went safely
on across the many islands and chan-
nels of the wide river, dangerous, some
of them, from quicksands, if you lost the
trail, and soon after drew up before
this house, where I am writing to you;
and it seems a palace to me, though it
really is a dingy two-story building,
very bareand common-looking. Freight-
ers and stage-drivers, dressed in rather
uncouth style, lounged on the dirty nar-
row porch; but I climbed down from
the rear of the wagon, in my soiled,
oddly draped cotton dress, with a con-
fidence in their good-will that I did not
find misplaced. A dozen strong men
came forward to lift Will out, and take
off the horses, and unpack the wagon —
not employees of the house, but its
guests on the porch; and if I had sug-
gested to them to take that drunken
doctor away and hang him, I think they
would have done it.
An Ohio woman kept the hotel; she
had heard of us from the stage-men, and
a word secured us a room up the stairs,
in her barrack-like house, though it was
already overfull of men.
The wretch who had kept me in fear
all day, and could then stand with dif-
ficulty, was paid and dismissed. He had
seemed to obey me in coming, as if I
owned the world; and I am sure he be-
lieved I owned it all when I paid him
what he asked for coming; but it mat-
tered little to me so long as we were safe
and among friends, and Will was bet-
ter. I ate my supper with pleasure,
though the forty rough men seated at
the table with me seemed much embar-
rassed at my presence. I recognized
respect for me in my helpless state,
when they scarcely lifted their eyes
from the table, and spoke to each other
in whispers.
But oh, dear! when I came back to
our room, hoping to find Will resting
and happy, he was, for the first time in
his illness, wildly delirious. The sight
of so many people, and the bustle and
noise of the house, after the worries
of the day, were too much for his weak
state. I sent in haste for the physician
here whom I had heard of, and when he
came, I saw I could rely on his aid and
his knowledge. He gave a quieting
medicine, and this morning, as I sit be-
side Will, writing, he is quite himself,
resting and stronger.
Daylight has shown the room to be
exceedingly dirty; the house has been
full of disbanded soldiers going east
from stations and camps north of the
PIONEERS
337
Platte River. The bed was unfit for
decent people, and we grow more par-
ticular when we reach settlements. As
there seem to be few, if any, women
attendants in the house, I have taken
the room in hand myself a little. I
succeeded in getting a ' bucket ' of warm
water and a mop, and have taken up
a good deal of the dust, and no doubt
some fleas and other vermin. We hope
soon to be able to go on home.
I have not dared to write to you be-
fore this. To think of you and my
Eastern home, and put in words, during
the past two weeks, what has taken all
my strength and courage to face, would
have weakened my self-control. Now
I write full of hope and in comparative
comfort.
COUNCIL BLUFFS, IOWA
October 30, 1865.
It is two weeks since I wrote to you,
soon after reaching Columbus, and we
thought a day or two would see us on
our way to our home; but Will did not
mend as fast as we hoped he would.
Sometimes I lost hope; but had I not
escaped with him alive, from those
desolate prairies behind us, the very
'valley of the shadow of death'! We
had the aid of a kind and intelligent
physician, and the essential comforts of
life.
I cooked Will's food on the kitchen
stove myself; but I was hi no way dis-
heartened,, nor did my appetite fail me,
when I saw the process of cooking the
food for the public table; I even helped
pull out some of the flies from the bat-
ter of soaked bread, which stood on
the cooking-table ready to be fried in-
to great balls, hi spiders full of grease,
and knew, when I ate them later for
supper, that not a few remained. To
show daintiness, or seem to be differ-
ent from those about me, would repel
the kindness so freely given, which was
our support and help.
When I could leave Will, I went to the
VOL. 118— NO. $
porch and talked with the stage-dri-
vers, as they came in, about the 90-mile
journey still before us — learning how
many miles we would be forced to travel
in a day to reach the stage-stations at
night; for our experience had taught us
the wisdom of staying at public places
on the road. That we were not mo-
lested the night our German doctor
found the whiskey, at that lonely way-
side ranch, was fortunate.
But, after ten days without much
change, we both grew restive; there
were so many things to make our going-
on more and more imperative.
It was the last of October; these con-
stant days of sunshine must soon end.
What if November winds and cold
storms set in early? We had no cloth-
ing warm enough for late traveling on
the plains, and, to my great satisfaction,
Will had come to see, what I had long
known, that at his best, even in our
pleasant city home, he would not be
equal to the demands of Western life
upon his physical strength, and we must
go back to New York before winter.
A coach-ride from Council Bluffs to
Des Moines, of 150 miles, was not to be
thought of at that season, and the only
other way to reach the nearest railroad
was by the Missouri River; and if we
delayed too long at Columbus, the last
boat of the season would leave for St.
Joseph, Missouri. We must go on.
The anxiety and thinking kept Will
from getting strong; but he could not
yet walk, much less drive horses, and
I could find no one to hire. Every man
who could work was out on the prairie
with hay-machines, cutting and curing
hay for the keeping of the great trains
of oxen and mules, which, coming and
going to and from the far West, made
Columbus a ' refitting ' station, as Coun-
cil Bluffs is called an 'outfitting one.'
Huge stacks of hay, high and long, and
long barns, built of sod and stacked
over with hay, stretched in every direo
338
PIONEERS
tion from the little cluster of cabins
near the hotel, which made what we
call a village and they call a town.
They had been cutting hay since July,
and would keep on till the frost drove
them in; but there were not men enough
to do the work of getting in the hay still
needed.
There was a camp of soldiers sta-
tioned a few miles away, and someone
mentioned that a convalescent soldier,
an under-officer, had received a fur-
lough, and would be glad of the free
passage east, and would be a suitable
person to help us. I wrote at once to
the commandant of the post, and re-
ceived a courteous reply, that the man
would come the next morning and go
with us as we wished; so, without delay,
I made everything ready, and Will grew
bright at the prospect of moving on.
Our good friends, the stage-drivers,
brought him to the porch next morning
before they went out with their coaches,
and our horses were put on the wagon,
already loaded up and before the door.
Good-byes were said to our hostess and
her barkeeper, who stood smilingly in
the doorway (after confirming to us
our previous surmises, that they would
soon make a united head to the house),
and we waited for our soldier.
He came with a note from the com-
mandant, saying there had been a mis-
take. The soldier's papers required
him to report by the Southern route at
Leavenworth, and he could not go with
us!
Will grew faint with disappointment,
and exclaimed, 'I shall certainly die if
I stay here.' One glance at his despair-
ing face, and then at our trusty horses,
and a look at the sunny sky, and a
thought of those stage-drivers who had
promised to meet us at the stations, and
I said, 'I will drive myself; help him
in/
Will did not object, and in ten min-
utes he was in his old place on the mat-
tress and pillows, and his voice sounded
quite strong and cheery as he called to
tell me how to climb over the high sides
of the wagon, to reach the seat, perched
up so high that the canvass cover
almost touched my head; and I felt
elated and happy as I gathered the
reins in my bare hands, and turned into
the trail to commence our four days'
journey, and, in a few moments more,
left all signs of habitation behind us.
I knew a good deal more about prairie
traveling than when I came out. I had
not yet resumed my hoops; the demands
of fashion at Columbus, proud and cen-
tral city as it claimed to be, had not
required it. I had completed that morn-
ing a most satisfactory bargain, some
days under consideration, with a stage-
driver's wife, who had come for a few
days to the hotel, for her last summer's
Shaker sunbonnet, with a buff cham-
bray cape and strings, in exchange for
my quite stylish and new hat. I was to
pay her two dollars in cash besides, for
she was not sure that the hat was quite
the thing. 'Most uns wore Shakers.'
At the last moment, she yielded. I knew
the comfort of that deep shade and
fast strings, under the bright sun and
prairie winds; not that my complexion
needed shade: I was already brown as
the prairie dust, and my gloves were
long ago worn out. A heavy flannel
shirt of Will's, put on under my dress,
may have looked a trifle clumsy, but
gave me warmth and left my arms free.
I was a little dismayed when Punch
began to go lame after a mile or so. I
dared do a good many things, but not to
lift his foot to see what was the matter,
and Will must not be worried. But he
soon cast a shoe, and I climbed down
and, recovered it; the soft, stoneless soil
could do no harm, and the first station-
master put it on again.
Our lunch-box was well filled and I
made tea on the station stove, while the
men hastened to take off the horses and
PIONEERS
339
care for them. When our stage-man
John came swinging up later, on his
coach from the East, he gave a ringing
whoop at sight of us, and said I ' would
do,' which gave me satisfaction.
And from that time on, for the whole
four days, we were under the special
care of the stage-men. They looked after
the horses and our comfort, in every
way possible to them. It was not one
man, for of course we could not keep up
with the coach, and the men were fre-
quently changed; but going east and
going west, all knew about us, and
passed us on to each other, so that a
bed was ready for us, and men waiting
to lift Will out tenderly and carry him
to it, at every night station.
The stations were sometimes very
rough places, sometimes only one room
for living and sleeping; but the one cur-
tained bed was always ours; at least it
was Will's; and if it was only a lounge,
I spread our blankets on the floor for
myself, as I had done farther west. It
did not ruffle me in the least, if one or
two men snored lustily in another cor-
ner of the room; I had learned to trust
kind hearts under very rough exteriors.
All our good Johns waved their hands
to us, as they passed us on the road;
and each day's travel was laid out for
us by one of them each morning.
One day we were told not to go to the
regular stage-station at night; it was
too rough; but to leave the trail at a
certain point and make for a house
in sight, two miles across the prairie,
where we would get a good room and
bed. The owner knew we were coming,
how, we could not tell, and welcomed
us like friends; and when Will found he
could sit at the table with us, and taste
the fried bacon, our host looked at him
with tears streaming down his face, and
swore big oaths at him roundly, to
show how glad he was. Later, the tall
figure of our John stood in the doorway
of our room, and he too cried like a
child because Will called out 'Hullo'
in a good full voice. The man had walk-
ed across the prairie several miles, 'to
see if they was square with the horses,'
he said, but really to see if we were all
right. I cannot begin to tell you the
comfort these men were to us. They
scorned any reward for their services,
and had few words to say; if we express-
ed gratitude, they turned away shyly
and disappeared; they still looked at us
in that wondering sort of way, I sup-
pose because we showed plain marks of
being 'tender-feet,' as newcomers from
the East are called.
I was never frightened at our loneli-
ness on the prairie, even when one day
they told us there would be a stretch of
16 miles without a house. One day, I
was startled for a moment, at a sudden
apparition, behind a slight rise of
ground, of a dozen Indians, coming in
single file, at right angles across our
trail; and the horses, too, showed signs
of fear; but their squaws were with
them with loaded ponies, and I knew
we were beyond dangerous Indian
ground, and they were soon out of
sight.
Once, at our noon halt, we found no
men at home at the station, only a
young German woman who could not
speak English; and as the usual custom
for travelers was to water and feed their
own horses, I was at a loss what to do ;
for to lift a pail of water to those thirsty,
eager horses, was beyond my strength
and my courage as well; but the woman
came to my help, and did it all with
ease.
Until the afternoon of the third day
we had been following the unbroken
trail on the level prairie; then we came
to a large stream with deeply worn
banks, and, to my dismay, some of the
planks of the long bridge were upset,
and it was impassable. I could not
leave the horses nor could I lift the
heavy planks to replace them. It was
340
PIONEERS
nearing sundown; what could we do if
darkness found us in that place? The
coach had already passed us, and not a
train or house was in sight. For the
first time my teeth chattered with fear.
A half-hour's waiting, and two men in
an open spring wagon came rapidly up
beside us. Spring wagons are unusual
on the plains. The slow-moving heavy
white-covered wagons we call 'prairie
schooners' are commonly used, and
they can be seen at a long distance. I
thought this one had dropped from the
sky, and still more, when the men came
quickly to speak to us, and in the tone
and language of the far East, asked us
how we were. They were entire stran-
gers, but belonged to the surveying-
party, of whom we had seen and heard
nothing since that morning at Lone
Tree, when our friend left us after his
night's vigil. They had been told by
their chief to look out for us, and had
been expecting to find us at some point
farther west, days before that time.
Just when all other help failed us, they
appeared, and we were soon safely on
our way, to the last night station of our
journey.
The last day was a difficult one for me,
though Will was already so nearly well
he needed but little care, reclining
cheerfully on his cushions, telling me
stories and enjoying the sunshine.
But the country changed to high
rolling prairie after leaving the valley
of the Elkhorn River, and the frequent
long descents were perfectly smooth, like
ice, and the worn shoes of the horses
obliged me to 'put on the brake.' It
was hard to reach it, and harder to
press it down. Then the front bow of
the wagon cover had broken, and left
the canvas to flap about my face, and
the sun beat in my eyes, altogether
bringing on a violent headache. For
the first time in all the four weeks of
care and labor, I came near giving out;
and the nearer we came to thickly
settled country and town life, the less
we could expect of personal interest in
us. We were being lost in the edges of
the rushing, busy life of that world,
which seemed to commence at the Mis-
souri River; and Heaven, which had
been so near, and Angelic care, in the
shape of good Johns and civil engineers,
no longer seemed about us. When at
last, we took our places in the line of
white-topped wagons, waiting their
turn to cross the river on the ferry-
boat at Omaha, I hoped I might never
again see the valley of the Platte. We
realized, too, when we were unrecog-
nized by friends on the boat with us,
that we were filling well the role of
emigrant 'poor white,' whose faded-
out, shabby look had often excited
half pity, half contempt in us, in the
streets of Council Bluffs.
When we drew up at last, at our own
door, safe and nearly sound, amid the
congratulations of the kindest of neigh-
bors and friends, I still kept in mind
the tender, almost worshipful respect
and care of our stage-driver friends.
And now Punch and Judy, our faith-
ful horses, are to be sold, and a few days
must see us on our way down the
Missouri, for November's chill air is
here, and our faces are set towards
New York and home.
1321-1921
BY CHARLES H. GRANDGENT
As age, their shadow, follows life and birth,
So autumn shadowed summertime and spring
And day was yielding fast to equal night,
When, homeward soaring from the rustling shore
Where weary Po exchanges life for peace,
His spring-born spirit fled, so long ago.
Six slowly winding centuries ago,
Reborn was he in everlasting birth,
To taste the food for which he hungered, peace,
At marriage suppers set in endless spring,
Shoresman eternal on the radiant shore
Which never saw its sun engulft in night.
A sinful world of self-created night
He left behind, so many years ago,
A world where hatred ruled from shore to shore
And men, despite their gentle Saviour's birth,
Like ancient Adam forfeited their spring,
For greed and discord bartering their peace.
To light the day of universal peace,
God-sent he dawned upon our bloody night,
Greatest of poets since the primal spring
Flasht forth into existence long ago.
Benignant stars presided o'er his birth,
That he might speak to every listening shore.
Still rings his voice on ocean's either shore,
And when he speaks, our Muses hold their peace
342 THE FOURTEENTH OF SEPTEMBER, 1321-1921
And wonder if the world shall see the birth
Of man like him before the Judgment night,
For all he died so many years ago
When this our iron age was in its spring.
Ere winter blossom into balmy spring,
Ere peace prevail on any mortal shore
(So taught the Tuscan poet long ago),
Justice must reign: in it alone is peace.
The Hound shall chase the Wolf into the night,
Then earth and heaven shall witness a rebirth.
Heaven gave him birth, one ever blessed spring,
Whose lamp through all the night illumes our shore.
He found his peace six hundred years ago.
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
BY STUART P. SHERMAN
BOTH the contemporary and the his-
torical Puritan are still involved in
clouds of libel, of which the origins lie
in the copious fountains of indiscrim-
inating abuse poured out upon the Puri-
tans of the seventeenth century by great
Royalist writers like Butler, Dryden,
and Ben Jonson. The Puritan of that
day was ordinarily represented by his
adversaries as a dishonest casuist and
a hypocrite. To illustrate this point, I
will produce a brilliantly malevolent
portrait from Jonson's comedy, Bar-
tholomew Fair.
This play was performed in London
six years before the Pilgrims landed at
Plymouth; and it helps one to under-
stand why the migratory movement of
the day was rather to than from Amer-
ica. Jonson presents a group of Puri-
tans visiting the Fair. Their names
are Zeal-of-the-land Busy, Dame Pure-
craft, and Win-the-fight Little-wit and
his wife. Roast pig is a main feature of
the Bartholomew festivities; and the
wife of Win-the-fight Little-wit feels a
strong inclination to partake of it.
Her mother, Dame Purecraft, has some
scruples about eating in the tents of
wickedness, and carries the question to
Zeal-of-the-land Busy, asking him to
resolve their doubts. At first he replies
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
343
adversely, in the canting, sing-song na-
sal fashion then attributed to the Puri-
tans by their enemies: —
'Verily for the disease of longing, it
is a disease, a carnal disease, or appe-
tite . . . and as it is carnal and inci-
dent, it is natural, very natural; now
pig, it is a meat, and a meat that is
nourishing and may be longed for, and
so consequently eaten; it may be eaten;
very exceedingly well eaten: but in the
Fair, and as a Bartholomew pig, it can-
not be eaten; for the very calling it a
Bartholomew pig, and to eat it so, is a
spice of idolatry, and you make the
Fair no better than one of the high-
places. This, I take it, is the state of
the question: a high-place.'
Master Little-wit remonstrates, say-
ing, 'But in state of necessity, place
should give place, Master Busy.' And
Dame Purecraft cries: 'Good brother
Zeal-ofrthe-land Busy, think to make it
as lawful as you can.'
Thereupon, Zeal-of-the-land Busy re-
considers, as follows: —
'Surely, it may be otherwise, but it
is subject to construction, subject, and
hath a face of offence with the weak,
a great face, a foul face; but that face
may have a veil put over it, and be
shadowed as it were; it may be eaten,
and in the Fair, I take it, in a booth,
the tents of the Wicked: the place is
not much, not very much, we may be
religious in the midst of the profane, so
it be eaten with a reformed mouth, with
sobriety and humbleness; not gorged in
with gluttony or greediness, there's the
fear: for, should she go there, as taking
pride in the place, or delight in the un-
clean dressing, to feed the vanity of the
eye, or lust of the palate, it were not
well, it were not fit, it were abominable
and not good.'
Finally, Zeal-of-the-land Busy not
only consents, but joins the rest, say-
ing, ' In the way of comfort to the weak,
I will go and eat. I will eat exceeding-
ly and prophesy; there may be a good
use made of it too, now I think on it:
by the public eating of swine's flesh, to
profess our hate and loathing of Juda-
ism, whereof the brethren stand taxed.
I will therefore eat, yea, I will eat ex-
ceedingly.'
The entire passage might be regarded
as a satirical interpretation of Calvin's
chapter on Christian Liberty. In this
fashion the anti-Puritan writers of the
seventeenth century habitually depict-
ed the people who set up the Common-
wealth in England and colonized Mas-
sachusetts. In the eyes of unfriendly
English contemporaries, the men who
came over in the Mayflower and their
kind were unctuous hypocrites.
That charge, though it has been re-
vived for modern uses, no longer stands
against the seventeenth-century Puri-
tans. Under persecution and in power,
on the scaffold, in war, and in the wilder-
ness, they proved that, whatever their
faults, they were animated by a pas-
sionate sincerity. When the Puritan
William Prynne spoke disrespectfully
of magistrates and bishops, Archbishop
Laud, or his agents, cut off his ears and
threw him back into prison. As soon as
he could get hold of ink and paper,
Prynne sent out from prison fresh at-
tacks on the bishops. They took him
out and cut off his ears again, and
branded him 'S.L.,' which they in-
tended to signify 'Seditious Libeller';
but he, with the iron still hot in his face
and with indignation inspiring, per-
haps, the most dazzling pun ever re-
corded, interpreted the letters to mean,
Stigmata Laudis. When the Puritans
came into power, Prynne issued from
his dungeon and helped cut off, not the
ears, but the heads of Archbishop Laud
and King Charles. After that, they said
less about his insincerity. Prynne and
his friends had their faults; but lack of
conviction and the courage of their con-
viction were not among them.
344
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
When, a hundred years ago, Macau-
lay wrote his famous passage on the
Puritans hi the essay on Milton, he
tried to do them justice; and he did
brush aside the traditional charge of
hypocrisy with the contempt which it
deserves. But in place of the picture
of the oily hypocrite, he set up another
picture equally questionable. He paint-
ed the Puritan as a kind of religious
superman of incredible fortitude and
determination, who 'went through the
world, like Sir ArtegaPs iron man Talus
with his flail, crushing and trampling
down oppressors, mingling with human
beings, but having neither part nor lot
in human infirmities, insensible to fa-
tigue, to pleasure, and to pain, not to
be pierced by any weapon, not to be
withstood by any barrier.'
Now this portrait of Macaulay's is
executed with far more respect for the
Puritan character than Jonson exhib-
ited in his portrait of Zeal-of-the-land
Busy. But it is just as clearly a carica-
ture. It violently exaggerates certain
harsh traits of individual Puritans under
persecution and at war; it suppresses
all the mild and attractive traits; and
Carlyle, with his hero-worship and his
eye on Cromwell, continues the exag-
geration in the same direction. It gives
an historically false impression, because
it conveys the idea that the Puritans
were exceptionally harsh and intolerant
as compared with other men in their own
times.
For example, the supposedly harsh
Puritan Cromwell stood for a wide lati-
tude of religious opinion and toleration
of sects at a time when the Catholic
Inquisition had established a rigid cen-
sorship and was persecuting Huguenots
and Mohammedans and Jews, and tor-
turing and burning heretics wherever
its power extended. It is customary
now to point to the Salem witchcraft
and the hanging of three Quakers in
Boston — who incidentally seem to
have insisted on being hanged — as
signal illustrations of the intolerance
of Puritanism and its peculiar fanati-
cism. But, as a matter of fact, these
things were merely instances of a com-
paratively mild infection of the Puri-
tans by a madness that swept over
the world. In Salem there were twenty
victims, and the madness lasted one
year. In Europe there were hundreds
of thousands of victims; and there were
witches burned in Catholic Spain,
France, and South America a hundred
years after the practice of executing
witches had been condemned among
the Puritans. Comparatively speaking,
the Puritans were quick to discard and
condemn the common harshness and in-
tolerance of their times.
The Puritan leaders in the seven-
teenth century were, like all leaders,
exceptional men; but if looked at close-
ly, they exhibit the full complement of
human qualities, and rather more than
less than average respect for the rights
and the personality of the individual,
since their doctrines, political and reli-
gious, immensely emphasized the im-
portance and sacredness of the indi-
vidual life. They had iron enough in
their blood to put duty before pleasure;
but that does not imply that they ban-
ished pleasure. They put goodness
above beauty; but that does not mean
that they despised beauty. It does not
set them apart as a peculiar and abnor-
mal people. In every age of the world,
in every progressing society, there is,
there has to be, a group, and a fairly
large group, of leaders and toilers to
whom their own personal pleasure is a
secondary consideration — a considera-
tion secondary to the social welfare and
the social advance. On the long slow
progress of the race out of Egypt into
the Promised Land, they prepare the
line of march, they look after the arms
and munitions, they bring up the sup-
plies, they scout out the land, they rise
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
345
up early in the morning, they watch at
night, they bear the burdens of leader-
ship, while the children, the careless
young people, and the old people who
have never grown up, are playing or
fiddling or junketing on the fringes of
the march. They are never popular
among these who place pleasure first;
for they are always rounding up strag-
glers, recalling loiterers, and preaching
up the necessity of toil and courage and
endurance. They are not popular; but
they are not inhuman. The violet smells
to them as it does to other men; and
rest and recreation are sweet. I must
illustrate a little the more intimately
human aspect of our seventeenth-cen-
tury group.
n
It is a part of the plot of our droll
and dry young people to throw the op-
probrium of the present drought upon
the Puritans. These iron men, one in-
fers from reading the discourses, for ex-
ample, of Mr. Mencken, banished wine
as a liquor inconsistent with Calvinistic
theology, though, to be sure, Calvin
himself placed it among 'matters in-
different.' And the Puritans, as a mat-
ter of fact, used both wine and tobacco
— both men and women. If Puritan-
ism means reaction in favor of obsolete
standards, our contemporary Puritans
will repeal the obnoxious amendment;
and all who are thirsty should circulate
the Puritan literature of the seventeenth
century. Read your Pilgrim's Progress,
and you will find that Christian's wife,
on the way to salvation, sent her child
back after her bottle of liquor. Read
Winthrop's letters, and you will find
that Winthrop's wife writes to him to
thank him for the tobacco that he has
sent to her mother. Read Mather's
diary, and you will find that he sug-
gests pious thoughts to be meditated
upon by the members of his household
while they are engaged in home-brew-
ing. Read the records of the first Bos-
ton church, and you will find that one
of the first teachers was a wine-seller.
Read the essays of John Robinson, first
pastor of the Pilgrims, and you will find
that he ridicules Lycurgus, the Spar-
tan law-giver, for ordering the vines
cut down, merely 'because men were
sometimes drunken with the grapes.'
Speaking of celibacy, Robinson says,
'Abstinence from marriage is no more
a virtue than abstinence from wine or
other pleasing natural thing. Both mar-
riage and wine are of God and good in
themselves.'
Since I do not wish to incite a religious
and Puritanical resistance to the Vol-
stead Act, I must add that Robinson,
in that tone of sweet reasonableness
which characterizes all his essays, re-
marks further: ' Yet may the abuse of a
thing be so common and notorious and
the use so small and needless as better
want the small use than be in contin-
ual danger of the great abuse.' And
this, I suppose, is exactly the ground
taken by the sensible modern prohibi-
tionist. It is not a matter of theological
sin with him at all. It never was that.
It is now a matter of economics and
aesthetics, and of the greatest happiness
and freedom to the greatest number.
These iron men are accused of be-
ing hostile to beauty, the charge being
based upon the crash of a certain num-
ber of stained-glass windows and altar
ornaments, which offended them, how-
ever, not as art, but as religious sym-
bolism. Why fix upon the riot of soldiers
in war-time and neglect to inquire:
Who, after the death of Shakespeare, in
all the seventeenth century, most elo-
quently praised music and the drama?
Who most lavishly described and most
exquisitely appreciated nature? Who
had the richest literary culture and the
most extensive acquaintance with po-
etry? Who published the most mag-
nificent poems? The answer to all these
346
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
questions is, of course, that conspicu-
ous Puritan, the Latin secretary to
Oliver Cromwell, John Milton.
In a letter to an Italian friend, Mil-
ton writes: 'God has instilled into me,
if into anyone, a vehement love of the
beautiful. Not with so much labor is
Ceres said to have sought her daughter
Proserpine, as it is my habit day and
night to seek for this idea of the beau-
tiful . . . through all the forms and
faces of things.' With some now nearly
obsolete notions of precedence, Milton
did place God before the arts. But was
he hostile to the arts? The two most
important sorts of people in the state,
he declares, are, first, those who make
the social existence of the citizens 'just
and holy,' and, second, those who make
it 'splendid and beautiful.' He insists
that the very stability of the state de-
pends upon the splendor and excellence
of its public institutions and the splen-
did and excellent expression of its social
life — depends, in short, as, I have in-
sisted, upon the cooperation of the
Puritans and the artists, upon the in-
tegrity of the national genius.
These iron men are said to have been
devoid of tenderness and sympathy in
personal relations. But this does not
agree with the testimony of Bradford,
who records it in his history that, in the
first winter at Plymouth, when half the
colony had died and most of the rest
were sick, Myles Standish and Brew-
ster, and the four or five others who
were well, watched over and waited on
the rest with the loving tenderness and
the unflinching fidelity of a mother.
These people had fortitude; but was
it due to callousness? Were they really,
as Macaulay intimates, insensible to
their own sufferings and the sufferings
of others? Hear the cry of John Bun-
yan when prison separates him from
his family: 'The parting with my wife
and poor children hath often been to
me in this place as the pulling the flesh
from my bone; and that not only be-
cause I am somewhat too fond of these
great mercies, but also because I should
have often brought to my mind the
many hardships, miseries, and wants
that my poor family was like to meet
with, should I be taken from them, es-
pecially my poor blind child, who lay
nearer my heart than all I had besides.
O the thought of the hardship I thought
my blind one might go under, would
break my heart to pieces.'
Finally, these iron men are grievously
charged with a lack of romantic feeling
and the daring necessary to act upon it.
Much depends upon what you mean by
romance. If you mean by romance, a
life of excitement and perilous adven-
ture, there are duller records than that
of the English Puritans. Not without
some risk to themselves, not without at
least an occasional thrill, did these pious
villagers decapitate the King of Eng-
land, overturn the throne of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, pull up stakes
and settle in Holland, sail the uncharted
Atlantic in a cockleshell, and set up a
kingdom for Christ in the howling wil-
derness. I don't think that dwellers in
Gopher Prairie or Greenwich Village
have a right to call that life precisely
humdrum.
Add to this the fact that the more
fervent Puritans were daily engaged in
a terrifically exciting adventure with
Jehovah. Some women of to-day would
think it tolerably interesting, I should
suppose, to be married to a man like
Cotton Mather, who rose every day
after breakfast, went into his study,
put, as he said, his sinful mouth in the
dust of his study floor, and, while the
tears streamed from his eyes, conversed
directly with angels, with 'joy un-
speakable and full of glory.' If a Puri-
tan wife was pious, she was engaged in
a true 'eternal triangle'; when Win-
throp left home, his wife was committed
by him to the arms of her heavenly
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
347
lover. If she were not pious, she stole
the records of his conversation with
angels, and went, like Mather's wife,
into magnificent fits of jealousy against
the Lord of Hosts. The resulting at-
mosphere may not have been ideal; but
it is not to be described as 'sullen
gloom'; it was not humdrum like a
Dreiser novel; it was tense with- the ex-
citement of living on the perilous edge
of Paradise.
Did these Puritan husbands lack
charm, or devotion to their women? I
find that theory hard to reconcile with
the fact that so many of them had three
wives. Most of us modern men feel
that we have charm enough, if we can
obtain and retain one, now that higher
education of women has made them so
exacting in their standards and so
expensive to maintain. Now, Cotton
Mather had three wives; and when he
was forty or so, in the short interim be-
tween number two and number three,
he received a proposal of marriage from
a girl of twenty, who was, he thought,
the wittiest and the prettiest girl in
the colony. I conclude inevitably that
there was something very attractive in
Cotton Mather. Call it charm; call it
what you will; he possessed that which
the Ladies' Home Journal would de-
scribe as ' What women admire in men.'
As a further illustration of the 'sul-
len gloom of their domestic habits,'
take the case of John Winthrop, the
pious Puritan governor of Massachu-
setts. After a truly religious courtship,
he married his wife, about 1618, against
the wishes of her friends. We have some
letters of the early years of their life to-
gether, in which he addresses her as
'My dear wife,' 'My sweet wife,' and
'My dear wife, my chief joy in this
world.' Well, that is nothing; at first,
we all do that.
But ten years later Winthrop pre-
pared to visit New England, without
his family, to found a colony. While
waiting for his ship to sail, he writes
still to his wife by every possible mes-
senger, merely to tell her that she is his
chief joy in all the world; and before he
leaves England he arranges with her
that, as long as he is away, every week
on Tuesday and Friday at five o'clock
he and she will think of each other
wherever they are, and commune in
spirit. When one has been married ten
or twelve long years, that is more ex-
traordinary. It shows, I think, roman-
tic feeling equal to that in Miss Lulu
Bett, or Poor White, or Moon-Calf.
Finally, I will present an extract from
a letter of this same John Winthrop to
this same wife, written in 1637, when
they had been married twenty years.
It is an informal note, written hurriedly,
in the rush of business : —
SWEETHEART, —
I was unwillingly hindered from com-
ing to thee, nor am I like to see thee
before the last day of this weeke : there-
fore I shall want a band or two: and
cuffs. I pray thee also send me six or
seven leaves of tobacco dried and pow-
dered. Have care of thyself this cold
weather, and speak to the folks to keep
the goats well out of the garden. . . .
If any letters be come for me, send
them by this bearer. I will trouble thee
no further. The Lord bless and keep
thee, my sweet wife, and all our family;
and send us a comfortable meeting. So
I kiss thee and love thee ever and rest
Thy faithful husband,
JOHN WINTHROP.
If, three hundred years after my
death, it is proved by documentary evi-
dence that twenty years after my mar-
riage I still, in a familiar note, mixed up
love and kisses with my collars and to-
bacco — if this is proved, I say, I shall
feel very much surprised if the historian
of that day speaks of the 'sullen gloom
of my domestic habits.'
348
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
m
But now, three hundred years after
Winthrop's time, what is actually being
said about the Puritans? In spite of
abundant evidences such as I have ex-
hibited, our recent Pilgrim celebration
was a rather melancholy affair. From
the numerous commemoratory articles
which I have read, I gather that there
are only three distinct opinions about
the Puritan now current — every one
of them erroneous.
The first, held by a small apologetic
group of historians and Mayflower
descendants, is, that the Puritan was a
misguided man of good intentions.
Since he was a forefather and has long
been dead, he should be spoken of re-
spectfully; and it is proper from time to
time to drop upon his grave a few dried
immortelles. The second opinion is,
that the Puritan was an unqualified
pest, but that he is dead and well
dead, and will trouble us no more for-
ever. The third, and by far the most
prevalent, is, that the Puritan was
once a pest, but has now become a
menace; that he is more alive than
ever, more baleful, more dangerous.
This opinion is propagated in part by
old New Englanders like Mr. Brooks
Adams, who have turned upon their an-
cestors with a vengeful fury, crying,
'Tantum religio potuit suadere malo-
rum.' And I noticed only the other day
that Mr. Robert Herrick was speaking
remorsefully of Puritanism as an 'an-
cestral blight' in his veins. But the
opinion is still more actively propa-
gated by a literary group which comes
out flatfootedly against the living Puri-
tan as the enemy of freedom, of science,
of beauty, of romance; as a being with
unbreakable belief in his own bleak and
narrow views; a Philistine, a hypocrite,
a tyrant, of savage cruelty of attack,
with a lust for barbarous persecution,
and of intolerable dirty-mindedness.
Despite the 'plank* of universal
sympathy in the rather hastily con-
structed literary platform of these
young people, it is manifest that they
are out to destroy the credit of the
Puritan in America. We are not ex-
ceptionally rich in spiritual traditions.
It would be a pity, by a persistent cam-
paign of abuse, to ruin the credit of any
good ones. One of the primary func-
tions, indeed, of scholarship and let-
ters is to connect us with the great
traditions and to inspire us with the
confidence and power which result
from such a connection. Puritanism,
rightly understood, is one of the vital,
progressive, and enriching human tradi-
tions. It is a tradition peculiarly neces-
sary to the health and the stability and
the safe forward movement of a demo-
cratic society. When I consider from
what antiquity it has come down to us
and what vicissitudes it has survived, I
do not fear its extermination; but I re-
sent the misapprehension of its char-
acter and the aspersion of its name.
Perhaps our insight into its true nature
may be strengthened and our respect
renewed, if we revisit its source and re-
view its operations at some periods a
little remote from the dust and dia-
tribes of contemporary journalism.
IV
A good many ages before Rome was
founded, or Athens, or ancient Troy,
or Babylon, or Nineveh, there was an
umbrageous banyan tree in India, in
whose wide-spreading top and popu-
lous branches red and blue baboons,
chimpanzees, gorillas, orang-outangs,
and a missing group of anthropoid apes
had chattered and fought and flirted
and feasted and intoxicated themselves
on cocoanut wine for a thousand years.
At some date which I can't fix with ac-
curacy, the clatter and mess and wran-
gling of arboreal simian society began to
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
349
pall on the heart of one of the anthro-
poid apes. He was not happy. He was
afflicted with ennui. He felt stirring
somewhere in the region of his diaphragm
a yearning and capacity for a new life.
His ideas were vague; but he resolved
to make a break for freedom and try
an experiment. He crawled nervously
out to the end of his branch, followed
by a few of his friends, hesitated a mo-
ment; then exclaimed abruptly, 'Here's
where I get off, ' dropped to the ground,
lighted on his feet, and amid a pelting
of decayed fruit and cocoanut shells
and derisive shouts of 'precisian' and
'hypocrite,' walked off on his hind-legs
into another quarter of the jungle and
founded the human race. That was the
first Puritan.
In the beginning, he had only a nar-
row vision; for his eyes were set near
together, as you will see if you examine
his skull in the museum. He had a vi-
sion of a single principle, namely, that
he was to go upright, instead of on all
fours. But he gradually made that
principle pervade all his life; for he
resolutely refrained from doing any-
thing that he could not do while going
upright. As habit ultimately made the
new posture easy and natural, he found
that there were compensations in it;
for he learned to dd all sorts of things in
the erect attitude that he could not do,
even with the aid of his tail, while he
went on all-fours. So he began to re-
joice in what he called 'the new free-
dom.' But to the eyes of the denizens
of the banyan tree, he looked very ri-
diculous. They called him stiff-necked,
strait-laced, unbending, and inflex-
ible. But when they swarmed into his
little colony of come-outers, on all
fours, and began to play their monkey-
tricks, he met them gravely and said:
'Walk upright, as the rest of us do, and
you may stay and share alike with us.
Otherwise, out you go.' And out some
of them went, back to the banyan tree;
and there, with the chimpanzees and
the red and blue baboons, they still
chatter over their cocoanut wine, and
emit from time to time a scream of simi-
an rage, and declare their straight-
backed relative a tyrant, a despot, and
a persecutor of his good old four-footed
cousins.
You may say that this is only a fool-
ish fable. But it contains all the essen-
tial features of the eternal Puritan:
namely, dissatisfaction with the past,
courage to break sharply from it, a
vision of a better life, readiness to ac-
cept a discipline in order to attain that
better life, and a serious desire to make
that better life prevail — a desire re-
flecting at once his sturdy individualism
and his clear sense for the need of social
solidarity. In these respects all true
Puritans, in all ages and places of the
world, are alike. Everyone is dissatis-
fied with the past; everyone has the
courage necessary to revolt; everyone
has a vision; everyone has a discipline;
and everyone desires his vision of the
better life to prevail.
How do they differ among themselves ?
They differ in respect to the breadth
and the details of their vision. Their
vision is determined by the width of
their eyes and by the lights of their age.
According to the laws of human devel-
opment, some of the lights go out from
time to time, or grow dim, and new
lights appear, and the vision changes
from age to age.
What does not change in the true
Puritan is the passion for improvement.
What does not change is the immortal
urgent spirit that breaks from the old
forms, follows the new vision, seriously
seeks the discipline of the higher life.
When you find a man who is quite satis-
fied with the past and with the routine
and old clothes of his ancestors, who
has not courage for revolt and adven-
ture, who cannot accept the discipline
and hardship of a new life, and who
350
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
does not really care whether the new
life prevails, you may be sure that he is
not a Puritan.
But who are ihe Puritans? Aristotle
recognized that there is an element of
the Puritan in every man, when he de-
clared that all things, by an intuition
of their own nature, seek their perfec-
tion. He classified the desire for per-
fection as a fundamental human im-
pulse. Still, we have to admit that in
many men it must be classified as a
victoriously suppressed desire. We can
recognize men as Puritans only when
they have released and expressed their
desire for perfection.
Leopardi declared that Jesus was the
first to condemn the world as evil, and
to summon his followers to come out
from it, in order to found a community
of the pure in heart. But this is an his-
torical error. Unquestionably Jesus was
a Puritan in relation to a corrupt Jewish
tradition and in relation to a corrupt
and seriously adulterated pagan tradi-
tion. But every great religious and
moral leader, Christian or pagan, has
likewise been a Puritan: Socrates, Plato,
Zeno, Confucius, Buddha. Every one
of them denounced the world, asked
his followers to renounce many of their
instinctive ways, and to accept a rule
and discipline of the better life — a rule
involving a purification by the suppres-
sion of certain impulses and the libera-
tion of others.
There is much talk of the austerities
of the Puritan households of our fore-
fathers, austerities which were largely
matters of necessity. But two thousand
years before these forefathers, there
were Greek Stoics, and Roman Stoics,
and Persian and Hindu ascetics, who
were far more austere, and who prac-
tised the ascetic life from choice as the
better life. There is talk as if Protes-
tant Calvinism had suddenly in modern
times introduced the novel idea of put-
ting religious duty before gratification
of the senses. But a thousand years
before Knox and Calvin, there were
Roman Catholic monasteries and her-
mitages, where men and women, with a
vision of a better life, mortified the
flesh far more bitterly than the Cal-
vinists ever dreamed of doing. If con-
tempt of earthly beauty and earthly
pleasure were the works of Puritanism,
then the hermit saints of Catholicism
who lived before Calvin should be recog-
nized as the model Puritans. But the
hermit saint lacks that passion for mak-
ing his vision prevail, lacks that prac-
tical sense of the need for social solidar-
ity, which are eminent characteristics
of the true Puritan, both within and
without the Roman Church.
In the early Middle Ages the Roman
Church, which also had a strong sense
of the need for social solidarity, strove
resolutely to keep the Puritans, whom it
was constantly developing, within its
fold and to destroy those who escaped.
If I follow the course of those who suc-
cessfully left the fold, it is not because
many did not remain within; it is be-
cause the course of those who came out
led them more directly to America. In
the fourteenth century, John Wycliffe,
the first famous English Puritan, felt
that the Roman Church had become
hopelessly involved with the 'world'
on the one hand, and with unnatural,
and therefore unchristian, austerities
on the other, and that, in both ways, it
had lost the purity of the early Chris-
tian vision of the better life. To obtain
freedom for the better life, he became
convinced that one must come out from
the Roman Church, and must substi-
tute for the authority of the pope the
authority of the Bible as interpreted by
the best scholarship of the age. He re-
volted, as he thought, in behalf of a life,
not merely more religious, but also
more actively and practically moral,
and intellectually more honest. For
him, accepting certain traditional doc-
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
351
trines meant acquiescence in ignorance
and superstition. His followers, with
the courage characteristic of their tradi-
tion, burned at the stake rather than
profess faith in a ' feigned miracle.' True
forerunners, they were, of the man of
science who 'follows truth wherever it
leads.'
A hundred and fifty years later the
English Church as a whole revolted from
the Roman, on essentially the grounds
taken by Wycliffe; and under Mary its
scholars and ministers by scores burned
at the stake for their vision of the bet-
ter life, which included above all what
they deemed intellectual integrity. At
that time, the whole English Church
was in an essentially Puritan mood, dis-
satisfied with the old, eager to make the
new vision prevail, fearless with the
courage of the new learning, elate with
the sense of national purification and
intellectual progress.
But the word Puritan actually came
into use first after the Reformation.
It was applied in the later sixteenth
century to a group within the English
Church which thought that the na-
tional church had still insufficiently
purged itself of Roman belief and ritual.
Among things which they regarded as
merely traditional and unscriptural,
and therefore unwarrantable, was the
i government of the church by bishops,
archdeacons, deacons, and the rest —
the Anglican hierarchy. And when
these officers began to suppress their
protests, these Puritans began to feel
that the English Church was too much
involved with the world to permit them
freedom for the practice of the better
life. Accordingly, in the seventeenth
century, they revolted as nonconform-
, ists or as separatists; and drew off into
religious communities by themselves,
with church governments of representa-
| tive or democratic character, the prin-
ciples of which were soon to be trans-
ferred to political communities.
If I recall here what is very familiar, it
is to emphasize the swift, unresting on-
ward movement of the Puritan vision
of the good life. The revolt against the
bishops became a revolution which
shook the pillars of the Middle Ages
and prepared the way for modern times.
The vision, as it moves, broadens and be-
comes more inclusive. For the seven-
teenth-century Puritan, the good life is
not merely religious, moral, and intel-
lectual; it is also, in all affairs of the
soul, a self-governing life. It is a free
life, subject only to divine commands
which each individual has the right to
interpret for himself. The Puritan
minister had, to be sure, a great influ-
ence; but the influence was primarily
due to his superior learning. And the
entire discipline of the Puritans tended
steadily toward raising the congrega-
tion to the level of the minister. Their
daily use of the Bible, their prompt in-
stitution of schools and universities,
and the elaborate logical discourses de-
livered from the pulpits constituted a
universal education for independent
and critical free-thought.
Puritanism made every man a rea-
soner. And much earlier than is gen-
erally recognized, the Puritan mind
began to appeal from the letter to the
spirit of Scripture, from Scripture to
scholarship, and from scholarship to
the verdict of the philosophic reason.
Says the first pastor of the Pilgrims:
'He that hath a right philosophical
spirit and is but morally honest would
rather suffer many deaths than call a
pin a point or speak the least thing
against his understanding or persua-
In John Robinson we meet a
sion.
man with a deep devotion to the truth,
and also with the humility to recognize
clearly that he possesses but a small
portion of truth. He conceives, indeed,
of a truth behind the Bible itself, a
truth which may be reached by other
means than the Scripture, and which
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
352
was not beyond the ken of the wise
pagans. 'All truth,' he (declares, 'is of
God. . . . Whereupon it followeth that
nothing true in right reason and sound
philosophy can be false in divinity. . . .
I add, though the truth be uttered by
the devil himself, yet it is originally of
God.'
The delightful aspects of this 'Bibli-
cal Puritan,' besides the sweetness of
his charity and his tolerance, are his
lively perception that truth is some-
thing new, steadily revealing itself,
breaking upon us like a dawn; and, not
less significant, his recognition that
true religion must be in harmony with
reason and experience. 'Our Lord
Christ,' he remarks — quietly yet
memorably — 'calls himself truth, not
custom.'
Cotton Mather, partly because of his
connection with the witchcraft trials,
has been so long a synonym for the un-
lovely features of the culture of his
time and place, that even his bio-
grapher and the recent editors of his
journal have quite failed to bring out
the long stride that he made toward
complete freedom of the mind. If the
truth be told, Mather, like every Puri-
tan of powerful original force, was some-
thing of a ' heretic.' For many years he
followed a plainly mystical ' inner light.'
His huge diary opens in 1681 with a
statement that he has come to a direct
agreement with the Lord Jesus Christ,
and that no man or book, but the spirit
of God, has shown him the way. He
goes directly to the several persons of
the Trinity, and transacts his business
with them or with their ministering an-
gels. There is an ' enthusiastic ' element
here; but one should observe that it is
an emancipative element.
Experience, however, taught Mather
a certain distrust of the mystical inner
light. Experience with witches taught
him a certain wariness of angels. In
1711, after thirty years of active serv-
ice in the church, Mather writes in his
diary this distinctly advanced criterion
for inspiration: —
' There is a thought which I have often
had in my mind; but I would now lay
upon my mind a charge to have it of-
tener there: that the light of reason is
the law of God; the voice of reason is
the voice of God; we never have to do
with reason, but at the same time we
have to do with God; our submission to
the rules of reason is an obedience to
God. Let me as often as I have evident
reason set before me, think upon it;
the great God now speaks to me.'
Our judgment of Mather's vision
must depend upon what reason told
Mather to do. Well, every day of his
life reason told Mather to undertake
some good for his fellow men. At the
beginning of each entry in his diary for
a long period of years stand the letters
'G.D.,' which mean Good Designed for
that day. 'And besides all this,' he de-
clares, 'I have scarce at any time, for
these five-and-forty years and more, so
come as to stay in any company with-
out considering whether no good might
be done before I left it.' One sees in
Mather a striking illustration of the
Puritan passion for making one's vision
of the good life prevail. 'It has been a
maxim with me,' he says, ' that a power
to do good not only gives a right unto
it, but also makes the doing of it a duty.
I have been made very sensible that by
pursuing of this maxim, I have entirely
ruined myself as to this world and ren-
dered it really too hot a place for me to
continue in.'
Mather has here in mind the crucial
and heroic test of his Puritan spirit.
Toward the end of his life, in 1721,
an epidemic of smallpox swept over
Boston. It was generally interpret*
by the pious as a visitation of Gc
Mather, a student of science as well
of the Bible had read in the Trans-
actions of the Royal Society reports of
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
353
successful inoculation against smallpox
practised in Africa and among the
Turks. He called the physicians of
Boston together, explained the method,
and recommended their experimenting
with it. He also published pamphlets
in favor of inoculation. He was vio-
lently attacked as opposing the decrees
of God. In the face of a storm of op-
position he inoculated his own child,
who nearly died of the treatment.
None the less, he persisted, and invited
others to come into his house and re-
ceive the treatment, among them a fel-
low minister. Into the room where the
patient lay, was thrown a bomb intended
for Mather, which failed, however, to
explode. To it was attached this note:
'Cotton Mather, you dog, damn you;
I '11 inoculate you with this, with a pox
to you!'
Mather stood firm, would not be dis-
suaded, even courted martyrdom for
the new medical truth. 'I had rather
die,' he said, 'by such hands as now
threaten my life than by a fever; and
much rather die for my conformity to
the blessed Jesus in essays to save life
than for some truths, tho' precious ones,
to which many martyrs testified for-
merly in the flames of Smithfield.'
Here, then, please observe, is the free
Puritan mind in revolt, courageously
insisting on making his new vision of
the good life prevail, resolutely under-
taking the discipline and dangers of ex-
periment, and, above all, seeking what
he calls the will of the ' blessed Jesus,'
not in the Bible, but in a medical re-
port of the Royal Society; thus fulfill-
ing the spirit of Robinson's declaration
that 'Our Lord Christ calls himself
truth, not custom ' ; and illustrating Rob-
inson's other declaration that true re-
ligion cannot conflict with right rea-
son and sound experience. In Mather,
the vision of the good life came to mean
a rational and practical beneficence in
the face of calumny and violence. For
VOL. 1S8 — NO. 3
c
his conduct on this occasion, he deserves
to have his sins forgiven, and to be
ranked and remembered as a hero of
the modern spirit.
He hoped that his spirit would de-
scend to his son; but the full stream
of his bold and original moral energy
turned elsewhere. There was a Boston
boy of Puritan ancestry, who had sat
under Cotton Mather's father, who had
heard Cotton Mather preach in the
height of his power, and who said years
afterward that reading Cotton Mather's
book, Essays to do Good, 'gave me such
a turn of thinking, as to have an in-
fluence on my conduct through life;
for I have always set a greater value on
the character of a doer of good, than on
any other kind of reputation; and if I
have been ... a useful citizen, the
public owes the advantage of it to that
book.' This boy had a strong common
sense. To him, as to Mather, right rea-
son seemed the rule of God and the voice
of God.
He grew up hi Boston under Mather's
influence, and became a free-think-
ing man of the world, entirely out of
sympathy with strait-laced and stiff-
necked upholders of barren rites and
ceremonies. I am speaking of the great-
est liberalizing force in eighteenth-
century America, Benjamin Franklin.
Was he a Puritan? Perhaps no one
thinks of him as such. Yet we see that
he was born and bred in the bosom of
Boston Puritanism; that he acknow-
ledges its greatest exponent as the
prime inspiration of his life. Further-
more, he exhibits all the essential char-
acteristics of the Puritan: dissatisfac-
tion, revolt, a new vision, discipline,
and a passion for making the new vision
prevail. He represents, in truth, the
reaction of a radical, a living Puritan-
ism, to an age of intellectual enlighten-
ment.
Franklin began his independent ef-
fort in a revolt against ecclesiastical
354
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
authority, as narrow and unrealistic.
Recall the passage in his Autobiography
where he relates his disgust at a sermon
preached on the great text in Philip-
pians: Whatsoever things are true,
honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good
report, if there be any virtue, or any
praise, think on these things. Franklin
says that, in expounding this text, the
minister confined himself to five points:
keeping the Sabbath, reading the Scrip-
tures, attending public worship, par-
taking of the sacraments, and respect-
ing the ministers. Franklin recognized
at once that there was no moral life in
that minister, was 'disgusted,' and at-
tended his preaching no more. It was
the revolt of a living Puritanism from a
Puritanism that was dead.
For, note what follows, as the conse-
quence of his break with the church.
' It was about this time that I conceived, '
says Franklin, 'the bold and arduous
project of arriving at moral perfection.
I wished to live without committing
any fault at any time, and to conquer
all that either natural inclination, cus-
tom, or company might lead me into.'
Everyone will recall how Franklin drew
up his table of the thirteen real moral
virtues, and how diligently he exercised
himself to attain them. But, for us, the
significant feature of his enterprise was
the realistic spirit in which it was con-
ceived : the bold attempt to ground the
virtues on reason and experience rather
than authority; the assertion of his
doctrine 'that vicious actions are not
hurtful because they are forbidden, but
forbidden because they are hurtful, the
nature of man alone considered.'
Having taken this ground, it became
necessary for him to explore the nature
of man and the universe. So Puritan-
ism, which, in Robinson and Mather,
was predominantly rational, becomes in
Franklin predominantly scientific. With
magnificent fresh moral force, he seeks
for the will of God in nature, and ap-
plies his discoveries with immense prac-
tical benevolence to ameliorating the
common lot of mankind, and to dif-
fusing good-will among men and na-
tions. Light breaks into his mind from
every quarter of his century. His vision
of the good life includes bringing every
faculty of mind and body to its highest
usefulness. With a Puritan emancipa-
tor like Franklin, we are not obliged to
depend, for the opening of our minds,
upon subsequent liberators devoid of
his high reconstructive seriousness.
I must add just one more name, for
the nineteenth century, to the history
of our American Puritan tradition.
The original moral force which was in
Mather and Franklin passed in the
next age into a man who began to
preach in Cotton Mather's church,
Ralph Waldo Emerson, descendant of
many generations of Puritans. The
church itself had now become Unitarian :
yet, after two or three years of service,
Emerson, like Franklin, revolted from
the church; the vital force of Puritan-
ism in him impelled him to break from
the church in behalf of his vision of sin-
cerity, truth, and actuality. 'Whoso
would be a man,' he declares in his
famous essay on Self-Reliance, 'must
be a nonconformist. He who would
gather immortal palms must not be
hindered by the name of goodness, but
must explore if it be goodness.'
No American ever lived whose per- •
sonal life was more exemplary; or who
expressed such perfect disdain of out-
worn formulas and lifeless routine.
There is dynamite in his doctrine to
burst tradition to fragments, when
tradition has become an empty shell.
'Every actual state is corrupt,' he cries
in one of his dangerous sayings; 'good
men will not obey the laws too well.'
To good men whose eyes are wide and
full of light, there is always breaking a
new vision of right reason, which is the
will of God, and above the law. Emer-
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
355
son himself broke the Fugitive Slave
Law, and in the face of howling Pro-
Slavery mobs declared that John Brown
would 'make the gallows glorious like
the cross.'
That is simply the political aspect of
his radical Puritanism. On the aesthetic
side, Emerson disregarded the existing
conventions of poetry to welcome Walt
Whitman, who saluted him as master.
Emerson hailed Walt Whitman be-
cause Whitman had sought to make
splendid and beautiful the religion of
a Puritan democracy; and a Puritan
democracy is the only kind that we have
reason to suppose will endure.
Let these two examples of Emerson's
revolt and vision suffice to illustrate
the modern operation of the Puritan
spirit, its disdain for formalism and
routine.
Now, our contemporary leaders of the
attack against the modern Puritan de-
clare that modern Puritanism means
campaigns of 'snouting and suppres-
sion.' That, we should now be pre-
pared to assert, is precisely and dia-
metrically opposite to what modern
Puritanism means. Modern Puritanism
means the release, not the suppression,
of power, welcome to new life, revolt
from decay and death. With extrava-
gant asceticism, with precisianism, mod-
ern Puritanism has nothing whatever
to do.
What made the teaching of Emerson,
for example, take hold of his contem-
poraries, what should commend it to
us to-day, is just its unfailingly positive
character; its relish for antagonisms and
difficulty; its precept for the use of the
spur; its restoration of ambition to its
proper place in the formation of the
manly character; its power to free the
young soul from the fetters of fear and
send him on his course like a thunder-
bolt; and, above all, its passion for
bringing the whole of life for all men
to its fullest and fairest fruit; its pas-
sion for emancipating, not merely the
religious and moral, but also the intel-
lectual and the political and social and
ffisthetic capacities of man, so that he
may achieve the harmonious perfection
of his whole nature, body and soul. To
this vision of the good life, Puritanism
has come by inevitable steps in its pil-
grimage through the ages.
What have I been trying to demon-
strate by this long review of the Puritan
tradition? This, above all: that the
Puritan is profoundly in sympathy
with the modern spirit, is indeed the
formative force in the modern spirit.
The Puritan is constantly discarding
old clothes; but, being a well-born soul,
he seeks instinctively for fresh raiment.
Hence his quarrel with the Adamite,
who would persuade him to rejoice in
nakedness and seek no further.
Man is an animal, as the Adamites
are so fond of reminding us. What es-
capes their notice is, that man is an
animal constituted and destined by his
nature to go on a pilgrimage in search
of a shrine; and till he finds the shrine,
constrained by his nature to worship
the Unknown God. This the Puritan
has always recognized. And this, pre-
cisely, it is that makes the Puritan a
better emancipator of young souls than
our contemporary Adamite.
A great part of our lives, as we all
feel in our educational period, is oc-
cupied with learning how to do and to
be what others have been and have done
before us. But presently we discover
that the world is changing around us,
and that the secrets of the masters and
the experience of our elders do not
wholly suffice to establish us effectively
in our younger world. We discover
within us needs, aspirations, powers, of
which the generation that educated us
seems unaware, or toward which it ap-
pears to be indifferent, unsympathetic,
or even actively hostile. We perceive
gradually or with successive shocks of
356
WHAT IS A PURITAN?
surprise that many things which our
fathers declared were true and satis-
factory are not at all satisfactory, are
by no means true, for us. Then it
dawns upon us, perhaps as an exhilarat-
ing opportunity, perhaps as a grave and
sobering responsibility, that in a little
while we ourselves shall be the elders,
the responsible generation. Our salva-
tion in the day when we take command
will depend, we believe, upon our dis-
entanglement from the lumber of heir-
looms and hereditary devices, and upon
the free, wise use of our own faculties.
At that moment, if we have inherited,
not the Puritan heirlooms, but the liv-
ing Puritan tradition, we enter into the
modern spirit. By this phrase I mean,
primarily, the disposition to accept
nothing on authority, but to bring all
reports to the test of experience. The
modern spirit is, first of all, a free spirit
open on all sides to the influx of truth,
even from the past. But freedom is not
its only characteristic. The modern
spirit is marked, further, by an active
curiosity, which grows by what it feeds
upon, and goes ever inquiring for fresh-
er and sounder information, not content
till it has the best information to be had
anywhere. But since it seeks the best,
it is, by necessity, also a critical spirit,
constantly sifting, discriminating, re-
jecting, and holding fast that which is
good, only till that which is better is
within sight. This endless quest, when
it becomes central in a life, requires
labor, requires pain, requires a measure
of courage; and so the modern spirit,
with its other virtues, is an heroic spirit.
As a reward for difficulties gallantly
undertaken, the gods bestow on the
modern spirit a kind of eternal youth,
with unfailing powers of recuperation
and growth.
To enter into this spirit is what the
Puritan means by freedom. He does
not, like the false emancipator, merely
cut us loose from the old moorings and
set us adrift at the mercy of wind and
tide. He comes aboard, like a good pi-
lot; and while we trim our sails, he takes
the wheel and lays our course for a
fresh voyage. His message when he
leaves us is not, 'Henceforth be master-
less,' but, 'Bear thou henceforth the
sceptre of thine own control through
life and the passion of life.' If that mes-
sage still stirs us as with the sound of a
trumpet, and frees and prepares us,
not for the junketing of a purposeless
vagabondage, but for the ardor and dis-
cipline and renunciation of a pilgrim-
age, we are Puritans.
THINGS SEEN AND HEARD
BY EDGAR J. GOODSPEED
MY academic orbit is not too rigid to
permit an occasional deviation into the
outer world. At such times I direct my
steps into the neighboring City of De-
struction, where, in a lofty building, is
one of those centres of light and leading
which punctuate the darkness of the
metropolis. The structure is not exter-
nally remarkable, but the modest frac-t
tion of it assigned to my activities is
certainly no ordinary apartment.
The extraordinary thing about my
classroom is its sides. One is formed by
a vast accordion door, loosely fitting,
as is the manner of such doors. It
faithfully conceals the persons behind
it and their every action, while it as
faithfully transmits all they may have
to say. Theirs is an eloquent conceal-
ment. From the sounds that well
through the ample interstices of that
door, we gather that it is psychology
that is going on in the adjoining room.
The fascinating affirmations of that
most intimate science break in upon
our occasional pauses with startling ef-
fect. It is thus beyond doubt that theol-
ogy should always be inculcated to a
psychological obbligato, an accompani-
ment of the study of the mind.
Even more unusual is the other side
of the room. From floor to ceiling it is
all of plate-glass, not meanly divided
into little squares, but broadly spaced,
so that you are hardly conscious it is
there. Through it you may behold, as
in an aquarium, a company of men and
women going through many motions but
making no sound. A tall romantic
youth, presumably the teacher, stands
before them, and they rise up and sit
down for no perceptible reason and to
no apparent purpose. One of them will
get up and stand for a long time, and
then will as suddenly and causelessly sit
down again. At other times, even more
distressing, they are all motionless.
Lips move, but they give forth no sound.
It is like a meeting of the deaf-and-dumb
society. Worst of all, they will some-
times unanimously and quite without
warning rise in their places, simultane-
ously adjust their wraps, and silently
depart. It is as if they all suddenly
realize that they have had enough of it.
You know that you have. There is
something weird in all this soundless
action, this patient motiveless mechani-
cal down-sitting and uprising, something
far more distracting even than in those
disembodied psychological voices that
murmur in our ears.
But much more disturbing than
either of these extraordinary neighbors
of our reflections is their combination.
The sounds that come through the door
do not tally with the sights that come
through the glass. What you hear
bears no relation to what you see. It
does not even contradict it. There is a
war in your members. Your senses do
not agree.
And yet you are haunted by the no-
tion that what you are hearing has
something to do with what you are see-
ing. When someone asks a question
357
358
THINGS SEEN AND HEARD
behind the door at your left and some-
one makes a motion beyond the glass
at your right, you instinctively try to re-
late the two. But in vain; there is no re-
lation. Especially when all the visibles
get up and leave, it seems as if it must
be because of something the audibles
have said. Nevertheless, the audibles
go right on psychologizing, entirely
oblivious of the visibles' departure.
Reflection has satisfied me that much
confusion of the modern mind is due to
the incongruity of what we hear and
what we see. The conditions of my
quaint lecture-room are typical. You
look about upon a community of earn-
est hard-working people, soberly doing
their daily work at business and at
home. But you pick up the Home Edi-
tion, and read of a very different world
of violence and vice. All its men are
scoundrels and its women quite different
from those you see, to say the least.
You have long been assured that this
is the Age of Reason; but observation
finds little to support the claim. The
Age of Impulse would seem as good a
guess. You hear that the League of Na-
tions is dead, but on visiting the movies
you are astonished to see it in session
and to find that it yet speaketh. You
are told on all hands that everything
about the war was a failure, and yet, as
a whole, it seems to have accomplished
its immediate end. You hear much
lamentation over the sensationalism of
the press, but as you read it, it is its
conventionality that oftener leaves you
mourning. The newspapers show you a
comfortable view of the steel strike,
but the cook's brother, who was one of
the strikers, tells you something en-
tirely different. With a laudable desire
to preserve your reason, you do your
best to cultivate the virtues of blind-
ness, deafness, insensibility, and unbe-
lief. Yet you are sometimes just a lit-
tle bewildered. Your universe is not
unified.
The most disturbing thing is not that
things seen and things heard contradict
each other: that we might learn to al-
low for. The great trouble is that they
seem to bear no relation to each other
at all. Most political talk is of this de-
scription. It has nothing to do with the
case. It is like the effort of a young
friend of mine who, on being asked to
translate a well-known passage of Epic-
tetus, produced the following: —
'If teachings are no longer the rea-
sons of all things, and who has false doc-
trines, how much should be the cause,
and as such the destruction.'
That mythical creature, the Amer-
ican of British fiction, so boldly por-
trayed by Mr. Chesterton, Mr. Buchan,
Mr. Oppenheim, and Mr. Doyle, much
as we love and enjoy him, is, it must be
confessed, little known save by reputa-
tion on this side of the sea. He is fiction
in the strictest sense. Like Mr. De
Quincey's unfortunate reporter, non
est inventus. But he is not the less popu-
lar among us for being an imported
article. He is so rich, so ready, so un-
spoiled, so clear-eyed, clean-limbed,
nasal-toned, poker-faced, and best of
all (true to the great traditions of his
country), so quick on the trigger!
The trouble is not merely that the
things we hear we never see, but that
the things we see we never hear. For
how extraordinary is the sensation when
you hear of something you have seen!
Perhaps it is only an accident. Do you
not yearn to rise up and cry out, ' I saw
that! I was there'? It is because, for
once, things seen coincide with things
heard.
Brain-proud men of science sourly say
that Greek is dead. But to the Grecian
mind it is refreshing to observe that
familiarity with Greek is now extraor-
dinarily widespread in this country.
This is all the more fascinating at a
time when the practical educators have
triumphantly excluded the study of
THINGS SEEN AND HEARD
359
Greek from most institutions of learn-
ing, as an impractical subject, not suit-
ed to the training of a materialistic
people.
As I look about the world in which I
live, I observe that every high-school
boy or girl knows his Greek letters. He
does not have to be compelled to learn
them. He wishes to learn them. He
would feel humiliated if he did not learn
them. He would be looked down upon
by his companions as a person without
social ideals. His college brothers are
equally conversant with the eponym
of all alphabets. So are their sisters and
their sweethearts. They may not know
the rule of three or the multiplication
table; they may be without a single
formula of chemistry or a solitary prin-
ciple of physics; but, rely upon it, they
will know their Greek letters. Their
parents will know them, too. They will
learn them at their children's knee, in
all docility and eagerness, for fear of
disgracing themselves and their off-
spring by not always and everywhere
distinguishing the illustrious Tau Omi-
cron Pi's from the despised Nu Upsi-
lon Tau's. The fact is, it is difficult to
be even a successful delivery boy in
our community without knowing one's
Greek letters.
I doubt whether the Greek alphabet
was ever more widely and favorably
known than now. In our midst the cele-
brated Cato could not have survived
till eighty without learning it.
I shudder to think what anguish this
must cause the practical educators
aforesaid, as they walk abroad and see
every house boldly and even brazenly
labeled with the hated letters. Even
their own favorite students, who show
promise in the use of test-tubes and
microscopes, insist upon labeling them-
selves with more of the Greek alphabet.
Why will they not be content to call
their honor societies by some practical
Anglo-Saxon name, like the Bread and
Brick Club, or the Gas and Gavel?
But no! These rational considerations
have no force with our youth. Nothing
will satisfy them but more Greek let-
ters. I have seen a man use twelve of
them, or just half the alphabet, to set
forth his social and learned affiliations.
Of course, to us Greek professors,
shambling aimlessly about the streets
with nothing to do, these brass signs
are like the faces of old friends (no of-
fense, I hope), and remind us of the
names of the books of Homer, if noth-
ing more.
But the Greek renaissance has gone
much further than the alphabet. It
pervades science. It is positively non-
plussing to hear one's scientific friends
rambling on in the language of Aris-
totle and Euclid, with their atoms and
ions, their cryoscopes and cephalalgias,
their sepsis, analysis, and autopsies.
The fact is, they really talk very little
but Greek, which is one reason why we
all admire them so. They are greatest
when they are most Greek; and were
their Greek vocabulary suddenly taken
from them, half their books would
shrivel into verbs. Three fourths of
them are indeed teaching Greek as hard
as they can, though mercifully uncon-
scious of the fact.
The Greek, on seeing a queer animal,
waited till it was dead and then counted
its toes. He thus soon knew enough to
make a distinction between genus and
species, which zoologists are still talk-
ing about. Whence it comes about that
our little Greek friends, the lion, the
elephant, the rhinoceros, and the hip-
popotamus, are household favorites
still. Consistent people who object to
Greek will expunge these words from
their vocabulary.
The Greek conquest of our social
youth and of our grizzled age is noth-
ing, however, to its triumphs in com-
merce. Here both letters and vocabu-
lary come into their own. It must be
360
THINGS SEEN AND HEARD
admitted that we English-speaking
people are poor word-makers. Only in
moments of rare inspiration do we
achieve a Nabisco or a Mazola. But in
this age of new creations one of Adam's
chief needs is names for the bewildering
things he sees about him. How indis-
pensable to us inarticulate moderns is
the voluble Greek! Like one who hides
a thimble for you to find, he has named
everything in advance, and all we have
to do is to discover it. From Alpha
Beer to Omega Oil, from Antikamnia to
Sozodont, the Greek has taught us
names. Even automobile is half Greek,
which is really what makes it desirable.
Who would want an ipsomobile? And
Solon and moron, those twin pillars of
the journalistic vocabulary, without
which no newspaper could exist a week,
are pure Grecian. When I attend the
funeral of Greek, therefore, as I am
constantly invited to do, I am com-
forted to observe old Greek himself and
his whole family, thinly disguised, head-
ing the chief mourners.
II
Nowhere is the contrast between
things seen and things heard more strik-
ing than in language. Very conscien-
tious people have observed this and,
fearful of seeming something other than
they are, have evolved phonetic spell-
ing. Witty people like Max Beerbohm
and Josh Billings have observed it too,
and made such use of it as 'Yures til
deth,' and ' "The laibrer iz werthi ov hiz
hire," an that iz aul.' Children are pro-
ficient here. One I know recently ad-
dressed a letter to his 'Dere ant LN.'
'Nit mittenz ar the kynd,' as they spell
at Lake Placid. An intelligent-looking
man steps in front of you at the club,
and murmurs a deferential 'Skewmy,'
to which you suavely reply, 'Dough-
meshnit.' No one has ever been able to
reproduce conversation in print. The
gulf between the words we see and the
words we say is too great. Feeble ef-
forts in this direction are sometimes
made by ambitious writers, but the
truth is that, from the standpoint of
the printed page, we all speak in dialect.
The fact is, almost everything we
hear is more or less conventionalized in
type or in telling. People exchange frag-
ments of news, or funny stories of a
few familiar types. Newspaper items
can easily be grouped under five or six
thoroughly conventional heads. An ob-
servant friend once remarked that the
women of literature were mere pallid
contrivances compared to the actual
ones we know, and I was really startled
to perceive that he was right. Even
in books no one will go to the pains of
relating things as unconventionally as
they really happen. We are accus-
tomed to stereotypes, and we expect and
desire them. In reality, of course, things
happen much more intricately than
anyone will bother to report them, or
to hear them reported. This is prob-
ably what is meant when we say that
truth is stranger than fiction. It is
vastly more complex.
Take a simple example. As you plod
homeward of an autumn morning,
fatigued by the labors of the profes-
sorial day, you are met by a colleague of
high degree, who declares that he has
been looking for you. Will you go and
meet the Cardinal? Like the Sage of
Concord, you like a church, you like a
cowl, and you are careful not to say
No, as you conceal your gratification
and fence for more definite information.
You fortify yourself by the reflection
that you have encountered cardinals
and dukes before this, and struggle to
remember which is His Eminence and
which His Grace. It seems that the
Archbishop is to bring the Cardinal out
from the other end of town, and at one-
fifteen they will hesitate at a certain
down-town corner long enough to pick
THINGS SEEN AND HEARD
361
you up. All you have to do is to carry
your cap and gown, to mark you off
from the passing throng. And you would
better give the motor-cycle man who
will lead the way a memorandum of the
route he is to follow.
You do not decline. You move on
homeward, thinking quite without ef-
fort of some flattering things you will
say to the Archbishop and some ob-
servations you will address to the Cardi-
nal. In particular, you decide to ask
him if, when the German Cardinal
condescendingly remarked, 'We will
not speak of war,' he really did answer,
' We will not speak of peace.' Your sim-
ple preparations are soon made, and
you make your way down-town in some
preoccupation.
Promptness has been said to be the
courtesy of princes and you do not wish
to disappoint a Prince of the Church.
At one-five you take your stand at the
curb beside the streaming boulevard.
Traffic is at its highest. You are less in-
conspicuous than you could wish, for
no one else is carrying an academic cap
in his hand and a doctor's gown upon
his arm. But to conceal these accoutre-
ments may defeat the purpose of your
vigil. It is precisely by a wave of that
Oxford cap that you are to bring the
whole proud sacerdotal cortege, motor-
cycles and all, to a stop. You scan each
south-bound car with eagerness. It be-
comes one-fifteen. The Archbishop is
the soul of promptitude. He should be
almost here. You perceive approaching
a particularly stately limousine, which
conforms to your preconceived ideas of
the archiepiscopal in automobiles. It
proves to be empty. You have now
scanned hundreds of passing cars. It is
one-twenty — one-twenty-five — one-
thirty. Great Heavens! Have you
missed the Cardinal's car, Archbishop
and all? Even in your dawning dismay
habits of scientific observation reassert
themselves. The stately limousine you
had once taken for his reappears, from
the same direction as before and still
empty. You are not mistaken. You
recognize the chauffeur. You almost
think he recognizes you. It strikes you
that these cars that you have been see-
ing are not all different ones, but are
simply circling about before you, like
Caesar's army on the stage.
It is two o'clock. You despair. The
party has eluded you. It has probably
already arrived at the University, hav-
ing gone out some other way. After all,
why should you have escorted the Car-
dinal out? He is escorted everywhere
by two archbishops, five motor-cops,
five plain-clothes men, and a civilian
guard of honor. This should suffice.
He is indeed a stranger in the city, but
he can hardly go astray. You begin to
feel sadly superfluous, yet, following a
Casabiancan instinct, you stay on. A
friend who has observed your situation
goes into the club and telephones. He
returns to inform you that, owing to
the Cardinal's fatigue, the programme
has been postponed one hour. It is two-
ten. You observe that it is just time
for him now to be appearing. The
stately and mysterious limousine, al-
ready twice seen, now passes for the
third time. It is still vacant.
The mystery of it fascinates you. Is
it inextricably caught in the circling
current, like some flying Dutchman on
wheels, powerless to make a port? It
occurs to you that, if the cars before
you are in some instances merely run-
ning around in circles, the foot-pas-
sengers behind you may be doing the
same thing. Two-twenty-five, and
again that silent, vacant, funereal limou-
sine sweeps by, for the fourth tune. It
is getting on your nerves. Is it possible
that public-spirited owners send their
limousines on idle afternoons to circle
showily about the Avenue, hour after
hour, to swell the concourse and thus
contribute their mite, as it were, to the
362
THINGS SEEN AND HEARD
gayety of nations ? Or is this mysterious
vehicle, with its hawk-like circling,
bent on some sinister errand of abduc-
tion, or worse?
But at this instant a police-gong
clangs down the thronging street. Five
motor-cops appear, and in the car be-
hind them a mediaeval saint, a modern
archbishop, and divers celebrities such
as one sees in guards of honor. One
knows them instinctively by their tall
hats, and observes that there are still
occasions for such hats — the cardinal
points of existence, as it were. But you
have scarcely registered this observation
and handed the leading motor-police-
man his typewritten instructions, when
you are aware that one of the hats is
pointing you to the second car. You
turn swiftly to it. The gentlemen in it
spring out with surprising agility and
make a place for you among them. The
cortege has hardly stopped. The nim-
ble gentlemen spring in again (the car is
an open one), and you are off.
You experience a momentary disap-
pointment that you are not to hobnob
with the illustrious prelates, but bend
your attention upon their distinguished
representatives about you. They are
little given to conversation. If they are
not communicative, neither are they
inquisitive. They are of a negative de-
meanor. They drive at a frightful
speed, shepherding all other traffic to
the curb out of their way as they ad-
vance. They achieve this flattering ef-
fect by blowing a siren, sounding a loud
gong, and hurling deep-throated objur-
gations, much deeper than you are ac-
customed to, at anyone who crosses
their path. Who are these supreme
autocrats, you ask yourself? Mere
money could not behave thus. A sus-
picion crosses your mind and you ask
what car this is. You are informed that
it is the Police Car!
Of course, you do in the end meet the
Cardinal and set his feet upon the long
carpet pontifically stretched for his re-
ception. That is all there is to be said
about it. You did meet the Cardinal,
and you 'acted' (admirable word!) as
his escort. But as you look back upon
that day, that bald statement does not
summarize or even adumbrate its im-
pressions.
m
In one respect alone that I detect
does observation agree with rumor.
Both are generally inconclusive. Miss
Repplier has recently remarked how
frequently one who reads is told the be-
ginnings of things and left to conjecture
the end. It is just as true of life. We
are always wondering what 'finally'
became of this man and that, once of
our acquaintance, and of this move-
ment or that, once brought to our ears.
Life and print are alike full of mysteri-
ous fragments, which we have not time
to fit into their exact places in the gen-
eral order.
Domestic rearrangements drove me,
on a recent winter night, to go to rest
in a room at the back of the house, over-
looking what I call the garden. Before
retiring I put up a window, so that a
refreshing whiff of the stock-yards
might perfume my dreams and reassure
me that there was no immediate danger
of famine.
The night was cold, and my efforts at
slumber were frustrated by a strange,
steadily recurring sound like a man
shoveling coal or clearing frozen slush
from a sidewalk. But the hour, between
eleven and twelve, seemed an improb-
able time for such operations. About
midnight, however, it ceased and I fell
asleep.
The next morning I mentioned the
sound to a member of the family who
had also been sleeping on the garden-
side of the house, and she declared that
she too had noticed it and been much
mystified about it.' It did not seem a
THINGS SEEN AND HEARD
363
reasonable time to shovel off the hard-
ened snow — for it was, of course, hard-
est at night, when the thermometer was
low. What was my astonishment, how-
ever, when I retired on the following
night, to hear the same harsh, grating,
sound patiently repeated for an hour or
two toward midnight. I thought again
of the possibility that it was coal that
was being shoveled. Perhaps some poor
unfortunate neighbor was hoarding
coal, and his enjoyment took the form
of shoveling his hoard over and over,
and gloating over it through the mid-
night hours. This theory appealed to
me strongly as I lay awake and listened
to the sound, until I noticed that the
shoveled stuff, whatever it was, made
no sound when it fell. It therefore could
not be coal.
It must, of course, be snow, or at
least must fall upon a bed of snow,
which made it noiseless. But why this
tireless shoveling of hardened snow
from the concrete walks night after
night in the dead vast and middle of
the night? Was it some wretch who had
formerly neglected his sidewalks and so
wrought an involuntary homicide, who
now, sleepless with remorse, must pick
away with ringing shovel at the icy
crust till midnight came to his relief?
I never learned.
Should these lines ever meet the eye
of an elderly seafaring man, a pigeon-
tamer by trade, who called upon me
last Saturday on his way home to
Pittsburgh from his second mother-in-
law's funeral five miles from Madison,
Wisconsin, which he had attended be-
cause he considered a wife the best
friend a man has in the world, and his
second wife, with whom he had become
acquainted through advancing her eight
dollars to enable her to reach Pitts-
burgh, was one whom he could not sur-
pass if he married a thousand times;
but in returning from which to Chicago
by train, overcome by grief and fatigue,
he had been robbed of all his money ex-
cept fourteen dollars and was forced in
consequence to seek out his old employ-
er, a professor variously pronounced
Riddle, Griggle, and Gridley, but spell-
ed Lelley, in default of finding whom or
the grand master of his fraternal order
in Englewood, he was reduced to bor-
rowing enough money to make up the
price of a ticket to Pittsburgh, or four
dollars and eighty-seven cents, from me,
a perfect stranger — I should be glad
to hear from him again. Till when, I
shall continue to reflect on the dis-
parity of what I have seen with what I
have heard. Perhaps he was an actor
out of work. If so, the performance
was worth something, and it certainly
had a plot.
AT THIRTY
BY EMMA LAWEENCE
LINDA MAINWARING awoke to con-
sciousness on the morning of her thir-
tieth birthday rather reluctantly. It
was a day she had dreaded; for although
her twenties had been somewhat tur-
bulent, she had, on the whole, enjoyed
them; and they had been, at least, in-
tensely interesting. She was a person
with great zest for life; but now, as she
lay in her bed, it seemed to her that she
had passed through every emotional
crisis, in the last ten years, that a woman
is capable of; and that there was very
little left that life could hold besides
stodgy and comfortable existence.
It was a long time that she lay there,
thinking, before she rang the bell which
would summon her maid, her mail, and
her breakfast. She rather wondered
that, at the end of thirty years, she felt
so tremendously fit, so interested and
eager for whatever the future might
hold for her, so fearful that it might con-
tain nothing that would not prove an
anti-climax to all she had already ex-
perienced. She was rather given to self-
analysis, and it interested her to com-
pare the woman she was to-day with the
girl who, ten years before, had married
Harry Mainwaring. She told herself
with some humor that, in spite of many
lost illusions and the added years, she
greatly preferred herself at thirty.
'What a horrible little thing I must
have been,' she thought, 'half-doll and
half-animal; and if I had any brains,
they were sound asleep. Yet how im-
portant and how confident I felt; how
364
convinced that no one else was capable
of such ideals or of such love as Harry's
and mine.'
This trend of thought brought her to
considering another situation which the
day held for her. To-day her divorce
became absolute; from to-day on, she
would be as free to plan her own life,
dream her own dreams, think her own
thoughts, as she had been before she
married. Only the voices of her three
little girls, whom she could faintly hear
chattering at their schoolroom break-
fast, could make her married life vivid
to her. Financially she had always been
less dependent on Harry than he on
her; the house she lived in she had been
born in and been married from. Yet
she felt entirely free from bitterness for
the experiences of the past ten years.
Nothing could be entirely regretted
that had helped to transform the sen-
sual little doll that had been Linda Em-
mett into the clear-eyed, clean- witted
Linda Mainwaring. There was no room
for bitterness in her, no room for resent-
ment for the forces that had tempered
her, the fire that had left her pliable.
She marveled that Harry cared to
use this glorious new freedom that she
was reveling in, to form other bonds.
He was to be married at noon to a wo-
man in whom Linda, from a slight ac-
quaintance, could discover nothing to
equal this thrill of youth, recaptured
through freedom. Passion was so dead
in her that she was apt to forget it as a
factor in other people's lives; and, as a
AT THIRTY
365
matter of fact, so distasteful was the
memory of her own experience, she
made a point of ignoring it. What could
Harry possibly find in marriage with a
commonplace little woman, she won-
dered, to compensate for this magnifi-
cent liberty?
While she wondered at his desire to
reenter the holy state of matrimony,
she resented it not at all. She was, in
fact, rather grateful to the woman who,
in making herself responsible for Har-
ry's future, rendered Linda infinitely
freer than the judge's decree alone could
have done. But she was sorry on the
children's account for the newspaper
notoriety which the wedding would
evoke. Philippa, aged eight, was too
wise a child to be put off much longer
with evasions; and in a house full of
servants with careless tongues, an in-
telligent child could learn a good deal
about her parents. The divorce itself
had been very decently conducted, and
the little arrangement which made
Harry beneficiary for life of a trust fund
created for the children, on condition
that he gave up all claim to them, had
never been made public. It had always
been a quality of Harry's that Linda
had despised, — though it had worked
times innumerable to her advantage, —
that money was an argument he could
never resist; and when she had signed
the check for the sum for which her
lawyer was to be trustee, she realized
gratefully that she fully compensated
Harry for any loss he might sustain.
She was free, then. Thirty years old
and free; not only from marital ties —
spinsters of thirty are free from those,
but they are still prisoners in the house
of life, peering with curious eyes into
love's garden, trying surreptitiously to
inhale the fragrance and see the colors
of the flowers. Linda had lived in the
garden the whole season, and watched
the flowers from fresh bud to withered
stalk; now the gate at the end was ajar,
and she stood gazing with eager eyes on
a far horizon.
Thirty years old and free — when
the power of youth and the wisdom
which experience can give meet for a
brief space. There was so much to do
and so much to do with. Linda felt
that, at this moment, the vitality of
her body found its complement in the
virility of her mind. The dark room
suddenly seemed to stifle her; there was
not time, with all she wanted to ac-
complish, for mornings in bed and break-
fast on a tray; those had belonged to
that half-numbed creature whom cir-
cumstance had so nearly wrecked. She
would have to steer her boat clear from
the sluggish current it had drifted into;
she wanted to find the fast-flowing river
where there were other boats to com-
pete with; and of what use her certifi-
cate of pilot, if she could not avoid the
rapids?
n
The maid came in response to her bell,
and in a moment the room was flood-
ed with sunlight. Hermence brought
a handful of letters and papers before
the breakfast-tray appeared; people
were making a point of being nice to
Linda — a fact she appreciated, though
their attentions bored her. Her mail
was full of notes from women, includ-
ing invitations with their birthday con-
gratulations. There was one letter
which really interested her, and that
was from a man. It read : —
MY DEAR LINDA, —
You must admit that I've respected
your wish to be let alone for the past
few months; but isn't it tune to let
down the bars a little? Aren't you
making a mistake in thinking you can
build up your life again irrespective of
your friends? Even if you blame a few
people (and, by the way, a remarkably
silly set of people) who happened to be
366
AT THIRTY
your intimates for a few years, you
can't eschew the whole race of your
contemporaries and expect to make very
much of the time left you. It's rather
ridiculous in you, Linda, to despise all
motion because you could n't keep up
with a fast set. So, unless you abso-
lutely forbid me, I'm coming out to see
you to-morrow. For one reason, it's
your birthday; and for another, there
are n't any rules in the etiquette book
on how to behave on your husband's
wedding-day; and at least you can talk
to me, which you can't to Philippa or
Tiny.
Yours always,
LEIGH VANE.
Linda digested this with her break-
fast. She had long ago ceased to won-
der that Leigh Vane rushed in upon
ground where the most tactful of min-
istering angels could not have trodden;
yet she knew he was as wholesome for
her as are sun and air for a fever pa-
tient. Many times in the past few years
he had opened windows letting in light
to the sick-room of her almost morbid
brain. In a way, his letter took the edge
off the mood in which she found her-
self prepared to face life; only a short
time ago she had felt that she was ready
for whatever the future held for her;
but she realized now that she had want-
ed nothing so disturbing to her tran-
quillity as this meeting with Vane to
happen at once. She was quite willing
to enjoy her peace superficially, with-
out stirring any of the depths of thought
which he invariably discovered in her;
nor did she want to be scolded for
the philosophy of little resistance upon
which she planned to erect her life.
Vane, who appreciated only what he
gained by his own labor, was not always
sympathetic to Linda's moods. She had
once told him that he made accom-
plishment his God, and had lost all tem-
perament in his mania for efficiency.
As she dressed for riding, she regard-
ed herself very critically. In the past
months she had been a bit slack about
her personal appearance, but she real-
ized that her physical attractiveness
was no less an asset than her mentality.
She certainly did not look thirty: she
was still essentially young in the slim-
ness of her figure and the contour of her
face; the hair was bright and luxuriant;
and if the light eyes were a little hard,
the mouth was adorable. She was,
moreover, lucky in that supreme gift
of wearing her clothes well and in being
blessed with a skin that every color be-
came. She was considered a beauty, but
in reality she was more dependent on a
certain dramatic quality than on any
perfection of line.
She had ordered her horse at ten, and
there was much to be attended to now
she was up and dressed. Her house, her
servants, and the welfare of her children
brought duties which she treated with
serious consideration, though the result
produced so smooth a mechanism that
a casual critic might have failed to rec-
ognize the personality which lay be-
hind it.
It was a delightful day. The sun
beat down with the first radiance that
everything alive must respond to; the
fresh wind from the northwest seemed
to be engaged in a gigantic house-
cleaning to remove any traces of the old
tenant before spring took up her defi-
nite abode. Linda, mounted on a young
chestnut thoroughbred, enjoyed her
ride hugely. It made her feel even more
enthusiastic about life in general and
her own in particular, than she had in
the confining walls of her house. In this
riot of sun and air, face to face with this
colossal transformation that the world
undertook every year, her own imme-
diate problems took on their relative
proportions. Harry's marriage, her own
birthday, her meeting with Leigh
Vane, all proved themselves in Nature's
AT THIRTY
367
scheme of things as trivial as the dan-
delions that were beginning to star the
fields she rode through. It was enough
for the moment just to live and enjoy,
to let the sun reawaken all that the win-
ter of her discontent had felt die within
her; enough to let this clean wind fresh-
en the habitation of her mind and make
it fit for the Linda Mainwaring who was
preparing to abide there.
Her thoughts were distracted from
herself by a chance meeting with a
neighbor, a man too closely connected
with the old order of her existence to
render him entirely welcome. He was
the husband of a woman who had once
been a boon companion of the Main-
warings; and though Linda had often
felt that he did not entirely endorse
her, he apparently was making an ef-
fort to be cordial to-day, probably be-
cause he approved of Harry still less.
As he was riding for exercise, he joined
her, making civil remarks about the
weather. It was obviously difficult for
him to bring his conversation down to
any local topic for fear of wounding her
susceptibilities; but at last he ventured
to mention a mutual friend who was not
too closely connected with the some-
what unsavory memories they shared
in common.
' I see that your friend Leigh Vane is
slated for great things,' he said. 'If
they run him for governor and he does
pull it off", at his age, there 's no telling
where he'll end up.'
She was interested at once.
'Are they considering running him,
then? I have n't seen Leigh for ages;
and while I knew he was always dab-
bling in politics, I had no idea they
really took him as seriously as that.'
'He is very well thought of in the
state to-day,' the neighbor told her.
'He did a big thing in keeping out of the
congressional election last year, and the
powers that be are n't always ungrate-
ful. He ought to have a chance, be-
cause, if a good man is put up for our
party, he '11 poll a good many votes from
the Democrats. Their man, you see, is
a renegade from the Roman Church, and
so Leigh has a hope of that vote.'
'I do hope he'll win out,' Linda said.
'He's exactly the type of man who
ought to go in for politics hi this coun-
try at a time like this. I must leave you
here,' she added, 'as I'm going home
through the woods. It's been awfully
nice to see you.'
She nodded and turned her horse,
starting off briskly through the sun-
dappled path, glad to be alone again.
She had lunch with the little girls
and their governess. When the clock
struck twice, as they finished, it oc-
curred to her that their father was
already the husband of another woman.
As the two younger girls left the din-
ing-room with Mademoiselle, Philippa
dawdled behind, apparently eager to
converse with her mother. She wait-
ed, with the intuitive tact that children
sometimes display, until they were
alone in the room, before she put the
question which had been troubling her
ever since she had overhead a con-
versation between the servants that
morning.
'Mother,' she said, 'how can Daddy
marry somebody else? Caroline told
Hermence this morning it was a wonder
you felt like riding horseback at the
very hour of your husband's wedding.'
Linda had been expecting some such
question, but it found her with no ready
answer. She was almost tempted to
evade it, to chide Philippa for listening
to the servants' gossip; but she knew
that would in no way check the ideas
forming hi the busy little head.
'I am sorry you heard Caroline,' she
said at last. 'I had hoped you need
know nothing about it until you were
older, when of course I should have ex-
plained it to you myself. You knew
that Daddy did n't live here with us*
368
AT THIRTY
any more because Daddy and I are not
married any longer.'
' Is n't he our father any more? ' asked
Philippa.
'Yes, he's your father still, and be-
cause he's your father you must always
love him and believe the best of him.
You see, when he and I were married,
we loved each other very much, so it
was right for us to be married and have
you and Tiny and Nancy for children;
but after we found we did n't care, it
became wrong to live together the way
people do who love each other.'
'Did you get unmarried?' queried
Philippa.
'So we got unmarried,' answered her
mother. 'Only it's called getting di-
vorced, and that left Daddy free to
marry again, someone whom he did
love.'
'How do you get di — divorced?' the
child asked. 'Is it like a wedding? Do
you go to church and have music and
flowers and wear a white dress like
Aunt Tina's?'
' It is n't like a wedding at all, dear.
When people are married, it is a very
happy time; but there is nothing happy
about a divorce. It is very sad when
two people, who planned to live all their
lives together, find they don't love each
other enough to make it possible.'
'Are you very sad, mother?'
She wished she could answer truth-
fully that she was. It seemed so ter-
rible to have to explain the sordid trag-
edy of divorce, and to admit that it had
left her almost untouched. All the ar-
guments which she had used a few
months before in justifying the course
she had determined to pursue appeared
so futile in the face of Philippa's be-
wildered gaze.
'I'm not very sad any longer,' she
answered at last. 'You see, I have you
three girls to make me happy; and if I
had never married Daddy, I should
never have had you. And we will hope
that Daddy will be very happy, too,
won't we?'
She tried to smile and started to rise
from her chair, hoping that her rather
lame explanation had satisfied the child;
but Philippa had one more question.
'Then will you marry somebody,
too?'
This time Linda was able to laugh.
'Oh, dear, no,' she said. 'I don't
want to marry anybody. We shall all
be very contented here just as we al-
ways have been. Run along now, my
darling, and remember that mother has
been telling you things she does n't
want you to talk about with anyone,
not even Mademoiselle or the little
girls. If there's anything you don't
understand, you're to ask me.'
Ill
They left the dining-room together,
Philippa to prepare for her afternoon
drive in the pony-cart, and Linda to
read up on any political news she could
find before Vane should appear. She
discovered, however, that it was almost
impossible to keep her mind on the
printed pages, so often did her thoughts
revert to her conversation with Philip-
pa. She had not meant to make light
to the child of the sanctity of marriage;
yet it seemed impossible to explain the
enormity of the step she and Harry
had taken, and she doubted whether
Philippa's psychology would not be
more affected if she found her parents
in a position which they themselves
questioned.
But her pleasure in the day had
gone, and Vane found her as he very
possibly expected to find her when he
had chosen this particular time to prove
his friendship. It would have surprised
and probably shocked him had he dis-
covered Linda in her mood of the morn-
ing. As it was, he had the satisfaction
of drawing her out of herself by talking
AT THIRTY
to her openly of his own prospects. He
had a delightful personality, and as he
always took it for granted that women
are no less interested in the broader
topics of life than men, he took the same
pains to talk well to them.
When he had broken down the bar-
riers of her reserve, and they were again
on their old footing, he began to ques-
tion her about herself. He approved
her attitude: she had been dignified
and yet she had won the sympathy of
everyone, simply by making no bid for
it. He found her distinctly improved,
and told her so.
'You've grown up/ he told her; 'not
old, you understand, because, as a mat-
ter of fact, you look younger than ever,
but you strike one now as an intelli-
gent adult being.'
'I'd like to strike you as an adult
being,' she answered, making a little
face at him; but she was not displeased
to be again talking personalities with a
man who was interested in her. She
told him how keen she was to make up
for all the time she had lost on things
which had proved so deplorably worth-
less, and how eager she felt to recon-
struct her life on more rugged lines.
' One part of life is so entirely over,'
she said, 'and that's the only part I
know anything about. It's rather hard
to know where to begin afresh.'
' Meaning, I suppose,' Vane answered,
'that your career as a wife is closed?
My dear Linda, you have only just
learned how to be a wife for a man; not
a boy, you understand, but a grown-up
man who wants a grown-up woman.
Not,' he added, 'that your present
frame of mind is n't a very healthy one
until the right man comes along. You
can't afford a second mistake.'
This was going a little far, even for
Leigh. Linda became intensely serious.
'I wish you would try to appreciate
the situation,' she said. 'You say I
seem to have grown up, and I assure
VOL. 1S8—NO. S
D
you that it is true, if it is only in the
way I look at the things which I ac-
cepted so lightly a few months ago.
While I find myself happier to-day than
I have been since I outgrew my infatua-
tion for Harry and have seen him with
the eyes of all the people, yourself in-
cluded, who begged me not to marry
him, I realize more than ever before the
tragedy that has occurred, and I would
rather go back to the hell which made
up my life until six months ago than
have had to make the explanation which
I made to Philippa to-day. So there is
no need, Leigh, for your kindly little
warning about second mistakes.'
'My dear Linda,' he said, quite as
serious as she, 'I don't want you to
think that I, of all people, have taken
this step of yours as anything but the
very best way out of an intolerable
situation, and I trust with all my heart
that it is one which will prove to be for
the happiness of everyone concerned;
although I understand you perfectly
when you say that to-day you feel that
happiness is hardly an essential com-
pared to your children's belief in the
sanctity of marriage. Forgive me if I
have offended by too great frankness in
stating that I can't believe that life is
over for anyone who has developed un-
der it as magnificently as you.'
Compliments from Leigh were few
and far between, and Linda treasured
them correspondingly. She took his
proffered hand.
'You will help me to go on, won't
you?' she said. 'I am depending on
you to keep me in touch with lots of
big things, which are all around you and
quite out of reach of a lone woman.'
'As a start, I'll send you some books
which may be of interest,' he promised.
'At least, I hope they'll prove so in-
volved you'll have to let me come often
to explain them.'
In a few moments he took his depart-
ure, conscious that he felt more intense
370
AT THIRTY
sympathy for this old friend than he
had in all the miserable years which had
followed her rash disregard of his ad-
vice and the advice of all the people
who had known both Linda and Main-
waring. To him, divorce was a very
hideous thing; and the fact that it had
become so to her made her more ap-
pealing than she had been before she
had experienced it. Linda, on her side,
felt that her friendship with Leigh had
been put through the acid test and come
out pure gold.
IV
She began to pick up the broken
threads again, and in the next few
months, although she became intimate
with no one, she resumed a normal in-
tercourse with the people who had been
lifelong friends and neighbors. But be-
hind her outer life she continued to ex-
pand and develop within herself. The
books which Leigh sent her she not
only read, but studied; and soon he was
coming, not only to expound their
meanings, but to discuss and argue
them with her. That summer they went
deep into a comprehension of Socialism,
and, strangely enough, it made a strong
appeal both to the woman who had
spent her whole life among the frivolous
by-productsof capitalism and to the man
who was running for governor, the
choice of serious capitalists. As the
work of his campaign grew more en-
grossing, he found tremendous inspira-
tion in Linda's freshly awakened men-
tal responsiveness; and in meeting the
demands of her eager mind for more
and ever more facts and explanations,
he developed a knowledge of the psy-
chology of the people whom he wanted
for his constituents.
It happened that year that there was
no dearth of gubernatorial material for
the Republicans to choose from, and
the nomination of a candidate promised
a more bitter fight than the election it-
self. The state had suffered through a
considerable period from a Democratic
governor, who had been sustained in
office by the labor vote and the Roman
Church, of which he was a member. He
had pushed representatives of that in-
stitution on every state board which
had hitherto kept clear of sectarian dif-
ferences; and he had been very much to
the fore in advocating parochial schools
to be supported by the unredeemed but
tax-paying public.
But, although many people despised
the Governor, his policies did not awak-
en enough antagonism in the country
districts, where the Republicans must
look for their strength, to defeat him,
unless some defalcation should split his
own ranks. Suddenly, when his ene-
mies were despairing, he not only threw
ammunition into their hands, but caus-
ed an explosion among his own adher-
ents. Whether it was a question of real
conviction, or pressure brought to bear
by some political magnate who was in
matrimonial difficulties, could not be
ascertained; but without warning to
the leaders of his party or his Church,
the Governor announced himself in
favor of more uniform and lenient di-
vorce laws. The present laws, he was
quoted as saying, entailed suffering
only on the poor, while the rich evaded
them by taking up residence in some
other state. It was preposterous, if a
person could obtain divorce from a
criminal, that one could not from a lu-
natic; and if religious conviction made
divorce and remarriage possible for one
cause, it should do as much for several
causes. He added that the state laws
could not affect people to whom the
Church denied divorce; that personal-
ly, as a Catholic, he deplored divorce,
but as governor of a people of varying
creeds, he invoked justice.
This last, which was obviously in-
tended as a sop to his Church, failed to
abate the antagonism that his position
AT THIRTY
371
aroused; and even the weight of such
an influential politician as Mr. Henry
McFarland was unable to crush the op-
position which threatened to break the
Democratic strength. The fact that
McFarland's wife had been confined in
an institution for the hopelessly insane
earned for that gentleman the oppro-
brium of Henry the Eighth; and it was
hinted, not only that the Governor
had broken faith with his Church, but
that his political honor was not above
suspicion.
It was felt by Republican leaders
that a crisis had presented itself which
gave their party a chance for reinstate-
ment; for while McFarland and his col-
leagues were strong enough to keep a
fresh candidate from acquiring control
in their own party, they were unable to
influence a number of individuals who
loudly acclaimed their disapproval of
the present Governor's pretension to
another term. It therefore seemed not
only possible, but highly probable that,
should the Republican nominee prove
popular personally, he would stand an
excellent chance.
To men like Leigh Vane, the present
opportunity led to a hope, not only that
his party would win the coming elec-
tion, but that a man of ideals and vision
could do much more than hold down the
office — he could lead the state back to
the Republican majority which a fairly
recent invasion of foreign labor had
temporarily overthrown. But it would
need a man who firmly believed in his
party to accomplish this, — not a mere
opportunist, — and it would take a
man of great personal integrity and sin-
cerity, quite apart from his political
persuasion, to induce the wavering ele-
ment to come over to his side. Of the
present aspirants to the nomination,
three names stood out more and more
prominently as the date for decision ap-
proached. These were Bernard Fabian,
Edward Joyce, and Leigh Vane.
Fabian was one of the largest em-
ployers of labor in the state; he was a
self-made man, who had worked his
way up in one of the woolen mills that
he now controlled.
Joyce was the more usual type. He
had been through the political mill, and
had given up a profitable law practice
to enter politics.
Though not a capitalist like Fabian,
Vane came of people who had always
belonged to the moneyed class. They
were also people who had served their
country in various branches. His
grandfather had held the rank of colo-
nel in the Civil War, where his name
was still remembered in the homes of
men who had composed his regiment.
His son, Leigh's father, was concluding
his useful if not brilliant term as United
States Senator at the time of his death.
Leigh himself had been brought up in
the traditions of Republicanism, and
several of the big men of the party had
been his personal friends from child-
hood. But his present strength lay far
less in these affiliations than in the
esteem in which the influential men of
his own state held him. Orphaned and
well-to-do, he had chosen a life of rigor-
ous work on a newspaper, where he had
never attempted to score personally,
but had given freely of himself to the
good of the cause. A year before, he had
been requested to contest the Congres-
sional seat of his district, and for a while
he had been greatly tempted; but he
had proved himself big enough not to
risk splitting the slim Republican ma-
jority; and he had done such excellent
work in upholding the man who might
have been his rival, that he was hence-
forth considered a definite political
factor.
Linda had made a point of meeting
both Fabian and Joyce, and assured
herself that, quite apart from her af-
fection for him, Leigh was far better
qualified for the office than either of the
372
AT THIRTY
others. She was not the kind of woman
who would ever be a direct factor in
public life, but her influence could be
none the less real. Men said things to
her, when she expressed a wish to take
politics seriously, which they might not
have said to so casual a male acquaint-
ance; and she was clever in using the
information she received. She secured
several bits of political gossip, which
were of some value to Vane; and when
he told her so, she was conscious of
greater enthusiasm for life than she had
felt for years. And it was not only in
this way that she helped him. He had
no one very near to him with whom to
discuss the problems that his campaign
presented; and not only did Linda's
eager interest prevent him from feeling
that he was imposing them upon her,
but in putting them before her, he put
them more clearly to himself. If Linda
was a help to him, he proved himself
invaluable to her, not only in stimu-
lating her intellect, but in many little
crises of her domestic life.
There were, of course, comparatively
long stretches of time when they did not
see each other at all, but these made
them realize how closely their interests
were attuned. Perhaps the fact that
the whole situation was abnormal made
both Linda and Vane slow to realize
its normal consequence. Summer burn-
ed itself out, and the early autumn
brought new political activities, which
made frequent meetings impossible.
It was in October, after an interval
of some weeks, that Vane found an op-
portunity to dine and spend a quiet
evening with Mrs. Mainwaring — the
last before his immediate prospects
would be determined.
He came down to the country rather
early; he wanted to see the children, he
said; and they, enchanted to see him,
swarmed over him, showed him every
new acquisition since his last visit,
played a series of delightful games with
him, and went reluctantly upstairs at
their bedtime, bribed by the promise
that he would come and help Mummy
tuck them up. Linda had been more
audience than participant in the games.
She was conscious of a queer heartache
when she saw Leigh with her children —
a jealousy for them, and a knowledge
that he filled a place in their lives she
could never fill.
He stood up when they had gone,
smoothing his hair with his hands,
straightening his tie, which their last
mad game had disarranged, and met
Linda's eyes. The expression in them
hurt him unbearably — it made her
look so detached, so apart from his own
healthy, ambitious life.
'I should like some air before dinner,'
he said. ' Is it too cold for a last look at
the garden, do you think, before we say
good-night to the children?'
'It's not very cold. This moon
brought a frost, and there's nothing
left in the garden, but it's delicious
there, I know.'
She got up from her chair; he opened
one of the long glass doors and followed
her out on the terrace; they crossed,
and descended some steps. It was dark
save for the cold light of the young
autumn moon, which cast hard, curious
shadows. The garden, surrounded by a
great hemlock hedge, had been a riot
of color only a few days before; but to-
night the flowers in the moonlight ap-
peared dry husks, ghosts of a vanished
loveliness.
They were both very quiet; she was
thinking that once she had stolen out
of the house and danced in this moon-
lit garden with a vine twisted in her
hair, and a man had pursued her and
kissed her in the shadow of the hemlock
hedge, and she had thought she loved
him. Vane was thinking what a little
AT THIRTY
373
thing a career was, compared to a wo-
man with eyes like that; a woman who
needed him more than state or party
could ever need him; a woman he want-
ed far above the laurels of a statesman.
They gazed into the blackness of the
hemlocks as if they were visualizing
there the things they were thinking of —
until at last he broke the long silence.
'Linda, my dear — my dear!' And
she was in his arms, their lips together
in their first communion. And with
that kiss she was sealed his; with it she
entered her kingdom, the kingdom that
had never been hers before. The dancing
girl who had been kissed in the garden
was no part of the woman in Vane's
arms. Harry Mainwaring had captured
some excrescence, which her youth had
thrown off, but he had never touched
the seed of her soul that had matured
under Leigh's companionship and blos-
somed at his kiss.
He held her until the children's in-
sistent voices penetrated their fastness,
when they retraced their steps to the
house. Up in the nurseries, the little
girls in their night-clothes were eager
for another romp, but Leigh was in no
mood for it. He was sweet with them,
tender even; but it was he who stood
apart, a spectator, while they crowded
around Linda to say their prayers and
be kissed good-night.
At dinner neither of them spoke
much, their understanding was too deep,
their content too complete, to need
words. The dramatic touch, which no
woman lacks, enabled Linda to start
fitful topics of conversation when the
servants were in the room, as their
sense of convention led them to make
a pretense of eating; but it was a re-
lief to have the meal over and to find
themselves again in the drawing-room,
free from interruptions.
At half-past nine, when the motor
came to take him to the train, they had
not begun to say good-night, to discuss
their next meeting, to plan any detail
of their future — the present was glori-
ously sufficient.
' I '11 write you in the morning, Linda;
to-night, perhaps, when I get to town.
Good-night, my darling — ' And he
was in the hall, struggling with the
overcoat which her old butler was hold-
ing for him.
She watched him through a crack
in the door, eager to see him, to see
his face when he was not aware of her.
He pulled a paper from his pocket and
wrote upon it hastily. She saw him
turn to the servant, and heard him
speak. '
'Mitten, here's a telegram — get it
off for me to-night, will you? I meant
to send it from the village, but I can't
make my train if I do. You can send it
over the telephone, but it must go at
once. Thanks awfully.'
And he was gone, after handing the
paper to the man. The noise of the mo-
tor became louder for a moment, and
then died away in the distance.
Linda went back to her big chair be-
side the fire, almost unconscious of any
movement she made. She had ceased
to be mere flesh and blood; rather she
was a sunlit beach flooded by warm
waves of happiness.
The entrance of Mitten aroused her.
'Beg pardon, Miss Linda,' he said
— after Harry's departure, he could
never bear to call her Mrs. Mainwaring,
and had gone back to her girlhood ap-
pellation. ' Mr. Vane left a message for
me to send over the telephone, but
I can't 'ardly make hout 'is 'andwrit-
ing. I wondered would you mind, miss,
being as 'ow 'e said hit was most
himportant?'
' I '11 send it, of course. You can put
the lights out here, and I'll telephone
the message from my room. Good
night, Mitten.'
'Good-night, miss.'
'Lord,' he thought as she went out,
374
AT THIRTY
' 'ow 'appy she looks — the way she did
before that skunk came foolin' round
ere.
Up in her room, Linda found it diffi-
cult to concentrate on the mechanical
act of forwarding Leigh's message. She
sat down by her telephone and smoothed
out the paper; but it took several read-
ings for his written words to connect
with her mind, which happiness had
temporarily drugged.
Then suddenly they and their pur-
port became burned upon her brain.
It was addressed to his campaign man-
ager and left unsigned.
'Stop all activities to further my
candidacy. Events have arisen which
would render it impossible for me to ac-
cept the nomination. Throw any in-
fluence we can control to Joyce. Will
see you to-morrow morning.'
If Linda had lost time through being
unable to concentrate her thoughts,
she made up for it now. Thoughts, un-
welcome and at times confused, rushed
through her mind, bearing her down with
the weight of their evidence. Leigh
was giving up his career because he was
pledged to marry her, — Linda Main-
waring, — a divorced woman. She was
that in the eyes of the world, though in
her own she was divorced, not only from
Mainwaring, but from the girl who had
married Mainwaring. Had she known
Leigh less well, she might have hesi-
tated, might have seen less clearly that,
should she marry him, his thwarted
career would always prove a barrier be-
tween them that even their love could
not surmount. But she knew him too
intimately to deceive herself; she was
fully aware of his ambitions, his con-
victions as to what a man in his circum-
stances owed to his country and to his
tradition.
It was midnight when her course
presented itself to her; so clearly did
she see it, and so quickly must she act,
that she was only dimly aware of her
emotions. Soon they would claim her,
they would engulf her in utter misery
and despair; but for the moment, the
too swift reaction from her bliss had
numbed them.
She opened the door that led from
her fire and lamp-lit room to the dark
spaciousness of the hall, felt her way
along to the servant's portion of the
house, and knocked on Mitten's door.
The old man opened it cautiously, his
gaunt figure and curious, lined face il-
lumined in the dim light which burned
on the service stairway.
'Miss Linda, — you're not hill?'
'No, — no, Mitten, — nothing is the
matter. I mean, nothing with me.
Something has happened which makes
it necessary I should get a letter to Mr.
Vane early to-morrow morning, — his
message was very important, — an an-
swer has come to it. I want you to go
to town on the milk train and take it
to him yourself; it is very important.
Wake Henry and tell him he must take
you to the station at five; I'll have the
letter for you then, — the letter will be
quite ready, — it's very important.'
She was aware that she was repeating
herself, that her voice sounded flat and
without emphasis; but she gathered
from Mitten's concerned replies that
he comprehended and would follow out
her instructions.
Back in her own room she managed
to control her voice sufficiently to send
the telegram. Then she was confronted
with the necessity for writing the letter
— the terrible letter which would keep
Leigh from her forever, the lying letter
which was in itself a sin against love.
She sat at her desk for hours, writing,
destroying what she had written, re-
writing, drawing aimless lines and little
pictures of nothing. It was nearly five
o'clock when she folded her completed
missive into its envelope and reeled
across the room in response to Mitten's
knock.
PRIME
375
DEAR LEIGH, —
I think I must have been mad to-
night — life has been so difficult that at
times I have felt utterly defeated, and
it was one of those moments, my dear,
when you called to me in the garden.
All at once it seemed to me possible, be-
cause of my deep affection for you, to
lay the whole burden of my problems on
you. But now I am alone again, I am
sane. I care too much for you to be
willing that the woman you marry
should go to you defeated, wanting
only rest and comfort; she shall go to
you triumphant, wanting nothing but
your love. That part of me is gone
forever, burned out by the fire which
destroyed my youth — what I gave once
I shall never have to give again; and
here in this house where so much of my
drama has been enacted, I realize that
the stage cannot be reset, or the play-
ers recast for its conclusion. You have
been a loyal, helpful, wonderful friend
always; you will not, I am sure, ask me
to relinquish that friendship because
for a few short hours we mistook it for
something else. You have made me
more reliant, given me new confidence
to meet situations as they arise in my
path. It would be a poor return to give
you the husk of love; forgive me for of-
fering it, and forget that I once thought
it could be made to satisfy you. It
would be as impossible to find within
myself anything more worthy of you
as it would be to recapture summer in
my frost-touched garden; but there will
still be warm, pleasant days of Indian
summer, when our friendship will ripen
and deepen.
With every wish always for your
success and happiness,
LINDA MAINWARING.
PRIME
BY AMY LOWELL
YOUR voice is like bells over roofs at dawn
When a bird flies
And the sky changes to a fresher color.
Speak, speak, Beloved.
Say little things
For my ears to catch
And run with them to my heart.
PREACHING IN LONDON. II
BY JOSEPH FORT NEWTON
January 1, 1918. — Christmas is
over, thank God ! The contrast between
its gentle ideals and the ghastly reali-
ties round about us almost tears one in
two. Here we sing, 'Peace on earth
among men of good-will'; out there,
the killing of boys goes on. What irony!
Still, one remembers that it was a hard
old Roman world in which the Angels
of the first Christmas sang their anthem
of prophecy. How far off it must have
seemed that day; how far off it seems to-
day. The world is yet in twilight, and
from behind dim horizons comes cease-
lessly the thunder of great guns. A
frost-like surface of garish gayety
sparkles in our cities, as anxiety turns
to laughter, or to apathy, for relief.
After all these ages, must we say that
the song of Christmas is as vain as all
the vain things proclaimed of Solomon?
No; it will come true. It is not a myth.
It is not a mockery. Surviving ages of
slaughter, it returns to haunt us, prov-
ing in this last defeat its immortality.
Because that music is far off, we know
that it is not our own, but was sent into
the world by One who is as far above our
discordant noises as the stars are above
the mists. Whatever befall, we dare
not lose Faith, dare not surrender to
Hate, since that would be the saddest of
all defeats. And the children sang car-
ols at our doors, as in the days of Dick-
ens, as if to rebuke our misgiving and
despair.
January 7. — One serious handicap
besets a minister who labors abroad:
he cannot deal with public questions
with the same freedom that he can at
376
home. Indeed, he can hardly touch
them at all — when criticism is re-
quired — save as they may be inter-
national in their range. Yesterday, on
the national Day of Prayer, I made
protest in the City Temple against
allowing the increase of brewery sup-
plies to stand, on the ground that it is
not cricket to destroy foodstuffs at a
time when we have no bread fit to eat
and cannot get sugar for our children.
To-day every brewery paper in the king-
dom jumped upon me with all four
feet, John Bull leading the pack. It
does not matter if every journal in the
land stands on its hind-legs and howls,
as most of them are doing. What hurts
me is the silence of the churches! The
majority of Free Churchmen are against
the traffic, but hardly so in the Estab-
lished Church. Indeed, that Church is
more or less involved in the trade, at
least to the extent of allowing its prop-
erties to be used by public houses.
Many of the higher clergy refused to
forego their wine during the war, even
at the request of the King.
The situation is unlike anything we
know in America. Liquor is used in
England much as we use coffee; it is
intrenched in custom, disinfected by
habit, and protected by respectability.
Moreover, the traffic is less open, less
easy to get at in England, and those who
profit by it are often of the most aristo-
cratic and influential class in the com-
munity. There is, besides, a school of
English political thought which holds
the sublime doctrine that the way to
keep the workingman quiet and con-
PREACHING IN LONDON
377
tented is to keep him pickled in beer.
Any suggestion of abolishing the traffic
is, therefore, regarded as an invitation
to anarchy, and dire predictions are
made. Almost anywhere in London
one sees a dozen baby-carts at the door
of a public house, while the mothers
are inside guzzling beer. Never before
have I seen drunken mothers trying to
push baby-carts! Surely England has
an enemy behind the lines!
January 12. — Had a delicious tilt
with Chesterton, who apparently re-
gards the Dogma of Beer as an article of
Christian faith. Every time I meet him
I think of The Man Who Was Thursday
— a story in which he has drawn a
portrait of himself. He is not only
enormously fat, but tall to boot; a moun-
tain of a man. His head, seen from be-
hind, looks larger than any human head
has a right to be. He is the soul of good-
fellowship, and as the wine in his glass
goes down, one may witness an exhibi-
tion worth going miles to see. He leads
words into the arena, first in single file,
then four abreast, then in regiments;
and the feats they perform are hair-
raising. If he talks in paradoxes, it is
for the same reason that more solemn
persons talk in platitudes — he cannot
help it.
From the Gospel of Beer, the talk
turned to Wells and his new theology;
and it was good to hear Chesterton
laugh about a God unfinished and still
in the making. His epigram hit it off to
a dot. 'The Christ of Wells is tidy; the
real Christ is titanic.' We agreed that
the portraiture of Jesus by Wells is in
bad drawing, being too much like Wells
himself; but we remembered other por-
traits by the same hand, — Kipps, Polly,
and the rest, — very ordinary men
made extraordinary and individual and
alluring by the magic of genius.
One may call Chesterton many names,
— an irrationalist, a reactionary ideal-
ist, a humorist teaching serious truth hi
fun, — but his rich humanity and ro-
bust common sense are things for which
to give thanks. He is a prophet of nor-
mal human nature, and his uproarious
faith in God is a tonic in days like these.
If Dickens was the greatest American
ever born in England, some of us feel
that Chesterton is the best thing Eng-
land has given us since Dickens. One
loves him for his strength, his sanity,
and his divine joyousness. The Holy
Spirit, said Hermas, is a hilarious spirit!
January 17. — Dr. John Button, of
Glasgow, preached in the City Temple
to-day, his theme being 'The Temp-
tation,' that is, the one temptation that
includes all others — the spirit of cyni-
cism that haunts all high moods. Art-
fully, subtly it seeks to lower, somehow,
the lights of the soul, to slay ideals, to
betray and deliver us to base-minded-
ness. Such preaching ! He searches like
a surgeon and heals like a physician.
Seldom, if ever, have I had anyone walk
right into my heart with a lighted can-
dle in his hand, as he did, and look into
the dark corners. For years I had known
him as a master of the inner life, wheth-
er dealing with the Bible At Close Quar-
ters, or with those friends and aiders
of faith, like Browning; and there are
passages in The Winds of God that echo
like great music. As a guide to those
who are walking in the middle years of
life, where bafflements of faith are many
and moral pitfalls are deep, there is no
one like Hutton; no one near him. But,
rich as his books are, his preaching is
more wonderful than his writing. While
his sermon has the finish of a literary
essay, it is delivered with the enthusi-
asm of an evangelist. The whole man
goes into it, uniting humor, pathos,
unction, with a certain wildness of
abandon, as of one possessed, which is
the note of truly great preaching. In
my humble judgment he is the greatest
preacher in Britain.
January 23. — Just returned from a
378
PREACHING IN LONDON
journey into the Midlands. At Man-
chester I preached on Sunday in the
Cavendish Street Chapel, where Joseph
Parker ministered before going to the
City Temple, and lectured on 'Lin-
coln and the War' the following eve-
ning. No man ever had a more cordial
reception in any city. As a preface to
my lecture I paid a tribute to the Man-
chester Guardian as one of the great in-
stitutions of this island, and expressed
gratitude for its sympathetic and in-
telligent understanding of America and
her President, in the difficult days of
our neutrality. The American Consul,
in seconding a vote of thanks, told an
interesting fact found in the files of his
office. A group of Manchester citizens,
knowing the admiration of Lincoln for
John Bright, — a Manchester man, —
had a bust of the Quaker statesman
made, and it was ready to be sent when
the news of the assassination came.
They cabled Mrs. Lincoln, asking what
they should do. She told them to send
it to Washington; and it is now in the
White House.
As a fact, I did not see Birmingham
at all, because a heavy fog hung over it
when I arrived and had not lifted when
I left. I could hardly see my audience
when I rose to speak, and felt half-
choked all through the lecture. As it was
my first visit to Birmingham, I began
by recalling the great men with whom
the city was associated in my mind.
The first was Joseph Chamberlain. No
sooner had I uttered the name than
there were hisses and cries, 'No, no!
John Bright!' I had forgotten that
Bright ever sat for a Birmingham dis-
trict. The next name was that of John
Henry, Cardinal Newman. It was re-
ceived at first with silence, then with a
few groans. But when I mentioned the
name of Dr. Dale, there was loud ap-
plause; for he was not only a mighty
preacher, but a great political influence
in the city. Then I reminded my audi-
ence that, when Chamberlain was ac-
cused in the House of Commons of
representing Dr. Dale, he retorted, in
praise of the great preacher, that he had
no mean constituency. The last man
named was J. H. Shorthouse, the author
of John Inglesant, one of my favorite
books. If the name was recognized at
all, there was no sign of it.
January 27. — Have been on an-
other short tour, preaching to the men
in the camps, including one of the
khaki colleges of the Canadian army at
Whitley. Twice, when the men were
given a choice between a sermon and a
lecture, they voted to have a sermon.
And what they want is a straight talk,
hot from the heart, about the truths
that make us men; no 'set sermon with
a stunt text,' as one of them explained.
When I asked what he meant, he said:
'Such texts as "Put on the whole ar-
mor of God," or "Fight the good fight,"
or "Quit you like men"; they are doing
that now.' But they are being undone
the while by a terrible shattering of
faith, and in many a moral trench-
fight.
No end of nonsense has been talked
about the men in the armies, as if put-
ting on khaki made a man a saint. No,
they are men like ourselves, — our boys,
— with the passions and temptations
of the rest of us. As one of them put
it:— ,< -
Our Padre, 'e says I'm a sinner,
And John Bull says I'm a saint;
And they 're both of 'em bound to be liars.
For I 'm neither of them, I ain't.
I'm a man, and a man's a mixture,
Right down from his very birth;
For part of 'im comes from 'eaven,
And part of 'im comes from earth.
And upon this basis — being a man my-
self, and therefore a mixture — I talked
to them, without mincing words, about
the fight for faith' and the desperate
struggles of the moral life. Never can
I forget those eager, earnest, upturned
faces, — bronzed by war and weather
PREACHING IN LONDON
379
— many of which were soon to be torn
by shot and shell. The difference in
preaching to men who have seen little
of war, and to those who have been in
it for two years or more, is very great.
I should know the difference if blind-
folded. The latter are as hard as nails.
Only now and then does the preacher
know the thrill of having dug under, or
broken through, the wall of adamant
in which they shelter that shy and lone-
ly thing they dare not lose.
February 18. — The American camp
at Winchester. Preached four times
yesterday in a large moving-picture
theatre, — packed to the doors, — .
and to-day I am as limp as a rag. It
was a great experience, talking to such
vast companies of my own countrymen
— tall, upstanding, wholesome fellows
from all over the Union, among them
the survivors of the Tuscania, tor-
pedoed off the coast of Ireland. They
are in the best of spirits, having lost
everything except their courage, as one
of them said; every one with a cold, and
all togged out in every kind of garb —
for those who did not lose their cloth-
ing had it ruined by the sea-water.
Spent to-day in Winchester, a city
of magnificent memories, about which
clusters more of history and of legend
than about any city on this island, ex-
cept London. It is the city of Arthur
and the Round Table. Here the Saxon
Chronicles were written; here King Al-
fred lies buried. It is the very birth-
place of our civilization. The College
and the St. Cross Hospital have about
them the air of the Middle Ages. But
the Cathedral is the gem of the scene,
having the most beautiful nave I have
ever seen. Less a cemetery than the Ab-
bey, even an amateur architect can trace
the old Norman style, shading into the
early English, and then into the later
English styles, showing the evolution of
the building while enshrining the his-
tory of a race. In the south transept I
came upon the tomb of Izaak Walton,
and I confess I stood beside it with
mingled feelings of reverence and grati-
tude. Behind the tomb is a noble win-
dow, not more than fifty years old, into
which the fishing scenes of the New Tes-
tament are woven with good effect —
an appropriate memorial to the gentlest
and wisest fisherman who has lived
among us since Jesus lodged with the
fishermen by the sea.
The afternoon service in the ancient
temple touched me deeply, as if those
who conducted it were awed by the
presence of Eternity, and were carry-
ing for a brief time the Torch of Faith,
changing but eternal; a faith natural to
humanity, and affirmed and expressed
by the ordered beauty around them.
Such a building is a symbol of that in
man which refuses to be subdued, either
by the brute forces of life or by the an-
archy hi his own heart; an emblem of
that eternal resolve to love rather than
hate, to hope rather than despair.
March 6. — Returning from Edin-
burgh, I broke my journey at the an-
cient city of York, where the kindest of
welcomes awaited me. Looking out of
my hotel window, I saw a music-shop
founded in 1768 — older than the
American Republic. Preached at three
o'clock at the Monkgate Methodist
Chapel; at five held an institute for min-
isters; and at seven lectured on Lincoln
to a huge audience, Mr. Roundtree,
Member of Parliament, presiding. The
Lord Mayor presented me with a reso-
lution of welcome, in which the most
cordial good-will was expressed for the
people of America.
Earlier in the day I was taken to vari-
ous places of historic interest, including,
of course, the beautiful old gray Min-
ster. Also to the grave of John Wool-
man, the Quaker, a brief biography of
whom I had once written. I knew he
died while on a mission to England, but
I had forgotten that he was buried
380
PREACHING IN LONDON
in York. Reverently we stood by the
grave of that simple man, — daringly
radical, but divinely gentle, — who was
the incarnation of the spirit of Christ,
and whose life of love and service, of
pity and prayer, made him a kind of sad
St. Francis of the new world. York is a
stronghold of the Society of Friends —
the noblest body of organized mysti-
cism on earth. Aye, the war is making
men either skeptics or mystics, and wis-
dom lies, methinks, with the mystics
whose faith is symbolized in the beauti-
ful Listening Angel I saw the other day
hi the Southwell Cathedral.
March 12. — The Prime Minister
spoke to the Free Church Council in
the City Temple to-day, and it was an
astonishing performance, as much for
its wizardry of eloquence as for its
moral camouflage. For weeks he has
been under a barrage of criticism, as he
always is when things do not go right;
and the audience was manifestly un-
sympathetic, if not hostile. As no one
knew what would happen, it was ar-
ranged that he should enter the pulpit
during the singing of a hymn.
As soon as he rose to speak, — his
stout body balanced on tiny, dwarf-
like legs, — the hecklers began a ma-
chine-gun fire of questions, and it looked
as if we were in for a war of wits. The
English heckler is a joy. He does not
deal in slang phrases, but aims his dart
straight at the target. In ten minutes
the Prime Minister had his audience
standing and throwing up their hats.
It was pure magic. I felt the force of it.
But after it was over and I had time to
think it through, I found that he had
said almost nothing. On the question of
Bread or Beer he turned a clever rhe-
torical trick, and nothing else. The
Evening Star says that the Prime Min-
ister is not a statesman at all, but a
stuntsman; and one is half inclined to
agree with it. Certainly his genius just
now seems to consist in his agility in
finding a way out of one tight corner
into another, following a zigzag course.
An enigmatic and elusive personality,
— ruled by intuitions rather than by
principles, — if he never leaves me with
a sense of sincerity, he at least gives me
a conservative thrill. Despite his critics
the record of his actual achievements is
colossal, and I know of no other per-
sonality in this kingdom that could take
his place. Like Roosevelt, he knows
how to dramatize what he does, making
himself the hero of the story; and it is
so skillfully done that few see that the
hero is also the showman.
March 25. — At the Thursday-noon
service on the 21st, we had news that a
great battle had begun, but we little
dreamed what turn it would take. In-
stead of the long-expected Allied ad-
vance, it was a gigantic enemy drive,
which seems to be sweeping everything
before it. Wave after wave of the enemy
hosts beat upon the Allied lines, until
they first bent and then broke; the
British and French armies may be sun-
dered and the Channel ports captured.
All internal dissension is hushed in the
presence of the common danger, and
one sees once more the real quality of
the British character, its quiet courage
shining most brightly when the sky is
lowering.
London is tongued-tied; people look
at each other and understand. If there
is any panic, it is among the politicians,
not among the people. Resolute, all-
suffering, unconquerably cheery, men
brace themselves to face the worst —
it is magnificent! There was no room
for the people in the City Temple yes-
terday; the call to prayer comes not
half so imperatively from the pulpit as
from the human heart in its intolerable
anxiety and sorrow. These are days
when men gather up their final reasons
for holding on in the battle of life, seek-
ing the ultimate solace of the Eternal.
What days to read the Bible! Itself
PREACHING IN LONDON
381
a book of battles, its simple words find
new interpretation in the awful exegesis
of events. Many a Psalm for the day
might have been written for the day;
the leaping up of fires through the crust
of the earth makes them luminous. As
we enter the depths, those strange songs
follow us. Doubt, elation, anger, and
even hate are there perfectly expressed.
To-day, as of old, the people imagine
a vain thing; the earth trembles; the
honor of God is threatened. The
Apocalypse, too, has a new force, color,
and beauty, as we regard it in the light
of burning cities. Its pictures are like
the work of some mighty artist on a
vast, cloudy canvas, dipping his brush
in earthquake and eclipse and the shad-
ows of the bottomless pit. Once more
we see the Four Horses riding over the
earth. The challenge of the Book of Job
is taken up again; Jeremiah is justified
in his sorrow; and the Suffering Servant
of God is a living figure in this new cru-
cifixion of humanity.
And the Gospels! Never has there
been so complete a vindication of the
ethics of Jesus. If, the Facts now say,
you take the anti-Christ point of view,
this is what it means. Repent, or the
Kingdom of Hell will swallow you up!
Thus the Galilean triumphs, hi the ter-
ror of denying his words, no less than in
the blessing of obeying them: 'Thou
hast the words of eternal life.'
March 31. — Easter Day! Dr. Ren-
del Harris tells how, in the musty pages
of the Journal of a learned society, he
came upon a revealing fact. It was there
recorded that, on a morning in May,
1797, which broke calmly after a stormy
night, it was possible to see from the
cliffs of Folkestone even the color of
the cottages on the French mainland.
In the spiritual world, also, there is the
record of such a day of clear tranquil-
lity, when the fierce night of the Passion
had passed, and the day of the Resur-
rection dawned white and serene. On
that Day, and until the Ascension, —
when the Great Adventurer was wel-
comed home, — the Unseen World was
known to be near, homelike, and real.
To-day is the anniversary of that Day
of Divine Lucidity, when men — plain,
ordinary men like ourselves — saw
through the shadows into the life of
things. Softly, benignly, the Day of
Eternal Life dawns upon a world red
with war and billowed with the graves
of those who seem doubly dead, because
they died so young. Never did this
blessed day shine with deeper meaning;
never was its great Arch of Promise so
thronged with hurrying feet. Blessed
Day! When its bells have fallen into
silence, and its lilies have faded into
dust, pray God there may live in our
hearts the promise that, after the win-
ter of war, there shall be a springtime of
peace and good-will!
When one thinks of the number of
the fallen, and the heartache that fol-
lows the evening sun around the world,
it is not strange that many seek com-
munication, as well as communion, with
the dead — longing to see even in a
filmy vapor the outlines of forms famil-
iar and dear. The pathos of it is heart-
breaking! Even when one is sure that
such use of what are called psychical
faculties is a retrogression, — since gen-
ius is the only medium through which,
so far, Heaven has made any spiritual
revelation to mankind, — it is none
the less hard to rebuke it.
Some think Spiritualism may become
a new religion, with Sir Oliver Lodge as
its prophet and Sir Conan Doyle as its
evangelist. No matter; it has done
good, and hi a way too easily overlook-
ed. Nearly all of us grew up with a
definite picture in our minds of a city
with streets of gold and gates of pearl;
but that picture has faded. Tune and
criticism have emptied it of actuality.
Since then, the walls of the universe
have been pushed back into infinity,
382
PREACHING IN LONDON
and the old scenery of faith has grown
dim. Admit that its imagery was crude;
it did help the imagination, upon which
both faith and hope lean more heavily
than we are aware. Now that the old
picture has vanished, the unseen world
is for many only a bare, blank infinity,
soundless and colorless. These new
seekers after truth have at least helped
to humanize it once more, touching it
with light and color and laughter; and
that is a real service, both to faith and
to the affections. Meanwhile, not a few
are making discoveries in another and
better way, as witness this letter: —
DEAB MINISTER, —
Early in the war I lost my husband, and I
was mad with grief. I had the children to
bring up and no one to help me, so I just
raged against God for taking my husband
from my side and yet calling Himself good.
Someone told me that God could be to me
all that my husband was and more. And
so I got into the way of defying God in my
heart. 'Now and here,' I used to say, 'this
is what I want and God can't give it to me/
After a while I came, somehow, to feel that
God liked the honesty of it; liked this down-
right telling Him all my needs, though I had
no belief that He could help me. One day I
had gone into the garden to gather some
flowers, and suddenly I knew that my hus-
band was there with me — just himself,
only braver and stronger than he had ever
been. I do not know how I knew; but I knew.
There was no need of a medium, for I had
found God myself, and, finding Him, I had
found my husband too.
April 15. — No spring drive is equal
to the drive of spring itself, when April
comes marching down the world. Kew
Garden is like a bit of paradise, and
neither war nor woe can mar its glory.
How the English love flowers ! Even hi
the slums of London — which are among
the most dismal and God-forsaken
spots on earth — one sees in the win-
dows tiny pots of flowers, adding a touch
of color to the drab and dingy scene.
At the front, in dugouts, one finds old
tin cans full of flowers, gathered from
no one knows where. Each English
home is walled in for privacy, — unlike
our American way, — and each has
its own garden of flowers, like a little
Eden. One of the first things an Eng-
lishman shows his guest is the garden,
where the family spend much of their
time in summer. April sends everybody
digging in the garden.
And such bird-song! The day begins
with a concert, and there is an anthem
or a solo at any hour. They sing as if
the heart of the world were a mystic,
unfathomable joy; and even a pessimist
like Thomas Hardy wondered what se-
cret the 'Darkling Thrush' knew that
he did not know; and, further, what
right he had to sing in such a world as
this. After listening to the birds, one
cannot despair of man, seeing Nature at
the task of endlessly renewing her life.
His war, his statecraft, his science, may
be follies or sins; but his life is only
budding even yet, and the flower is yet
to be. So one feels in April, with a lilac
beneath the window.
April 20. — Housekeeping in Eng-
land, for an American woman, is a try-
ing enough experience at any time; but
it is doubly so in war-time when food
and fuel conditions are so bad. Until
the rationing went into effect, it was a
problem to get anything to eat, as the
shops would not take new customers.
Even now the bread tastes as if it had
been made out of sawdust; and butter
being almost an unknown quality, the
margarine, like the sins of the King, in
Hamlet, smells to heaven. Shopping is
an adventure. Literally one has to deal,
not only with 'the butcher, the baker,
and the candlestick-maker,' but with
the fish-market, the greengrocer, the
dry grocer, — everything at a different
place, — so it takes time and heroic
patience, and even then one often comes
home empty-handed. As a last resort,
we fall back on eggs and peanuts, —
PREACHING IN LONDON
383
monkey-nuts, the English call them, —
to both of which I take off my hat. It
is impossible for one person to keep
an English house clean — it is so ill-
arranged, and cluttered up with bric-a-
brac. There are none of the American
appliances for saving labor — no brooms ;
and the housemaid must get down on
her knees, with a dustpan and hand-
brush, to sweep the room. There is
enough brass in the house to keep one
able-bodied person busy polishing it.
Arnold Bennett has more than one pas-
sage of concentrated indignation about
the time and energy spent in polishing
brass in English houses. It is almost a
profession. One compensation is the
so ft- voiced, well-trained English serv-
ants, and often even they are either
thievish or sluttish.
April 25. — Twice I have heard Ber-
nard Shaw lecture recently, and have
not yet recovered from the shock and
surprise of meeting him. My idea of
Shaw was a man alert, aggressive, self-
centred, vastly conceited, craving pub-
licity, laying claim to an omniscience
that would astonish most deities. That
is to say, a literary acrobat, standing
on his head to attract attention, or
walking the tight-rope in the top of the
tent. But that Shaw is a myth, a leg-
end, a pose. The real Shaw is no such
man. Instead, he is physically finicky,
almost old-maidish, not only shy and
embarrassed off the platform, but awk-
ward, blushing like a schoolgirl when
you meet him. He is gentle, modest,
generous, full of quick wisdom, but sug-
gesting lavender, and China tea served
in dainty old-world cups. The most
garrulous man in Europe before the
war, he was smitten dumb by the in-
sanity of it, having no word of comfort
or command. Unlike Romain Holland,
he could not even frame a bitter con-
demnation of it. So, after one or two
feeble protests, he went back into his
drawing-room, pulled the blinds down,
and drank China tea out of his dainty
cups, leaving the world to stew in its
own juice. Who can describe the fine-
ness, the fatuousness, the futility of
him! Whether prophet or harlequin,
he has shot his bolt and missed the mark.
Of course, the artist will live on in his
work — most vividly, perhaps, in his
sham-shattering wit.
April 30. — Few Americans realize
what the Throne and the Royal Family
mean in the life of the British people.
Our idea of the King is colored by our
republican preconceptions, to say noth-
ing of our prejudices — not knowing
that England is in many ways more
democratic than America. The other
day, in the City Temple, an American
minister spoke of the King as ' an ani-
mated flag,' little dreaming of the thing
of which he is a symbol and the pro-
found affection in which he is held. There
is something spiritual in this devotion
to the King, something mystical, and
the Empire would hardly hold together
without it. The Royal Family is really
an exaltation of the Home, which is
ever the centre of British patriotism.
Never, in their true hours, do the Eng-
lish people brag of Britain as a world-
power, actual or potential. It is always
the home and the hearth, — now to be
defended, — and nowhere is the home
more sacred and tender. Of every
Briton we may say, as Bunyan said of
Greatheart: 'But that which put glory
of grace into all that he did was that
he did it for pure love of his Country.'
This sentiment finds incarnation in the
Royal Family, in whom the Home rises
above party and is untouched by the
gusts of passion.
' Their gracious Majesties ' is a phrase
which exactly describes the reigning
King and Queen, though neither can be
said to possess, in the same measure,
that mysterious quality so difficult to
define which, in King Edward and Queen
Alexandra, appealed so strongly to the
384
PREACHING IN LONDON
popular imagination. Gentle-hearted, if
not actually shy, one feels that the form-
alism and ceremony of the Court ap-
peal less to the King than to the Queen,
whose stateliness sometimes leaves an
impression of aloofness. Something of
the same shyness one detects in the
modest, manly, happy-hearted Prince
of Wales, whose personality is so cap-
tivating alike in its simplicity and its
sincerity. At a^time when thrones are
falling, the British King moves freely
among his people, everywhere honored
and beloved — and all who know the
worth of this Empire to civilization re-
joice and give thanks.
May 19. — Dr. Jowett began his
ministry at Westminster Chapel to-
day, — the anniversary of Pentecost,
— welcomed by a hideous air-raid.
Somehow, while Dr. Jowett always
kindles my imagination, he never gives
me that sense of reality which is the
greatest thing in preaching. One en-
joys his musical voice, his exquisite
elocution, his mastery of the art of il-
lustration, and his fastidious style; but
the substance of his sermons is incred-
ibly thin. Of course, this is due, in large
part, to the theory of popular preaching
on which he works. His method is to
take a single idea — large or small —
and turn it over and over, like a gem,
revealing all its facets, on the ground
that one idea is all that the average
audience is equal to. Of this method
Dr. Jowett is a consummate master,
and it is a joy to see him make use of it,
though at times it leads to a tedious
repetition of the text. Often, too, he
seems to be laboring under the handi-
cap of a brilliant novelist, who must
needs make up in scenery what is lack-
ing in plot.
Since his return to London he has
been less given to filigree rhetoric, and
he has struck almost for the first time a
social note, to the extent, at any rate,
of touching upon public affairs — al-
though no one would claim that Dr.
Jowett has a social message, in the real
meaning of that phrase. No, his forte is
personal religious experience of a mild
evangelical type; and to a convinced
Christian audience of that tradition and
training he has a ministry of edification
and comfort. But for the typical man
of modern mind, caught in the currents
and alive to the agitations of our day,
Dr. Jowett has no message. However,
we must not expect everything from
any one servant of God, and the painter
is needed as well as the prophet.
June 2. — Spent a lovely day yester-
day at Selborne, a town tucked away
among the chalk-hills of Hampshire.
There, well-nigh two hundred years
ago, Gilbert White watched the Hangar
grow green in May and orange and
scarlet in October, and learned to be
wise. One can almost see him in the
atmosphere and setting of his life, —
an old-bachelor parson, his face marked
by the smallpox, as so many were in
that day, — walking over the hills,
which he called 'majestic mountains,'
a student and lover of nature. He was
a man who knew his own mind, worked
his little plot of earth free from the de-
lusions of grandeur, and published his
classic book, The Natural History of
Selborne, in the year of the fall of the
Bastille. Because of this coincidence of
dates, it has been said that White was
more concerned with the course of
events in a martin's nest than with the
crash of empires. No doubt; but it may
be that the laws of the universe through
which empires fall are best known by a
man who has such quietness of soul that
a brooding mother-bird will not fly
away when he visits her. White asked
the universe one question, and waited
to hear the answer: Take away fear,
and what follows? The answer is:
Peace, even the peace without which a
man cannot learn that when ' redstarts
shake their tails, they move them hori-
PREACHING IN LONDON
385
zontally.' It was a day to refresh the
soul.
June 10. — Attended a Ministerial
Fraternal to-day, and greatly enjoyed
the freedom and frankness of the dis-
cussion. A conservative in England
would be a radical in America, so far
are they in advance of us. Evidently
our English brethren have gotten over
the theological mumps, measles, and
whooping-cough. For one thing, they
have accepted the results of the critical
study of the Bible, without losing any
of the warmth and glow of evangelical
faith, — uniting liberal thought with
orthodoxy of the heart, — as we in
America have not succeeded in doing.
All confessed that the atmosphere of
their work has changed; that the fin-
gers of their sermons grope blindly amid
the hidden keys of the modern mind,
seeking the great new words of comfort
and light. It was agreed that a timid,
halting, patched-up restatement of
faith will not do: there must be a radi-
cal reinterpretation, if we are to speak
to the new time, which thinks in new
terms. On social questions, too, the
discussion was trenchant, at times even
startling. There was real searching of
hearts, drawing us together in a final
candor, and driving us back to the per-
manent fountains of power. The spirit
of the meeting was most fraternal, and
I, for one, felt that fellowship is both
creative and revealing.
June 25. — American troops are
pouring into England, and the invasion
is a revelation to the English people.
Nothing could surpass the kindness and
hospitality with which they open their
hearts and homes to their kinsmen from
the great West. They are at once
courteous and critical, torn between
feelings of joy, sorrow, and a kind of
gentle jealousy — at thought of their
own fine fellows who went away and
did not come back. They have seen
many kinds of Americans, among them
VOL. 1%8—XO. 3
the tourist, the globe-trotter, the un-
speakable fop, and the newly rich who
spread their vulgarity all over Europe;
but now they are discovering the real
American, — the manly, modest, in-
telligent lad from the college, the store,
the farm, — and they like him. He is
good to look at, wholesome, hearty,
straightforward, serious but not solemn,
and he has the air of one on an errand.
On the surface the British Tommy af-
fects to take the war as a huge joke, but
our men take it in dead earnest. 'Why,
your men are mystics; they are cru-
saders,' said an English journalist to
me recently; and I confess they do have
that bearing — for such they really are.
Last night, in a coffee-house on the
Strand, I asked the Cockney proprietor
if he had seen many American boys
and what he thought of them. Some-
thing like this is what I heard : —
'Yerce, and I like what I've seen of
'em. No swank about 'em, y' know —
officers an' men, just like pals together.
Talks to yeh mately-like — know what
I mean? — man to man sort o' thing.
Nice, likable chaps, I alwis finds 'em.
Bit of a change after all these damn for-
eigners. I get on with 'em top-'ole.
And eat? Fair clean me out. Funny
the way they looks at London, though.
Mad about it, y' know. I bin in Lon-
don yers an' yers, and it don't worry
me. Wants to know where that bloke
put 'is cloak down in the mud for some
Queen, and 'ow many generals is buried
in Westminster Abbey. 'Ow should I
know? I live in Camden Town. I got a
business t' attend to. Likable boys,
though. 'Ere 's to 'em!'
July 4. — Went to the American
Army and Navy baseball game, taking
as my guests a Member of Parliament
and a City Temple friend. Never has
there been such a ball game since time
began. The King pitched the first ball,
and did it right well, too. The papers
say he has been practising for days.
386
PREACHING IN LONDON
Then bedlam broke loose; barbaric
pandemonium reigned. Megaphones,
whistles, every kind of instrument of
torture kept accompaniment to tossing
arms and dancing hats — while the
grandstand gave such an exhibition of
'rooting' in slang as I never heard be-
fore. Much of the slang was new to
me, and to interpret it to my English
friends, and at the same time explain
the game, was a task for a genius.
Amazement sat upon their faces. They
had never imagined that a hard busi-
ness people could explode in such a
hysteria of play. An English crowd is
orderly and ladylike in comparison.
Of course, the players, aware of an audi-
ence at once distinguished and aston-
ished, put on extra airs; and as the
game went on, the fun became faster
and more furious. My friends would
stop their ears to save their sanity, at
the same time pretending, with unfail-
ing courtesy, to see, hear, and under-
stand everything. The Navy won, and
one last, long, lusty yell concluded the
choral service of the day.
July 20. — 'The Miracle of St. Dun-
stan's.' It is no exaggeration, if by
miracle you mean the triumph of spirit
over matter and untoward disaster.
St. Dunstan's is the college where young
men who gave their eyes for their coun-
try learn to be blind; and as I walked
through it to-day I thought of Henley's
lines: —
Out of the night that covers me.
Black as the pit from pole to pole,
I thank whatever gods may be
For my unconquerable soul.
Many of the men are horribly disfigured,
and it is a mercy that they cannot see
their own faces. Yet, for the most part,
they are a jolly set, accepting the in-
evitable with that spirit of sport which
is so great a trait of their race. At least,
the totally blind are happy. Those who
see partially, and do not know how it
will turn out, mope a good deal. At the
head of the college is Sir Arthur Pear-
son, himself a blind man who has learned
to find his way in the dark — a blind
leader of the blind. It is wonderful to
hear him talk to a boy brought into the
college dejected and rebellious against
his fate. There is no maudlin sentiment.
It is much easier to cry than to succor.
They sit hand in hand, — comrades in
a conquest, — while Sir Arthur tells
the lad, out of his own experience, that,
though night has come at noon, the day
is not ended. His words, taken out of
their context and atmosphere, might
sound preachy, as he tells how he re-
fused to be beaten, and how darkness
has its surprises. All honor to Sir
Arthur, — Knight of the Dark Table,
— unforgettable for his courage, his
chivalry, and his cheerfulness!
(Early in August I went again to America,
on another speaking tour, crossing the bar
at Liverpool, in the glow of a miraculous
sunset, the sacramental beauty of which
haunts me still. Time out of mind I had
known Uncle Sam, in his suit of nankeen
trousers strapped under his instep, his blue
swallow-tail coat and brass buttons, and his
ancient high hat. It was not easy to recog-
nize him clad in khaki, wearing a gas-mask
and a ' tin lid,' and going over the top with
a Springfield rifle in his hand; and that
change in outward garb was a visible sign of
much else. Down the streets of New York,
at midnight, one saw long lines of men
marching, singing 'Over There'; and Serv-
ice Stars were everywhere, changing from
silver to gold. It was an awe-inspiring
America, — new in its unity, its power, and
its vision of duty, — albeit to-day, it seems
like a dim dream of some previous state of
existence. Returning to England in Octo-
ber, my ship was one of fifteen loaded with
troops, following a zigzag course over a lone-
ly sea. It was at the time of the influenza
epidemic, and almost every ship kept a
funeral flag flying all the way. Off the north
coast of Ireland we witnessed the destruc-
tion of an enemy submarine. Once more, on
a Thursday noon, I took up my labors at
the City Temple, in an address entitled
PREACHING IN LONDON
387
'The New America,' in which I tried to de-
scribe the novel experience of rediscovering
my own country. Events moved rapidly,
and I need add only one or two items from
the diary, telling of the end of the greatest
war in history, the meaning and issue of
which are locked in the bosom of God.)
October 25. — Three times since I re-
turned I have spoken to groups in be-
half of Anglo-American friendship, but
to little avail. My audiences were al-
ready utterly convinced, and it was like
arguing with Miss Pankhurst in favor
of woman suffrage — as useless as rain
at sea. Somehow we never get beyond
the courtesies and commonplaces of
after-dinner eloquence. Yet the matter
is of vital importance just now. Al-
ready there are rumors of friction be-
tween our boys and the Tommies.
These are little things, but the sum of
them is very great, and in the mood of
the hour so many reactions of personal
antagonism may be fatal. Not much
idealism is left after the long struggle,
and one fears a dreadful reaction, — a
swift, hideous slip backward, — driv-
ing Britain and America further apart
than they were before the war. Little
groups do something, but what we need
is some great gesture, to compel atten-
tion and dramatize the scene for the
masses on both sides of the sea. Frank-
ly, I am not clear as to the best method
— except that we have not found it.
Even now, all feel that the end of the
war is near, and one detects tokens
which foretell a different mood when
peace arrives.
October 29. — Ever and again one
hears rumors of a revolution in England
in which things will be turned upside
down. One might be more alarmed,
but for the fact that the revolution has
already taken place. The old England
has gone, taking with it much that was
lovely and fair; a new England is here,
— new in spirit, in vision, in outlook, —
not only changing in temper, but ac-
tually changing hands. As the Na-
poleonic wars ended the aristocratic
epoch and brought the middle class to
the fore, so the great war has ended
the rule of the middle class and will
bring the man down under to the top.
Of course, as to outward appearance,
the aristocratic and middle classes still
rule; but their ideas do not rule. There
will be no violent upheaval in England ;
the genius of the British mind — a
practical mysticism, so to name it,
though the practicality is often more
manifest than the mysticism — will
not let it be so. Again and again I have
seen them drawn up in battle-array,
ready for a fight to a finish — then, the
next moment, they begin to parley,
to give and take; and, finally, they com-
promise, each getting something and
nobody getting all he asked. Therein
they are wise, and their long political
experience, their instinct for the middle
way, as well as their non-explosive tem-
perament, stand them in good stead in
these days. Besides, if English society
is a house of three stories, the house has
been so shaken by the earthquake of
war that all classes have a new sense of
kinship and obligation. No doubt there
will be flare-ups in Wales, or among the
hot-heads on the Clyde; but there is
little danger of anything more.
November 8. — Went to Oxford last
night to hear Professor Gilbert Murray
lecture on the Peloponnesian War of
the Greeks as compared with our great
war; and his words haunt me. With
an uncanny felicity, the great scholar
— who is also a great citizen — told the
story of the war that destroyed Greek
civilization; and the parallel with the
present war was deadly, even down to
minute details. About the only differ-
ences are the magnitude of the armies
and the murderous efficiency of the
weapons we now employ. As I listened,
I found myself wondering whether I
was in Oxford or in ancient Athens.
.'J88
PREACHING IN LONDON
The lecturer has the creative touch
which makes history live in all its vivid
human color. Euripides and Aristo-
phanes seemed like contemporaries.
What depressed me was the monoto-
nous sameness of human nature through-
out the ages. Men are doing the same
things they did when Homer smote his
lyre or Hammurabi framed his laws.
For example, in the Athens of antiquity
there were pacifists and bitter-enders,
profiteers and venal politicians — ev-
erything, in fact, with which the great
war has made us familiar. After twen-
ty centuries of Christian influence, we
do the same old things in the same old
fashion, only on a more gigantic scale.
This shadow fell over me to-day as I
talked with a young French officer in
my study. He used this terrible sen-
tence with an air of sad finality : ' Ideals,
my reverend friend, are at the mercy of
the baser instincts.' What faith it takes
to sustain an ardent, impatient, for-
ward-looking soul in a slow universe!
'Keep facing it,' said the old skipper
to the young mate in Conrad's Typhoon;
and ere we know it, the ship has be-
come a symbol of the life of man. He
did not know whether the ship would
be lost or not — nor do we. But he
kept facing the storm, taking time to be
just to the coolies on board, much to
the amazement of Jukes. He never lost
hope; and if he was an older man when
he got through the storm, he at least
sailed into the harbor.
November 11. — London went wild
to-day. As a signal that the Armistice
had been signed, the air-raid guns
sounded, — bringing back unhappy
memories, — but we knew that 'the
desired, delayed, incredible time' had
arrived. The war has ended; and hu-
manity, on its knees, thanks God.
Words were not made for such a time.
They stammer, and falter, and fail.
Whether to shout or weep, men did not
know; so we did both. Something not
ourselves has made for righteousness,
and we are awed, subdued, over-
whelmed. The triumph seems wrought,
not by mortal, but by immortal thews,
and shouts of joy are muffled by
thoughts of the gay and gallant dead.
The rebound from the long repres-
sion was quick, the outburst startling.
Men danced in the streets. They
hugged and kissed and sobbed. Flags
flew everywhere, flags of every color.
Women wore dresses made of flags.
Shops and factories emptied of their
own accord. At an early hour a vast
host gathered at the gates of Bucking-
ham Palace, singing the national an-
them. The King and Queen appeared
on the balcony, and a mighty shout
went up — like the sound of many
waters.
St. Paul's was jammed by noon; the
Abbey was packed. It melted the heart
to hear them sing — there was an echo
of a sob in every song. All know that
the secret of our joy is locked in the
cold young hearts that sleep in Flan-
ders, in eyes that see the sun no more.
Never was the world so coerced by its
dead. They command; we must obey.
From prayer the city turned to play
again. No wonder; the long strain, the
bitter sorrow, the stern endurance had
to find vent. At first, peace seemed as
unreal as war. It took time to adjust
the mind to the amazing reality. Even
now it seems half a dream. There is
little hate, only pity. The rush of events
has been so rapid, so bewildering, that
men are dazed. Down on the Embank-
ment I saw two old men, walking arm-
in-arm, one blind, the other half-blind,
and both in rags. One played an old
battered hand-organ, and the other
sang in a cracked voice. They swayed
to and fro, keeping time to the hymn,
'Our God, our hope in ages past.' So it
was from end to end of London. The
gray old city seemed like a cathedral,
its streets aisles, its throngs worshipers.
SUDDEN GREATNESS
BY KENNETH CHAFEE McINTOSH
A LEAN, quiet man pushed his way
through the crowd into the open of the
parade-ground at Fort Myer, and
perched himself uncomfortably in the
midst of a bundle of sticks. A weight
crashed down from the top of a derrick,
and the bundle, with droning, whining
propeller, was thrown into the air, and
stayed there. Breath was drawn in with
sharp, audible gasping, and eyes grew
round in upturned faces. The impos-
sible had happened. Orville Wright
was proving to the army that he could
%.
When the air-plane had landed clum-
sily on its two sled-like runners, and
the reporters surged around, we have
record of the following queries and
replies : —
'How fast can you fly?'
'Forty miles an hour.'
'How fast do you think air-planes
can be made to fly?'
'Much faster. But, of course, the
flyer would be blown out of the machine
at anything over a hundred miles an
hour.'
'How high can you go?'
'High as I want to. But even in war
you would never have to go over one
thousand feet. No known gun could
hit you at that altitude.'
'What uses can you make of your
machine?'
'Sport mainly, and scouting in war.'
Of the thousands who saw that after-
noon, and of the millions who read of
the flight next morning, probably not
one had the least dim perception that a
mighty power was born, a power that is
already affecting the lives of every one
of us, that is forcing upon us changes as
vast as those forecasted when the ape-
man first discovered that, by swaying
erect on his bent legs, he could see his
enemies and his victims farther, and
have two arms free for fighting.
In the immense development of avia-
tion forced by the war we are apt to
forget the tremendous strides made in
the first faltering years. As usual, fig-
ures and statistics are deceptive, and
performances seemed to confirm the
opinion of those who saw in the air-
plane nothing but a toy and a man-
killer. Three years after the Fort Myer
flight, it was still a remarkable per-
formance to remain in the air for forty-
five minutes, or to climb to an altitude
of six or seven thousand feet. After six
years of flying, it was still a dare-devil
feat to loop an air-plane three times in
one flight; and the first man to fly up-
side down made his name as well known
as that of a champion heavy-weight,
and known among much the same class-
es of people. Pilot after pilot was fea-
tured on the sporting pages of the news-
papers as he succeeded in remaining
aloft five minutes longer than the hero
of the month before, reached an alti-
tude fifty feet higher, or somersaulted
his vibrating little kite once oftener.
And with deadly regularity pilot after
pilot was killed — his effort to find out
how far he could stretch the capacity of
his machine being successful.
During those years, however, clumsy
skids gave place to wheels and pon-
toons, or actual boat-hulls; and, while
389
390
SUDDEN GREATNESS
planes remained rickety toys, the root-
idea of every practicable type we have
to-day was discovered and demon-
strated, waiting only for some impera-
tive necessity to force its development.
Rotary and V-type motors began to
appear.
Before the war began, aviation had
reached the point where its future could
be confidently predicted by the initia-
ted as a matter of improvement of ex-
isting types, of betterment of existing
design, rather than as a new departure.
Then came the World War, with its
pressing demands on air-craft designers
and pilots, and its almost limitless
money for experiment.
Aviation has attained in fifteen years
a degree of progress which can hardly
be matched by any other epoch-making
invention in centuries. One hundred
and eighteen years since the Clermont,
one hundred and fifty since Franklin's
kite, and aviation is already as ad-
vanced, relatively, as steam and elec-
tricity. John Hawkins and Francis
Drake revolutionized naval warfare by
fighting broadside instead of head-on,
and once for all made the gun the mas-
ter of surface ships; and the all-big-gun
battleship, throwing a heavy broad-
side, is the legitimate child of Drake's
weatherly little Pelican. Three hundred
and sixty years were required to pro-
duce the modern battleship after Drake
had shown the way; and there is yet no
more difference visible than already dis-
tinguishes the army's new Verville-
Packard from the original Wright air-
plane hanging in the National Museum
at Washington. Orville Wright's forty-
mile speed has become three miles a
minute, and the end is not yet. His one-
thousand-feet altitude has become seven
miles, and there halts momentarily
while we safeguard the gasoline and oil
system against the bitter cold of the
black upper air. His twenty-two min-
ute, eighteen-mile endurance has be-
come a screaming leap from continent
to continent, and air-planes now cross
half a world with little comment.
Similarly, the projected uses of air-
craft as 'scouts' and for 'sport' have
widened as greatly. Well-appointed
municipal flying-fields are multiplying
rapidly, but the air-plane has far out-
grown the present possibilities of a
sporting craft. Possible speed has be-
come so great that a private field cap-
able of handling the newest planes is
about as inaccessible to the average
man as a private eighteen-hole golf-
links; and the only sporting air-craft
that are within the reach of moderate
wealth are small flying-boats along
lake shores and landlocked bays.
A great future is claimed for air-
borne commerce, and the claim is, pos-
sibly, justified. At present, however,
planes and dirigibles are enormously
expensive, both in first cost and in up-
keep in relation to durability; and the
small amount of freight they can carry
will for some time keep cargo and pas-
senger rates above the bearing-power of
the market. The problem of commer-
cial aviation is, nevertheless, plainly
stated, and once stated, problems are
eventually solved. The need is for a
weight-carrier of considerable durabil-
ity, simple of operation and of low fuel-
consumption. This is naturally an en-
gineering problem, and the appearance
of a lightweight, heavy-duty motor of
'fool-proof design may be confidently
expected sooner or later. Wings and
body are already made of light, durable,
rustproof metal; and the commercial
air-plane a generation hence will prob-
ably resemble a plump-bodied ' blanket-
fish' or 'giant ray,' of slow landing-
speed and excessive stability — a
machine as essentially a worker as a
tramp steamer, too clumsy for sport,
too helpless for aggressive war. The
power-plant problem once solved, air-
tramps will probably become as stand-
SUDDEN GREATNESS
391
ardized as fabricated ships or Ford cars.
Air-fleets will then increase so rapidly
that a new difficulty will be encoun-
tered — how to spare enough valuable
building-space in and around great
cities to create ports of call for them.
The answer will probably be found
in huge high platforms covering ware-
houses and elevators and docks.
Precisely in the direction where util-
ity and necessity have been found ur-
gent, even imperative, is where we find
the most complicated questions to be
solved ; questions as yet unformulated.
Scouting in war remains and will re-
main a function of air-craft, but it has
already been overshadowed by the
crying need of them in the battle-line.
Were scouting all we need, a single,
standardized type would be quickly
procurable — a plane of long endurance,
reasonable mobility, and complete
steadiness. But a machine that answers
these requirements we find to be utterly
useless in an air-battle. It climbs slow-
ly, it manoeuvres badly, and it presents
an almost unmissable target. We must
have such air-planes to direct artillery
fire afloat and ashore, to drop bombs,
to hunt submarines, to scout, to make
photograph maps of distant enemy
naval bases. To use them to advantage,
we must, however, have reasonable
certainty that they will be able to fly
unmolested.
It is the old sea-problem in a new
element — to exploit the air in war-
time we must command it. In other
words, we must fight for it. Sailors, for
five thousand years, have died to teach
the flyer this lesson, — too often forgot-
ten, — that to use our power we must
first destroy the enemy's power. An at-
tempt merely to guard against the
enemy's blow may, by extreme good
fortune, succeed once or twice. Never
three times. Delenda est Carthago, and
to destroy we must attack, court a bat-
tle, and fight it to a finish. If the enemy
is stronger than we, the attack is more
difficult, but more than ever imperative;
and to a battle of weapons is added a
battle of wits. We must outwit him,
outmanoeuvre him, outshoot him; but
to have even the faintest hope of vic-
tory, we must attack him, put him on
the defensive — make him do the guess-
ing and take the weight of the first blow.
Even to the layman, the necessary
characteristics of the fighting air-plane
are thus made apparent — speed, snake-
like mobility, hitting-power. Speed
and mobility mean small size and im-
mense engine-power. If that were all,
this question too would be simple. But
to hit hard means weight. Carefully
guarded planes now exist in every coun-
try, which can stand a great many hits
from any ordinary machine-gun, and
are fairly impervious in any vital spot
to a glancing blow. A direct hit at pres-
ent-day maximum speed is a matter of
luck. Air-planes will soon carry can-
non-like machine-guns — in fact, they
already are carrying 37-millimetre guns
and straining to attain a practicable
3-inch gun, baulked only by this mat-
ter of weight of gun and ammunition.
Speed and ability to 'stunt' cannot be
lessened, for the ' upper-hand ' in an air-
fight is as important as was the weather
gauge to sailing-ships.
This brings the war-plane designer
up sharp against his second stumbling-
block. The inherent nature of the serv-
ice means that little available weight-
carrying capacity is left after the pilot
and his motor are aboard. That little
must be given mostly to weapons. And
fuel weighs something, and fuel means
endurance. A line-of-battle plane that
can stay aloft three hours at battle
speed is a marvelous plane indeed. In
battles between armies, much can be
done in three hours, especially where
practically the entire three hours can
be spent in fighting. Afloat, it is dif-
ferent. Battleships of to-day are hard
392
SUDDEN GREATNESS
to sink, and there is no victory until
they are irrevocably sunk. The battle
between fleets may last intermittently
for days, if there is sea-room; and may
conceivably commence several thou-
sands of miles away from the bases of
either belligerent. To get our battle-
planes into the battle-line, we must carry
them there; and so one more type is
added to the complicated surface fleets
of the world, a type as helpless as a col-
lier, but one which must have great
size and battle-cruiser speed — the
first non-fighting auxiliary to demand
admission to the fighting-line. A small
ship wijl not do, for her landing-deck
must be not-missable at sixty to eighty
miles an hour. A slow ship is worse than
useless, for the air-plane carrier must
be swift enough to lessen materially the
relative velocity of the home-coming
plane by running away from her, and
also to keep safely out of gunshot be-
hind the crashing, swaying, hurrying
battle-fleet that she serves and by
which she is guarded.
There is a third problem upon which
this matter of command of the air de-
pends, which as yet has made little
progress toward solution. It is not so
much an air-plane problem as a war-
problem, and armies and navies have
solved it at terrible cost. The present
designs, even the best of them, make an
air-battle a matter of individual duels
and a melee, no matter how great the
air-fleets participating. Tactical forma-
tion is usually possible only before bat-
tle. Once joined, battle is man to man,
plane to plane, and control of a fleet by
a single commander is confined to in-
dividual indoctrination and training
beforehand, must often be suspended
during contact, and can be resumed only
after the fight is over. In other words,
air-fighting tactics are the land tactics
of the Trojan War, the fleet tactics of
the Phoenicians. Victory depends upon
supermen, and supermen cannot be
made to order. Eventually, designers
must find us a machine that can be
one unit of an integral fighting fleet in-
stead of one of a number of skillful
duelists.
The underlying necessities of this
problem have been made plain by the
history of war on land and sea. The
manner of applying them to the air has
not been found. The root of the mat-
ter is that in its infancy every known
weapon, from a bare-handed man to a
machine-gun, fights dead ahead. Eyes
and blow are directed against the near-
est enemy directly in front. The first
soldiers, the first ships, and the present
air-planes have one thing in common —
they fight 'bows on/ have no time to
watch for signals from their command-
ers, and no space on either side to obey
a command of movement without hin-
dering their comrades. Edward III
formed his bowmen into thin lines, pre-
sented the broadside of these forma-
tions to the enemy, and inaugurated
controlled volley-fire. Man for man, the
chivalry of France fully equaled that of
England, and greatly outnumbered it;
but no Roland, no Bayard, could avail
against the disciplined storm of arrows,
speeding on their deadly errand at the
word of the single commanding brain
of the English army. England, too,
disciplined Spain at sea by an applica-
tion of the same principle. The Great
Armada was admirably handled, with
consummate seamanship and in strict
accord with naval science of centuries;
but its tactics were bows-on, ship to
crush ship with a ramming blow, and
to reduce her by hand-to-hand fighting
on her shattered decks. The English
relied on broadside gunfire and handi-
ness. Every phase of that cruelly long-
drawn-out battle shows a gallant at-
tack bows-on by the Spaniards in line
abreast, met by a single line of close-
hauled English ships entirely under the
control of a single mind, raking ship
SUDDEN GREATNESS
393
after ship with the full weight of their
superior broadside guns.
On land and at sea, fighting is in one
plane, however; so broadside fire, with
its advantages of manoeuvring and con-
centration of fire and controllability,
is soluble. A flying-machine fighting
broadside to the enemy has not been
found, for the enemy will probably
never be exactly on our own level. We
must find a ship which can fight broad-
side up and down, as well as on either
beam.
Command of the air once gained, the
steady improvement of existing types
will serve to exploit it to the discomfit-
ure of an enemy. Torpedo-carrying air-
planes will harass his surface ships;
spotting-planes will enable us to crush
him with gunfire before he can so much
as see us; bombers can destroy his train
and cripple his capital ships with ex-
plosives and gas.
Command of the air — this is the
vital problem of military aviation; and
in its wake arise problems and neces-
sities in the path of every activity
ashore or afloat. To armies and to cities
it brings the necessity of bomb-shelters
that will not fill up with poison-gas,
and of accurate anti-air-craft batteries.
To battleships, still panting from the
long struggle to make themselves rea-
sonably immune to torpedoes under
water, it brings the new necessity to
grow a tough turtle-back impervious to
torpedoes from the air, and to rake the
open funnels horizontally, or astern, in
order that their gaping apertures may
offer no chance for a luckily dropped
bomb to wreck their vitals, and also to
screen the glow of their boilers, now
plainly visible from the air on the dark-
est night. It makes imperative a still
undiscovered gas-mask, in which sol-
diers, sailors, yes, and civilians, may
live and work for long periods. It is
forcing upon the submarine a new meth-
od of underwater propulsion, yet to be
found; for an exploding bomb far out-
board will cripple the present electric
engine and force the submarine to the
surface, where she becomes easy prey
to bomb and shell.
Eight years of devoted, perilous,
quiet work; seven years of feverish de-
velopment — that is the history of
aviation; and it is to-day probably the
most far-reaching existing influence on
future history. Gone forever are the
sickly, thirsting expeditionary columns,
which in the past have punished raiding
savages in the jungles and deserts of the
world at hideous cost. A few men, a few
air-planes, a few days, and the chastise-
ment is complete. Gone is the immun-
ity of colliers and repair-ships lagging
in the wake of the sea-borne fleets; and
gone is the safety of the island cities.
In fifteen years aviation has super-
posed itself upon civilization. Its future
is limitless, not predictable. It is daily
demonstrating its ability to extend the
scope of our economic fabric to lengths
undreamed of, and in ways which were
but yesterday fantastic dreams. And it
has already proved its power to destroy
utterly the world as we have built it;
has forced us to take sober and urgent
thought as to how this mighty and as
yet irresponsible force may be subordi-
nated to the common good. The indus-
trial changes following the introduction
of steam and electrical machinery are
trifling and infinitesimal in compari-
son with those already following in the
wake of mankind's new-found ability
to fly.
The future of all the world is in the
air — a future either glorious or ter-
rible. Your generation and mine will
decide which it shall be.
BARN ELVES
BY GARY GAMBLE LOWNDES
SOMEHOW, May always reminds you
of Horace and barns. True, the poet
rarely mentions the months by name;
but — 'With leaves all a-flicker at
breath of Spring's advent' — is n't that
May, the beauteous o' the year?
Thou shun'st me, Chloe, as a fawn seek-
ing its timorous dam within the trackless
mountains, panicky with vain fear of breath
of air, and of the forest. For whether the
thorn with its facile leaves shudders to the
caress of the breeze, or the green lizards
stir the brake, at once it trembles both in
heart and knees. But not as a tiger fierce
do I pursue to rend thee, nor as a Gsetulian
lion. Now, at length, a maiden grown, cease
to cling to thy mother.
Wandering about the farm, some
mid-May afternoon, you will think of
that. You are on a fishing trip — your
second visit : the first was in November,
quail-shooting. It is singular that you,
who never cared much for fishing,
should suddenly have decided to try a
place so lacking in game-fish that a
white perch is a surprise, a 'spot' is an
event, and a rockfish as big as the cork
used on the eighteen-foot fishing-poles
common here would cause a riot. All
the same, with rod, reel, and basket,
here you are. You have been here a
week, and have n't caught anything but
catfish, eels, and 'yellow-neds.' But
there's the farm. You like farming.
After all, what's time or fishing com-
pared with agricultural research?
The farm, with its old buildings and
broom-grassed, piny solitudes, is inter-
esting to explore, especially when, in
dove-gray skirt and snowy shirt-waist,
891
her wine-dark hair deftly coiled, walks
at your side the Spirit of the Farm,
who is 'showing you around.' She is
rare. Her walk is pheasant-like. Her
clothes seem to caress her — a perfect
model for a picture by the famed artist
of Society, whose Grecian heroines, in
tailored suits, on pages torn from maga-
zines, adorn her room. They are the in-
spiration, perchance, of those curves
of grace, the classic carriage, and the
proud little sway from the waist. Or,
happily, it is her Devon blood, renascent,
for all its centuries of poverty and strug-
gle, that moulds again in her slight
form the lines of haute noblesse.
Among her sisters your eye had in-
stantly singled her. She understood.
At first she was reserved and dignified,
shy; but now, free companions of the
woods and fields, you wander where you
will. You watch the broken-winged
wild goose, tied to a post on the lawn
and honking disconsolately. You feed
the tiny 'just-out' bantams, hunt
eggs in the tool-shed and the musty
stalls, and find a guinea's nest under the
weed-grown reaper. You gather arm-
fuls of lilacs, but drop them all to burn
a tattered last-year's hornet castle. No
use telling her that the long-dead hor-
nets are n't 'playing 'possum.'
You race across the pasture, hurdle
the bars, are introduced to the cows,
name a calf, and are presented with a
young and very black kitten, which,
taking instant fancy to your feet, sticks
thenceforth at your heels, making play-
ful pounces at your leggin-cords. Some-
how, for all its idiotic attentions, you
BARN ELVES
395
like it, with that red ribbon about its
neck.
You slide back the huge barn-doors.
Together you mount the worn rungs of
the loft-ladder. ' Pioneers ! O Pioneers ! '
Up, up, you go. Up. Still up. High —
so high! To the very roof o' the world
— the great, wide, hollow, odorous barn.
'Tand' qu'aux bords des fontaines,
Ou dans les frais ruisseaux,
Les moutons baign'nt leur laines,
Y dansent au preau.
'Eho! eho! eho!
Les agneaux vont anx plaines.
Eho! eho! eho!
Et les loups sont aux bois.'
'fiho! £ho! fiho!' The resonant
echoes, rolling, return the shouted re-
frain of the old Burgundian shepherd
song. 'Eho! fiho! fiho!' That's the
first French this barn — and Somebody
— have ever heard. Somebody likes it,
too, and is silent. Off from the gables
storm the startled pigeons. Out from
their nests, on beam and rafter, dart the
twittering swallows. It is pleasant, ly-
ing on the hay before the wide window,
awaiting their return. Back they come,
the proud, iris-necked cock-pigeons,
a-rou-cou-coo-ing, a-bookity-boo-ing,
on the sill; the swallows, Spirits of the
Loft, hovering stationary in the gray-
framed azure of the window. Brave
they look, in their new dress-suits, steel-
blue-backed, white-and-chestnut-front-
ed. 'Now, what,' they twitter, 'what,
in the name of common sense, can this
pair of human nuisances be up to, high,
so high, in our domain?'
'Eho! Eho! Eho!'
'Tell me something about the swal-
lows,' she begs, when the Spirits of the
Loft are a-nest once more, and all is the
silence of the hay. ' You know so many
verses. Tell me one, please. I love
birds.'
She does n't have to beg very hard.
It was on your lips, unvoiced : —
'I stray and sob in the forest:
The throstle sits on the bough;
She springs and sings her purest,
"What ails thee, sad of brow?"
"Thy sisters, dear, the swallows,
Can rede thee true, my child,
Who chose the lattice hollows
Where erst my darling smiled.'
You don't like it? I'm sorry. Yes;
it is sad, but sad things are the loveliest
and the farthest from earth. You will
like this one. It is old English. Perhaps
one of your Devon ancestors wrote it.
Those morioned harriers of the Spanish
Main grew poetic, sometimes, in the
alehouse.
'The martins and the swallows
Are God Almighty's scholars.
The robins and the wrens
Are God Almighty's friends.
'The laverock and the Untie,
The robin and the wren —
If you disturb their nests,
You'll never thrive again.
'For swallows on Mount Calvary
Plucked tenderly away
From the brow of Christ two thousand
thorns,
Such gracious birds are they.'
What's that? You don't see how I
can shoot a bird? You would n't shoot
one, of course. How about that quail
somebody shot with my gun, last fall?
Sitting, too. And right under old Hec-
tor's nose, while he was holding his
point so patiently! Somebody's so ten-
der-hearted she would n't think of go-
ing hunting again. What? She is? And
is going to tramp ten miles of sedge-
fields, tear her stockings to rags, scratch
her hands, and shoot at anything that
will sit still long enough? Good for you!
Won't we have a time! We'll be cou-
reurs de marais, in your canoe, on the
river. With old Hector up front, to
watch for falling mallards, we'll follow
the happy day. I'll be here when the
shooting season opens — it's only six
months off. I '11 bring my sixteen-gauge
396
BARN ELVES
gun and a pair of leather leggins for
you.
'£ho! fiho! fiho!'
How you show off! When you were a
boy, someone said, ' 'Fraid cat,' and you
insanely rode your bicycle down certain
brownstone front steps, landing on your
head, in the middle of the street, and
almost beneath the passing car-wheels.
You hear her mocking laughter yet —
the cruel, peppermint-sticky little co-
quette, your first flame, who 'dared'
you.
It is different now. She follows eager-
ly, while you reveal the life of the
barn, unveiling a creation of which she
has scarcely surmised the existence.
She knows the boring-bees; the 'black-
faces' sting, but the 'white-faces' don't.
The 'death-watch' beetle, ticking in
the wall, frightens her, but she likes the
nervous mud-daubers, brown and blue,
and exclaims in wonder when she first
hears their dry, gritty clicking, busily
plastering their mud tunnels against
the inner shingles.
Thin wings suddenly flutter overhead.
'Oh! oh! A bat! Don't let it get in my
hair ! ' Down she burrows under the hay
while, crazily flickering to and fro, the
'leather-bird' darts and twists in the
semi-twilight.
You stand, with pitchfork raised.
'It's gone now. Come out, Barn Elf.'
She rises, blinking and sneezing, her
hair loose and full of clinging straws.
One's gone down her back. What a
time it takes to get it out! How
she laughs and shrinks and shudders!
What's the matter with your fingers?
The loosened hair is rearranged and
pinned; the errant straw is, at last, re-
covered, and nature-study is resumed;
but it is useless to expatiate upon bats
and their habits.
' I think they 're awful. I wish every
one in the world was dead. I'm going
down if it comes again. There! — Oh!
oh!' at each returning swoop. Finally,
the bat hangs upside down from a rafter,
and is quiet.
'My goodness! But you can see
things!' she exclaims, enthusiastically
chewing a clover-stalk and looking
sidewise at you from under her straw-
filled hair. 'What an eye you've got!
No wonder you beat father shooting
partridges last fall.'
'Hush, Barn Elf. See that weasel's
head peeping out of the rathole, hi
the corner? Too late. "Pop" goes the
weasel. They always do, just when you
look; it's their way. He's hunting rats.
He won't bother your bantams. If he
does — I '11 get him if I have to watch
all night. Yonder 's a pewee's nest, on
the old broom, behind that rafter, by
the west window. It 's not finished yet.
There are no swallows on that side of
the barn. Come over and see. No, the
nests are empty; they've driven all the
beauties away. Pewees are democrats.
They hate "swallowtails." '
She is glad to learn. She does not
question. Composed, she listens, satis-
fied with your knowledge. Yet now and
then a side-glance at the ladder-open-
ing. Only the faintest flush of cheek,
only the twitching of the bitten straw,
give token of the 'awfulness' unheard
of — but not undreamed of —
'In the loft so long, all by herself,
with the stranger!'
'Here comes that horrid bat again!
I'm really afraid. I'm going down this
minute!'
But why so slow about descending?
What glamour is in the odorous air?
That little trusting hand, why does it
quiver in your hand, like an imprisoned
bird? That paling, dawn-flushed face,
where is its composure now? That slen-
der form, why does it tremble? Why,
half-knowing she knows not what, does
she look at you with eyes so strangely
luminous? She is a woman, for all her
sixteen years. — Deep called unto deep.
You can read the whirl of thought with-
BARN ELVES
397
in the waiting, straw-flecked head. —
Deep called unto deep. There 's Chloe-
Tyndaris. This is the Sabine Farm.
A kiss lays low the walls of Thee and Me.
Take it, and go down. Walk home,
with the sunset swallows skimming the
mist-draped, bending rye.
'fiho! fiho! fiho!'
Nightfall. Milking and supper done,
the table cleared, and the lamps lighted
in the sitting-room, the family dispose
themselves to chat and knit, but ever
with an eye upon the dining-room
across the hall. Dorothy has made a
'catch.' That's nothing. She's been a
flirt since she was twelve, as several
rural hearts can mourn.
Nine o'clock: the sitting-room is dark
and silent. Ten: the tethered wild
goose honks and crickets shrill. Still, by
the shaded lamp, you read. She is fond
of reading, apt of memory, and even
knows Latin, in a way. How beautiful
she is! The crimson lamp-light gilds
her hair. A straw still clings. You
reach and pluck it and lay it in your
book. No flush, this time, betrays what
now she understands. Chin in hand,
across the table, steadfastly she looks
at you — a look that seals the kiss and
hallows Swallow Barn. Translate from
the pocket-copy of Horace you always
carry : Felices ter, et amplius, quosirrupta
tenet copula. ' Happy, yea, thrice happy,
they whom the unbroken bond doth
bind.'
Another week. Here yet. And still
fishing. You love her. Everybody
knows it. She likes you. Why does she
return each night from the distant vil-
lage school? It used to be only on Sat-
urdays that she came home. She has a
camera. Often, at school, behind her
book hiding a tiny photograph, she will
bend her head. Her chums will know.
She will give each a look at the ' stylish '
Outlines of her ' city ' conquest. She will
carry it, desirably tucked in pleasant
places, until it's worn to shreds.
Gone a week. You 've written twice.
And, be sure, when your first letter
came, the county knew it. Her sisters
will tease. Bravely she will bear it.
She will flash out at them, and stamp
her foot: 'Yes. He does lo — like me.
I'm not a bit ashamed. It's no such
thing! He'snot twice my age! What if
he is? I — I even like the city!'
Then you get a letter — four pages
crushed into a small envelope. It is a
wonder, that letter, and perfect except
for legibility and orthography. (She's
better at reading.) More brightly shine
the occasional misspelled words than
all Alaska's river-gold, than all the dia-
monds of the Rand. A thing of joy is
that letter, telling the life of every day,
the life of the farm: —
'Brother dug out two cunning little fox-
cubs, down on the river shoar. I 'm going to
keep one. It has a little white spot in its
cute little nose and its name is Tansy. I was
home, Saturday and Monday. I saw a wood-
cock fly across the road in the pasture. Oh,
it's so hot! The pewee's nest is finished
building — where, I reckon you know. I
send you a straw. The river is beautiful.
Oh, I wish — I wish you were here.
'BABN ELF.
(You called me that.)'
'fiho! fiho! fiho!'
She loves you. Straws show how the
wind blows. Dorothy and Swallow
Barn are yours, should you go back.
Go back. Heed not the Wise of Earth.
More are under than on it. Go back.
The old farm, and its rain-torn, briary
fields, will be forevermore the home of
Oread, Dryad, and Faun — an idyl of
Sabinian days.
VATICAN POLITICS AND POLICIES
BY L. J. S. WOOD
ON the 30th of July, 1904, France
left the Vatican unceremoniously, just
a short note from the charge d'affaires,
put on paper, but diplomatically called
verbal, being all the notice of her de-
parture. The Ambassador, M. Nisard,
had been called home on leave a month
before. After an interval of nearly sev-
enteen years, on May 28, 1921, she re-
turned, with all the eclat possible and
desirable. It was Cardinal Merry del
Val who put on record the now cele-
brated phrase that 'France was too
great a lady to come up the backstairs ' ;
and ever since the resumption of dip-
lomatic relations has been spoken of,
it has been regarded here as a sine qua
non that it must be carried out in the
grande maniere, if at all. That has been
done; and indeed all that has- led up to
it in France, — the Committee report,
the Chamber debate, the Senate oppo-
sition and delay, the suggestions of
half-way resumption, with a represen-
tative in Rome but no nuncio in Paris,
and, finally, M. Briand's determination,
after a question had been put cour-
teously but significantly from Rome, to
carry the thing through without wait-
ing for authorization from the Senate,
— all this has enhanced the importance
of the event.
By the very force of things, it had to
be. Not only was the opinion of the
country so manifestly in favor of it, but,
after the abundant signs of good-will on
the part of the Holy See, and more par-
ticularly after the honors of the altar
398
given to France's St. Joan of Arc, and
the honors paid to France's civil rep-
resentatives last spring, not a French-
man but would have felt that he was
lacking in the noblesse obliging the ' eld-
est, daughter of the church,' if his coun-
try had not played the game. And
there can be little doubt that the oppo-
sition in the Senate — all that is left of
the violent prejudice of seventeen years
ago — will be overcome, the confirma-
tory vote of the French Parliament ob-
tained, M. Briand's provisional step
officially indorsed. A hundred and fifty
politicians cannot oppose the clearly
expressed desire of the great majority
of the elected representatives and the
overwhelming majority of the nation.
The way of reconciliation and col-
laboration is not quite clear. Obstacles
remain. But diplomacy, backed by evi-
dent good-will on both sides, may be
trusted to find a way round them if it
cannot definitely break them down.
The status of Catholics in Alsace-
Lorraine has to be regularized. After
the conquest in 1870, Germany pru-
dently left them the status which, as
French Catholics, they enjoyed under
the Concordat of July 15, 1801, between
France and the Holy See. Since 1906,
therefore, while Catholics in France
have been subject to the dispositions
of the Law of Separation of Church and
State, those in Alsace-Lorraine have
retained the status given under the old
Concordat. Although they are exceed-
ingly unwilling to resign their privileged
VATICAN POLITICS AND POLICIES
399
position, common sense demands that
conditions be homogeneous throughout
the country.
A second difficulty is found in the
Law of Separation itself. Pius X re-
fused to accept it, on the ground that
some dispositions, particularly regard-
ing the Associations Cultuelles, went
counter to the divinely given constitu-
tion, rights, and duties of the Catholic
Church, the charge of safeguarding
which was laid on him as Pope. While,
on the one side, Benedict XV of course
realizes and takes up that charge and
responsibility as fully as his predeces-
sor, on the other side, the French Gov-
ernment has pledged its word that the
Separation Law shall not be touched.
An easy way out of the difficulty lies in
ignoring it — not saying anything about
the matter at all . If it cannot be ignored ,
a way around the difficulty is indicated
by the record of the actual putting into
practice of those dispositions of the law
since 1906. It is argued that, inasmuch
as the supreme courts before which
cases have been brought have invari-
ably interpreted them in a way so favor-
able to the Church that their tenor is
shown to be innocuous, they do not in
fact carry the meaning on which Pius
X's refusal to accept the law was
based.
A third difficulty is found in the
realm of world-politics — the Near
East, the privileged position given to
France there by Turkey, the privileges
granted, as accessory to that position,
by the Holy See, and the changes in the
situation brought about by the great
war. Summed up, the situation was
that, under the old Capitulations,
France held from Turkey the protec-
torate over all Catholics in the Near
East, with a few exceptions; and in
consideration of that, the Holy See in-
structed Catholics in general, both in-
dividuals and religious communities,
to apply to her for protection. It also
gave to the representative of France
certain privileges, mainly liturgical —
a special place, and special honors, for
instance, at important religious func-
tions.
But with the passing of the old Turk-
ish Empire the Capitulations no longer
exist. The privileges granted by the
Holy See were, as Cardinal Gasparri
has authoritatively said, accessory to
the principle in relation to the Capit-
ulations : inevitably they cease to exist,
in consequence. The old order has, hi
fact, gone by the board. In the Proto-
col to the Sevres Treaty, drawn up at
the meeting of the Council of the Pow-
ers at San Remo in May, 1920, it is
definitely stated that the old protec-
torate and privileges have lapsed; and
the signature of France is attached to
that Protocol, together with those of the
other great powers.
France holds the mandate for Syria,
Great Britain that for Palestine; but
French feeling is loath to surrender the
old privileges in the Holy Land. It
realizes the political advantage that the
favored position of France there and in
the Near East generally gave to her ; and
everything spoken and written recently
in France on the subject of the resump-
tion of diplomatic relations with the
Holy See has shown how the wish for
reconciliation with Rome is motived
by the hope of regaining, through the
religious agency, the privileged politi-
cal position of the old days. No attempt
indeed has been made to disguise the
fact that it is political advantage, par-
ticularly in the Near East, that is sought.
On its side the Holy See has all good-
will, in consideration of what France
has done for the Catholic religion in the
Near East during past centuries; but
the fact remains, and has been stated
clearly in Cardinal Gasparri's cele-
brated letter to M. Denys Cochin, of
June 26, 1917, that, when the old Turk-
ish regime and the Capitulations ceased
400
VATICAN POLITICS AND POLICIES
to exist, the religious privileges granted
to France by virtue of them came to
an end as well.
Evidently, then, there are points on
which France and the Holy See have
to reach an understanding. But the
restoration of diplomatic relations, the
reconciliation, is a fact. The impor-
tance of the event is self-evident. The
old policy, which Waldeck-Rousseau
started, and Combes and Briand car-
ried to lengths far beyond the original
intention, was summarized, when com-
pleted by the Separation Law, in Vivia-
ni's famous phrase, 'We have put out
the lights of heaven.' Waldeck-Rous-
seau dissociated himself from the acts
of his successors; Combes has died at
the very moment the great change is
being carried out; it is no other than
Briand who is carrying it out, while
Viviani attends the Funeral Mass of
Cardinal Gibbons. An fond, it may
be nothing more than the inevitable
victory of common sense over a phase
of political fanaticism; but in itself it
is a striking event. And, further, it
carries beyond the limits just indicated
by France and the Holy See. For,
firstly, it has had immediate reper-
cussion here in Italy; and, secondly, it
has raised the diplomatic edifice of
Rome, the world-position of the Pa-
pacy, to such a height that the world
cannot help noticing it. The Holy See
— to change the metaphor — seems to
be riding on a great wave resulting from
the storm of wo rid- war; and the world
may wonder where, how far, and in
what direction, it may steer itself or
may be carried.
II
On the part of Italy there is, of
course, not the slightest objection to
the restoration of diplomatic relations
between France and the Holy See.
When the British Empire determined to
send Sir Henry Howard as representa-
tive to the Vatican at the end of 1914,
Sir Edward Grey took the prudent step
of sounding in advance the Italian Gov-
ernment, and was assured that no ob-
jection would be made, or was felt.
The step was diplomatically cautious
and courteous, but was unnecessary.
Numerous powers had representatives
at the Vatican; the Italian Law of
Guaranties explicitly recognizes that
the Pope may receive accredited rep-
resentatives from foreign powers, and
it gives them all the prerogatives and
immunities due by international law to
such envoys. If an objection was in-
conceivable when England was making'
a new departure, breaking a centuries-
old tradition, it is more inconceivable
now, when France returns after an in-
terval of only seventeen years.
But, even though any objection is
out of the question, the arrival of
France at the Vatican has made Italians
think. In actual fact, during and since
the war, numbers of states have been
establishing or reestablishing relations
with the Holy See, without any par-
ticular notice being taken here. It re-
quired the striking nature of the return
of France to wake public opinion up to
the fact that Italy is practically the
only great European country unrepre-
sented at the Vatican. And in news-
papers and magazines there has been a
flood of comment on that fact, ever
since M. Briand decided to send M.
Jonnart to the Vatican as Ambassador
of France. 'Everyone sees the diplo-
matic advantage of being represented
at the Vatican; we are the only great
nation out of it; we lose thereby; a
remedy should be found.' On that
there is practical unanimity, but the
question then arises, 'How?'
The actual position, as between Italy
and the Holy See, is to-day what it was
in 1870, after the Italian troops en-
tered Rome, or, to be more accurate,
in 1871, after the passing of the Law
VATICAN POLITICS AND POLICIES
401
of Guaranties.1 Officially, the protest
of Pius IX has been repeated by each
successor — Leo XIII, Pius X, and the
present Pope. Benedict XV has been
as explicit as his predecessors. In his
first Encyclical, of November 1, 1914,
he said : ' Too long has the Church been
curtailed of its necessary freedom of
action, ever since the Head of the
Church, the Supreme Pontiff, began to
lack that defense of his freedom which
the providence of God had raised up
during the course of centuries. . . .
While We pray for the speedy return
of peace to the world, We also pray
that an end be put to the abnormal
state in which the Head of the Church
is placed — a state which in many
ways is an impediment to the common
tranquillity. Our Predecessors have
protested — not from self-interest, but
from a sense of sacred duty — against
this state of things; those protests We
renew, and for the same reason, to
protect the rights and dignity of the
Apostolic See.'
Every thinking man recognizes the
necessity for the Vatican to uphold
that official attitude. If it did not do
so, it would lose its base — base of ac-
tion, if there is anything doing; base on
which to continue standing, if not. But
much water has passed under Tiber
bridges since 1871. There is no need to
recapitulate here all that has happened
during the past fifty years. From the
clear-cut cliffs on either side of the
dividing river, rocks have been falling
into the stream and forming stepping-
stones, while the flow of prejudice and
bitter feeling has slackened. Through
pressure of the World War, of late the
line of stones has become almost con-
tinuous. Has the moment come to
cement them into a bridge? It would
seem that there are many thoughtful
Italians who think it has; and on the
1 See the author's paper on 'The Temporal
Power,' in the Atlantic for June, 1919.
VOL. 1S8—NO. 3
B
side of the Holy See, there have been
many signs of good-will — tempered
naturally by what one may now call
caution, in place of the strict reserve of
former days.
One such sign appeared just twelve
months ago, in the Pope's Encyclical
Letter on Reconciliation among the
Nations and the Restoration of Chris-
tian Peace, of which one passage ran:
' This concord between civilized nations
is maintained and fostered by the mod-
ern custom of visits and meetings, at
which the Heads of States and Princes
are accustomed to treat of matters of
special importance. So then, consid-
ering the changed circumstances of the
times and the dangerous trend of events,
and in order to encourage this concord,
We should not be unwilling to relax in
some measure the severity of the con-
ditions justly laid down by Our Prede-
cessors, when the civil power of the
Apostolic See was overthrown, against
the official visits of the Heads of Catho-
lic States to Rome.'
That is a very remarkable concession.
In its literal form it is conditional, for
the Holy See must envisage the bare
possibility of a head of a Catholic state
— who may not himself be a Catholic
— or the Parliament of such a state,
making some move, either in ignorance
or by premeditation, not in consonance
with the spirit of the present times and
of the above concession, but rather in
the spirit of the times now past. The
Holy See must be free to safeguard its
sovereign dignity in view of untoward
eventualities. But in substance the
veto against the visits to 'the Usurper'
in Rome of the heads of Catholic states
is lifted. It was on account of this veto
that the Austrian sovereign could nev-
er return the Italian sovereign's offi-
cial visit; and, in fact, no Catholic head
of a state — with the accidental excep-
tion, on one occasion, of the Prince of
Monaco, and, of course, the notorious
402
VATICAN POLITICS AND POLICIES
case of President Loubet, whose visit
was largely responsible for the breaking
off of relations between France and the
Holy See — has been to Rome since
1870.
But here, too, the words of concession
are followed up immediately by the
saving clause of principle: 'But at the
same time we formally declare that this
concession, which seems counseled or,
rather, demanded by the grave cir-
cumstances in which to-day society is
placed, must not be interpreted as a
tacit renunciation of its sacrosanct
rights by the Apostolic See, as if it ac-
quiesced in the unlawful situation in
which it is now placed. Rather do We
seize this opportunity to renew for the
same reasons the protests which Our
Predecessors have several times made,
not in the least moved thereto by hu-
man interests, but in fulfillment of the
sacred duty of their charge to defend
the rights and dignity of this Apostolic
See; once again demanding, and with
even greater insistence now that peace
is made among the nations, that "for
the Head of the Church too an end may
be put to that abnormal condition which
in so many ways does such serious harm
to tranquillity among the peoples." '
We have, then, the attitude of the
Holy See outlined with sufficient clear-
ness: in principle it is exactly where it
was; in practice it has shown signs of
real good-will. But, if anything is to be
done, it awaits a move from the other
side. In that, it is logical. If the Holy
See were to speak out in the ordinary
language of the world one may imagine
it expressing itself thus: 'You took
away my independence when you took
away the Temporal Power by which it
had been guaranteed for a thousand
years. Sovereign freedom and inde-
pendence I must have. Your Law of
Guaranties does not give it to me: be-
cause the text does not contain it; be-
cause such law is unilateral, and a
sovereign cannot have regulations im-
posed on him by anyone or he loses his
sovereignty; and because the law, made
by one Parliament, could be revoked at
any moment by another. It is ephem-
eral. Even if it gave independence, it
could not guarantee it. But if you offer
me independence, actual and apparent
to the world, and based on a guaranty
as effective as the Temporal Power of
the old days, I will consider the offer,
and, if satisfied, will ratify the new ar-
rangement in a bilateral contract as
between two sovereigns.'
Is it possible for Italy to make a
move? The government of the day
could not make concrete proposals un-
less it had practical assurance that they
would be acceptable in substance to
both interested parties — the Holy See
on the one side, and Italian public
opinion, represented by Parliament, on
the other. The government should find
no difficulty in getting the information
necessary. As regards the Holy See,
it is notorious that there has always
been an unofficial channel of communi-
cation between Italy and the Vatican.
There are almost daily happenings,
some of little, some of great importance,
on which mutual knowledge and under-
standing is necessary. The Italian rail-
way authorities — to take a very small
matter — make special arrangements
for the journeys of cardinals ,to and
from Rome; when several Princes of
the Church are traveling at the same
moment, to a Conclave for instance,
a special train is put at their disposal.
During a Conclave the most elaborate
precautions are taken to prevent any
inconvenience to single cardinals while
they are in Rome, and to ensure the
entire freedom of the Sacred College
while it is in solemn session in the Vat-
ican, at the moment when the name of
the new Pope is announced from the
balcony of St. Peter's, and during
the ensuing functions. At great feasts
VATICAN POLITICS AND POLICIES
in St. Peter's, the Cardinal Archpriest
has an escort of Italian carabinieri in
his own basilica, which technically does
not belong to the Holy See.
When any excitement among the
people here is threatened, the govern-
ment keeps the Vatican informed of the
precautions taken against disturbance
of public order in its neighborhood.
There are a hundred points on which ex-
change of information between the two
bodies is convenient. During the war
communications of a practically official
nature passed; as, for instance, during
the negotiations for exchange of Italian
and Austrian prisoners, a benevolent
initiative, in great measure due to and
organized by the Holy See, but cut short
at the last moment by the prejudice
of one Italian minister. In that case,
communication between the Foreign
Office and the Secretariat of State was,
if not official, actually direct.
The Italian government should find
no difficulty in learning, privately but
authoritatively, the views of the Holy
See, if it has concrete proposals to sug-
gest. On the other side, the Chamber of
Deputies is divided up into clearly de-
fined parties, and a prime minister can
estimate to a nicety, after private con-
versation with the party leaders, wheth-
er or no he can count on their support
on any given question. Every prune
minister, too, has his own ways of bar-
gaining for such support if he wants it.
Public opinion is largely influenced by
the press. In the present case the bulk
of it would surely be favorable; and if
the question were put before the Italian
people in the obvious way that presents
itself, after the very explicit example
set by France of renewing relations
with Rome solely in the country's
political interest, the proposal might
go through — all other circumstances
being favorable — on a wave of patriot-
ic enthusiasm, in addition to religious
satisfaction of the great mass of the
403
people. The patriotic note would drown
what little sectarian clamor might arise.
Recent Italian premiers have been
well disposed to the Holy See; one of
them, Signer Nitti, is notoriously de-
sirous of seeing his name go down in
history as the statesman who settled the
Roman Question; and as he is equally
notoriously anxious to return to the
place now occupied by Signer Bonomi,
it is quite possible that the latter might
have no objection to doing the thing
himself, while he has the opportunity.
m
As to the lines on which agreement
could be reached, presuming, as is prob-
able, that preliminary soundings show
the possibility of approach, we have,
speaking generally, a new willingness
to consider the question on the part of
Italy, and undoubted signs of good-will
on the part of the Holy See. From that
it is not a difficult advance to reach, on
the part of Italy, the recognition that
the existing Law of Guaranties does not
give and guarantee fully and patently
the necessary liberty and independence
of the Pope; and, on the part of the
Holy See, an attitude of relaxation of
severity, in consideration of the changed
spirit of the times, to which the Pope
himself has so often alluded, and which,
while it may go some way to meet
Italian susceptibilities, may be suffi-
ciently explicit and far-reaching to sat-
isfy such claims of the Holy See as are
fundamentally and absolutely vital be-
cause founded on the divinely given
constitution of the Church.
Would it be possible to draw up an
agreement, presumably in the form of a
Concordat, — a bilateral understand-
ing, that is, between two sovereign
powers, — by which Italy would get
the political advantage of direct diplo-
matic representation and communica-
tion, which is so evidently desired and
404
VATICAN POLITICS AND POLICIES
is now gained by France and other na-
tions; and to embody also in that agree-
ment clauses which should subjectively
recognize the full sovereignty of the
Pope and objectively provide a guaran-
ty of it which he could accept as satis-
factory? Sovereignty, it is recognized,
must rest on territory: whether as much
as would go in a teacup, — theoretically
sufficient, practically absurd, — or the
old States of the Church, or the City of
Rome — practically out of date.
Largely theory must govern consid-
eration; to any and every solution prac-
tical objections can be found. Granting
that consideration of political interest
impels Italy to move; and granting,
as is practically assured, benevolent
consideration by the Holy See, what
guaranty of his sovereign liberty and
independence will the Pope consider
satisfactory? That is the point on
which no one can prophesy. What is
quite certain is, that there is no moral
obligation on him to claim the old
guaranty, the old Temporal Power as
it used to exist; but he must claim
something, and something satisfactory,
in its place.
Before leaving the subject a passing
note must be made of that very remark-
able phenomenon of the times, the rush
of civil governments to Rome. Before
the war the Holy See had diplomatic
relations with a dozen states; now it has
such relations, either sending a repre-
sentative or receiving one, or, in the
large majority of cases, both sending and
receiving, with twenty-five. Quality,
too, has increased, as well as quantity.
Before the war Rome sent to foreign
powers only five nuncios, including
those of the second class, and two in-
ternuncios; it received only two ambas-
sadors and twelve ministers, of foreign
states. Now it sends out nineteen nun-
cios and five internuncios, receiving
eight ambassadors and seventeen min-
isters. Governments which had no
relations have established them. Gov-
ernments which had broken off rela-
tions have restored them. Govern-
ments which had second-class relations
have raised them to first class.
In the first category the British Em-
pire is noticeable. It sent a minister on
special mission at Christmas, 1914, for
the announced purpose that its policy,
reasons, aims, intentions, and conduct
in the war might be rightly understood
at the Holy See. Now that war is over,
it has converted its special mission into
a permanent legation, by reason of the
proved value of representation there.
Holland, in the spring of 1915, carried
through Parliament the proposal to
send a representative to the Holy See,
on the ground that it was the country's
special and vital interest that peace
should be brought about as soon as pos-
sible, and that it was to Holland's in-
terest to cooperate with the Vatican.
Now that peace has come, Holland has
made its relations permanent, receiving
a separate internuncio instead of a sub-
ordinate share in the Nuncio at Brus-
sels. In this category, too, come all the
states — Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugo-
slavia, and the rest — that have risen
from the war. In the second category,
France is the outstanding figure. The
third is very numerous: the German
Embassy replacing the Prussian Lega-
tion; Belgium, Chile, Brazil, Peru rais-
ing their legations to the full rank of
embassies.
And it is remarkable how this phe-
nomenon has come about without objec-
tive effort on the part of the Holy See:
the civil governments have approached
Rome, not Rome the civil governments,
though, of course, she has extended to
them the most cordial welcome. If,
indeed, one regards the simple objec-
tive historical facts, appearing on the
surface, affecting the Holy See in rela-
tion to the war, the phenomenon seems
more remarkable still. The Papacy
VATICAN POLITICS AND POLICIES
405
proclaimed its neutrality and impar-
tiality; the Pope announced his policy
of doing everything possible: first, to
relieve suffering; second, to bring about
peace. On the first count his success
was amazing, showing to the world in a
really remarkable manner the unique
character and power of the institution
of the Papacy. On the second count he
seems, to all outward appearances, to
have failed completely. A clause in the
secret agreementof April, 1915, by which
Italy entered the war, — a clause
which was, under the resulting cir-
cumstances, valueless, — prohibited him
from having anything to do writh the
Peace Conference whenever and how-
ever that might come about. It was
valueless because the Holy See always
envisaged peace by agreement, and
would never have taken part in a peace
imposed by conquerors on conquered;
whereas the Allies always held that there
could be no just and lasting peace —
such as the Holy See itself desired
— unless founded on the defeat of the
party responsible for the war and the
consequent recognition by Germany
that war does not pay.
That was always the fundamental
difference between the Pope and the
Allies in their outlook on peace. Presi-
dent Wilson's reply to the Papal Peace
Note of August, 1917, with which the
Allies associated themselves, brought
that point out clearly. Strive as he
would for peace, the Pope seemed to
have no success at all. Yet we now
have the striking procession of the na-
tions of the world toward the Vatican,
which, on the face of things, seems to
have failed utterly to do what it set it-
self to do. There is the contradiction;
but there is the actual, evident fact,
from which there is no getting away, of
the position of increased prestige and
power occupied by the Holy See to-day.
It is certainly one of the great his-
torical phenomena to be noted among
the results of the great war. But to
prophesy as to future historico-political
possibilities arising from it would be
premature, particularly in view of the
very sudden way in which it has come
about. There is a point, however,
which rivets the attention. No one, in
considering to-day's phenomenon, can
help thinking of old times, when the
Pope had relations and agreements with
all the powers of the world — the
historico-political world that counted
then: Europe. Such relations were be-
tween temporal sovereigns of states
and the Pope — who also was tem-
poral sovereign of a state, but at the
same time supreme spiritual sovereign
of the Catholic princes with whom he
had relations.
There is a varied history of the vicissi-
tudes of those relations. But, as the
Pope has said more than once lately,
times have changed. If we run down
the list to-day we find His Most Catho-
lic Majesty of Spain the only remain-
ing sovereign of the class of the olden
days; we find states which may be call-
ed, in regard to their peoples, Catholic:
Poland, Belgium, Bavaria, even France,
and others; but Rome's diplomatic re-
lations with the world to-day are not
with Catholic princes, but with ' demo-
cratic' states, represented by parlia-
ments and prime ministers. It has been
said in disparagement of limited com-
panies that they have 'no souls to be
saved or bodies to be kicked.' In the old
days of Catholic princes and of the
Temporal Power, both these conditions
stood. Such entities to-day have the
first half of the phrase only in the meas-
ure of righteousness of feeling expressed
in the policy of the nation influencing
the Government; and the second half
stands only in the lessened and entirely
changed measure of adjustment of dip-
lomatic differences. In truth, to-day,
Rome's aspect in its relations with the
world flocking to it must be very differ-
406
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
ent from that of olden days. How it
will align itself will be matter for in-
teresting study by future students of
history.
And it is for the future students of
history, not for a passing note-maker
of the time, to comment on another
striking phenomenon. There is one
great country to which the Pope's eyes
turned specially in every crisis of the
war; which, up to the very last minute,
he believed never would come in; to
which his eyes turned all the same after
it had done so; to which the eyes of the
Vatican are still turned, the more so in
view of its evidently increased prestige
and objective and subjective import-
ance — and that is the one country
which is not joining in the rush to Rome.
The United States receives a purely
religious representative of the Pope in
the person of an Apostolic Delegate,
but it has no diplomatic relations with
the Holy See. That, too, is a policy
as to which future students of history,
at the Vatican and in America, will have
opportunity for noting results and
forming judgment.
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
BY A. SHADWELL
THE editor of the Atlantic has re-
quested me to explain the labor sit-
uation in Great Britain to American
readers, and has propounded several
questions, which I will try to answer in
the course of this essay. He asks for an
interpretation, rather than a resume, of
the facts, and I will therefore assume
that the reader has a certain knowledge
of outstanding events. My task is, as
I understand it, to explain the broad
meaning of what is going on in Eng-
land without entering into too much
detail. This, of course, involves mat-
ters of opinion, and a preliminary word
on my own standpoint is due. I write
as a detached observer, who has for
many years studied social conditions
and industrial movements from the life
in many countries, without any parti-
san predilections of any kind, political,
financial, or theoretical; with friends
and acquaintances in every camp, from
the Duke of Northumberland to John
Maclean, and with no interest to serve
but the truth. If I am wrong, it is due
to lack of judgment, not to bias, or to
want of study.
Let me begin with the summary
statement that so far we have passed
through inevitable troubles and trials
better than we had any sound reason to
expect. We are by no means through
with them yet; but as each successive
corner is turned, the prospect improves.
This view may cause some surprise
and be set down as ' optimistic ' ; but op-
timism has nothing to do with it, as I
shall show. It is based on a reasoned
anticipation, formed during the war
from past and current conditions, of the
industrial situation likely to arise after
it, and on a broad survey of the actual
course of events since the Armistice.
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
407
True, it runs counter to popular opin-
ion; but popular opinion was, and is,
ill informed in two ways. The public
was first led into false anticipations,
and then disillusion was unduly height-
ened by a one-sided view of the actual
facts.
The war was generally expected to
lead straight into a sort of Utopia, in
which the lion would lie down with the
lamb and the prophecy contained in the
eleventh chapter of Isaiah would be at
least on the way to fulfillment. There
was no substance in this sanguine vi-
sion; it was simply a nebulous hope,
born of war-excitement and fed by
platform phrases, such as 'a land fit for
heroes to live in ' and the blessed word
4 reconstruction.'
I can remember no such prolific be-
getter of nonsense as this idea of recon-
struction. All the socialists, visionaries,
and reformers saw in it their oppor-
tunity, and interpreted it in their own
way; politicians hung their promises on
it, and simple folk rose to it like trout
to a fly in May. It proved an irresisti-
ble lure and was in everyone's mouth.
It created a fool's paradise, in which
every wish was to be gratified. Under
its influence grandiose schemes were
hatched and all sense of proportion
was lost. The alluring prospect took a
thousand forms, but the general idea
was that everyone was going to have a
much better time after the war than
ever before. In particular, industrial
conditions were to be improved out of
recognition; the standard of living was
to be raised; men were to work less and
earn more; strife between employers
and employed was to be banished;
peace and prosperity were to reign;
and all this immediately. The illusion
was too popular to be resisted; protest
was useless.
The currency obtained by these no-
tions is shown by the frequent refer-
ences in recent disputes to the falsifica-
tion of promises and expectations. But
good judges were not taken in by the
rosy visions of reconstruction. More
than five years ago — ten months be-
fore the first Russian revolution and
eighteen months before the arrival of
Bolshevism — I predicted, in the Nine-
teenth Century and After, great trouble
after the war. I said that it would be a
severer trial than the war itself; that
the prospect was full of menace; and
that everyone in a position to judge,
with whom I had discussed the ques-
tion, was of the same opinion. This
reading was based on solid facts, which
I elaborated a year later in the same re-
view. I gave reasons for anticipating
'revolutionary changes, not effected
without much tribulation and a period
of adversity/
I recall this, not to vaunt my pre-
science, which was shared by everyone
who knew the real conditions and was
not blinded by illusions, but to show
that there is nothing obscure or mys-
terious about the present situation. It
is due to forces recognized and under-
stood years ago. Those forces have since
been stimulated by events at home and
abroad. Bolshevism; high prices; the
spectacle of war-fortunes attributed to
profiteering and held to be the cause
of high prices; successive increases of
wages extracted by demonstrations of
force; the rapid growth of trade-union-
ism; artificial prosperity created by
inflation of currency; war-time restric-
tions, especially of drink; revolution-
ary propaganda — all these have had
their effect, and superficial observers
have freely attributed the present sit-
uation to the influence of one or another
of them.
That is a mistake. The trouble is
more deeply rooted in the past and can-
not be rightly understood without a
knowledge of the historical evolution of
labor movements, which can be indi-
cated here only in brief outline.
408
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
II
During the nineteenth century the
growth of industrialism was accom-
panied by the periodical appearance of
an active ferment among the wage-
earners, at regular intervals of about
twenty years. The outstanding dates,
marking the rise of active movement,
are 1831, 1851, 1871, 1889, and 1911.
It will be observed that but for 1889,
which a little antedated the lapse of
twenty years, the succession has been
remarkably symmetrical. To enumer-
ate the signs of this ferment at each ap-
pearance would occupy too much space.
I can say only that it took both politi-
cal and industrial forms, sometimes one
and sometimes the other predominat-
ing, with a sort of oscillating move-
ment. It issued broadly in legislation
and in the advance of trade-unionism
in numbers, organization, legal status,
and privileges. There were collateral
and associated movements, both prac-
tical and theoretical; but I am concen-
trating attention on the points of great-
est activity.
What is the explanation of this peri-
odicity? The state of trade has some-
thing to do with it. Each successive
time of ferment was associated with an
upward movement of trade, following
a depression; but this alone will not ac-
count for the phenomenon. For in each
period of twenty years there have been
intermediate terms of rising trade, dur-
ing which no corresponding advance
in the labor movement has occurred.
In some of them a certain amount of
response was perceptible; but it was
very small compared with the activity
of the fermentative years enumerated.
These were followed in each case by a
period of apparent exhaustion, during
which strength was gathered for a
fresh advance.
The chief explanation of this, in my
opinion, is to be found in the natural
procession of the generations, by which
the old gradually give place to the
young. The latter know nothing of the
struggles and exhaustion of the past;
they are fresh, full of energy and fight.
More than that, their standpoint is
different, their outlook wider, their
aspirations higher — or, if not high-
er, more purposeful, because nearer to
practical attainment. They start where
the previous generation left off. This
development has been particularly
noticeable in recent years. It is the re-
sult of the many educative influences
that have been brought to bear, and of
the whole process of social change that
has permeated the population.
The notion that class-differences
have widened is quite erroneous. In
Great Britain, whatever may be the
case in other countries, there has been a
great and multiform approximation of
classes. I have witnessed it going on all
my life and at an increasing pace. Those
who do not know it are either bad ob-
servers or too young to be able to com-
pare the present with the past. The
contemplation of figures showing the
extremes of nominal wealth and pov-
erty is misleading. It hides the approxi-
mation in real conditions. To take the
most visible thing, no one even thinks
of building either the palaces or the
hovels that once regularly represented
the extremes. The hovels are abolished,
the palaces are being abandoned, the
extremes have come much nearer to-
gether, and the same process is going
on in all the things that matter. There
has been a great diffusion of real wealth
in comforts and conveniences, a great
diffusion of knowledge and the means
of self-improvement, a great diffusion
of political power and administrative
functions. Men of all classes meet on
level terms in the council chamber and
on the magisterial bench; all classes
mingle on the railway platform, where
millionaires not infrequently betake
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
409
themselves to a third-class, labor leaders
to a first-class, compartment.
Everyday life teems with such visible
signs of the tendency toward the oblit-
eration of former distinctions; anyone
who looks can see it. Indeed, it is so
obvious that those who maintain the
obsolete theory of a widening gulf have
to close their eyes to avoid seeing
patent facts.
But the appetite grows with what it
feeds on. Each rise in the standard of
living and social status becomes a
starting-point for a further advance,
which is actively entered upon when a
new generation, with fresh aspirations,
has gained sufficient strength, by the
cumulative effect of growing up while
the old dies off, to make the essay.
This is, I believe, the chief explanation
of the periodical ferment.
The last manifestation began in 1911,
and several circumstances combined to
give it a special character. Trade was
rapidly improving, and wage-earners,
more strongly organized than ever be-
fore, and more conscious of strength,
had an unanswerable case for a larger
share in the rising prosperity; for prices
had been going up, while wages were
stationary. By the formation of the
political Labor Party, ten years before,
the Socialist element had joined hands
with some of the large trade-unions
and had exercised increasing influence
in the joint councils of the party. The
remarkable successes of labor candi-
dates in the general election of 1906,
consolidated in those of 1910, had given
a great stimulus to the movement on
the political side and inspired it with
confidence.
But still more conducive to a state
of active ferment was the spread of or-
ganized revolutionary propaganda, and
the introduction of new ideas, about
this time or shortly before, — industrial
unionism, syndicalism, and a little
later, guild-socialism, — which differed
from the old by making trade-unionism
the source, and not merely the instru-
ment, of revolution.
These ideas made little visible im-
pression at the time, and were ridiculed
by the advocates of State Socialism, to
whom they were obnoxious; but they
struck root and began to grow, chiefly
in Scotland and South Wales. They
were a leaven, and their influence is
seen in the marked prominence of those
areas in the turmoil during and since
the war. In 1911, however, the move-
ment was still confined to the old trade-
union line of demanding advances of
wages and allied changes, and enforcing
their concession by strikes. Employers,
blind to the new strength and vigor of
the unions, adopted the fatal policy of
refusing legitimate demands, which
they could well afford to concede, until
a strike took place, and then promptly
giving way. The result was a series of
strikes, unprecedented in number and
magnitude, and for the most part suc-
cessful, which had the effect of still
further increasing the strength and
self-confidence of the unions, enhancing
the prestige of an active policy, and
embittering the relations of employers
and employer.
There is always a see-saw going on
between industrial and political action,
each having the ascendancy in turn.
In the years preceding 1911, political
action was in the ascendant, but it had
apparently exhausted its potency, and
a reaction had set in, which prepared the
way for another turn with the industrial
weapon. The striking success of the
latter in 1911-12 led, as usual, to over-
use and reaction. Strikes were still
very numerous in 1913, — indeed, they
were more numerous, — but they were
on a smaller scale and did not last so
long.
Then, in 1914, the character of the
conflict began to change. There were
indications of declining trade, many
410
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
employers were awaiting an opportun-
ity to retaliate for the squeezing they
had undergone, and what would have
followed in the ordinary course was a
period of renewed strife on the opposite
line of employers' demands and work-
mens' resistance.
This is the background to the present
situation. The prospect immediately
preceding the war was one of declining
trade and industrial conflict, waged
with stronger forces and more embit-
tered feelings than before. At the same
time, it is to be noted that the period of
prosperity-strife had produced other
and contrary effects. It had led to a
better appreciation of the principle of
conciliation and to the development of
conciliation machinery. In some quar-
ters the relations between employers
and employed had improved, and this
element must not be overlooked; for it,
too, plays no small part in the present
situation. Still, the outstanding fea-
tures of the industrial position before
the war were a spirit of acute antago-
nism and the prospect of a determined
conflict, in which the trade-unions
would probably have had the worst of
the encounter, with the result of re-
action against the industrial weapon and
recourse once more to the political.
m
Now the broad effect of the war has
been to reproduce all these conditions
on a higher scale, or in a more acute
form, together with the complications
introduced by government control, the
break-up of international economy, the
general impoverishment, and other ag-
gravating circumstances. The economic
process just outlined was short-cir-
cuited, so to speak; and a state of pros-
perity was restored by the war-demands
on industry. It was artificial, of course,
paid for by realizing capital assets and
mortgaging the future; and it was con-
ditioned by war-psychology. But the
usual influence of prosperity on the
labor market was rather heightened
than modified by the special circum-
stances, as the country settled down to
the business of carrying on war with all
its strength. The demand for labor re-
vived, unemployment diminished, wages
rose, and strikes reappeared after some
months of abeyance.
This movement went on at an in-
creasing pace during the early part of
1915; but it was not until July of that
year that organized labor began to real-
ize the immense strength conferred on
it by the emergency of war in indis-
pensable industries.
The occasion was a dispute in the
South Wales coal-mining district, where
feeling between employers and em-
ployed was already much strained, and
revolutionary theories had for some
years been actively propagated among
miners, chiefly by the agency of the
Labor College. Originally they were in
the right. The standing agreement was
about to lapse, and they asked for a
new one, with certain advances. The
owners boggled and put them off, until
the general mass of the miners, con-
vinced that they were being tricked,
became exasperated and ripe for revolt,
regardless of the war.
And here I may say that British
workmen never did believe that the
Germans had any chance whatever of
winning, until their complacency was
somewhat shaken by the advance in
the spring of 1918. This accounts for
their apparent indifference to the effect
of strikes upon the war: it was not due
to lack of patriotism, but to compla-
cency. I found it out by going among
them in many districts, including
South Wales. A young miner there,
whom I knew personally, told me that
they would have stopped out for six
months rather than submit to injustice.
'But what about the war, then?'
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
411
'Oh, if I was n't at work, I should
join the army and fight.'
They never thought that there was
any real danger of defeat, and conse-
quently were ready to accept the argu-
ments pressed on them by revolution-
aries, pacifists, and pro-Germans, that
every compulsory war-measure was
really unnecessary, and that the war
was merely an excuse for the subjection
of Labor by 'Capitalism.' This belief
was fostered by the ultra-patriotic,
bombastic prophets, who told them
week by week that the Germans were
practically beaten and that wonderful
events would shortly happen. They
readily believed this nonsense because
it was just what they wanted to hear;
and it played into the hands of those
engaged in promoting trouble for their
own ends.
In this mood the Welsh miners suc-
cessfully defied the government and the
law, and their success opened the door
to all the trouble that followed. The
trade-unions learned that they would
get nothing unless they asserted them-
selves boldly, but that, if they did, they
were irresistible and could coerce the
government. Gradually the lesson sank
in by repeated experience in the three
great indispensable industries — coal,
railways, and engineering. Employers
fell into the background through gov-
ernment control, and the hostility of
labor was transferred from them to the
government, which inspired distrust
and lost authority by conceding to
force what it refused to argument.
This policy discredited the moderate
trade-union leaders who were unwill-
ing to go to extremes from patriotic
motives, and at the same time exalted
the temper of the militant wing. The
trade-unions waxed mightily in strength
and self-confidence; unemployment fell
to zero, while wages rose continually.
It has very often been asserted that the
rise of wages only followed, without
overtaking, the rise in the cost of living.
That is doubtful, but, even if it is sta-
tistically correct, it does not apply to
earnings, which increased far more
through overtime; and it takes no ac-
count of family incomes, which swelled
out of all proportion through the un-
limited demand for boys and girls ?t
very high wages.
The effect of all this was a general
state of prosperity never dreamed of
before. I witnessed it myself repeatedly
in all the large centres; and the unani-
mous testimony of health-visitors, dis-
trict nurses, midwives, and other per-
sons whose duties take them constantly
into the poorest homes, confirmed this
impression with a cumulative mass of
detailed evidence, to which the decline
of pauperism gave statistical support.
The standard of living was visibly and
generally raised to an artificial height,
which made reversal proportionately
difficult when the economics of war,
carried on by an inflated currency and
State loans, came to an end. The people
were the less prepared for reversal be-
cause they were given very freely to
understand that the conditions of life
were to be changed all round for the
better after the war. The nonsense
about 'reconstruction,' 'a land fit for
heroes to live in,' and similar visionary
promises was taken seriously.
Prosperity did not produce content-
ment, because popular indignation was
continually aroused by the denuncia-
tion of 'profiteering,' which was held
up to the ignorant by the ignorant as
the sole cause of high prices. This put
a powerful weapon in the hands of so-
cial-revolutionary agitators, who made
the most of it. The same tendency
was promoted within the trade-unions
by the success of militant tactics, while
the self-importance of labor leaders
was fostered by incessant appeals, con-
sultations, flattery, offers of minis-
terial jobs, and other marks of distino-
412
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
tion. The theory that Labor produces
everything and ought to have every-
thing seemed to be convincingly dem-
onstrated.
The ferment was further increased
by the new theories superimposed on
the old ones, and actively spread by
young intellectuals, drawn both from
the trade-unions, through the Labor
College, and from the old universities.
Both have exercised a marked influence :
the former by educating young work-
men in revolutionary theory and tac-
tics, the latter by taking up the man-
tle of Fabianism, permeating the Labor
movement with new ideas, supplying it
with arguments, and guiding its action.
It is not surprising that in the excited
state of mind caused by the topsy-tur-
vydom of war, the feeling that society
was ripe for a radical transformation
was already gaining ground in 1917,
when the Russian Revolution occurred,
and seemed to realize in a concrete form
the half-conscious aspirations formed
out of the elements I have indicated.
A miscellaneous gathering of excited
persons was hastily arranged in the
name of Labor, and it was resolved to
establish Soviets in Great Britain.
Nothing came of it, but this incident is
significant of the state of mind then
prevailing. Things had got out of focus.
A good many labor men had lost their
heads, and others, who never had heads
to lose, thought their time had come.
The Bolshevist Revolution followed
and increased the confusion; it sobered
some, but deepened the intoxication of
others. The general stir going on in
1917 was further marked by the in-
crease of strikes, journalistically labeled
'labor unrest/ by the rise of the Syn-
dicalist shop-steward movement, and
by an ambitious reconstruction of the
Labor Party which was widened to in-
clude individual members, with special
facilities for the admission of women.
The intellectual element was formally
recognized by the phrase 'producers
by hand or by brain,' whom the party
claimed to represent 'without distinc-
tion of class or occupation.'
IV
My excuse for recounting all this
ancient history is that it is indispen-
sable to a clear understanding and a bal-
anced judgment of subsequent events.
I have cut it down to a minimum, but
have said enough, I hope, to show that
trouble was inevitable after the war,
and that there were ample grounds for
expecting more trouble than has actu-
ally occurred. Any reader who puts
together the several factors I have
enumerated can see how greatly the
prospect of strife impending before the
war had been enhanced. The trade-
unions had been schooled in it, and Mr.
Lloyd George himself had, in 1917, ad-
vised them to be 'audacious' in de-
manding an after-war settlement.
My comment at the time was that
the advice was quite superfluous, and
that there would be more audacity
than he would like. The Left Wing
felt that revolution was in the air, that
the trade-unions were attuned to their
purpose and that the end of the war
would leave the field open to them and
to class-war. They yearned to exchange
external for internal war, and the Ar-
mistice was no sooner concluded than
they raised the cry — ' Get on with the
only war that really matters — the
class-war!' Employers, on their side,
chafing under bureaucratic control and
the excess-profits duty, resentful at their
treatment by the Government, which
had never consulted and flattered them
as it had the Labor side, were prepar-
ing to get their own back.
The campaign was not long delayed:
January, 1919, saw it opened by the
engineers and the 'Triple Alliance,' a
combination of miners, railwaymen,
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
413
and transport-workers, which had been
set on foot in 1912, after the general
coal strike, and fully established at the
end of 1915. All came forward with
large demands, behind which the mili-
tant revolutionaries were busy stirring
up violence whereby they hoped to
usher in the revolution they believed to
be imminent. Every pretext was seized
upon, and every sort of provocation
brought into play, to stimulate the
class-war. The editor has relieved me
of the task of recounting events in de-
tail, and it will be enough to summarize
them.
The year 1919 was marked by a
series of attempts by the Left Wing to
bring matters to a head, and they met
with a certain measure of success. On
several occasions public order was
threatened, and some collisions actu-
ally occurred; but they never got very
far. The revolutionary gun went off at
half-cock, or misfired, every time. The
public remained calm, though by no
means indifferent, while the trade-
unions refused to go beyond a certain
point and showed a general disposition
to abide by constitutional methods.
The views held at this time by ad-
vanced, but not the most extreme, men
in the trade-union movement were well
expressed by Mr. Cramp, of the Rail-
waymen's Union, at the annual meet-
ing of the society at Plymouth in June,
1919. 'The centre of gravity,' he said,
' is passing from the House of Commons
to the headquarters of the great trade-
unions. . . . While social in outlook,
our ultimate aim is the control of in-
dustry.' But he did not advocate the
forcible seizure of control; they must
first fit themselves for it by proper
training. I do not think the ideas of
what may be called the rational revo-
lutionary section can be better put.
Commenting on Mr. Cramp's state-
ment, the moderate Socialist paper, the
Clarion, contrasted his view with that
of the 'hot-heads,' who 'believe that
they are fully qualified now, immediate-
ly, to take control of the mines, the rail-
ways, the shipyards, the factories, the
government of the country and the
management of our international af-
fairs. In this conceit of ignorance lies
the danger of the troubled time. The
wild men are using all devices of incite-
ment — not excepting a plentiful sup-
ply of lying — to prompt them to in-
stant revolt.'
They tried it, as I have said, on
several occasions, but always failed.
Success depended on the amount of
support they could command from the
general body of men concerned, and in
every case the test of actual experiment
proved that, though they had enough
influence to start trouble, they had not
enough to carry it through. And each
successive failure weakened such influ-
ence as they had and strengthened the
forces of sobriety.
This is what I mean by saying that
the prospect has improved as each cor-
ner has been turned. To observers at a
distance, it may appear that the state of
things here has progressively worsened.
On the surface, it has perhaps done so.
The last three months have been econo-
mically the worst we have experienced.
They have been a climax, the severest
crisis we have yet gone through; but
the more decisive by reason of its
severity. And the issue confirms what
I wish to assert with all the emphasis
at my command, namely, that super-
ficial appearances are deceptive, and
that under the surface things have
steadily improved.
The set-back of the revolutionary
Left Wing is only part of the story;
but before going on to other considera-
tions, I will finish what I have to say on
that head.
The organizations and agencies rep-
resenting the Left Wing are many
hi number and varied in complexion, but
414
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
only two exercise any serious influence
on workmen, and both of them have
arisen within the trade-unions. They
are the Labor College, at which young
trade-unionists are schooled in Marxian
economics and sent out to spread those
doctrines among their fellows, and the
Shop-Stewards' Movement. The form-
er is an active and vigorous institution,
started in 1909, and it has produced a
number of young trade-union leaders,
who have become prominent in recent
years. It operates chiefly among min-
ers in South Wales and Scotland, where
the gospel according to Saint Marx is
taking the place of the old teaching
among a temperamentally religious
people. Its influence has been con-
spicuous in the incessant turmoil in
the mining industry, culminating in
the great dispute of this year; but the
termination of the conflict marked the
limits of its sway, previously weakened
by the breakdown of the Triple Alliance.
In both of these crucial cases the plain
sense of English workmen asserted it-
self against the adventurous policy of
the Left Wing; and that fact is symp-
tomatic of the present general trend of
events.
The Shop-Stewards' Movement op-
erates chiefly among engineers and
ship-yard workers. Led by revolution-
aries, it is an attempt to turn an old
trade-union institution to revolution-
ary purposes. The Clyde is its home
and headquarters, but it has been car-
ried by traveling agents to many cen-
tres. Its constructive aim is not clearly
defined, but it is rather Syndicalist or
Guildist than Socialist, especially among
electrical engineers, though some pro-
minent leaders profess Communism.
But here too the revolutionary influ-
ence has been waning, through the
failure of several abortive demonstra-
tions, the general economic situation,
and the leaden weight of unemploy-
ment.
As for the political organizations,
those that have drawn their inspiration
from Moscow and pinned their faith to
Bolshevism are sinking, with its failure,
into insignificance. They never had
any hold over the general body of work-
men, who have no use for revolution
or the ' dictatorship of the proletariat ' ;
and since the visit of members of the
Labor Party to Russia in 1920, Bol-
shevism has gradually, but steadily and
perceptibly, dropped into general dis-
favor in official trade-union circles,
which once coquetted with it. The de-
cisive refusal of the Labor Party to ad-
mit Communists, in June last, put the
seal on a long series of rebuffs; for the
Labor Party is more revolutionary in
complexion than the trade-unions,
which furnish the most solid and sober
part of it.
The same tendency is seen in the
gradual dropping of 'direct action/
or the attempt to dictate the public
policy by such labor-organizations as
the Triple Alliance and the Trade-Union
Congress, which was much in evidence
in 1919 and 1920, when it was believed
that the ' centre of gravity was passing
from the House of Commons to the
headquarters of the great trade-unions.'
The 'Council of Action,' a self-con-
stituted and irresponsible junta of per-
sons overconscious of their own im-
portance and wire-pulled from Moscow,
never did anything but talk, and has
quietly faded into oblivion. All that
Bolshevism has achieved here is dis-
cussion among Socialists.
In short, the traditional sobriety of
British workmen has been steadily vin-
dicating itself, all through the alarums
and excursions of this trying time. In
the end, it has always carried the day.
The great coal dispute is the culminat-
ing demonstration of its slow-working
but massive influence. I do not mean
merely the termination, in which the
moderate element signally defeated
THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
415
the extreme, but in the very demands of
the Federation, and still more in the
conduct of the dispute. The demands,
and the tone in which they were made,
present a striking contrast to those em-
ployed on previous occasions. Instead
of claims for ever more pay, less work,
and revolutionary changes, put forward
in imperative language, the Federation
presented a reasoned case for modi-
fying the proposed reduction of wages
universally admitted to be excessive
and inequitable. The policy of ruining
the pits, advocated by the Welsh and
Scottish Left Wing, was defeated, and
the whole three months of idleness and
privation passed without the slightest
disorder, save for two or three trifling
incidents. Could that have happened
anywhere else?
But there is another and a positive
side to the story. It would be a great
mistake to infer from the failure of revo-
lutionary plans and the subsidence into
a calmer atmosphere that the Labor
movement is falling back into the old
rut and yielding to reactionary influ-
ences. Not at all. It is moving for-
ward steadily and massively, after its
wont. On the side of employers and
capitalists there has been a correspond-
ing struggle between the Right and
Left wings; the Right Whig of modera-
tion and acceptance of change, the
Left Wing of dogged resistance and
pugnacity; and in this case, too, the
Left Wing is being defeated. The revo-
lutionary press talks much of a grand
conspiracy against Labor and a plot
to smash trade-unionism, just as the
reactionary press talks of Bolshevist
plots and a conspiracy to overthrow
society and smash the British Empire.
There is as much, and as little, in the
one cry as in the other. There are reac-
tionary employers who would like to
smash trade-unionism and reduce work-
men to a state of subjection; and Bol-
shevist aims, which have never been
concealed, have been furthered by
much underground intriguing. But
neither are succeeding. These fears are
out of date on both sides. There is no
substance in them, and the campaign is
kept up only by the ammunition which
each supplies to the other.
The truth is that the relations of em-
ployers and employed are undergoing
a radical transformation, which amounts
to a revolution, peacefully and gradu-
ally accomplished. Once more the
British — or perhaps I should say the
English — people are displaying that
genius for stability in change, for move-
ment without losing balance, which
has carried them safely through so
many revolutionary periods in the past.
I confess that I hardly expected it, so
great was the turmoil and excitement
at one time; but now I plainly see it go-
ing on. A test of extreme severity has
been imposed by the artificial pros-
perity and demoralization due to war-
conditions and government control,
followed by the difficult process of un-
winding the chain, and, finally, by the
unprecedented depression of trade, en-
tailing unemployment on a scale never
heard of before and reductions of wages
all round.
But the country is standing the test
with increasing sureness. This has not
been visible on the surface, because
only one side of the account is presented
to the public. Newspapers devote their
space to the exciting, not the humdrum
events, and foreign correspondents are
particularly bound by this law. They
report strikes, disagreements, and dis-
turbances, but say nothing — indeed,
know nothing — of the peaceful pro-
ceedings and the far greater mass of
disputes avoided.
To deal adequately with this side of
the case would take a whole article;
I can treat it only summarily here.
416 THE LABOR SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
During the present year reductions of
wages affecting some five million wage-
earners, distributed over nearly all the
chief industries, have been arranged in
the great majority of cases without any
rupture. They have been effected by
three different methods: (1) sliding
scales in accordance with cost of living;
(2) sliding scales in accordance with
selling price; (3) negotiations between
employers and trade-unions.
1. The Labor Gazette (official) for De-
cember last gave a list of twenty-four
industries having a cost-of-living slid-
ing scale, and I have a further list of
sixteen. The most important groups
are railwaymen, textile workers of
many kinds, dyers and cleaners, police,
government and municipal services,
civil engineering.
2. The most important industry ap-
plying the selling-price method of ad-
justment is iron and steel, in which
reductions ranging from 7| to 20 per
cent have taken place, affecting about
125,000 persons.
3. Arrangement by negotiation has
been effected in ship-building, building,
mercantile marine, cotton, engineering,
coal, and many other smaller groups.
Several principles of the first im-
portance have emerged from this time
of stress, greatly strengthened and ex-
tended. I place conciliation by joint
committees of employers and employed
in the forefront. Long established and
well tried in a purely voluntary form,
it was advancing in favor and useful-
ness before the war; but the Whitley
Inquiry of 1919 resulted in a great ex-
tension of this principle. Under the
Industrial Court Act, 70 joint councils
have been set up, and 140 district coun-
cils, where single boards existed before.
Most of them have been active and
efficient. The same act conferred pow-
ers of intervention on the Ministry of
Labor by three methods: (1) Concilia-
tion; (2) Arbitration; (3) Investigation.
During 1920 the Ministry settled 904
cases: 265 by negotiation, 633 by arbi-
tration and six by inquiry. This work
proceeds almost unnoticed.
I must be content to mention two
other highly important principles — a
minimum statutory wage, and insur-
ance against unemployment. Both
have been greatly extended. But of
greater significance than any of these
more or less mechanical institutions is
a change of attitude which has set in
among employers. They have begun
to take a new view of the wage-earners
and to accord them a different position.
The idea has dawned that they are
really partners in a cooperative enter-
prise. It is not profit-sharing, or even
copartnership in the old sense, but a
new conception of the true relationship.
It has not got very far and is not yet
clearly perceived, but I see it emerging.
Employers are beginning to take their
men systematically into consultation,
and to give them an interest in the
common enterprise. It takes different
forms in different conditions, but the
spirit is the main thing.
The scheme proposed by coal-owners,
which was accepted before the stoppage
and is the basis of the new agreement,
illustrates the spirit. Mr. Hodges, the
miners' secretary, has called it the most
far-reaching proposal made in modern
industry. It provides for a standard
minimum wage, as the first charge on
the industry; then for a standard profit
bearing a fixed relation to the aggre-
gate of wages, and after that, for the
division of further profits in fixed pro-
portions. It is not so much profit-shar-
ing as product-sharing, which has al-
ways seemed to me the true idea; and
the ascertainment of the amounts by a
joint audit of the books is a recognition
of partnership rights.
It is in this direction that the solu-
tion of our most difficult industrial
problem is to be found — the problem
WHAT SHALL WE DO ABOUT COAL?
of output or working efficiency. The
worst effect of war-conditions and gov-
ernment control has been to foster and
fix the habit of restricted output and
slack work. The blame for it rests pri-
marily on employers, and it was bad
enough before the war; but it is far worse
now, and more responsible for the ex-
cessive cost of production, which has
ruined our market, than high wage-
rates. It is up to employers to cure it
by a large-minded — in effect a revo-
lutionary — change of attitude, which
will give wage-earners a new status, a
new interest, and a new responsibility.
There are serious obstacles. The first
is the old evil tradition. A typical dis-
contented but not revolutionary work-
man said to me lately: 'The employers
417
are changing their attitude, but it is too
late.' No, it is not too late, if the old
tradition is sincerely, consciously, and
purposefully abandoned. Here lies the
danger of reactionary employers, who
are the second obstacle. They will play
into the hands of the theoretical system-
mongers, who will seek to undermine
and break up good relations and pro-
mote strife by every means in their
power. These are the third obstacle.
But they will have little power, if the
enlightened employers are sincere and
steadfast, and if they deal firmly with
their reactionary colleagues.
This is the way things are moving
and will move, because they must. A
revolution is in progress, but a peaceful
and practical one.
WHAT SHALL WE DO ABOUT COAL?
BY ARTHUR E. SUFFERN
THE controversy between the sena-
tors sponsoring legislation affecting the
coal-industry and the National Coal
Association again calls attention to the
imperious nature of this question. If
every voter in the United States had
at one time or another visited a coal-
mine, we should be in a better position
to visualize some of the problems in the
coal-industry. Such intimate acquaint-
ance with the conditions of the industry
would make it easier to obtain a com-
prehensive treatment of the problem
before Congress. However, a know-
ledge of the technical process of produc-
tion will not be sufficient. An under-
standing of the inter-relationships of
all the important factors affecting the
VOL. 1S8—NO. S
industry is necessary. Not until we see
concretely the technical elements of the
problem and the importance of the in-
ter-relationship between mining, trans-
portation, and the consumption of coal,
shall we have a sufficient general appre-
ciation of the complications of the coal-
industry to formulate an intelligent
public policy.
A strike of the miners demanding a
30-hour week and earnings that will en-
able them to live during the year seems
arbitrary and absurd to most people.
But they dismiss the matter without in-
quiring into the conditions that have
occasioned such demands. Those who
take the trouble to analyze the prob-
lem will find that the miners are at-
418
WHAT SHALL WE DO ABOUT COAL?
tempting to control, in a very inade-
quate way, circumstances that properly
belong to the public. In fact, the min-
ers seek to do the same thing we all do,
that is, use collective effort to control
forces and conditions too strong and ad-
verse for the individual. In this case
these forces and conditions are beyond
the control of either the miners or the
operators, or both combined.
The industry has been idle on the
average ninety-three working-days dur-
ing the year for the last thirty years.
This means that owners, miners, and
consumers have been paying a heavy
bill for waste and inefficiency. We are
just beginning to catch a glimpse of the
waste through idleness of capital and
labor in all industries. The World War
demonstrated to modern nations some
of their latent possibilities when they
attempted to attain full productive
power. And this proved important
solely in connection with the use of
existing equipment. A consideration of
full productive power does not stop
with existing equipment. It takes into
account the fruits of new invention and
better organization.
Coal-mining was one of the first of
the basic industries to find out what it
meant to run to full capacity. It meant
glutted markets for coal. This was be-
cause the industry was not properly or-
ganized, and coordinated with other in-
dustries. Since competitive gain was
the dominant motive, anybody who
owned coal-lands could open a mine and
produce coal for the market. The re-
sult has been over-investment in peri-
ods of prosperity, and a full productive
capacity far beyond the needs of the
country. This factor, along with sea-
sonal demand and inadequate storage
facilities, has made it impossible to
maintain continuity of production. No
element in the problem is more impor-
tant than this. But no move (except in
the anthracite field) has ever been made
to cope with the over-expansion of min-
ing capacity. Various estimates place
this at from 19 to 33 per cent during
the last five years. A proper balan-
cing of mining capacity with our coun-
try's needs is necessary to the conserv-
ation of our resources, to any attempt
to maintain steady production, to efforts
to relieve the railroads of unreasonable
demands upon their facilities, and to
the encouragement of improvements in
technical processes.
The stage of efficiency in technical
process in the industry is said by pro-
duction engineers to be on a par with
an attempt to raise wheat by digging
the soil with a spade. This is needless,
because adequate mechanical equip-
ment can easily be had. But the owners
who seek to provide such equipment
and operate under different mining
methods are immediately faced by the
conditions established by the most
wasteful competitive exploitation. Such
equipment used in conjunction with the
'long-wall' system would force conserv-
atism in opening mines, would involve
longer waiting for returns on invest-
ment, and would necessitate a coordina-
tion between the coal-industry, trans-
portation facilities, factory fuel-needs,
and household consumers' demands,
which, as yet, is little appreciated.
Much criticism has been directed to-
ward the railroads in recent years, for
their failure to furnish sufficient cars to
the mines. It may be readily granted
that there has been failure to make the
best use of car-equipment under all cir-
cumstances, both during the govern-
ment administration and during pri-
vate control of the railroads. But a
more significant matter in relation to
the transportation of coal is the legal re-
quirements on the railroads for service.
Another factor of equal importance is
the physical impossibility of making
railroads keep pace with all the vagaries
of investment, arbitrary operation of
WHAT SHALL WE DO ABOUT COAL?
419
mines, and the whims of the consuming
public.
The railroads are compelled by law
to furnish cars to any concern opening
a coal-mine which can easily be con-
nected by a switch. The more mines
there are to be served, the more difficult
the problem of allotting the existing
cars and meeting the demands of trans-
portation. Consumers complicate the
situation still further by their seasonal
demand, and by promiscuous purchas-
ing, which involves much cross-haul-
ing. The Fuel Administration saved
160,000,000 car-miles a year by a zon-
ing system, and enabled the existing
car-equipment to make 300,000 addi-
tional trips. To force railroad invest-
ment in car-equipment to keep pace
with the opening of an increasing num-
ber of unnecessary mines, is a decidedly
wasteful process. It is quite as waste-
ful for consumers to insist upon a
car-equipment to meet unreasonable
demands.
If the high prices for coal in the last
few years shall make consumers more
responsive to measures of relief over
which they have control, a very useful
purpose will have been served. It is
now known that coals most subject to
deterioration and spontaneous combus-
tion can be stored successfully on a
large scale. Moreover, production en-
gineers say that 10 to 15 cents per ton
is a liberal estimate of the cost of put-
ting coal in and taking it out of stock, if
the process is well organized and the
best equipment is used.
Storage at the point of consumption
would immediately affect the continu-
ity of production, relieve railroad con-
gestion, and permit more efficient use
of railway equipment. This practice,
supplemented by a policy of 'buying
early,' would enable the whole process
of distribution of local supply to be or-
ganized in a way to reduce the expense
to the minimum.
To direct the expansion of mining
capacity, to change technical processes
in production, to distribute and use
railway facilities properly, to encourage
local storage and better distribution of
the supply, will require a form and de-
gree of control over the industry as
a whole which, as yet, has not been
considered seriously. Mere publicity
through investigation, record-keeping,
and reports may be designated as the
loosest form of control. In so far as it
would give an adequate factual founda-
tion for considering conditions in the
coal-industry, it would serve a useful
purpose. It will undoubtedly be fol-
lowed by an attempt to deal with waste
and inefficiency. The greatest degree
of control is put forth by advocates of
'nationalization.' They rest their case
on the assumption of the priority of the
public welfare over all other interests.
Furthermore, they found their pro-
gramme upon what the best production
engineers in many countries say we
should do in dealing with the industry
according to the best-known science at
our command. It remains to be seen
whether a form of control in between
these extremes can be had, and whether
it would enable us to conserve our re-
sources and to reorganize the industry.
Some who are versed in constitutional
law are of the opinion that a basis of
control could be obtained through a law
extending the Federal powers to license
businesses. The question may be
raised, whether this power would prove
effective enough to determine when new
mines should be opened, to enforce the
exploitation of the thick veins or the
thin veins, and the best grades or low
grades of coal to suit our needs, to re-
quire the recovery of the maximum per-
centage of coal at the minimum of ex-
pense, to control technical processes and
the use of equipment, to standardize
and enforce accounting, to regulate dis-
tribution, to standardize coal according
420
WHAT SHALL WE DO ABOUT COAL?
to quality, to deal with wages and con-
ditions of labor, and to provide for ade-
quate cooperation between managers
and workers.
The mere enumeration of these fac-
tors forces the attention upon matters
with which we shall have to deal. A
process of mining that leaves from 20
to 50 per cent of the coal in the ground
cannot long be condoned. Shoveling
600,000,000 tons of coal into mine-cars
by hand, at a cost of 89 cents per ton,
when it can be done by loading ma-
chines at a very small expense, is as
primitive as digging the soil with a
spade. To continue a method of mining
by ' rooms ' permits of little use of ma-
chinery, whereas the 'long-wall' sys-
tem is favorable to the use of machin-
ery and larger mine-cars, recovers the
maximum percentage of coal, and is
conducive to safety in the industry.
The investigations of the Federal
Trade Commission and the Fuel Ad-
ministration into costs demonstrates
that one of the best things that could
happen to the coal-industry would be
an introduction to adequate and de-
pendable record-keeping. The existing
powers of regulation over transporta-
tion could easily be extended to supple-
ment a policy of conservation, and en-
courage localities to provide storage
and regularize their demands. To con-
tinue to permit the buying and selling
of coal without a classification accord-
ing to quality is to perpetuate a disad-
vantage both to the producer and to
the consumer. Wherever commodities
have been graded and standardized, the
producer profits by the sale of a supe-
rior article, and the purchaser is pro-
tected against misrepresentation.
In the case of coal, as in general with
all industries, the last factor in the in-
dustry to receive careful consideration
is the human one. The production en-
gineers seem to be the only people who
have caught the meaning of the vision
of bringing three fourths of a million of
men out of underground work. Not
only would it mean the release of an im-
mense labor-power that could be profit-
ably diverted to other employment, but
proper organization and technical equip-
ment would give those remaining in
the industry better wages and work-
ing conditions. The vista of increasing-
ly harmonious relationships between
capital and labor in the industry would
be considerably widened by such a
development.
One thing is certain : we shall make a
choice in connection with the present
problem. Either we shall seek adequate
powers and procedure for regulation, or
we shall permit the waste and ineffi-
ciency to continue. But we shall ulti-
mately face conditions in both anthra-
cite and bituminous fields which will
compel a policy of regulation. Both
wasteful, competitive exploitation and
concentration of ownership and mo-
nopoly will lead to the same result. Each
entails a consequence which will force
control in the interest of public wel-
fare. If this is true, all parties concerned
— owners, workers, railroads, manufac-
turers, and household consumers —
could do no better than agree upon and
work for a plan of industrial control
founded upon adequate sovereign pow-
ers and enforced through effective
organization.
It should be entirely reasonable to
suggest that a nation depending increas-
ingly upon power and industries for
growth and progress should turn to the
use of technical equipment and organi-
zation to conserve its resources. More-
over, consumers depending altogether
upon coal for power, warmth, and health
will ultimately demand an effective ba-
sis of control to meet these needs, re-
gardless of the obstacles that may now
seem to hinder its attainment.
TAKING FROM THE FEW FOR THE MANY
BY RUSSELL ROBB
IT is easy for the public to destroy
the value of private property; it is even
easy for the public to take property
away from the individual; but it seems
extremely difficult for the public to
take property, or its value, away from
individuals, and at the same time in-
crease the public's possessions.
One difficulty seems to be that the
mere taking away so upsets confidence,
or the equilibrium of social organiza-
tion, that either the value of the thing
taken disappears or some new burden
or privation arises which quite offsets
the value of the takings. It seems, in
other words, to change the conditions
that produced the value of the proper-
ty taken, and also the conditions that
produce new value for the public.
In very bald confiscation it is seen that
often very little value rests in things
by themselves. A thing has value only
when there are joined with it the per-
sons who are to enjoy and use it, and
also the conditions and opportunities
that make enjoyment and use possible.
The loot of the mobs in Russia had
great value while the old regime was in
power, but the value depended prin-
cipally upon the old social conditions.
When the social condition changed, and
the looting was a symptom and a result
of the change, many of the articles
taken immediately lost their value. It
was easy to take the objects, but noth-
ing of value was added to the public
possessions. Ball-dresses have value
where there are balls, but are of little
use otherwise. Statuary, pictures, fine
furniture and hangings are valuable if
there are fine houses, with owners who
want such things; but their value dis-
appears with the disappearance of the
conditions that make enjoyment and
use of such property possible.
Until the rise of Bolshevism and its
sympathizers and apologists, it seemed
as if only the most elemental minds
could imagine that anything was to be
gained by the public through such raw
confiscation as has happened in Russia;
but attempts have been made even in
this country to destroy value or take
away property by more indirect meth-
ods. Often it has been thought that
something could be gained for the many
by taking away from the few; but the
public benefit seems always to shrink
far below the value that is taken from
the individual, and usually both lose
through the effort.
For a long time, for instance, the pub-
lic was deluded into thinking that any-
thing that could be taken away from
the railroads, street-railroads, lighting
companies, and other public-service
corporations was pure gain for the pub-
lic. They succeeded, it is true, in taking
enormous value away from the utilities,
but the value was not transferred to
the public; it was only destroyed. The
value that attached to these utilities
existed under conditions that induced
owners to put new capital into them,
extend the use, and maintain the great-
est service. When the public attempted
to take value away from the owners by
loading the properties with burdens
and by insisting upon prices that were
less than worth and cost, the public
421
422
TAKING FROM THE FEW FOR THE MANY
did not add to their own profit, but be-
gan to lose conveniences they wished to
have, and, in some cases, even ran the
risk of losing service, or did lose it al-
together, to their own great hardship
and cost.
It is curious that property of this
kind has been conspicuously selected
for attack. It represents a large portion
of the country's permanent investment,
and the investment has been made to
give the public generally the advantages
of the great useful agencies that have
been the outcome of the last century's
scientific discoveries. It is not prop-
erty carefully sequestered behind a
barbed fence, holding to itself technical
knowledge devoted to creating benefits
and luxury for a favored class. It is for
the very purpose of adding to the na-
tional life the most widespread use of
advantageous service. Of all forms of
private property no other approaches
so nearly to the ideal of socialized prop-
erty. It is devoted to the service of the
whole public, regulated by bodies chos-
en by the public and plainly put at their
mercy. It is not like land, which the
individual owner may build upon or
not, may use or not, as he pleases; it is
not like buildings, which are too similar
in kind to the property of the majority
to meddle with; it is not like manufac-
tories, which may be operated wholly,
or in part, or not at all, which may
be torn down or built up or changed,
which may produce goods to be sold
at the price that seems best for the
good of the property; it is not like
mines or timber tracts, whose owner
disposes of them or keeps them, like any
personal property; it is not like the
thousand and one objects of portable
property, still the most sacred kind and
the best protected because most people
have some of it.
We hear very much of the 'common
good,' and of the Utopian condition
when all property will be for the service
of all; when the old rights of ownership
will be less inviolable; when control of
all property will rest with the common
people; and yet the first movement that
leads away from purely individualistic
control and use is met, not with en-
couragement, but with suspicion and
attack. It seems a pity that so much
experience and loss is necessary before
the public learns the difficulties in the
way of taking value to themselves.
The heartening fact is that they do
learn it.
With the inauguration of the income
tax, with its surtaxes, it seemed as if at
last a way had been discovered by which
something of value could be taken from
the individual by the public, wholly to
the relief and profit of the public. It
seemed such 'easy money' for all but
the few, that there sprang up great sup-
port for a philosophy of taxation which
holds not that those who dance shall
pay, nor yet that all shall pay in pro-
portion to what they have, but that
those who have the most shall pay the
fiddler.
As in other cases of confiscation, it
has been easy for the many to take from
the few, but difficult to do it to the ad-
vantage of the many. Too bald a taking
creates conditions that are more bur-
densome than they were before. It
looked like a profitable scheme to the
public, this 'let the rich do it'; but
there is usually some reason for the
existence of all things, and even the
possessors of wealth have their func-
tion in the life of the people. The pos-
sessor, in order to remain a possessor,
must perform the rare and difficult feat
of refraining from ' blowing in ' his pos-
sessions. The self-control that makes
this possible has been useful to society,
and it has been worth while to keep it
alive by a reward in the form of income
return. Society is likely to find that it
cannot play hot and cold; that it can-
not bestow this reward with one hand
and take it away with the other, and
still retain the service.
The man with an income of two
thousand dollars a year thinks 'refrain-
ing' is easy for all those having over
two thousand dollars a year. Some
economists think it is easy for those
having over, say, five thousand dollars
a year. They even invent the term
'costless saving,' to apply to the excess
income that they think it is easy to re-
frain from spending. Why it should be
easy for the individual in dealing with
his own money, when it has proved so
difficult for all those in positions of trust
in institutions and in government, is
not clear. The national government,
for instance, is now taking a very large
proportion of the large incomes from
individuals, so that this generation may
promptly pay the war cost; but with
the most constant efforts by all those
seeking to hold down expenditures,
there is great difficulty in preventing
government undertakings that would
require even greater taxes.
It has seemed wholly good to the pub-
lic to take large proportions of the large
incomes, and there has been strenuous
objection to anything that looked like
taxing the dancers in proportion to their
dancing. Experience, however, is grad-
ually bringing to light the disadvan-
tages to the public, even in this case, of
taking from the few for the many.
Great amounts that the government
takes from individuals would otherwise
be devoted to productive industry,
would go into houses, would be lent
to railroads and other public utilities,
would serve generally to make capital
423
less difficult to obtain, and would have
substantial effect in lowering the capi-
tal charges that the consumer has to
pay in rent and in the prices of the goods
he consumes. All capital charges that
enter into costs are gradually being ad-
justed to prevailing rates. Nothing can
prevent it, and there is something
like two hundred and fifty billions of
wealth on which capital charges must
be paid. As tune goes on, there will en-
ter into rents, and into the prices of
goods that the public buys, a somewhat
larger return on two hundred and
fifty billions than there formerly was.
Whether the return will be larger by
one quarter, one half, or one per cent, is
difficult to tell. The increased capital
charges that consumers will pay may
not be six hundred and twenty-five
million dollars a year, or two billion
and a half, or any amount between; but
comparatively small increases in supply
have often a curiously exaggerated
effect on prices; and it would require a
very slight effect on the rate of capital
return to raise costs to the general pub-
lic by more than all that is taken by
the government through the surtaxes.
The result of our system of surtaxes
seems to be but another illustration of
the difficulty of bettering the public by
taking from the few. Justice, after all,
is not so much an ideal that shines aloft,
unaffected by universal law, as it is
a practical reality. It always seems
finally to be decided that the 'just'
procedure is not what someone has
imagined to be immutable, but what
experience proves must be, because of
natural laws.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
MILLINERY MADNESS
A HAT is of man's life a thing apart;
'tis woman's whole existence — or so
at least one would judge by the tense
and concentrated faces reflected in the
mirrors of 'Miss Hattie's Hat Shop,'
as that specialist's consulting-room is
euphemistically called.
The purchase of a hat should never
be undertaken alone, any more than
one should have one's teeth pulled out
without a friendly face to confront one
when 'coming out' of gas. And, by the
way, what a good idea it would be to
have a whiff of some anaesthetic applied
to the victim who enters a milli-
nery establishment to have twenty-five
dollars painlessly . extracted. ' Crown-
work ' is sometimes a nervous strain to
the occupant of the dental chair. It is
often an equally trying experience to
the visitor in the millinery parlor.
To be sure the sight of a hat that
seems designed by Fate — or France —
to suit one's own particular contour
and coloring frequently acts like a nar-
cotic, and drugs one's conscience into
complete subjection to the saleslady's
wishes. No practitioners in psycho-
analysis or hypnotic suggestion could
more successfully subdue the conscious
will and gain a mastery over the victim
than the plausible Miss Hattie.
This is what happened when I went
to look at hats — not to buy them: —
'Oh, no, madam, $29.87 is not at all
dear for this little toque,' Miss Hattie
protested to me when I faintly mur-
mured at the price.
'What, you say that you don't wear
feathers because you belong to the
Auburn Society? Why, dear, auburn
424
hair like yours is very fashionable this
season, only we call it henna now in-
stead of red, and black feathers look
real well with it. What, you don't wear
birds' feathers? Well now, is n't that a
joke! This is n't a bird's feather; it's
just made out of whalebone! We don't
mind killing whales, do we, and yet I
suppose it hurts them to be shot more
than it does birds, they're so much less
fluffy.'
All this time the hat is being deftly
pinned to my head. It is only by a su-
preme effort of will that I can tear it
off, most of my hair coming down in
the struggle; but I am determined not
to be hypnotized into submission so
early: it shows such pitiable weakness.
'I'm only looking, not buying, and I
don't like that hat,' I insist; 'either it is
too young or I am too old — in fact, I
think the shapes are perfectly terrible
this year. Now look at that — ' And I
pointed a finger of derision at what ap-
peared to be a fruit-basket filled with
oranges and bananas that was lying on
the table beside me.
Suddenly a female more like a Fury
than a Shopper bore down upon me with
a look that froze my blood.
' You are speaking of my hat, madam,
and it is not for sale,' she announced
with bitter scorn. 'Perhaps you did
n't know that yellow is all the rage this
year.' And she flounced away bear-
ing her agricultural exhibit with her.
(Exit slave, bearing fruit.)
This experience unnerved me so that
I felt a susceptibility to hypnotism steal-
ing over me, of which Miss Hattie was
quick to take advantage by producing
head-coverings of other shapes and
shades.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
425
'How should you like something in
the line of Burgundy?' she suggested,
awaking pleasant memories of pre-
prohibition days; 'or maize is very
fashionable this year, as well as peli-
can. Then there is always bisque, or
jade, or even wistaria.'
Where were the blues and reds that
did not sail under false colors? Where
were the browns of yesteryear? I tried
to intimate, from my state of partial
hypnosis, that, though I recognized the
faces of all the colors she was introduc-
ing to me, I had forgotten their names.
'Now you just leave it all to me,' the
skillful practitioner purred soothingly;
'I have just the hat for you — some-
thing refined, and at the same time
snappy.'
She placed upon my fevered brow an
austere and uncompromising pyramid,
designed on the antediluvian lines of
Mrs. Noah's hat, as remembered in my
own early Noah's-Arkaic days.
'Say, I'm just tickled to death with
the way you look in that hat,' my hyp-
notizer went on, making a few passes in
front of my face, thereby completing
her mesmeric success. 'You're just
stunning in it — perfectly stunning.'
('Yes, and stunned, too,' I murmured
inaudibly.)
'The way the brim comes down and
hides your face is just too becoming for
words. Now I 'm going to put your old
hat in a piece of paper, because of course
you want to wear the new one and I
don't blame you — not one mite.'
Her deft fingers were working as fast
as her tongue. She knew that I must
not ' come to ' while in her parlor.
'Now, here you are, Miss Smithkins.
I'm so glad we had just what you
wanted, and so cheap, too. Good-morn-
ing. — Come again. — I remember the
charge address.' And before I knew it
I was in the street below.
My first coherent thought was that
I had not even asked the price of the
hat I was wearing; and I did not en-
tirely shake off my stupor till I saw my
reflection in a shop-window and awoke
with a scream.
ON OUR STREET
At the risk of being dubbed egotisti-
cally mendacious, I set down the fact
that Pollyanna would have thrived on
our street. The typical pessimist (some-
how or other I have n't kept step with
the pessimists well enough to know who
he may be) would have shriveled up
and died.
For on our street (and I set it apart
in a paragraph to mark its importance)
every woman is in love with her hus-
band and her home, and every man is
in love with his wife and his children.
And we are all poor. That is, in a
material sense we are poor. We would
n't trade places with Rockefeller,
though, any of us. He has a bad stom-
ach, you know. And we can eat our
own fresh cabbage out of our own back-
yard gardens, and sleep the night
through with never a hoof-beat of the
nocturnal mare.
Every man and every woman on our
street could participate with full privi-
leges in the home-coming celebrations
of several and sundry colleges scattered
here and there over the globe. Mr.
Witwer, with his Rhodes scholarship,
makes this last statement possible.
Therefore, the traditional spots may be
knocked forever from the theory that
college women make poor wives and
poorer mothers. They do not. We can
prove it on our street.
The age-limit on our street seems to
be about thirty-five. The salary-limit,
so far, has placed itself at three thou-
sand; vide Mr. Witwer. The average is
twenty-four hundred. But Mr. Wit-
wer's little girl is crippled, and the dif-
ference must be devoted to medical
attention for her. Last week the doctor
426
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
told us that in another year she may
walk. The news made us all as happy
as if it had been our own Dorothy or
our own Mary. There are a number of
little Marys on our street and a cor-
responding number of little Johns.
We have no Gwendolyns or Percys.
On Saturday afternoons our young
assistant professors and engineers work
on our lawns and our gardens. They
all wear khaki when they do it, and
haul out their old puttees or boots. For
every man on our street spent his al-
lotted time in Uncle Sam's service, and
each had a shoulder decoration. Some
of the decorations extended to the left
pocket-flap before they returned home.
We are as proud of these as if the right
were ours, individually, to stow them
away in our cedar chests. And we are
as proud of Mr. Towner in his olive-
green-and-red triangle as we are sym-
pathetic of his fading sight that de-
barred him from more active service.
We share three or four 'by-the-day'
women, to help us over the hard places,
and, aside from a schoolgirl or two to
help with the babies once in a while
afternoons, we are servantless. Our
husbands operate their own boot-black
kits and pressing-boards. They boast
about the shine on their boots and the
lack of shine on their clothing.
We save our pleasure pennies for the
movies, Galli-Curci, football, and Sir
Oliver Lodge. We browse about the
bookstalls for Einstein and Lansing,
Kipling, de Maupassant, 'Opal,' and
Peter B. Kyne. We all flivvered down
to watch the bulletin-board report of
the July bout, and came back with the
thought predominant that peace with
Germany had been consummated.
Are we some of the 'wild young
people' John F. Carter, Jr., wrote about
last September? Should n't wonder if
we were. Our men were at Armaged-
don. One or two of our women were
there. Most of us have an easy time
convincing our parents, when they park
their Packard and Peerless plutocracy
out in front of our houses and come in to
romp with the children, that ' this is the
life.' Our particular form of 'wrildness'
seems to be a reversion to lace-paper
valentine days, to old-fashioned gar-
dens, old-fashioned religion, and old-
fashioned marriage days.
We 're pretty happy on our street.
AN IMPULSIVE ODE TO A PICTURE
OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ON
A BOX OF SUGAR
(On or about his %I5th birthday)
Great Benjamin ! I cheerfully concede
That, to Miss Reed,
As hungry and half-ill
Along the streets of Phil-
adelphia you sped,
A-munching,
A-crunching
That loaf of baker's bread,
You may have seemed
Beauteous and sightly,
And have been deemed
A person rightly
To have a place
— That is, your face —
Upon a sugar-box.
And afterwards in France,
In homespun coat and pants,
With white locks streaming,
And from your countenance
Kindness perspiredly beaming,
You certainly had them clustering
— Those demoiselles —
As with your gracious spells
(Your best French mustering),
You held them all
In thrall.
Benjamin, you were great
In all affairs of state;
Your Almanac's wise pages
Have hurtled down the ages
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
427
Its precepts terse and many,
Teaching a spendthrift nation
The art of conservation
And how to save the Penny.
And from that teeming brain
Came forth a streaming train
Of wonderful inventions;
And it was thought a pity
If, in (nearly) every city,
You were not head of each committee
At all conventions.
But You and Sugar! O Good Benjamin,
What juxtaposition does this put you
in!
What but the brain of some young pro-
fiteer
Would e'er have thought to start on
A scheme to paint the features of a
seer
Upon a sugar carton?
When at my daily task in kitchen, cook-
ing,
To sugar-box I go,
Your countenance seems to me severely
looking,
As if to say, 'Go slow.'
As in I dip, you seem to be a-calling,
' Go slow — go slow — go slower —
Market reports that sugar 's still a-fall-
ing;
Wait till it gets still lower.'
And now when early strawberries are
needing sweeting,
And rhubarb clamors for the sugar-box,
Your lips reproachful seem to be en-
treating,
'Cease sugaring,' and then to be repeat-
ing
Your adage, meant the prodigal to
move,
* Who dainties love, you know, will beg-
gars prove.'
(Twas writ to touch the conscience of
the cook —
The fourteenth page hi his 'Poor
Richard' book.)
And when it comes to cake and lemon
pie
(With all that rich meringue),
Your presence there upon my sugar-
box,
Your disapproving scowl — it fairly
mocks;
No matter what I try;
I fain would say, 'Go 'lang.'
'T is true, of sugar cooking takes a
mint;
Yet with all due respect to Richard's
thrift,
I do maintain it is a wondrous gift
To make good stuff to eat
And make it sweet
Yet put no sugar in 't.
I'm glad, Good Benjamin, to gaze on
thee
Hanging in state-house and the halls of
Art;
Your homely features, lit with charity,
Are of our nation's life a treasured part;
But would you mind it greatly if I say,
I believe it would ensure us
More freedom in a culinary way,
If they would take you off and put on,
say —
Say, Epicurus.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
Cornelia J. Cannon, wife of the distin-
guished biologist, Professor Walter B. Can-
non, will be remembered as the author of
the striking paper, 'Can our Civilization
Maintain Itself? ' in the Atlantic for Novem-
ber, 1920. E. Barrington is a British traveler
and scholar. That passionate pilgrim, A. Ed-
ward Newton, sends us a post-card announc-
ing the consummation of his pious journey
to Wales, where he has just placed a memo-
rial nosegay on the grave of his 'Light-Blue
Stocking,' Mrs. Thrale. Warren K. Moore-
head, an archaeologist of long experience
and of recognized authority in his chosen
field, and member of the National Board
of Indian Commissioners, is Curator of
the Department of Archaeology at Phillips
Academy, Andover.
* * *
Mrs. A. Devereux (Cornelia N.) writes
to the editor from Albany that the experi-
ences described in these letters befell her
on the exact road which is now the Union Pacific
R.R. The engineers- who were so kind to us were
part of the 1st Corps [commanded] by Maj. Gen.
Dodge, sent out to survey the ground for the
Union Pacific. The date of my husband's going
out on 'the Plains,' [she adds] ... is fixed in
my memory, definitely, because he was all ready
to put his horses in the wagon ... on Saturday,
when, a last errand taking him to the business
part of town, he learned of the death of Abraham
Lincoln; and as he was Pastor of the Congrega-
tional Church in Council Bluffs at that time, he
said he must wait to start on his vacation excur-
sion, reopen the church, and preach a sermon to
lead his people in their intense grief.
At ninety-three, she writes as vigorously
as if the habit of correspondence were still
strong upon her.
* * *
Charles H. Grandgent, for many years
Professor of Romance Languages at Har-
vard, is a Dantean of wide reputation.
Stuart P. Sherman, critic and philosopher,
is Professor of English at the University of
Illinois. Edgar J. Goodspeed is a professor
of Biblical lore in the University of Chicago,
who seasons his patristic learning with the
love of strictly contemporary life. Emma
Lawrence (Mrs. John S. Lawrence, of Bos-
ton) is a new writer, several of whose stories
428
will appear in the Atlantic during the win-
ter. Amy Lowell, critic, scholar, and poet,
lives in Brookline, Massachusetts. Joseph
Fort Newton is pastor of the Church of
the Divine Paternity, in New York City.
Lieutenant-Commander Kenneth Chafee
Mclntosh, U.S.N., is stationed at the Naval
Air Station at Pensacola, Florida. Gary
Gamble Lowndes is a banker of Baltimore,
a sportsman, and an adventurer in letters.
* * *
L. J. S. Wood, the Rome correspondent of
the well-known British Catholic weekly, the
Tablet, has lived in Rome for many years,
and has devoted serious study to the poli-
tics of both the Quirinal and the Vatican.
Dr. A. Shadweil, the veteran Labor editor of
the London Times, after practising medicine
in his early days, has given himself up to the
study of sociological and industrial ques-
tions. He has traveled widely and has inves-
tigated conditions in Canada and the United
States, as well as in Russia, Germany, and
England. Any personal characterization of
Dr. Shadweil should mention the list of his
amusements as he gives them in Who's Who.
'Recreations: being taken out by his dogs,
fishing, music' — the pastimes of a philos-
opher. Arthur E. Suffern, head of the
Department of Economics at Beloit College,
is the author of 'Conciliation and Arbitra-
tion in the Coal Industry of America,' which
took the first prize in the Hart, Schaffner
and Marx Economic Essay Contest in 1913.
In 1914 he was made Special Investigator
of the Coal Industry by the U.S. Commis-
sion on Industrial Relations. Russell Robb
is a member of the famous Boston firm of
Stone and Webster.
* * *
Here are answers to questionings perhaps
more frequent than any others, regarding
the 'new' education.
ANTIOCH COLLEGE, OHIO, July 15, 1921.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Nothing constitutes me a spokesman for the
progressive school movement except, inspired
thereto by the communication of M. T. H. in the
July Contributors' Column, my insistent desire
for expression. If you will humor me so far, I will
limit myself to two points.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
429
It is unnecessary to teach a child obedience:
that is instinctive. Every parent can testify to
the beautiful, implicit obedience that children
yield — sometimes. In other words, it is not re-
spect for authority which is needed, for one can-
not help respecting it when one meets it. What
we need to teach is, how to recognize authority
and how to tell the spurious from the genuine.
Now, the trouble with the conventional school is
too often that the teacher, though but a scribe,
as Dallas Lore Sharp points out, attempts to ex-
ercise authority. Of course, when the children
find it out, — as they do, — they resent it, and
thus definitely learn disrespect for authority-
claimants in general. In the new schools, no one
claims the respect due authority, but everyone,
teacher and pupil alike, strives to earn it.
Much the same reasoning applies to the disci-
pline in doing what you do not want to do, which
is thought so necessary. The only true and use-
ful discipline is that which is self-imposed. And
that sort of discipline is abundantly present in
the progressive school. Does anyone think that
the sometimes elaborate projects get miraculously
done without tiresome details and hard work?
Can it be imagined that a school which deliber-
ately seeks to keep its pupils under real life-con-
ditions could or would eliminate the ' irksomeness
of the steady grind'? Drudgery it does virtually
eliminate, for drudgery is a state of mind, due to
being compelled to labor without illumination
and without understanding and without joy.
The pupil in the progressive school knows full
well the 'weariness of routine'; has learned what
the pupil in the conventional school rarely learns,
that 'the world's work must be done somehow'
— what has the orthodox curriculum got to do
with the 'world's work'? But he learns also why
it must be done, and how it may be made a thing
of joy because of some underlying purpose. The
curse of our age is that so many are asking whe-
ther the world's work is worth doing. Is this be-
cause so many are more — not better — edu-
cated? The aim of education for life is to send the
child forth to do the work of the world, even the
weary routine (no longer unintelligible drudgery,
however) with eager zest, because the adventure of
life is worth while. HORACE B. ENGLISH.
Askalon, too!
So. PASADENA, CAL., June 28, 1921.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Does the following incident suggest that there
is 'culture' in Pasadena like unto Chicago and
Boston?
A few days ago I made some purchases in a
grocery; the clerk who served me offered to carry
my packages to my automobile, and as we walked
to it, he waved his hand toward the many auto-
mobiles parked along the street and said, 'These
more than anything fulfill the words of the
prophet.'
'How is that?' I asked.
And he replied : '" The chariots shall rage in the
streets, they shall jostle one against another in
the broadways; they shall seem like torches and
they shall run like the lightnings." '
I did not know what prophet said it, and I was
so amazed I had not the wit to ask; but on reach-
ing home I found it in the second chapter of Na-
hum. Could there be a more apt description of
of the ways and appearance of the modern
chariot? Very truly,
GRACE C. SIMONS.
* * *
There will be cramps in the nation's 'in-
nards' before the last Jew is assimilated.
That we have always thought, and here is
proof of it.
NEW YORK CITY, July 1, 1921.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
A Jew of Jews, like the undersigned, stands
aghast before the present-day flood of articles on
the Jewish question. T is a veritable pogrom in
printer's ink. And inky pogroms are deadlier
than bloody ones, and blacker.
As a Super-Jew, I feel at any rate grateful for
the sympathetic tone of Paul Scott Mowrer's
disquisition on 'The Assimilation of Israel.'
But how weak in its argument! The Jew, for-
sooth, does not assimilate: he refuses to inter-
marry, and occasionally attends the synagogue.
Ergo, his is a double allegiance! And this in the
same breath with the statement that the Jew has
given evidence during the great war of his loyalty
to America. In what way, then, does religious
loyalty interfere with political allegiance?
And the solution of the problem? Intermar-
riage — Q.E.D. But this is no solution of the Jew-
ish question; rather, a dissolution of the Jewish
people. It means, let the Jew cease to be a Jew,
and he will have no trouble.
Mr. Mowrer's article is an illustration of the
greatest of all sins — the Sin of Being Different.
Life is a monstrous rubber-stamp affair. Liking
depends on likeness. The Unlike must be anni-
hilated. The sympathetic ones, like Mr. Mowrer,
would kill the Jew with kindness. Euthanasia —
To many a thinking Jew, as to a few thought-
ful Gentiles, the remedy seems to be, not in the
Jews ceasing to be Jews, but in the Christians
becoming Christians.
All this is said with no malice, and with a pain-
ful consciousness of the nearness of the waste-
basket to the editorial desk. But I feel that there
is a great deal of amateurishness in all these dis-
cussions of the Jewish problem. The expert has
not yet been heard from. The undersigned does
not claim to be an expert. But he proudly pro-
claims himself a Jew of Jews, and a Pharisee.
And while everybody has something unbecoming
to say about the Pharisee, why should not the
Pharisee be given a chance to state his own
case?
Respectfully,
JOEL BLAU.
Rabbi. Temple Peni-El, New York City.
* * *
If ever we showed disrespect toward the
art of Charlie Chaplin, may we be forgiven!
Here's matter worth reading.
430
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
ARLINGTON, FLA., July 12, 1921.
EDITOR OF THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
DEAR SIR, —
The interesting article on the movies in the
current number of your magazine omits what
seems to me to be a very important feature of the
film pictures. People leading the monotonous
lives that the largest numbers of our population
do — and it is the same all over the world — are
patronizing these shows for the hypnotic effect
produced. Charlie Chaplin is not merely a great
artist, but he is a careful student of psychology,
and he has proved that it is the gliding move-
ments of his feet and entire figure which carry the
minds of his guests along with the smoothly flow-
ing current of a pleasant dream. He carefully
avoids changing the focus of the eyes of the spec-
tators by forcing them to read any inserts, and
keeps cleverly devised scenes moving swiftly
across the screen. The audiences are lulled into
rest and forgetf ulness of the incidents of everyday
life, and are unconscious of the lapse of time.
The movies take the place of alcoholic stimu-
lants or drugs, and are so much cheaper that they
would be used to a much greater extent if the
scenarios were only written in the proper way,
without any attempt to transpose literature.
Old and young, rich and poor, alike enjoy a pleas-
ant dream while harmlessly hypnotized. In my
opinion there should not be a line of script; there
should not be the slightest attempt to instruct or
elevate or degrade — just scenes from life and ac-
tion. Music can be introduced if the musicians
are kept out of sight, and if it is of the same soft
and low and sweet kind that comes to us in pleas-
ant dreams. Nothing must be allowed to happen
in the theatre to arouse us from our hypnotic state.
There is no telling what pleasure may be given
to a world-weary race by the development of this
new discovery of a practical method of sending us
off into those wonderful regions which Shakespeare
alone could describe. If he could only have had
this new medium, instead of the crude genre of
language, we should now be reveling in visions
such as we have no conception of in the dull lives
we are now leading, amid the confusing noises and
ugly surroundings of our so-called civilization.
The newest art may easily become the greatest of
all, and its development cannot proceed too rap-
idly if it only moves along the right lines; and so
far Charlie Chaplin is the true pioneer who is
pointing the way to better days.
Yours very truly,
R. S. HOWLAND.
And, speaking of movies, here is another
letter with a different story.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Katharine Fullerton Gerould's discerning and
thought-provoking article on 'Movies,' in the
July issue, seems to me of not quite the even ex-
cellence of most of her papers. In the second and
more academic section, on what the movies might
be, her analysis is penetrating. In the first sec-
tion, on what they are, she tends to illustrate her
opening remark that there is a lot about movies
she does n't know. On any such ignorance, how-
ever, she is to be, in some ways, congratulated.
Incidentally, there are a number of irresponsible
statements or implications: that Aristotle or-
dained three 'sacred' unities; that an epic need
have no unity of action; that movies can be jus-
tified if they keep their patrons from something
worse; and that the notion that saloons were
vicious is a joke.
The assertion that the peril of the moving-pic-
ture is sensationalism and cheap sentimentalism,
rather than salaciousness, is eminently true. Life
once had a picture of the front rows of children
watching wholesale murder on the screen, with
the title, ' Passed by the National Board of Cen-
sorship.' Annette Kellerman sans everything is
wholesomeness itself, compared to such free play
of jealousy, hate, and murder.
But I cannot agree that 'motion-picture pro-
ducers are much more scrupulous than theatrical
managers.' The salaciousness which is, to a con-
siderable extent, kept out of films by the censors
is worked for all it is worth in uncensored adver-
tisements. The movies have made 'vamp' (a
savage euphemism for ' courtesan') a word lightly
used by young girls, have familiarized patrons
with low dance-halls and dens of crime, and, if
'they have closed up' any 'literary red-light dis-
trict,' it was only to reopen it under new manage-
ment.
The one fault, sex-appeal, which has been
partly checked in moving-pictures, is, except for
an occasional undesirable crook play, about the
only positive moral charge which can be brought
against the regular stage. (Even here the some-
times under-dressed chorus is balanced by the
bathing-girls so featured in the movies, and the
most undressed revues are often quite free from
vulgar lines.) On the other hand, moving-pic-
tures have evil contacts with many more phases
of life. They are at their worst when they take
themselves seriously, and they do preach inces-
santly. The movies have taken over the problem-
play and are always attacking marriage, divorce,
or birth-control — championing some supposed
reform which will give them license to portray
what may be advertised, and to some extent
filmed, pruriently, or in some other sensational
manner.
The film comedies have this much of palliation,
however: they do not insist on being taken seri-
ously. No wonder Mrs. Gerould is not proud of
Charlie Chaplin as American Ambassador-at-
Large. But this much can be said for the stock
characters of slap-stick comedy (those of the old
Italian farce, Punchinello, Mutt and Jeff, Char-
lie Chaplin) : the whole point of them is their in-
destructibility, though they 'die daily,' and their
lack of amenability to moral sanctions, — that is,
their unreality. It is not Mutt or Charlie (or the
characters of the real stage, for that matter)
whom romantic youngsters pattern after and so
get into trouble — as in the last of the ' Juvenile
Court Sketches' in the June Atlantic; it is the
characters of the movie ' dramas,' for they seem
convincing and real.
A last serious charge against the pictures is
that they disregard the laws of physical and
moral cause and effect, except for a few yards of
hasty, hypocritical reconciliation with them at
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
431
the end of the film. A man or woman may go the
limit; but an easy reformation, feebly motived,
the opportune deaths of a few extra wives, hus-
bands, or incriminating witnesses, and other
deus-ex-machina contrivances, readily clear the
way for them to retain, under a semblance of
righteousness, their ill-gotten gains or pleasures.
Whatsoever a man soweth, he can reap some-
thing else with a little manipulation at the studio.
Mrs. Gerould's constructive criticisms of the
cinema are admirable; in her destructive criti-
cisms she has praised them with faint damnation.
CLYDE MURLEY.
And, by way of final suggestion, this: —
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Mrs. Gerould's article on the movies is one of
the happiest of her many delightful contributions
to the Atlantic. She pungently phrases what
many of us have been soberly feeling about
the movies' vulgarity, sensationalism, and senti-
mentalism. She also feels the big epic and realis-
tic appeal that may be made, and, for that mat-
ter, has been accomplished, to a certain extent.
May I make a supplemental suggestion, along
the lines of what we want the movie to become —
namely, a work of art? The movie is not drama,
says Mrs. Gerould. Very true. But it is a picture
— not necessarily a realistic or epic picture, at
that. All the world loves good pictures. We hang
them in galleries and call them art. A moving-
picture has all the advantages of a static picture,
save one, — color, — and that, we are told, will
soon be supplied by a new process of color-photo-
graphy. Moreover, the movie has an advantage
which the painting has not, namely, motion.
Why can't we have the tragedy and comedy of
life portrayed by motion? In other words, why
should not the art of pantomine be revived?
Likewise, the art of dancing. Sculpture, too,
might come to life. New phases of art might be
tested, — cubist, futurist, what not, — and new
theories of stagecraft would inevitably develop.
As for suggestions from the past, I can imagine a
farcical skit, Moliere-like in texture, in which gro-
tesquerie would prove an art; another, a dancing
pantomime of lyric love, a veritable spring song;
Judith of Bethulia, a pantomime of tragic intensi-
ty; and the Book of Ruth, one of solemn beauty.
If only the movie would stop trying to talk, it
might act. It could move the world with the
poetry of motion. LeRoY ARNOLD.
* * *
How often must we be told that in the
wilderness true values appear?
CAMP YALE, DAILY, COL., July 6, 1921.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
It is tough, as well as inconvenient, to be poor,
but honest, and I am wandering if the opposite
life is any better — that is, less inconvenient. I
have stopped working, and therefore my income
ceases to flow into my coffers, if such an old-
fashioned thing still exists in this modern age. I
am enjoying a sort of enforced exile up 8000 feet
in the air, camping by my lonesome, and I assure
you it is great fun.
The dreaded hour has arrived when my sub-
scription to Boston's only magazine has expired,
and I must decide between two alternatives:
shall I renew my subscription immediately and
live for a while on beans, which, though a Boston-
ian, I dislike, or shall I expend the money on food
for the body? Here is where the inconvenience of
being poor but honest comes in. I might borrow
the magazine from some good Samaritan; but I
very much doubt if the ranchers around here ever
read the Atlantic.
I must confess, Atlantic, that I have literary
ambitions, which one of my English professors in
college seemingly tried to destroy; for he had a
very disagreeable habit of selecting my themes
and exposing their crudeness to the public gaze.
According to him, my sins of ommision and com-
mision were like the sands of the sea. First, he
began to howl over my scarcity of commas; and
when I tried to satisfy him by scattering them
liberally around, he objected very sarcastically.
Then, at another time, he read a short story of
mine in which the hero's name changed very fre-
quently. I wrote that story in a hurry and could
not remember my hero's name. Fortunately, I
did not have a heroine. I hope, Atlantic, you are
not so particular as to commas and the changing
of the hero's name.
During the past few months, the Atlantic has
contained many articles on education, and I
think that something is the matter with our edu-
cational system, for, in spite of a college educa-
tion, and some experience in teaching, I am hav-
ing the deuce of a time to spell some words, and I
have no dictionary here. If I have mispelled a
few words, please overlook them and blame it not
on my ignorance but on the system.
Sincerely yours,
ABRAHAM SEGAL.
P.S. Have decided to live on beans.
How we came to say it is past understand-
ing, but say it we did. We make tardy
amends to our readers by printing these
pleasant paragraphs from a friendly reader,
Mr. H. W. Yozall.
I am sorry to see in the June Atlantic one of
your contributors assigning Lewis Carroll to the
University of Cambridge. Shades of Wolsey and
Henry VIII, the faculty of whose great ^Edes
Christi Dodgson so originally adorned!
My father once told me of dining at the high
table of the House, and listening with eager ex-
pectation for the witticisms of Dodgson, who was
sitting opposite. But not one word did he speak
during the whole meal. They adjourned to the
senior common room for nuts and wine, and talk
fell on the subject of notes used by famous speak-
ers and various systems of memorizing. The
Dean told how Charles Dickens always visualized
his lecture as a wheel, with the different divisions
as its spokes. After completing each division, he
would strike away a spoke with a curious gesture
of the right arm. 'And when he came to the last
spoke,' said the Dean — 'Then he had spoken,
Dodgson interrupted, and relapsed into silence
for the rest of the evening.
432
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
Finally, you of course have heard how Queen
Victoria, having read Alice in Wonderland, wrote
to the author commanding him to send her his
next book; to which request Dodgson responded
by sending his Symbolic Logic.
* * *
Many readers to whom Miss Converse's
miracle play gave pleasure will care to learn
that, besides a great number of perform-
ances in many American church communi-
ties, the play was given by the International
College in Smyrna, under extraordinarily
picturesque conditions.
To THE EDITORS OF THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS
The Best Country in the World
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
There are a lot of people out here in Smyrna,
and in other parts of the Near East, who are very
grateful to you for publishing in your March issue
that beautiful little play by Florence Converse,
' Thy Kingdom Come.'
Each year we hold a student conference here
at Smyrna. The conference is held on the campus
of the International College at Paradise. (We did
not name the place. The Romans called it Para-
diso long years ago. We try to make good on the
name.) This year there were delegates from the
Balkans, Asia Minor, Greece, Syria, and Egypt.
On one evening of the conference, just at sun-
set, we presented Miss Converse's ' Thy Kingdom
Come.' Faculty, students, and faculty children
took part. Some three hundred watched the play
in reverent silence. The play was given outdoors,
in a little natural theatre on a hillside overlooking
a valley, where the ruins of old Roman aqueducts
added to the impressiveness of the hour. In the
background was a hill that might have been Cal-
vary. Natural rocks formed the tomb.
The parts had been studied for weeks, and the
costumes were perfect. The speaking and the ac-
tion were so natural that one forgot for the time
that it was but a presentation. It thrilled with
present life. Of course the conference helped
create an atmosphere almost ideal, and the play
was given the week following the Eastern Easter.
We left out a little of the doughboy slang, which
many of these students would not have under-
stood, and we added one thing. As the angels
came over the brow of the hill, to roll the stone
away, a chorus of girls, hidden in a cleft of rocks
below in the valley, sang, —
' Christ the Lord is risen to-day,
Alleluia!
Sons of men and angels say,
Alleluia!'
There was truly a thrill as those clear young
voices carried the song of triumph through verse
after verse. It seemed as if angelic voices had
joined the earthly choir.
Cordially yours,
S. RALPH HARLOW
Not the lost Atlantis, but the lost Atlan-
tic, gives the fine tragic note nowadays.
Here is a sequel to the grim story in the June
Column.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
I was more than ordinarily interested in your
published account of the man who stole a copy of
the Atlantic Monthly. Here in Portland, Oregon,
I stepped to a newstand at Morrison and Fourth
streets, to buy a Saturday Evening Post contain-
ing an article by H. G. Wells, and had recrossed
the street, when two men came running up.
' You got an Atlantic,' one of them said.
' No,' I replied, thinking they had brought me
a copy they supposed I had bought and left on
the counter. ' I got a Saturday Evening Post.'
'No, you got an Atlantic on the stand across
the street.'
I did not yet grasp the situation, and replied
that I bought my Atlantic some days before.
'But you were seen to take it. You took it
from the stand.'
Then I understood what had happened. Some-
one not myself had stolen a copy from the stand.
It appears that out here the Atlantic is one of the
fundamental needs of the human race; so much so
that, lacking the price, one must steal it. The in-
cident you publish seems to prove that human
hunger for the Atlantic is not confined to the
Pacific Coast. M. O. N.
* * *
Now and again brides have written us
that they are taking the Atlantic with them
on their honeymoon. Those were pretty
compliments, of course; but here is incense.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
This is not Boston — far, far from it. Yet the
other day, when caring for a young mother (a
country girl — Texas-born and bred), I entered
her room and found the young mother lying be-
side her half-hour-old son, happy and comforta-
ble — reading the last Atlantic.
Our Texas sunshine seems to produce vigorous
bodies and minds. ALICE I. B. MASSEY.
Why drag hi Texas sunshine!
When Miss Dora M. Briggs wrote us the
interesting letter regarding her unpleasant
experience before a Naturalization Board,
which we published in the Atlantic for July,
she dated her communication from Spring-
field, Massachusetts. We published the let-
ter with the date-line, and thus passed on to
our readers the mistaken impression we our-
selves received — that it is upon Springfield
that the stigma rests. At the time it seemed
extraordinary, for Springfield is famous for
its civic sense. We are glad to announce that
the responsibility should be placed elsewhere.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
OCTOBER, 1921
THE IRON MAN
BY ARTHUR POUND
A YEAR ago I sat in a meeting of
schoolmen and leading citizens who
were wrestling with plans for a new
high school and technical college. The
leading citizens were manufacturers of
motor-cars, because our town's reason
for existence is the production of such
cars, of which we can be relied upon to
deliver upwards of one hundred thou-
sand a year, when the public buys them
fast enough to clear the loading-docks.
Our leading citizens, consequently, are
leaders in their industry as well. For
downright public spirit, no more satis-
factory group of employers can be found
anywhere. They took it for granted
that our new high school and technical
college was to be keyed to utility. ' They
wanted practical education, or, as one
phrased it, ' education for life. ' As their
programme unfolded, it seemed that
their goal was rather education for pro-
duction. They may have seen new light
since the wheels slowed down, but nei-
ther then, nor later, did the school-men
offer any protest.
As an outsider, a member of neither
group, I sat there, dazed, silent, a little
dashed and fearful, as one amid new
ruins. I knew there was something
wrong with ' the programme of these
VOL. ins— NO. 4
manufacturers; but what it was I
could not say. Now I know, because I
have been studying the reactions of
automatic machinery upon social rela-
tionships.
There is no better place for such a
study than this town of ours. It exists
for, and accepts the dictation of, indus-
try highly automatized. In brisk times
more than twenty thousand men and
women work for three corporations,
whose plants are full of automatic
machinery. When these marvelous tools
are busy, the town is prosperous, gains
population, spends lavishly, yet saves
much withal; when the tools are stilled,
the town loses population, develops
poverty, and lives on its savings.
In 1900 this was a quiet little manu-
facturing city of 13,000. In 1904 it pro-
duced its first motor-car, and growth
from this time was rapid and sustained,
draining away the surplus labor of
nearby farms and villages. The 1920
census showed 38,550. In the next ten
years, the city achieved a population of
nearly 100,000, acquiring, among other
interesting phenomena, a Little Poland,
a Little Hungary, a Little Serbia, other
immigrant colonies, and a Cosmopoli-
tan Club financed by the Chamber of
434
THE IRON MAN
Commerce. We built a Polish church
and school, two Russian churches, a
Czech church, and presently we shall
have a Jewish synagogue. During the
war we imported camps of negroes
direct from the Black Belt. All these
non-natives, about 75,000 in the twenty
years, came either to tend automatic
machines, to supply the economic and
domestic wants of the operatives, or to
cooperate in a scheme of production in
which the automatic tool was the deci-
sive factor.
Of course, this growth induced the
usual and to-be-expected rise in rents
and land-values. We built houses as
fast as we could find the money; but in
spite of enormous profits to construc-
tors and investors, we could not pro-
vide housing fast enough to satisfy the
industrial leaders. In 1919-20 the cor-
poration controlling our two largest
plants built thousands of homes. As a
strike ensued, the builders fell back up-
on the principle which had profited them
in automobile manufacture, substitut-
ing for skilled labor machinery and un-
skilled labor.
In 1920, production on automatic
machines here and elsewhere having
outrun consumption, the wheels slowed
down to a fraction of their former speed.
Immediately our town began to lose
population; thus proving that, with
cities as with plants, quick growth
means weak roots. Coincidentally
rural districts began to gain. While we
were losing 15,000 out of our 100,000,
a village eighteen miles away added
twenty per cent to its 1920 census of
400. Money brought these people into
town, and, jobs failing, lack of money
took them out again into the fields,
woods, and villages. Michigan woods
were full, last winter, of men who, a year
ago, were tending automatic machines.
What back-to-the-land propaganda
failed to do in twenty years, economic
necessity accomplished in six months.
Of all the states, Michigan shows the
greatest percentage of urban growth
from 1910 to 1920; also the greatest
growth in the use of automatic tools.
This is because ours is the automobile
state. The automobile, as an economic
want, burst into being rather than
grew. It was a new means of transpor-
tation, not the development of an older
means. Its makers faced the markets
with open minds and almost empty
hands. They had no well-established
shop-practice to consider, little or no
machinery to junk. Their margins were
large enough to ensure that whatever
increased production would return pro-
fits. Moreover, the nature of the busi-
ness required large outputs of identical
parts, accurately machined, standard-
ized and interchangeable. Hence the
automobile industry is to-day the most
highly automatized. Hence the reac-
tions of automatic machinery upon
human nature and the social order may
be observed here in all their vigor.
Those machines which tend to re-
place the worker or reduce his function
to a minimum are described as auto-
matic. They are so designed that the
worker need not know the vital steps
which the mechanism takes in produc-
ing the desired result. The dividing
line between these tools and those that
merely lengthen or strengthen the arm
of man is nowhere definite and precise,
but examples will help to point the dis-
tinction.
With the power wool-clipper, as with
the sheep-shears, the mind of the op-
erator must work with his muscle, to
extract from use the increased efficiency
of the tool. But with an automatic tool,
the attendant is required only to feed
the machine and relieve it of its pro-
duce from time to time. There are a
good many semi-automatic machines;
but the tendency is toward their com-
plete automatization. Each year sees
semi-automatic machines . develop to-
THE IRON MAN
435
ward automatic perfection; each month
sees the scope for skill in industry less-
ened, particularly in those basic indus-
tries which concentrate large numbers
of workers in given centres, and so
exercise a determining influence upon
social relations.
Skill, of course, is still vital; but the
need for skill has passed upward. Ma-
chine-design, shop-organization, rout-
ing of materials, and distribution of
produce — these require a concentra-
tion of skill and technical knowledge
far beyond the similar requirements of
non-automatic industry. The rank and
file need use only a fraction of their
native intelligence and manual dexter-
ity, while the skill-requirement, which
formerly spread more or less over the
whole shop, is distilled into a relatively
small group of engineers and executives.
This shift of vital function from the
man to the machine is the key to many
problems. It affects all departments of
life. We have seen how it broke down
the barrier of apprenticeship which had
sealed factories more or less against
rural labor and brought raw farm-boys
into town, leveling farm and factory
wages, lifting food prices. We have seen
the power of the Iron Man to pull the
negro north and the peasants of Europe
west. And we have seen something, but
not all as yet, of his influence in shift-
ing women from the home to the mill.
The clear, unmistakable tendency of
automatic machinery is to level labor,
as to both supply and wage.
Certain collateral effects are equally
impressive. Many automatic machines
can be operated as well by a child of
twelve as by his parents. In fact, the
tender of automatic machines reaches
his or her highest economic power early
in life, when nerves are steadiest. The
strain involved in nursing automatic
machinery is a repetition-strain, com-
plicated by clatter. The operative does
the same thing over and over, amid
rhythmic sounds, in an atmosphere
frequently stale with oil or dust. Youth
stands this better than age, because
youth reacts more quickly. Whereas, in
the old days, a man used to come more
slowly into earning power, reach his
highest pay at thirty-odd, and continue
fully competent until age began to slow
him down at sixty-odd, his son leaps
into high pay as a hobbledehoy, reaches
his economic apogee short of twenty-
five, and from thirty-five to forty-five
slides swiftly downhill. He is a better
earner at twenty than his father was;
but the chances are that he will be a
poorer provider at fifty.
I prefer not to be too dogmatic on
this point. Automatic machinery is so
new, having been in common use about
twenty years and still being in its in-
fancy, that present deductions on
economic life-expectancy are founded
upon too few instances to be altogether
conclusive. Moreover, the swift decline
of earning power in middle life may be
partly due to causes only indirectly
related to industry — poor housing,
youthful excesses, and the like. How-
ever, present indications point to the
correctness of the cycle outlined above.
Now the difficulties of the problem
presented to educators by automatic
machinery begin to emerge. The major-
ity of youths, male and female, no long-
er need to be taught how to earn their
living. Three days after the law that
sets limits on child-labor leaves them
free to work at the machines, they will
be earning big money — practically as
much as they ever will earn. There is
little to learn; the mills can teach that
better and cheaper than the schools.
The labor turn-over cost per man ranges
from $25 to $100; this includes the pay
of the novice and his instructor, invest-
ment, depreciation, and overhead.
Since it includes the non-automatic and
semi-automatic processes, the cost of
training men to serve the automatics
436
THE IRON MAN
must be considerably less than the
average, and will decrease as automati-
zation becomes more intense. The in-
struction period on automatics varies
from half-a-day to a week; it is estima-
ted that seventy per cent of the workers
in an automatized plant can be brought
to efficient production in three days or
less. The schools can never match this
record; in addition, the cost to the
schools of the equipment for the effort
is prohibited.
The pockets of these children are full
of money at an age when their fathers
earned less than a living wage as ap-
prentices. They are economically inde-
pendent of home and social control.
They have the eternal belief of youth
that the preceding generation is fossil-
ized, and the buying power to act upon
their belief. They are foot-loose to go
wherever automatic machines are turn-
ing. They can buy their pleasures, and
they do. They can afford to flout age
and authority; they do. Their very
active minds have no background, and
feel the need of none. They have no
conception of the cost of civilization; no
standard of reference by which to judge
social and political questions. They
have not even lived long enough to learn
the simple truth that common sense
and wisdom spring from the same root.
With far greater need for early thrift
than their elders, because their effective
economic life may be shorter, they
spurn the homely virtue of economy.
They buy pleasures, buy companions,
buy glad raiment; they try — desper-
ately— to buy happiness. And fail.
Yet they are splendid raw material for
citizens. Let a great cause kindle them,
and they rise to it like knights and
lad ies — noblesse oblige. They met every
war-need more than half-way; fought
and fell; sacrificed and saved — during
the emergency. Their faults are those
of youth plus affluence.
Here is the explanation of our youth-
ful delinquency. Our ' bad men ' of this
winter are mostly minors. ' My court,'
said a Detroit judge, 'is the scene of a
procession of beardless boys.' They ac-
quire appetites — expensive appetites;
pleasure leads into bad company. A
prank gone wrong, an unfortunate slip,
a month without a job and nothing laid
by — and we have the beginning of
what we call the crime wave.
II
Much as this situation complicates
the educational problem, the school-
system somehow must be adapted to it.
Somehow these children must be brought
up to a mental and moral level approxi-
mating the economic level upon which
they set foot immediately after leaving
school. This is a grim task. In the pub-
lic schools, certain things must be
taught before the age of sixteen, which
now are taught only in college, and to
which many college students appear to
be immune. The proposal itself would
be revolutionary if it did not arise from
a new set of industrial conditions, to
which society is accommodating itself
clumsily, but, in the main, peaceably.
As such, the change, though startling,
is clearly evolutionary — and inevit-
able.
What are the positive educational re-
quirements of the machine age? To
clear the ground, let us eliminate the
non-essentials. The child who is going
to tend an automatic machine does not
need, in any economic sense, to read
more than a shop-poster or direction-
sheet. If he can sign his name to a pay
check, that is enough. If he is willing to
trust the shop to figure out his pay, he
need not know his numbers. For the
time he stands beside the machine, his
earning capacity is not increased by
anything he knows. Knowledge may
be useful in getting him away from the
machine; but that escape is going to be
THE IRON MAN
437
more difficult as automatization pro-
ceeds toward its logical conclusion.
Such knowledge as the operative comes
by in school possesses for him only a
cultural value. It does not help him in
the least to earn his living; but it helps
him immensely to spend his leisure.
For these children — these prosper-
ous, precocious children — possess leis-
ure, and the means to make the worst of
it. They work, most of them at least, no
more than eight hours a day. Presently
it may be seven, even six. As produc-
tion becomes more and more automatic,
the wants of men can be supplied with
less and less labor. Consumption, of
course, may expand enormously; yet
the demand for goods remains in stiff
competition with the universal demand
for leisure. 'I've got enough; let's go
fishing,' was a state of mind so common
in 1919 that it disturbed factory sched-
ules, roused employers, and set tongues
wagging about labor-profiteering.
Employers may fight the tendency
toward the shorter working day, but
theirs is a losing fight. Of late, in our
town, we have gone along producing on
a five-hour schedule all of our kind of
automobiles which the restricted market
would absorb. In so doing, we have dis-
covered that with picked men, height-
ened morale, and with a closer syn-
chronizing of all the elements involved,
production per man can be greatly in-
creased. If the present highly effective
organizations are slowly enlarged, thus
preserving their efficiency, it is difficult
to see how the market, under normal
conditions, can absorb more than eight
hours' produce from day to day.
If this seems to contradict previous
observations on the elimination of the
personal element through machine use,
please note that the improvement is
due largely, if not altogether, to the
work done by the engineers and execu-
tives in more efficiently routing mate-
rials to the machines. Under boom
conditions, the stream of supply was
often interrupted, thus throwing the
machines out of production. This has
been largely corrected; also, in the
meantime, the machines have been
tuned up, and new ones added in some
cases. The attendant of the automatic
machine remains just where he was;
but the machine has the chance to do
more and better work. Of course, even
in a highly automatized plant, there re-
main a good many jobs that require
either no machinery or semi-automatic
machines; and in such cases the recent
weeding out of the ineffectives does
produce beneficial results. If the mar-
ket will not absorb the products of the
longer working day, on the present more
efficient per-man per-hour basis, then
it seems apparent that, viewing the
country as a whole, industry will have
to adjust itself to eight hours or fewer,
probably fewer. The nation's supply of
automatic tools is not going to be de-
creased simply to lengthen the working
day; on the contrary, competition con-
tinually forces more and more of such
tools into operation.
A shorter working day manifestly
means greater leisure for the masses.
Now it is everlastingly true that the
bulk of human mischief is done in spare
time. There is precious little chance for
original sin, or any other kind of sin, to
work itself out under the strict regimen
of a modern factory. While human be-
ings are at work, they are, perforce,
reasonably decent: the employer sees to
it that the time he buys is not wasted;
but no one exercises an equal degree of
control and supervision over a man's
unbought time, — his leisure, — unless
it is the man himself.
In a town dominated by automatic
machinery, therefore, the educational
problem is to train youth for the right
use of leisure. Why waste time teach-
ing city children how to work, when
their chief need is to know how to live?
438
THE IRON MAN
Precisely here is the point of my argu-
ment. Education for leisure, under the
conditions of automatic production, is
education for life. The attendant of
automatic tools does not live while he is
on the job; he exists, against the time
when he can begin to live, which is when
he leaves the shop. His task does not
call for a fraction of his full powers as
a sentient being, or monopolize his
interest. If he could buy the same
amount of well-financed leisure as eas-
ily in any other way, he would shift jobs
to-morrow. It is impossible for him to
grow mentally through his work. So he
comes to his post as a slave to the galley,
and leaves it with the gladness of a con-
vict escaping prison. Psychologists say
that a large part of industrial arrest is
due to the inhibition which automatic
tools place upon the expression of per-
sonality through labor. Be that as it
may, the fact is that the hours given to
tending automatic machines are given
to buy leisure; and in that leisure the
operative lives. He lives in his sports,
at the movies, at the prize-fights, at the
blind pig, as well as at the theatre, the
lecture, the library, the park, and on
the front porch of his inamorata.
In general, it has ever been true that
leisure is the cream of life. We have
tried desperately to build up an im-
munity to leisure, with our dull gospel
of work for work's sake. There is a
glory in creative work; but even that
becomes pain and weariness if we are
kept too long at it. All labor produces,
sooner or later, weariness and pain,
nature's signal to quit and go a-playing.
When does that most stolid of men, the
peasant, live most fully — when he
plods the endless furrow, or when, at
evening, he sings his songs, dances,
prays, and courts his maiden? When
did the skilled mechanic of another day
feel his manhood soar highest above
clod and worm — when he was chasing
a screw with a cold chisel, or when he
was taking the air in his garden, or, per-
chance, hobnobbing with his mates in
the corner saloon? Is the tireless busi-
ness man better company when he is
chasing a golf-ball, or when he is chas-
ing a profit? Is the banker best satisfied
with himself when he is figuring interest,
or when he is hip-deep in the stream,
figuring trout? I think that the men of
the best sort reach their farthest north
in life, not in the hours they pay for life,
but in the hours they spend in living.
Certain am I that none but an imbecile
could find delight in sharing the daily
toil of the urban masses, so mechanized
has it become. Consequently, educa-
tion for leisure is precisely education
for life. And education for life comes
squarely down to education for culture.
To apply the early Victorian ideal of
education to a machine age, to call upon
Matthew Arnold to prescribe for a
flurried and worried democracy, may
seem absurd. But that is what the sit-
uation needs; and the necessary is never
absurd. That cultural ideal was to fit
for leisure those who had leisure —
a small minority. With certain reserva-
tions in the interests of truth, it may be
said to have produced a few first-rate
minds and a very considerable number
of gentlemen and gentlewomen. Now,
because leisure has broadened out to in-
clude the majority, we must cultivate
gentlemen and gentlewomen en masse.
What was once a privilege for an arro-
gant aristocracy has become a necessity
for an arrogant democracy. Unless our
American gentlemen and gentlewomen
appear in due time and in sufficient
numbers, civilization will be wrecked
by machine-made barbarians, unable
— though their machines compass the
globe — to replace what they have
destroyed.
Ill
What is the first requirement for the
right use of leisure? Self-restraint. Leis-
THE IRON MAN
439
ure is liberty from an exacting, definite
control — that of the boss. In leisure a
man 'is subject only to the state. When
the worker leaves the shop, he passes
from a positive control to a negative
control. Inside, he is required to do cer-
tain things; failure to do them results in
sure discovery. Outside, he is required
not to do certain things, although, if
he does them, no penalty may follow.
Thus we see that it is immensely more
difficult to train human beings for life
and leisure than for toil, and that, in
America, only odd and unusual persons
get very much out of leisure. About all
that a retired business man feels equal
to is golf and musical comedy. The
workers offer more encouragement —
Brashear and Henry George showed
what laboring men could do in spare
time.
Need for self-restraint increases in
direct proportion to affluence. I am
sure that eight dollars a day at eighteen
— and some of our lads earn much
more than that — would have corrupt-
ed me beyond repair. The wonder is,
not that some of these highly paid
striplings go wrong, but that all do not
do so, considering the opportunity
offered them by their cynical and pre-
dacious predecessors. More even than
wild oats, I am sure that eight dollars a
day at eighteen would have insulated me
against right relationship with the world
of ideas and ideals, past, present, and
future, by blasting nascent inquiry and
speculation. The establishing of this re-
lationship in youth is, I take it, the end
of all true and worth-while education,
involving, as it does, the subjugating of
the assertive, unbaked Ego to the social
well-being, as manifested in the legal,
moral, and ethical codes prevalent in
one's environment and enforced, more
or less, by the power with which com-
mon consent invests political institu-
tions. Respect for authority, even that
qualified assent involved in the prag-
matic view of established institutions,
has extreme difficulty in getting a root-
hold in a generation whose youth is eco-
nomically self-sufficient.
It follows that knowledge, as the
chief restraining influence in the youth-
ful mind, is the substitute that educa-
tion must establish in place of the set of
controls which formerly resulted from
the young man's poverty or fear of pov-
erty. Remembering that the rising gen-
eration reaches its highest economic
utility early in life, and that it soon,
relatively speaking, reaches the eco-
nomic status of old age, I think we must
agree that, unless youth is taught thrift,
pauperism will lengthen and strengthen
from this point in time. A grievous out-
look, to be forestalled at any cost.
There is need, therefore, to drill thrift
into children; let the experts busy them-
selves on methods. The whole field of
economics must be opened earlier and
charted more simply. Is it not odd, in a
nation that bows down to economic
fact, to find the teaching of that eco-
nomic theory almost wholly a college
monopoly? It ought to be possible to
begin the teaching of economics in the
kindergarten, and to bring the pupil
along so that, before he becomes a part
of the economic machine which supplies
human wants, he may understand at
least its delicate nature. Suppose a
child of five were set moving a given
number of blocks from this space to
that by hand — an hour's work. Then
suppose the child were given a basket
to ease the job — time, ten minutes.
Then suppose, further, that an intelli-
gent teacher explained that the basket
was capital, the result of previous thrift,
of labor in past time. That lesson would
stick. Somehow to get this, and other
fundamentals, into the mind when it is
plastic, is the supreme educational task
of the future.
So with the idea of law. My children
know, among other surprising things,
440
THE IRON MAN
the chief products of every state in the
Union; but they have no conception of
the legal system which enforces equity
and fair play in the exchange of those
products. It seems the simplest thing
in the world to teach them that laws
exist to protect the weak from the
strong, the just from the unjust, the
person of good intent from the swin-
dler. Once they had mastered that idea,
they might see the policeman as a
friend rather than as an enemy, and
our economic-juridical system as some-
thing to be protected instead of de-
stroyed. A generation so reared might
insist upon the law doing its primal
duty;. but it would be evolutionary, not
revolutionary, in its demands.
But self-restraint is not, of course,
all that a man needs in order to make
something out of leisure. A man may
be ever so self-restrained, and yet be
desperately bored at the prospect of
spending an hour in his own company.
Self-restraint is merely the brake upon
the ego-motor; it will keep the individ-
ual from running amok in society, but
it will not start anything. Its virtue is
negative. What the ego-motor needs in
leisure is fuel, something upon which it
can travel, progress, journey into new
realms of thought. The best fuel for the
purpose is compounded of interest in
the present, understanding of the past,
and sympathy with the future. His-
tory, literature, science, art, music —
all these give to life meaning, and to
leisure, inspiration; a reasonable con-
cern in all that man has done, is doing,
or is about to do upon this planet; with
such equipment any fool could use leis-
ure aright. To sow that seed is the first
duty of educators, now as always, now
more than ever.
So much for the background. But
backgrounds are always hazy; let us
concentrate. Since work is coming to
be no longer a primary interest for the
child of the masses in civilized lands, it
is incumbent upon us to provide, in so
far as they can be provided, other pri-
mary interests through which the indi-
vidual can justify his existence; inter-
ests which, rising out of and sustained
by his background, shall flourish like
the green bay tree all the days of his
life. Every man, whether he works a
turret-lathe or a comptometer, needs a
hobby to busy himself with in this age
of growing leisure. We hear less of voca-
tional training than we did — for good
reason, since its utility is passing. Pres-
ently we shall hear more of avocational
training, which shall give every youth
destined for the mill or office a hobby
for the centre of his garden of leisure.
In a machine age the applied sciences
are paramount. Let them remain so.
There are important posts on the peaks
of industry which must be filled. Let
us see to it that every mind fit to join
the directorate of industry gets its
educational opportunity. Machinery is
undeniably one of the prime intellectual
interests of the American masses; in leis-
ure an informed generation would con-
tinue inventing, perhaps invent faster
than ever. Therefore let us give youth
all it can stomach of the sciences, deep-
ened and broadened to the uttermost.
But by no means should we submit to
the specialist's obsession, that, with the
key to universal knowledge in his hand,
he travels down a walled alley, shut off
from the humanities, from philosophy,
from religion, from life.
I am not competent to provide the
synthesis for this analysis, to describe
the educational reforms which are
necessary, and which I am sure are on
the way. That is a task for many and
mature minds. But certain key-points
emerge out of the haze. We must I
think insist upon ten years' schooling
for every child, as an irreducible mini-
mum, before plunging into the whirl of
automatic production. There should be
four school-terms instead of two, with a
FIVE YEARS IX A FAROE ATTIC
441
brief holiday between; the long summer
vacation is an anachronism in a factory
town. So also is the Saturday holiday
— six days a week in school henceforth.
There is so much to be taught, and there
are so few years to teach it in, that youth
must hurry. At the same time, school
should be so much more interesting that
the charge of drudgery could not hold.
Then, too, there must be more teachers
and smaller classes; better equipment;
more money spent all round. Finally,
there should be a complete system of
continuation schools, wherein those who
desire to use their labor-bought leisure
by securing further instruction could
be accommodated on their own time.
All graduates presumably will have been
so far inoculated with the intellectual
virus that they will go on improving
their minds at leisure, to some extent,
thus demonstrating on a wide scale
that education is not a matter of youth,
but of life. With such a start, the many
will read, discuss, and enjoy the nobles i
works of man. And some among them,
have no fear, will create as well as re-
create.
But the programme, after all, may be
left safely to the specialists, now that
the problem is stated for their attention.
They may have been a bit tardy in see-
ing how the Iron Man is frustrating
their efforts, and why; but that is be-
cause they have been concentrating
upon an even more wonderful mechan-
ism — the human mind. Let them
quarrel, as no doubt they will, over the
details of the programme; but they can
be trusted to accept the statement, —
once they square the facts by the rule of
reason, — that the welfare of our peo-
ple and the preservation of our institu-
tions depend upon our educating youth
to use reasonably and gloriously the
growing leisure which the common use
of automatic machinery has in store for
humanity.
(The author's next topic will be ' The Iron Man in International Politics.')
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
BY ELIZABETH TAYLOR
EIDE, OSTERO, FAROE ISLES.
15 November, 1914.
DEAR HELEN, —
When I wrote last, I was digging in
the garden of Hans Kristoffer. Now I
am in a remote fishing village on the
northern end of Ostero. Eide, as a win-
ter residence, has but one attraction,
the large family of a Danish Captain
Kruse, whom I knew in past years.
The youngest daughter, Amalya, and
her husband, will give me shelter during
the winter.
I left the capital, Thorshavn, at early
dawn, on an open-decked motor-boat,
which was heavily laden with passen-
gers, luggage, freight, the mail, Iceland
fishermen's sea-chests, three sheep, a
cow, and a large cask of soft soap, which
leaked badly and soon spread itself over
everything and everybody on board.
Later, rain fell, and, mixing with the
442
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
soft soap, made a fine lather. We were
nine hours on the way, most of the time
within the fjords, where heavy mists
hid the fjelds and, falling, seemed to
bar the way. The air was dank and
chill, and when I at last saw Eide in the
distance, I thought happily that for
seven long months I need go nowhere in
a boat.
There were Kruses to meet me on the
sea-rocks and help me with the surf,
and other Kruses, higher up, to hug me
and escort me up the stony path,
Kruses running down the little lanes
and coming to doors to greet me, and
meeting me at Amalya's threshold, and
dropping in later to bid me welcome.
Other Kruses were out fishing. And so
I settled down to keep house in Kvisten,
which means the Attic.
You remember, of course, the story
of the Three Bears and the Little Girl?
Kvisten now resembles the home of the
Little Wee Bear. All my life I have
been bothered by chairs and tables un-
suited to my height, and here was my
opportunity. Joen Magnus, who is a
carpenter, postman, fisherman, and a
trifle of a farmer, has adapted many
boxes for me. His charge is six cents an
hour. I pay seven, and thus the pleas-
antest relations are established. There
are twenty-two boxes, large and small,
in Kvisten's two rooms, though you
would never suspect it, and all are
suited to the needs of the Little Wee
Bear and of me. They are my boxes, —
mine to me, — and therein lies their
charm. I own the kettle, the zinc pails,
the frying-pan, and the broom. No one
has the right to invade Kvisten, and
put soda in my tea, and boil it 'to get
the goodness out,' or to add sugar and
nutmeg to my potatoes. No 'sweet
soup' shall cross my threshold! I am
weary of conforming, through many
years, to the ways of other people.
Now I propose to have some ways of
my own.
This cottage is perched high on a slope
above the sea, so close that, as I sit by
my packing-case table, I see only sky
and water and distant fjelds. In stormy
weather, the great surges seem charging
on to overwhelm Kvisten. They made
me dizzy at first, and to get my bear-
ings, I must rise and look down on the
shore rocks and the grass-sod roofs of
the Kruse trading-post, and boat-houses
that shelter high-prowed fishing-boats,
Ornen, Svanen, Hvalen, Famiglien
— the Eagle, the Swan, the Whale,
the Family.
The village of Eide (pronounced Ida)
lies huddled along the fjord, looking
south between two islands over nine
miles of sea. On the north are gray,
storm-bleached grass fields, rocky fjelds
on either side, and a pond, which only a
long dike of up-tossed boulders sepa-
rates from the lonely Northern Sea. On
the east, a great solemn promontory
rears precipitous cliffs two ' thousand
feet above the surf, and seems to be
saying, 'Thus far.' I don't think it is
my fancy that makes those northern
waters seem sterner, more melancholy,
than those of the east or west. On sum-
mer nights the glory of the sunset and
the sunrise both are there; but now, in
November, the sun is far away, making
its shallow arc in the south.
I have been busy with preparations
for winter — salting mutton and her-
rings, ordering supplies, filling little
boxes with soil, and planting or sowing
correctives of a too fishy, salty diet:
chives and parsley, cress, and that best
of all anti-scorbutics, the native ' scurvy-
grass.'
Amalya's quarters, called Huset, and
mine, Kvisten, are on the most neigh-
borly of terms, and often, starting to go
downstairs with a little offering like a
turnip or a cup of canned tomato, I
met Amalya coming up with a bit of
fried fish or a pancake.
I am to have three lambs from an-
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
443
other island. The first one came in mid-
October, escorted from the landing-
place by a score of small boys. It was
dismaying to be confronted by a whole
lamb, — intact, — but Amalya kindly
officiated as mistress of ceremonies. Ole
Jakob, a neighbor, was asked to kill and
dress it in the cellar, I peering down
fearfully from time to time through a
trap-door in the kitchen. Ole Jakob had
half the tallow, the feet, fifty ore (about
fourteen cents), and two cigars, and de-
clared himself more than satisfied, —
handsomely paid, in fact, — and sent
his thanks. I replied, politely, through
Amalya, that the thanks were to him.
Amalya's family has whale-meat,
salted, to eke out winter supplies. I
have eaten fresh whale-meat scores of
times and found it very good — almost
like beef. But it changes sadly when
kept in brine, and has a curiously per-
vasive odor. The days when Huset has
whale for dinner, Kvisten ventilates
diligently, loses interest in cooking, and
takes gloomy views of the war.
I find that many people think my
name is Mistela. Not knowing the
meaning of the word Miss, and adding
it to my surname, they think it a Chris-
tian name, like Marguerite or Malene.
I like it as I hear it from a group of
children. 'Here comes Mistela,' I hear
the older ones say; 'now, bid good-day
prettily to Mistela.' And as I pass, they
raise half-frightened eyes to me and say
in soft chorus, 'Godan dagur, Mistela.'
This is the time of year when we are
packed away in heavy, low-lying clouds
that turn even midday to twilight.
Storms and heavy rain day after day.
Green slime growing on the little lanes,
rocks, and cottage-walls. Housework is
difficult in the uncertain light. There is
a feeling like black cobwebs before the
eyes. While I wait for the light to
brighten, the shadows deepen and the
brief day has passed. A lantern is an
indispensable part of Kvisten's outfit.
When, in late afternoons, a bit of war
news is telephoned to the doctor, he
writes it on a piece of paper, and puts it
in a little frame that hangs on the out-
er wall of a cottage. Buffeted by the
storm, I make a zigzaggy progress up to
that cottage, where a group of men are
burning their fingers with matches and
growling about the doctor's writing.
Often I am kept there long, reading by
the light of my lantern the message, as
others join the group, and feeling very
bashful about my queer pronunciation
of Danish.
Am I or am I not a Kalve Kone?
That means a halibut woman, one who
possesses mysterious powers that can
charm a big halibut to the hook of a
fisherman. But the fisherman must have
promised her verbally, or in his thoughts
at sea, the beitu — a choice bit, cut
from the fish between the fore-fins.
And for this beitu no thanks should
ever be given, though pleasure may be
indirectly expressed. Last week, a man
on the fishing-bank promised me the
beitu, and a few minutes later he was
having a sharp fight with a halibut that
weighed almost two hundred pounds.
When he came with the beitu, Amalya,
who was speaking Faroe-ese for me, ex-
plained that, of course, Mistela under-
stood that no thanks were to be given
for it, but she was awfully glad to have
it, and considered it handsomely done
of him. Two days later, another man
promised me the beitu, and caught
nothing. So what is one to think?
December 22, 1914.
A British trawler came in this morn-
ing to get supplies for the homeward
run. I saw the ship's boat nearing land,
and knew I would be needed to help
with the 'trawler English.' I found
Neils already in difficulty about 'grub,'
'bac,' and 'tates,' which the man had
demanded. During the next hour I
made acquaintance with plug, shag,
444
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
and cavendish, helped to make out at-
testations, and sent a messenger among
the cottages to find potatoes. The man's
face looked drawn and heavily lined,
though he was not yet middle-aged. I
understood it when he told me that he
had been in the mine-sweepers' brigade.
Two of their vessels had disappeared,
leaving no trace of crew or wreckage.
The man expected to reach port by
Christmas, and I asked him about the
homeward run — whether he followed
all the prescribed routes of the Admiral-
ty. 'Huh!' he exclaimed, with con-
tempt, 'if we did, we'd never get any
furrader. Run for it and take yer chan-
ces. That's the only way!'
He gave me no thanks for my help,
no word of farewell. He gathered up
his purchases, paused in the doorway,
and looked with weather-wise eyes on
land and sea. 'Wind's against us,' he
muttered; 'everything's against us' —
and so departedly sadly.
Later. I have heard that his ship has
been shelled and sunk, but what has be-
come of the sad little man I do not
know.
Our letters to England now go first to
Copenhagen, then to Aarhus in Den-
mark, then by a butter-and-bacon
freighter back the whole length of the
North Sea, north of the Orkney Isles,
and down the west coast of England to
Manchester or Liverpool. Time, from
sixteen to twenty-six days.
Yesterday a little deserter from Ger-
many had tea here. Really he is from
Slesvig. He explained earnestly, ' Papa,
Danish; mama, Swedish. Born in Ger-
many, but not a German!' I was sur-
prised to find how well he speaks Dan-
ish, though Germany has done all in its
power since 1864 to suppress the lan-
guage. When he tried to speak English,
he mixed it with German. His elder
brother had been killed in the first days
of the war. His best friend was called to
service, but an accident delayed him.
Next morning his young wife received
the message, 'Two hours late. Shot.'
That was too much for the little Sles-
viger. He would rather be shot as a de-
serter than fight for Germany. He was
a meek, pallid boy, but his eyes fairly
blazed as he told of the death of his
friend. Many adventures he has had,
many narrow escapes, but now he has a
British pass, is cook on a fishing vessel,
and eventually will go to Denmark.
March 7, 1915.
The winter passes quickly, and it is
time to think of garden-plots. Kvisten
has lately been deeply involved in po-
tatoes. Food-supplies are uncertain,
and the Governor urges all to plant as
many potatoes as possible, and new
varieties have been sent from Denmark.
I think my faulty Danish is responsible
for the arrival from Thorshavn of more
kinds, in larger numbers, than I had
expected. It has been a time of stress,
looking each potato sternly in the eye,
to see if it means to sprout. I have
made a little collection for each family
of the Kruse clan, two other friends,
and myself. Nine families, and five va-
rieties for each family, and each variety
to be kept separate and correctly la-
beled, and I to cook, eat, work, and
sleep in the midst of it all. By bedtime
so many potatoes had been imprinted
on my retinas that, when I closed my
weary eyes, I could distinctly see pota-
toes, brilliantly illuminated, floating in
space. And now in the dim light, under
my cot-bed, my packing-case table,
wherever there is a place, are potatoes
in shallow boxes, standing prettily in
rows, making sprouts.
July 15, 1915.
I was going to show Eide what's
what in the way of little gardens, but
this is a bad ice-year in the far North.
Those Greenland ice-floes will not go.
They drift and pack and drift again, be-
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
445
sieging Iceland's northern coasts, and
causing ice-fogs that check and blast
vegetation in these islands. Those peas
and parsnips, cauliflower and oyster-
plant seedlings, one by one, went by the
board, until only potatoes and turnips
were left. Then blight attacked the po-
tatoes, dry rot and horrid white worms
the turnips, and a coast-wind tore my
rhubarb to bits. I have two pea-plants
that are doing well, but they are in a
pot in Kvisten. Amalya has seen dried
peas, and she always thought they were
dug from the ground, like potatoes.
We have all felt the need of a peat-
fire in the haugi — the wild out-fields.
There is nothing like it as a restorer of
cheerfulness. And on one of our few
clear days, we went to a lake among the
hills, five hundred feet above the sea.
It was the coldest picnic I have ever
attended, but with many attractions —
kittiwakes taking fresh-water baths in
the lake, black-backed gulls barking
among the cliffs, and curlew chortling
over the grassy slopes. Omma (which
means grandmother) and I tended the
peat-fire and made large quantities of
tea to restore the circulation of those
who fished for trout, from boats, and
we returned home at half-past nine,
when the sun was still shining on the
fjelds. Not that we wanted to, but we
were so very cold !
January 30, 1916.
DEAR HELEN, —
In a letter received from America the
writer says she thinks of me as ' dream-
ing away the peaceful days far from
turmoil and agitation.' I will now tell
you of one of my ' peaceful days.'
We knew by noon that a storm was
brewing, for the sea was restless, the
reefs moaning, and the rising wind
hooted in a way that meant trouble to
come. Darkness closed in early, and by
four o'clock we were in the grip of a hur-
ricane from the north. The house shook
and groaned and strained like a labor-
ing ship at sea. Torrents of icy rain and
masses of sea-water carried horizon-
tally through the air bombarded the
house, and on the northern side forced
their way through every crevice and
joist and crack. Under the eaves, in the
sloping closets, Josefine and I crawled
on all fours, with lanterns, exhuming
the contents, while Omma brought
sacks and mops, buckets and tubs. In
Kvisten, with its thin roof of zinc, its
walls of two layers of planks, the up-
roar was so great that we had to shout
to be heard. Yet above it all sounded
that high shrill crying — the vox hu-
mana of a hurricane.
During the worst gusts there was a
curious lifting sensation, as if some-
thing had gone wrong with the attrac-
tion of gravity. It was singularly dis-
concerting to lose all sense of weight
and stability, and feel that Kvisten
might whirl away like a pack of cards.
What a night that was, we thinking
that the roof would go, the house be
carried from its foundations, and then
what would Amalya do? For in that
time of fear Amalya's little son was
born. I had him in my charge, five
minutes old, — so blue and cold he was,
— and held him close in the skirts of
my red wrapper, while the window-
frames sucked out and in, and the cur-
tains blew in the icy drafts. Oh, poor
little man — to come into the world on
such a night!
I make from time to time tentative
efforts to secure a passport, but they
come to naught. I am in the diplo-
matic jurisdiction of Copenhagen; but
with this troublesome heart the long and
very dangerous journey to Denmark is
impossible. I would venture the shorter
one to Scotland, if I could get a pass-
port. I wrote explaining fully how I
was situated, that a 'personal applica-
tion' could not be made, and giving the
best of credentials. Such a trusting,
naive letter it was — so sure that there
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
would be some accommodation in the
law for one of Uncle Sam's family,
stranded in a far-away land. A few
words, in reply, from a secretary, merely
say that passports are issued on 'per-
sonal application' So I remain in my
island attic.
June 15, 1916.
We have had an anxious week. First,
a rumor of the great sea-fight off Jut-
land, and then the death of Lord Kitch-
ener. Faroe folk, before the war, have
known little and cared less about the
great ones of the outer world. But they
knew about Lord Kitchener, and his
death seems to them a personal loss, as
if one more safeguard between their
homes and the enemy had been broken
down. And now, in another sense, they
are comrades of the sea, for he has died
the death that some of them will die.
When the news came, I took a Kitch-
ener photograph with me down to the
Kruse Store, where there is always a
group of fishermen gossiping and smok-
ing. They crowded around me eagerly,
to see it, and I saw tears in the eyes of
some of the older men. 'A brave man,
a good man,' they said softly.
March 18, 1917.
The Thorshavn authorities announce
that there is a three-months' supply of
grain and flour on hand, but future sup-
plies are uncertain, and we are enjoined
to use as little as possible, and to bear
our coming troubles 'with calm and
dignity.' Now we have used a seven-
weeks' portion, and in all that time not
one pound of food has come to the
islands. I cut down on light, fuel, and
food, and could have eaten less and yet
carried on as usual. I will not say that
I did not want to eat more. Queerly
enough, I was more hungry in my
dreams than in my waking hours. I
gave little thought to bacon in pre-war
days, but now, about once a week, I
dream about it. I sit down, with joy,
before a large dish of delicately browned
curly bacon, when suddenly it vanish-
es away. Distractedly I search every-
where, mopping away my tears, see it
in the distance, pursue it, and it again
eludes me. My grief wakes me, and I
find that real tears have made me un-
comfortably damp.
Next week our rationing will begin,
and on Monday there will be a house-
to-house inspection. Private supplies
must be declared and attestations made.
The whole matter is rather complicated,
and the Thorshavn powers that be have
kindly tried to explain, in technical lan-
guage, in many columns of the little
semi-weekly paper. We get on fairly
well in everyday Danish, but these ex-
planations have made trouble. And
now I see groups of excited men, wav-
ing ragged copies of DimmalcBtting, and
hear such comments, in Faroe speech,
as, 'Fool thou! I say thou canst not
have sago!' 'Death and torment!
You've got it wrong!' "S death! Oat-
meal is rationed!' 'Out with thee!
Thou 'It have to swear on truth and
honor how many potatoes thou hast!'
And I know that Eide's men-folk are
earnestly striving for comprehension
before the ordeal on Monday.
15 May, 1917.
Some supplies have come, enough to
carry us through the next few weeks.
In Thorshavn some employment is
given on public works, and throughout
the islands land-owning peasants have
more food, some milk and fats, and
dried mutton. But in poor fishing vil-
lages there is much undernourishment.
There is an old saying, 'When Eide's
fishing-lines are dry, Eide hungers.'
Yesterday four 'six-man boats' (boats
rowed by six men) were out, and a few
small fish were the only returns for the
hard day's work of twenty-four men.
Many people have only the'ir ration of
coarse rye-meal, weak tea and coffee,
447
and wind-dried codlings. I can tell
when a mother has been giving part of
her scanty allowance to children or hus-
band. There is a certain over-bright
eye, an exalted expression, a strained,
white look of the skin over the nose and
around the mouth.
A well-to-do friend in Glasgow offered
help, and I wrote asking for a little fine
barley-meal and patent health-foods
for the mothers of new-born babies and
for sick children. She wisely sent my
letter on to London, with her applica-
tion for a permit. It showed that I
asked only for those in real need.
Eight Faroe cutters have been sunk
on the Faroe Banks. The men could
not believe that Germany would harm
peaceful fishermen of a neutral land, on
the grounds where their forbears had
fished for a thousand years. This is a
hard blow. The cutters soon would
have gone to the Iceland summer fish-
ery, and on that the people rely for help
through the winter.
June 20, 1917.
After a cold, dark spring and early
summer, we have had a week of real
sunshine, such as we seldom see, and
we have basked in it and become dry
and warm and sunburned, and the days
have been all too long and too light for
one's strength. It is the time of peat-
work, and a friend, Olivina, and I have
had a private picnic on a promontory
where she owns a peat-field. She was to
' set up ' peats, and I to sketch and col-
lect plants. So it was supposed, but the
truth is, we had saved up flour from our
ration, and in all secrecy we took the
frying-pan with us and made pancakes
on the heights, and the full quota of
work was not done that day. After the
pancakes — on a day so rare — it
seemed advisable to let work go, and
climb to the top of the headland. There,
twelve hundred feet above the sea, we
looked across perhaps twenty miles of
shimmering sea-levels, — blue and pink
and pearl, — and there was no land be-
tween us and the North Pole. Puffins
darted to and fro like little shuttles be-
low us. Gulls circled with no percepti-
ble motion of their wings. A long, lean
freighter passed, probably bound for
Archangel. Then, from the east, came
two pretty sister ships, shining in new
white paint. They kept close together,
and seemed like two little children
abroad on some brave adventure. Once
they checked, almost stopped, and
Olivina clutched my arm. ' Undervands
baaden!' she quavered. But no, it was
no submarine that had stopped them,
only the fierce race, or current, sweeping
eastward, and strongest at this phase of
the moon.
12 July, 1917.
Yesterday I was startled by the sight
of seven large trawlers, all armed,
swinging in from the open sea. Eide is
a lonely place. I had not seen a trawler,
except far away, for more than two
years. Amalya was calling to me to
hurry — that probably torpedoed crews
were being brought to land. I found
that only a slight accident to machinery
had brought them in. But I could help
about sending a telephone message, and
soon a burly skipper and I were having
a chat while awaiting an answer. He
looked at me in amazement when he
heard I was an American and had been
in Eide almost three years. 'Good
Lord!' he exclaimed, smiting his thigh
in emphasis. 'How have you held out
in this hole?'
I replied, with spirit, that it was n't a
hole: there were many beautiful places
near; I liked the people and was glad to
be here. But later, looking about me,
I admitted that Eide in the fog was
not looking its best that day, all dank
and dripping, and the cods' heads and
refuse too much in evidence.
Later, I met the young lieutenant in
charge of the defenses. So trim and fit
and lean he was, with clear, steady
448
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
eyes. It was a credit to his discernment
that he understood that this shabby old
party who appeared out of the fog had
a message that he must hear. To trawl-
er captains I could not give it. No cen-
sor would pass it in the post. I looked
into the eyes of that young man, and
constrained him to listen; and as, for
the time being, I had much dynamic
force in me, he did listen, bless him,
murmuring at intervals, ' That is inter-
esting'; 'I did n't know that'; 'I'll re-
member that'; 'I'll do my best.'
And then they sailed away, and I
wandered about in much distress of
mind. I was in the grip of nostalgia.
The refined, clean-cut speech of the
young officer, the first I had heard
since April, 1914, brought to mind all I
had lost, was losing, in this exile. Out
in the world the current of life was
sweeping onward, full and strong, and
I — what was I doing in this backwater,
this futile eddy?
Then the fog lifted from the fields.
Between two peaks the moon was ris-
ing. No stars are seen on a Faroe sum-
mer night. The pale moon casts no
shadows. But a silvery radiance min-
gles with the daylight and the last
glow of the sunset colors. Nothing is
hidden, nothing obscured. The faint
far fjelds show lovely tones of blue
and violet. I could see the shining of
the little streams as they slipped over
the basalt ledges, the vivid green of
their mosses, and the rich purples and
reds reflected from the cliffs in the sea
below.
It was so still that not the least line
of white showed along the coast; but, as
I looked, the whole surface of the sea
rose, swelled upward and forward, and
with a muffled roar, a great white surge
flung itself along the cliffs' base and
over the dark reefs. It swept backward,
and all again was still.
So beautiful it was, Helen, so peace-
ful, that my own troubles seemed of lit-
tle moment, the way before me easier to
follow.
Four out of five salt ships from the
Mediterranean, which had permission
to come to the Faroes outside the ' dan-
ger zone,' have been forced by the
cruisers to turn back into it for examina-
tion at Kirkwall, and as they came out
they were torpedoed. So good ships and
men are lost to England, and food that
the salt would have cured; and much
hardship is brought on the Faroes. For,
with no salt to cure the fish, there can be
no fishing. The Germans are greatly
pleased to have their game hunted in
for them. . . . (The Censor suppressed
this last paragraph. I thought he
would, but I could n't refrain.)
On Sudero is the last port from which
ships sail for lands 'down below.'
There bands of British trawlers, home-
ward bound from Iceland, drop anchor,
and signal to the port officials, ' We have
come in to sleep.' Close together the
ships lie, a little flock of hunted crea-
tures, and for seven hours all is quiet
on board. Then out they go, no rest for
them till they reach a Scottish haven.
Much suffering and many lives and
ships have been spared to Britain by
this little neutral group, in a waste of
waters where ships can take shelter, and
torpedoed crews and wounded men find
help and nursing. Money cannot pay
for these things, but the British Gov-
ernment might let us have some pe-
troleum, and allow a ship with supplies
from America to be examined at Hali-
fax instead of at Kirkwall, in the danger
zone.
15 August, 1917.
We think with dread of the coming
darkness. No petroleum on sale, of
course no gas or electric light, no coal,
no candles, and only a scanty supply of
peat. America, as well as England, re-
fuses us petroleum. (I wish I could
have Mr. Hoover here on a December
night, in one of our worst gales !) A new
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
449
odor has been added to Eide's general
fishiness. House-fathers and mothers
are trying out highly unpleasant fish-
livers. Small boys are fishing for cod-
lings. The old folks are praying that
the Lord will send a flock of driving
whales, to give food and light for the
coming winter. And the smiths have
gathered in all the old cans and every
scrap of tin and brass, and are experi-
menting on little fish-oil lamps. They
require a reservoir above the burner, a
pressure to force the oil up to the wick.
The truth is, petroleum, postal rights,
and other desiderata, are denied us be-
cause the British Government is afraid
that the Faroes will be used as a supply
station for German submarines.
It is surprising what can be done in
contriving ways and means. The soles
of my felt shoes are quite worn out, and
I have re-covered them with a piece of a
neighboring fisherman's discarded trou-
sers, giving in return a little flour. Anna
has made a fine pair of shoes for her lit-
tle girl from a fifteen-year-old felt hat.
I bartered three envelopes the other
day for a lamp-chimney with a broken
top, a handkerchief for a small cod, and
I have known a large spoonful of soft
soap to be ' swapped ' for three hairpins.
20 October, 1917.
We have a new baby, a frail little
creature, unfit to bear the coming win-
ter. She is not six weeks old, an age
when the normal child is a little pig,
with unawakened intelligence. This
dear baby looks from one to another
with bright, questioning eyes, earnestly,
sadly, and yet with a sweet composure
that seems strange in such a helpless
mite. We laugh at her, and tell her that
she need n't put on such dignified airs,
that we mean well, even if our manners
are not as fine as hers. I suppose she
seems older because there is no baby
fat to hide the pure oval of her face and
the fine lines of neck and shoulders.
We have had heavy rains and a low
temperature since the middle of July.
Even now, between snow-squalls, hay-
making is going on. Many are bearing
home the half-dry hay, to spread it out
in their little cellars. Wretched food it
will be for the poor cows; but there is
nothing else to give them.
30 January, 1918.
Eide had a 'dry Christmas' (no spir-
its for sale), and so, for many women
and children, a happier Christmas than
usual. We made a quite charming little
tree from a piece of spar, with sticks in-
serted here and there for branches, and
covered with heather and crowberry.
Amalya fished out some decorations
from her childhood days; there were
some little toys sent in August from a
.Scottish friend. I made cornucopias
with the colored illustrations of a Lib-
erty rug-and-carpet catalogue (and
very pretty they were), and from bees-
wax cast ashore from a torpedoed vessel
we had little brown candles, which
spluttered briskly as they burned, from
the sea-salt in them. We had long been
saving from our flour- and sugar-rations,
and by an elaborate system of barter
and by mutual gifts hi the Kruse clan,
we managed to have some good Christ-
mas food, and sugar-candies and ginger-
nuts for the tree. It was really some-
thing like a Danish Christmas, with the
singing of the Christmas songs, 'Still
Night, Holy Night,' and 'A Child is
born in Bethlehem.'
We are having a terrible winter.
Such cold has never before been re-
corded in the Faroes. This long siege
began on December first. I was at the
window after dinner, wondering at the
strange ashy-red color on the fjelds,
when, with a noise like thunder on
Kvisten's roof, all was blotted out, as if
a gray blanket had been thrown across
the window. The gale raged with hur-
ricane force until the next morning.
VOL. itS—J
. 4
450
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
Seven were killed (two on this island)
and many injured.
Then followed week after week of
gales from the North. No fjelds, no sea,
no sky, all milled up in a whirling fog of
hard-cutting snow. The light in Kvis-
ten was dim and gray, so thick was the
ice on the window. I shared my ward-
robe with my potatoes, yet they were
frozen. The water-supply gave out
long ago. There is too little peat to
melt much snow. The only water we
have must be brought some distance,
from a brackish pool near the sea. The
salt water makes a sticky glaze on the
skin without cleaning it. There is prac-
tically no soap in the .village, no soda
or other cleansing stuffs. The fish-oil
lamps diffuse a universal oiliness. But
there is one advantage in the common
plight: no one can look with disdain on.
his fellow man and say, '/ am clean.'
The pride of the family, Melrose by
name, a large, half-Cheviot ram, blew
away in that opening gale. His carcass
was fished up three days later from the
sea. This is not a time for undue fastid-
iousness, and Amalya has salted most
of the meat, and the rest we ate with a
properly thankful spirit. Only I wished
that Amalya would speak of the dear
departed as mutton, instead of saying,
'Nella' (our boy's name for me), 'will
you have another piece of Melrose?'
The baby, Elizabeth, fails from day
to day. The doctor went to Denmark
last year, and no one will come to take
his place while the war lasts. But no
doctor could help her. She needs
warmth and sunshine, and Amalya
should have a generous and varied diet.
The people miss the little visits of
happier days between the cottages, the
gossip over a cup of tea and coffee, and
perhaps little cakes brought out to
honor a guest. Now the food-rations do
not admit of hospitality. I admire the
kindly fibbing that goes on when a
neighbor comes on some necessary er-
rand. 'Now don't get anything for me.
I've just had breakfast, and could n't
eat a bite more.' Often I am asked wist-
fully, ' Has the Froken any news of the
Amerika ship — with coffee?' as if, be-
ing an American, I must possess special
knowledge. But not a word have we
heard.
23 April, 1918.
The baby, Elizabeth, died on Easter
Day. The world is too hard a place now
for little babies. Our boy, Oli, grieves
for her; and knowing that many things
are ordered from Thorshavn, he begs
Amalya to write for another little sister
just like Elizabeth, to be sent on at
once.
30 May, 1918.
The American schooner has come to
Thorshavn, nine months from port.
She must have feared she was fated to
be another Flying Dutchman. Month
after month of contrary gales crippled
her at last, so she drifted into the dan-
ger zone and had to seek a Shetland
haven for repairs. Part of the cargo is
damaged, but the coffee is saved. The
news passed swiftly over Eide, called by
happy voices from house to house. I
saw tears of joy on one wrinkled old
face, and heard a quavering voice sing-
ing the gay ' Coffee Song ' — a dance-
ballad that the singer had danced more
than a half century before.
And now our only postal communica-
tion with the outer world is by one old
hooker, which brings salt and some re-
stricted wares from a British port, anc
takes back salt fish and fish-liver oi
To name it is forbidden, but seamt
call it 'The Lucky Ship.' Nor can
ask when it will come or go. Durii
more than two years the valiant olc
skipper, now aged seventy-four,
gone back and forth across the danger
zone, having adventures that cannot
told. There is one young gunner oi
board, but all the crew and officer
range from fifty-five to seventy yt
FIVE YEARS IN A FAROE ATTIC
451
15 December, 1918.
All was quiet when the few-worded
message came of the signing of the Ar-
mistice. Of course, in a little neutral
land there would be no official celebra-
tion. A crowd gathered quickly when
the few-worded bulletin was put up,
and some asked me, 'Can it be true?'
And some said, 'God give it be truth!'
and some wiped their eyes. And I said
'Gud ske Lov' (God be praised), and
went away where I could see from afar
that northern shore, where now I need
not dread to look, fearing what I might
find there. For the seas are to be clean
once more! And then I went back to
Kvisten and did my housework, and
that was all.
15 January, 1919.
In December, for the first time since
July, 1916, a real steamer entered Eide
fjord. A shabby black old hooker, to be
sure, but it was the 'Lucky Ship.' And
now I can tell its name, the Cromwell,
and the brave old skipper's name is
Captain Gibb, of Aberdeen, and the
ship belongs to the Iceland Shipping
Co., Leith, Scotland. I wanted to go on
board, but we are quarantined against
the Spanish influenza and no one is al-
lowed on deck. Only by going to wind-
ward can bags of salt be delivered to
the freight rowboats, and oils and fish
transferred to the steamer.
THORSHAVN, 2 August, 1919.
The breaking up of my life in Kvis-
ten was a hard time. I was really ill
with a 'near-pneumonia' cold. Storms
and heavy surf swept the village-front,
making the launching of a boat impos-
sible. Could I get to Thorshavn in time
to go on the Chaldur? Would she go
to Scotland on her way to Denmark?
Was my promised passage assured,
when scores of passengers on the spot
were clamoring to go? I dared not let
myself think of the parting from those
who had become so dear to me. Silence
seemed the only way of getting through
with it. Once I said shakily, 'Amalya,
you know what is in my heart? ' — ' Yes,
Nella, I know.' Then, just in time, the
storm subsided.
Our boy at the*last would not say
good-bye. 'Nella was bad. Nella should
not go to England. Nella should stay
in Kvisten always.'
It was a small party that set forth in
the tiny fishing motor-boat. Our house-
father at the helm, a brother-in-law at
the engine, two neighbors as assistants,
Fru Kruse and I the passengers. The
box-like pit where whelks for bait are
kept had been cleaned out, and Fru
Kruse and I sat down there, with our
heads peering out above the rim. A
piece of canvas stretched overhead kept
out the rain. And so we chug-chug-
ged southward, hour after hour, in the
gently falling rain, toward Thorshavn,
where I was to see a pony and a tree for
the first time in five years. Part of the
time we were between the islands, then
on the open sea, past treacherous reefs
and sucking whirlpools off the Stromo
coast, where many a boat has 'gone
away.' Then, as we rounded a point of
land, we saw on the far southern hori-
zon a faint smudge of smoke. That was
our Chaldur, and she will take me south
to Scotland.
ON BEING A SPORT
BY KATHARINE FULLERTON GEROULD
'BETWEEN the bridge and the river
there is time for an act of perfect con-
trition,' my pious French playmates
used to tell me. I knew very little about
'acts' in the ecclesiastical sense, and
the phrase puzzled me; but it stuck. It
stuck like that other formula we were
all brought, up on, about remembering
the whole of your past life as you rise
for the third time before definitely
drowning. I cannot, of course, verify
the first, and verifications of the second
are chancy. But there is no doubt that
a deal of subconscious philosophy can
be formulated in a few seconds, if the
seconds are sufficiently uncomfortable.
There is something about a brief sharp
instant of fear, especially when there
are no steps that can be taken, that
makes one know a lot of things. The
shock pieces together your hitherto
random inferences, and you behold,
with apocalyptic suddenness, a mental
pattern. For example: —
The other evening I attended a car-
nival. The phrase, I know, is absurd;
but in our village the only thing you
can do with a carnival is to attend it —
precisely as if it were a Chautauqua.
We are not very riotous, and our vacant
lots are very small. ' Carnival ' is rather
the name of our intention than of our
achievement. The American Legion
chose to call it a carnival, — having
got used, in France, to a grand scale
of doing things, — and we rather liked
the term ourselves. We are too small
for circuses, or band-concerts, or the
452
legitimate drama. Rummage sales for
charity are about our size. So when we
take over an empty lot and officially
place a carnival upon it, — as if we
were Paris or New Orleans or Honolulu,
— we grow a little excited, especially if
there are children in the family, whose
natural bedtime is eight o'clock (day-
light-saving).
We set out: two parents, a son, and
a godfather. Of course, it was only the
vacant lot opposite the old athletic
field, but who knew what the Legion
might have done to it? Both the male
parent and the godfather belong to the
Legion, but they had no idea. Son
knew that there was a merry-go-round
and a Ferris wheel. The grown gentle-
men of the party were rather cynical:
they were going, 'to take the boy.' But
I have found that the greatest moral
advantage of living in a small academic
town is to give one back some of the
illusions of youth. You break your
neck getting to see things that you
would not turn your head for in New
York or (I suppose, since the new cen-
sus, one must say) Detroit.
The most exciting moment of the
great war was not August, 1914, or
April, 1917, or November, 1918. It was
about 10.30 P.M. of that hot Sunday
in July, 1918, when the Crown Prince,
with all his staff and three hundred
thousand German soldiers, had surren-
dered to the Allies. They had not sur-
rendered in Europe, unfortunately, —
only in Princeton, — but I assure you
ON BEING A SPORT
453
neither fake nor real armistice could
compare with it. So I confess that the
music of the merry-go-round, unmistak-
able wherever heard, and the illumined
outline of the Ferris wheel (quite the
smallest and youngest of the Ferris
family) stirred the blood. They would
have been almost inaudible and invisi-
ble elsewhere; but they were a portent
in the Princeton twilight — even as the
Handley-Pages or the Capronis that
buzz gigantically over our garden, car-
rying the mail from capital to metro-
polis, give one no sensation comparable
with that evoked by the quick rise of a
'flivver' of an air-plane off the little
fair-ground at Prattsville, New York —
hard by the jellies, the sweet-grass bas-
kets, the crocheted bedspreads, and the
prize ox.
'Sweetheart, the dream is not yet
ended, ' as the ominous words run in the
fairy-tale.
We eschewed the merry-go-round for
ourselves, but watched the boy sitting
very straight on his more than mortal
steed. A steed that goes up and down
vertically while he also goes round and
round in a circle is not exactly mortal
— especially when he is a lion or a zebra
or a rooster. We tried our luck at the
gambling booths — you can hardly call
them anything else, those wheels and
bagatelle-boards and rifle-galleries. To
others the sofa pillows and red-glass
vases, the boxes of candy and the wick-
er tea-sets: our skill brought us noth-
ing but chewing-gum. You cannot take
chewing-gum away from a child who
has won it himself; so in the interest of
public morah we followed the crowd.
There the serried bunches of children
warred with members of the Legion as
to who should be let through the gate
next. When they sneaked in at the side,
the Legion shoved them back, in impec-
cable good-humor, but with military
finality. The wheel sprang a leak, and
youths ran back and forth saggingly,
with buckets of gasoline for the de-
frauded engine. The crowd grew: half
of Naples and two thirds of the black
belt, with an aggressive sprinkling
from Jewry, surged waist-high about
the demobilized guardians of the gate.
But finally the lath-like mechanism was
pronounced in order, and boy and god-
father climbed into the last empty car.
We stood and watched their revolutions,
eyes fixed, it seemed, on the zenith,
while Naples prodded and Lithuania
kicked our ankles. Atlantic City would
not have known there was a wheel
there; but to me it took on the matured
shape of Adventure. My husband was
as gallant as on the verge of Molokai or
Halemaumau; he did not prophesy, he
did not warn, he did not frown. 'All
right, if you want to ' — and as son and
godfather got off, we leaped into the
empty car.
And this is what I was coming to, in
all these weary paragraphs: my bit of
bridge-and-river, third-time-rising-and-
sinking philosophy. We rose, we at-
tained the height, we swung on in the
downward loop — once and once only.
I do not know how many revolutions
they give you for your money; but I
knew that one was all I could bear. I
said, 'Do you think they would stop
and let us off? ' — and left the rest to G.
I knew that he would get me off if possi-
ble, and that he would not say, 'I told
you so.' These are good things to be
able to count on. After one unnatural
glimpse of the dim New Jersey plain
beneath us, I had shut my eyes — I
who like heights. I was not sick, I was
not giddy, I was physically quite com-
fortable; but I found myself hesitant
to intrude upon the stars at their own
front doors. I like to lie on a rock ten
thousand feet in air and feel that, if I
blew hard, I could blow a planet clean
out of place, or disarrange Orion's belt.
I am always hoping to double the ten
thousand; then, for one instant, I shall
454
ON BEING A SPORT
have the illusion of a supreme decision :
whether or not to lift my hand and
grope for the lost Pleiad. It is not the
nearness of the stars I mind; simply, I
like a back to my chair when I greet
them. I would rather pull them down
than have them pull me up. I wanted
to get off the Ferris wheel — and did.
What I had possessed for fifteen
cents was one priceless moment of fear.
It is not often, in one's padded life,that
one is stark afraid, primitively, for one 's
own skin. Under the revealing shock
of it, I did a lot of emotional algebra,
finding with astonishing speed what x
equals. The equation slid through its
paces to the solution. In the mere in-
stant of eye-closing I compared myself,
on my modest wheel, with those who
brave the ether. Yes: but they are fas-
tened in; if I were fastened in, I should
not mind; in fact, what I mind most is
this fearful detachment from anything
like solidity. Think how many people
go round on far bigger wheels than this.
Yes, but the heart knoweth its own
wheel. Besides, the bones of the baby
are flimsier than those of the grown-up.
This thing is made of string and papier-
mache, and even at Coney Island they
have horrid accidents. All these con-
traptions are unsafe. We know it when
we are on the ground, and are very wise
over the accidents, in headlines, once a
season. But see the children swarming;
and did n't your own boy actually
squirm about to look behind him, in
mid-air? Ah, children are fearless
through ignorance. But grown-ups like
it, too: remember that at all pleasure-
resorts you find the most uncomfortable
and dangerous devices the most popu-
lar. They like to walk through rolling
barrels, they like to shiver along the
heights of the roller-coaster, they like to
stand on the slippery whirling cone and
be flung off irresistibly into a padded
precinct. They like looping the loops,
and bumping the bumps. They like it.
II
Ah, my dear defensive Interlocutor,
— Spirit of the Wheel, or what not, —
you touch one of the most pathetic and
vital facts of human nature. To each of
us it is natural to crave danger, since
a dash of danger is necessary to make,
out of an act, an adventure. To prepare
yourself for that danger, in the right
way, to meet it when prepared, in the
right spirit, is to be a good sport. To be
a good sport, it is not quite enough to
face the danger bravely when it comes :
you must, to some extent, welcome it.
Yet, to welcome danger, to go to look
for it — is not that being merely rash,
or foolhardy?
There are distinctions, my child (so
spoke the Interlocutor). It is all a mat-
ter of the quid pro quo. Nothing for
nothing, in this world. The danger pays
for something else — knowledge, or a
new sensation. Is the knowledge worth
it? Is the new sensation worth it? You
must decide.
But that is not being a sport, I
protested. A sport takes his chances.
Exactly, replied the Spirit of the
Wheel. And a good sport must also be
a good appraiser of quid pro quo. Nine-
ty times out of a hundred he must make
a good guess at whether or not the ad-
venture is going to be worth the risk.
Otherwise men write him down, if over-
hesitant, a coward; if over-willing, a rash
idiot.
Is it worth my while, I asked, to open
my eyes, to be afraid for several revolu-
tions more, to repeat the horrid sensa-
tion I have just been having at the very
top of our career — is it worth while ?
Am I failing to be a sport if I ask, in a
few seconds more, to be allowed to get
off? This has become a purely moral
matter, good Wheel.
Of course it is a moral matter, the
Spirit of the Wheel replied. Show me
anything that is n 't. It is even a moral
ON BEING A SPORT
455
matter that wheels of my sort are so
flimsy. Those who make them count
heavily, and not in vain, on the des-
perate desire, in drab lives, for adven-
ture. Drab lives must take adventure
where they can find it. A new sensation
for a dime — and any man is lifted from
the crowd, is gloriously individual,
while he is experiencing a new sensation.
He stands on a peak in Darien. If there
is danger added, he is not only a dis-
coverer, but, for his instant, a hero.
Perhaps the folk who make these things
so badly as to increase the danger are
really benefactors — are really acting
morally; since, if you incur no risk at all,
you have no chance of being a sport. I
should be interested to know what you
think. Nothing is so comforting to the
soul as the memory of past perils well
met and lived through. Does a man
ever get over narrating a hair 's-breadth
escape? You talk about being tied in.
But if you were tied in, you would not
be afraid. Where would be the glory?
It is time, by the way, if you want to
get off, to say so. Your car will pres-
ently be at the bottom. Then we are
really off. We shall go faster next time.
I had only one instant left, under the
empire of this my fear, to decide. As
I have said before, I decided to alight.
But I knew that I was deciding much
more than that, and that I had been
very near the wavering line which di-
vides good sports from bad. 'Only let
me get off this thing,' I said to myself,
'and I promise to be a normal creature
again, able to smile and split hairs with
jest. Give me ground under my feet,
and I reenter my personality. Since it
is not necessary that I should be again
thus hideously lifted up, I cannot bear
it. If it were inevitable — but that is
a whole other problem, and I refuse
to consider it.' So I got off, careless of
comparisons between myself and the
desirous ones who rushed to fill our
places.
In mid-flight, I had come near to
solving my own problem: x is what
you get in payment for the discomfort
you endure, the risk you run, the fear
you feel. You must always determine
x. Algebra is the most human of ab-
stract sciences, since life is perpetually
put to you in the form of a quadratic
equation. The adventurer must be,
above all, a half-way decent mathema-
tician. He cannot afford to make mis-
takes as to the value of x. The whole
point, I had said to myself, — or the
Spirit of the Wheel had said to me, —
is whether it is worth it. I shall hate
going round and round, faster and fast-
er; I shall be afraid, and 'fear is more
pain than is the pain it fears.' What
shall I get out of it that will preponder-
ate over that terror? Indeed, will not
my fear inhibit any aesthetic sense that
might operate? The part of straight
common sense is to end this adventure
here and now. On this I acted. But not
without knowledge that some tempera-
ments would have seen it through none
the less, equation or no equation. Were
those the real sports, and I no sport at
all? Perhaps. And yet — there was
nothing at stake: neither pleasure, nor
knowledge, nor reputation. I should
hate it; it would teach me nothing; no
one had dared or challenged me to the
act. Common sense certainly told me to
do as I did, as much as to come in out
of the rain if I had no umbrella and no
business out of doors.
But is there not something beyond
common sense, very necessary to the
world? something that is indifferent to
the value of x, and says, ' I don't care
to solve it beforehand, thank you ' ?
Common sense has a deal of caution in
it; and do we not, somewhere in the
world, need rashness? If your adven-
tures are to be many, or successful, you
must bring your algebra into play. We
still pity the person who did not at first
glimpse see, from the mere look of the
456
ON BEING A SPORT
problem on the page, that x was going
to be a negligible amount. Yet what
. should we do without the people who
disdain algebra — who try the strange
new thing for the mere sake of trying it,
a little careless of what it is going to
bring them? What should we do with-
out the people who love danger for it-
self— not as seasoning, but for the
whole dish? Generally speaking, those
people are used up early; and we are
rather apt to deem them fools. I am
not sure that the sum of them is not
folly; that they are not, so to speak, all
salt. A pity to be all salt; yet how could
we get on without salt itself?
To be a good sport, — I think the
Spirit of the Wheel was right, — one
needs to calculate, and pay cheerfully,
to the last exhausted nerve, if x looks
good. I still do not feel sure that I was
a bad sport, since there was nothing at
stake. I sampled a thing which was to
bring me at best nothing but pleasure.
There was no pleasure in it — x was
obviously zero — and I threw it away
early.
My own conduct does not matter,
except to me. I knew that in mid-air.
What struck me, even as I trembled
aloft, was that this is a vital question
to us all. For deciding this question,
the instinct of the race is the best test, I
fancy. When does the mass feel a quick
sympathy, and when does it shrug its
shoulders? I leave out all rash acts of
an altruistic nature; for when a thing
is done for another's sake, no matter
how mad the act, x looms large. Do
we, or do we not, admire, instinctively,
the Human Fly? Have we, that is, a
moral sympathy with him? Skill, again,
is another matter: it is not the man who
crosses Niagara on a tight rope that is
the test case; it is. the man who shoots
Niagara in a barrel. Skill, however em-
ployed, arouses an admiration purely
intellectual. Thus or thus a man has
trained his eyes or his toes or his mus-
cles, and either he is well-enough train-
ed to overcome difficulties or he is not.
But there is little room in that barrel
for skill.
Most of us, I think, do not admire
him, though many of us would run to
see. We cannot believe that x equals
enough to justify him. For instinctively
we do all on such an occasion rush to
our algebra and roughly solve the equa-
tion. But ' the dream is not yet ended ' ;
and here is the rub.
True it is, as the Spirit of the Wheel
remarked, that one must do each time
that little sum. But no man can quite
solve it for another. Half the time x is
an imponderable, a gain which none
can estimate or realize but the gainer.
'We were dreamers, dreaming great-
ly in the man-stifled town.' X is the
dream.
'In the faith of little children we
lay down and died.' But still x is the
dream. For the chance of wealth, for
the chance of beauty, for the chance of
fame, or the chance of power, a man
will risk his comfort and his life; and if
the chance is clear enough, other men,
even if they do not emulate him, will
understand. It is when there is nothing
for success to bring him that they turn
away. We have come to believe so en-
tirely that no man throws away his life
except in the hope of possessing some-
thing he values more, that we have, I
think, little natural sympathy for the
man who throws his life away for the
mere sake of throwing it away. Half
the time, in such a case, the man sees
something that no one else sees: the
value of x is his secret. But sometimes,
surely, the sole act is its sole end. And
there we stop. We never think of call-
ing that man a 'sport.' We call him a
fool. Yet the man in the street would
not like to live his life through without
the spectacle of that folly.
Life has, for the good of the race,
become, in public opinion, a precious
ON BEING A SPORT
457
thing to have and a seemly thing to
keep. Otherwise life is not worth the
complex cost of reproduction. Funda-
mentally speaking, we fear death. It is
the negation of everything we spend
our breath and strength upon, the re-
ductio ad absurdum of all our activity,
the very contrary of all our attempts.
Religion and philosophy have decked
it out and given it an honorable place
in the scheme of things. But the race
saves its life if, according to its own
code of decency, it can. Dying is some-
thing the race prefers not to do. 'I
would rather die than ' is, in the common
speech of the world, the ne plus ultra of
aversion. All this is instinctive. When
we develop inhibitions and complexities,
there are many things in life to which
death would be preferable. But if you
listen only to the deepest voice within
you, you fear death as spontaneously as
you blink your eye to avoid the mote
that seeks it. The man who throws his
life away for nothing is a fool; but —
let us be absolutely honest: he is in
some sort a. pleasant incident. He has
expressed an extraordinary and tonic
scorn.
All subject peoples have been glad-
dened by the fool who defied the tyrant.
To anyone who tells us that death is
cheaper than life, we listen incredulous-
ly, but with joy. The person who has
demonstrated that doing something
totally unimportant is more fun than
keeping alive makes the man in the
street draw, for an instant, a freer breath.
It makes him feel that death is only
Mumbo Jumbo, after all. To be sure,
the man in the street will always say
that the person who has done this for
him is insane. But at the back of beyond
— in his secret, savage heart — he will
have liked it. He will not admit that he
has liked it; for after that one blink, he
becomes a citizen again. We judge so
quickly, trained by the ages, that the
sudden pleasure is gone almost before
we have enjoyed it. But the fact re-
mains that, for a half-instant, the sensa-
tion has been pleasurable.
We like death to be insulted, though
we have been taught to be very polite
to him. Our rules and codes must of
necessity be made up more out of our
knowledge than out of our instincts.
Yet into most of our conventions, in-
cluding that of ' being a sport, ' instinct
must to some extent enter. Finding
out x is education; to feel delightful-
ness in danger is instinct. Primitive
man knows that Nature is a brute. He
will propitiate her, — he must, — but
if he can make an impudent gesture at
her behind her back, he will surely do
it. If he can defy the elements, he will
defy them. If he can contrive a mech-
anism that flouts the law of gravity, he
will patronize that mechanism in thou-
sands. Romance — his only ally against
Nature — will steady his soul while he
does it. In most cases, x is what you
win from Nature when you have bluffed
successfully. To be a sport in the finest
sense, perhaps you must have the poker
face.
Man's implacable resentment against
the conditions of life lies at the heart of
all this business. We become rational
by canny observation of the bonds that
restrain us. To be irrational is to pre-
tend to ignore them. Real freedom does
not lie that way, because our limitations
bring us up very short. Real freedom is
free will operating in a deterministic
universe. Our philosophy professors
used to explain it to us in college.
Within the prison walls it is better to
confine one's self to the hundred-yard
dash. Surely you are happiest when
you curb your desires within the bounds
of possibility. No man but a fool enters
for a Marathon race when the barbed
wire is going to stop him so soon. But
when we see him start as for his Mara-
thon, we forget the barbed wire for an
instant — until he crashes into it, that
458
THE JURY
is, and we can all ask, why attempt the
obviously impossible? Why defy com-
mon sense? Why pretend to forget the
barbed wire? Yet Coney Island will
teach you, any day, how deep in human
nature lies the ache to be the master,
not the servant, of natural laws — yes,
from Icarus down to the man who, since
I began this page, shattered himself to
pieces in the Niagara rapids.
Being a sport is, I suppose, going as
far as there is any reasonable chance of
your being allowed to go. That reason-
able chance is sometimes a very diffi-
cult quantity to determine. But if the
chance were not sometimes less than
reasonable, there would be no thrill in
being a sport. It is the dare-devil almost
touching him — just over the line —
that makes the good sport an exciting
person. The good sport must calculate
x — I think the Wheel was right. But
if x were not sometimes incalculable,
or nil, we should not bother about it,
and good sports would be few. It is the
hint of the madman in him that en-
thralls us. It is not enough, as I said,
to face the inevitable danger gallantly:
there must be the crook of an inviting
finger toward the risk. The good sport
must be a good guesser, yes; but if he is
absolutely infallible, you suspect him of
having looked up the answer in the key.
A grade of a hundred per cent is very
suspicious.
V I do not know whether, between the
bridge and the river, there is indeed
time for an act of perfect contrition; but
I do know that before the Ferris wheel
can come full circle there is time for a
lot of algebra. The pages written bear
witness.
THE JURY
BY EMMA LAWRENCE
'So what did you do about the
woman?' Mrs. Alison asked.
And Tina Metcalfe answered: 'I kept
her. I had a talk with the other servants
first, and they were quite willing to give
her another chance. I must say, they Ve
been nice about it, never throwing
her trouble up to her but just trying to
help —
'I wonder if people in our class could
be so decent to each other,' Mildred
Peryn broke in. 'I've never known
whether we were more hard-hearted or
whether we feel responsible for the
moral code and don't dare make excep-
tions.'
Esther Davis leaned across to their
hostess and whispered to her. 'Tina,
won't you tell them, now, about that
summer at Sevenoaks?'
Mrs. Metcalfe lighted a cigarette, the
match illuminating a rather worried
countenance; but she answered, 'Yes,
I will tell about it. Something has hap-
pened which makes me want to talk to
you about Violet Osborne.'
'Violet Osborne!' Four of the six
women in the room sat breathlessly
erect.
They were dining together, — these
six women, — as they had done two or
three times a year since they had mar-
THE JURY
459
ried and settled in the same city. It
happened that they were all intimate
friends, and, when their husbands left
them for club dinners at their old uni-
versity, the women put on tea-gowns
and sallied forth for a genial evening.
To-night, Tina Metcalfe had given
them a delicious dinner, and they had
made themselves comfortable in her
beautiful great library, a bridge table
waiting for some enthusiasts in the
corner, with fresh packs and shaded
light in readiness.
But apparently the hostess had some
story worth waiting for. They were all
women in early middle life, though one
would not have thought of them in con-
nection with any definite number of
years, so alert, so soignees, so powerful
they seemed in their splendid confidence
— not, to be sure, the joyous confidence
of youth, strong because it is untested,
but the solid self-assurance of satisfac-
tory accomplishment.
Mrs. Metcalfe threw away her ciga-
rette and clasped her lovely, slender
hands about her knee, leaning forward
that she might look into the fire and
avoid the curious faces of her guests.
'I'll have to go way back,' she said,
'to the fall directly after it happened.
I had taken out my Christmas list and
was going over it. You know the way
it's arranged — Jim's family, my fam-
ily, children, personal friends, and so
forth — and the very first name under
"friends" was Violet Osborne. I've
often wondered what it was about her
that made hers the first name on any
list; but I am sure, with all of us, the
first person we thought of for a big din-
ner or a tete-a-tete lunch or a Christmas
present was Violet.
'Well, anyway, I was checking the
list, and almost involuntarily I started
to cross off her name. Then it occurred
to me what a ghastly thing it was to do
— as if she were dead ; and she was not
dead, and her name where it was showed
what she had meant to me. It started
me thinking about it for the first time
all alone like that. Of course, I 'd talked
it over and talked it over with all of
you and with Jim, and we'd always
come back to the same point — if only
there 'd been some excuse! If only
Harry Osborne had been a brute, cruel
or unfaithful to her, or even awfully un-
attractive or horribly poor — anything
would have done, so that we could
honestly have said, "Poor Violet!"
But there was n't any. She was young,
she was beautiful, she was adored; fur-
thermore, Harry Osborne was rich and
worshiped her.
'Then suddenly I realized that all
that was the very excuse for Violet.
If Harry has been a beast, it would
have been her job to stick it out for his
sake and the children's — after all, if
she had been unhappy, she would have
renounced very little. But this — this
giving up of everything that she valued
so tremendously, must be something
more than mere passion. We speak of
dying for a person we love — it's prac-
tically what Violet did for Cyril when
she went away with him, not away
from a brutal husband and sordid home,
but away from the most congenial at-
mosphere that ever surrounded a gay
and fascinating woman. As for leaving
Harry and the children, it was of course
horrible, but she left them to the pity and
affection of countless friends and each
other — for herself, outer darkness and
Cyril Stanton.
'I hope you understand what I'm
trying to say. At the tune the lack of
any circumstances which would have
made the world more charitable toward
what Violet had done suddenly glorified
her act to me, and she stood out in my
mind, superhuman, capable of so much
more than we who judge. It seems
rather an anticlimax to add that I did
n't scratch her name off the list. In-
stead, I sent her a little lacquer match-
460
THE JURY
box, and months later I had a funny
little scrawl from her, from somewhere
in Spain. Apparently it had pleased
her.'
No one spoke for the few moments
Mrs. Metcalfe remained silent. Each of
the women conjured visions of them-
selves busily erasing the name of Violet
Osborne off their various lists, and each
of them realized why Tina Metcalfe
meant more to them than any of the
others. Her low, pleasant voice con-
tinued:—
'The second part of my story takes
us to when we were caught in Europe
after the war broke out. We were lucky
in getting to England, where Jim found
he could be of service to our Embassy,
so we stayed on. Thanks to a succes-
sion of foreign governesses in my far-
away childhood and a natural linguistic
ability, I was able to be of some use,
too; but the excitement and one harrow-
ing story after another rather did me up,
and Jim insisted I take a week off or
else give up entirely. We compromised
on my going to Sevenoaks for a week-
end. I had spent a summer there once,
when I was a little girl and my family
were on the continent. I remembered
the Crown Hotel, and that there was
a lovely garden behind it, and Knoll
House with a great park full of brows-
ing deer. I thought it would be rather
fun to renew associations after so many
years — at least it would be restful,
after London and my work there.
'Jim motored me down from town on
Saturday afternoon; but as he had to
hurry back to the Embassy, he left me
feeling frightfully lonely and depressed,
and I felt for a few moments that Jim
was right, and that I was indeed "all
in." That made me want to cry; but
after a bit I got hold of myself, and I
asked one of the waiters if I could n't
have a sort of tea-supper in the garden,
as I did n't feel fit enough to stay up for
the late dinner.
'He was most sympathetic and ar-
ranged everything beautifully, and I
was beginning to feel much less forlorn,
when I suddenly looked up. There, sil-
houetted against the dark square of the
open door, stood Violet Osborne. She
did n't see me. I had a succession of the
queerest feelings sitting there looking
up at her. The first was curiosity, pure
and simple — what did she look like?
But the answer was obvious — lovelier
than ever; and then a funny feeling, al-
most anger, came over me. I thought
of myself and all of you, and how we,
who had honored our marriage- vows
and the many responsibilities of our
complicated lives, had grown into mid-
dle-age, careful of our figures and skin
and hair, while Violet, who had shirked
everything, remained the embodiment
of Youth. She was leaning against the
casement of the door, talking to some-
one in the room inside; and when she
smiled and her face lit up in that glo-
rious way it used to, something in me
melted, and I wanted nothing so much
as one of those smiles for myself.
'But I was shy about approaching,
— shy as if I had been the social out-
cast, — and something warned me, as
I looked at her, that, unless I could make
the spirit in which I went to her intelli-
gible to her, she would have none of me.
One hint of patronage, of curiosity, and
she would be up in arms. So I waited,
and finally it seemed that her compan-
ion was no longer in the room, for she
talked no more. Soon she stepped out.
on to the path and came slowly toward
me. My heart contracted with each
step, but she never looked my way and
soon she was next my little table. So
then I said the most inane thing that
ever came into a human head; but I
was delighted to hear my voice sound
quite natural. "I double two no
trumps," I said.
'Of course she turned, and in a min-
ute we were in each other 's arms, laugh-
THE JURY
461
ing, crying, talking in a ridiculous, hys-
terical way.
'Finally, she gasped, "You darling,
you always did double me."
'And I said, "But you did play such
rotten bridge, Vi. It must have been
very expensive for you."
She nodded solemnly and adorably.
"It was, frightfully," she said, "but
you would all play, and I had to be with
you all."
'This from the woman who had left
us all, you understand, fully realizing
what it would mean. She sat with me a
while, and I explained why I was at
Sevenoaks, and about my tea-supper;
and she told me that she had taken a
small house near-by, and that, owing to
some hitch in her household, they were
short of Sunday provisions and she had
driven in to town, preferring to wait at
the Crown while the stable boy col-
lected packages.
1 " I try to get away for a little, every
day," she said. And then she told me
how very ill Cyril had become. That
was the first time she had mentioned
him and her face seemed transfigured.
"Tina," she said, "he suffers most aw-
fully, and yet he never complains. I
feel it must be a relief to him to have
me away, so he can give in for a little
while."
'It was time then for her to go back;
and as she stood up, I marveled, but
. quite without anger, at her beauty and
virility. I asked if I might see her and
Cyril, and it was settled I. should lunch
with them the following day.'
Mrs. Metcalfe paused again. She was
trying to create an effect upon her hear-
ers, and she doubted if she was succeed-
ing. Also, from now on, her story was
more difficult and less dramatic. She
relinquished her position before the fire
and leaned back in her chair, smoking
again, and giving an occasional spas-
modic kick with her crossed foot, which
betrayed her nervousness. She would
have given much for some sign of sym-
pathy or appreciation from some one of
her audience; but except for Esther
Davis, she had no idea how her story
was being received. They were inter-
ested, she knew, and she had no fear
that they would criticize her own ac-
tions ; but whether or not she was arous-
ing their old affection for Violet Osborne
she could not tell.
'I drove out to their place on Sun-
day,' she continued. ' It was very much
what you'd expect: shabby, pictur-
esque, and inconvenient, with Violet's
taste everywhere, — in the chintz, the
ornaments, the flowers, — but nothing
in the least luxurious. Violet herself
was in wonderful spirits, and she amused
Cyril and myself all through lunch, so
that our laughter removed any possi-
ble embarrassment. After lunch she
sent him to lie down on a long chair in
the sun, and she and I started out for a
walk. And at once her gayety fell away
from her, leaving something terribly
tragic and earnest beneath. She asked
me how Cyril seemed to me.
'"He's thin," I said, "but otherwise
in excellent form. Surely you're not
seriously worried, Vi."
' "The doctors think he may live a
year," she said, quite simply and with
so little emotion in her voice that it
sounded flat and harsh. I started to
speak but she interrupted me. "Don't
please talk about it, Tina, darling —
except for this one thing that I 've got
to say. I want you to know always that
in what I did the question of right or
wrong does n't enter — it was the only
thing possible. I 'm sorry about hurting
Harry and the children; but I have n't
had time to be sorry very much. I'll
have all the rest of my life for that; but
while I've got Cyril, I'm glad every
minute, and I can't wish anything dif-
ferent that might affect the wonder of
the present. And I want you to know
that I'd rather have had these few
462
THE JURY
crimson months than all the long, gray
years that make up some lives which
people call respectable and successful.
And yet I 'm not even so awfully sorry
it's going to end like this," she said very
gently; "when a man's old he wants his
friends and his children and his clubs
and all his comforts, and Cyril would
n't have any of those, poor darling; but
when he goes away, he'll still be quite
young, and he'll never have wanted
anything very much — but me."
'We were very silent until just before
I left, when she asked me about the
children — hardly trusting herself for
the first question, and then her eager-
ness was tragic: how often did I see
them? how did they look? what did
they wear? — her hungry eyes straining
to see the visions my answers conjured
for her. But when Cyril appeared to bid
me good-bye, she was quite serene; not
gay, as at lunch, but deeply content to
be in his dear presence once more. I
think she was almost glad when I left
them alone, though then, of course, she
could not guess how short their time
together was to be.'
Again the speaker paused. Everyone
in the room knew the immediate sequel
to the story: the Metcalfes had come
home very unexpectedly, and a few
weeks later Cyril Stanton had died.
One of the women, the soft-hearted
Esther Davis, wept a little; but from
the others there was no sound; no one
commented on the story, no one seemed
inclined to gossip over its details. Mrs.
Metcalfe spoke again, but this time not
in the low, sympathetic voice she had
used formerly; she had suddenly felt
very tired and old and depressed, and
her voice sounded harsh and quick.
'Needless to say, I have not told you
all this to-night without a purpose. Cyril
Stanton died a year ago, and since
then Violet has been nursing typhus
in Serbia. Now, it seems, she 's pretty
well done up and Harry Osborne wants
to take her back.'
Five women stiffened. This was news,
even to Esther Davis.
'As you know, he never divorced her;
Cyril Stanton was a Catholic, so she
never could have married him anyway,
and, in spite of everything, Harry has
always been in love with her. She's
willing to come back on one condition
— if you want her. She does n't want
you to accept her out of charity or pity;
she confesses no sin, is unrepentant of
her act, but she realizes that we six
women can more or less reinstate her.
It sounds a worldly, snobbish thing to
say, but it 's true — if we take her back,
she's back more or less where she
started from; though, mind you, we
could n't do it without Harry any more
than Harry could do it without us. And
without us she won't come, knowing as
she does that it's social damnation for
her girls.'
Mrs. Metcalfe stood up and walked
across the room — at the door she
paused.
'Your answer must be unanimous,'
she said, 'and I must cable her your de-
cision at once.'
AFRICAN FOLK
A FURTHER CONSIDERATION
BY HANS COUDENHOVE
IT is often said about the negro that,
unlike the Red Indian, he is apt rapidly
to forget both a kindness and an injury.
As to the latter, I have my doubts. I
have known cases when natives nursed
their resentment for many years, ap-
parently quite oblivious of the injury in-
flicted; and then, when the opportunity
and the probability of impunity offered
themselves, struck with a vengeance.
As regards the reproach of habitual in-
gratitude, it must be said that natives
do not always look on treatment expe-
rienced from Europeans as the latter
themselves do, and often take as their
due, or as a condescension on their own
part, what the latter fondly imagine to
have been an act of kindness, condescen-
sion, or generosity. It has repeatedly
occurred in the interior, to me as well as
to others, that natives, after they had
been successfully treated for some ill,
came and claimed their reward.
Another circumstance that helps to
explain the negro's indifference regard-
ing kindness received is that all native
races, without exception, look upon the
white man as a usurper, who has robbed
them of their country; although the
common people — not, of course, the
chiefs — admit, as far, but only as far,
lis the British are concerned, that they
ire better protected now than they were
before. Still, they all feel that a griev-
'mce exists, and many of them look
upon anything for their relief or com-
fort that Europeans do, only as a small
part-payment of a debt.
But manifestations of gratitude do
occasionally occur, mostly on the part
of children, who are probably instigated
to them by their mothers. Many years
ago, a little Swahili boy in the hospital
in Zanzibar, to whom an orange was
brought, handed it back and begged
that it should be given to the kind lady
who had put medicine on his sore eyes.
In British East Africa I once, without
the slightest danger to myself, rescued
a little boy from drowning. A month
afterward he appeared in my camp
with a dozen eggs, for which he refused
to be paid. He must have collected
them one by one, for they were all
rotten!
Negroes do not feel as we do, or, if
they do, they show their feelings in
a different way. I once had a Kikuyu
servant, an excellent fellow, named
Tairara. We were camped for some
time in the Mweli hills, in the Sayidie
Province of British East Africa, and the
village, a market-place, was periodically
visited by Waduruma and Wanyika,
who came from a considerable distance,
to get, by barter, what articles they re-
quired. Tairara had already spoken to
me about one of his sisters, who, years
before, had been kidnaped from her na-
tive country and taken to the coast.
463
464
AFRICAN FOLK
And one day, sure enough, just as in a
story-book, the two met in the princi-
pal street of Mideli. The emotion of
Tairara was genuine and violent and, I
must say, most affecting. He sat on the
ground, holding with one hand the hand
of his sister, who was standing near him,
while, with the open palm of his other
hand, he kept beating the ground;
and, all the time, tears were streaming
from his eyes. The sister showed much
less emotion. She looked, if anything,
rather embarrassed.
Well, I left them in this position.
What followed, however, was the curi-
ous part of it. From that day onward
they took no more notice of one another
than if they had been strangers! I saw
them pass each other a week or so later
without exchanging even a word; and
when I asked Tairara how that was, his
reply was to the effect that they had
now met, and that the incident was
closed.
No native, I think, would hesitate to
indorse the opinion of Bernard Shaw's
charming heroine, Miss Lydia Carew,
when she coldly remarks that ' grief of
two years' duration is only a bad habit.'
To the native, there is a time for grief
and a time for pleasure, which may al-
ternate without transition. Also, na-
tives are, I believe, able to produce emo-
tion at will; at least, the women are.
At the wakes after the death of a rela-
tive or acquaintance, their wails are ac-
companied by genuine tears; yet both
before and after, they are absolutely un-
concerned, as if nothing had happened.
Ties of affection are strongest be-
tween mother and child, setting aside the
transitory attachments of paramours.
They are deep and lasting, and, in some
tribes, manifest themselves in a touch-
ing way. Among the Wabuanji and
Wakissi, for instance, the son, even
when he is grown up, when he encoun-
ters his mother, steps aside and kneels
down, and in this attitude waits until
she has passed. I remember how once,
when I was walking in Buanji with a
great chief, he suddenly left my side
and knelt down near the path, until his
old mother, who was coming our way,
and who might have stood for a por-
trait of ' She ' after her second baptism
of fire, had passed without taking the
slightest notice of him or me.
What a difference between this beau-
tiful custom and that ruling among
those dreadful Sakalavas of Madagas-
car ! There every woman, as soon as she
has reached the great climacteric, is de-
graded to the state of village idiot, be-
comes the butt of children's practical
jokes, is forbidden the entrance of the
house, fed on refuse, and never spoken
to except in rough accents, even by her
own children; whereas the old men re-
ceive every attention.
I once ventured to remonstrate on
that subject with a beautiful young mu-
latto woman, much courted by Euro-
peans, whose white-haired old grand-
mother was even then living in that
miserable status. 'In my country,' 1
said, 'old women are treated with par-
ticular respect and consideration by
all people alike, men and women and
children. The older a woman is, the
more respect we consider her to be en-
titled to.'
To which this heartless young lady
replied pertly: 'Well, that is the custom
in your country — and the custom in
our country is different, you see.'
But that was twenty years ago, and,
perhaps, since then, the innumerable
missions scattered along the Mozam-
bique channel may have succeeded in
changing this disgusting state of affairs.
On the whole, I am inclined to believe
that the feelings of East and Central
African natives are deeper than we
think. Cases of the most passionate
and romantic love occur, sometimes with
a tragic ending. Some years ago, I
brought down with me into the Shire
AFRICAN FOLK
465
Highlands, a Ngoma from the north of
the lake, whose name was Barbarossa.
The Wangoma are notorious for their
intelligence, their pride, their cunning,
and the violence of their character; and
Barbarossa was no exception. He left
behind him a wife and two little child-
ren — a circumstance that did not pre-
vent him from soon forming a new tie
in the Shire.
The object of his attachment was a
lady of ample charms, a widow, with
two little children and some means.
She had obviously lived much among
Europeans, dressed Swahili fashion,
and was, in her way, quite a swell. I
fancy it was this that took so strong a
hold of Barbarossa's imagination; he
had been a naked savage when he first
came to me.
I did not encourage this liaison, as I
wanted him to go back to his family;
and I looked upon it as a passing flirta-
tion only, until, one day, I happened
to speak to him about his return home,
when he emphatically declared that he
would never again leave the Shire High-
lands and his new love.
I remonstrated, reminding him of his
poor wife and children.
His reply was : ' But don't you know
that with us, when a man leaves his
country, his brother takes over his fam-
ily? My wife and my children are now
living with my brother.'
I believed that this infatuation would
cool down in time, and, in the mean-
while, I discouraged as much as possi-
ble the visits to his mistress, who lived
about four miles away, in the village of
a chief who was supposed to be her
brother. In time she became pregnant,
and then followed the catastrophe. She
died in child-bed, and that beast of a
chief did not send a messenger to inform
Barbarossa of her death until after she
had been buried.
For two days the poor fellow looked
absolutely crushed, and then recovered
VOL. iss — NO. 4
so rapidly from his grief, to all appear-
ances, chatting and laughing just as be-
fore, that I thought that here was an-
other example of native shallowness of
feeling. I was mistaken. Three days
later, during a heavy downpour of rain
which deadened all sounds, he hanged
himself hi his hut, which stood not a
hundred yards from my own.
I decided that he must be buried
alongside the woman whom he had
loved so much, and dispatched a mes-
senger to the chief to inform him that I
would send up the body for burial as
soon as I should have got the eight car-
riers required, whom I was expecting.
But before they had arrived, my mes-
senger came back in breathless haste, to
say that the chief and the villagers re-
fused to allow Barbarossa to be buried
in then- burial-ground, because he did
not belong to the same tribe. I sent
back word to say that I should use force
if they persisted in their refusal, and at
last they gave way and the two now lie
side by side.
I intended to adopt the baby, who
was then still alive; but it followed its
parents into the grave a few weeks
later, because, so I was told, its foster-
mother's milk did not agree with it.
n
The refusal on the part of the chief
to let Barbarossa be buried alongside
his mistress, because he did not belong
to the same tribe, is significant of the
native clannishness, which cannot have
been exceeded by the particularism of
the small German principalities before
1870. Although it undoubtedly has its
disadvantages, both for the administra-
tor and the missionary, the fact that in
it lies the chief European safeguard for
the future is so obvious, that all at-
tempts to 'educate' the native out of it
ought to be made punishable by law.
In East and Central Africa, the ex-
466
AFRICAN FOLK
change of children for food in periods of
dearth is a common transaction; and,
heartless though this kind of bargain
appears to be, it must be admitted that
it is one by which both sides profit. Be-
sides, in my own experience, the child-
ren, after years have passed since the
famine, frequently return to their old
home of their own accord.
In Ukinga, until a few years ago,
not always under the stress of hunger,
children were sold to lake-shore dwell-
ers for a basket of fish each, but the dis-
tance from the range to the lake is in
reality so small, that the sale really only
amounted to sending the child to the
lake to be taught to fish and row, and
accepting a basket of fish in celebration
of the occasion.
It was, of course, quite different in
the old days of slavery, when children
thus sold had to follow their new mas-
ters to the coast. Mr. Giraud, a French
naval officer, who visited the lake re-
gion in the early eighties, relates how
disgusted he was with a mother who,
after she had sold her little girl to a
trader from the coast, turned round,
without the least sign of emotion, and
went her way without once looking
back. He says that he intended to buy
back the child and return it to its moth-
er; but that the latter 's callousness de-
terred him from doing so. I am not cer-
tain that the poor woman did not feel a
great deal more than Mr. Giraud gives
her credit for. He expresses equal dis-
gust with the child, because it was soon
laughing and playing with another
child. Perhaps the tears came at night.
Although natives are capable of form-
ing strong ties of affection or love, it is
quite impossible to deny, on the other
hand, the truth of the assertion that
they are, like the man in Christmas
carols who had lost his heart, utterly
incapable of feeling pity for suffering
fellow creatures, man or beast. They
never volunteer to lend a hand for the
necessary functions around a sick-bed.
Many a time, sick people, even children,
could not be brought to my camp from
ever so short a distance, because there
was not one among the idle adults who
surrounded them who would consent
to bring them; and the same thing hap-
pened when a sick man's hut had to be
cleaned, or an ointment applied. Among
the Waya9, the most grasping of all the
tribes with which I am acquainted, a
traveler, surprised by a heavy shower
of rain, and seeking shelter, not inside,
but under the overhanging roof of a
hut, unless the owner happens to be a
relation, is mercilessly chased away un-
less he agrees to pay as much, some-
times, as sixpence.
The death of a European master,
even if they appear to be attached to
him, does not seem to affect negroes in
the least. As a rule, they avoid, when
they can, being present at the death-
bed of a master, — particularly when
within reach of an authority, — because
they are afraid of inquiries. I myself,
when down with fever, have twice been
deserted by 'boys,' who thought that
my last moment had come.
But they do not go far when a har-
vest is expected. The late H. Hyde
Baker, that 'great hunter,' a nephew of
Sir Samuel Baker, told me that once,
when he was lying ill with fever and
apparently unconscious in his tent in
the wilds, he heard his devoted servants,
who were squatting just outside his
tent, settle how they would divide
among themselves their master's spoils
as soon as he died, the one to get the
watch, another this, another that. And
yet, although strict, Baker was a gener-
ous master.
But the master, to the negro, is only
the source of food, and nothing beyond
that. I remember how once, in the Pare
mountains, when I was walking along a
steep incline, followed by one of my
servants, I happened to slip. He uttered
AFRICAN FOLK
467
an exclamation of anxiety. I looked
back, gratified about his concern for
my person, and the faithful creature
said : ' Who will feed me if you fall down
there? ' This child of Nature was noth-
ing if not frank. Once he commented
upon a golden tooth I am afflicted with.
' Aha ! ' I said, * you would like to cut my
head off while I sleep, and run away with
that tooth!'
'Oh! Master,' he replied, 'who could
do such a thing now, with so many
Police-Askaris about!'
But it must be said, in justice to
them, that natives do not look upon
death in the same light that we do. I
have heard men who were suspected of
having sleeping sickness discuss the
eventuality eagerly and with a great
show of interest, entirely as if they had
been talking, not about themselves, but
about strangers.
Natives, as is well known, are admi-
rable mimics and, during the war, imita-
tions of people dying and being killed
were a great feature, and, I regret to
say, a great source of amusement, in the
villages. On one occasion I witnessed
the representation, to an audience
made up of all the people hi my camp,
of the bayoneting of a man. The actor
was an invalided Askari, who had en-
tered my service a short time before.
First, one cut downward from the left,
then another in the same direction from
the right, then one upward, from the
left, and then a terribly realistic imita-
tion of the death-rattle. The audience
was delighted; my cook, the brute,
laughed so much that he had to lie on
the ground.
Ill
It is not to be expected that people
who are so indifferent to the sufferings
of man should be actuated by softer
feelings in their attitude toward the an-
imal kingdom. In general, they do not
go out of their way in order to inflict
pain, but they are completely indiffer-
ent to the sufferings of animals, and
they all delight in killing. It really does
appear as if the witnessing of the tran-
sition from life to death in another
creature gave the savage a peculiarly
gratifying sensation. Where they com-
mit acts of cruelty, they are generally
meant as reprisals of a wholly irrational
and wanton kind; as for instance, when
they cut off the beaks of birds which
they have caught feeding on their fields;
or when they pull out the tongue of a
live chameleon, for no other reason than
because chameleons frighten them; or
when they hang dogs which have com-
mitted a larceny. Negro children, I
think, are not naturally as cruel as the
children of Europeans, although they,
too, enjoy walking about with a mis-
erable little bird fluttering on a string
fastened to its leg, as does the son of
Rubens in his father's famous picture.
Unfortunately, the generality of Eu-
ropeans do not find it worth their while
to try to teach the native to exercise a
little kindness toward his dumb breth-
ren, and sometimes, alas, they are
themselves the very pioneers of cruelty
toward animals. Years ago, when I was
living in a part of British East Africa
where settlers were still conspicuous by
their absence, and the aborigines still
almost untouched.by civilization, there
appeared a taxidermist who collected
small mammals for a great museum,
and the parasites of small mammals for
a private gentleman — a happy com-
bination.
Up to then, hi that locality, I had not
seen a single act of cruelty to animals
committed by young or old, although,
or possibly because, the inhabitants
were fearless hunters of wild beasts.
But this state of affairs was now
changed, almost at a moment's notice.
All the little boys and some adults were
called, rewards were lavishly promised,
and the chase began. Whoever has
468
AFRICAN FOLK
read records of naturalists in both hemi-
spheres, knows how difficult it is to per-
suade natives to abstain from wounding
or maiming specimens which they bring
in. For one intact animal they injure a
dozen. There was no exception to this
rule in this instance, and, worst of all,
animals not needed, or past repair, were
simply refused.
I remember one particularly odious
occurrence. Some boys had brought a
quantity of live bats, fastened, for con-
venience of transport, to a string, like
the beads of a necklace, the string pass-
ing through a hole which had been
made in each bat's wings ! But the taxi-
dermist had no more use for bats, and
refused to take them; and so the lot
was simply thrown away by the side of
the road, alive and, of course, not un-
tied; for where is the negro who would
take the trouble to untie a knot, un-
less compelled to do so by necessity?
This will, to some people, appear a
small thing only; but who can doubt that
that taxidermist has sown a seed which
will, in the future, cause much suffering
to an incalculable number of living crea-
tures? As he was a peripatetic taxider-
mist, the place where I met him was
only one in a hundred.
To the lover of animals it must also
be a matter of great regret that the dif-
ferent commissions on tropical diseases
have to use native help when they experi-
ment on animals; for, given the negro's
passion for imitation, and his passion
for ' showing off ' before other natives,
one shudders at the thought of what
these helpers may be doing after they
have returned to their homes.
Although natives love to see animals
die, especially mammals, they often
omit to take the trouble to finish small
wounded animals and birds, and will
carry the latter, fluttering and strug-
gling, for miles and miles, to their place
of destination. It is pitiful to know, in
this connection, that both settlers and
officials, who are collecting, either for
themselves or to supply museums, in
the hope of perpetuating a name, other-
wise doomed to oblivion, by having it
affixed to a new species of animal,
are in the habit of sending out fully
equipped natives on collecting expedi-
tions, which sometimes last for months
at a time. It is all done for the pro-
motion of science, we are told, when we
dare to utter a mild word of remon-
strance. Many a poor bird, or small
mammal, which has been carried for
half a day, alive and suffering unspeak-
able torment, if it had the gift of speech,
might conceivably, before dying, utter
a variant of Madame Roland's famoi
exclamation at the foot of the scaffolc
IV
One cannot mention the negro's atti-
tude toward the animal kingdom with-
out speaking about his relations with
the 'friend of man.' It is only after
making acquaintance with the pariah
dogs of native villages that one fully
understands why Moses branded the
dog, forever, as an unclean beast. Ex-
cept in those regions where he is still
used for hunting, when scanty remains
of a devoured animal sometimes fall to
his lot, he feeds only on nameless offal,
and is expected to do so. Among some
tribes the licking clean of human ulcers
is, as in the Old Testament, a recognized
and admitted part of a dog's duties.
The most startling of the various uses
to which he is put, however, exists
among the Wangoni, where he has to
replace, with his tongue, the baby's
morning tub! This is done quite as a
matter of course, the mother, some-
times helped by the father, holding the
baby, while the dog conscientiously ac-
complishes his duty. The babies do not
seem to mind it much, and struggle
mildly, as babies will do when they ob-
ject to being washed. Expressions of
AFRICAN FOLK
469
disgust and indignation on my part,
when I first witnessed this performance,
were met with undisguised astonish-
ment on the part of the parents.
And those unfortunate creatures
breed like rabbits! It is a pitiful sight
to see a poor native bitch, reduced to
skin and bones, trying to satisfy the rav-
enous hunger of half a dozen half-
grown young gluttons. In many places
these curs, hunting either in packs by
themselves or with their masters, have
entirely extirpated whole species of
small mammals. In Buanji, where they
were formerly numerous, all the mon-
gooses have been destroyed by the joint
voracity of man and dog; and, surely,
anyone who has had the good fortune to
make the personal acquaintance of a
mongoose, not to mention the famous
Ricky-ticky, will admit that one mon-
goose is worth a hundred native dogs.
Thanks to the greediness of certain
Europeans, who do not scruple to sell
to chiefs — who will pay almost any
price for them — the pups of large Eu-
ropean breeds, these nuisances con-
stantly increase in number, size, and
strength. The Wahehe, in what was
formerly German East Africa, keep
their dogs, not only to hunt with, but
also as food; and those destined for that
fate are prevented from moving about
too much by having one of their legs
broken!
Natives train their dogs for the hunt
with great skill and cruelty. Once, in
the Livingstone Range, not many hun-
dred yards from my tent, and before I
could interfere, a native from Buanji,
who, with others, had been chasing a
reed-buck, cudgeled his dog to death
because he considered that he had been
slack in the performance of his duty.
One wonders why administrators do
not introduce a native dog-tax. It
would affect only the well-to-do, and an
unmitigated evil would gradually dis-
appear. There would be no necessity
for drastic measures, like the maroon-
ing of the dogs of Constantinople.
Among the hunting tribes, the men
are incredibly swift of foot. I have
known them to run down a buffalo, and
get it, too. This was in Ubena, which is
a hilly country, and the buffalo must
have been old, as I have tasted of its
meat, which was extremely tough. In a
flat country, I think, such a feat would
have been almost impossible, although
I have been told by natives in the great
plains of British East Africa, that men
exist who will run antelopes down.
The pivot around which all native
conceptions of life turn is food — cha-
kula ! To eat as much as he possibly can
at one sitting is looked upon by every
native as a sacred duty; and, like those
dung-beetles described by Henri Fabre,
he never, never stops, so long as there is
anything to eat before him. An American
divine, as well known for his beautiful
preaching as for his successes with the
rifle in East Africa, has told us how a
native with whom he remonstrated for
gorging himself with the meat of butch-
ered zebras, excused himself by saying
that he might be dead by the morning,
and then, what an opportunity would
have been lost! If you ask a native why
he goes and gets married, he never re-
plies: 'Because I love the girl'.; but in-
variably by the question: 'Who is to
prepare my food?'
It is quite useless to try to give na-
tives extras. I often started, but always
gave it up again, quite disheartened.
The more sugar and tea you give them,
the quicker they finish it. They have
no conception of husbanding provisions,
and are never satisfied or grateful.
There are, besides, always a lot of hang-
ers-on; and the servants and porters,
who fear retaliation in a moment of
penury, simply dare not refuse to share.
As one said to me once: 'If a man sees
that I have got something that he has
not got, and if I refuse to give him some
470
AFRICAN FOLK
of it, perhaps some day, when I am very
hungry and without food, and he has
plenty of it, he will also refuse to share.'
That the native custom to share all
food with everybody present is not, as
some may imagine, the outcome of al-
truism, is amply proved by the heartless
attitude toward the diseased and the
disabled, where a reversal of the position
appears an eventuality too remote to be
worth being considered. Although all
natives know how to cook, roast, fry, to
a certain point, their palate is absolute-
ly devoid of taste. The great majority
will, like Mark Twain's Goshoot Indi-
ans, eat anything that the raven and
the hyena — which latter, in Africa,
stands for coyote — eat — or leave.
The variety of the native bill of fare
is enormous, and, roughly speaking,
implies, besides vegetable food, every-
thing that breathes. Not all tribes,
however, are so catholic in their taste.
Some will look with disgust on what
others consider a delicacy, and vice versa;
and Mohammedans will, although they
are not by any means strict as re-
gards the ritual, abstain from certain
things as long as they have to fear the
censure of public opinion. Unfortu-
nately all natives, including Mohamme-
dans, eat all birds, with the exception,
in some cases, of birds of prey, or of
birds which are fetish, like the ground
hornbill. Not even the smallest birds,
like nectarines or waxbills, are safe
from pursuit — a state of affairs which
clamors for legislative interference.
Rats and moles are in great demand
among many tribes; some, like the Wa-
hehe, eat dogs; the Wangoni eat cats;
the Wangulu, snakes and lizards. Sev-
eral kinds of caterpillars, both smooth
and hairy, are collected in baskets and
eaten as a relish or kitoveo; locusts and
white ants replace in native cuisine our
oysters and turtles; and some people
are particularly fond of a large, strong-
smelling tree-bug.
But if the white man stands aghast
before the native articles of diet, the
native reciprocates as far as many of
our food-stuff's are concerned. Tinned
food, especially since the war brought
enormous quantities of it into the coun-
try, is a source of incessant interest and
inquiries. Natives have often expressed
to me their wonder at the great variety
of things which Europeans eat. One of
them could not be persuaded that what
he had seen in a tin was not chameleon !
A settler whom I knew in Uhehe once
poisoned some wild dogs with strych-
nine and then buried them. On the fol-
lowing day several men came to him
and asked permission to unearth the
carrion, in order to eat it. The settler
refused, explaining that the dogs had
been poisoned; but they came back in
the night, dug the dogs out, and took
them away.
Once, in the Transvaal, I opened a
tin of mortadella di Bologna, and, find-
ing it entirely spoiled, threw it away. A
European who was staying with me
presently saw my headboy pick up the
tin, and, before he could interfere,
swallow the contents. We both ex-
pected the fellow to die of ptomaine
poisoning, but nothing happened; he
seemed, if anything, rather more cheer-
ful after, than before, his meal.
I remember that once, when I was
camped on the shore of Lake Nyasa, a
very large dead fish floated slowly past,
poisoning the atmosphere with its ef-
fluvium. Suddenly I noticed that several
of my men rushed to the landing-place
and jumped into a dugout; and when I
asked them what they were up to, the
reply was, that they wanted to haul the
fish ashore. 'What for? ' I asked, horri-
fied. 'Because we want to eat it!' I
screamed a peremptory warning and was
grudgingly and wonderingly obeyed.
Up to fifteen years ago, in the so-
called Kaffir eating-houses on the Rand,
native mining boys used to buy, by pref-
AFRICAN FOLK
471
erence, meat full of grubs. They said
it was richer. It really would appear,
from these and other instances, as if the
digestive organs of wild people were
constructed on a model different from
ours.
The quantity of food that a single na-
tive is able to absorb at one sitting is
phenomenal. About twelve years ago,
in Tavita, in British East Africa, I once
shot a large rhino at a distance of about
ten miles from the old disused house of
the Church Missionary Society, where I
was living at the tune. When I walked
back, my gun-bearer ran ahead and
called my immediate neighbors, mostly
Masai and Wachagga belonging to the
Mission. I met these people — eight
including the gun-bearer — going out
to the kill, as I was reaching home.
After I had bathed and changed, I sent
one of my boys into the next village of
the Wataweta, a mile farther back in
the forest, to inform them also of my
chase, so that they, too, might go and
fetch meat for themselves and their
families; soon afterward I saw them
trooping out, past my house. They
passed it again toward evening, return-
ing home, and I noticed that they were
not carrying anything except a few
pieces of hide. I asked them if they had
eaten plenty, and received the despond-
ent reply: 'There was nothing left when
we arrived.' I do not, of course, mean
to imply that the first lot of eight na-
tives had eaten the whole rhino in a few
hours. But what happened was prob-
ably this : they ate, each as much as he
could carry inside, and then took away
on their shoulders as much as they could
carry outside, having first cached the
balance. My gun-bearer, a few days
later, fell ill with an intestinal disease,
from which he died within a month.
Natives do not look upon the appro-
priating of foodstuffs from Europeans
as theft. When caught hi the act, they
indignantly repudiate the charge of
theft. They look upon the food as their
due. It is a tribute. Because no one of
their race would refuse them part of his
provisions if they were staying with
him, they think they are entitled to part
of the provisions of the white man; and
if he does not give it willingly, they take
it. Bernard Shaw's assertion, that
' what an Englishman wants, he takes,'
might much more appropriately be ap-
plied to the negro. This thieving is an
institution with which every European
has to reckon — a fact to be accepted.
It is a mistake to believe that a na-
tive servant in whom you show confi-
dence will try to live up to it. On the
contrary, he will, as a general rule, con-
sider your confidence as an invaluable
asset in the occasions of pilfering that
it will give him. And the women are
much greater thieves than the men.
They know practically no restraint, and
even rob each other incessantly, even
of the smallest trifles, or of medicines,
bandages, and the like. I have known
several cases where natives parted from
their wives because they could not keep
the latter from stealing.
It is interesting to remember, in this
connection, that Sir Harry Johnston
mentions the incessant pilferings perpe-
trated by the Askari women as one of
the causes of the Soudanese rebellion in
the early nineties. England was then
engaged in one of her small wars in
Equatorial Africa, and the women who
had followed the black soldiers com-
mitted such depredations among the
friendly tribes, that they had to be sent
back to Uganda. This their husbands
resented, and it was, if not the only, at
least the principal cause of the ensuing
revolt.
I mentioned that the articles coveted
by the women are often mere trifles;
but this applies to the men also. It is
472
AFRICAN FOLK
certainly a fact that nothing is too
soiled, too torn, or too insignificant,
to find a collector; which does not, how-
ever, mean, that natives have not a very
keen sense of the value of things. But
they are very clever in turning even
what has been discarded as totally
valueless, to some sort of use. I once
gave a native, a carver in wood and
ivory by trade, an old disused sweater,
not thinking that he would be able to
turn it to any account. A few days
later he appeared in my camp with a
rakish white cap, culminating in a red
cocarde made out of a strip of flannel.
This cap was the torn-off collar of the
sweater, which had been sewn together
on one side, and then decorated with the
cocarde. Shortly afterward the owner
told me that he had found a purchaser
for his novel head-gear.
If, as some people pretend, the secret
of making poverty endurable — of re-
conciling champagne tastes with a lager-
beer income — lies in abstaining from
necessaries and indulging in luxuries
instead, the negro undoubtedly has
adopted this method. He buys unneces-
sary trifles — old watches past repair,
matchboxes of metal, pencil-cases,
whistles, motor-goggles — at ridiculous
prices, while repudiating almost with
indignation the suggestion to buy rem-
edies for his own or his own people's
use, or a plate or a tumbler for his
household. The latter particularity, by
the way, presents the greatest obstacle
to giving a native any medicine to take
home with him. How can one expect a
member of a numerous household, in
which the only drinking vessel consists
of an old condensed-milk tin, to take,
every two or three hours a certain num-
ber of drops of, say, chlorodyne, diluted
in water? — quite apart from the fact
that every inhabitant of the village
would insist on tasting the stuff! In
this respect, as in some others, the Lat-
in axiom, Ccelum, non animum, mutant,
qui trans mare currunt, would seem to
apply to the Ethiopian in the same de-
gree as to the European. Has not
Booker T. Washington told us how, in
a negro household in Virginia, which
could boast of a single cup only, he
found a piano? This happy-go-lucki-
ness is, perhaps, a manifestation of the
artistic temperament. Everybody has
seen reproductions of the celebrated
drawings of the Kalshari bushmen, but
it would be a mistake to imagine that
this gift is their monopoly. Often, in
countries hundreds of miles apart, I
have bought little clay figures of animals,
made by children in play, and have
always been struck by the astounding
accuracy with which the creatures'
main characteristics had been caught,
however disproportionate the measure-
ments. Among the grown-up people
one often finds real artists who repre-
sent human beings and animals with
equal skill. As an avocation, carving
usually runs in families, descending
from father to son, several brothers be-
ing sometimes employed in the same
trade; and the self-manufactured imple-
ments which they use are almost as
great a subject of surprise as the re-
sult produced.
At one time I saw a great deal of one
of these carvers in wood and ivory. He
was a Yao, called Beeboo — quite a
remarkable creature, who might have
posed as a sample of the artistic tem-
perament quite as well as any Quartier
Latin art student pictured in Miirger's
La Vie de Boheme. His likenesses of ani-
mals were extraordinarily lifelike, if oc-
casionally somewhat out of symmetry;
but he also gave free scope to his active
imagination by inventing animals with
new and grotesque shapes. When trade
was brisk, as was the case during the
war, he lived on the product of his knife
and saw only, and walked about, a
haughty and independent swell. When
times were bad, he used to work for his
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
473
livelihood on some plantation or farm,
watering flowers or cropping the lawn.
It was during one of these periods of
penury, when I had given him a job,
that I caught him helping himself to
my provisions. I dismissed him imme-
diately; but we remained on cordial
terms all the same, and he often came
into my camp afterward, either to offer
me pieces of art for sale or to borrow a
shilling.
I once entered his hut, where he was
living alone at the time, having just
been deserted by his wife — a usual oc-
currence with him. There was no furni-
ture except his stretcher; but every-
where on the ground stood old oil tins
and clay pots filled with decorative
plants, flowers, ferns, and low shrubs
with berries.
I cannot help thinking that Bee boo,
if he had been born in Paris, might have
developed into another Rodin, or a
male Rosa Bonheur. Born in the Mid-
dle Ages, in a cathedral town, he would
surely have been a famous gargoyle-
sculptor. But he, too, was not free of
those aberrations in taste to which I
have alluded before. One day he shaved
the lower part of his head all round in a
circle, and then let the hair on the upper
part grow to an enormous length, so
that he looked as if he wore a huge hel-
met of fur, like one of Napoleon's gren-
adiers. He looked fearful, and I told
him so, to his intense delight.
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
BY VERNON KELLOGG
I
BY America I mean the United States
without Alaska and the overseas appa-
nages, and by mountaineering I mean
much besides scaling high peaks. One
cannot put all the qualifications into a
title.
There is altogether too little told and
written about the mountains of our
country, — the high mountains, higher
than the Alps, — and about the joys
and adventures of climbing them. Be-
cause they are not snow- and ice-clad,
- a few are, — with neves, crevasses,
and ice couloirs to tell about, and be-
cause one does not climb them in a
roped-together chain-gang, led and fol-
lowed by professional guides in pic-
turesque costumes, along well-known
paths often staircased and balustra-
ded, the mountains of California and
Colorado seem to have few attractions
for Americans who have a fancy for
climbing.
But actually they demand as stren-
uous and careful work, and offer as much
adventure, as the more favored and
familiar European mountains. You can
climb as high, fall as far, and land with
as much disaster, in the Sierra Nevada
or Rockies as in the Swiss or Tyrolean
Alps. And there goes with the climbing
itself in America a lot of fine things that
do not go with the Swiss climbing —
the camping, the pack-train, the trout-
474
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
fishing in almost virgin waters, the
great forests, the aloneness, the real es-
cape and change from that world which
is too much with us — all these are
pleasant surplusage in American moun-
taineering, added to the actual climb-
ing, which latter, by the way, you do —
as climbing should really be done, to
get from it its finest flavor — on your
own, unguided and unroped.
It seems an odd thing that the high
peaks of the Sierra Nevada and the Col-
orado Rockies are all of about the same
height. Take the highest twenty in each
of the two mountain-systems, and not
only will their average be very close to
14,000 feet in the case of each group,
but the range of height in the whole
forty will come within 500 feet above or
below the fourteen-thousand-foot av-
erage. The high points of both Sierras
and Rockies seem to have been cut off
in their aspiring at fourteen thousand
feet or a few hundred feet above or be-
low that level — although there is little
indication on many of these summits of
any cutting off, the tip-tops of some, in-
deed, making two men standing close
together on them seem badly crowded.
But some, on the other hand, have a
really truncated top, often surprisingly
broad and level.
This is true, for example* of Long's
Peak, one of the highest and best of the
Colorado peaks — meaning by 'best,'
most interesting, and possibly adven-
turous, to climb. One could lay out a
very decent little farm on its summit, if
the soil were a little further on in course
of making — so far it is only in its first,
or rock, stage. But in getting up to
this broad, flat top, you have to work
carefully almost completely around the
great cliffy cap of the mountain, with a
dizzying narrow ledge on one face, to
test your head; a long steep trough,
with snow and loose rock in it, at one
corner, to try out your heart, lungs,
and climbing luck; and a steeper, most-
ly smooth wall-face, to swarm up on the
last stretch.
Long's Peak is much beset by wind
and sudden sleet-storms, and its really
safe climbing season is unusually short,
although it is often climbed before and
after this safer period. One such at-
tempt at a late climb, however, cost an
adventurous woman her life ; and a head-
board, fixed among the harsh rocks of
the great Boulder Field just beyond
which the real climbing begins, com-
memorated, as long as it stood, her
death on the mountain from fall and
exposure in storm. The inscription
reads, —
Here CARRIE J. W
Lay to rest, and died alone,
with the date, which I have forgotten.
She died alone because the local
mountaineer who, after much protest,
went up with her when she declared that,
if he would not accompany her, she
would go anyway by herself, and who
found her helpless on his hands in a
sleet-storm on the summit, had, after
carrying her down the more dangerous
part of the mountain, through hours of
struggle in blinding snow and cutting
ice-sleet, until he was almost as ex-
hausted as she, left her at nightfall in
the comparative shelter of the great
rocks of the Boulder Field, himself to
stumble on down the mountain in the
dark, for help.
He had a difficult decision to make.
Should he stay there with her, and both
almost certainly perish before dawn, or
should he take the chance of leaving her
and possibly get help up to her during
the night, and thus save both? He took
what he believed the only chance of
saving her. Alone, he could not pos-
sibly get her farther. Staying with her,
he could have done nothing but, in all
probability, die with her. He got down
the mountain to his father's cabin. The
rescuers started back at once. But it
took long hours to get to her. They
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
475
found her dead. She had, in panic or
delirium, left her shelter among the
rocks, and, stumbling about, had fallen
near-by, striking her head against the
merciful granite. It has been always a
haunting question with that man as to
whether he had done what a brave man
should do under such circumstances.
Knowing the mountain and the man, I
believe he decided as a brave and ex-
perienced mountaineer should have
decided.
I know of another fatal accident on
Long's Peak. There may have been still
others. This one came about through
a man's inexperience and foolishness.
He carried a loaded revolver in his hip-
pocket on his climb. He fell in a bad
place, and the cartridge under the ham-
mer was exploded, the bullet shattering
his hip. His one companion did what
he could to drag him along the narrow
ledge on which he lay; but little progress
was possible, and, after hours of suffer-
ing, the wounded man died. The com-
panion was a prematurely old man when
he finally got down the mountain and
found helpers to go up for the body.
I have always maintained that there
should be three men together on moun-
tain climbs, one to get hurt, one to stand
by, and one to go for help. But most
men hunt mountain-tops in pairs; some
like to go alone. I knew one such, —
besides John Muir, who, with his bit of
bread and pinch of tea, almost always
went alone, — who did much climbing
in the Sierra Nevada and took many
chances. He used to carry a rope and,
in difficult places, where he could not
reach high enough for hand-grips, he
would tie a big knot in one end of his
rope and throw it up until it caught
firmly above him. Then he would drag
himself up, without regard to the fact
that he probably could not get down
more than the uppermost one of these
places by using his rope. He trusted to
finding a different and easier way down
— and always did. He climbed Mount
King — a very pinnacly peak in the
King-Goddard divide, which juts out
westward from the main Sierran crest
near Kearsarge Pass — in this way, by
one of its seemingly impossible faces.
Although at best it is a difficult moun-
tain, it has at least one fairly negotiable
face. He came down that way.
II
American mountain-climbing, at all
events as I am limiting it, is rock-climb-
ing. There can be a good deal of snow
on the symmetrical cones of the old
volcanoes, like Rainier, Baker, Hood,
and the others that are the high moun-
tains of Oregon and Washington; and
there are elsewhere occasional snow-
patches and a few scattered, insignifi-
cant, persisting remnants of the once
mighty local glaciers that did so much
in the old days to give the Sierras and
Rockies their present configuration.
But these are rarely in the way of the
climber; in fact, the ice-remnants have
to be sought out to be seen, and are
among the special goals of the moun-
taineers. Two or three in the Front
Range of the Rockies, near Estes Park,
now included in the Rocky Mountain
National Park, are among the most
accessible.
Climbing the American mountains,
then, demands no special knowledge of
the characteristics and habits and dan-
gers of deeply crevassed glaciers, with
their thin snow-bridges, or of the be-
havior of snow when it inclines, under
proper weather conditions, to cornice-
breaking and avalanche-making. But
it does require, for safety's sake, a con-
siderable knowledge of the character and
habits of various kinds of rock in vari-
ous states of firmness and brittleness,
as met variously on cliff-faces or in nar-
row chimneys. It also requires some
judgment as to the critical angle at
476
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
which loose rock may lie for the time
quietly, yet may not be stepped on with
careless confidence. It does not require
ropes and ice-axes, but it requires hands
as well as feet, and a steady head. Nar-
row ledges, hand-hold crevices on steep
faces, knife-edges, both firm and badly
weathered, and long steep troughs of
mixed snow, loose stones, and easily
excited granite-dust make earnest call
on the American mountaineer's nerve
and confidence and expert judgment
of the possibilities.
It is not always the highest moun-
tain, of course, that is the hardest, even
in its demand on endurance, to say
nothing of skill. Our highest point
south of the Canadian border is Mount
Whitney, yet it is but a tiresome steep
walk to its summit, after one has made
the long, beautiful, and inspiring forest-
and canon-trail trip to its western foot.
Its eastern foot stands in a desert. A
few miles north of Whitney is the slight-
ly lower peak of Williamson, one of
three closely grouped splendid Sierran
notabilities (Williamson, Tyndall, Bar-
nard). But Williamson offers every-
thing to the climber which Whitney,
except for its height and position, does
not.
I had the privilege of spending a few
weeks again last summer in the Sierras,
after an absence of years. Our small
party was composed of members of the
Sierra Club, that organization which
has done so much to make the Califor-
nia mountains known and accessible to
mountain-lovers; and one of our group
was intent on attempting to get up a
certain peak which has long resisted the
attacks of climbers — not that it has
been so often tried, but that the few
tries have been made by climbers well
known for then* success with difficult
mountains.
We, therefore, pushed our pack-ani-
mals up a great side canon tributary to
the greater canon of the Kern, until we
could make camp in a last little group
of tamarack pines practically at timber-
line (about 10,500 feet here), and di-
rectly under a high northwest spur of
this unclimbed mountain, which con-
nected with its main peak by a long,
rough knife-edge. From careful study
of the mountain from various points, it
had been decided that the most likely
approach to the peak-summit seemed to
be this northwest spur and knife-edge.
In our previous movements we had
nearly encircled the great group of
which the unclimbed peak was one,
and members of the party had climbed
another mountain, not far away, main-
ly for the sake of an orienting examina-
tion of the upper reaches of the resistant
peak.
The actual vertical height of the peak
above our timber-line camp was only a
little more than three thousand feet, as
the Geological Survey maps attribute
an altitude of 13,752 feet to it. But
three thousand feet can be much more
difficult than five or six thousand. How-
ever, if the summit could be reached at
all, it could probably be done in a day
from our high camp. So the climbers —
properly three — made a five-o'clock
start, aiming directly for the summit
of the spur. The going, though steep,
was fairly good and entirely safe, and
the top of the spur was reached in a
few hours. But the knife-edge, bad
enough where it was continuous, reveal-
ed itself so deeply notched at several
points, that it proved wholly impass-
able. It was necessary to try a dif-
ferent way. The north face of the
knife-edged spur was as impossible as
the knife-edge itself. But the south
face is gashed by a number of narrow
steep troughs leading almost up to the
main peak, any one of which might
prove itself, on trial, to be possible, but
any one, or all, of which might be un-
feasible because of interrupting cliffs
not visible from the climbers' point of
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
477
view. To select and try one was, how-
ever, the only chance.
After a careful study, one was chosen
that revealed indications of a trickle of
water coming from some upper snow-
bank, and seemed to be more winding
in its course than the others; hence,
would offer more protection than these
from rolling stones. The climbers,
therefore, worked their way from the
knife-edge down, and laboriously across
several other troughs until, finally
reaching the selected one, they turned
their faces upward again. There was
much loose rock in the trough, and
some small, but troublesome, cliffs run-
ning across it; but by skillful work it
was successfully followed to a point
where a short acrobatic scramble gave
them the very summit. By half-past
two the three men stood, or rather
crouched, closely together on the dizzy-
ing point of the highest pinnacle of the
mountain — and the Black Kaweah
was no longer the unconquered peak
it had so long remained. The near-by
Red and Gray Kaweahs had surren-
dered in earlier years. So the Sierra Club
has no more scalps to bring home from
that fine mountain group. But there
are still other peaks, both in the mam
Sierran crest and in some of the great
lateral spurs, or 'divides,' that run out
west from it, which offer pressing invi-
tation to climbers who like to be the
first to scale untrodden summits.
m
I referred at the beginning of this pa-
per to the surplusage of pleasant expe-
rience that the American mountaineer
may enjoy in the high mountains of
California and Colorado, — one really
ought not to slight Washington, Oregon,
Idaho, and Wyoming in speaking of
American mountaineering, — in addi-
tion to that of the actual climbing. This
experience is that of the trail and camp.
For example, while the three more
venturesome members of our party
were capturing the Black Kaweah, —
when one is soft from five or six years of
being kept away from high altitudes,
and has had only a few days to accus-
tom heart and muscles to severe work
in them, one must not be among the
more venturesome, — I busied myself
with providing one of the courses of a
proper dinner that should be ready for
the returned climbers. Right past our
camp ran the clear, cold water of a
stream that had its sources only a mile
or two farther up the canon, in the snow-
fed lakes of a great glacial basin, or
cirque, of successively higher levels
under the Kaweah summits. Nine
Lake Basin contains even more clear
little green lakes than its name indi-
cates, and their overflow makes a stream
that has helped materially to deepen
the great glacial gorge that extends from
the upper cirques down to the Grand
Canon of the Kern. In this stream
swarm hard-fighting, firm-fleshed rain-
bow trout, not too sophisticated, or
yet too inexperienced. A Royal Coach-
man and a Black Gnat made a good
killing combination, and I soon had a
sufficient number to furnish the second
course of the camp dinner.
And then there was time for some
rambling and scrambling over the gran-
ite faces and great rough blocks of the
upper cirques, and even over a low di-
vide that separates the Kern from the
Kaweah watershed; to look down the
precipitous gorge of trivially named
Deer Creek, — what a confusing host
of Deer and Sheep and Bear Creeks
there are in the mountains! — which
finds its swift and tumultuous westward
way into the Middle Forkof the Kaweah,
or 'crow water,' as the Indian name
translates itself. Along the upper
stretches of this magnificent gorge —
or canon, to give its character its prop-
er due — are some vertical cliffs and
478
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
sky-scraping pinnacles and smooth-
surfaced, onion-skinned granite domes,
which are yet to have their fame in
chronicles of Sierran scenery.
The trout-fishing in the higher Sier-
ras and Rockies is a kind of fishing
apart from other kinds, even from other
fishing for trout. To get to it is an ad-
venture; to live a few weeks, or even
days, where it may be had is an exalt-
ing experience. It is so much more than
fishing. It is realizing how the primi-
tive granite core of the earth, and ice
and water and time have combined
to make great mountains, great basins,
great moraines, great canons. It is
learning to know the giant trees and
dwarfed alpine flowers. It is seeing
close at hand the realities of the bitter
struggle of life with boreal nature.
' Timber-line ' is one of the strange and
revealing places of earth, with its mis-
shapen, scarred, fighting pines and fir
and juniper, and swiftly growing fra-
grant flowers, which expand their bril-
liant colors in the short season of warm
sun and melting snow, to attract the
few hardy butterflies and bees that
flit away their brief lives amid sur-
roundings that awe and humble the
greater animals and even man. Shrill-
barking marmots and curious little
squeaking guinea-pig-like conies perch
on great granite blocks, to stare and
challenge the human intruder in these
upper levels of earth, and dive out of
sight in the dark crevices as he turns to
stare back at them.
But the trout themselves are reas-
suring. They may even be of the very
sort you know in the meandering brooks
of New England meadows. For many
of the Sierran lakes and streams have
been stocked with trout varieties for-
eign to their geography. One meets
speckled Eastern Brook and brown
Loch Leven in some of these waters.
Most famous and most wonderful to see
are the bizarre Golden trout, originally
of Volcano Creek, which flows into the
Kern from the foot of Mount Whitney.
These trout were originally isolated in
that part of the stream which is above
the high falls, not far from the stream-
mOuth; but they have been transplanted
into numerous streams and lakes of the
Kern and Kings watersheds. They have
a brilliant scarlet belly, roseate lateral
rainbow line, and general yellowish-
red tinge over the whole body. They
do not seem to grow very large, but are
curiously long and slender for their
weight. They are reputed to be unusu-
ally vigorous fighters; but the few thai
I caught in the single stocked lake of
Five Lake Basin above the Big Arroyo
were tame compared with the native
Rainbows of the Arroyo itself.
Besides trout, the Sierran and Rockv
Mountain streams are the home of a
few other interesting animals. There
used to be many beaver, especially in
the reaches where the Colorado streams
flowed through the more level glacial
parks, which are characteristic of the
Rockies just as the narrow, flat-floored,
vertical-walled canons like the Yosem-
ite, Hetch-Hetchy, Tehipite, and the
Grand Canons of the Kings and Kern
are characteristic of the Sierra Nevada.
And there are the fascinating water-
braving ouzels, that teeter, half-sub-
merged, on the lips of little falls, as the}'
seek out the larvae of the water-insects.
Among these insects are stone-flies and
may-flies and, especially, many kinds
of caddice-flies, which make their pro-
tecting cases out of tiny pebbles or
granite grains, and sometimes out of
glittering golden bits of iron pyrites
and half-transparent mica — houses of
gold and glass and shining jewels.
Finally, there are the curious net-
winged midges, known unfortunately
only to professional entomologists, and
to too few of them, whose few species
are scattered all over the world where
swift, clear, and cold mountain streams
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
479
are. The small, slug-like larvae of these
delicate flies cling by ventral suckers to
the smooth surfaces of the stream-bed
over which shallow water is running
swiftly. They cannot tolerate sluggish
or soiled water. Their food is chiefly
minute fresh-water diatoms, which
often grow in felt-like masses on their
own backs. The slender-legged, thin-
winged flies may be seen occasionally
flitting about in the overhanging foliage
of the stream-side, or among the great
boulders that half block the streams
where they break through terminal
moraines.
But besides the streams that help
give the mountain regions beauty and
interest and life, and provide the purest,
softest water for the mountaineer's
drink and bath, there are the great for-
ests — forests great in extent and made
of great trees. These forests are of
special magnificence in the Sierra
Nevada, but the lower pines and upper
spruces of the Rocky Mountains form
fine forests, the spruce, particularly,
often running along the range-flanks in
a miles-long unbroken zone, at an alti-
tude of (roughly) from nine to eleven
thousand feet and even higher. The
trees are not large, as large trees go,
but are nearly uniform in size, and the
forest is almost clear of undergrowth,
and is soft and dark and still.
Of birds there are few, but some of
them are of special interest. Among
these are the noiseless, ghostly camp-
robbers, or moose birds, which suddenly
appear from nowhere in your forest
camp, boldly flying down to your very
food-bags or camp-fire to beg or steal a
free meal. Less quiet are their cousins,
the Clark crows, or jays. But most
beautiful of voice are the Western her-
mit thrushes, which fling out their rip-
pling liquid notes at early dawn and
twilight, to echo through the long forest
aisles.
I remember one special adventure in
the Great Spruce Forest on the flanks
of Flat Top and Ballet's Peak in the
Front Range of the Rockies, near Long's
Peak, in which the hermit thrushes
played a part. A college companion,
Fred Funston, — later the hero of the
capture of Aguinaldo and one of the
best-known major-generals of the Amer-
ican army, — and I had gone up into
the forest, with a single burro as pack-
animal, from our summer camp on the
Big Thompson in Willow Park, to try
to get a deer, in order to vary our long-
continued camp diet of bacon and trout.
We were rank tyros as hunters, and
probably could not have injured any
deer with even the best of opportuni-
ties; but we had no chance to prove or
disprove this, as we saw no venison de-
spite all care and pains.
We did see, however, an animal we
had not come to see. This was a big
mountain lion. We had made a hasty
camp in the upper reaches of the forest
in the later afternoon of our arriving,
and had turned Billy, the burro, loose,
to nibble at anything he considered
edible in the camp neighborhood. Then
we had hurried out with our guns, each
by himself, to post himself at what he
should think a vantage-point to see
such deer as should come conveniently
wandering through the forest. I had
lain doggo for some time near an old
trail, and dusk had come on so rapidly,
and the forest had become so unneces-
sarily still, that I had decided to get
back to the cheering companionship
and comfort of the camp-fire, when I
was suddenly frozen into immobility
by the sight of a great mountain lion
silently padding along the old trail only
a few rods from me. What with long
lean body and long lifted tail, that lion
took an amazingly long time in passing
a given point. And just as it was by,
and out of my sight, it carelessly let
slip from its throat a blood-curdling
cry, half-bestial, half-human. That
480
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
completed my demoralization. As soon
as the apparition had passed from my
sight and the echoes of that howl from
my ears, I got my numb muscles into
action and speedily made for camp —
not by way of the old trail.
As I came near it, I was further
startled to see a great, roaring fire,
and found my companion, later the
reckless hero of many a dangerous,
self-chosen venture in war, piling ever
more fuel on the camp-fire. I asked him
the reason for the conflagration, and he
blurted out, without interrupting his
good work, 'I have just seen the biggest
cougar in Colorado. ' Evidently both of
us had had the same good fortune.
In the safety of the fire-zone we made
a peaceful supper, without venison; and
after a final heaping-on of logs, rolled
up in our blankets by the fire. In the
middle of the night I was awakened by
a blow on the chest. I promptly sat up,
with the conviction that I was being
mauled by the lion. The fire had gone
down, and it was very dark. But Fun-
ston, who had punched me into wake-
fulness, whispered hoarsely, 'That cat
is prowling around the camp. I have
heard it several times. We must build
up the fire.' * *•
I strongly agreed, and we soon had
another reassuring pyrotechnic effect.
Again we turned in, and I was soon un-
easily asleep again, only to be wakened
by another blow. This time Funston
was really excited. 'He's still around/
he said. 'There, you can hear him now.'
I listened intently. I certainly heard
something moving off somewhere be-
yond the piled-up pack-saddle and
kyaks on the other side of the smoul-
dering fire. I stared hard in that direc-
tion. It was the first gray of a welcome
morning. As quickly as the light had
faded out of the forest the evening be-
fore, it now invaded it. Even as we
stared through the cold gray, it became
light enough for us to see — our faith-
ful burro browsing on a bit of brush a,
couple of rods from our bed!
It was a great relief, and we rolled
over for a real nap, when from far down
the mountain-side came the clear rip-
pling call of a hermit thrush. And then
another, higher up, answered, and then
another, almost over our heads, and,,
finally, still another from farther up
the mountain-flank. It was the most
beautiful, most thrilling bird-song I
have ever heard. We lay entranced.
And then Funston, sitting up in his-
blankets to glance around the echoing;
forest, stretched out again with a grunt
of comfort, and murmuring, 'Say, it's
damn religious up here,' drew his blan-
kets up to his eyes for the needed nap,
We were boys in those days, and we
thought more of new peaks to be won,
possible elk and bighorn and bear and
deer to be shot at, and trout to be
caught, cooked, and eaten, with wild
red raspberries for dessert, than of
the religion of Nature expressed in her
greatness and beauty. But some of
this religion did reach us occasionally,,
and once ours, it has never been lost. I
have loitered in the incense-dimmed
aisles of many a great cathedral and
listened to the rolling of the organs and
hypnotic chanting of the priests; but
each time I have been reminded of the
longer, more fragrant forest aisles and
the low repeated rumblings of thunder
among the great peaks of the mountain
regions I know; and it has been those
memories that have given me the great-
er hope in something still above cathe-
dral towers and mountain summits.
IV
Funston and I had another boys'
adventure in the Rockies — this time
with a third college mate, now a wise
college professor — that I am minded
to tell. The three of us, with our long-
suffering burro, had started on a rather
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
481
longer excursion than usual from head-
quarters camp, which was to carry
us some twenty or twenty-five miles
northwest toward the Wyoming line,
to an old crater called Specimen Moun-
tain. This crater rose just above a high
pass that divided the headwaters of the
Cache-de-la-Poudre, which flow first
into the Platte, and then into the Mis-
souri, and finally, by way of the Missis-
sippi, into the Gulf of Mexico, from
those of the Grand, which, after join-
ing with the Green from Wyoming to
make the Colorado, and enjoying much
experience of canon and desert, reach
the Gulf of California. In fact, on this
pass, which is but a few hundred feet
below timber-line, there are two tiny
lakes hardly a stone's throw apart,
which send their overflow to the At-
lantic and Pacific oceans, respectively.
Our way carried us to the bottom and
up and out of a long, weird, fire-swept
canon, known as Windy Gulch, with
its sides bristling with the stark, gray
skeletons of burned trees, and its top
leading out on to the broad low sum-
mit of the Range, stretching away for
a dozen miles or more above timber-
line to the pass I have spoken of,
On this trip we had our guns, as we
always had in those earlier days before
the protection of the law had been
thrown around the disappearing elk
and bighorn. Near the top of Windy
Gulch we saw a bear — a rather small
bear — lumbering its way toward the
summit. We immediately gave chase.
The bear turned toward a rock-ridge
not far away, and disappeared. But on
reaching the ridge we made out what
seemed the only hole or cave it could
have gone into, and there expectantly
awaited the coming-out of the bear.
But it did not come out, and Funston
finally made the rather startling pro-
posal that he should crawl into the hole
and stir up the bear, which, he argued,
would undoubtedly chase him out.
VOL. 128— NO. 4
We other two were to stand by the hole
with cocked rifles, and were to shoot,
not at the first thing that came out,
which Funston fondly hoped would be
himself, but at the second, which would
presumably be an irate bear.
After careful consideration of this
proposition, entirely generous on Fun-
ston's part, as one must admit, Frank-
lin and I finally declined it, on the
ground that in our excitement we should
be almost certain to shoot at the first
creature that appeared from the hole,
and if this were Funston, — as it proba-
bly would be if he came out at all, —
and we should hit him, we should have
to answer to his parents. As his fa-
ther was a Congressman, these parents
seemed formidable. Also, if Funston,
by any rub of the green, did not come
out at all, we should have to help the
burro carry Funston's pack back to
camp. The final vote, therefore, was
two to one against the proposal of the
future general.
This Specimen Mountain was a fa-
mous place for bighorn; I hope it still is.
The wild sheep used to come to the old
crater from many miles away, to lick
at its beds of green and yellowish de-
posits; and we rarely failed to find a
band of from six to thirty of the wary
animals in the crater's depths. In our
later trips to the mountain, after the
game-protection laws of Colorado were
in force, we used to hunt the sheep with
cameras instead of guns. The rim of
the crater was sharp, and we could
crawl up to it from the mountain-flanks
and peer over into it, all unperceived.
The inner slopes were covered with vol-
canic ash and broken lava, and great
plutonic breccia crags or 'castles' lift-
ed their bulk from various points. By
getting one of these castles between us
and the sheep, we could work our way
carefully down into the crater and
fairly near the animals, without startling
them.
482
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
However, not all the adventures and
joys of mountaineering are on or even
near the summits. Camp and trail must
often be at lower levels, although still
truly in the mountains. The trails must
lead from wild pasture to pasture —
'meadows,' the mountaineer always
calls them; for the pack-animals and
riding ones must have good feed each
night, to enable them to meet the de-
mands made on them each day. The
camps must be made near good water,
— a dry camp is a sad thing, — but
where there is mountain meadow there
is water: there would not be meadow
without it. Many of these meadows
lie on the successive levels reached in
moving up or down the glacial gorges.
In the upper cirques and gorge-reaches
these successive levels carry lakes —
wonderful green-blue sheets of cold
water set on the wildest and bleakest of
rock scenery; lower down there are wet
meadows and still lower dryer ones, or
bits of forest, but different from the
great continuous forest of the mountain-
flanks. These meadows are often riot-
ous color-patches, flecked and splashed
with a score of kinds of mountain
flowers. A stream wanders through
them, or, if they are not too level,
hurries along with much music. Of
course, one can camp in smaller areas,
in canon-bottom, or even on fairly steep
mountainsides. One can usually find
a few little level spots for the sleep-
ing-bags and fire-irons, or, if neces-
sary, a little terracing work with the
spade will make the needed flatness.
For you must lie fairly level if you are
to sleep at all. Fir branches, old pine-
needles, or heaps of bracken help to
soften the bed-spots; but you soon get
used to the uncovered ground. You
manage to fit yourself to its uneven-
nesses.
Besides meadow and water and a bit
of level ground, a good outlook is nec-
essary for the best kind of mountain
camp. Long views down great canons,
or across them to high peaks, or just
straight up along the towering body of
wonderful trees, are worth attending
to, even for one-night camps. The
trees of the Sierras are, of course, alone
worth going into the mountains to see.
The huge, dinosaur-like bulk of the true
' big trees,' — the sequoias, — and the
straight towering sugar-pines, incense
cedar, yellow pine, and red fir, make the
Sierran forests incomparable. How
John Muir loved these trees and lived
companion-wise with them ! Mountain
sculpture, the work of ice, and the great
straight trees, were his first interests in
the Sierra Nevada.
There is something so different, so
remindful of older earth days, when
fauna and flora were strange, in the
sequoias, those relics of forests that are
gone, that they impress me uncom-
fortably. They do not seem to belong
to this time. They can have no com-
panionship with the pines and firs and
cedars, which live so congenially to-
gether. Their day is past; they must
feel sad to linger on.
The trails seem to run most deviously,
but mostly they run wisely. They must
avoid too bad places and too much
steepness; but they must get on, and if
the objective is high, they must some-
times climb even steeply, zigzagging up,
and they must not go too far around,
even if they have to take to rough
places or skirt dangerously along cliff-
faces. They are most delightful when
traversing the forests, for then they are
cool and springy underfoot. They are
most impressive when they run along
the sides of great canons or on cliffy
mountain-flanks. They seem to ac-
complish most when they carry you
over high passes. The way up may be
very steep and rough, and the way
down long and hard on the knees, but
the actual crossing of the pass is a tri-
umph. You see both ways down into
MOUNTAINEERING IN AMERICA
483
great watersheds; one may have a very
different aspect from the other. You
see innumerable near and distant peaks.
At your feet are wonderful little green
glacial lakes, cupped in the great cirques.
The surpassing trail-triumph is to
put yourself and pack-animals over a
'new' high pass, that is, to be the first
to cross it with pack-train.
We did this last summer in trying to
get out of the Kings River watershed
into that of the Kern by a shorter
way than the usual ones. Some Sierra
Club men, making knapsack trips
around the headwaters of Roaring Riv-
er on one side of the Great Western
Divide, and the Kern-Kaweah on the
other, had suggested in the Sierra Club
Bulletin that it might be possible to
cross the Divide with animals through
a notch in it about 12,000 feet high, a
short distance south of Milestone Peak.
Sheep men with their flocks had un-
doubtedly occasionally used this pass,
for there were indications of sheep-
trails leading up to it on both sides.
But sheep are more agile than mules
and horses carrying packs of a hundred
pounds and more. However, we had a
sturdy lot of animals, with two packers
in charge, willing and even anxious to
make a venture. So we worked up with-
out a trail, and with considerable diffi-
culty, out of Cloudy Canon, to a high
level camp (10,500 feet) by the side of
a beautiful glacial lake not indicated on
the Geological Survey maps, and hence
unnamed and officially unknown.
Part of one day was given to spying
out a possible way up to the pass, and
'making trail' to the extent of indicat-
ing by stone ducks the most feasible
way to be followed, and throwing some
stones out of the way, and strengthen-
ing loose and bad places by piling up
rocks by their sides. The next day,
with one man in front to guide and the
others scattered among the pack-ani-
mals to lead and urge, we started up
slowly, and, with much care and many
stoppings to work further at dangerous
bits of trail, we won our way to the
summit. We were rightfully very
proud, and left a record of the winning
of the pass in a stone cairn at the top.
WTiat needs now to be done is for For-
est Service men, or National Park men
(if the proposed lines of the new Roose-
velt National Park are finally adopted),
to make that a really available pass.
Then Kern Canon can be reached from
Kings Canon — or vice versa — in two
days less time, and by a much more in-
teresting trail, than now.
It is remarkable how effectively even
the unexercised human body responds
to the call of the trail to cover miles
and make altitude. A distance that
would be an exhausting walk on a
smooth roadway becomes only a frac-
tion of a day's inspiriting jaunt up
and down over steep mountain trails.
Lungs and heart and muscles seem to
meet the need on call. You wonder at
yourself as you count up in the eve-
ning, after dinner, how far you have
come and how high you have climbed.
I can't explain it; it is one of the pleas-
ant secrets of the mountains.
But this paper, like the mountain
trail, must reach its end. Its objective
is simply one of suggestion. If you are
surfeited with swift motor-riding; or
tired of endless golf; or impatient with
having the world too much with you,
take a dose of American mountaineer-
ing. Go where the highest mountains
are, the greatest canons, the biggest
trees. Get a camp cook, — though you
will want to be trying your own hand at
his game all the time, — an experienced
packer, and a train of mountain-wise
pack-animals, sleeping-bag, camp-sup-
plies, and a sheaf of U.S. Geological
Survey contour maps, — ' quadrangles,'
they call them, — and take to the trail.
Once out, you will not come back until
you have to. And you will go again.
LYRICS
BY JEAN KENYON MACKENZIE
SHE was the little wind that falls
Before the falling of the rain;
She was the one and early star
We lose and see and lose again.
She was the pang of the caress
That is too brief for our delight;
She was the torch another bore
And passed us in the night.
II
If you should say,
'Who goes there?'
Then I would say,
'You go there —
It's your hand at the door
And your foot on the stair
Of my heart every day
And everywhere.'
Then you would say,
'It is long since I passed.'
And I would say,
'It is year before last
Since you went on your way,
But I still hear you there
In my heart every day
And everywhere.'
LYBICS 485
in
THE SNOWY NIGHT
Let us be happy to-night —
It snows.
See where the hemlocks glimmer white
In the dusk and the snow and the half moonlight;
They never stir as their burden grows.
And you — O lovely and pale and near —
Loosen the bond of your maiden will;
Fall on my heart like the falling snows,
And I will be still as the trees are still.
IV
Suddenly, up through the forest gloaming,
A partridge rose, and that urgent whirring
Startled our breath and checked our roaming;
We stood and were still where the leaves were stirring.
So from the place of my deepest grieving
Memory starts on a wing so thrilling,
I stand in the dusk of my self-deceiving,
Struck to the heart with a pang that is killing.
In the street where you went away,
In the air that is still and gray,
Like golden fish in a stream
The leaves of the maple gleam;
And down in a place apart,
In the dark and the deep of my heart,
You shine in the pool of my grief
Like a fallen golden leaf.
486
LYRICS
VI
I saw you as you passed
A hundred times before;
O come you in at last
And close the open door.
O close the door and mark
How deep a night is this;
And light our common dark
With the candle of your kiss.
THE EDUCATED PERSON
BY EDWARD YEOMANS
BECAUSE you believe in a good cause,
said Dr. Johnson, is no reason why you
should feel called upon to defend it, for
by your manner of defense you may do
your cause much harm. This, however,
is a case where, in multitude of counsel,
there may be some wisdom. Some kind
of answer may evolve from the discus-
sion of the above 'topic, which will be
better than a pontifical statement from
a person who has no doubt at all about
his qualification to give an irrefutable
opinion, like the old Doctor himself.
And if nothing does emerge; if there
is no precipitate which you can filter out
from the cubic contents of words, and
weigh; and if that precipitate is not some
kind of yeast which, added to the pres-
ent educational dough, will help it to
rise, then let us admit that something
ex cathedra is needed.
This contributor pretends to no ex-
perience as a practitioner in the schools.
He has been engaged in the workshop
and market-place and, like any man
so employed, has gone about on all
kinds of errands and has met all kinds of
people, hi the cities and in the coun-
try and in small towns — magnates, busi-
ness people, professional people, teach-
ers, skilled and unskilled workmen,
and children.
The public schools and the parochial
schools are engaged in pouring out mil-
lions,— and have been for years, — and
the private schools and colleges and
technical schools, thousands; and any
man going his way in and out among
the inhabitants of the earth meets
them, talks to them, dines with them,
employs them; and in all sorts of ways
gets the taste of them, and a good many
cross-sections for careful examination.
He sees them in offices, in shops, in
THE EDUCATED PERSON
487
schools, in clubs, in churches, on trains
and on street-cars and on street corners,
and in their homes — city, suburban,
and country.
Each one registers. They 'punch
your time-clock,' so to speak, and on the
dial there is an impression. It is a dial
you have fixed up for yourself — an old
one, with the old marks on it pasted
over with new ones; and there are two
main divisions, one marked 'satisfac-
tory,' and the other, 'unsatisfactory.'
Some people have the words ' useful '
and 'not useful' (to them); and some
have the words ' interesting ' and ' unin-
teresting'; and, perhaps, some, 'edu-
cated' and 'uneducated'; and a few
may go so far as to divide their dial into
' good ' and ' bad.' But that is about the
limit of presumption.
But if you have 'satisfactory' and
' unsatisfactory,' that means, of course,
to you.
And when, therefore, you say that
you find that 90 per cent of the product
of schools and colleges whom you meet
have registered under 'unsatisfactory,'
it does not follow at all that they would
register that way on any other dial —
which is only a very roundabout way of
saying that you disclaim any superior-
ity for your 'time-clock.' You found it
nailed to the wall of your vestibule when
you were old enough to look about at
the furniture which had been bequeath-
ed you, and which you have been dust-
ing up and patching up ever since. You
are entitled to use this clock, and you
get a great deal of exhilaration in using
it; but that you should insist on any-
body but yourself believing in its records
would be not only foolish but exceed-
ingly cruel, though not unusual.
If you want something to believe,
said old Samuel Butler, I will tell you
where to find it. It is in the thirteenth
chapter of Paul's first Epistle to the
Corinthians. At any rate, don't believe
me.
n
The most comprehensive sentence in
H. G. Wells's Outline of History — the
sentence which ' pulls the whole picture
together,' as the painters say — is this:
' It has always been a race between edu-
cation and catastrophe.'
This is biologically, ethnologically,
and nationally proved. And it can be
individually proved, if, by education,
you mean something fundamental,
something intrinsic, something almost
instinctive, and do not mean something
external, something decorative, some-
thing pinned on.
And if this is true, then what consti-
tutes an 'educated person' to-day is an
exceedingly important question, both
for the individual and for his nation.
If an educated person is just any kind
of a person, — say a person with a rea-
sonably well-built exterior, and that
exterior decorated with mosaics in pat-
terns, and pictures classical, scientific,
historical, grammatical, or linguistic;
but the interior more or less unventi-
lated and unlighted, with the dampness
of prejudice and provincialism, hered-
itary or acquired, making the walls
clammy, and the creeping things of es-
sential meanness and self-interest and
conceit going and coming through the
foundation cracks, — then that person
is marked for destruction. If you had
looked closely enough at the spiritual
and intellectual house in which each of
those eighty German professors lived
who signed that statement of their faith
at the beginning of the war, you would
have found the words marked on it:
'Delenda est.' The man who lives in a
house marked for catastrophe does not
know it. From his youth up he has kept
the rules, passed the examinations, re-
ceived the degrees, secured the offices
and the emoluments and the privileges.
But he is an offense — and catas-
trophe is his portion, and the portion
488
THE EDUCATED PERSON
also of the man by whom the offense
cometh, who taught him that exteriors
were as important as interiors, that de-
corations were more useful than good
homespun, that meat was more than the
life, and raiment than the body. Which
things were not directly taught, — oh,
no, — but were too much implied;
were the by-products of his total expe-
rience at home, in school, and in college.
I say, 'at home,' and I ought to say,
' particularly at home. ' You and I know
enough about homes to know that it is
asking of schools and colleges a very
great deal to ask them to correct the
implications of the home atmosphere —
with which their pupils are necessarily
saturated.
If these implications are second-rate,
are low-grade, — if the instinct of the
family is for property as against hu-
manity, for instance; for 'closeness' as
against generosity; for self-interest as
against disinterestedness, in social and
political things, — then those are the
latent instincts of the children.
But schools and colleges can be asked
to begin, not to teach these moralities,
but to make it perfectly clear that they
are invariable corollaries of all that is
taught, and that a boy or girl who has
not distilled this by-product from his
books and his teachers is, up to that
time, uneducated, however high his
marks may be. He may know English
speech and other speech, modern and
classical literature, engineering, law, or
medicine, and remain uneducated, una-
wakened, because the only valuable
qualities in him have been left interred
there, like Lazarus, — ' bound hand and
foot with grave clothes,' — no irresisti-
ble voice, to stir those emotions which
alone make life worth continuing, having
reached them.
m
I am taking my cue, in answering the
query of the editor, from his own com-
ment in his letter inviting me to the
'party,' as he called it. He said, 'How
can you decide what is the best way of
educating a boy until you know what
kind of man you want?'
I am the more ready to do this be-
cause it has, for a long time, seemed to
me that the kind of man produced by
our educational machinery is mostly a
poor kind; that therefore this machine,
with its highly complicated gyrations,
with many curious and intricate gears,
eccentrics, clutches, adjustments, ac-
celerators and retarders, lubricators
and frictions, is a good deal like the
great modern printing press, with a
folding and addressing attachment on
the end; and when — as a gentleman I
met the other day remarked — you un-
fold the product, so neatly and accu-
rately wrapped in a diploma and deliver-
ed at your door after graduation day,
you find that you have something very
much like the Sunday Supplement.
That I considered an aspersion, and I
believe he admitted that it was; but he
said it was due to his having listened too
much lately to the conversation in uni-
versity clubs. But even if the product
is more like the daily paper, it is still
true that a very beautiful piece of mech-
anism and a very expensive plant have
been used to turn out something that
ought to have been very much better
and more worthy of the time and invest-
ment and craftsmanship involved.
The man talks well, — indeed, almost
too well, — and he knows what 's going
on, and makes a decidedly distinguish-
ed effect in the smoking-room of Pull-
man cars and elsewhere. You may recall
such a man, perhaps, to whom Faith-
ful came on his pilgrimage.
'"Well, then," said Faithful, "what
is that one thing that we shall at this
time found our discourse upon?"
'Talkative. What you will. I will talk
of things Heavenly or things Earthly;
things moral or things evangelical;
THE EDUCATED PERSON
things sacred or things profane; things
past or things to come; things more es-
sential or things circumstantial; pro-
vided all be done to our profit.
'Now did Faithful begin to wonder;
and stepping up to Christian (for he
walked all this while by himself), he
said to him (but softly), —
" What a brave companion have we
got! Surely this man will make a very
excellent pilgrim."
'At this Christian modestly smiled
and said, "This man, with whom you
are so taken, will beguile with this
tongue of his twenty of them that know
him not.'"
The man does well, too, because he
has a good working knowledge of the
thing he is working at — the thing that
makes what he calls his career and his
reputation, and gives him his standing.
He can build good buildings, or good
machinery, is diabolically clever on
'Change, in administration of business,
in court, in the operating-room, and ef-
fective in the pulpit.
His college takes much pride in his
success — and even invites him to talk
to the boys on the rules for success. He
is a trustee, and helps her to turn out
more men something like himself,
thinking that the more of that kind of
men there are in the world, the better
for it.
But what the man actually is — how
ignorant in those great spaces between
his stellar abilities where he should be
wise; how cynical where he should have
faith; how timid where he should ad-
venture ; how indifferent where he should
be passionate; how critical where he
should be devoted — have n't we seen
this sort of thing very close-up recent-
ly? have n't we seen too many 'educa-
ted men ' of America failing completely
in discrimination and even in decent
courtesy, not even respecting the bur-
den of the bent and broken workman?
Who or what is responsible for this
vacuity, this elemental hollowness?
And as time goes on, must we expect
this to continue, that so large a propor-
tion of men from universities shall fall
so unfavorably under Emerson's ex-
clamation, 'With what you are thun-
dering in [our] ears, how can [we]
hear what you say ? '
IV
And who are 'we'? We are the
people who are paying the bills. 'We'
are the folks who are working while
you are ha ving ' time off ' in which to
be educated.
We have a big stake in your educa-
tion, because we actually have to pay
for it; and we are entitled to say that we
want a different kind of person to come
out of universities. WTe want men who
have regard for hands as well as for
heads, — an equal regard, — for people
as well as for profits. Having put the
oil in your lamp, — as Graham Taylor
said the other day, — we want light,
and a much better light than we are
getting.
And let no university call its men
educated until they understand that we
— the men and women who pour into
factories every morning and out every
night; who ride back and forth in the
reeking trolleys, and live in the obscure
parts of cities; who follow ploughs and
harrows in the country and stoke boil-
ers at sea; whose labor makes the build-
ings, the books, and the salaries of the
professors possible — that we must be
the beneficiaries of your training, and
not, to so large an extent as now, its
victims; and must, more and more, be
taken into your confidence, and into
your esteem — and even into your
brotherhood.
If the war has not taught this simple
thing, then, among all the dead losses
which can be inventoried, here is the
deadest.
490
THE EDUCATED PERSON
When you take the liberty of criticiz-
ing a thing, you can properly be asked
to specify something constructive, too,
and to quit working exclusively with the
hatchet.
The worst thing you can do, however,
is to follow the advice of the Mayor of
Chicago and 'get a horn.' That is what
he has got, and there is ample evidence
that he has even two.
Therefore I take the liberty of march-
ing quite by myself, perhaps, in the pro-
cession of disputants who shall consider
this question at the suggestion of the
editor — with a transparency, having
on it certain words.
Maybe you think from what you have
heard already that one of those words
is 'Excelsior'; but you are mistaken, for
the 'lifeless but beautiful' role is not
congenial to this writer at all.
The first thing, then, that I might
fondly hope would catch the piercing
eyes of such educators as may be stand-
ing on the curb as we shuffle past, is the
word 'Relationships' — relationships
with the inorganic as well as the organic
world.
Is n't it fair to ask that a man living
on this planet shall, have more regard
for it, and for the processes which, from
the condensation of a swirling nebula
into planets and a sun, and by the cool-
ing of one of the smallest of these, at
last found its most profound expression
in a living cell? For, by that means,
and that only, could all this dramatic
prodigality of time, space, and causal-
ity arrive at an adequate conclusion.
Looking back upon the way it has come,
this cell, arrived at homo sapiens, ar-
rived at articulate speech, and reason
and memory and dexterity of every sort,
mental and manual — looking back
upon the magnificence of the process
that from the nebula evolved Christ,
this cell must, in the minute allowed it
above the surface, express something
that shall illustrate its sense of obliga-
tion, 'of wonder, love, and praise.' In
other words, the man must be essen-
tially religious — not theologically reli-
gious, but intellectually and emotion-
ally religious. And he must in some way
prove his kinship with big things and
permanent things and beautiful things.
Now, maybe this is something large
enough to fill in some of the space which
educational institutions leave between
the subjects of their curricula; that a
man must be more consciously and vol-
untarily related to those very calm and
contemplative things, and less a prey,
therefore, to the fevers and infections of
his particular day and generation, —
his political party, his social ritual, and
his religious creed, — and relate himself
to cosmic processes spiritually, before he
has been physically returned to them,
suddenly and ostentatiously, in the
cemetery.
And the other word is 'Discrimina-
tions.' There is no educational process
worth our admiration which does not
produce people who are on the way to
appraise life fairly, who will know the
difference between first class and second
class — which does not, in other words,
establish a scale of values that will
stand some scrutiny. This is where our
education breaks down most deplor-
ably. We cannot choose intelligently
between fine ideas and purposes and
mediocre ideas and purposes — between
what is worth doing and what is not,
considering the shortness of life; be-
tween Beauty and the pretense of Beau-
ty, or the total lack of it.
This sort of thing has to begin, per-
haps, with grandfathers, or, at any rate,
in elementary schools, and carry on very
actively in preparatory schools, and ar-
rive at some fruition, or promise of it,
in colleges. If neither the elementary
school, nor the preparatory school helps
the college in that direction any more
THE EDUCATED PERSON
491
than they are doing now, we cannot
blame the college too much. But, on
the other hand, the college makes it
difficult for the lower schools to get any
of these 'value scales' going, because
it confuses the issues terribly with its
'examination' matters. It sets up a
hurdle at its gate, and almost all the
time of the lower schools must be em-
ployed in training to jump it. Great
numbers do learn to jump it; and is it
any wonder that the colleges find in
their pasture too large a pro portion of
good jumpers who keep right on jump-
ing examination after examination, un-
til they finally jump out, with a certifi-
cate for jumping? But this is not just
the kind of man they want, is it? Why,
then, do they paralyze education in the
lower schools with the Board Exami-
nation? Why don't they indicate that
what they want is a certain quality —
a certain heliotropic instinct — upon
which they can base what they have to
give, with some assurance that their
time will not be as much wasted as it is
now? I don't know the answer to that
question except on one hypothesis, and
that is, that these boys are to be more
or less creatures of privilege anyhow,
and somewhat immune from the laws of
gravitation. They are to be ' little Jack
Homers,' and in their various corners,
among other ' big boys,' pull out plums
from the pie.
How strangely unconscious these
boys seem to be that this great dining-
room of ours, called the United States,
is becoming more and more crowded
every year, and that a very large ma-
jority of the crowd, having done the
work in the kitchen and made the pies,
are looking on with an increasing sense
of the disparity involved.
These bakers and boilers and scullery-
folk somewhat impudently push up and
and peer in, with then- sweaty faces and
greasy garments, and go back to the
kitchen muttering — very naturally,
don't you think?
On the whole far too many voyages
are started from colleges without a
compass that points north. The metal
around it has deflected it; and on a voy-
age among the boisterous winds blow-
ing off our huge industrial continent,
— with newspapers for lighthouses, —
what assurance can you give that you
will not become a mere menace to navi-
gation?
I submit one of the oldest and best
exhibits in this connection. It is a pic-
ture of a man, the greatest master of the
art of discrimination the world has ever
seen; a rough man, not at all like the
sentimental pictures, who lived all his
life, probably, in a little one-story mud-
house; who wrorked with his hands and
walked much alone along the solitary
ways of a remote and silent country
under the tropic sun and stars. On this
occasion you see him handing back a
penny to some very crafty gentlemen
surrounding him and pressing upon him
the ancient and modern question of al-
legiance, and, in his penetrating, and
very final way, requiring them to decide
for themselves where payments to
Csesar stopped. There is the crux of all
debates on education. Until the 'edu-
cated' man knows the answer to that,
question, whether he goes by it or not.
he is uneducated, and, in the history
of man, he is marked Zero.
SOUTH SEA MOONSHINE
BY CHARLES BERNARD NORDHOFF
THE late Mr. William Churchill re-
marked, in the opening chapter of one
of his distinguished works on Polynesian
philology: 'About the islands of the
central tract of ocean, romance has cast
its charm; its power remains even in
these later days. Sensitive natures have
counted the world well lost for the en-
joyment of its delights; ignorant men
have yielded to the same compulsion
and have found a dingy pleasure in set-
tling down as beach-combers. . . . The
people have won those who came to
seek them; they have been treated as
gentlefolk.'
Even in the days of Spanish explora-
tion, Europeans recognized the tran-
quil charm of these islands; and now —
after six years of war, economic crisis,
and social upheaval — a great many
people are finding relief from gloomy
and alarming thoughts in dreaming of
the South Seas. Late in the eighteenth
century, fashionable France rhapso-
dized over the beauty of a life freed
from restraint, in Bougainville's Nou-
velle Cythere; one hundred and fifty
years later, the sudden recognition of
Gauguin's genius caused a ripple which
has crossed two great oceans and is
breaking gently, at last, on a score of
lonely coral reefs.
Every mail-boat arriving at Tahiti
nowadays brings its quota of an extra-
ordinary pilgrimage — painters and lit-
erary men in search of atmosphere;
scholars in search of folk-lore; weary
men of affairs in search of forgetful-
492
ness; refugees from the arid portion of
North America in search of wassail;
steerage passengers in search of a land
where food and work are not akin. To
watch them come ashore at the quay
is at once ludicrous and pathetic — a
study in the childishness of grown-up
humanity. Some bristle with weapons
to repel the attacks of cannibals; others,
when their luggage is opened at the
custom-house, display assortments of
beads and mirrors for barter with the
savages. One almost envies them, for
the radiance of the first landfall has
not yet faded from their eyes, still
dazzled with a vision the pilgrims have
traveled far to seek.
I have often speculated on the motives
actuating these men and women —
most of them of a class neither adven-
turous nor imaginative. Why have they
left home at all, and why have their
wanderings led to a place so insignifi-
cant and remote? In some cases, of
course, the motives are not complex. I
remember a middle-aged Californian,
who did not hesitate to be frank. We
were sitting on the hotel verandah, wast-
ing an afternoon in idle talk.
'Why did I come to Tahiti?' he said;
'that's simple — I wanted to live in a
place where I could have a drink with-
out breaking the law. I reckon I'm a
good American, but I like to be let
alone. The French are great fellows to
mind their own business; I found that
out during the war. Yes, I was there —
over age, but I got into the National
SOUTH SEA MOONSHINE
493
Guard at the start. When I got home,
I took a look around and then made my
partner a proposition to buy me out.
We had a nice little business; my share
of it, turned into bonds, brings in about
three thousand a year. When the deal
was fixed, I got a map and hunted up
the nearest French colony — I reck-
oned it would be quieter there than in
France. I guess I '11 leave my bones on
Tahiti. My house will be finished in
another month; it's close to the water,
with a big shady verandah where you
can sit and look out across the lagoon
to Moorea. I don't want any women,
or servants, or newspapers, or planta-
tions, or business of any kind — I just
want to be let alone; but any man who
does n't talk politics will be welcome
to drop in for a drink.'
Here was one accounted for. A few
moments later, on the same verandah,
another man told his story in eight
words, pregnant as they were brief.
There was an Englishman with us —
a traveler, who was stopping over a
steamer in the course of an eastward
tour around the world. He had been
in India, and was showing us his col-
lection of photographs of that land.
While the pictures were passed about,
I noticed an elderly American, of mo-
rose and corpulent mien, sitting at some
distance from the rest of the company
and taking no part in the conversation,
though he uttered from time to time a
series of nasal sounds vaguely suggestive
of French and correctly interpreted by
the native girl to mean: 'One rum-
punch.' In time we came to the inevi-
table picture of the Taj Mahal; and
while we gazed at it, marveling anew,
the tourist spoke of the vast expense of
raising such a monument. When he
had finished, the man who wanted to
be let alone was the first to speak.
'Just think of that guy,' he remarked,
' spending ten million dollars to bury his
wife ! '
Musing on the ancient and costly bit
of sentiment, we sat for a moment in
silence — a silence broken by a sepul-
chral voice.
'I'd give more than that to bury
mine!'
It was the orderer of rum-punches
who spoke, addressing the company for
the first and last tune. He said it with-
out a shadow of humor — so earnestly,
so convincingly, that several seconds
elapsed before any of us smiled. He
had placed himself. Curiosity regard-
ing him was at an end; if he chose to
spend the rest of his days in the South
Seas, gossip would pass him by, to
whisper of others less communicative
— the ever-present rumored murder-
er or defaulting financier. For all we
knew, the morose gentleman might
have been quite capable of building a
second Taj Mahal.
One quiet and pleasant Englishman,
who might have passed for an elderly
clerk, spending the savings of a lifetime
on his first real holiday, gave the gos-
sips of Papeete a shock when he ap-
peared at the bank to draw money on
a letter of credit for a million dollars.
Another man came here not long ago,
traveling to his former home hi the
States — an old trader who has put in
forty years in the Western islands, and
carries with him two heavy cedar chests
in which the tales of eye-witnesses
vouch for the presence of four hundred
thousand dollars in American gold.
By far the greater number of adven-
turers, unfortunately, reach the South
Seas without worldly goods of any kind
— victims of a delusion, fostered by
nearly everything printed about this
part of the world, that in these blissful
isles one need not work in order to en-
joy the customary three square meals.
There are said to be islands, far off and
inaccessible, in the Paumotu group,
where the good-natured brown man
will not let a stray white starve; but, as
494
SOUTH SEA MOONSHINE
a rule, the islands of the Pacific are un-
happy places in which to find one's self
destitute. It is true that a rapid depop-
ulation should make living easy for the
survivors; but the land is closely held,
and the surplus, which once supported
far greater numbers, is now devoted to
the articles of luxury for which a cen-
tury of intercourse with Europeans
has created a demand. Every steamer
unloads one or more enthusiasts whose
purses have been emptied to buy pas-
sage south, and whose heads are filled
with dreams of slumberous ease in a
palm-thatched hut, where the tradi-
tional dusky maidens, of surpassing
amiability and charm, ply the fan or
prepare savory repasts of the food
that nature provides in superfluity. And
the fact that such dreams are not en-
tirely baseless makes them all the
more deceptive.
Only last year, a boat's crew from a
shipwrecked vessel managed to reach
Rapa Iti, a lonely southern outlier of
Polynesia, visited by a chance schooner
at intervals of a year or two. The men
of Rapa, brought up from infancy to
the ways of the sea, are in demand as
sailors, and the result is that on the
island the females outnumber the males
in a proportion said to be seven to one.
When, after many months, a vessel
arrived at Rapa to rescue the stranded
mariners, the work of rescue had to be
carried on almost violently; for the
least popular member of the boat's
crew was provided with half-a-dozen
brown ladies, who hovered about anx-
iously, not even permitting their lord
so simple a task as raising the food to
his own lips. The parting was a mel-
ancholy one; the girls stood weeping on
the beach, while the sailors protested
that they had no desire whatsoever
to leave the island — far from it, they
asked nothing better than to be left un-
disturbed in the enjoyment of a life
they found full of charm. But Rapa
Iti is one island out of many score, and
he who seeks to eat of the lotus in that
distant sea will be reminded of the
Kingdom of Heaven, the Camel, and
the Needle's Eye.
There is a Frenchman at present on
Tahiti, — a retired shoemaker with a
comfortable balance at the bank, —
who has been trying for nearly a year
to get to Rapa. He is a quaint and
agreeable fellow, with a streak of ec-
centricity which renders interesting an
otherwise commonplace man. Long
ago, in the Norman village of his birth,
a seafaring friend told him of the lonely
island south of the Austral group; and
since that day Rapa has been the ob-
ject of his life — to be dreamed of as
he stitched and pegged through the
monotonous day, or in the evening,
while he sipped a chopine of cider at
the inn. Last year he sold his property,
closed his shop, bade his relatives fare-
well, and started on the voyage which
was to take him half-way around the
world. But schooners for Rapa are
rare, and the French authorities, made
wise by past experience, do not en-
courage white settlers to establish
themselves on the more remote islands.
As things go, the cobbling dreamer,
with his tools and seeds and store of
clothing, may end his days on Tahiti —
his quest unfulfilled to the last.
Unlike the majority of white strays,
he would probably make a harmless
and contented settler. He is practical,
knows what he wants, and indulges in
no absurd visions of becoming a sav-
age; a generation among savages works
little change in such a man.
II
The thought of him brings to mind
another, almost at the opposite extreme
of the human scale, whose experiment in
solitude is already proving a success.
This one is an American of thirty-
SOUTH SEA MOONSHINE
495
five — cultivated, thoughtful, and well-
born; a graduate of a great univer-
sity, and knowing intimately the people
and capitals of many lands. When the
war was over, he found himself out of
touch with a life that seemed feverish
and over-complex, and set out to seek
a place where he might pass the re-
mainder of his days in tranquillity.
He had visited Tahiti before, and far out
on the eastern extremity of the island
his travels came to an end. There,
close to the lagoon, in a thatched house,
stocked with books and good furniture
and porcelain, he may be found to-day,
a cheerful and serene recluse. Pos-
sessed of enough to live in modest com-
fort, he seems to have found the en-
vironment best suited to his quality of
mind. When he asked me to spend a
few days with him, I went with some
curiosity to observe how my friend's
venture was working out.
I found him settled to a quiet routine,
in a place beautiful enough to excite the
enyy of an emperor. The view from his
verandah — a panorama of mountains,
forest, river, and bright-blue sea —
would warrant a journey of a thousand
leagues. During the year of his resi-
dence, he has learned to speak Tahitian
with surprising fluency, and without
any effort toward authority, has be-
come a sort of village patriarch and
counselor in native affairs. There is
neither white doctor nor brown tahua
nearer than fifty miles; perceiving this
fact, my friend sent home for elementary
medical books and a stock of simple
remedies. Now he administers iodine
and castor oil to such a multitude that
he has been obliged to set aside certain
hours for consultation.
His good-nature is rewarded at times.
On the day of my arrival he performed
— quite unintentionally — a cure which
placed him in a class with the famous
healers of the island. Early in the morn-
ing, a child led an old blind woman to
the door, asking treatment for a badly
infected cut on her ankle. The cut was
washed with soap and water, rinsed
with alcohol, painted with iodine, and
sealed with adhesive plaster. I arrived
an hour or two later; and as we sat
down to lunch, a group of men and
women approached at a rapid gait and
stopped before the house, talking excit-
edly among themselves.
The manner in which a caller ap-
proaches the house of his friend is
worthy of remark, for it throws a curi-
ous side-light on Tahitian ideas of pro-
priety. Since heathen days, the grounds
surrounding the dwelling of every man
of importance have been enclosed by a
fence or hedge. The caller halts outside
this barrier and waits, with an air of
humility, until the cry of welcome is
given by someone within.
' Haere mai,' called my host ; and next
moment the dining-room was full of
people. They had come to tell him —
all at once — of the wonderful results
of his medicine on old Teura. Remedies
given at daybreak had been known to
cure before dark, but this one had done
its work in a matter of four hours —
effecting a cure without parallel in the
memory of the village. The patient
was eager to thank her benefactor in
person, but her family thought it best,
for the present, to keep her out of the
sunlight. For five years she had been
blind, and now — dimly, but more clear-
ly every hour — she could see!
The doctor took his cue with just the
right degree of casual professional in-
terest — neither claiming nor disclaim-
ing credit for the achievement. So much
the better, if they chose to believe him
capable of miracles; in future his simple
admonishments would be heard with
more respect. It was the moment to
drive home a strong impression; he sel-
dom gave rum to the natives, but now
glasses were filled and we drank to the
restored vision of Teunu
496
SOUTH SEA MOONSHINE
When they had gone and we had fin-
ished lunch, the conversation turned to
native medicine. I told him of an ex-
perience of my own, when I was down
with an attack of old malaria — a sou-
venir of Vera Cruz. (The Anopheles
mosquito, by the way, which carries the
germs of malaria, does not thrive in the
islands of the eastern Pacific, though his
cousin Stegomia trails ominous striped
legs under one's nose at all hours of the
day, and makes one shudder at the
thought of a carrier of yellow fever ar-
riving by chance in Polynesia.) At the
height of my illness, actuated by curi-
osity more than anything else, I called
in a Tahitian doctor of the half-baked
modern school. Perhaps I do the old
lady an injustice — for my doctor was
elderly and feminine; at any rate, I
recovered, and can vouch for the po-
tency of her raau, which may or may not
have had a beneficial effect.
Ushered in reverently by an attend-
ant, she squatted on the verandah be-
side where I lay, and regarded me for a
time with shrewd black eyes, set in a
face of wrinkled brown. Perhaps she
was merely shy; perhaps she doubted
the sincerity of a white man willing to
pin his faith on native medicine. At
last she seemed satisfied and asked me
rapidly — and rather competently, I
thought — a list of diagnostic ques-
tions. It did not take her long to decide
on the needful febrifuge; within five
minutes she had summoned three girls
of the household and dispatched them
in search of her primitive drugs. One
was to gather a coarse grass found along
the edge of the lagoon; another was
ordered to grate the meat and express
the cream of half-a-dozen cocoanuts;
the third set out for the reef in a canoe,
to search for a variety of sea-urchin
called fetue. All this sounded ominous
enough to me; I began to regret the
curiosity which leads one into scrapes,
but it was too late to think of retreat.
Before the tahua took her leave, she
suggested the frequent drinking of an
infusion of orange leaves, and informed
me that the real cure could not begin
for another day, as the brewing of my
medicine required twenty-four hours.
I awoke next morning with the vague
premonitory depression familiar to all of
us — an overflow from the subconscious,
independent of positive memory. What
was it that made disagreeable the pros-
pect of the coming day. — Ah, yes,
the sea-urchins! Toward nine o'clock
the doctor appeared. The cure began
with a bath from head to heels in a
dark tincture of the grass gathered the
day before; and after the bath my sore
bones were treated to an hour of mas-
sage. In this branch of their art, at
least, I can affirm the competence of
the native doctors. The bath and mas-
sage were calculated to pave the way
for the final coup-de-grdce — almost as
deadly as the poniard-thrust between
the joints of a mediaeval gorget. It
came in the form of a half-pint tumbler,
filled with a viscous whitish liquid. I do
not know all its ingredients, or how
they were compounded, but the boiled-
down power of strange substances was
in it, and it tasted worse than it looked.
' Some people,' remarked my doctor,
gazing admiringly at her handiwork in
the glass held out to me, 'cannot take
this medicine — it is too strong. But
it will cure your fever!'
This was no time to hesitate — I
seized the glass and gulped down its
evil contents. An hour later I began to
understand why some people could not
take it, and decided that I must be one
of them. The tahua had not exag-
gerated when she said that it was
strong. Keats might have had its ef-
fects in mind when he wrote: —
My heart aches and a drowsy numbness pains
My sense, as though of hemlock I had drunk
As the day dragged on, it became
SOUTH SEA MOONSHINE
497
increasingly evident that I had been
indiscreet. I thought again of the
doctor's words, and I recalled — not
without uneasiness — a passage in an
old missionary chronicle of life in these
same islands: 'Many of their applica-
tions, however, were powerful. ... A
preparation, in which milk from the
pulp of the cocoanut formed a principal
ingredient, was sometimes followed by
almost instant death. Mr. Barff once
took this preparation, at the earnest
recommendation of the people; but it
nearly cost him his life, although he had
not drunk more than half the quantity
prepared.'
A sinister thought, especially since I
had swallowed the whole dose, one half
of which had nearly caused the death
I of the acquiescent Mr. Barff! Toward
evening, when I was long past the stage
of being able to smile at my predica-
ment, I fell asleep — if sinking un-
pleasantly into a loss of consciousness
may be described in words so peaceful.
I awoke at dawn, weak and giddy, but
better than I had been for several days.
Perhaps the raau cured me. I only know
that my curiosity is satisfied — I shall
never dabble in native remedies again.
'You are probably right,' remarked
my friend, smiling at the announce-
ment of this decision; 'the last of the
old-fashioned native doctors — who
really knew something — is dead. His
name was Tiurai; I met him when I
visited Tahiti before the war, and one
cannot doubt that he did, at times, ac-
complish remarkable results. There is
so much humbug involved in all native
medicine that it is difficult to distin-
guish genuine skill from quackery; but
while old Tiurai used all the frills of his
art, he certainly possessed a consider-
able knowledge of anatomy and an ac-
quaintance with the virtues of many
kinds of herbs. He never took a fee.
During the last decade of his life he was
loo busy to travel about; people came
VOL. 128 — NO. 4
c
to him from all parts of Tahiti, from
Moorea and the Leeward group, and
even from distant islands of the Pau-
motu. Some of his cures were too ab-
surdly simple to seem real. I ran across
an Englishman, when I was here before,
who had suffered for months from an
abscess of the leg — one of those hate-
ful things which seem to heal from tune
to time, only to break out again, deeper
and more malignant than before. When
the sufferer had reached the point of
arranging a trip to New Zealand, some-
one persuaded him to let Tiurai have a
go at it. Skeptical, but ready to try
anything in his extremity, the English-
man drove out to the district where the
native doctor lived. A dozen carts were
drawn up before the house, and groups
of people, with the solemn air of mourn-
ers at a death-bed, sat under the trees
awaiting their interviews. When the
abscess was shown to Tiurai, he gave
it only a casual glance and said that he
would send medicine the next day.
'In the morning a boy appeared with
the remedy: a small bottle of what
seemed to be ordinary monoi — cocoa-
nut-oil, scented with the blossoms of
the Tahitian gardenia. The patient
was instructed to obtain the scarlet tail-
feather of a tropic bird, dip it in the
oil, and draw a circle around the ab-
scess — at sunrise, at noon, and at sun-
set. This sounds ridiculous enough, but
for some reason the bad leg began to
improve at once and was healed within
a few days.
'Over certain organs of the body —
notably the heart and kidneys — the
remedies of Tiurai possessed a remark-
able control; it is a pity that some Euro-
pean doctor did not gain the old man's
confidence and persuade him to impart
the more important of his secrets. He
died in the epidemic of 1918 — the last
of a long line of tahuas. His loss was a
heavy one to the island; as an obstetri-
cian alone he was of immense value,
498
SOUTH SEA MOONSHINE
with his curious system of massage,
which seemed to rob child-birth of
nearly all its suffering. The fact that
no others sprang up to take his place
proves that Tiurai possessed unusual
powers. There is a doctor practising at
Paea and another at Haapape, but the
natives have little confidence in them
and consult them only in trifling cases.
This does not apply, of course, to the
professional exorcists, who form a dis-
tinct class. You will find them in nearly
every village — the trusted exponents
of an ancient art.'
*
III
The modern exorcists, to whom my
host alluded, are descendants of the
heathen Faatere, employed in the old
days by friends of the demon-ridden, to
drive out the evil spirit invoked by a
sorcerer. European witnesses of the
agony and death of those upon whom
the destroying spirits preyed were
forced to confess that powers beyond
their comprehension were at work.
Even the hard-headed missionaries ad-
mitted this. One of the most distin-
guished of them, writing of Tahiti near-
ly a century ago, observed: 'It is not
necessary now to inquire whether satan-
ic agency affects the bodies of men. We
know this was the fact at the time our
Saviour appeared on earth. Many of
the natives of these islands are firmly
persuaded that, while they were idola-
ters, their bodies were subject to most
excruciating sufferings from the direct
operation of satanic power . . . and
. . . some of the early missionaries are
disposed to think this was the fact.'
There are still on Tahiti one or two
old men considered capable of dire nec-
romancy, but the belief is dying fast,
and nowadays it is the spirit of an an-
cestor — naturally malicious, or offend-
ed by some misdeed — which harries
the human victim. I saw a case of this
sort only a few weeks ago. In the house
where I was stopping there was a young
girl who did the family washing and
ironing — a gentle, good-natured young-
ster of sixteen. I was reading on the
verandah, one evening after dinner, and
noticed this girl near-by, gazing out
over the sea in the detached and dreamy
manner of her race. Suddenly I heard
her give a low cry, and, glancing up
from my book, I saw that she was cow-
ering with an air of fear, arms raised
and bent as if to ward off invisible blows.
When I reached her, a moment later,
she had collapsed in a faint; I remember
the awkwardness of carrying her limp
body to a couch. I felt her pulse, and it
seemed to me that her heart was barely
stirring. Then, screaming terribly, and
with a suddenness that was uncanny,
she sat up. I had noticed that she was
a rather pretty girl, with tender lips and
soft dark eyes; now her lips were dis-
torted in a snarl and flecked with a
light froth, while her eyes, fixed and
open to the fullest extent, shone with a
dull red glare. She sprang to her feet
with an air of horrid desperation. The
next moment three of us seized her.
While we took good care to do her no
harm, she was not in the least afraid of
hurting us, and flung us about as if
we were children; it seemed to me that
there was something monstrous in the
strength and ferocity of her struggles.
In the midst of the scuffle, an elderly
man appeared on the verandah — a
spirit-doctor of some local reputation,
who took in the situation at a glance.
'Tell me quickly,' he said, 'where I
can find a bottle of perfume — strong
perfume.'
I told him there was cologne on the
dressing-table in my room, and in an
instant he had a towel soaked in the
stuff, waving it about the frantic girl's
head. Perhaps the fit had run its course;
for she ceased at once to struggle, and
sank down on the floor, quiet and limp.
SOUTH SEA MOONSHINE
499
Someone had run to fetch the Euro-
pean doctor, and when he arrived the
girl had recovered consciousness. He
sat down beside her, to ask questions
in a low voice. By the troubled look in
her eyes I could see that she understood ;
but though she seemed to make an ef-
fort to speak, no sound came from her
lips. Presently he rose. ' It is a sort of
epilepsy,' he informed us; 'though from
what you say the attack must have been
more than usually violent. Pauvre en-
fant — there is no cure/
When he had gone the girl spoke.
Her story may have been pure imagina-
tion, or the memory of a singular and
vivid dream; in the eyes of the natives,
of course, it was terrifying, but neither
incredible nor strange.
'I was resting after my work,' she
said, 'watching the little clouds above
the sea. All at once I saw an old woman
standing before me. She carried a staff
of black wood in her hand; her gray
hair hung tangled about her shoulders;
she gazed at me without smiling, and I
was greatly afraid. I knew her at once
for my grandmother, who died when I
was a child. Then she raised her staff
and began to beat me, and I put up my
arms to ward off the blows. After that,
I felt myself dying. When I awoke on
the couch, she was standing beside me,
and as I opened my eyes I saw her
raise her club. Of the rest I know noth-
ing, except that, when the doctor ques-
tioned me, I could not answer, for the
hand of that woman was on my lips.'
'The tupapau,' remarked Mahine,
the spirit-doctor, when the girl had been
put to bed, 'cannot abide perfume; it
will drive off the most dangerous of
them. But though she pretends inno-
cence, I know that girl has done an ill
thing, to incur the anger of her grand-
mother/
In justice to the spirit-world, I must
add that Mahine was not mistaken.
It was discovered afterward that the
girl had acquired a lover and was con-
cealing from her family the fact of an
impending motherhood.
There is a good deal of misapprehen-
sion in regard to the native code of
morality, which most white men dis-
miss with the statement that no such
thing exists. In reality, the discovery
that this child was involved in an in-
trigue was something of a shock to the
native mind, for she was supposedly
one of the chaste girls of whom every
village possesses a few — carefully
guarded, and objects of considerable
local pride. Chastity is, I believe, and
always has been, in Polynesia, a virtue
as highly prized as it is rare, though we
are apt to lose sight of the fact, because
the woman who cannot boast of it is
neither shunned nor scorned.
Native morals — or rather the lack
of them — are responsible for the ad-
vent of a regrettably large proportion
of visitors to the islands. This is simple
truth. The credulous and shoddy volup-
tuary — in England, America, or France
— chances on one of the South Sea
books in vogue, to feast his mind on a
text spiced with innuendo, and his eyes
on portraits of brown ladies whose
charms are trammeled only by the
sketchiest of attire. After that, if cir-
cumstances permit, he is not unlikely
to board a steamer for the islands; but
a month or two later you will find him
even more eager to return, for the real-
ity of his tawdry dream does not exist
— the women within his reach are, if
possible, less interesting than their sis-
ters of Leicester Square, or Sixth Ave-
nue, or the Butte.
'In general the white men of the is-
lands are there for one of four reasons :
work, drink, women, or a murky past.
But generalities are proverbially de-
ceptive, and a man like my friend the
American recluse, who chooses to live
on Tahiti — decently and wholesome-
ly as he would live at home, — because
500
SOUTH SEA MOONSHINE
he likes the island and its people, is a
perpetual aggravation to gossip. And
he minds his own business — here, as
elsewhere, an unpardonable sin.
Gossip — the occupation of the pro-
vincial and the dull — makes no allow-
ance for variations from type; yet one
must remember that the European who
does not run to type is the only one
fitted to make a success of life in the
islands — far out of the white man's
natural range. Consider again, for a
moment, the case of my friend. He has
an income, and his doctoring gives him
an occupation; the first is a help, the
second an indispensable accessory to
content. He has eyes for the beautiful
and imagination for the strange; in
order to live as he chooses, he is willing
to sacrifice what most of us would never
in the world give up. Like the cobbler
in quest of happiness on Rapa Iti, he is
one of the very rare men who possess
resources within themselves, who are
able to get enjoyment from their own
minds, and are not dependent on others
for diversion from dull and paltry
thoughts. The only white man in a re-
mote native community, he lives with
the Polynesian on such terms of inti-
macy as few Europeans could endure.
Their confidence is his reward; and be-
cause they are always welcome at his
house, where there is a phonograph and
an inexhaustible supply of cigarettes,
the natives .do many things for him —
favors he accepts as gracefully as they
are tendered. Breadfruit, bananas, and
taro are brought to his door in greater
quantities than he can use; when the
men of the village return from the reef,
to divide their fish, his portion is not
forgotten. The fame of his idyllic life
has spread abroad, and I wonder some-
times if, in the end, he will not be forced
to seek tranquillity in places even more
remote.
On one occasion a little band of
wanderers, elderly and unattached
white women from the basin of the Mis-
sissippi, — devout readers of Gauguin
and White Shadows in the South Seas, —
journeyed happily to his retreat and
gave him an anxious week. 'Poor fel-
low,' they said, 'living out there all
alone; he must be nice — everyone
says he is so kind to the dear natives.
We can just as well stop there as in
Papeete, and the sight of a white face
will do him good.'
They were counting apparently, on a
visit of indefinite duration, and he put
in some agonizing days before his good-
nature gave way at last.
'If you will reflect,' he suggested to
his uninvited guests, 'it will become
evident that I did not leave New York
because I felt lonely there. As for white
faces, I can always go to Papeete if I
want to gaze at them — a need I have
not felt so far.'
To most of us, in the same circum-
stances, the sight of white faces would
be welcome — even the forbiddingly
earnest countenances of aesthetic fe-
males: thin-lipped, leathery, and gar-
nished with black-rimmed goggles. We
do not vary from the type — and the
type is better off at home. A good
many men and women who come from
the lands of the white man to seek an
elusive dolce far niente in Polynesia are
discovering this profound truth for
themselves.
The South Seas are no less blue than
when the ships of Cook traversed them,
and the people of the islands, though
dying fast, are perhaps not greatly
changed. The palms still rustle sooth-
ingly as in the days of Melville's en-
chanted vision; the same trade- wind
blows, and lonely lagoons still ripple
under the stars. But the islands are not
for people of our race — I say it, though
I set at naught an old illusion. They
may be places to visit once ; but these are
lands in which few white men linger,
and to which fewer still return.
FRIENDLY NEIGHBORS
BY ANNIE W. NOEL
'MRS. SCOTT is dead.'
Mrs. Anderson was shocked. She
laid down her garden-shears and looked
at Mrs. Hoxie, who was telling her.
For Mrs. Anderson had been plan-
ning to call; and she turned involun-
tarily toward Mrs. Scott's house just in
back of her. Mrs. Scott had bought
that house just six years ago. She had
planted the most wonderful red peonies
— they were blooming now — if she
was dead —
Mrs. Anderson turned rather indig-
nantly on Mrs. Hoxie. How should she
know? She lived a whole block away —
'Mrs. Wilson saw the hearse at the
door.'
A hearse!
Mrs. Anderson gazed at the silent
house just behind. She had been plan-
ning to call.
'Mrs. Wilson was shocked,' Mrs.
Hoxie went on. 'She said she felt she
ought to have known it before the
hearse came, living only four houses
away. A hearse is a shock, of course.
Mrs. Wilson is a lovely woman.'
That certainly was no way to speak
of the dead. Mrs. Anderson looked
after Mrs. Hoxie with resentment.
Then her own remorse deepened- She
had been planning to call, and the red
peonies blooming so heartlessly in
Mrs. Scott's own yard disturbed her.
It was not right to let them stand that
way if Mrs. Scott was dead. With a
deep pang she wished she had called.
She went into Mrs. Lewis's next door,
to see if Mrs. Lewis knew.
Mrs. Lewis knew. She had just read
it in the New York Tribune. The New
York Tribune still lay on the floor
where it had fallen.
Tears were in Mrs. Lewis's eyes. It
seemed so wrong, now, that they had
lived so long almost back to back and
had never spoken. 'I have met her on
the street too,' said Mrs. Lewis, with
profound regret.
Going back to her garden, Mrs. An-
derson looked at Mrs. Scott's sightless
windows. She had often wondered if
Mrs. Scott was looking. Now she knew
there was no one behind those windows.
It was dreadful certainty.
She wished she had called.
She saw Mrs. Allen, next door on the
other side, and wondered if she knew.
She stepped to the hedge, irresistibly
impelled.
' I don't believe it,' replied Mrs. Allen,
with the utmost firmness. • *. •
Mrs. Anderson was aroused. WThy a
tone like that? Toward the dead? But
she replied gently. The hearse had
been seen at the door. And Mrs. Lewis
had read it in the Tribune.
'Oh!' replied Mrs. Allen, unrelent-
ing; 'the Tribune.'
She had n't known her personally,
Mrs. Allen went on, seeming to think
some explanation was due. All she
knew of her was that, the day after
they had moved in, a voice had called
Mr. Allen on the 'phone, and asked
if they were sure they had a building-
permit to .put up exactly that type
of ready-cut garage.
Mrs. Anderson's eyes drooped as she
looked at the garage. And again she
501
502
FRIENDLY NEIGHBORS
wondered, passionately, why she had
n't called on Mrs. Scott.
Young Mrs. Baker was just passing,
with little Marjorie.
'She's the only other woman in the
block with just one child,' meditated
young Mrs. Baker. 'Is she dead?'
asked young Mrs. Baker with energy.
The hearse had been seen at the door,
And it was in the Tribune.
'Just before I left the house, not ten
minutes ago,' continued young Mrs.
Baker, only growing firmer, ' the Board
of Health called up to say they had
been asked to instruct me to keep Mar-
jorie on her own premises until she got
over her cough. A neighbor. With one
child. They are not allowed to give
names.'
Together they gazed at the silent
house.
A colored woman came out and began
to pick the peonies.
'I suppose she would know,' said
Mrs. Anderson, with a catch in her
voice.
She wished she had called.
The colored woman picked all the
peonies.
The house stared at them.
'I was planning to call,' said Mrs.
Anderson.
Mrs. Anderson went in to get her
market-basket. She felt as if she must
get away for a little while. But even
the market-basket was on a shelf by the
window, and through the window she
saw Mrs. Scott's house.
'Oh!' cried Mrs. Anderson to herself,
'I wish I had called.'
At a turn of the road she stooped to
help a small child with his rebellious
sandal; and on lifting her head, looked
straight at Mrs. Scott, pausing, inter-
ested.
'Oh!' Mrs. Anderson caught herself
in time.
'Yes,' replied Mrs. Scott amused,
tactful. 'So many did. It was Mr.
Scott's mother. She had been visiting
us.'
Swept on by the current of her relief,
Mrs. Anderson felt a great need of say-
ing something. She had been so pro-
foundly moved. She had experienced
so much in the last hour. It did not
seem possible to have things return to
their former basis. She had always felt
that she would have liked Mrs. Scott.
She had felt that Mrs. Scott was not
quite understood by some. And to have
died — actually died, without anyone's
knowing it, when she lived just back —
But, no, she had not.
Mrs. Anderson felt justified in the
feeling she had always thought she
would have had for Mrs. Scott.
She had felt that Mrs. Scott would
not.
'I have been intending to call,' she
said warmly, trying to crowd all the
passionate remorse of the last hour into
a few words.
'Yes, do,' replied Mrs. Scott, with
answering cordiality, as she passed on.
'Some time.'
PREACHING IN LONDON. Ill
BY JOSEPH FORT NEWTON
(No sooner had the Armistice been signed,
than there followed, not simply a rebound,
but a collapse, which no one who lived
through it will ever forget. Swiftly, tragi-
cally, the high mood of sacrifice yielded to a
ruthless selfishness, and the solidarity won
by the war was lost, together with most of
the idealism that had stood the stress and
terror of it. Thejnoral demobilization was
terrify ing; the disillusionment appalling.
Men had Jived a generation in five years;
and instead of a new world of which they
had dreamed, they found themselves in a
world embittered, confused, cynical, gray
with grief, if not cracked to its foundations
— all the old envies working then* malign
intent. Such a chaos offered free play to
every vile and slimy influence, making the
earth an auditorium for every hoarse and
bitter voice that could make itself heard.
It was a time of social irritation, moral re-
action, and spiritual fatigue, almost more
trying than the war itself, the only joy being
that the killing of boys had stopped.
Old jealousies and new envies began to
make themselves felt — among them a very
emphatic anti-American feeling; a remi-
niscence, in part, of the impatience at our
delay in entering the war, joined with sus-
picion of our wealth and power. The same
was true in America, in its feeling toward
England and the other Allies. Mrs. A.
Burnett-Smith — 'Annie S. Swan' — in her
admirable book, America at Home, tells how
fine and warm the feeling in America was
before the Armistice, and how quickly it
changed: 'There was a reaction, of which
was born a coolness, a new, subtle hostility,
which one could sense everywhere.' Her
book, I may add, is one of the few of its
kind that never fails of that fineness of feel-
ing which should always exist between kin-
dred peoples. Her observations are interest-
ing, her comments frank but kindly, and the
whole book is informed with a charming and
sympathetic personality. As Mr. W. L.
George has said, if the war did not make us
love our enemies, it at least taught us to
hate our allies.)
November 20, 1918. — For one who
has set great store by the cooperation of
English-speaking peoples, the new anti-
American propaganda is like a personal
bereavement. The feeling in England
with regard to America is certainly, as
the Scotch would say, 'on the north side
of friendly,' and manifests itself in many
petty, nagging ways. To read the Lon-
don papers now, one would think that
America, and not Germany, had been
the enemy of England in the war. Every
kind of gibe, slur, and sneer is used to
poison the public mind against America.
My mail at the City Temple has be-
come almost unreadable. It takes the
familiar forms — among the upper
classes an insufferably patronizing and
contemptuous attitude toward America
and all things American; among the
lower classes an ignorant ill-will. The
middle classes are not much influenced
by it, perhaps because, as Emerson said,
America is a 'middle-class country' —
whereof we ought to be both grateful
and proud. This feeling against America
is confined, for the most part, to Eng-
land, — it hardly exists in Scotland or
in Wales, — and, like the anti-British
feeling in America, it is a fruitful field
for the venal press and the stupid
demagogue. Naturally, a journal like
John Butt — leader of the gutter-press
— is in its glory; but even in the better
class of papers one reads nasty flings at
503
504
PREACHING IN LONDON
America and its President. As for the
Morning Post, no one expects anything
other than its usual pose of supercilious
condescension and savage satire, and it
is at its brilliant worst. Six weeks ago
we were regarded as friends; to-day our
country is the target of ridicule as clever
as it is brutal. No doubt it is mostly
nerves — a part of the inevitable reac-
tion— and will pass away; but it is
none the less a tragedy.
November 22. — It is nothing short of
a calamity that in this ugly hour of
reaction and revenge there is to be a
national election. There is no need for
an election, no demand for it. But to
those who can see beneath the surface,
there is a deeper meaning. Three
months ago Arthur Henderson said : ' If
we have a national election in Britain,
you will not get a Wilson peace.' I did
not realize at the time what he meant;
but I can now say to him, 'Sir, I per-
ceive that thou art a prophet.' There is
to be a khaki election, such as Cham-
berlain had following the Boer War, the
better to coin into political capital all
the anger, suspicion, resentment, and
disillusionment burning in the public
mind. In other words, it is a deliberate
scheme of the Prime Minister — or a
group of strong men who use him as a
tool — to mobilize the least admirable
elements of England, — not the great,
noble England, but a reactionary, im-
perialistic England, — and have them
in solid phalanx behind the Peace Con-
ference. And in the mood of the hour
the scheme will work, with consequen-
ces both for England and for the world
which no one can predict. Reaction in
England will mean reaction elsewhere,
if not everywhere.
November 24. — Nothing was left hazy
after the speech of the Premier in West-
minster Hall, launching his Coalition
campaign. It was a skillful speech, inti-
mating that even the Throne may be in
danger, and playing upon the fears and
hates of men. He wants a Parliament,
he said, in which there shall be no op-
position, — no criticism, no discussion,
— and this proposal to prostitute Par-
liament was greeted with applause.
There is protest in the Liberal press;
but men in the street and tram give
each other the knowing look and the
approving nod, praising 'the Little
Welsh Wizard.' It is called a ' Coupon
Election,' since each Coalition candi-
date must have the indorsement of the
Prime Minister, and the food-coupon is
the most detestable thing in the public
mind. Sir George Younger — master
brewer of the kingdom — is the organ-
izer and wire-puller of the campaign.
As for the Prime Minister, he is both
the author and the hero of the most re-
markable blood-and-thunder moving-
picture show in political history; what
the papers call 'The Victory Film, or
How I Won the War.' He goes to and
fro, shrieking two slogans. First, hang
the Kaiser! Second, twenty-five thou-
sand million pounds indemnity! What
sublime statesmanship! Behind this
smoke-screen of rhetoric and revenge
the most sinister forces are busy; and
the trick will work. Liberals and Labor-
ites are unable to unite. Even if they
should unite, they could not stem the
tide. Two things are as plain as if they
were written upon the wall. First, the
President is defeated before he sails;
and second, if the war is won, the peace
is lost.
November 26. — Once again opinion is
sharply divided as to the motives and
purposes of the Prime Minister. By
some he is held to be a messiah, by
others a light-minded mountebank. Still
others think he is only a political chame-
leon, taking color from the last strong
man, or group of men, he meets. Obvi-
ously he is none of these things, but
merely an opportunist, without any
principle or policy, — except to retain
power, — feeling his way to get all he
PREACHING IN LONDON
505
can. The story is that, walking in the
House of Parliament with a friend the
other day, he suddenly stopped, tapped
his breast, and said: 'I sometimes won-
der if this is Lloyd George.' His wonder
is shared by millions of people. Cer-
tainly it is not the Lloyd George we
used to know, who had the light of
morning in his eyes. Limehouse is far
in the distance. The fiery champion of
justice for the Boers is a pathetic mem-
ory. The man who defied the vested
interests of England in behalf of the
poor, the aged, the disinherited, is a
ghost. There is another Lloyd George,
so new and strange that he does not
know himself. With his personality, his
power of speech, his political acumen,
which almost amounts to inspiration,
he could lead England anywhere; but
he has turned back. It is one of the
greatest failures of leadership in our
time.
November 28. — Often one is tempted
to think that the Labor Movement is
the most Christian thing on this island.
In its leadership, at least, it is spiritually
minded; its leaders, as I have come to
know them, being sincere, earnest, hon-
est men who have worked their way up
from the bottom, or else have been
drawn into the Movement by the op-
portunity for service. Not all of them
are so minded, but the outstanding
leaders and spokesmen of the Move-
ment — who, unfortunately, are in ad-
vance of the rank and file — are men of
a type unknown, or nearly so, in Amer-
ican labor. Henderson, Thomas, Snow-
den, Webb, MacDonald, Clynes, and
the rest, make a goodly group. Hender-
son is a lay preacher; so is Thomas. As
for Robert Smillie, I do not know what
his religious affiliations, if any, may be,
except that he is a disciple of Keir
Hardie, and that his relentless idealism
is matched by the nobility of his char-
acter. Tall, gaunt, stooped, his face
reveals the harsh attrition of earlier
years; but his smile is kindly, and his
eyes have in them the light of an un-
conquerable will. He helps one to
know what Lincoln must have been
like.
In this campaign the leaders of Labor
are almost the only keepers of the no-
bler idealism of England, and their pro-
gramme is essentially Christian. Alas,
they have a heavy weight of inertia to
carry, and one wonders if they can
fire the apathetic mass, fatalistically
submissive to its lot, and suspicious of
anyone who tries to alter it.
November 29. — Anyway, I am hav-
ing the time of my life, going to every
sort of political meeting and listening
to every sort of speech. It is a big show
and a continuous performance. The
best address I have heard, so far, was
delivered by a Methodist preacher at a
Labor meeting in Kingsway Hall. His
sentences cracked like rifle-shots, and
they hit the mark. The campaign makes
me first sick, and then homesick; it is so
like our way of doing it. That is, all
except the hecklers. They are so quick
and keen of retort. Also, the English
can beat us at mud-slinging. It is humil-
iating to admit it, but it is so. We are
amateurs in abusing the government;
but we are young yet, and longer prac-
tice will no doubt give us greater skill.
How like our elections is the hubbub
and hysteria of it all. Mr. Asquith told
me how he made a speech on world-
affairs, and one of his audience said:
'What we want to know is, are we going
to get a pier for our boats ! ' Always the
local grievance clouds the larger Issue.
How familiar it is, as if a man went out,
and encountered in the street what he
thought for the moment was himself.
Men, otherwise sane, seem to lose their
senses in a political campaign. States-
men talk drivel, promising what no mor-
tal can perform, challenging the scorn of
man and the judgment of heaven. O
Democracy 1
506
PREACHING IN LONDON
(As soon as it was known that the Presi-
dent was to attend the Peace Conference in
person, the Tory papers in London began
subtly and skillfully to paint a caricature
of him in the public mind. He was described
as a kind of Hamlet, living aloof in the
cloisters of the White House; a visionary
companioned by abstractions; a thinking-
machine so cold that one could skate all
round him, having 'as good a heart as can
be made out of brains,' — 'not a man at all,
but a bundle of formulae,' — and, finally,
by the Morning Post, as 'a political Moody
and Sankey' coming to convert Europe to
his gospel of 'internationalism,' which it
described as a 'disease.' Such was the re-
actionary attitude toward the man who
made the only constructive suggestion seek-
ing to prevent the ' collective suicide ' of war.
But only a small part of the British press
was guilty of such a violation of good form
and good feeling. The Times — by virtue,
no doubt, of its position, not only as a
journal, but as an institution — secured
from the President a memorable interview,
in which he was shown to be actually and
attractively human; and, further, that he
had no intention of demanding the sinking
of the British Fleet.
The President arrived in London the day
after Christmas, and the greeting accorded
him by the English people was astonishingly
hearty and enthusiastic. Their curiosity to
see the man whose words had rung in their
ears, expressing what so many hoped but so
few were able to say, joined with their desire
to pay homage to the first President of our
Republic who had set foot on English soil.
His visit was taken to be a gesture of good-
will, and I have never seen anything like the
way in which he captured the English peo-
ple. He swept them off their feet. For a
brief time his marvelous personality, his
'magic of the necessary word,' his tact, his
charm, seemed to change the climate of the
island. No man hi our history could have
represented us more brilliantly. In Buck-
ingham Palace as the guest of the King, in
the old Guildhall as a guest of the City, at
the luncheon in the Mansion House, his
words were not a mere formal, diplomatic
response, but real in their unaffected sim-
plicity, and as appropriate as they were elo-
quent. On the Sabbath, instead of going
with the King to worship at St. Paul's, he
went to the little Nonconformist Chapel at
Carlisle, where his mother had been a girl,
and his grandfather the minister. His brief
talk in the old pulpit was a gem, and it
touched the people deeply. At the Mansion
House luncheon we heard the news of the
election returns — the result having been
delayed in order to get the report of the
soldier vote.)
December 28. — So the President has
come and gone, and the Prime Minister
has learned what was in his Christmas
stocking. It is a blank check, and he
may now fill it in with such stakes as he
can win at the Peace Table. He divined
aright the bitter mood and temper of
the hour. It is a Tory victory by a
trick, the Liberal Party having been
asphyxiated, if not destroyed; and it
remains to be seen whether it can be re-
suscitated. Mr. Asquith was defeated;
Mr. Bottomley was elected! In Amer-
ica that would be equal to the defeat of
Elihu Root and the election of Hearst,
and would be deemed a disaster. So the
Prime Minister gets what he wanted —
a Parliament tied, hamstrung, without
moral mandate, three quarters of its
members having accepted the coupon;
and of the remainder, the largest party
consists of seventy Sinn Feiners who
are either in prison or pledged not to
sit in the House. It is a Parliament in
which there will be no effective opposi-
tion, the Labor Party being insignifi-
cant and badly led. The Prime Minister
gets what he wants, but at the sacrifice
of the noblest tradition in British his-
tory. Labor is sullen, bitter, angry. I
predict a rapid development of the
dogma of Direct Action; and, if it is so,
the Prime Minister will have no one to
blame but himself. Such is the effect of
a trick election, the tragedy of which
grows as its meaning is revealed.
(The reference to Mr. Bottomley implies
no ill-will to him personally, though I hate
the things for which he stands. When it was
PREACHING IN LONDON
507
announced that I had accepted the invita-
tion to the City Temple, I received a long
cablegram from Mr. Bottomley, suggesting
that I write for his paper, John Bull, and
telling of his admiration for Dr. Parker.
Unfortunately, as I did not choose to be
introduced to England through such a
medium, I could not accept his invitation.
Often — especially after my protest against
the increase of breweiy supplies — he wrote
cruel things about me. It did not matter;
I should have been much more unhappy if
he had written in my praise. He is the cap-
tain of the most dangerous and disinte-
grating elements in Britain, — the mob as
distinct from democracy, — the crowded
public-house, the cheap music-hall, and the
nether side of the sporting world. With
facile and copious emotions, he champions
the cause of the poor, with ready tears for
ruined girls — preferably if the story of
their ruin will smack a little smuttily in his
prper. Since the Armistice, his office has
been the poison-factory and centre of anti-
American propaganda, and in playing upon
the fears and hates and prejudices of people,
he is a master. Alas, we are only too famil-
iar with his type on this side of the sea.)
January 4, 1919. — Joined a group
to-day noon, to discuss the problem of
Christian union, by which they seemed
to mean Church union — a very differ-
ent thing. But it was only talk. Men are
not ready for it, and the time is not ripe.
Nor can it be hastened, as my friend
the Bishop of Manchester thought when
he proposed some spectacular drama-
tization of the Will to Fellowship dur-
ing the war. Still less will it come by
erasing all historical loyalties in one
indistinguishable blue of ambiguity. If
it is artificial, it will be superficial. It
must come spiritually and spontane-
ously, else it will be a union, not of the
Church, but of the churchyard. Dicker
and deal suggest a horse-trade. No, our
fathers parted in passion; in passion we
must come together. It must be a union,
not of compromise, but of comprehen-
sion. If all the churches were made one
to-day, what difference would it make?
Little, if any. Something deeper and
more drastic is needed. As the Elizabe-
than Renaissance was moralized by the
advent of Puritanism, and the reaction
from the French Revolution was fol-
lowed by the Evangelical Revival, so,
by a like rhythm, the new age into
which we are entering will be quickened,
in some unpredictable way, by a re-
newal of religion. Then, perhaps, on a
tide of new life, we may be drawn to-
gether in some form of union. In this
country no union is possible with a
State Church, unless the Free Churches
are milling to turn the faces of their
leaders to the wall. So far from being a
national church, the Anglican commun-
ion is only a tiny sect on one end of the
island. Its claim to a monopoly of apos-
tolicity is not amenable to the law of
gravitation — since it rests upon noth-
ing, no one can knock away its founda-
tions. Just now we are importuned to
accept the ' historic episcopacy ' for the
sake of regularity, as if regularity were
more important than reality. Even the
Free Churches have failed to federate,
and one is not sorry to have it so,
remembering the lines of an old Wilt-
shire love-song which I heard the other
day: —
If all the world were of one religion
Many a living thing should die.
January 12. — Alas! affairs on the
lovely but unhappy island of Ireland
seem to go from bad to worse, adding
another irritation to a shell-shocked
world. From a distance the Irish issue
is simple enough, but near at hand it is
a sad tangle, complicated by immemo-
rial racial and religious rancors, and,
what is sadder still, by a seemingly hope-
less incompatibility of temperament be-
tween the peoples of these two islands.
They do not, and apparently cannot,
understand each other. It looks like the
old problem of what happens when an
irresistible force meets an immovable
object. Besides, the friction is not only
508
PREACHING IN LONDON
between Ireland and England, but be-
tween two Irelands — different in race,
religion, and economic organization. If
Ireland could be divided, as Lincoln
divided Virginia, the riddle would be
solved. But no Irishman will agree.
The English people, as I talk with
them about Ireland, are as much be-
wildered by it as anybody else. They
do feel hurt at the attitude of South Ire-
land during the war, and I confess I
cannot chide them for it. Ireland was
exempted from conscription, from ra-
tioning, from nearly all the hardships of
a war which, had it been lost, would
have meant the enslavement of Ireland,
as well as the rest of the world. A dis-
tinguished journalist told me that his
own Yorkshire relatives were forced into
Irish regiments by politicians, to make
it appear that Ireland was fighting.
The Irish seaboard, except in Ulster,
was hostile seaboard. It required seven-
ty-five thousand men to keep order in
Ireland, and that, too, at a time when
every man was needed at the front.
Ulster, in the meantime, did magnifi-
cently in the war, and it would be a
base treachery to coerce it to leave
the United Kingdom. Ulster may be
dour and relentless, but it has rights
which must be respected. Yet, if Eng-
land does not find a way out of the
Irish muddle, she may imperil the peace
of the world. So the matter stands, like
the Mark Twain story in which he got
the hero and heroine into so intricate a
tangle that he gave it up, and ended by
offering a prize to anyone who could get
them out of it.
January 14. — To-day a distinguish-
ed London minister told me a story
about the President, for which he
vouches. He had it from the late Syl-
vester Home, — Member of Parlia-
ment and minister of Whitefield's Chap-
el,— who had known the President
for years before he was elevated to his
high office. Home happened to be in
America — where he was always a wel-
come guest — before the war, shortly
after the President was inaugurated,
and he called at the White House to pay
his respects. In the course of the talk,
he expressed satisfaction that the rela-
tions between England and America
would be in safe hands while the Presi-
dent was in office. The President said
nothing, and Home wondered at it.
Finally he forced the issue, putting it as
a question point-blank. The President
said, addressing him in the familiar
language of religious fellowship: 'Bro-
ther Home, one of the greatest calami-
ties that has befallen mankind will come
during my term of office. It will come
from Germany. Go home and settle the
Irish question, and there will be no
doubt as to where America will stand.'
How strange, how tragic, if, having
kept America out of the war for more
than two years, — since nearly all Irish-
men are in the party of the President,
— Ireland should also keep America out
of the peace, and defeat, or at least in-
definitely postpone, the organization of
an effective league of nations ! Yet such
may be the price We must pay for the
wrongs of olden time, by virtue of the
law whereby the sins of the fathers are
visited upon generation after genera-
tion. Naturally the English people do
not understand our urgent interest in
the problem of Ireland, not knowing
how it meddles in our affairs, poisoning
the springs of good-will, and thwarting
the cooperation between English-speak-
ing peoples upon which so much de-
pends.
January 16. — At the London Poet-
ry Society — which has made me one
of its vice-presidents — one meets many
interesting artists, as well as those who
are trying to sing the Everlasting Song
in these discordant days — Masefield,
Noyes, Newbolt, Yeats, Mackereth, to
name but a few, with an occasional
glimpse of Hardy. Nor do I forget May
PREACHING IN LONDON
£09
Doney, a little daughter of St. Francis,
walking The Way of Wonder. A reading
of poetry by Sir Forbes Robertson is
always an event, as much for his golden
voice as for his interpretative insight.
The plea of Mackereth, some time ago,
for poetry as a spiritual teacher and
social healer, was memorable, appeal-
ing to the Spirit of Song to bring back
to hearts grown bitter and dark the
warmth and guidance of vision. The
first time I heard of Mackereth was
from a British officer as we stood ankle-
deep in soppy mud in a Flanders trench.
If only we could have a League of Poets
there would be hope of a gentler, better
world, and they surely could not make
a worse mess of it than the ' practical *
men have made. If the image in the
minds of the poets of to-day is a proph-
ecy of to-morrow, we may yet hope for
a world where pity and joy walk the old,
worn human road, and 'Beauty passes
with the sun on her wings.'
January 19. — The Peace Conference
opened with imposing ceremony at
Versailles yesterday, and now we shall
see what we shall see. An idealist, a
materialist, and an opportunist are to
put the world to rights. Just why a
pessimist was not included is hard to
know, but no doubt there will be pessi-
mists a-plenty before the job is done.
Clemenceau is a man of action, Lloyd
George a man of transaction, and what
kind of a man the President is, in nego-
tiations of this nature, remains to be re-
vealed. The atmosphere is unfavorable
to calm deliberation and just appraise-
ment. The reshaping of the world out-
of-hand, to the quieting of all causes of
discord, is humanly impossible. To-
gether Britain and America would be
irresistible if they were agreed, and if
they were ready for a brave, large ges-
ture of world-service — but they are
not ready. America had only enough of
the war to make it mad and not enough
to subdue it; Britain had enough to
make it bitter. As a penalty of having
no axe to grind, America will have to
bear the odium of insisting upon sound
principles and telling unpalatable truths,
and so may not come off well. We
shall see whether there is any honor
among nations, whether the terms of
the Armistice will be made a 'scrap of
paper,' and whether there is to be a
league of peace or a new balance of
power — a new imperialism for the old.
Meanwhile, all ears will be glued to the
keyhole, straining to hear even a whis-
per of 'open covenants, openlv arrived
at.'
January 30. — On my way back from
Scotland I broke my journey at Leices-
ter, to preach in the church of Robert
Hall — the Pork-Pie Church, as they
call it, because of its circular shape. In
the evening I lectured on Lincoln. Lei-
cester, I remembered, had been the
home of William Carey, and I went to
see his little Harvey Lane Church,
where he dreamed his great dream and
struggled with drunken deacons. Just
across the narrow street is the red-brick
cottage where he lived, teaching a few
pupils and working at his cobbler's
bench to eke out a living. It is now
a Missionary Museum, preserved as
nearly as possible in its original form
and furniture, its ceiling so low that I
could hardly stand erect. There, in his
little back-shop, — with its bench and
tools, like those Carey used, — a great
man worked. Pegging away, he never-
theless kept a map of the world on the
opposite wall of his shop, dreaming the
while of world-conquest for Christ.
There, too, he thought out that mighty
sermon which took its text from Isaiah
54: 2, 3, and had two points: Expect
great things from God; attempt great
things for God.
No other sermon of that period —
1792 — had only two points, and none
ever had a finer challenge to the faith of
Christian men. We need the vision of
510
PREACHING IN LONDON
Carey in this broken world to-day, that
so, however humble our lot, we may
learn to think in world-terms — in
terms, that is, of one humanity and one
Christianity. I felt myself standing at
the fountain-head of that river of God
which will yet make this war-ridden
earth blossom as a rose.
April 8. — The City Temple mail-
bag entails an enormous amount of
labor, bringing almost a hundred letters
a week; but it is endlessly interesting.
There are letters of all kinds — a series
from Manchester proving that the
world is hollow and that we live on the
inside — and from everywhere: China,
India, France, America, and all over
Britain. If an American says a naughty
thing about Britain, a copy of it is sent
to me, underlined. If it is the other way
round, I am not allowed to forget it.
There are letters from ministers whose
faith has been shaken, and from others
who want to go to America; pitiful let-
ters from shell-shocked boys in hospi-
tals; letters from bereaved parents
and widowed girls — heroic, appealing,
heart-breaking, like that from an old
woman in the north of England whose
life of sorrow was crowned by the loss
of her two grandsons in the war. In
closing she said : ' Me youth is gone, me
hope is dead, me heart is heavy; but I
neglect no duty.' To which I could only
reply that, though God had taken
everything else, in leaving her a love of
righteousness He had left her the best
gift He had.
As nearly all the City Temple ser-
mons and prayers are published, both
hearers and readers write to agree or
disagree, or, more often, to relate diffi-
culties of faith or duty. The mail-bag
is thus an index to the varying moods of
the time in respect to matters of faith,
and I learn more from it than I am
able to teach others. Every time a ser-
mon has to do with Christ, it is sure to
be followed by a shower of letters, ask-
ing that the subject be carried further.
In spite of the agitations of the world,
— perhaps because of them, — What
think ye of Christ? remains the most
absorbing and fascinating of all ques-
tions.
Somehow, in spite of my practice for
the last ten years, I have always had a
shrinking feeling about writing and
printing prayers. Yet, when I receive
letters telling how perplexed and weary
folk are helped by them, I relent.
Public prayer, of course, is different
from private devotion; it is individual,
indeed, but representative and sym-
bolic, too. One speaks for many, some
of whom are dumb of soul, and if one
can help others to pray, it is worth
while. Yesterday, in the Authors' Club,
a man took me aside and told me this
story. He was an officer invalided out
of the service, having been wounded
and smitten with fever in the Mesopo-
tamian campaign. He took from his
pocket a tiny book, — it looked like a
notebook, — saying that it contained
the bread, the meat, the milk, all that
had kept his soul alive on the long
marches and the weary waits in the
hospitals. I thought it was, perhaps, a
copy of the New Testament, or the
Imitation of Christ; but, on opening it,
I found ten of my little prayers cut from
the paper and pasted in the book. Such
things help me to go on, even against a
shrinking I cannot define.
April 16. — The hearings of the
British Coal Commission, in the King's
Robing-Room, some of which I have
attended, look and sound like a social
judgment-day. Never, I dare say, has
England seen such pitiless publicity on
the lives of the workers, the fabulous
profits of the owners, — running up as
high as 147 per cent, — and the ' rig-
ging' of the public. It is like a search-
light suddenly turned on. No wonder
the country stands aghast. Nothing
could surpass the patience, the cour-
PREACHING IN LONDON
511
age, the relentless politeness of Robert
Smillie, who conducts the case for the
miners. He has had all England on
dress-parade — lords, dukes, and nobles
— while he examined them as to the
titles to their holdings. They were swift
and often witty in their replies, but it
means much that they had to come
when summoned by a miner. They were
bored and surly, but they humbly obey-
ed. Truly, we are in a new England;
and though their lordships may have
a brief success in the King's Robing-
Room, they are in fact already defeated
— and they know it. They win a skir-
mish, but they lose a battle.
May 10. — What the Free Cathol-
icism may turn out to be remains to be
disclosed; so far, it is more clever and
critical than constructive. W. E. Or-
chard is its Bernard Shaw, and W. G.
Peck its Chesterton. At first, it was
thought to be only a protest against the
ungracious barrenness of Nonconform-
ist worship, in behalf of rhythm, color,
and symbolism. But it is more than
that. It seeks to unite personal relig-
ious experience with its corporate and
symbolical expression, thus blending
two things too often held apart. As be-
tween Anglicans and Nonconformists,
it discovers the higher unity of things
which do not differ, seeking the large-
ness of Christ in whose radiance there
is room for every type of experience and
expression. It lays emphasis on fellow-
ship, since no one can find the truth for
another, and no one can find it alone.
Also, by reinterpreting and extending
the sacramental principle, and at the
same time disinfecting it of magic, the
Free Catholicism may give new impetus
to all creative social endeavor. For
years it has been observed that many
ultra-high Churchmen — for example,
Bishop Gore, who is one of the noblest
characters in modern Christianity —
have been leaders in the social inter-
pretation of Christianity. Perhaps, at
last, we shall learn that it was not the
Church, but Humanity, with which
Jesus identified Himself when He said:
'This is my body broken for you.' The
great thing about Christianity is that
no one can tell what it will do next.
June 2J — Have been down in Wales
for a day or two, lecturing on Lincoln,
and also feeling the pulse of the public
sentiment. I found it beating quick and
hot. Indeed, not only in Wales, but all
over the north of England, there is
white-hot indignation — all due to that
wretched election last autumn. One
hears revolutionary talk on all sides,
and only a spark is needed to make an
explosion. When I see the hovels in
which the miners live, — squalid huts,
more like pig-pens than human homes,
— I do not wonder at the unrest of the
people, but at their infinite patience.
Physical and moral decay are inevitable,
and the spiritual life is like a fourth di-
mension. I asked a Labor leader what
it is that is holding things together, and
he replied: 'All that holds now is the
fact that these men went to Sunday
School in the churches and chapels of
Wales years ago; nothing else restrains
them.' Thus a religious sense of the
common good, of communal obligation,
holds, when all other ties give way. But
the churches and chapels are empty to-
day, and in the new generation what
will avert the 'emancipated, atheistic,
international democracy,' so long pre-
dicted? Religion must do something
more than restrain and conserve : it must
create and construct. If ever we find
the secret of creative social evolution, it
will be in a deeper insight into the na-
ture and meaning of religion as a social
reality, as well as a private mysticism.
This at least is plain: the individual and
the social gospel belong together, and
neither will long survive the shipwreck
of the other. Never, this side of heaven,
do I expect to hear such singing as I
heard in Wales!
PREACHING IN LONDON
June 16. — Henry James said that
three marks distinguish London — her
size, her parks, and her 'magnificent
mystification.' To know the mystifica-
tion one needs to spend a night — cool,
moonless, and windy — on top of St.
Paul's Cathedral. After climbing as
many steps as there are days in the
year, and a journey through devious
diagonals, we emerge by a tiny door
leading to the Golden Gallery, three
hundred feet above the sleeping city.
Sounds as they ascend are isolated and
identifiable, even when softened by dis-
tance or teased by the wind. Fleet
Street, westward, is a ravine of yellow
glamour. Cheapside looks like a fissure
in the side of a volcano, where black-
ness swallows up everything else. The
bridges play at criss-cross with lamp-
reflections in the river. The clock-tower
of Westminster, like a moon and a half,
shines dimly, and the railway signals at
Cannon Street Station look like stars
of the under-world — crimson, emerald,
amber. By half-past three a sky, mot-
tled with heavy clouds, begins to sift
them into planes and fills the breaks
with the sort of light that is 'rather
darkness visible.' Slowly the pall over
the city, half mist and half smoke, —
the same 'presumptuous smoake' of
Evelyn's day, — begins to drift sullenly
with the wind, like a gas-attack. An
hour ago the lamplights made every-
thing seem ghostly; now the ghostliness
is theirs. Presently, out of a sea of slate,
Wren's steeples rise like gaunt spectres,
with an air compounded of amazement
and composure. The last thing to take
shape is the Cathedral itself; first the
gilt Cross shines palely, then the Lan-
tern grows to unearthly whiteness, but
the Dome still broods in darkness. As we
watch, the campaniles and the statues
below turn from alabaster to ivory.
Squadrons of clouds float in an atmos-
phere that is turning from gray to pearl,
and from pearl to gold, like the rosy
amorini in a Venetian altar-piece. The
river is astir with barges, and early
trams sprinkle grains of humanity about
the thoroughfares. Camden Town
crawls back under its pall of industrial
smoke. At last the city, in all its infin-
itude of detail, is revealed, and the
mystification of the night gives way to
the day with 'sovran eye.' A flashing
glimpse of the Cathedral from with-
in, in the glow of the eastern windows,
makes one wonder why we do not offer
our worship, as they do in the East,
at dawn.
July 25. — With appalling clarity we
are beginning to see how little we gained
by the war, and how much we lost.
Instead of a world worthy of the gener-
osity and idealism of the dead, we have
moral collapse, revolutionary influenza,
industrial chaos, and an orgy of extrava-
gance. In politics, in business, in social
life, things are done which would have
excited horror and disgust in 1914.
One recalls the lines of Chesterton writ-
ten after the landslide election of
1906: —
The evil Power, that stood for Privilege
And went with Women and Champagne and
Bridge,
Ceased: and Democracy assumed its reign,
Which went with Bridge and Women and
Champagne.
Nothing is more terrible than the moral
let-down all about us, unless it is the
ease and haste with which a wild and
forgetful world has proved false to the
vows it swore in its hour of terror.
Yesterday a London magistrate said
that half the crime in the kingdom is
bigamy. Reticences and modesties
seem to have been thrown overboard to
an accompaniment of the jazz dance,
which has become a symbol of the mood
of the hour. Often it has been said that
man is the modest sex, but I never be-
lieved it until now. Young girls between
fifteen and twenty-two are unmanage-
able, and imitate the manners of courte-
PREACHING IN LONDON
513
sans. Working for good wages, they are
independent of their parents, demand-
ing latchkeys, to come and go at all
hours; and at the slightest restraint
they leave home. In broad daylight the
public parks are scenes of such unspeak-
able vulgarity that one is grateful for
the protection of garden walls. Who
can estimate the injury done by this
loosening of the moral bonds, this let-
ting down of the bars to the brute?
Those who speak of war as a purifier of
morals are masters of a Satanic satire!
September 12. — These are days when
anything may happen. Having lived
for five years in an atmosphere of vio-
lence, men are irritable, and riots break
out on the slightest pretext. Many fear
that the history of a century ago, when
Peterloo followed Waterloo, may re-
peat itself. Nobody is satisfied with the
result of the Peace Conference — sor-
riest of sequels to a victory won by
solidarity and sacrifice. Some think the
treaty too hard, some too soft, and all
wonder how it can be enforced without
sowing the seeds of other wars. The
Covenant of the League is criticized as
keenly here as in America, but with
nothing like the poisonous partisan and
personal venom displayed at home. It
is felt that, if the nations hold together,
the Covenant can be amended and the
treaty revised and made workable as
need requires; but if they pull apart,
the case is hopeless.
What is happening in America is hard
to make out, except that, under cover
of a poison-gas attack on the President,
all the elements that opposed the war
— including the whole hyphenated con-
tingent — have formed a coalition of
hatreds to destroy him. At the Peace
Conference he was the victim of a ven-
detta by men of his own country who,
for partisan purposes, tried to stab their
own President in the back at the very
moment when he was negotiating a
treaty of peace in a foreign land! Not
VOL. 128 — NO. 4
D
unnaturally the attitude of the Senate
is interpreted on this side as a repudia-
tion of the war by America. ' You came
late and go early; having helped to put
out the fire, you leave us to clean up the
mess,' my English friends say. No won-
der they feel bitter, and this feeling is
fanned by the anti-American fanatics,
whose organized propaganda — some-
thing new in England — has been so
active since the Armistice. No doubt it
is provoked in part by the stupid anti-
British propaganda in America, with
other elements added, the while sinister
forces are busy in behalf of estrange-
ment between two peoples who should
be, not only friends, but fellow workers
for the common good.
(An unhappy example of this feeling,
which marred the closing weeks of my min-
istry, was an alleged 'interview' which ap-
peared in the Daily News, purporting to
come from me. It made me use words re-
mote from my thought, in a spirit foreign
to my nature; and the result was an impres-
sion so alien to my spirit, and so untrue to
the facts, as to be grotesque. Such words as
these were put into my mouth: 'I have come
reluctantly to the opinion that an American
minister cannot really succeed in England.
There is something in the English character
or point of view — I cannot define it — that
seems to prevent complete agreement and
sympathy between the two. There exists a
body of opinion amongst the middle men in
the ministry and the churches that objects
to the permanent settlement of American
preachers in this country.' All of which was
manufactured so far as I was concerned,
however true it may be to English opinion.
When the man who did it was asked for his
reason, he said that he wished 'to keep
American ministers from coming to Eng-
land.' Of course, it will take more than that
to keep us from going to England, — though
I dare say it will be many a day before an
American accepts an English pastorate, —
but the incident illustrates the state of mind
almost a year after the Armistice. Unfortu-
nately that feeling still exists, and it makes
an exchange of pulpits difficult for Amer-
icans who have any national self-respect.
514
PREACHING IN LONDON
However, by patience and mutual regard
this irritation may be overcome in the morn-
ing of a fairer, clearer day.)
October 9. — Sir Oliver Lodge lec-
tured in the City Temple to-night. The
Temple was full, with many standing
in the aisles. His subject was 'The
Structure of the Atom,' and he spoke
for more than an hour, holding his au-
dience in breathless interest Even the
children present heard and understood,
as if it had been a fairy-story. Indeed,
it was more fascinating than a fairy-
story — his illustrations were so simple,
so vivid. As a work of art, the lecture
was a rare feat. If only the men of the
pulpit could deal with the great themes
of faith — surely not more abstract
than the structure of the atom — with
the same simplicity and lucidity, how
different it would be ! Tall, well-formed,
his dome-like head reminding one of the
pictures of Tennyson, the lecturer was
good to look at, good to hear; and the
total impression of his lecture was an
overwhelming sense of the reality of
the Unseen. He made only one refer-
ence to psychical studies, and that was
to warn people to go slow, not to leap
beyond the facts, and, above all, —
since spiritualism is not spirituality, —
not to make such matters a religion.
This advice came with the greater
weight from the man who more than all
others, perhaps, has lifted such investi-
gations to the dignity of a new science.
October 12. — Mr. Asquith, Lord
Robert Cecil, Mr. Clynes, and Premier
Venizelos of Greece, all on the same
platform, speaking in behalf of the
League of Nations! Such was the bill of
fare at the Mansion House, to which
was added — for me — a spicy little
chat with Mrs. Asquith, most baffling
of women. She is lightning and fra-
grance all mixed up with a smile, and
the lightning never strikes twice in the
same place. Mr. Asquith read his ad-
dress — as he has been wont to do since
he first became Prime Minister — in a
style as lucid as sunlight and as color-
less: a deliberate and weighty address,
more like a judicial opinion than an ora-
tion, yet with an occasional flash of hid-
den fire. Clynes also read his address,
which was a handicap, for he is a very
effective speaker when he lets himself
go. Lord Robert — tall, stooped, with
centuries of British culture written in
his face — was never more eloquent in
his wisdom and earnestness; and one
heard in his grave and simple words the
finer mind of England. If only he were
more militant, as he would be but for
too keen a sense of humor. He has the
spiritual quality which one misses so
much in the statesmanship of our day
— I shall never be happy until he is
Prime Minister ! Venizelos was winning,
graceful, impressive; and in a brief talk
that I had with him afterward, he spoke
with warm appreciation of the nobility
and high-mindedness of the President.
He has the brightest eyes I have seen
since William James went away. With-
out the moral greatness of Masaryk, or
the Christian vision of Smuts, he is one
of the most interesting personalities of
our time and one of its ablest men.
October 20. — The President is strick-
en at a time when he is most needed ! It
is appalling ! Without him reaction will
run riot. Though wounded in a terrify-
ing manner, he still holds the front-line
trench of the moral idealism of the
world ! Whatever his faults at home, —
his errors of judgment or his limitations
of temperament, — in his world- vision
he saw straight; and he made the only
proposal looking toward a common mind
organized in the service of the common
good. Nothing can rob him of that
honor. If our people at home had only
known the sinister agencies with which
he had to contend, — how all the mili-
tarists of Europe were mobilized against
him at Paris, — they would see that his
achievement, while falling below his
PREACHING IN LONDON
515
ideal, as all mortal achievements do,
was nothing short of stupendous. Those
who know the scene from this side have
an honorable pride in the President;
and though his fight should cost him
his life, when the story is finally told he
will stand alongside another who went
'the way of dominion in pitiful, high-
hearted fashion' to his martyrdom. He
falls where a brave man should fall, at
the front, as much a casualty of the war
as any soldier who fell in Flanders or
the Argonne.
November 11. — Sunday evening, the
9th, was my last service as the Minister
of the City Temple, and the sermon
had for its text Revelation 3:14 —
'These things saith the Amen.' It was
an effort to interpret that old, familiar,
haunting word, — the Amen of God to
the aspiration of man, and the Amen of
man to the way and will of God, —
seeking to make vivid that vision which
sees through the shadows, and affirms,
not that all is well, nor yet that all is ill,
but that all shall be well when 'God
hath made the pile complete.' Its mes-
sage was that, when humanity sees
what has been the Eternal Purpose
from the beginning, and the 'far-off
divine event to which the whole crea-
tion moves,' the last word of history
will be a grand Amen — a shout of
praise, the final note of the great world-
song. To-day, at noon, all over the
Empire, everything paused for two
minutes, in memory of the dead. The
City Temple was open and many peo-
ple gathered for that moment of silent,
high remembrance; and that hushed
moment was my farewell to the great
white pulpit, and to a ministry wrought
in the name of Jesus in behalf of good-
will — speaking with stammering voice
those truths which will still be eloquent
when all the noises of to-day have
followed the feet that made them, into
Silence.
November 12. — To-night the Nation-
al Council of the Brotherhood Move-
ment, which gave me so warm a wel-
come in 1916, tendered me a parting
dinner — an hour which I can neither
describe nor forget. Dr. Clifford — a
veteran soldier in the wars of God —
presided, and his presence was a bene-
diction. Looking back over my three
years and a half in London, I can truly
say that, though I did not want to come,
and would not have come at all but for
the war, I do not regret that I did come
— save for the scenes of horror and
suffering, which I pray God to be able
to forget. Nor do I regret leaving,
though my ministry has been a triumph
from the beginning, in spite of many
errors of my own added to the terrible
conditions under which it was wrought.
As long as I live I shall carry in my
heart the faces of my dear friends in
England, and especially the love and
loyalty of the people of the City Tem-
ple — the memory of their kindness is
like sacramental wine in the Cup of
Everlasting Things. Perhaps, on the
other side of the sea, because I now
know the spirit and point of view of
both peoples, I may be able to help
forward the great friendship.
November 14. — Hung in my memory
are many pictures of the beauty-spots
of this Blessed Island: glens in the
Highlands of Scotland; the 'banks and
braes o' bonny Doon ' ; stately old cathe-
drals, — strong, piteous, eloquent, —
sheltering the holy things of life; the
towers and domes of Oxford; Stoke
Poges on a still summer day; the roses
of Westcliff; the downs of Wiltshire,
where Walton went a-fishing and Her-
bert preached the gospel — and prac-
tised it, too; Rottingdean-on-the-Sea;
scenes of the Shakespeare country —
the church, the theatre, the winding
Avon; the old Quaker Meeting-house
in Buckinghamshire, where Perm and
Pennington sleep; the mountains of
North Wales; great, gray London, in
516 WORDS
all its myriad moods: London in the dome of St. Paul's; London from the
fog, the mist, the rain; London by Savoy in October, seen through a lattice
moonlight; the old, rambling city whose of falling leaves, while a soft haze hangs
charm gathers and grows, weaving a over the River of Years. It is said that,
spell which one can neither define nor if one lives hi London five years, he will
escape; London from Primrose Hill on never be quite happy anywhere else —
a clear, frosty day; London from the and I am leaving it just in time!
WORDS
BY JOSEPH AUSLANDER
WORDS with the freesia's wounded scent I know,
And those that suck the slow irresolute gold
Out of the daffodil's heart; cool words that hold
The crushed gray light of rain, or liquidly blow
The wild bee droning home across the glow
Of rippled wind-silver; or, uncontrolled,
Toss the bruised aroma of pine; and words as cold
As water torturing through frozen snow.
And there are words that strain like April hedges
Upward; lonely words with tears on them;
And syllables whose haunting crimson edges
Bleed: *O Jerusalem, Jerusalem!'
And that long star-drift of bright agony:
'Eli, Eli, lama sabachthani!'
RELIGIOUS CONTRASTS
LETTERS OF A PANTHEIST AND A CHURCHMAN
[!F the pantheistic philosophy of life,
which has been with honest conviction
developed and expounded by John Bur-
roughs, has been unsettling to the peace
and the beliefs of many good persons,
which I much fear is the case, it is com-
fortable to feel — as I do after a study
of it made since, about eighteen months
ago, this brief correspondence was ex-
changed with him — that it is a whole-
some unsettlement ! Because we are not
going to stop with it. *
If mankind, whether now of Chris-
tian, of Mohammedan, of Buddhist, of
Agnostic, or of other persuasion, know-
ing too well the incongruities of prac-
tice in all of those persuasions, shall in
time take to heart the Burroughs philos-
ophy against superstition and sham,
against miracles and mysticism, it as-
suredly can, without material halt in
its progress to the light, consider with
him whether 'we create a Creator, we
rule a Ruler, we invent a Heaven and
a Hell.' For that is but a step. And the
next step must be a realization of the
absurdity of the concept that imper-
sonal, unreasoning, blind Nature, which
Burroughs finds merciless and cruel
as well as good, and finds to be all he
can conceive of God, can be itself the
author of the marvelous and inexo-
rable laws by which it is confessedly
driven.
No; I have an abiding faith that we
shall march forward, away beyond
him, first clearing the path of doubts
such as he raises, that hold back our
thinkers, and of pearly gates and im-
maculate conceptions that hold back
our unthinking; and shall know that
out of an unreasoning and impersonal
Nature cannot have been developed
blindly a highly reasoning, dominating,
if sinful, race of beings. And if our God
is not unreasoning and impersonal,
then it is fair to believe Him reasoning
and personal. — HERBERT D. MILES.]
(From Herbert D. Miles)
ASHEVILLE, N.C., October 27, 1919.
Since reading your recent article, I
have desired, and have several times re-
sisted an impulse, to write you; I have
hesitated, believing that you may have
been annoyed by many a thoughtless
critic or disputant. I am an ordinary,
average American business man, with
such a man's inferior powers of analysis
when compared with your own. Had the
statements made by you in the article
in question been made in something
written by the late Robert Ingersoll,
for example, they would have disturb-
ed me not a whit, as my conception of
him, rightly or wrongly, has always
been upon a different plane from my
respect for you. But since reading your
statements it has seemed, unhappily, as
if the Anchor to all that makes for hope
beyond this life had suddenly been cut
away.
It may well be that I have not com-
prehended the full meaning and intent
of your article. The impression it gave
me was, that you feel that it is rather
childish in humankind to pray; to look
to a sort of all-wise Father; to believe
that any Power, higher than we are,
517
518
RELIGIOUS CONTRASTS
cares for us individually; that in doing
this, we are setting up a sort of Golden
Calf for ourselves; and that there is but
a slight and refined difference between
'Church bells and good Sunday rai-
ment' and the ceremonies of the
heathen; that Jesus Christ, and all that
he has meant, is merely the product of
an Oriental imagination and idealism,
written, some generations after, into
the presumably established fact of his
life and crucifixion.
If it is not asking too much, will you
let me know whether my interpretation
of you, as above expressed, is substan-
tially true?
(From John Burroughs)
RIVERBT, N.Y., October 30, 1919.
I suppose my paper, to which you
refer, is capable of the interpretation
you place upon it. I have enough such
essays to make a volume. Did you see
one called 'Shall we accept the Uni-
verse? ' In all these papers I attempt to
justify the ways of God to man on nat-
ural grounds. If you attempt to do it
on theological grounds you get hope-
lessly mired. I am a Pantheist. The
only God I know is the one I see daily
and hourly all about me. I do not and
cannot separate Nature and God. If
you make two of them, then who made
and rules Nature? My God is no better
and no worse than Nature.
Of the hereafter I have no concep-
tion. This life is enough for me. The
Christianity you believe in is a whining,
simpering, sentimental religion. The
religion of the old Greeks was much
more brave and manly. Christianity
turns its back on Nature and relegates
it to the Devil. I am done with the re-
ligion of Kings and Despots. We must
have a religion of democracy, and find
the divine in the common, the univer-
sal, the near-at-hand. Such is the reli-
gion of Science. The Christian myths
have had their day. Only the moral and
ethical part of Christianity, which har-
monizes with Science, will endure. Its
legend must perish.
(From Herbert D. Miles)
ABBEVILLE, N.C., November 6, 1919.
Thank you for your very clear letter
of the 30th October. It answers my in-
quiry perfectly, and I am sure that you
do not wish from me any attempt to
dissuade you from your position, even
should I have the temerity to attempt
such a thing. But I do feel that I pos-
sibly have a more or less fortunate de-
tachment, in that I have not read any
of your former papers pertaining to re-
ligion, nor on the other hand have I
indulged in the reading of any books,
higher criticisms, or papers of a contro-
versial nature defending either broad or
narrow views of Christianity. So I be-
lieve it possible that we might find a
common ground and even concede each
other something — which might do
each of us good.
I wonder if you have ever asked your-
self whether our civilization would get
us anywhere if we were all Pantheists,
like you? It seems to me that, as we
cannot all be distinguished naturalists,
and cannot all have your firmness of
character, those of us who are merely
average men would be apt to be wholly
without an 'Anchor' save human law;
and as we make human law, that would
easily become changed. We should
have a feeling of 'after us, the deluge';
and license, rather than self-control, of
the majority, would rule.
And I wonder if you state more than
a half-truth when you say that the
Christian religion is a simpering, senti-
mental thing, and that the religion of
the ancient Greeks was much more
brave and manly? I know professing
teachers of our Christian religion to-day
who are as brave and manly as any
Greek who ever lived; I have no doubt
there were simpering sentimentalists in
RELIGIOUS CONTRASTS
519
ancient Athens. Indeed, as you know,
Socrates encountered some. I would as
soon admire the religion of a tiger, if it
comes to that; the tiger is as brave as,
and less sensual than, the old Greek.
If I knew you better, I might make
fun of your saying that you are done
with the religion of Kings and Despots.
Plenty of these in history, you will re-
call upon reflection, were essentially
Pantheists. I know you are thinking
of the recent war — after quoting the
Greeks, who were never at peace! I
agree with you that the Christian myths
have had their day.
You say you cannot separate Nature
and God; if we make two of them, you
ask, then who made and rules Nature?
The obvious answer is, 'God.' Surely
you, of all persons, respect Nature too
much to believe it capable of making it-
self? And are you not, indeed, unfair,
when you say that 'Christianity turns
its back on Nature and relegates it to
the Devil ' ? How does that look to you,
in quotation marks? Is the teaching of
Christ's brotherhood turning our back
upon Nature? Or are you in this refer-
ring merely to Christian myths, or fail-
ures? Did Roosevelt turn his back upon
Nature — and was he a Pantheist?
Before I heard from you, I kept turn-
ing over in my mind, 'What have I
left, as an "Anchor," after stripping all
myth and sentiment and unanalytic be-
lief from Christian theory and prac-
tice?' As a result, I wrote for myself
the enclosed, entitled 'My Anchor.' I
hope you can agree with it, and that it
may even modify some of your precon-
ceived conclusions; you are, I know, too
big a man to receive it with other than
an open mind and heart.
MY ANCHOR
I MUST HAVE AN ANCHOR. In the midst of
cold storms of skepticism and realism, my
little ship of life must be stripped to the
bare mast of indisputable Fact; my good
old sails of childlike faith and inspiring tra-
dition must be furled, if I am not to drift
upon the shoals of Doubt. I must have an
anchor to my belief in God and in Immor-
tality, that shall make it unassailable by
Atheist or Agnostic, unshakable by Dog-
matist or Pharisee, understandable by Child
or Hottentot; that will encourage me to
pray.
I know that the Seed is the child of the
Flower, as much as the Flower is the child
of the Seed: in each is life; in each is death.
I know that power is given the Sun to trans-
mit its light and heat; to the Moon to draw
our great oceans; to Man to think and to
dominate; to the Bird to sing and to fly; to
the infinitesimal Pneumococcus to destroy
our bodies; it is unthinkable that all of this
can be self-made.
I know then, that a Higher Power does
reign, stronger than its own creations; inde-
structible by them, and so immorta 1 . I know
that this Higher Power operates only
through Law; that — though it seem cruel
— law, being higher, takes precedence over
life; as sacrifice, being higher, takes preced-
ence over self-preservation.
I know that the Man of Sorrows, whether
divine or human, was not a myth; that his
doctrine of brotherhood has gone farther
and deeper than that of any other teacher,
and is truer. I know that our Bible, whether
or not more than an imperfect, Oriental,
man-made exposition of the law and his-
tory, is for the most part an inspiring and a
beautiful thing. Each must take that as
does him most good, but must not make
doubts of it, or of the common sense of
some of its devout acceptors, an excuse for
pride, or for abstinence from worship or
from prayer.
I believe, through deduction from what I
know, that the Higher Power, called God,
— and dreamed of in all lands, among all
races, at all times, in some form plural or
singular, — does assume to us, as pledged
for him by the Man of Sorrows, a relation of
Fatherhood. I cannot know how he quali-
fies this to the very young, the savage, or
the misguided. It does not matter. I be-
lieve that this gift makes natural and logical
both prayer and a hope of a share in his love
and immortality.
THIS IS MY ANCHOR.
520
RELIGIOUS CONTRASTS
(From John Burroughs)
WEST PARK, N.Y., November 25, 1919.
The arranging of a trip to California
for the winter has imposed so many
new tasks upon me that my correspond-
ence has been neglected. I have re-
ceived many letters of approval con-
cerning this article and others of similar
import, and very few of disapproval. I
am no more moved by one than the
other. Some former articles of mine
you might find interesting. 'Shall we
accept the Universe?' — 'Is there De-
sign in Nature?' and so on. The aim of
them all is to justify the ways of God to
man on natural grounds. The theologi-
cal grounds do not make any impression
upon me. I am much less interested in
what is called God's word,than in God's
deeds. All bibles are man-made; but
we know the stars are not man-made,
and if they are on our side, why bother
about anything else? Pantheism, as
Emerson says, does not make God less,
but makes him more. If you look into
the matter, you will find that we are all
Pantheists. If I were to ask you what
and where God is, you would say he is a
Spirit and that he is everywhere. The
good church people would be compelled
to say that, too. Is not that Panthe-
ism? A person cannot be everywhere.
Personality is finite.
Our civilization is not founded upon
Christianity — would that it were in
many ways! The three great evils of
our age, of most ages, — war, greed, in-
temperance, — would then be eradi-
cated. How much of the real essence
of Christianity — love — the heathen
Chinese could teach us in such matters!
There is vastly more of the essence of
Christianity in Chinese civilization
than in ours. We live by the head, the
Chinese by the heart.
Our material civilization is the result
of our conquests over Nature, or of the
discovery and application of natural
law, or Science. Christianity as a sys-
tem has lost its moral force. Our
scheme of salvation rests upon the dog-
ma of the fall of man. But man's fall
has been upward. Evolution gives the
key to his rise, and not theology. It is
a wonder to me that man has surviv-
ed his creeds — Calvinism, Buddhism,
Roman Catholicism, and all the other
isms. If science failed him, his creeds
would not save him. Do you not sup-
pose that such a man as Huxley, Tyn-
dall, Spencer, or Darwin would be a
safe man to administer our human af-
fairs? And these men were Agnostics
or Pantheists. Yet do they not uphold
our ethical system? The truth alone —
moral and scientific truth — can make
us free and safe.
I can subscribe to most of the articles
in your creed, or 'Anchor,' if I put them
in the language of naturalism.
As soon as I try to think of the uni-
verse in the terms of our experience, I
am in trouble. The universe never was
made, in the sense that my house was
made. It is eternal — without begin-
ning and without end ; or, say, self-made,
if you prefer. It is the God in which we
live and move and have our being.
You and I are only a drop in this ocean
of being.
I believe the Man of Sorrows was an
historical fact, and that I would have
loved him had I known him; but he is
no more to me now than Socrates is.
All his alleged miracles are childish
fables. If he really died on the Cross,
he never rose from the dead. Natural
law, which is the law of God, cannot be
trifled with in that way.
I do not cherish the dream of immor-
tality. If there is no immortality, we
shall not know it. We shall not lie
awake o' nights in our graves lamenting
that there is no immortality. If there
is such a thing, we shall have to accept
it, though the thought of living forever
makes me tired, and the thought of life,
without my body as the base for my
RELIGIOUS CONTRASTS
521
mind's activities, is unthinkable. What
begins must end. The flame of the can-
dle goes out, though not one of its ele-
ments is lost. My consciousness, which
is the flame of my body, ends at death,
as a psychical process ceases. But what-
ever of energy was involved in it goes
on forever. The sum of energy of the
universe is constant.
I think as highly of the Bible as you
do. It is the Book of Books, yet it is
only a book — man-made. I fail to
find any anchorage in any creed, or
book, or system, but only in Nature as
revealed to my own consciousness. I
shall have a paper in the Atlantic
Monthly by-and-by, in which I combat
what Professor Osborn calls a biological
dogma, namely that Chance rules in
the world of life as in the world of dead
matter. I cannot escape the all-embrac-
ing mind or spirit that pervades all
living things. I have no purpose to con-
vert you to my views of these great
problems. Every man must solve the
problems of life and death for himself.
He cannot accept those of another.
(From Herbert D. Miles)
ABBEVILLE, N.C., December 1, 1919.
Thank you for your letter of 25th
November. I had thought merely to
write you an acknowledgment and
wish you a happy journey to California.
However, as you are open-minded, and
Truth alone is what you crave, you will
not mind my including some reflections
upon your letter, without any expecta-
tion upon my part that you will care to
continue the correspondence. I shall
try to find your former articles to which
you refer, and shall certainly read your
coming one, in the Atlantic. I take it,
however, that you have expressed to me
the fundamentals of your beliefs or
want of beliefs, and that all you have
said, or shall say, must be merely elab-
orations.
May I say that I believe you are
really a pretty good Christian? as you
are, of course, a better citizen than
most ' professing Christians ' — not ex-
cepting myself. I can subscribe to, or
pass as unimportant, your ideas as to
the Universe being without beginning
or end ; that the Miracles are fables ; that
Man has 'fallen upward,' rather than
as dogma has it; and, of course, that
God is a Spirit.
But you jump from extolling the an-
cient Greeks to extolling the Chinese.
You are not constructive. Perhaps you
are not even fair to your own genera-
tion and people! Do not be merely de-
structive, I beg of you. Your views are
good as far as they go, but are necessa-
rily depressing. Do either create a better
church, for unified work of its tremen-
dously far-reaching kind, in 'anchoring '
Society; create a better comfort than
prayer; create a better instinctive hope
than immortality; or encourage the
Church, encourage our rising genera-
tion to stand back of it, encourage
prayer, and encourage spiritual hopes
and ideals! I wonder if you know what
the Church is as a 'stabilizer,' in spite
of its shortcomings; in spite of the
slanders of it, often from lazy or mis-
guided persons? What its real accom-
plishment is, in this country, and the
sum of it?
What a responsibility, to print ar-
ticles that may affect the rising genera-
tion against it, and to give nothing
constructive in its place!
I want you to think again, as to your
statement that civilization is not found-
ed upon Christianity. I know you mean
partly that Christianity is too good
to recognize such a bad child; but,
thinly watered as our practice of the
Golden Rule is, civilization is founded
upon Christianity. I do not think you
believe that, if the chief part of the
Arytin Race had originally drifted from
Heathenism to Confucianism or Bud-
dhism, — yes, or Pantheism, — instead
522
RELIGIOUS CONTRASTS
of to the new Christianity, it would still
have achieved, as now, the world-leader-
ship in the arts and sciences which we
call civilization. Perhaps you, and some
other leaders in the sciences, do not
know your own debt to Christianity.
Your letter which I am reviewing
gives one an impression of a very good
man striving to reconcile certain pre-
conceived and rooted ideas, partly Ag-
nostic, partly Christian, with life and
history; trying to forget that the things
material are the really temporal, and
that there are things spiritual which,
in the nature of what could constitute
immortality, must be the things im-
mortal.
I take it that you do not seriously
consider things spiritual. You say the
thought of life, without your body as
the base for your mind's activities, is
unthinkable. Of course, that merely
proves a personal limitation, and a re-
grettable one. I wonder if you give se-
rious place to the world's best Poets —
who are unscientific, naturally — but
spiritual? John Butler Yeats has re-
cently written : ' Poetry is the champion
and the voice of the inner man. Had
we not this champion to speak for us,
externality would swamp the world, and
nothing would be heard but the noise of
its machinery.' If the thought of living
forever makes you tired, as you say,
then perhaps the noise of the machin-
ery, — very pleasant machinery, much
of it, — being all you have listened to,
has worn you out!
Pardon me if I say that I do not
think your articles are 'stabilizers'; or
that they bring hope, or comfort, or
happiness; or replace the want of these
with anything more than 'the noise of
the machinery.' I would not take seri-
ously, if I were you, the approval you
cite from the majority of your corre-
spondents. If you will reflect, you will
agree, I am sure, that after a speech
upon, say, Tariffs, Temperance, or
what not, — things upon which the
world is divided into two or more
camps, — those who rush up to grasp
the speaker's hand are those who al-
ways did agree with him, or those who
wished uneasy doubts, or unstable con-
victions, bolstered up.
I am sincerely glad that you can sub-
scribe to 'most of the articles in my
creed, or "Anchor." ' But please do not
call my Anchor a creed. Creeds, as you
know, are not based upon ' indisputable
fact.' That in my church was made in
the third century ; we have learned some-
thing since. They should be anchors.
In mine are Church, Prayer, Immortal-
ity. I fear you leave these out. You ap-
parently refuse to contemplate a world
made up of Pantheists, which could,
and would, say, and act, 'After us, the
deluge.'
No, I do not think that Darwin, Hux-
ley, et al. would have been safe men to
administer our human affairs, since you
ask. Roosevelt, of a later civilization,
knew all that they did and much more;
he was a Christian and an administra-
tor for you. Emerson may have praised
Pantheists at one period of his life;
hardly when he was at his best.
Well, a happy winter to you in Cali-
fornia. I see that I am trying to tie you
to all of my Anchor, believing that, in
the winter of your years, you are still
pliable. If you are, you are a wonder!
But do consider the 'inner man' spoken
of by Yeats; and the effect of your ar-
ticles, if not constructive.
(From John Burroughs)
LA JOLLA, CALIFORNIA, December 29, 1919.
I with my son and four friends, have
been here a week, and we are very hap-
py. The world here is all sun, sky, and
sea, never a cloud in sight, and the
Pacific breaking its long roll upon
the rocks one hundred yards below us.
In February we go to Pasadena until
spring.
RELIGIOUS CONTRASTS
523
Referring to our correspondence of a
few weeks ago, and your statement
that you did not think Huxley, Spen-
cer, et al. would be safe men to admin-
ister our human affairs, and that our
civilization is based upon Christianity
— I wonder if you remember that the
founders of our government, Washing-
ton, Jefferson, Franklin, did not accept
Christianity? They were Deists. Both
Franklin and Jefferson spoke very dis-
respectfully, not to say contemptuously,
of the Christian scheme of salvation;
and Washington said in so many words
in a message to Congress, 'The govern-
ment of the United States is not in any
sense founded on the Christian reli-
gion.' The founders of the Republic
were free-thinkers. Washington enter-
tamed the infidel Volney at the White
House, and had the works of Voltaire
in his library. He gave Volney a letter
of recommendation to the American
people, in which he said that, if men are
good workmen, 'they may be Jews or
Christians, or they may be Atheists.'
Jefferson quotes Gouverneur Morris as
saying that 'General Washington be-
lieved no more in that system [Chris-
tianity] than I do.'
You confound our ethical system,
which we all accept, with Christianity.
Our ethical system is the growth of
ages. What is true in Christianity is
not new, and what is new is not true.
Our civilization is founded upon reason
and science. I have said in one of my
printed articles that 'a man is saved,
not by the truth of what he believes, but
by the truth of his belief.' His creed
may be perfectly absurd, like that of
the Christian Scientists, but if it affords
him an 'anchorage,' if he can fit it into
his scheme of life, that is enough. The
religion of the Greeks and Romans was
not ours; but see what nerves, what
poets, what philosophers, developed
under it!
The religion of ancestral worship of
the Japs and Chinese saves them. The
mass of our own people believe in
Christianity on Sundays (or used to be-
fore the automobile came in) ; but how
few of them practise it- in their daily
lives. They practise the square deal,
because it is good policy; it pays best
in the long run.
(From Herbert D. Miles)
ASHEVILLE, N.C., January 12, 1920.
My pleasure in having your letter of
a few days ago was not unmixed with a
certain feeling of guilt, in view of the
possibility of our .questions being too
complicated, and your strength too lim-
ited, to attempt adequate discussion in
writing — a view that is held I am sure
by Dr. Barrus, from whom I have re-
cently heard: It is charming, as you
say, at La Jolla, with 'never a cloud in
sight.' I am a little prejudiced, even in
this January season, in favor of my
home country here in Asheville; the
clouds over the great old Blue Ridge
mountains, which are falling back tier
upon tier in the distance to the west,
from my windows, are ever-changing
visions of beauty, and fall upon real
trees, in their shadows, — something
that you have few of in California, ex-
cept in spots, where you have the great-
est in the world, — and our occasional
rough and cold day serves to make even
more delightful our usual bright and
lovely days, of the temperature of the
northern May.
Without prolonging what we shall
not allow to degenerate into an argu-
ment which would convince neither of
us, allow me merely to comment upon
your new remarks. I have a feeling
that you constantly miss something
vital, in your line of thought and your
conclusions; that may be characteristic
of the Pantheist! You say, apparently
in contradiction of my insistence that
civilization is based upon Christianity,
that Washington, Jefferson, and others
524
RELIGIOUS CONTRASTS
did not accept Christianity; and you go
on to quote Washington as to the gov-
ernment of the United States. Without
going into any dispute as to all this, are
we to assume that you consider civiliza-
tion to have begun with the establish-
ment of the United States? I would say
rather that these gentlemen of history,
without doubt virtuous and great,
made the same error that John Bur-
roughs — also without doubt virtuous
and great — is making : that they wholly
failed in realizing the debt they were
under to that slowly developing, but
none the less potent, and true thing —
Christianity ! How many practise Chris-
tianity in their daily lives is beside the
mark. Would you condemn a great
physician because (as is usually the
case) he fails to practise what he
preaches? That is, would you damn his
science? You say that civilization is
founded upon 'reason and science.'
Well, does that damn Christianity?
You say that our ethical system is the
growth of the ages. What of it? Do
Christians claim that we would have no
ethical system without Christ and the
Christian principles? By no means.
But we would have Athens and the
Roman Empire over again — and the
Hun.
In a nutshell, my dear Mr. Bur-
roughs, — to put it in that perfectly
frank manner at which neither of us has
taken offense, — your writings upon
religion have pleased you, and, as with
anything you write, they have been re-
ceived with respect; but they have
shown us a God, near in the sense of his
being in a spadeful of dirt, but billions
of miles away and terribly nebulous,
when it comes to having a Father to
whom to pray. You may like that, but
it is bad for the rest of us; you have,
therefore, done much harm and dis-
turbed much fairly earned peace of
mind — innocent though you undoubt-
edly have been of any such intention.
You have missed the bull's-eye. This
is: 'Love the Lord thy God with all
thy mind, and with all thy heart, and
with all thy soul; and love thy neighbor
as thyself.' I do not mean to imply
that you have not personally, in your
life, done all of that; I mean that the
teaching of Pantheism puts God, as I
have stated, billions of miles away, —
a nebulous thing, — regardless of the
theory of his being in all Nature; a
theory which Christianity embraces, for
that matter. We cannot love, in that
manner so completely pictured in the
above quotation, a Pantheistic God —
which is why I hold that you miss the
bull's-eye.
REBECCA
BY ARTHUR SHERBURNE HARDY
'WHY should n't I, if I want to?'
The reins fell on Billy's rough back
with an emphatic slap, but met with no
response. The shaggy hoofs continued
to pound the frozen road with the stolid
indifference to stimuli born of the con-
viction that in the long run a steady
gait was the part of wisdom.
The road covered two miles for the
arrow's one, with that contempt for
grade and distance which characterized
the early settler, who first chose his
dwelling-place and compelled the road
to follow. Between the low stone walls,
whose boulders were continually evinc-
ing a desire to return to their earlier
resting-places, down the rocky pitch to
the creaking bridge in the meadow, and
up again through the moaning forest, it
wound its way, mysterious, unending.
Another slap.
' I can — if I want to.'
Approving this sentiment, Billy,
halfway up the hill, stopped and, pull-
ing the reins through the saddle rings,
reached for a tuft of withered grass,
which all summer long had escaped hoof
and wheel, to perish in the winter.
'I might — if I was n't fifty.'
At fifty, when it was too late, past
prudence seemed a mockery — a gate
to happiness locked by prudery. Re-
becca sighed. If she could stand at that
gate again!
'Indeed I would!'
The reins tightened with a jerk,
haunches flattened instantly, and legs
strained to the load.
But was it happiness? Of course it
was. Everything beyond the gate must
be.
Nearing the top of the hill, the white
finger of the spire rose slowly above the
sky-line, then the roof, other roofs,
straggling fences, the schoolhouse —
duty! On the whitewashed wall be-
hind the teacher's desk, Rebecca saw
the motto, — her own handiwork, —
Be Good and You will be Happy.
Had n't she been good? When would
she be happy?
In village parlance Rebecca 'ran' the
farm — one of those hilly rock-strewn
farms demanding constant prodding to
prevent it from 'running out.' Down by
the brook in the birch woods were
pleasant places — pools of dark silent
water, where the brook brooded before
deciding to take the leap to the next
one, to pause again, out of breath; shal-
lows where it sang to Rebecca, who
never sang except at seven-day inter-
vals in the church choir. The brook
was always singing, even in winter,
cheerily, to the shivering birches.
But pleasant places produced nothing.
Pleasant places never did. Alluring,
they bred idleness, all that brood of
prohibited pleasures generically grouped
by the minister under the word 'sin.'
The bare upland pasture where the
cows grazed, the shed where they were
milked, the barn-cellar where the pigs
wallowed, the chicken-yard bereft of
grass, the vegetable patch, with its tat-
525
526
REBECCA
tered scarecrow rocking in the wind —
these counted. No food or raiment came
from that wanton, running without
thought of the future, purpose, or con-
science, through meadow and wood to
the sea.
Sometimes — not now, in winter,
but when the crocuses came — Rebecca
wrestled spiritually with the brook —
a thing without roots or attachments,
a mere gadabout, scornful of duty, of
everything behind it, in its eagerness to
get on. Life was real, life was earnest.
As for the goal beyond the grave, she
wished that it might come occasionally
at the end of the day, instead of at
the end of living, like Billy's grain and
blanket. Even at fifty the grave was a
long way off.
Strictly speaking, Rebecca was forty-
eight, a fact she strictly adhered to in
public. In the privacy of her own
thoughts, when grim and vindictive,
she was fifty; down among the birches,
forty; and, in crocus-time, even thirty.
' Steady, capable woman — no non-
sense about Rebecca!' was the village
verdict, knowing little of what it could
not see or touch.
Billy's wants attended to, Rebecca
went into the house. Her mother, sit-
ting by the window, had been watching
for her return.
'You've been gone a long time.'
For an ailing old woman, watching
day after day at the window of a hilltop
farm, every hour was 'a long time.'
But the querulous voice passed over
Rebecca's soul without leaving a trace.
After forty years of duty, its surface,
like Billy's hide, had ceased to be super-
sensitive. Rebecca possessed what the
minister called 'a healthy spirit.'
' Yes, mother,' she said, warming her
hands at the range; 'Billy is n't as spry
as he used to be.'
'Did you see the Squire?'
'Yes, mother.'
•'Is it true?'
'Yes, mother, it's true.*
And the truth shall make you free!
The sentence from the minister's ser-
mon came from nowhere, like a bird
alighting on a twig — ridiculously in-
apposite. That impertinent busybody,
the irresponsible mind, was one of Re-
becca's trials.
Then, for a long time, there was si-
lence, their thoughts'going their separate
ways. Much hard and solitary thinking
preceded 'getting together' for these
two.
Rebecca hung her squirrel coat in the
closet and turned to the door.
' Where are you going now, Rebecca? '
'To the office, mother.'
The 'office' was a low one-story
building, with a single door and room,
where her father used to consult his
clients — even hilltop villages requir-
ing lawyers as well. as ministers and
doctors.
That, however, was long ago, and the
office had descended to Rebecca, with
its legend in gilt letters still on the panel
of its door. Here she kept the farm-
accounts, her books, and her dreams.
Whenever she spoke of 'going home,' it
was the office she had in mind.
It boasted a desk, above which Wash-
ington was perpetually delivering his
farewell address; a horsehair sofa, whose
billowy surface was reminiscent of
former clients; a bookcase with dia-
mond panes, — the law books had been
relegated to the upper shelves, — and a
redeeming fireplace, open, hospitable,
framed in a white mantelpiece, with
Ionic columns and garlands of roses
in plaster, on which, under the clock,
stood a group of two grotesque porce-
lain figures in bright colors: a woman,
holding high a tambourine, and a man
with a guitar. The child Rebecca had
given these gay figures ecstatic adora-
tion, as representing a wonderful world
inhabited by fairies, gypsies, and
other mythical persons — to which
REBECCA
527
they evidently belonged. That also was
long ago. If Rebecca's glance rested on
them now, it was only the glance of
mingled scorn and pity appropriate to
misguided creatures doomed, like the
butterflies fluttering in autumn sun-
shine, to an untimely end. Yet there
they remained enthroned, with the sofa
and the sign on the door and the clock
which never ran down — relics of the
past, which would not let go.
It was four o'clock, growing dark al-
ready. Rebecca wound the clock, — it
was Saturday night, — threw a fresh
log on the smouldering coals, and sat
down in the rocker before the hearth,
watching the little flames, hissing, and
beginning to curl up over their prey.
Shadows danced on the walls and ceil-
ing, and red lights on the polished balls
of the andirons.
It had all been like a dream, only, un-
like a dream, it had not vanished. It
was true — and Christopher was com-
ing Monday morning.
The beat of Rebecca's heart quick-
ened. It had been as steady in the
Squire's office as the Squire's clock,
even when he said, 'You're a rich
woman, Rebecca.' 'Am I?' Rebecca
had said to herself. 'What's more,' the
Squire went on, 'and what ain't com-
mon, your Uncle Caleb's set it down
fair and square in the will,' — the
Squire's spectacles dropped from his
forehead to his nose, — "To my niece,
Rebecca, in recognition of her sterling
qualities." :
Rebecca's lip softened, then straight-
ened. Uncle Caleb had bided his time.
'I've a telegram here somewhere
from Christopher. ' — It was then Re-
becca's heart gave its first jump. — 'He's
coming up from York.' The Squire's
fingers fumbled among his papers.
'He's executor. He says, "Tell Re-
becca I'll see her Monday."
Recalling this announcement, Re-
becca's heart jumped again. She had
slid from the rocker to the rug; but at
the crunch of heavy boots on the snow,
sprang to her desk. It would never do
to have Hansen find her dreaming like
a silly girl on the rug before the fire.
Hansen was the overseer. He came
in, his red beard dripping with moisture,
and they went over the milk receipts to-
gether. It was disconcertingly evident
that Hansen had something on his mind.
'Is that all, Hansen?'
'Of course, Miss Rebecca,' — Han-
sen began every sentence with 'of
course,' — 'if what's being said in the
village is true, you '11 be wanting to get
that wire up from the mill. We could
save — '
'Yes, Hansen.' Hansen was always
trying to squeeze something more out
of the land by putting something more
in. 'We will go into that Monday.'
Faithful man was Hansen, — look-
ing after the farm as if it were his own,
— her right hand.
When he had gone, Rebecca went
back to the rug. On the wall over the
mantel the clock ticked on, solemnly,
intent on duty, indifferent to the time
it recorded.
H
Christopher and Rebecca had played
together once in the pleasant places by
the brook. Christopher was a wonder-
ful playmate. He knew every bird by
its note, where it hid its nest, — in
tree, in hedge, or meadow, — how many
eggs the nest should hold, and of
what color. He knew the bait each fish
loved best, and could catch the wariest
with a bent pin. No colt ever foaled on
the hill had unseated him, though he
had to cling desperately, bare-back, to
the mane. Even the brown Durham
bull looked askance at Christopher. As
for the dogs, they ran to meet him at
the mere sight of the stocky little fig-
ure, bare-headed, hands in ragged trou-
sers, sure of adventure.
528
REBECCA
Where Christopher got his chief pos-
session — imagination — is a secret un-
told. It did not grow on hilltop farms,
and he was never seen with a book out
of school. What tales he could tell!
The little flaxen-haired girl listened to
them for hours, open-mouthed, eyes
bulging with wonder. He confided to
her what he was going to do when he
was a man. Among other things he was
going to find the North Pole. He spoke
of the North Pole as if it were a marble
in his pocket. Wonderful hours those
were, among the buttercups by the
brook and, on rainy days, in the hay-
mow! No real person walking the vil-
lage street was half as real as the phan-
toms that trod Christopher's stage.
Wonderful hours ! spiced with the sense
of stolen joys — for motherless Chris-
topher was the son of the village ne'er-
do-weel, without favor outside of the
animal kingdom.
And then, gradually, almost insen-
sibly, Christopher drew away, like a
young sapling from its fellows of slower
growth, and Rebecca was left behind,
alone, clinging to childish toys, dream-
land, and all the creations of Chris-
topher's riotous imagination, outgrown
and spurned now for the solid things
beckoning to manlier ambition. And
then, suddenly, leaping out of the dark,
came one by one those events over
which there is no control — Christo-
pher's disappearance, her father's death,
her mother's failing health, closing in
on her like the walls of a narrowing
room, walking roughshod over the
dreams, hardening her hands, putting
that fixed, determined look in her eyes;
till one by one the actors on Christo-
pher's stage died, its lights went out,
and of those splendid hours nothing
was left but a few rebellious tears shed
in the 'office,' when accounts were done
and the fire was very low.
After all, Christopher had run true
to life. It was in the natural order of
things that he should disappear, as nat-
ural and inevitable as that the sheep
should get the foot disease — predes-
tined and foreordained, like blight and
frost and potato bugs.
It was quite otherwise with Uncle
Caleb. He was a surprise.
Uncle Caleb owned the mills, only
four miles away, though it might as well
have been a hundred. Once in a while,
to be sure, he drove out to the hilltop,
and Rebecca was conscious of approv-
ing glances in his shrewd gray eyes.
They talked a little of the crops. Then
he went away. And now he had brought
Christopher back — Christopher and
money at forty-eight ! All the fat worms
wiggling to the surface when the ground
thawed out for a day could not bring
the birds back in winter. Uncle Caleb
was only a winter sun, waking to mo-
mentary life what would better be left
to sleep.
The clock struck five. It was getting
near supper-time. She covered the fire,
put her desk to rights, and went out,
locking the door. The key she kept in
her pocket, as if there were secrets in
the office to guard.
Her mother looked up as she came in.
'Rebecca, I've been thinking — '
'We can talk of that to-morrow,
mother. I am tired to-night.'
'But, Rebecca, to-morrow's the Sab-
bath.'
'I know it,' said Rebecca grimly.
But just before going to bed, as if the
word ' Christopher ' was not a bombshell
loaded with potentialities, in her most
casual manner she let drop the sen-
tence: 'Christopher's coming Monday,
Mother.'
'Dear me! how time flies.'
A gleam of humor twinkled in Re-
becca's eyes.
'I wonder if he found the North
Pole.'
'The what?'
'Nothing. Good-night, mother.'
REBECCA
529
III
Rebecca had conquered the major
devils on the ride home from the
Squire's. They had all slunk away,
cowed by that ominous word 'fifty' —
except one. This latter she slew before
going down to breakfast Monday morn-
ing. Heroines in the books on the lower
shelves behind the diamond panes in-
variably glanced in their mirrors before
facing important interviews. Like Is-
rael of old, Rebecca hardened her heart.
Nothing on her bureau-cover would
make the slightest difference, had she
desired any. There would be only what
she had seen hundreds of times — a
woman almost forty-eight, not quite;
slim; an oval face, tanned by wind
and sun; grayish eyes quick to show
certain indescribable danger-signals;
the flaxen hair deepened to brown; a
mouth, firm, but ready to soften; and
a nose — nothing the matter with it,
only she did not like it. She had no
interest in these things. So she went
downstairs, ignoring the mirror, thereby
missing what had not been seen in it
since —
But her mother saw, when Rebecca
brought the breakfast-tray — and won-
dered.
Then, without warning, while pour-
ing the coffee, a horse neighed in the
yard, and there, at the hitching-post,
was Christopher, the Christopher of the
brook, only bigger, with the same quick
confident gesture, the same compelling
voice calling to her in the doorway: —
'Hullo, little girl!'
Formality dropped from her like a
cloak.
'Hullo, Christopher! Come in.'
Christopher had falsified hill proph-
ecy. Persistent rumor had forced the
admission that, instead of going to the
bad, he had, as Uncle Caleb predicted,
made good. Uncle Caleb was a shrewd
old fellow, saying little beyond an oc-
casional 'I told you so.' Moreover, suc-
cess had not spoiled Christopher. It
was impossible to spoil him. 'Sound as
a winter apple,' Uncle Caleb had said
to the Squire, when making his will.
And here he was, sitting opposite Re-
becca, clean-shaven, talking about Cey-
lon and India and London and Cairo,
as familiarly as he used to talk about
fairies and giants and the North Pole.
Rebecca listened as the little flaxen-
haired girl had listened, her eyes grow-
ing brighter, her mouth softer, her heart
lighter — till suddenly, lighting a cigar
and looking straight in her eyes, he
said: —
'Look here, Rebecca, we have busi-
ness to talk over. Where shall we go?'
Except for the maid clearing the ta-
ble, there was no particular reason for
going anywhere; but just here the little
fox, which had slipped his leash and laid
the fire in the office early in the morning
before anyone was up, spoke.
' We might go to the office. It 's near-
er than the brook — and warmer.'
'Just the place!' said Christopher.
'So the brook's still there.'
'Yes, it's still running away, Chris-
topher.'
Not a word had he said about what
she had refused to see in the mirror; but
now, sitting in the rocker, the pine cones
blazing and stars coming and going in
the soot of the chimney-brick, —
'You're looking fine, Rebecca.'
'Am I? I've got the farm in fine
shape.' She parried the amused smile
in his blue eyes with 'Tell me about
yourself, Christopher.'
He began without a moment's hesi-
tation, just as he did in the hay-mow
when she said, 'I'm ready — now be-
gin.' Perhaps, in the hay-mow, neither
of them wholly believed the things he
said; but they both believed in Chris-
topher. That was his glory and charm,
his intrepid, nonchalant self-confidence,
his faith in himself, serene, without a
530
REBECCA
trace of vanity. ' Why, it 's easy as wa-
ter running down hill,' he used to say.
Listening again, Rebecca could think of
nothing but the juggler she had once
seen with Uncle Caleb, tossing the balls
in dazzling arcs till her eyes blinked.
Only now the juggler's balls were reali-
ties. Christopher had really killed a
real tiger in a real jungle. The gold at
the foot of the rainbow was in his
pocket. He had actually made the
journeys they had taken together on
the magical carpet. And, little by little,
her spirit kindling at the touch of his,
getting the farm in fine shape dwindled
to utter insignificance, the cares that
worried her and the triumphs that ela-
ted her appeared miserable, petty trifles.
'I suppose I could, if I wanted to,'
she murmured.
'Rebecca, you must.''
'Must what?' said Rebecca.
'Live! It's easy as rolling off a log.
You 're a rich woman, Rebecca — rich.*
She liked the sound of her name amaz-
ingly. 'Sell the farm, rent it, give it
away. Do you want to spend the rest of
your life — *
'No, I don't,' she interjected, seeing
visions; 'but there's mother.'
'That's easy. Put the breath of life
in her too. Take her with you.'
'Where?' said Rebecca, breathless
herself.
Christopher smiled his radiant smile.
'Practical little woman! Don't I
remember how you used to save the
crumbs for the chickens ! You have n't
got to bother with crumbs now. Leave
it to me. I'll manage the whole thing
for you — mother and all.'
It was dazzling, the old spell was
sweeping her along with him. But on
the horizon hung one black cloud, in
the back of her mind one awful ques-
tion. She summoned all her courage,
desperately.
'I suppose you are married, Chris-
topher?'
'Bless you, no!' laughed Christopher.
She hurried over the thin ice, wildly,
strangely happy.
'Nor found the North Pole, I reckon.'
He laughed again.
' The North Pole 's all right for a may-
pole, Rebecca, but you and I are getting
along to — well, say August. Nothing
grows there, no more than in your cow-
pasture — though you have got a lot of
stones out of it.'
'Yes, I have,' said Rebecca dreamily.
'Don't talk it over with your mother.
Just do it. That 's my motto. Do it and
it's done. I have my eye on a house for
you in 73d Street already.'
The color print of Washington, the
clock, the bookcase, and the horsehair
sofa were all fading away; the farm it-
self, substantial, century-old, rooted in
the granite hills, dissolving in a rosy
mist. She was treading air, drinking at
fountains sealed for years. How could
she ever have been contented to —
'Where do you live, Christopher?'
He was standing now beside her, his
hand patting her shoulder.
' You don't have to think of me, little
woman. I'm looking after you. Say,
Rebecca, could you put me up for the
night? I'd really like to go over the old
place.'
Rebecca had never in her life been
looked after.
'Of course, Christopher.'
rv
Christopher came back for supper
just as hungry as the ragged boy for
whom Rebecca saved her 'piece of pie,'
remarking cheerfully that he had had
the worth of his dinner. She knew now
what he had meant: exactly what he
said — 'To go over the old place.' He
had done it thoroughly. It was natural
enough, not having gone to the bad,
that he should pay off old scores by call-
ing on the minister, returning good for
REBECCA
531
evil with a check toward lifting the
mortgage. Natural, too, was the con-
sultation at the quarry for a monument
to mark the resting-place of the ne'er-
do-weel — a pyramid overtopping hum-
bler headstones. There was a certain
propriety in these retributive proceed-
ings which appealed to Rebecca's sense
of justice — and humor. Above all, his
invasion of the schoolhouse, scandaliz-
ing demure Miss Robbins and delight-
ing the children by a vivid recital of
former misdemeanors.
All this was exactly like Christopher;
but when, after supper, her mother hav-
ing gone to bed, he proposed a second
adjournment to the office, she said:
'There's no fire there, Christopher.'
'Well, who always built the fires in
the birches, I'd like to know!'
What was the use! There was no
withstanding Christopher.
So Christopher built the fire and sat
in the rocker, and Rebecca sat at her
desk,"and the clock stared solemnly at
the vacant sofa.
'It may be a wrench at first, Re-
becca; the week after I went away, I
was miserable for the smell of the fern,
and the wild strawberries — you re-
member, don't you? in the wood-lot.
But it will be different with you. You '11
get over that in no time.'
Oh, yes! Rebecca remembered. But
somehow, rolling off a log did not seem
quite so easy as it did to Christopher.
'Why not run down with me to-mor-
row?'
It was like a pistol-shot, and instant-
ly she told the first lie of her life.
'I can't. The inspector's coming to-
morrow, to look over the herd.'
'Put him off. Leave it to Hansen.'
Nothing ever daunted Christopher.
'I can't,' she repeated helplessly.
She was looking Truth in the face,
bravely, ready for any number of lies if
necessary. What would happen to her
immortal soul was of no consequence.
Christopher took out his notebook
and plunged into figures. Rebecca was
familiar with figures. They had plagued
her all her life. He drew his chair be-
side hers and reached for her pencil,
checking off the items of Uncle Caleb's
inventory with comments — ' solid —
good as gold — nothing better ' — while
Rebecca's world, as the solid total
mounted, melted steadily, ruthlessly
away.
'You see, Rebecca,' said Christopher
when she gave him his candle at the
foot of the stairs, 'you have n't got to
worry about the farm. It cuts no ice
anyway. Think it over.'
'I have.'
'That's right. And say, Rebecca,
don't bother about me. I'm going to
catch the early train.' His blue eyes
twinkled. 'Just leave a piece of pie on
the table. I have n't forgotten. Good-
night, little woman. You'll see straight
by morning. There's nothing like a
good night's sleep to clear away the fog.'
'No,' said Rebecca. 'Good-bye,
Christopher.'
Alone in her room, Rebecca went to
the mirror. She was not afraid of it
now. The little foxes were as dead as
the major devils.
She sat down by her window. A
white mist hung over the brook. The
tops of the birches were still, like float-
ing islands. But there was no fog in her
heart. It was clear as daylight. It was
daylight, and sleighbells were jingling
in the yard.
In the office Hansen was fumbling
his cap. 'I thought, Miss Rebecca,
seeing as how Mr. Christopher talked
about selling — well — maybe I might
like to buy it myself.'
Rebecca did not move a muscle.
'I have n't the least idea of selling.
You can see those people to-day about
running the wire up from the mill.'
IS THERE ANYTHING IN PRAYER?
BY J. EDGAR PARK
ONE of the earliest discoveries made
by the adventurer who dares to pene-
trate into the land of Common Sense is
that in that land mere wishing does not
accomplish very much. Sundered lovers
wished their hearts away for centuries,
longing for the sound of the other's
voice through the intervening miles of
space. But all was of no avail until to
that wishing was added the minute
knowledge of electro-magnetism, which
resulted in the invention of the tele-
phone.
The longest road in the world is the
road that lies between feeling and fact.
The road can be made passable only by
knowledge. Wishing is just the initial
motive force designed to drive one to
seek the knowledge of the way. Pro-
cessions of longing, beseeching human
beings through plague-stricken cities,
imploring the removal of the curse, ef-
fected nothing until their desires were
converted into patient investigation of
the causes and cure of plague. The pro-
cessions were valuable in so far as they
incited and stung the lethargic scientific
mind into investigation and discovery.
Wishing, looked upon as an end in it-
self, is barren, but it is the initial stage
of all progress.
Desire, when it can be transmuted
into action, is the joy of life. Desire,
when it cannot immediately be trans-
muted into action, is the basic problem
of literature, art, philosophy, and re-
ligion. What is to be done with it?
Prayer is the organization of unsatis-
fied desire. Unless it is organized in
some way it leads to ruinous conse-
582
quences. Worry, nervous disorders, de-
pression, temptation, morbid mental
conditions — these are the names of
some of the results of unorganized,
unsatisfied desires. A mother returns
home on a sudden call, to find her child
sick unto death. She immediately gets
the best doctors and the best nurses,
and does all she can for his cure. At
last she has done all she is able to do.
Can she then put the matter from her
mind and go to the movies? No, there
remains, after she has done everything
possible for her child, a mass of desire
for that child's recovery which she has
not been able to work off into action.
What is she to do with it? She may
either go into another room and worry
herself to death over the child, and thus
make herself a prophet of death to the
child and the whole household, or she
may pray. Prayer is the control of the
overflow of desire above that which can
be immediately[transmuted into action.
What then is her mental attitude in
prayer? It has been largely represented
as that of a slave asking for a favor be-
fore the throne of an oriental potentate.
'I have done many favors for Thee in
the past. I have contributed to thy
church, and attended thy services, and
kept thy laws. Now I humbly ask, as a
return for these offerings, the life of this
child!'
Or it has been supposed that here is
the one exception to the otherwise inex-
orable principle that mere wishing does
not accomplish anything. She is simply
to wish and ask, as a child would wish
and ask a parent for, something desired.
IS THERE ANYTHING IN PRAYER?
533
Prayer in both these cases is looked
upon as a triangle. The mother and the
child are at the base angles; God is at
the apex. The mother sends up a prayer
to God, which God considers, and, if it
seems good to Him, sends down the
answer to the child. The conditions of
effective prayer under these conditions
are, as set forth in a recent hand-book
on prayer, faith, humility, and submis-
sion.
There has been, however, a growing
school of religious thinkers who have
felt that the use of terms and figures
like these must not blind us to the fact
that the realm of prayer is no exception
to the general rule; that it is necessary,
not only to wish, but to know how
to wish; that there are laws governing
the organization of unsatisfied desires,
which must be observed. Prayer for
them is not so much a triangle as a
straight line. Prayer is the organiza-
tion of one's unsatisfied desires so that
God may work through them for the
end desired. The mother's unsatisfied
desire for the life of the child may be so
organized as to be the channel through
which the healing power of God may
reach the child. Prayer is not, then,
that passive acquiescence of the Irish-
man, who hung the Lord's Prayer over
his bed and, every night, before he
jumped in, jerked his thumb in the di-
rection of the petitions and ejaculated,
' Them 's my sentiments ! ' Prayer is an
activity of will and mind and feeling,
which makes us the natural channel
through which good effects flow to
those for whom we pray. Psychology
studies the conditions of that activity.
Religion asserts that these good effects
are the result, not merely of a personal,
but also of a cosmic wish.
What is the condition of mind of such
a mother, which most conduces to the
'cure of the child? If it is true, as we
have surmised, that prayer is not sim-
ply wishing, but organized and directed
wishing, then it is evident that, as in
any other art, power in prayer will come
with practice. It is necessary, as in any
other art, to begin with little things and
gain skill and power from the small to
the great. Prayer is the personal influ-
ence, which we recognize so well in so-
cial intercourse, at its highest point of
efficiency. We all recognize that per-
sonal influence is a hard attainment;
power in prayer is equally open to all,
but requires great effort to attain.
Much as we may dislike the word, there
is a technique of prayer which can be
mastered. The mother must have
learned to pray, in order to be of much
help to her child at such a crisis. To be
a healing personality is a high achieve-
ment. But let us suppose that she has
been practising prayer for years. She
has gained her power in the attainment
of lesser ends than this very life of her
child. It is, in general, almost impossi-
ble to generate in the face of a sudden
emergency a hitherto unused power.
Prayer ought to start with trifles — the
sublimation of petty personal desires,
the gaining of a rational spiritual atti-
tude toward minor social problems in
the home and school. Prayer does not
generally emerge into the consciousness
as a desire for the evangelization of the
world in this generation; it rather be-
gins with a desire for a new doll or the
winning of a game.
Some years previously, this mother
has found that her child was not getting
on well at school. He began to bring
home bad report-cards, he did not like
the teachers, he hated the studies.
The mother finds herself beginning to
anticipate more trouble. She expects
another bad report, more tales of being
disliked by the teachers, more inability
to do the work prescribed. Her very
face as she meets the child at the door
tells what she anticipates. Suddenly
she realizes that the whole atmosphere
of the home is melancholy with the
534
IS THERE ANYTHING IN PRAYER?
sense of impending failure. Her personal
influence, through the black background
of her consciousness, is, in spite of any-
thing she may say, foreboding. Then
she endeavors to 'get hold of herself;
to prevent this thwarted desire for her
child's happiness and success from turn-
ing sour and becoming a fixed, if almost
unconscious, conviction that the child
will not get on well at school.
She begins to pray. She invokes an-
other conviction, that the good Spirit
of the universe has no such intention
for her child. She recalls some of the
great passages of religious inspiration,
the words of the saints who have been
sure of a power outside ourselves, as
well as in ourselves, making for right-
eousness. Thus gaining the prayer-
mood, she then reminds herself that she
must be the channel for bringing this
good-will into the life of her child. She
replaces the picture of failure, which
threatens to become fixed in her mind,
with a more vivid and living picture of
success. With all the love and sym-
pathy and imaginative fire she possesses,
she pictures to herself her petition being
granted — the new attitude on the
part of her child, his awakened interest
in his studies, his liking for his teachers,
his expectation of success. She prays
intensely, with all her desire, through
and in this mental picture.
This act is exceedingly difficult; but,
if done, it changes the whole atmosphere
of the home. The very face of the
mother as she meets the child is mag-
netic of success for the child instead
of being prophetic of failure. In the
thousand ways, known and unknown, in
which the mother's mind touches the
mind of the child, encouragement, ex-
pectation of achievement, faith in his
powers now flow in upon the will of the
child. In petitions of this nature, the
whole personality is stirred ; desire, intel-
lect, and imagination are at their high-
est point of efficiency, that she may be-
come a conductor of God's good-will.
She concludes her prayer with thanks-
giving to God that the prayer has been
granted, a supreme act of faith.
There is all the difference in the world
between the man who says, 'I am going
to give up my bad habit,' and the man
who says, 'I have given up my bad
habit.' So there is between feeling that
God may answer the prayer and that
God has answered it. The latter is the
act of faith that the answer will be hind-
ered only by the defect of the channel.
The answer is granted; the flood of hap-
piness and success is forcing its way
through the narrow and obstructed
channel of the mother's personal influ-
ence upon the child. Prayer has substi-
tuted such an influence for the previ-
ous, almost unconscious, suggestions of
failure. There is no dogmatism in such
prayer as to the method of the answer
— that is left to the infinite possibilities
of actual experience. The claim is sim-
ply made on the universe for the happi-
ness of the child, and in the making of
the claim the psychological machinery
is set in motion for its being honored by
the universe. And this effort to organ-
ize unsatisfied desire not only has its
influence upon those for whom we pray,
but tends to purify and enlighten the
desire itself, so that, when the petition
is granted, it may be on a much higher
plane than when it was first offered.
Yet it is the same prayer. The desire is
always satisfied. But it often is sub-
limated in the process of satisfaction.
In the face of the impending death of
her child, a mother who has so prac-
tised prayer on lesser matters has great
powers. Her very face in the sick-room,
as the child dimly sees it, is on the side
of health and life. And who can tell in
what numberless ways the minds of
those who love touch one another, all
unseen even by the argus eyes of science ?
Miracles occur, and the tide of life re-
turns into sluggish veins, when the de-
IS THERE ANYTHING IN PRAYER?
535
sire of life is kindled through the touch
of kindred minds.
Many objections will occur to one
who reads for the first time this theory
of prayer. Does not this explanation of
prayer, it will be asked, run counter to
the practice of One who said in his
prayer, 'Not My will but Thine be
done'? This phrase has been greatly
misused. It has been misused so as al-
most to justify the Irishman's type of
prayer, before mentioned. Rousseau
best expressed a prevailing interpreta-
tion of it thus : ' I bless God, but I pray
not. Why should I ask of Him that He
would change for me the course of
things, do miracles in my favor? I, who
ought to love, above all, the order estab-
lished by his wisdom and maintained by
his providence — shall I wish that order
to be dissolved on my account? As lit-
tle do I ask of Him the power to do well.
Why ask what He has already given?'
But God's highest will is carried out
only through human wills working at
white heat. Prayer is not asking God
to change the course of things,but ask-
ing Him to help me to be a part of that
course of things. I become so, not in
spite of my will, but through my will.
The Master used this phrase, not be-
fore He had exerted his own will, but
after the great drops of the sweat of de-
sire were falling from his brow to the
ground. The phrase is no idle excuse
for listless praying; in it we see the sub-
limation of desire taking place. Idle
prayers, which place this phrase, mis-
used, in the forefront, will ever excuse
injustice and sickness and unhappiness
as the will of God. Justice, happiness,
health, surely these are the will of God
for all; as to the detailed method of
their coming, our desires in prayer are
ever being enlarged and enlightened by
the inflow upon us of the cosmic de-
sires of God.
Again, it will be asked if this theory
will not lend itself to the idea that, if
you want a purse of money, you must
imagine it very vividly lying on the
pavement outside your house, and then
go out and find it. A father heard his
little girl praying for the red doll in the
window of the corner store, and told
her she ought not to pray for things like
that; she ought to pray to be a good
girl, or for the heathen. The fact was
that she did not want specially to be a
good girl in the father's meaning of that
phrase, and she did not care about the
heathen, but she did want the red doll.
Why make a hypocrite of her at the
start? So it is with money. If that is
what you really want, pray for it. If
you pray sincerely, you will receive an
answer which will satisfy you. Possibly
not the pocket-book, but an ability to
get up earlier in the morning, or to keep
awake between meals, or to reduce your
expenditures. The answer always comes
and abundantly satisfies anyone who
dares persistently to carry out the art
of praying. But prayer always initiates
effort.
Prayer is a hard task without the
mystic sense of the personality of God.
In all the lesser problems of life it is easy
. enough to look upon it as the simple
demonstration of a natural law. But
when the storms are out and the floods
let loose, when one has done all one can
by action and has done all one can by
prayer, then life is hard and cruel, in-
deed, unless one can feel, behind all the
laws and beneath all the principles, in
higher reaches of spiritual communion,
a love that understands and forgives.
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
BY E. ALEXANDER POWELL
THE most important country in the
world to Americans to-day is Japan.
Before you question this assertion,
think it over for a moment. Japan is
the only nation whose commercial and
territorial ambitions, whose naval and
emigration policies are in direct con-
flict with our own. Japan is our only
serious competitor for the trade of
China. She is the key that can lock the
Open Door. Japan is the only country
whose interests in the Pacific clash with
ours. She is the only power, save Eng-
land, which is in a position to challenge
our naval supremacy — and the Brit-
ish navy, as we are perfectly aware, can
never conceivably be directed against
ourselves. With the temporary eclipse
of Germany as a world-power, Japan
is the only potential enemy on our hori-
zon; she is the only nation that we have
reason to fear. The problem that de-
mands the most serious consideration
of the American people and the highest
quality of American statesmanship is
the Japanese Question. On its correct
and early solution hangs the peace of
the world.
It is to the great mass of reasoning
and fair-minded people in both coun-
tries, who, I believe, wish to know the
unvarnished truth, no matter how un-
flattering it may be to their national
pride, how controversive of their pre-
conceptions, how disillusionizing, that
I address myself. In writing this article
I have discarded euphemisms. At the
risk of being accused of sensationalism,
536
I propose to rip away the diplomatic
subterfuge and political camouflage
which have so long concealed or dis-
torted the facts of the situation. But,
before I proceed, let me make it amply
clear that I am not anti-Japanese.
Neither do I hold a brief for Japan. I
am an American and, because I wish to
see my country morally in the right, I
deplore the tactless and blundering
manner in which we are handling the
Japanese question. I am a friend of
Japan and, because I wish her well, I
view with grave misgivings the aggres-
sive imperialism which appears to be
dominating her foreign policy. I am
absolutely convinced that, unless the
two peoples can be jolted into a realiza-
tion of whither they are drifting as a
result of their mutual suspicions and the
policies of their respective governments,
the present irritation, constantly in-
flamed in both countries by pernicious
propaganda, will shortly break into an
open sore. Notwithstanding the soft
pedal put upon frank discussion of the
question by the diplomatists in Tokyo
and Washington, despite the shocked
and vehement denials of the gentlemen
of the Japan Society, nothing is more
certain than that the two nations are
daily drawing nearer to war.
The cause of the existing bitterness
between the two countries is double-
barreled. We have halted Japanese
immigration into the Far West, and
would like to halt Japanese expansion
in the Far East. The Japanese, for their
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
537
part, consider themselves affronted
and humiliated by the discriminatory
legislation which has been directed
against their nationals in certain of our
Western states, and they resent as
meddlesome our objections to the
policies which they are pursuing in those
Far Eastern regions which they have
come to regard as being within their
own sphere of influence. We have
erected a 'No Trespass' sign on the
American continent by our adhesion to
the doctrine of James Monroe. To that
the Japanese make no objection; they
admit that it is our own concern. Over
the Eastern part of the Asiatic conti-
nent the Japanese have themselves
erected a 'Keep Off ' sign, basing their
policy on a doctrine not dissimilar to
our own. We insist on a recognition of
our claim of 'America for the Amer-
icans,' while at the same time denying
Japan's claim of 'Asia for the Asiatics.'
There you have the two basic causes —
immigration and imperialism — of the
friction between Japan and the United
States. Everything else — Shantung,
Siberia, Korea, Yap — is subsidiary.
The near-hostility that characterizes
the relations of the two great nations
that face each other across the Pacific
is due, I am convinced, not to any in-
herent ill-will on the part of either peo-
ple for the other, but to a mutual lack
of knowledge and sympathetic under-
standing. In other words, both Amer-
icans and Japanese have shown them-
selves unable, or unwilling, to think the
other's mind. It is not enough for
groups of representative Americans
and Japanese to gather about banquet
tables and indulge in sonorous protesta-
tions of mutual friendship and inter-
national good-will, or to cable each
other greetings couched in terms of ful-
some praise. What is needed at the
present juncture is an earnest endeavor
on the part of each people to gain a
better understanding of the tempera-
ment, traditions, ambitions, problems,
and limitations of the other, and to
make corresponding allowances for
them — in short, to cultivate a chari-
table attitude of mind. The possibili-
ties of cordial relationship and of har-
monious cooperation between the two
nations are so tremendous, the interests
at stake are so vast and far-reaching,
the consequences of an armed conflict
would be so catastrophic and over-
whelming, that it is unthinkable that
the two peoples should be permitted to
drift into war through a lack of know-
ledge and appreciation of each other.
The Japanese Question is an ex-
tremely complicated one. Its ramifica-
tions extend into politics, industry,
commerce, and finance. It stretches
across one hundred and fifty degrees of
longitude. It affects the lives and des-
tinies of six hundred millions of people.
Its roots are to be found as far apart as
a Japanese military outpost in Siberia
and the headquarters of a labor-union
in Sacramento; as the office of a bank-
ing firm in Wall Street and the palace
of the President of China in the For-
bidden City.
To understand algebra, you must
have a knowledge of arithmetic. To
understand the Japanese Question, you
must have at least a rudimentary know-
ledge of the various factors that have
combined to produce it. It has grown
to its present menacing dimensions so
silently, so stealthily, that the average
well-informed American has only a
vague and usually inaccurate idea of
what it is all about. He has read in the
newspapers of the anti-Japanese agita-
tion in California, of the Gentlemen's
Agreement, of ' picture brides,' of mys-
terious Japanese troop-movements in
Siberia, of Japanese oppression in Korea,
of the Open Door, of the quarrel over
Shantung, of the dispute over Yap;
but to him these isolated episodes have
about as much significance as so many
538
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
fragments of a complicated jig-saw
puzzle. So, at the risk of repeating
facts with some of which you are doubt-
less already familiar, I shall endeavor
to piece the puzzle together, so that
you may see the picture in its entirety
and judge of its merits and faults for
yourself.
n
Some truths, more half-truths, many
untruths have been said and written in
each country about the other. The
clear waters of our old-time friendship
have been roiled by prejudice and
propaganda. Much of our appalling
ignorance of Japanese character, aims,
and ideals is traceable to our national
propensity for generalization — always
an inexact and dangerous method of
estimating another people, and doubly
dangerous in the case of a people as
complex as the Japanese. Let us not
forget that we were accustomed to
think of the French as a volatile, ex-
citable, easy-going, pleasure-obsessed,
decadent people until the Marne and
Verdun taught us the truth. Such a
misconception was deplorable in the
case of a people from whom we had
nothing to fear; it is inexcusable, and
might well prove disastrous, in the case
of the Japanese. I have heard Amer-
icans who pride themselves on being
well-informed, men whose opinions are
listened to with respect, betray an igno-
rance of Japan and the Japanese which
would be ludicrous under other condi-
tions.
And the ignorance of many intelli-
gent Japanese in regard to ourselves is
no less disheartening. Their way of
thinking is not our way of thinking;
many of their institutions and ideas
and ideals are diametrically different
from ours. Believe it or not, as you
choose — the great majority of intelli-
gent Japanese are utterly unable to
understand our thinly veiled distrust
and dislike of them. That many of our
people distrust and dislike the Japa-
nese, there can be no gainsaying. Yet the
average American usually finds some
difficulty in giving a definite and co-
gent reason for his attitude toward the
Japanese.
Underlying all the misunderstand-
ings between the two nations is race-
prejudice. Our racial antipathy for the
Japanese is instinctive. It has its
source in the white race's attitude of ar-
rogant superiority toward all non-white
peoples. We inherited it, along with
our Caucasian blood, from our Aryan
ancestors. It is as old as the breed.
The Japanese do not realize that they
are meeting in this an old problem;
that the American attitude is not an
attempt to place a stigma of inferiority
on them, but merely the application to
them of the Caucasian's historic atti-
tude toward all peoples with tinted
skins. If the Japanese question this, let
them observe the attitude of the Eng-
lish toward the brown-skinned peoples
of Egypt and India. But this racial
prejudice is by no means one-sided. The
Japanese consider themselves as superi-
or to us as we consider ourselves superior
to them. Make no mistake about that.
The Japanese are by no means free
from that racial dislike for Occidentals
which lies near to the hearts of all Orien-
tals; but they have the good sense, good
manners, and tact to repress it. That is
where they differ from Americans.
Another reason for American dislike
of the Japanese is the latter's assertion
of equality. We don't call it that, of
course. We call it conceit — cockiness.
The reason that we get along with an-
other yellow race, the Chinese, is be-
cause they, by their abject abasement
and submissiveness, flatter our sense of
racial superiority. Our pride thus ca-
tered to, we give them a condescending
pat of approval, just as we would give
a negro who always 'knows his place,'
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
and holds his hat in his hand when he
addresses a white person, and says ' sir '
and 'ma'am,' and does not resent ill-
treatment or injustice. The Japanese,
on the contrary, stands up for his rights;
he is not at all humble or submissive or
in the least awed by threats; and if an
irate American attempts to 'put him
in his place,' as he is accustomed to do
with a Chinese or a Filipino or a negro,
he is more likely than not to find him-
self on the way to jail in the grasp of a
small but extremely efficient and un-
sympathetic policeman.
I asked an American whom I met in
Yokohama if he had enjoyed his stay in
Japan.
'Not particularly,' he answered. 'I
don't care for the Japs; give me the
Chinese every time/
'Why?' I queried.
He pondered my question for a mo-
ment.
'I'll sum it up for you like this,' he
replied. 'The Chinese treat you as a
superior; the Japanese treat you as an
equal.'
Until Commodore Perry opened Ja-
pan to Western civilization and com-
merce, we held all Mongolians in con-
tempt, being pleased to consider them
as inferior peoples. But in the case of
the Japanese this contempt changed in
a few years to a patronizing condescen-
sion, such as a grown person might have
for a precocious and amusing child.
We congratulated ourselves on having
discovered in the Japanese a sort of in-
fant prodigy; we took in them a propri-
etary interest. We watched their rapid
rise in the world with an almost paternal
gratification. And the Japanese flat-
tered our self-esteem by their open ad-
miration and imitation of our methods.
I think that our national antipathy
for the Japanese had its beginnings in
their victory over the Russians. Up to
that time we had looked on the Japa-
nese as a brilliant and ambitious little
people, whom we had brought to the
notice of the world, and for whose
amazing progress we were largely re-
sponsible. But when Japan adminis-
tered a trouncing to the Russians, who
are, after all, fellow Caucasians, Amer-
ican sentiment performed a volte-face
almost overnight. We were as pro-
Russian at Portsmouth as we had been
pro-Japanese at Chemulpo. This sud-
den change in our attitude toward them
has always mystified the Japanese.
Yet there is really nothing mystifying
about it. We were merely answering the
call of the blood. As long as we be-
lieved Japan to be the under dog, we
were for her; but when she became the
upper dog, the old racial prejudice
manifested itself. A yellow people had
humbled and humiliated a Caucasian
people, and we, as Caucasians, resented
it. It was a blow to our pride of race.
(A somewhat similar manifestation of
racial prejudice was observable when
the negro pugilist, Jack Johnson, de-
feated Jim Jeffries.) That a yellow
race had proved its ability to defeat a
white race shocked and alarmed us.
We abruptly ceased to think of the
Japanese as an obscure nation of polite
and harmless little yellow men. They
became the Yellow Peril.
Though the Japanese are of Asia,
they cannot be treated as we are ac-
customed to treat other Asiatics. To
attempt to belittle or patronize a na-
tion that can put five million men in
the field and send to sea a battle-fleet
scarcely inferior to our own would be
as ridiculous as it would be short-
sighted. Japan is a striking example to
other colored races of the value of the
Big Stick. She has never been sub-
jugated by the foreigner. In spite of,
rather than with the assistance of, the
white man, she has become one of the
Great Powers, and at Versailles helped
to shape the destinies of the world. Yet
when she claims racial equality we
540
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
deny and resent it. Our refusal to treat
the Japanese as equals, while at the
same time showing a wholesome re-
spect for their power, reminds me of an
American reserve lieutenant, a South-
erner, on duty at a cantonment where
there was a division of colored troops,
who refused to salute a negro captain.
He was called before the commanding
officer, who gave him his choice between
saluting the negro or being tried by
court-martial.
'I suppose I '11 have to salute the uni-
form,' he muttered rebelliously; 'but
I '11 be damned if I '11 salute the nigger
inside it.'
Ill
I have already said that racial pre-
judice is at the bottom of our misun-
derstandings with the Japanese. Im-
mediately overlying it is our fear of
Japanese industrial competition, a fear
which is whetted by our disapproval of
Japanese commercial methods. If you
will look into it, you will find that there
has hardly ever been a conflict between
nations into which some economic ques-
tion has not entered as the final and
essential factor. This fear of Japanese
competition is not confined to residents
of the Pacific Coast. It animates every
American manufacturer and merchant
who does business in the Orient. This
competition would be serious enough if
the Japanese played the game as we
play it; but, unfortunately, they all too
frequently disregard the rules of the
game. To put it bluntly, we do not
approve of Japanese business ethics;
we have found to our cost that their
standards of business honor are all too
often not the same as ours. As one
American importer put it: —
'The Japanese business man has two
great faults — conceit and deceit. He
is overbearing and undeveloped. He
seems incapable of ordinary commer-
cial foresight. In order to make an im-
mediate profit, he will lose a lifelong
and profitable customer. He will ac-
cept an order for anything, whether he
can deliver it or not. He would accept
an order for the Brooklyn Bridge, f.o.b
next Thursday, Kyoto — hoping that
something might turn up in the mean-
time that would enable him to get it.'
Though it frequently happens that a
Japanese merchant does not under-
stand what the American buyer is talk-
ing about, his vanity will not permit
him to admit his ignorance; instead,
he will accept the order and then fill it
unsatisfactorily. An American import-
er, who has made semi-annual visits to
Japan for a quarter of a century, and
who frankly likes the Japanese, told me
regretfully that, of all the firms with
whom he did business, those whom he
could rely upon to send him goods of
the same quality as their samples could
be numbered on the fingers of a sin-
gle hand. As another foreigner — an
Englishman — doing business in Japan
expressed it: 'The Japanese business
man has his nerve only on a rising mar-
ket. As soon as the market shows signs
of falling, he hesitates at nothing to get
from under. When the silk market rose,
hundreds of Japanese firms defaulted
on orders which they had already ac-
cepted from foreign importers, as they
would have lost money at the old prices.
When, on the other hand, there was a
slump in the money market in the
spring of 1920, the customs warehouses
at Yokohama and Kobe were piled high
with goods ordered from abroad which
the consignees refused to accept.*
A trademark, copyright, or patent
does not, as a rule, prevent the Japa-
nese manufacturer from appropriating
any idea of which he can make use;
though I am glad to say that recent
legislation has done much to protect
the foreigner from such abuses. For
example, Bentley's Code, which sells
in the United States for thirty dollars,
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
541
and which is fully protected by copy-
right, has been copied by a Japanese
publishing house, which sells it for ten
dollars. A famous brand of safety razor,
which sells in the United States for
five dollars, is copied by the Japanese
in everything save quality, and is mar-
keted by them, under the originator's
name and in a facsimile of the original
package, for a fifth of the price charged
for the genuine article. The same is
true of widely advertised brands of soap,
tooth-paste, talcum powder, perfume,
and other toilet preparations. An imi-
tation of Pond's Extract, for instance,
is sold in a bottle exactly like that of the
American-made article except that a
faint line, scarcely discernible, turns the
P into an R. This infringement was
fought in the courts, however, the
American manufacturer winning his
case. A particularly unpleasant speci-
men of Japanese commercial methods
came to light last spring at Tien-Tsin,
when the American Consul-General
entered an official protest against
the action of the Japanese Chamber
of Commerce of that city, which had
distributed thousands of hand-bills,
wrapped in daily newspapers, intimat-
ing that a certain American trading
company was on the verge of insol-
vency — a statement which was with-
out foundation in fact. The Japanese
Chamber of Commerce refused to re-
tract its allegations, and the American
house, which had been a powerful
competitor of the local Japanese firms,
was nearly ruined.
These are only a few examples of
Japanese business methods. I heard
similar stories from every American
business man whom I met in Japan.
Indeed, I cannot recall having talked
with a single foreigner doing business
with the Japanese who did not com-
plain of their practice of imitating
patented or copyrighted articles, of sub-
stituting inferior goods, and of not
keeping their contracts when it suits
them to break them.
The amazing commercial success of
the Japanese has not been achieved by
these methods, but in spite of them.
It has been brought about largely as
the result of artificial and temporary
conditions. At a period when the rest
of the world was engaged in a life-and-
death struggle, Japan, far from the
battlefields, was free to engage in com-
merce, and she possessed, moreover,
certain articles which other nations
must have and for which they had to
pay any price she demanded. Nor
could the Japanese merchant, any more
than the American, realize that this
was a purely temporary condition and
could not continue indefinitely.
The commercial unscrupulousness of
the Japanese has worked great injury to
the friendly relations of Japan and the
United States. The distrust and dis-
like which such methods have engen-
dered in American business men was
strikingly illustrated one evening in
the smoking-room of a transpacific
liner. In chatting with a group of re-
turning American business men I casu-
ally mentioned the case of a fellow
countryman who had recently brought
American commercial methods into dis-
repute in Japan by giving 'exclusive'
agencies for certain widely advertised
articles to several firms in the same city.
Instead of deploring such trickery,
my auditors applauded it to a man.
'Fine!' they exclaimed. 'Good work!
Glad to hear of a Yankee who can beat
the Japs, at their own game!' They
were as jubilant over that dishonest
American's success in turning the tables
on the Japanese as was the American
public when it learned that we had per-
fected a poison-gas more horrible in its
effects than that introduced by the
Germans.
f Now, mind you, I do not wish to
^ be understood as suggesting that com-
542
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
mercial trickery is characteristic of
all Japanese business men. There are
business houses in Japan — many of
them — that meet their obligations as
punctiliously, that maintain as high a
standard of commercial honor, as the
most reputable firms in the United
States. But, unfortunately, these form
only a small minority. It seems a
thousand pities that the honest and far-
sighted business men of Japan, and
the Japanese chambers of commerce
and similar business organizations do
not take energetic steps to discour-
age dishonesty in dealings with for-
eigners, if for no other reason than
the effect that it would have on Amer-
ican public opinion. The series of confer-
ences held last year in Tokyo, between a
self-constituted delegation of American
bankers and business men and a num-
ber of representative Japanese, offered
a splendid opportunity for a candid
discussion of this delicate and irritating
question. If the Americans, instead of
confining themselves to patriotic plati-
tudes and hands-across-the-sea senti-
ments, had had the courage to tell the
high-minded Japanese who were their
hosts how objectionable such methods
are to Americans, and what incalculable
harm they are causing to Japanese-
American relations, it would have
worked wonders in promoting a better
mutual understanding.
Now, in spite of what I have said
about the methods of a large section of
the Japanese commercial class, I am
convinced that the Japanese are, as a
race, honest. Though pocket-picking
is said to be on the increase in Japan,
burglary and highway robbery are ex-
tremely rare, while the murders, shoot-
ing affrays, daylight robberies, and
hold-ups which have become common-
places in American cities are virtually
unknown. I should feel as safe at
midnight in the meanest street of a
Japanese city as I should on Common-
wealth Avenue in Boston — consider-
ably safer, indeed, than I should on cer-
tain New York thoroughfares after
nightfall. I asked an American woman
who has lived for many years in Japan
if she considered the Japanese dishonest.
'In Yokohama,' she replied, 'I never
think of locking the doors or windows
of my house, yet I have never had any-
thing stolen. But when I was staying
last winter at a fashionable hotel in
New York, I was robbed of money,
jewels, and clothing the night of my
arrival.'
Nor could I discover any substantia-
tion of the oft-repeated assertion that
positions of trust in Japanese banks are
held by Chinese. Certainly this is not
true of Japanese-controlled institutions,
such as the Yokohama Specie Bank,
the Bank of Japan, and the Dai Ichi
Ginko, as I can attest from personal
observation. It is true that Chinese
are employed in considerable numbers
in fiduciary positions in the Japanese
branches of foreign banks, such as the
Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Cor-
poration and the Bank of India, Aus-
tralia & New Zealand; but these have
generally come over from China with
the banks' European officials, their em-
ployment denoting no lack of faith in
Japanese integrity. Yet such stories,
spread broadcast by superficial and
usually prejudiced observers, have
helped to give Americans a totally er-
roneous impression of the Japanese.
My personal opinion is that com-
mercial dishonesty in Japan is directly
traceable to the contempt in which
merchants were long held in that
country. Until quite recent years the
position of the merchant in Japan was
analogous to that of the Jew in the
Europe of the Middle Ages. He was at
the bottom of the social scale. At the
top was the noble; then came the
samurai, or professional fighting man;
followed in turn the farmer and the
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
artisan; and last of all came the mer-
chant. The farmer and the artisan have
always held a higher place than the
merchant because they are producers,
whereas the merchant has been looked
upon as a huckster, a haggler, a bar-
gainer, who made his living by his wits.
The Japanese merchant, moreover, has
had barely half a century in which to
learn the game of business as it is
played in the West. Coming from a
despised and down-trodden class, is it
any wonder that in that brief span he
has not wholly eradicated his ancient
methods, that he has not yet acquired
all our Western virtues and ideals?
Let us be fair in judging him. The Jew
has been under the influence of the West
for two thousand years, yet his business
ethics are not always beyond reproach.
There is yet another reason for the
doubtful business methods practised by
many Japanese merchants. And that
reason, curiously enough, was provided
by ourselves. It was Kei Hara, Prime
Minister of Japan, — himself a business
man and the first commoner to hold
the position of premier, — who brought
this to my attention.
'You should not forget that my
people learned what they know of
modern business methods from you
Americans/ he reminded me. 'It was
your Commodore Perry who, in the
face of Japanese opposition, opened
Japan to American commerce. It was
from the American traders who fol-
lowed him that the Japanese received
their first lessons in the business ethics
of the West. The early American
traders, in the methods they practised,
provided the Japanese with anything
but a laudable example. If they could
cheat a Japanese, they considered it
highly creditable; they took advantage
of his ignorance by giving him inferior
goods and by driving sharp bargains;
they constantly bamboozled him. Is it
any wonder, then, that the Japanese
merchant, patterning his methods on
those pursued by the Americans,
adopted American commercial trickery
along with other things? But, mind
you/ he added, 'I am not condoning
commercial trickery among my people.
I am only explaining it.'
IV
We now come to a consideration of
the political factor in Japanese-Amer-
ican relations. In order to estimate this
factor at its true importance, it is nec-
essary to envisage the trying political
situation in which Japan finds herself.
Since their victory over the Russians
in 1904 the Japanese have seen them-
selves gradually encircled by a ring of
unsympathetic and suspicious, if not
openly hostile peoples. Overshadowing
the Island Empire on the north is the
great bulk of Bolshevist Russia, still
smarting from the memories of the Yalu
River and Port Arthur, and bitterly
resentful of Japan's military occupation
of Eastern Siberia and Northern Sak-
halin. Every patriotic Russian feels
that Japan, in occupying these terri-
tories, has taken unfair advantage of
Russia's temporary helplessness; he
listens cynically to the protestations of
the Japanese Government that it has
occupied them merely in order to keep
at arm's length the menace of Bol-
shevism, and that it will withdraw its
troops as soon as a stable and friendly
government is established in Russia.
To the west, the Koreans, though
now officially Japanese subjects, are in
a state of incipient revolt, to which
they have been driven by the excesses
of the Japanese military and the harsh-
ness of Japanese rule. To the south-
east, China, huge and inert, loathes and
fears her island neighbor, their common
hatred of Japan being the one tie which
binds the diverse elements of the Re-
public together. As a protest against
544
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
Japanese aggression in Manchuria and
Shantung, the Chinese have instituted
a boycott of Japanese goods, which is
gravely affecting Japanese commerce
throughout the Farther East. In re-
gions as remote from the seat of the
controversy as the Celebes and Borneo
and Java and Siam, I found Japanese
merchants being forced out of business
because the Chinese refused to trade
with them or to have business relations
with anyone else who traded with them.
In Formosa, taken from China as spoils
of war in 1895, the head-hunting sav-
ages who inhabit the mountains of the
interior remain unsubjugated, only the
Guard Line, a series of armed block-
houses connected by electrically charged
entanglements, standing between the
Japanese settlers and massacre.
In the Philippines, there is always
present the bogey of Japanese imperial-
ism, both the Filipinos and the Amer-
ican residents being convinced that
Japan is looking forward to the day
when she can add these rich and tempt-
ing islands to her possessions. In far-
distant Australia and New Zealand the
Japanese are distrusted and disliked,
stringent legislative measures having
recently been adopted to prevent fur-
ther Japanese immigration into those
commonwealths. On the Pacific coast
of the United States and Canada a vio-
lent anti-Japanese agitation is in full
swing, new and severer legislation be-
ing constantly directed against them.
In Hawaii the Japanese already out-
number all the other elements of the
population put together.
Influenced by the attitude of her
great overseas dominions, and fearful
of its effect on her relations with the
United States, England is gravely con-
sidering the advisability of renewing
her alliance with Japan when it ter-
minates next year. Holland, having
ever in the front of her mind her great,
rich colonies in the East Indies, looks
with a suspicious eye on Japan's steady
territorial expansion and on the sig-
nificant increase in the strength of her
military and naval establishments.
France, ever seeking new markets,
views with alarm Japan's attempt to
dominate China commercially. And
Germany is not likely either to forget
or to forgive the taking of Tsing-Tau
and her former insular possessions in
the Pacific. To-day Japan is as com-
pletely isolated, as universally dis-
trusted, as was Germany at the begin-
ning of 1914. Not only has she aroused
the suspicions of the peoples of the
West, but she has alienated her neigh-
bors in the East.
The Japanese have been hurt and
bewildered by this almost universal
distrust of them. Yet, instead of at-
tempting to win back the good-will of
the West, which was theirs until little
more than a dozen years ago, by giving
convincing proofs of their peaceable in-
tentions; instead of making an effort
to regain the confidence of half a bil-
lion Chinese and Russians by a prompt
withdrawal from their soil, the Jap-
anese have made the psychological mis-
take of adopting an attitude of stub-
bornness and defiance. They have
replied to criticisms by embarking on a
military programme which will make
them the greatest military power on
earth; their naval programme calls for
a neck-and-neck shipbuilding race with
the United States; in Siberia they have
strengthened their occupational forces
instead of showing a disposition to
withdraw them. They seem utterly in-
capable of realizing that the world has
the very best of reasons for being sus-
picious of imperialistic nations; that it
is in no mood to tolerate anything sa-
voring of militarism. The peoples of the
earth had hoped that those policies had
passed with the Hohenzollerns.
(To be continued)
NOTES ON ECONOMY AND DISARMAMENT
BY SAMUEL W. McCALL
THERE is probably nothing related
to government that is advocated more
and practised less than economy. It is
a theme that lends itself easily to dis-
course which rarely, if ever, material-
izes in action. The party that is out is
always bewailing the extravagance and
criminal wastefulness of the party that
is in. And when the people show them-
selves credulous enough to entrust the
critics with power, the only difference
likely to be seen is in an increased ex-
travagance and waste. The fervor of
the promise is usually found to be hi in-
verse ratio to] the amount of perform-
ance that is vouchsafed.
There has never at any period been
a greater demand, or a more alluring
opportunity, for economy in govern-
ment than in that period which began
when the World War came to an end,
November 11, 1918. Expenditure had
never attained a higher peak. Our great
wealth and the tremendous stake in-
volved, which was nothing less than
the freedom of nations and the continu-
ance of civilization, had justified an
expenditure colossal beyond all prece-
dent.
It was not merely that all money
that might be needed should be expend-
ed, but all money that might seem to
be needed, even if in the end it should
appear that it was wasted. A prudent
government could take no chances of
losing the war by spending too little, if
any of the money that was saved
might do good. Subject to the impera-
tive demand for honesty, the resources
of the country were all to be employed,
VOL. its— NO. 4
E
if only they might be of use, even if,
like so many shells that were fairly
fired at the enemy and did not reach
him, much of what was expended did
not appear to have any influence upon
the result.
The need of such vast expenditure
came abruptly to an end on the day of
the Armistice. It became then at once
necessary that all the energy previously
employed in spending should be de-
voted to saving. And when Congress
was in session the following spring, and
our soldiers had returned to this coun-
try and been disbanded; when our mu-
nition factories had ceased their opera-
tion, and employment was dwindling,
and the mass of our people was begin-
ning to feel the first keen pinches of ex-
cessive taxation, it became the para-
mount duty of Congress ruthlessly to
cut expenditure to the bone. But to pass
over the debatable transition period
when deficiencies were to be met, and
to make no exalted demand upon the
first Congress after the war, surely
'normalcy' in expenditure must be
indeed a coy creature if she cannot be
prevailed upon to show herself by the
Congress that emerged from the throes
of the last presidential campaign, and
convened nearly two years and a half
after fighting had ceased. The ex-
penditure of the present fiscal year
should be little greater than the normal
expenditure of the government, with
the exceptions to which I shall here-
after refer. Not to show results at this
time would be wholly without justifica-
tion, and those results should not be
545
NOTES ON ECONOMY AND DISARMAMENT
expressed in a few coppers saved here
and there, — a paltry reward for so
much eloquence about extravagance,
— but should reach into billions.
At the end of the Civil War the
South was impoverished and was an
unfruitful field for the tax-gatherer.
A fifth of the present population of the
country was at the moment staggering
under a burden of expenditure as great,
when the difference in wealth is con-
sidered, as that which rested upon us
after the World War. And yet the
statesmen of that period resolutely
cut down expenditure and taxation,
attacked our enormous debt, and put
it in process of extinction. We should
do well now to imitate the spirit they
then displayed.
At the beginning of the World War
the operation of all the machinery of
our government cost, in a round sum, a
billion dollars. That this amount was
not generally regarded as representing
an economical basis may be inferred
from what the leaders of each party
said about the other when each party
had in turn expended substantially a
like sum. But as against this billion,
we are told that, for the fiscal year
which runs through the winter and well
into the summer of the fourth year after
the Armistice, four and a half billions
are needed. There would appear to be
little need of our having more govern-
ment now than before the war; but
granting that fifty per cent more gov-
ernment is necessary, an additional
five hundred million dollars would be
required, which is more than the total
annual cost of the government under
Cleveland. We should add to that the
billion dollars necessary to pay the
interest upon the war-debt; and then,
to be generous, if not, indeed, extrava-
gant, five hundred millions more may
be added, to cover contingencies. We
should then have a cool three billions,
or three tunes the amount required just
before we entered the war. What need
— or, indeed, excuse — is there for
spending more than three billion dol-
lars during the present fiscal year? But
when four and a half billions are de-
manded, one may fairly ask whether
the resources of statesmanship have
been seriously employed, much less,
exhausted.
Useless expenditure will attempt to
fasten itself upon the treasury, and the
life of the emergencies which make it
necessary will be protracted by every
art. But if it js attacked with resolution,
it will yield.
An instance of this is shown in the
reduction of our army. It was proposed
to cut the army to 150,000 men, and a
variety of objections was urged against
the proposal. The one seeming to have
the most merit was that contracts of
enlistment had already been made, and
the government would need to repudiate
many of its contracts with its soldiers
in order to make the reduction. But
Congress, to its credit, insisted upon
cutting down the army; and, almost
before the bill had passed, the reduction
was effected. The men were very will-
ing to be released from their contracts.
To cut off a billion and a half of
expenditure more than is now proposed
would go far toward emancipating the
productive energies of the country, and
toward that revival of industry which
is so necessary to the restoration of
prosperity, and especially to the reem-
ployment of labor.
There is an intimate relation between
the expenditure of government and
what is called disarmament, in which
Mr. Borah has so nobly led. A great
saving of public money would un-
doubtedly result from putting in force
an international agreement making a
radical reduction in armaments; and
no harm could come to any nation if the
reduction were made proportional and
world-wide. Very great items in mili-
NOTES ON ECONOMY AND DISARMAMENT
547
tary expenditure, grouped under the
title of the 'cost of past wars,' would of
course be untouched. The interest up-
on war-debts, and the pension rolls
would still remain.
Disarmament also would have a dis-
tinct bearing upon the future peace of
the world. Sometimes the possession
of powerful armaments might tempt
nations to use them. It would be a very
great thing to do away wholly, by gen-
eral agreement, with many of those ter-
rible engines which have been devised
simply for the destruction of man. If
in mythical times, as I have at another
time said, a single one of our modern
dreadnaughts or submarines had been
seen upon the ocean, whoever should
have destroyed such an enemy of man-
kind would have received the general
applause of the world, as did the hero
who slew the fabled Hydra. How im-
measurably greater then would be the
fame of him who should to-day make
free our oceans, swarming with these
monsters, and send them all to the
bottom.
But there is extremely little likeli-
hood of such a result. The portents of
modern war have ceased to spread
terror among a race which sets no limit
upon its daring. If the old Hydra
should come back in our time, and
should appear to be more horrible than
the other engines of destruction, it is
likely that our munition-makers would
at once take it up and attempt to
reproduce great numbers' of the mon-
ster, and our appropriation bills would
doubtless supply suitable sums for
their purchase. To carry out a sweep-
ing disarmament would imply a radical
change of view with regard to war,
which would be very wholesome.
But we must guard against any
illusions regarding the effect of a
reduction of armament, extreme or
otherwise, upon the likelihood of war.
Such a policy would not go to the root
of the peace-problem. Neither reduc-
tion of armaments nor complete dis-
armament would furnish a sufficient
solution.
Our country declared war in 1812,
when it had practically no army at all.
Cleveland sent his warlike Venezuelan
message to Congress in 1894, when
we were defenseless against England.
France declared war against Germany
hi 1870, with hardly half the military
strength that her adversary possessed.
Time and again nations with relatively
weak armaments have embarked upon
war. For very many years the laws of
England recognized only the militia,
whose training was limited to fourteen
days a year; and Macaulay, in his lively
fashion, wrote of the concern of patriots
at staking the independence of then-
country upon the result of a contest
between ploughmen officered by justices
of the peace and veteran warriors led
by marshals of France. And yet Eng-
land and her kings more than once took
the chances and went to war. Nations
will still have their differences, and
under the present system they are
likely to go to war to settle them, or to
attain their ambitions, even if they all
have weak armies and navies, or none
at all.
War has become a matter largely of
chemistry, and a nation might rely
upon its superior laboratories in order
quickly to blow up or poison its ad-
versary. It might rely upon its supe-
rior proficiency in the art of flying,
and its flocks of commercial air-planes
would be at once available for warlike
use. It requires no argument to prove
that the military microbe, which has
infected the blood of man for un-
counted centuries, still persists. Unless
nations shall provide some way to set-
tle their controversies peaceably, they
can be relied upon now and then to
settle them by force. Thus, while a
material reduction of armaments will
548
NOTES ON ECONOMY AND DISARMAMENT
bring about a welcome saving, it will
leave the general question of peace far
from a final settlement.
It is indispensable that there should
be an arrangement among nations to
resort to some peaceful method of set-
tling differences before taking up arms,
and scarcely less necessary if they have
no armaments at all than if they pos-
sess them.
The plan with which Mr. Wilson
associated his name may have been far
from perfect in all its details, but it
was the noblest attempt at practical
idealism that has ever been made by
any statesman. It was evident that
there must be some general and central
agreement to outlaw war, and that
the nations must band themselves to-
gether for that purpose, or that wars
would happen in the future just as
they had happened in the past. It
was just as evident, also, that another
general war, with the methods of war-
fare that have come in, as barbarous
as they are destructive, might mean the
obliteration of civilization, if not the
extinction of the race.
It is objected that such an arrange-
ment would infringe upon the sover-
eignty of nations. Precisely the same
objection might be made against an
agreement for the reduction of arma-
ments. What more sovereign power is
there in a nation, and what one is more
necessary to its preservation than the
power to arm? If by agreement it
consents to put a limitation upon this
power, it could as well be argued that
it was limiting its sovereignty. But
the right of a nation to shoot up the
world and to endanger civilization
should be limited, just as the right of
an individual to shoot up the communi-
ty in which he lives is limited.
Any treaty obligation is, in the sense
in which the argument has been ad-
vanced, a limitation upon sovereignty,
that is, a limitation upon the power of
a nation to do anything it may choose.
In order to meet the requirement of
such a claim, we should have interna-
tional anarchy, when each nation
would be subject to no law of nations,
but only to its own will and to such
self-imposed notions of righteousness
as it might see fit to recognize and put
in force. So long as the area of law is
circumscribed within the boundaries of
states, and separate aggregations of
men do not come within its sway, we
shall have a lawless universe. The
right of collective bodies of men to
murder, pillage, and commit piracy
against their neighbors is no greater
than that of the individual, and the
assertion of such a right involves a
brutal and barbarous conception of a
nation, which should at once be brought
to an end.
But we are told that the thing has
all been settled by the last election;
and Mr. Harvey, having referred to the
little glory, at his own appraisal, with
which we emerged from the war, de-
,clares that we are to have no part in
the League. That, he tells us, was de-
creed by America by 7,000,000 major-
ity. It must be conceded that, if we
are to accept any part of the League,
we are proceeding in that direction
with impressive deliberation. Perhaps
we are to come to it by way of the
Pacific. But as to the significance of
the sweeping majority, a distinguish-
ed and influential group of Republi-
cans, headed by Mr. Taft, Mr. Hughes,
and Mr. Root, told us before the elec-
tion that the only way to enter the
League was to have a Republican vic-
tory. Then, too, we must not overlook
the fact that great race-groups were
functioning and voting with reference
to their fatherlands. No one can tell
just what was decreed by the voters
— whether the amended League of
Messrs. Hughes and Root, or the no
league of Messrs. Johnson and Harvey.
NOTES ON ECONOMY AND DISARMAMENT
549
After one of the tremendous tides
sometimes following a heavy storm
at sea, the waters reach heights before
almost unknown, and it seems doubtful
whether the old landmarks will ever
again appear. But on the next day,
perhaps, when the sun shines and the
waters have gone back to the old level,
the only result one can see of the far-
thundering upheaval is that there are
scattered upon the sand some strange
little creatures such as were never
seen before, which have been thrown
up from the nether realms and will
disappear with the next tide. Even the
familiar bones of some old wreck are
still there, and, as if more widely to
proclaim their uselessness, are even
pushed up higher upon the sands.
In the same way, great results in pol-
itics are not apt to come to pass from
what are called * tidal waves.' Grandilo-
quent majorities sometimes indicate
that the political atmosphere is seeking
its equilibrium by a tempest, and that
the settled current of popular opinion
may ultimately blow in the opposite
direction. The sweeping victory of
Pierce, in 1852, for example, settled
nothing, and a reaction set in which
nullified his victory. Only the most
commonplace results followed upon
the triumphant election of the first
Harrison. But Lincoln, chosen by a
mere plurality, with the majority of
all votes cast for other candidates, and
Wilson, another plurality president,
creeping in between Taf t and Roosevelt,
were linked with things that shaped
destiny and shook the world. To bor-
row an instance from across the sea
— the Kaiser has not yet been hanged,
notwithstanding the astonishing vic-
tory of Mr. Lloyd George, with that
among his assortment of issues, three
years ago. Generally, anything has
been settled by tidal waves except the
thing about which the politicians have
most fiercely declaimed.
If nothing is to be done by our coun-
try upon the peace-problem except a
cutting down of armaments, the work
of garnering the supreme result of the
war will remain undone. When the
fighting was ended, the almost univer-
sal opinion of the country would have
found expression in the phrase so
pathetically reiterated by President
Harding on the return to the country
of thousands of our fallen heroes: 'It
must not be again.'
If, upon the day of the Armistice,
President Wilson had declared that, in
the treaty which he was to negotiate, he
would not consent to our entering into
any combination of nations to outlaw
war, it is impossible to believe that, in
that moment of victory, his declaration
would not have been received with
general execration. Of one thing we
may be sure — as a result of such a
reversal, peace would have had cham-
pions new and strange, and there
would have been a radically different
cast appearing afterward hi the roles
of the morning stars singing together
for joy. But the issue was adjourned,
and the pressing duty of the hour was
put off. It seemed to become stale.
Eternal debate took the place of action.
Our memories became blunted, as year
after year the grass sprang up anew on
the French battlefields.
But the course to be taken is as clear
before us to-day as it was two years or
more ago. There is already formed a
union of nations, of which, with scarcely
an exception, all the nations of the West-
ern Hemisphere are members except
our own. Germany, it is understood, is
willing to join when the right to do so
shall be given her. Russia is at this
time too dismembered and chaotic to
speak with the voice of national author-
ity upon any subject. In effect, Amer-
ica is the only part of the organized
world that stands aloof. Let us make
clear the conditions upon which we will
550
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
join hands with the civilized nations.
The choice is clearly before us. We can
show ourselves willing that the world
should go on, as it has gone, exposed to
the danger that some maniac may throw
the brand that will wrap the universe in
flames, and then we may marshal and
consume our wealth, and drag our boys
patriotism send them to destruction; or
we may play the part of reasonable
creatures and unite with the rest of the
world to make the thing measurably
impossible by extending the reign of
law over nations. Not to choose the
latter course would be basely to array
ourselves with the forces at war with
from their mothers, and with paeans of civilization.
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
BY S. C. VESTAL
THE world has long been seeking to
solve the great problem of the main-
tenance of peace. War is as old as
man; and he who wishes to limit its rav-
ages may learn its most useful lessons
from some rather old books — Thucy-
dides, Demosthenes, Grotius, and our
own Federalist. To the neglect of these
lessons we may lay the carnage of the
last seven years and the futile efforts
to form a league of nations. If we would
put aside our prepossessions, and study
a few books that may be found in any
good library, we might easily learn
what may and may not be done to
eliminate war. In the matter of pre-
venting war, nothing is so absurd that
it has not been advanced by some writer.
What is most needed is a statement of
the problem. We may safely assume,
for the purpose of this study, that hu-
man nature is unchanging, — though it
varies greatly in different races, — and
that morality is stationary.
A sharp distinction must be carefully
kept in mind between domestic and
international peace, and between civil
and international wars. Much of the
confusion and incoherence of thought
about peace and war is due to our
failure to make this distinction.
International war and civil or do-
mestic war are separate and distinct
phenomena. An international war is a
contest between nations or states; a
civil or domestic war is a contest be-
tween parts of the same nation or state.
The character of the military operations
is very much alike in both cases; but
the political problems involved are as
far apart as the poles. Nevertheless,
we continually meet people in search of
a formula that would have prevented
the American Revolution and the Boer
War, which were civil wars within the
British Empire, and the great interna-
tional war of 1914. No one with sufficient
logic to distinguish these cases expects
to find a specific for civil wars. There
is none, except good government; but
it is not infallible. We shall first con-
sider civil wars.
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
551
It is a fundamental doctrine of free
government, as stated by Mr. Lincoln,
that any people anywhere, being in-
clined and having the power, has the
right to rise up and shake off the exist-
ing government, and form a new one
that suits it better. This right is not
confined to cases where the whole people
may choose to exercise it, but extends
to a majority of any portion of a people.
Such a majority is justified, and never
hesitates, in putting down a minority
intermingled with it, as were the Tories
in our own Revolution and the loyal
Union men in the Southern Confeder-
acy during the Civil War.
On the other hand, if parts of a state
were permitted to secede without let or
hindrance, it would soon be dismem-
bered; and, if the rule prevailed gener-
ally, the world would be delivered to
private war and chaos, as was Europe
in the ninth and tenth centuries of the
Christian era. The shades of night
would descend upon the world. It is
necessary to the existence of civiliza-
tion that every state resist rebels with
all its might rather than let itself be
dissolved into innumerable small com-
munities. War against rebels is justi-
fied by the great law of self-preserva-
tion. No one can gainsay the right of
sovereignty to deny the right to re-
volt. 'We do not want to dissolve the
Union,' said Mr. Lincoln on the eve of
a great crisis in our national history;
'you shall not.'
In every epoch of human existence,
civil wars have caused far greater loss
of life than international wars. More
lives were sacrificed in the Taiping re-
bellion in China, than in all the inter-
national wars in the period between
Napoleon's victory at Marengo, June
14, 1800, and the Armistice of Novem-
ber 11, 1918. The greater number of
the states of the world are prompted by
domestic considerations in determining
the strength of their armed forces,
although this fact, in regard to any
particular state, is rarely recognized by
statesmen in their public utterances.
For obvious reasons the danger of for-
eign invasion is always alleged as the
reason for appropriations for armed
forces. Internal conditions in every
European state make necessary a for-
midable army to preserve domestic
tranquillity; and the armaments in
North and South America are, with a
few exceptions, determined by similar
needs. In 1914 the armaments of about
fifteen states exceeded domestic re-
quirements by reason of armament
competition.
Prior to the World War the strength
of our army was fixed almost wholly by
the requirements of domestic peace, and
our military expenditures were largely
caused by civil strife. The American
Union was not saved by oratory. It
was saved by the blood which dyed the
slopes of Gettysburg; it was saved by
the determination of the bravest of its
people. The first generations of Amer-
icans after the Revolution pushed the
right of revolution to the utmost limits;
the generation after the Civil War ap-
preciated the right of governments to
exert their full strength to put down
rebellion.
A majority of existing governments
would be overthrown immediately by
rebels if their armed forces were dis-
banded or seriously reduced, and all
the newly established governments
would face the same predicament. It is
worthy of note that the strength of the
British army has been determined in
time of peace mainly by the necessity
of keeping order in the dominions under
the British flag; and that no govern-
ment of France would face the possi-
bility of a second Commune or a new
French Revolution without the ready
and loyal support of at least three
hundred thousand men.
It is the duty of a state to maintain
552
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
peace within its borders, and every
state must, for purely domestic reasons,
have power to raise and support armies
and maintain a navy. This power must
exist without limitation, because it is
impossible to foresee or to define the ex-
tent and variety of the national emer-
gencies. No shackles, therefore, can
wisely be placed upon the authorities
to whom the maintenance of domes-
tic peace is committed. Competitions
in armaments do not arise from the
presence in the world of the armed
forces necessary to maintain domestic
peace.
The test of a country's fitness for
self-government is its ability to main-
tain domestic peace. The power that
protects a country from outside inter-
ference is bound, by the law of nations
and its duty to foreign nations, to pre-
serve order within the protected area.
To expect England, for instance, to
withdraw from India, renouncing all
responsibility for the domestic peace of
the land, but continuing to protect it
from invasion, as so many demand, is
an absurdity in thought, which recalls
the petition of the Filipino munici-
pality for Philippine independence and
an increase in the local garrison of
United States soldiers. Self-government
is of the nature of a faculty; it should
be the privilege of those who are able
to develop the faculty.
Any scheme of disarmament which
reduces the armed forces of a state
below the requirements for domestic
tranquillity must provide for interven-
tion of armed forces from abroad — an
intolerable contingency for any peo-
ple possessing the faculty of self-gov-
ernment. The problem of maintaining
domestic peace confronts every gov-
ernment on the planet, and it would
confront, in an aggravated form, any
world-state that might be erected to
eliminate international war — a subject
which now claims our attention.
II
Periodically some bandit nation runs
wild and strikes a league with the Turks,
the professional revolutionists, the dis-
contented, and the ignorant of all na-
tions, and seeks to impose its rule upon
the world in the name of liberty and the
freedom of the seas. We cannot get rid
of these peoples and we cannot get
rid of their will to rule us and reform us
by violent means; nor can we induce
them to subside into inactivity, with-
out the use of force of some kind.
In coming to the rescue of the Allies
who were resisting the efforts of Ger-
many, the latest of these bandits, to
impose her despotic rule upon the world,
the United States was obeying the Law
of Mutual Aid,1 which has impelled
threatened nations, throughout record-
ed history, to aid one another against
aggressive powers that menaced their
liberties. It is the law that impelled the
nations to unite against Cyrus, Da-
rius, Philip of Macedon, Alexander,
Republican Rome, England under the
Plantagenets, Charles V, Philip II, Fer-
dinand II, Louis XIV, the French Re-
public, Napoleon, and, finally, Imperial
Germany. It is a law of nature, which
persists unaffected by the wrecks of re-
publics and empires and the change of
creeds, the same yesterday, to-day, and
forever. It is beyond the power of fate,
and no intellectual revolution can sup-
press or alter it.
1 1 have taken this term from a suggestion in
Vattel, in order to avoid the expression 'Bal-
ance of Power,' which signifies the same thing,
but is misunderstood and misapplied by nearly
all recent popular writers. In common parlance
the Balance of Power means the balancing of one
power or state against another, or of coalitions
of powers against each other. Article X of the
League of Nations is an excellent definition of
the Balance of Power, or Law of Mutual Aid;
but its advocates exclaim loudly against the Bal-
ance of Power, and say there must be no more of
it. Does this come from ignorance or a willful
abuse of language? — THE AUTHOR.
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
553
Prance, in accordance with the prin-
ciple, recently came to the rescue of
Poland when she was apparently in her
last agonies. This universal law has
been scoffed at by the demagogues of
all nations, living and extinct, who have
appealed to the opposite principle of
neutrality; but when the occasion has
come, they have followed the law with-
out knowing it. This law is embodied
in our Constitution in the clause which
requires that the 'United States . . .
shall protect each of them [the states]
against invasion,' not only from abroad
but from each other, as the seceding
Confederate States learned at Antietam
and Gettysburg; it is embodied in its
most gracious and pleasing form in the
Monroe Doctrine, whereby the United
States virtually guarantees every Amer-
ican nation, regardless of its form of
government, against invasion by any
non-American state.
Germany began the war in 1914, in
the belief that the Law of Mutual Aid
did not exist, or, as the German Chan-
cellor expressed it in his speech of De-
cember 2, 1914, that the 'balance of
power . . . had become out of date
and was no longer practicable.' She be-
lieved that the passionate attachment
of the nations to the doctrine of neu-
trality would enable her to isolate and
attack her immediate neighbors with-
out the danger of intervention of other
countries. She found to her sorrow that
the law did exist, and that nation after
nation joined the forces arrayed against
her, until she became an outlaw among
nations. If the Germans had realized
the inevitable fate that awaited them,
when they began their war of aggres-
sion in 1914; if Prince Bismarck, who
thoroughly understood the law and
carefully kept Germany from becoming
its victim, had been at the helm, they
would not have begun it; nor would they
have piled up great armaments in prep-
aration for a great war of aggression.
But how, we may ask, are the states-
men to be enlightened, who are usually
at the head of the two or three aggres-
sive nations of the world? The answer
to this question will solve the arma-
ment competition question therapeu-
tically, armaments being merely a
symptom of a disease.
The answer is as old as Demosthenes,
and may be found in nearly every one
of his orations. Mr. Wilson recognized
the malady, diagnosed it correctly, and
sought to treat it therapeutically. A
correct diagnosis is not always followed
by correct treatment, and those who
agree least with Mr. Wilson's remedy
would do well to examine his diagnosis
with care. It was a bold and remark-
able confession of error, that the man
who appealed to Americans at the be-
ginning of the World War to be neutral
in thought and action, publicly stated,
when his eyes were opened, that neu-
trality in such a war is intolerable, and
finally signed a treaty designed to abol-
ish neutrality in war, and even sought
to deprive his successors in office of the
discretionary power which he himself
had exercised in the tragic months of
July and August, 1914.
The civilized world is a community
of free commonwealths. The forcible
absorption of any one of these by an-
other is contrary to the interests of the
rest, as the state thus aggrandized be-
comes a menace to its neighbors. The
Law of Mutual Aid, founded purely
upon self-interest, prompts nations to
come to the aid of states threatened with
absorption, in whole or in part, by pow-
erful neighbors; the doctrine of neu-
trality, one of the fundamental bases
of modern international law, which is
largely designed to favor conquest, bids
nations, so long as they are not actually
attacked, to sit idly by, neutral in
thought and deed, while neighboring
states are being crushed by superior
might.
554
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
Mr. Wilson put his finger upon the
disease; neutrality is not the way to
peace between free commonwealths;
it is the way to the peace which exists
under despotism. The world will adopt
peaceful habits only when the ambi-
tious aggressor among nations is as cer-
tain to encounter overwhelming force
as would be the aggressor among the
states of the American Union.
How may this certainty be secured?
It is not enough that a state should
merely avoid aggression. To preserve
peace and independence, something
further is needed. While it is impossible
to rely upon the self-restraint of na-
tions, it is possible to limit their ag-
gressions. A country that aspires to con-
quest is the most vicious of wild beasts.
We cannot exempt ourselves from its
attacks by resolving to avoid them.
The negative policy of curbing one's
own ambition must therefore be sup-
plemented by a positive programme.
Does the Law of Mutual Aid lead to
a new Holy Alliance? No, since the
Holy Alliance aimed only at prevent-
ing revolutions arising within national
boundaries, and had nothing in common
with the measures designed to prevent
one state from attacking another. It is
well, of course, to remember that radi-
cal revolutionary governments tear up
previous treaties. No treaty with the
Tsar's government binds the Bolshe-
viki. -Revolutionary governments are
invariably aggressive toward other
nations. The French Republic, in a
single campaign, gained greater suc-
cesses than all previous monarchs of
France. Toward revolutionary govern-
ments it is wise to pursue a policy of
non-intervention, but nations must be
prepared to meet their aggressions.
Ill
Before we consider what may be done
to facilitate the natural operation of the
Law of Mutual Aid, it is well to point
out the ways that must be avoided.
A super-state, a government over
governments, such as the League of
Nations, is, from its nature, doomed to
failure. It is a confederation, as op-
posed to a federation, which is a gov-
ernment over individual human beings.
The United States is a federation, and,
as a government, is efficient, because it
legislates for individuals, has power to
tax them and to command their serv-
ices, and can compel obedience by the
process of a court.
A confederation legislates for gov-
ernments, lives by doles from govern-
ments which collect from individuals,
and can compel the obedience of the
subordinate states only by acts of war.
In a confederation every breach of law
involves a state of war. When a con-
federation is under the control of a strong
coercing state, as were the Roman Re-
public and the Assyrian Empire, its his-
tory is marked by civil wars. It was
such a form of government that Ger-
many intended to give to the world. A
confederation which is not under such
control — such as the United States
under the Articles of Confederation and
the League of Nations — is a mere
semblance of government, the shadow
without the substance, built of wrong
materials, and resting upon no founda-
tions whatsoever.
It is futile to think of forming a su-
per-state by conferring upon it the
power to make peace and war, without
giving it the power of unlimited taxation
directly upon the men and women of
the world. Whoever controls the purse
controls the sword. This fact is recog-
nized in the rule of unanimity required
for important acts in every confedera-
tion of the soft-core type. Such a rule
is a sure indication of a government
based upon unsound principles.
A belief in the efficacy of arbitration
as a bloodless substitute for interna-
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
555
tional war has become a part of the
habitual thought of the world; but sen-
sible men must be on their guard against
this cup of enchantments. Nations do
not go to war over things that can
be arbitrated, and arbitration treaties
serve only as caustic irritants of the
relations between states. The fallacy
in arbitration lies in the fact that the
causes of war, being political in their
nature, can be settled only by political
agencies, never by courts of justice.
The pretexts upon which nations de-
clare war are a mere covering brought
forward to conceal the real political
cause, which is invariably the desire for
conquest. To arbitrate the pretext is
like treating the symptoms in medical
practice. International arbitration, as
a means of applying the principles of
justice to the causes which lead to war,
is a farce.
In no known instance could arbitra-
tion treaties have averted war. In
every case the aggressor began hostili-
ties for the purpose of making conquest.
He had made up his mind to break
treaties, and an arbitration treaty is as
easily broken as any other. Moreover,
nations are unwilling to impawn their
future being and action by binding
themselves to abide by the irrevocable
decisions of judges who base their
opinions upon what they decide is the
law; nor are they willing to confer legis-
lative power upon judges by authoriz-
ing them to say what shall be the law.
Nations cannot afford to enter into
an agreement that will permit other na-
tions to hale them into court, to answer
for political acts which may or may not
lead to war. To do so is to resign their
governments into the hands of the
court. Those who advocate such action
take no heed of the fixed unwillingness
of men to settle political matters, either
domestic or international, by judicial
means.
In regard to proposals to postpone
actual hostilities until there can be an
investigation as to the merits of a con-
troversy, it may be said at once that
there are never any merits in the 'con-
troversy.' The quarrels of nations that
are not bent upon conquest begin and
end in words, and no elaborate machin-
ery for making investigations is neces-
sary hi such cases. The aggressions of
the international bandit aiming at the
conquest of weaker nations can be
stayed only by the known readiness of
nations to aid each other in case of at-
tack. Nations that seek protection in
treaties of investigation and arbitration
are foolish.
IV
We shall now consider the positive
measures that may be taken to avert
international war.
The nations have been able to pre-
serve their independence against ban-
dit states only by long and bloody wars.
How may they preserve their liberty
without the necessity of waging these
wars? Surely in no other way than by
making it unmistakably evident that
inevitable defeat awaits the ambitious
aggressor. Positive measures for the
maintenance of international peace
must be based upon the Law of Mutual
Aid, and must recognize the fact that
the control of the sword cannot be taken
from the hands of the great legislative
assemblies which now control, and
which seem destined to control for all
time, the nations' purse-strings.
Two methods, both of which are tried
and approved deterrents of war, meet
these requirements.
1. The first method is by defensive
alliance treaties, of which the treaty
long subsisting between England and
Portugal is a good example. The ob-
jection to such treaties is that one or
more of the parties may begin a war of
aggression and claim assistance, as when
the aggressive French Republic claimed
556
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
the assistance of the United States dur-
ing Washington's administration, and
Germany and Austria claimed the as-
sistance of Italy in their war of aggres-
sion in 1914. It should be observed that
thejstate whose assistance is claimed un-
der such a treaty is judge of the occa-
sion — a right which the United States
and Italy asserted and made good. A
general defensive alliance treaty, in
which, to copy the language of our Con-
stitution, the United States 'shall pro-
tect each of them against invasion,' has
much to recommend it. After the
treaty of alliance with France lapsed
and was declared at an end, the United
States did not renew it, and she has
carefully avoided such treaties. She
has refused upon more than one occa-
sion to embody the principles of the
Monroe Doctrine into a defensive al-
liance treaty with the nations of the
American continent. It is therefore
idle for us to discuss this phase of the
subject.
2. The second method is by legis-
lative declarations of policy, such as
that contained in the preamble of the
Annual Mutiny Act prior to 1867,
which stated that one of the purposes
of the British army was * the preserva-
tion of the balance of power in Europe ' ;
or by executive declarations of policy
similar to that enunciated by Mr.
Monroe, in which the nation, through
its executive, announces that the in-
vasion of one state by another will be
regarded as an unfriendly act by the
state making the declaration. The
Monroe Doctrine is, in effect, a spon-
taneous offer of assistance, on the part
of a nation which refuses to enter into
defensive alliances, to all the states of
the New World against any non-
American state that may attack any
of them. It leaves the nation free to
adopt such measures as it may see fit
to pursue, and makes it judge of the
time and the occasion. It is stronger
than any treaty, and has been a most
potent deterrent of war and conquest.
However unfriendly an American re-
public might be, our aid would come to
it as promptly as to any other. The
Monroe Doctrine is not based upon
sentimentality, but upon the more
stable and respectable basis of self-
interest, which demands that we avoid
the close neighborhood of strong ag-
gressive powers. It is maintained by
the United States for purely defensive
purposes; but it has been of infinite ad-
vantage to the Latin-American states.
The great merit of the Monroe Doc-
trine is that it has caused the nation to
think along correct lines and see its
duty clearly; it has given guiding prin-
ciples that have removed all doubt and
hesitation in troublous times; and it
has served as a warning to possible
trespassers. The maintenance of peace
is a problem of education. The Monroe
Doctrine has preserved peace by edu-
cating our people, our statesmen, and
our potential adversaries.
What oceans of blood would have
been saved if the nations and their rul-
ers had been educated in their duties in
the strenuous days that preceded the
German attack on Liege in 1914 ! Want
of education, want of a correct policy,
have cost the United States $26,000,-
000,000, and the nations a world war.
Our defect, so far as want of declara-
tion of policy is concerned, has been
remedied by Mr. Harding in his In-
augural Address, by the following words,
which, let us hope, will be quoted in
after times, as are the words of Mr.
Monroe: —
Our eyes never will be blind to a devel-
oping menace, our ears never deaf to the
call of civilization. ... In expressing as-
pirations, in seeking practical plans, in
translating humanity's new concept of
righteousness, justice, and its hatred of war
into recommended action, we are ready most
heartily to unite; but every commitment
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
must be made in the exercise of our na-
tional sovereignty. . . . We have come to
a new realization of our place in the world
and a new appraisal of our nation by the
world. The unselfishness of these United
States is a thing proved, our devotion to
peace for ourselves and for the world is well
established, our concern for preserved civili-
zation has had its impassioned and heroic
expression. There was no American failure
to resist the attempted reversion of civili-
zation; there will be no failure to-day or
to-morrow.
Paraphrasing the language of Mr.
Lincoln, I should say: Let this duty of
the nation be breathed by every Amer-
ican mother to the lisping babe that
prattles in her lap; let it be taught in
schools, in seminaries, and in colleges;
let it be written in primers, in spelling-
books, and in almanacs; let it be
preached from the pulpit, proclaimed
in legislative halls, and enforced in
courts of justice. And, in short, let it
become the political religion of the na-
tion; and let the old and the young, the
rich and the poor, the grave and the
gay, of all sexes and tongues and colors
and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly
upon its altars.
The writer believes that the Harding
Doctrine will do for the world at large
what the Monroe Doctrine has done
for the American continents. It will
not prevent civil wars or small inter-
national wars; but it is an announce-
ment to the world that we stand ready
to join in crushing any bandit nation
that attempts world-conquest. If taken
by us at its full import, it will prevent
a repetition of the World War, and it
will lead to a large measure of disarma-
ment. It will be what we make of it.
The nations need no additional ma-
chinery of government to preserve in-
ternational peace. The world had suffi-
cient organization to have averted war
in 1914. What it needed then, and
what it needs now, is enlightened pol-
icy, based upon a careful and searching
557
study of war and politics. Organization
without spirit is an empty shell. When
the spirit is right, organization adjusts
itself to the needs of the hour.
There are certain axiomatic princi-
ples in 'world-polities' that are of fun-
damental importance in the practical
application of the Law of Mutual Aid.
Several of these principles will now be
considered.
Competition in land armaments be-
tween adjacent continental nations is
not a mutual affair, as it is assumed to be
in all discussions on disarmament: it is
a one-sided phenomenon. A powerful
nation, like Germany, arms to conquer
a weaker neighbor, which, in turn, arms
for defense. There is a vast difference
between arming for offense and arming
for defense, as every thoughtful reader
of the daily press must have realized in
the month of August, 1914. The defen-
sive armaments of the weaker nation
are not a menace to the stronger na-
tion, which needs no great preponder-
ance to assure itself against the attack
of its weaker neighbor. War comes,
not from armies and navies, but from
the belligerent intentions of nations.
The aggressors, the beginners of wars,
the leaders in the so-called armament
competitions, are the strong nations,
not the weak. Excessive armaments in
time of peace are a phenomenon of quite
recent times, due to the ambition of
Germany and one or two other states
that have followed her example. Con-
vince these states that the Law of Mu-
tual Aid will be applied against them,
that the fate of Germany awaits them
if they attack their neighbors, and land
armaments will automatically decline
to the scale required in each state to
maintain domestic peace, beyond which
it is not desirable that they be reduced.
Competition in naval armaments is
558
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
one of the effects of excessive land ar-
maments. There is never any naval
competition between countries that
maintain small armies, however great
their naval forces may be. This is a
fact of supreme importance at the pres-
ent time. Nations like Great Britain
and the United States, which maintain
strong navies, but comparatively weak
skeleton armies raised by voluntary en-
listment in time of peace, measure their
naval strength, not by each other's
naval strength, but by that of countries
which have powerful conscript armies
backed by trained reserves ready for
instant mobilization.
Recent propaganda does not disprove
the foregoing statement. For more than
four centuries England has gauged her
building programme by that of the most
powerful navy of those European pow-
ers which maintained large armies.
She will, beyond all doubt, continue the
same policy for a period of time that
can be measured only in centuries. If
we are wise, we shall follow a somewhat
similar policy, taking into account
Asiatic as well as European neighbors,
which maintain powerful conscript
armies.
England has never considered the
strength of the American navy hi de-
termining her two-power standard, not
because blood is thicker than water, as
some would have us believe, but be-
cause she has known full well that she
has nothing to fear from the aggression
of a country whose army does not great-
ly exceed the needs of domestic peace.
And we have been indifferent about her
navy for the same reason. Nations that
depend upon naval power for defense
never enter upon a war that can in any
way be avoided. The English, like the
Romans, have generally had wars
thrust upon them, and, like the Romans,
have generally begun their wars with
disasters. As England and America
have each a tremendous interest in the
peace of the civilized world, which can
be threatened only by countries having
large armies, each is vitally interested
that the other shall not neglect its
naval forces. Their navies are the main-
stay of the peace forces of the world.
A strong naval power, which main-
tains a comparatively small army, is
not a menace to any strong military
power, unless the military power, by
its aggressions, unites the world in a
coalition against itself; in other words,
England, which relied upon her navy
as her first line of defense, would never
have begun a war of aggression against
Germany; and the United States, with
its small army, will never begin a war
of aggression against Japan, which
keeps up a large and efficient army.
No nation ever attempts to gain a
preponderance of armaments upon both
land and sea unless it is actuated by ag-
gressive purposes. The nation which,
like Germany, attempts to gain such
preponderance, brands itself as an in-
ternational bandit.
The liberties of the nations will be at
an end whenever any country which
has the best army in the world gains
command of the sea; or, vice versa, when-
ever any country which has the best
navy in the world builds up the most
formidable army. The hegemony of
the ancient world soon passed to Rome,
when that Republic, already possessed
of an invincible army, wrested the com-
mand of the sea from Carthage. The
defeat of the British fleet at Jutland
would have placed the modern world in
a similar position in regard to Germany,
unless, indeed, the American fleet could
have restored the command of the sea
to the Allies.
The modern world is distinguished
from the ancient chiefly by the fact
that it has not been brought under the
domination of a single nation. It has
been saved from this fate by the for-
tunate fact that the strongest military
WORLD-EQUILIBRIUM
559
state has never been the strongest naval
power, thanks to the insular situation
of England, to her ability to command
the sea, and to her inability to become
the strongest military power. Herein
lies the secret of the existence of the
free commonwealths of the modern
world. One of the ugliest aspects of our
civilization was presented by the cam-
paign in the press, prior to the World
War, against the policy of England to
maintain a two-power standard against
the German navy.
The key to the international situa-
tion lies in the European-Asiatic con-
tinent, because Europe and Asia, if
united under one strong, efficient, co-
ercing state, would have ample land
and naval forces to compel the rest of
the world to accept the policy of the
coercing state; and free government
would be at an end. No such danger
can come from any of the other con-
tinents, on account of their smaller size.
The establishment of republican gov-
ernment does not solve the problem of
international peace. Hereditary auto-
cracy has more often imperiled the
world's liberties; but the dangers com-
ing from republics and democracies
have been more serious. Rome con-
quered as a republic, and, as an empire,
combatted only for a choice of masters.
At the beginning of the last century,
republics seemed dangerous to Europe
because Republican France threatened
its liberties, which were defended by
several hereditary autocrats. In 1914,
autocratic Germany threatened world-
stability, and the danger was ascribed
to the form of government. Such
theories are wrong. It is not the form of
government but the act of aggression
that is dangerous. Many good souls
were troubled because autocratic Rus-
sia and Samurai-ridden Japan and
feudal Serbia and Montenegro gave
support to the Allied cause. But all
great coalitions have contained auto-
cratic governments. The Allies have
fought against domination by a single
state, not against any particular form
of government. There is no instance in
history of the defeat of a republican
state by an autocratic state, both states
being otherwise fairly matched; but
history is replete with the defeat and
overthrow of monarchies by republics
in fair and open fight.
Absolute suppression of all trade with
the bandit nation should be enforced in
future wars, if, unfortunately, the his-
tory of the world continues to repeat
itself. In the last war the Allies did not
declare a blockade, in order, apparently,
to avoid irritating neutrals, whose bat-
tles they were fighting. They preferred
to follow an illegal practice, as meas-
ured by international-law standards,
which attained the same ends and per-
mitted the compensation of owners of
ships and cargoes. The Second Peace
Conference of 1907 stipulated that com-
mercial and industrial relations be-
tween belligerents and neutrals should
be especially protected and encouraged.
This is the freedom of the seas which
Germany desired — freedom from block-
ade, which was necessary to bring her
to her knees and stop her aggressions.
The international law of Grotius justi-
fies the measures which the Allies en-
forced, or should have enforced, against
Germany; indeed, if they had pro-
claimed the principles of the Father of
International Law at the beginning of
the war, they would have had a moral
and intelligible code to follow. Truth
is so delicate that, if we deviate ever
so slightly from it, we fall into error.
Grotius was a citizen of one of a num-
ber of small nations which were threat-
ened by the German empire of the day,
and he wrote as the citizen of an 'allied'
country. Looking out upon a world
much like our own, his thoughts are as
fully applicable to our larger world as if
they were written yesterday.
560
AN EX-ENEMY IN BERLIN TO-DAY
The greatest crime that a state can
commit is to kindle a war, either by its
own aggressions or by creating the be-
lief that it will play an unworthy part.
War is not the supreme evil. The su-
preme evil is the habit of regarding war
as the supreme evil. No nation has
more serious difficulties to encounter
than one whose courage and firmness
are doubted. What a bandit nation be-
lieves to be true is, so far as its action is
concerned, the same as the truth.
A primary power with a fearless and
efficient government rarely gets into
war. Such a government does not at-
tack its neighbors, and does not provoke
war by its reputation for inefficiency
and want of spirit. The administra-
tions of James Monroe, Andrew Jack-
son, Grover Cleveland, and Theodore
Roosevelt were eras of peace.
It is the duty of every nation to main-
tain such armed forces as are necessary
to preserve domestic peace. Where
free government prevails, the control
of these forces is in the hands of the
representatives of a majority of the
people, who have no interest in resort-
ing to factious methods and no desire
to support needless armaments.
The path to international peace lies,
not in neutrality, or in World Confed-
eration, or hi arbitration, or in any
particular form of government, but in
the unfailing application of the Law of
Mutual Aid. International peace is a
problem of education. World wars will
be averted and excessive armaments
will vanish only when that law is so well
understood and so sure in its applica-
tion that ambitious nations will re-
nounce the hope of conquering neigh-
bors as little disposed to endure as to
offer an injury.
Although the United States will not
enter into formal guaranties, the events
of the World War and the declarations
of her political departments give assur-
ance that she will join the world against
any power that threatens disaster to
free nations.
AN EX-ENEMY IN BERLIN TO-DAY
BY MAXWELL H. H. MACARTNEY
IT is unfortunate that the opinion of
the world at large on the conditions ob-
taining to-day in Berlin should so often
be derived from persons falling into one
of two classes.
The one class consists of those per-
sons who put up at the most expensive
hotels; eat at the most expensive res-
taurants; look in at the most expensive
places of entertainment; and then, hav-
ing naturally enjoyed, at comparatively
low cost (for the mark stands at only
about one twelfth of its pre-war value),
much obsequious and by no means dis-
interested attention, rush away with the
impression that the Germans are gay,
charming, forgiving creatures, who are
perhaps drinking too much (German)
AN EX-ENEMY IN BERLIN TO-DAY
561
champagne for a supposedly bankrupt
nation, but are simply delighted to
welcome all their ex-enemies back in
their midst.
The second class is made up of those
over-earnest travelers who, coming out
to the country with their minds already
made up, fall a facile prey to the prop-
aganda of those Germans whose mis-
sion it is to convince the world of the
utter ruin, material and intellectual,
of the Fatherland.
From neither of these classes is it
possible to get that true picture of an
ex-enemy's life in Berlin to-day which
can be given only after a long stay here,
and after one has mingled with all
classes of society. Even so, it is ex-
tremely hard for any one individual to
paint a satisfactory picture, because
the attitude of the German is not the
same toward the American that it is
toward the Englishman or the French-
man; and this attitude again is apt to
vary according as you are being dealt
with in a private, a business, or an offi-
cial capacity.
Of course, if one is asked simply, as I
sometimes am on my rare visits back in
England, whether things are made de-
liberately unpleasant for the ex-enemy
private individual now resident in Ger-
many, or whether it is safe to speak
French or English in a restaurant, the
reply is astonishingly simple. I say
advisedly 'astonishingly simple/ be-
cause, as one who had spent some time
in Germany before the war, I was fully
prepared to meet with a considerable
amount of passive ill-will, if not of ac-
tive hostility, even in everyday life.
Many of my German friends of those
days had adopted toward me much the
same attitude that the Walrus and the
Carpenter adopted toward the oysters;
and, upon the actual outbreak of war,
this latent hostility, as we all know,
was developed into a rabid yet calcu-
lated animosity, to which there was, at
VOL. 188— NO. 4
any rate at the outset, no true parallel
on the side of the Entente.
In spite, however, of the result and
length of the war, exhibitions of private
ill-will are not very much more marked
than they were before 1914. Very pos-
sibly, indeed, the result and length of
the struggle have had their effect. A
defeated Germany does not feel very
safe in giving way to a too-unbridled ex-
hibition of her true sentiments.
It may be, too, that the very length
of the war has had its effect, quite apart
from the result. Even if a short war,
such as that upon which Germany had
reckoned, would have been over before
the ingrained hatred marking the mid-
dle stages of the struggle had taken root
hi all our minds, the long-drawn-out
hardships of four and one-half years of
unintermittent fighting reacted upon
the feelings of all but the most ferocious
fire-eaters. Anyway, whatever the rea-
sons may be, it is only the bare truth to
say that, so long as the private indi-
vidual of an ex-enemy nation behaves
himself with ordinary restraint, he is
very unlikely to have cause to complain
of his treatment in the everyday affairs
of existence, and may even be agree-
ably surprised.
I will give two personal experiences
hi support of this statement. The
Armistice was not very many weeks old
when I happened to be traveling in Ger-
many on a very crowded train, the bulk
of the passengers being soldiers from
the notorious Ehrhardt brigade. Every
seat in the train had long before been
occupied, and I was compelled to clam-
ber, with my valises and wraps, on to
the couplings between two carriages,
and to travel in this manner in the
midst of a bunch of similarly adhesive
soldiers. After we had gone a short
distance, one of the soldiers who had
been eyeing me curiously, inquired if
I was a foreigner. I answered with a
simple affirmative. He then inquired
562
AN EX-ENEMY IN BERLIN TO-DAY
my nationality. I replied that I was an
Englishman. For a moment there was
a profound silence all round, and I was
beginning to think that I should be
accidentally shoved off the moving
train, when a voice asked, 'Have you
got any English cigarettes? ' As it hap-
pened I had a couple of packets of a
brand that I very much disliked, and
I distributed the contents of one all
round. This sop to Cerberus had the
happiest results. When at the next
junction I had to change trains, two or
three of the soldiers climbed down with
me and insisted upon carrying my
very portable luggage for me to the
farther platform.
The second experience occurred not
many months ago, when I was coming
up on a journey from Vienna to Berlin.
When we got into the German train at
Tetschen, there was a young English-
man standing in the corridor who look-
ed rather wistfully at my golf-clubs.
The train was full, as usual, and he had
failed to find a seat. After we had gone
a short way, he opened the door of our
compartment and asked if there was a
vacant seat. On being told that there
was, he sat down, explaining to me
that he had only a second-class ticket
but would gladly pay the difference on
to Berlin.
Presently came along the ticket-
collector, to whom the Englishman
handed his ticket, saying in very broken
German that he wanted to pay the ad-
ditional fare. The collector grunted,
and went off and fetched an inspector,
to whom, after the Englishman had
vainly tried to explain the situation in
German, he addressed himself in Eng-
lish. In the meantime I had explained
matters to him in German; but, paying
no attention to me, the inspector turned
to the Englishman and said, ' We don't
speak English here. You're in Ger-
many now, and if you have anything to
say, you must say it in German.' Then,
looking round for applause, he contin-
ued in German: 'Who gave you permis-
sion to travel in a first-class compart-
ment? You have broken the regulations
and must pay twice the first-class fare
for the whole distance.'
This rudeness and official punctilio,
however, brought forth a storm of pro-
test from my fellow voyagers. They
all declared that they themselves were
quite ignorant of the regulations in
question; and how then should an
Englishman, or any other foreigner, be
expected to know them. The place was
vacant, the Englishman had volunteer-
ed to pay the difference, and that was
surely sufficient.
The official declined to listen to any
expostulations. The Englishman there-
upon said that he would willingly leave
the compartment and asked for the re-
turn of his ticket, which, it turned out,
was a through ticket to Hamburg. The
inspector, however, declined to give it
up until the sum claimed had been paid;
and the more his own compatriots
abused him for his scurvy behavior, the
more violently and obstinately he stuck
to the letter of the law. The matter was
not settled until we got actually to Ber-
lin, and, forming a small deputation,
laid the full facts before a yet higher
functionary, who, thank goodness,
had some notions of elementary justice
and reason.
Much capital was made last year, in
the Franco-British press, out of an as-
sault delivered by Prince Joachim of
Prussia upon a party of French officers
who were dining with their wives in the
Hotel Adlon, Berlin. The episode was
certainly disgraceful; but it must be
admitted that Prince Joachim has long
been notorious as a blustering bully,
and that upon this occasion he had been
gazing upon the champagne when it
bubbled. In the ordinary course, a
conversation in French provokes little
or no comment; and, so far from the
AN EX-ENEMY IN BERLIN TO-DAY
563
speaking of English being objected to,
people are, on the contrary, only too
eager to refurbish their acquaintance
with that tongue, and to give you full
particulars of where they have worked
in England or America, where they were
interned, and what they hope to do as
soon as passports again become avail-
able to German citizens.
The last two incidents are, however,
instructive, for they illustrate the in-
transigeance of the old German Junker
and official classes of all grades, and
they show the difficulties to be con-
tended against by such Germans as
have taken the lessons of the war to
heart, and are struggling to make the
disappearance of militarism coincide
also with the spread of a more urbane
and democratic spirit. The dice are,
however, weighted against them, so
long as the present generation of Junk-
ers and officials survives.
n
When, however, it comes to business
or official relations, one very soon real-
izes that the German is unable to resist
the temptation to score off his late
enemies as much as he can. One of the
commonest illustrations of this pro-
pensity is the twenty-five-per-cent sur-
tax which Germans try to impose upon
foreigners. You can go into a shop, for
example, and order a number of articles.
As soon as the assistant finds out from
your name or address (if you have not
long before been betrayed by your ac-
cent) that you are a foreigner, down
goes the twenty-five-per-cent Zuschlag
on the bill. But for the wise, the remedy
is simple. You begin by pointing out
that, under the terms of the peace
treaty, Germans are forbidden to dif-
ferentiate against foreigners; and, if
that produces no effect, you walk out
with the intimation that to-morrow you
will get the goods ordered, through a
German friend — and at another shop.
Nothing, again, could be more cour-
teous than the way in which my col-
league and myself have been, in appear-
ance, treated by the authorities, but
we are fully aware that, as representa-
tives of the bitterly hated 'Northcliffe
Press,' whose alleged calumnies against
Germany are almost a daily theme with
the majority of newspapers, we are,
nevertheless, quite cordially disliked,
and that we are never likely to get any
real favor shown to us. Quite the con-
trary. Coincidence is notoriously long
in the arm, but was it altogether a co-
incidence, I wonder, that when, not
long ago, we wanted to get a certain
report over to London before it had ap-
peared in the German press, our tele-
phone, which had previously worked
quite admirably, suddenly became ge-
stort, and remained in that useless con-
dition for an unaccountably long period ?
That amusing Dickens creation, Mr.
Joseph Bagstock, used, if I remember
right, to be fond of referring to himself
in the following terms: 'Tough, sir,
tough is Joey B. Tough and de-vilish
sly.' Well, Joey B. was as tender as
spring lamb and as angelically simple
as Amelia Sedley, in comparison with
many Germans whom I could name.
One cannot, perhaps, blame them too
severely. The under dog is never en-
amored of his situation, and when that
under dog has been accustomed for half
a century to be the top dog and to have
his enemy by the throat, he is doubly
infuriated when the positions suddenly
become reversed. If, then, the Ger-
mans can put spokes in some of our
wheels, they naturally do so, and it is
* up to us ' to see that we give them back
as good as they give.
Besides, it is not only we civilians
who suffer from these more or less im-
potent struggles. Germany has never
ceased to regard and proclaim the
Treaty of Versailles as an outrageous
564
AN EX-ENEMY IN BERLIN TO-DAY
swindle, into which she was lured by
the hypocritical protestations and four-
teen points of President Wilson; by
reliance upon the published war-aims
of the Allies; by anything, in short,
rather than by military defeat in the
field; and between the ratification of
the Peace and the advent of the inse-
cure Wirth Cabinet, she has striven un-
ceasingly to carry out as few of the con-
ditions as she possibly can. She has
wriggled (and Bavaria is still wriggling)
over the disarmament question; she
has called to Heaven in evidence of her
inability to pay the compensations and
reparations demanded of her; she has
reduced the trials of the 'war criminals'
to a farce. Her much-boasted revolu-
tion of 1918 swept away, indeed, the
Hohenzollerns, but left behind the
bureaucrats, who were indispensable
because they knew where to find the
blotting-paper and sealing-wax, and
who have not yet learned that the old
verbose and truculent notes, which may
have suited the temper of a people
bristling with bayonets, do not come
well from a people which, after plung-
ing more than half the civilized world
into misery and shying at nothing,
however barbarous, in its struggle for
supremacy, has now had its fangs drawn.
m
So much may be said to be more or
less the common experience of all Ger-
many's former enemies. But this super-
ficial equality of treatment does not
mean that Germany, in her heart of
hearts, makes no distinction between
her foes. If President Wilson shares
with the late King Edward and M.
Clemenceau the distinction of being
bitterly hated, the American people as
a whole is more popular here than any
of the others. This is only natural for
the following reasons.
There are, in the first place, so many
Germans and friendly neutrals in the
United States, that a German can
hardly work up a permanent hatred of
the American people as a whole. In the
second place, he realizes that the inter-
ests of the United States and of Ger-
many were never in serious conflict
before the war; and thinks that, if his
leaders had not bungled their diploma-
cy and their moral conduct of the war
so idiotically, there would have been a
sporting chance that the United States
would never have taken up arms at all.
Thirdly, the comparatively late arrival
of the American troops on the scene of
action naturally meant that there was
relatively little fighting between the
two nations — though the gallant ac-
tion of the Americans round Chateau-
Thierry in the summer of 1918 prob-
ably discouraged any German desire
for a full-dress campaign on a large
scale. Fourthly, America alone among
the greater belligerents has sought no
territorial or monetary advantage at
Germany's expense. And, fifthly, the
charitable endeavors of Mr. Hoover's
mission and other relief organizations
(duly advertised in the press) have pro-
duced a sentiment of sincere gratitude,
which has further reinforced the pleas-
ure felt at reported American impa-
tience with what, apparently, is some-
times regarded by you 'over there' as
our meticulous determination to en-
force the Treaty of Versailles. This
attitude, of course, delighted the Ger-
mans, and encouraged them to hope
that, when once the Harding adminis-
tration was firmly in the saddle, Ger-
many might look to the United States
as to the first great nation which would
break down the tabu by which she is
now surrounded; which would lend her
money; and which would enable her to
recover from her present prostration.
Recent events have greatly dashed
these hopes. The unwavering loyalty
of America to her associates over rep-
AN EX-ENEMY IN BERLIN TO-DAY
565
arations, and the clearly inspired tele-
grams of the Washington correspond-
ent of the Times, indicating that Mr.
Harding would welcome an agreement
between the English-speaking peoples,
have been gall and wormwood to a
Germany determined to play off the
members of the Entente against one
another. The press has not ventured to
give a free rein to its indignation; but
the feeling is there, and is embittered
by a dawning perception that Mr.
Lloyd George's outburst on Upper
Silesia is not likely to end in anything
substantial. The methodical German,
then, while pushing back his nascent
exuberance for the United States, is
concentrating simply upon the material
and practical aspects of future rela-
tions. Realizing that, for the moment,
the situation is not ripe, Germany is
devoting her attention more immedi-
ately to Russia and nearer markets;
but she never lets the United States out
of her sight; and speeches made at
meetings of the Hamburg-Amerika
line and similar large concerns show,
not only that the restoration of pre-
war relations with the United States
remains the cardinal object of German
policy, but that, judged by the statis-
tics of shipping, it is beginning to
be realized. With this success Germany
is momentarily content, and that is
why American business men, journal-
ists, and others find doors open to them
which are closed to men of French or
British nationality.
Not, I think, that the individual
Englishman is personally disliked. It is
generally admitted that the British oc- •
cupation of the Cologne area has been
marked by tact and forbearance, and
the British missions in Berlin have fre-
quently been praised to me for the
quiet, unobtrusive manner in which
they go about their business. The in-
nate reluctance of the Englishman to
make himself conspicuous has stood
him here in good stead. Except on
special occasions, the British officers
are almost always in mufti. When one
recollects the outburst against Great
Britain with which the war opened, and
the immense popularity of Herr Lis-
sauer's 'Hymn of Hate,' it is really as-
tonishing to find so little overt trace of
anti-British feeling. There are, of
course, the recognized Anglophobes,
headed by Herr G. Bernhardt of the
Vossische Zeitung; but it is certainly
curious how little the average German
reflects that it was, after all, to the
British that the German navy had ul-
timately to surrender in such dramatic
fashion; that it was the British Empire
which took over the bulk of Germany's
colonial possessions; and that it is to
the British Empire that Germany must
look again for many of her indispen-
sable raw materials and for customers
for her finished products. As a matter
of fact, Great Britain stands more than
ever before in the sunshine of the Ger-
man Michael. But the average German
does not apparently look so deeply as
this, and merely notices that Great
Britain is showing a readiness to re-
sume trade-relations with him, and to
this end is prepared — within the limits
of the Treaty of Versailles — to give
him an opportunity to avoid national
bankruptcy.
This is not, of course, to say that the
British — or even the Americans —
are positively popular or feted here.
Whatever may be the faults of the
Germans, they have, at least, a spirit
of national pride, which is sometimes
lamentably lacking among the Aus-
trians and Hungarians. During the
many months which I spent in Austria
and Hungary during 1919 and 1920, I
heard many of the Allies declare that
they found the friendliness and hos-
pitality of the inhabitants almost too
embarrassing. This criticism is not
without justification. But neither Aus-
566
AN EX ENEMY IN BERLIN TO-DAY
tria nor Hungary ever seriously re-
garded herself as at war with Great
Britain, France, or the United States.
The troops of these nations practically
never came into conflict with one an-
other, and the pre-war personal rela-
tions between the wealthier and better-
class families in Great Britain, for
example, and Austria-Hungary had
been in many cases very cordial and
intimate. It was, then, often very awk-
ward for an Englishman, Frenchman, or
American to find himself being invited
to luncheons and dinners and dances
with unfeigned friendliness, during a
time when the Allied representatives
in Paris were preparing — in the trea-
ties of Saint-Germain and Trianon —
settlements infinitely more disastrous
to Austria and to Hungary than was
the Treaty of Versailles to Germany.
Sometimes, in fact, the situation be-
came intolerable, and some virulent
outburst against our newest European
allies compelled one to remind one's
very hosts that, after all, they had
begun the war by their ultimatum to
Serbia.
There is no fear of any of the Allies
being similarly embarrassed in Ger-
many. Not long ago some of the Berlin
correspondents gave prominence to a
'house law' of the von der Golz fam-
ily, the members of which bound them-
selves to enter into no friendly relations
with their ex-enemies, but to confine
their dealings with them to strictly
official matters. There was, as a matter
of fact, nothing remarkable about this.
A German baron to whom I mentioned
this 'house law,' and with whom, as
another old Cambridge man, I had
fancied myself on tolerably good terms,
bluntly told me that there was nothing
extraordinary in this family pact, which
was being observed in many houses.
His avowal confirmed my own observa-
tions and experience. Exceptions may
be made, for reasons of policy, in the
case of recognized Germanophiles of
influence; but the ordinary ex-enemy
will have no opportunity, even if he has
the desire, to mingle in the intimate
home life of any German family of
good extraction. This may be bad
Christianity, but it is understandable
amour propre, and human nature.
IV
But if, in the case of the other Allies,
there has been a certain German ex-
ternal correctness, there has been, and
is to-day, one great exception. If Great
Britain was the most hated enemy dur-
ing the war, France is now loathed with
a deadly hatred of which no secret is
made. Before the war Germany cer-
tainly did not hate France so much as
France hated Germany; and even dur-
ing the war the German press often
expressed its admiration for the brav-
ery of the French poilus. All such ad-
miration has long vanished. Not long
ago an American to whom I was speak-
ing of this bitter hatred had a simple
yet striking example of the truth of
these words. He was inclined to be
skeptical, so I rang the bell for the
waiter and asked him what he thought
of the French. The man's eyes literally
blazed, as he declared that he would
willingly march against the French
again to-morrow because, he said,
'they wish to make a nation of slaves
of us.' When he had gone out of the
room, I rang for the chambermaid, and
she was equally outspoken hi her de-
testation of the French.
People in railway-carriages speak
quite openly about this hatred, and
canvass the time — it may be twenty-
five years, it may be longer — when the
final reckoning with France is to come.
'We want,' the Germans say, 'no al-
lies. We ask only to be left alone with
the French, and we are sure that the
next time France will not have Eng-
AN EX-ENEMY IN BERLIN TO-DAY
567
land and America on her side.' Such
remarks I have heard literally scores of
times, and they undoubtedly represent
the average German's views and wishes.
Time will, of course, do something
toward softening down these feelings;
but it is an undeniable fact that many
Germans of my personal acquaintance
are systematically training up their
children to hate France, and, above all,
are teaching them that they must
avenge the alleged wrongs done to
German women by the French black
troops hi the occupied area.
Meanwhile, such is the actual hatred
for France that, no matter how dis-
tinctly the Allied press proclaims that
this or that decision was a joint decision
of the Allies, the whole blame is invari-
ably put upon France. Every rebuff
administered to Germany is due to
French cruelty and revenge. The in-
culcation of this spirit of hatred against
France is, of course, the more easy since
France is the country in whose name
the Allied Missions here act, and thus
the French have the perhaps not al-
ways congenial task of pulling the chest-
nuts out of the fire for their partners.
At the same time, the French appear
hardly to have grown accustomed to
their victory, and scarcely to realize
that after forty-four years of shivering
under the German menace, they have
won for themselves a freedom which,
if rightly used, will enable them to pur-
sue, as long as one can reasonably fore-
see, a policy of national dignity com-
mensurate with the position to which
France is entitled by the valor, charm,
industry, and intelligence of her popu-
lation.
The temptation to repay all at
once the many indignities from which
they suffered after 1871 has been too
strong for many Frenchmen. Not only
are the professional journalists too
often unbridled in their remarks, but
men such as M. Poincare are losing no
opportunity of keeping French feeling
against Germany at white heat.
The still dangerous question of Upper
Silesia is exceptionally deplorable. The
French representatives on the Inter-
Allied Mission have made virtually no
pretense of impartiality, and their atti-
tude is resented the more in that Silesia
is so closely bound up with the tradi-
tions of Frederick the Great; while the
Poles are not only despised by the Ger-
mans for their lack of business capacity,
but are hated by them with the hatred
that the oppressor always feels for his
victim. Not even the loss of Alsace-
Lorraine could move Germany to such
fierce hatred for France as the surren-
der of Upper Silesia to the Poles, after
what would be eternally proclaimed as
tampering with the results of a gerry-
mandered plebiscite.
The next few years are going to be
critical for the future of Europe.
France above all is walking to-day
per ignes
Suppositos cineri doloso,
and, no less than Germany, has tempora-
rily forgotten the wise old dictum of
Bismarck, that in politics there is no
room for either hatred or love. Man-
kind, it is to be hoped, will eventually
achieve a higher level than these words
connote. But to-day we are not even
on that humble plane, and the super-
ficial observer, who eats his dinner in
Berlin to the strains of the latest Eng-
lish or American musical comedy, is
making a great mistake if he thinks
that the German will-to-power has
been finally crushed, and that there is
no longer a steady, relentless national
purpose behind the cheap veneer of the
neo-Teutonic republicanism.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
THE SIMPLE SPELLERS
AN anaemic youth in horn goggles has
called on me in the interests of the
Simple Spellers. He shamelessly ap-
propriated to himself and his cause two
good hours of my time, seeking by pro-
cesses which, for want of a better name,
must pass for argumentation, to enlist
me in his army. I suppose someone
pays him for his time. I wish some-
one would pay me for mine; it was the
best I had, and it is gone where I
cannot recover it. And the gist of his
shameless argument was that simplified
spelling saves time!
He seemed to be obsessed with the
naive theory that we save time if we
don't spend it; whereas everyone who
uses time knows that to spend it before
it spends itself is the only way to save
it. Accordingly I could get no real in-
formation from him as to whose time
the simplification of spelling would
save, or how. The idea seems to be that
every time you write thru instead of
through you save a second; and if you
write it often enough, you might in the
course of some years accumulate time
enough for a vacation in Italy or an ap-
pendicitis operation. It appears to be
based on the fatuous notion that time is
money, and can be kept in the savings
bank at compound interest till you need
it. Suppose you write ten thousand
simply spelled words a day, saving a
second on each, or two hours and forty-
two minutes on the day's work. Then
you write for two hours and forty-two
minutes and save three quarters of an
hour more — and so on to infinity. It is
subject to diminishing returns, but it
goes on forever, and when you get down
568
to split seconds you can take a fresh
start. It is a beautiful theory, but it
does n't apply to me. I could never save
time by writing thru; I should spend in-
finitely more time trying to remember
to write it, and in hating it after I had
written it, than I could save were it
briefer than the very soul of wit.
I suppose I am an exception in that I
am still old-fashioned enough to do my
own writing; I am not yet incorporated
and speeded up by means of multiple
dictaphones and typists. If I were, I
suppose I should get five cents a word
no matter .how they were spelled, and
should be glad of simple spelling as a
saving in 'overhead.' I should gloat
over the thought that my stenographer,
by using simple spelling (if she suc-
ceeded in learning it) , would increase my
profit by a hundred dollars a day. She
might save time; a few of her would.
But if I know anything about her, she
would add it to her recreation periods,
and devote it to gazing out of the win-
dow. So she will do, anyway. She will
have her simple pleasures, nor need I
purchase them for her at the cost of
seeing my perfectly good English trans-
lated into the syncopations of Josh
Billings or Ring Lardner.
But how about the children? Must
their little minds be burdened with
superfluous letters? or shall they be
freed by an Emancipation Proclama-
tion of the Simple Spellers? 'If it were
done when 't is done, then 't were well
it were done quickly.' But I do not re-
call any burden of superfluous letters
that weighed heavily on my infant
mind. My observation tells me that
there are two kinds of people, those who
learn to spell, and those who do not;
and neither kind worries about ' mean-
ingless combinations of letters' — no
one does that but the Simple Spellers.
Indeed, I question whether learning
to spell is a question of memorizing
sequences of letters, any more than
drawing is a matter of memorizing se-
quences of lines, curves, and angles. I
do not believe that through is seven let-
ters; it is a fact, like a maple leaf that I
know when I see it, and with slight
training I can draw it with my pencil.
With pen or typewriter I make the
symbol for the word by a series of reflex
motions; I do not count the letters. If
you ask me how I know through from
though, I should probably mention the
difference of the r, but the fact is I
know them as I know Uncle Jim from
Uncle Peter without consciousness of
the distinguishing features. I know that
is Uncle Jim because he looks like Uncle
Jim; you need n't simplify him on my
account; I never burdened my mind
with details in learning him.
Spelling is not a craft by itself: it is a
part of writing and reading, training of
eye and hand. When a boy writes
starboard martyr for Stabat Mater, or
forehead for forward, he writes what he
hears; the fault is not with his ear, but
with his visual image of the words. It
means that he is not a reader, and is not
accustomed to the appearance of the
words. To try to teach him the distinc-
tions by lists of letters alone would be
about as useless as to try to teach him
to distinguish people he never saw by
means of verbal descriptions. I doubt
if the one system is really easier to learn
than the other. I am still to be con-
vinced that the burden of our present
system would be sufficiently lightened
by the change to compensate anyone
for the burden it would certainly be on
a generation or two of children to have
to learn both systems; and I see no
security that the change could be made
with less effort.
569
The Simple Speller has his answer
ready. The gain would be in logicality,
and to become more logical in any de-
partment of life is, he is assured, worth
any sacrifice. I have no such assurance.
To make spelling logical would be only
the first step toward making language
logical. Now logic is a good tool where
it fits, but it does not fit every contin-
gency of life. It is a good thing in lan-
guage up to a certain point — which
nobody has discovered. If it had been
the ruling principle of language from
the start, and if our splay-footed ances-
tors who first began to grunt with mean-
ing could have looked down through
the centuries and seen what they were
letting us in for, language might have
been logical, and we too. In that case
we should probably have but one lan-
guage in the world to-day, one of down-
right Prussian efficiency, fitted ac-
curately to every service of life except
that of imagination. Is that our ideal?
If so we must change ourselves first ; for
if by a gesture of magic we could make
our language overnight as logical as
mathematics, how long would it stay
so with our minds working as they do?
The language of a people is like the skin
of a man; as a rule, it fits snugly, and it
is not often that we can better its fit by
taking thought, except as by taking
thought we better ourselves.
Indeed, the Simple Spellers are ill-
advised to seek more logic till they learn
to use better what they have. The only
arguments they have offered me are
drawn from antecedent probability,
which, if I remember my logic, is the
weakest argument known, since it is
built of inference before experience and
buttressed with parabolic evidence.
What we want to know about simplified
spelling is whether it will simplify life
for us and our children; what effect it
would have on us as a nation; whether
it is anything that would compensate
us for the agony of the change. Why
570
THE CONTRIBUTORS* CLUB
not look to those who have tried it?
The Germans have simplified their
spelling as far as a people could, and
still use the old symbols. At this time
it might be impossible to get a fair an-
swer to the question what the effect of
the system has been on the nation, how
much time the people have saved by
it, and how they have spent it. The
French understand themselves pretty
well; they have a fairly sure instinct for
what they can and cannot make them-
selves do. In the Year One of the Age
of Reason, which was 1792 by dead reck-
oning, they rationalized by fiat every-
thing in France except human nature
and spelling. Human nature then took
its course, and before long everything
was back where it was before, except
for a few matters chiefly political.
Even so do spelling reforms come and
go, leaving few traces. You can make
a formal garden by rule and compass,
but eternal vigilance and labor are
the price of it; if you allow yourself
the least interval of relaxation, the ir-
regularities of nature will reassert them-
selves. Simple spelling cannot estab-
lish itself by decree, for it has no
authority. It must win its place by
consent of the governed, and it has not
a winning personality. So far it has
not learned to smile. And if it has a
scintilla of imagination, its sponsors
would do well to let it show. I do not
find simplified spelling useful; I know
it isn't beautiful; it isn't even funny.
Therefore, my word for it is that of the
king to the harper : —
Either ye serve me foot and hand,
Or lift my heart with glee;
Else ye have neither roof nor land,
Nor guerdon get from me.
CONVERSATIONS
When still I prefaced my name with
'Miss,' none but my intimates ever
thought of engaging me in conversa-
tion about the qualifications of my
laundress and the amount of her weekly
charge; acquaintances did not ask me if
I found it well-nigh impossible to secure
satisfying food at a reasonable price,
and anyone would have blushed to in-
quire whether or not I made my own
clothes. But once I had changed Miss
for Mrs., the veriest strangers began to
take a surprising interest in the domes-
tic machinery of my life; commonplaces
assumed astounding conversational im-
portance. And it is not that I resent
kindly inquiries about the brand of
macaroni we prefer, or whether we
burn soft coal or briquets, but that I
deplore the passing of a time when peo-
ple talked to me about interesting, im-
personal things and I did not have to
intrigue them into such conversation.
As I study what seems to be the cir-
cumscribed conversational opportuni-
ties of married women, I wonder: Does
some mischievous fairy go to marriage
feasts, and cast a spell upon the bride
that robs her of all interest in, or abil-
ity for, real conversation? Or does the
world only think so? Whatever the
answer, there are hundreds of us who
have escaped the wicked fairy's curse,
escaped to protest and to plead.
I am quite sure that in both material
and practice I am much better fitted
for participation in worthy conversa-
tion than I was two years ago. But,
unfortunately, I seem not only to have
exchanged my name for that of my
husband, but to have given my right to
any ideas on any worth-while subjects
'to boot.' Do we have a chance caller,
she settles herself with, 'Dear me, how
you've changed this house! Didn't
you have a great deal of trouble getting
help?' Then follow the usual questions
about the butcher, the grocer, the laun-
dress, the coal.
If John passes through the hall, and
I ask him to come in and greet our
neighbor, her face brightens and she
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
571
cries, with genuine enthusiasm, 'Oh,
Mr. B , I 've been wanting to meet
you! Please tell me what to give my
little ten-year-old girl to read'; and,
'Do you approve of profusely illustra-
ted books for children?' This happens
to be a subject which has claimed my
profound interest, and about which I
have well-defined opinions; but it never
occurred to the mother of the ten-
year-old to ask my advice. John care-
fully tells her what he knows to be my
conclusions in the matter; she thanks
him volubly and at length leaves, hop-
ing that I will not lose my laundress,
because 'they are so hard to get in this
town.'
We have a guest to tea. She com-
pliments me on the quality of the straw-
berry-jam, asks if I made it myself, and
if it was n't hard to get sugar, and then
turns to John with, ' Mr. B , what do
you think of this new play? Is it pos-
sible, do you think, that the leading
lady merits all the favorable comment
she is receiving? ' By chance, this gifted
leading lady has been my friend for
years — we have enjoyed many a pleas-
ant dinner together; but I refrain from
mentioning the fact and give my atten-
tion to John's criticisms of the play and
the further questions of our guest, who
presently rewards my attention by ask-
ing me if I have seen any pictures of
the star and if I don't think her pretty.
When John and I first began to meet
this boycott of wives in the field of
conversation, we attempted to combat
it. When conversation was directed to
him which he felt that my experience
fitted me to discuss better, he said so
and passed the leadership to me. We
soon discovered that the unusualness
of this manoeuvre so pained and sur-
prised our guests that it made con-
structive conversation momentarily
impossible for them. It was apparent
that we must abandon our course, if we
were not to suffer the charge of being
boorish hosts and uncomfortable guests.
We still protest occasionally, but, as a
rule, we exchange an understanding
glance, and then John talks, and I as-
sume what seems to be the inevitable
role of a married female person — that
of serene onlooker at all conversations
that have not to do with household
matters that any Swedish maid-of-all-
work is better equipped to. discuss than
am I.
Unmarried women, who are them-
selves engaged in interesting public
work, are the leaders hi this uncon-
scious shut-out of their married sisters.
I know a very intelligent and talented
woman whose husband is an architect.
He has a studio in his home, where his
wife works with him. There is not a
plan he makes which has not incor-
porated in it some idea that was hers.
Yet I have more than once seen bach-
elor-girl guests in their home all but
exclude Mrs. M from a spirited
conversation on building art, and con-
clude the talk with that exasperating
air which says plainly, 'If only these
clever men married women who could
appreciate them!'
Last summer, at my express request,
John and I devoted the leisure we could
find in two months to the fascinating
subject of French verse. Our guest, an
unmarried girl of enviable attainments,
came in from the verandah one eve-
ning, where she had been hi conver-
sation with John, and said, 'It 's won-
derful what John has got out of his
study of French poetry.'
'Yes,' I replied, 'we have enjoyed it,
and I am convinced that the French
idea of rhythm — '
I got no further. 'Oh,' said my
guest in surprise, 'I knew that John
had been studying the subject, bid I
did n't know that he had made you do it.'
I am still wondering if I was rude to
her. I never can remember what I said,
only what I felt. I know that we did
572
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
not talk of poetry: we talked of the
relative merits of cooked and uncooked
breakfast-foods, and I was advised
about what to give John for a summer
breakfast.
What, I ask myself over and over,
what do these clever girls imagine
becomes of women like themselves?
Many of them marry. Do they think
that marriage miraculously invests all
women with an abnormal interest in
potatoes and pans, and inhibits their
having ideas on the very subjects of
which they were masters before mar-
riage? Do they imagine that, with their
names, they will gladly relinquish all
right to an interest in the activities for
which they were trained by college and
work, and that they will be content
ever after to lift their voices only in
discussions of scalloped oysters, sheet-
ing, and adenoids?
As I go about pondering these things,
I keep my left glove on as much as pos-
sible, and often, on the car and in the
station, I enjoy delightful conversa-
tions about opera, drama, Mr. Chester-
ton— yea, thigmotaxis, if I like! If
my charming seat-mate knew what was
under my glove, she would, — eight
chances out of ten, — with perfunctory
suiting of her mind to my pace, ask me
if I had any children; and being an-
swered in the negative, she would re-
gard me reproachfully and then speak
of the weather.
Yes, yes, surely, children and the
high cost of living and jam and laun-
dry and all these domestic subjects
should be interesting to a married
woman. I am interested in them. I
love children, I like to make jam, my
laundress is a wonderful person, and I
appreciate her. But I do not want my
mind condemned to an exclusive diet of
domestic subjects. Only ignorant men
are excused if they talk of their busi-
ness to the exclusion of all other topics.
True, a woman can lead conversa-
tion into avenues that interest her, if
she tries. I affirm it: she can, she does.
But why, always, if she be a married
woman, must she try? Why is she
always compelled to prove that she
can perform a housemaid's duties with-
out having a housemaid's mind? Many
of us are women who did vital public
work before our marriage — we are the
same women still. Why does no one
ever pay us the compliment of taking
our intelligence for granted?
JOY
When I am glad
There seems to be
A toy balloon
Inside of me.
It swells and swells
Up in my chest,
And yet I do
Not feel distressed.
And when I go
Along the street,
It almost lifts
Me off my feet.
A NOTE FOR MORALISTS
In the 'Atlantic's Bookshelf last month, Joseph C. Lincoln's new book received a
warm encomium in which quite incidental reference was made to less creditable 'best
sellers,' 'such undesirable characters,' so the reviewer called them, 'as Harold Bell
Wright. ' It did not seem to us within the bounds of possibility that the term, used in
this connection, could be endowed with moral significance; but since it has, in one
quarter at least, been open to suspicion, we beg the reader to discard any such imputa-
tion. We have not the honor of Mr. Wright's acquaintance, but that his ' character,'
in the moral sense, is good, we take, on competent authority, absolutely for granted.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
Arthur Pound, an alumnus of the Univer-
sity of Michigan, lives at Flint, a manufac-
turing centre for automobiles, where he
follows many pursuits, among them the pub-
lication of a lively weekly and the conduct of
& job-printing plant. His knowledge of the
human problems of factory management is
the result of years of intelligent and imag-
inative study. Elizabeth Taylor, once a lec-
turer on the folk customs, the Arctic farm-
ing, and the curious traditions of the people
of Iceland, wrote these letters at intervals
during the five years' siege of the Faroes by
German submarines. Katharine Fullerton
Gerould lives in Princeton, New Jersey.
Emma Lawrence (Mrs. John S. Law-
rence), the author of 'At Thirty,' which we
printed last month, lives in Boston.
years ago in Johannesburg, once only in twenty-
six years; only twice in my whole life have I been
within visiting distance of a cinema show.
Vernon Kellogg, whose earliest reputation
was won in the field of biology, served dur-
ing the war as a first lieutenant to Mr.
Hoover, and is now revisiting the scenes of
his extraordinary success. Jean Kenyon
Mackenzie, who tells us, after her missionary
wanderings over the earth, that ' the praise
of steamers is the worship of the exile,' sends
us these poems from her present home in
Riverdale on the Hudson. Edward Yeomans
is a Chicago manufacturer who has recently
published through the Atlantic Monthly
Press a singularly fresh and invigorating vol-
ume on Education — Shackled Youth.
Hans Coudenhove, whose first paper on
this subject we printed in the August num-
ber, may be fairly described as a detached
critic. We quote from a recent interesting
letter of his.
The people who are responsible for my com-
ing to Africa, and spending my life in the wilds,
have all died long ago. Their names are Fenimore
Cooper, Mayne Reid, Jules Verne, and R. L.
Stevenson, R.I.P.! I had no intention, when I
first came out, to stay more than a few years.
But tropical Africa grows upon you. Before 1905
I occasionally visited, besides Portuguese East
Africa, Madagascar and the Mascarenhas, —
comparatively civilized countries, like the differ-
ent South African colonies, — but since 1905 I
have not left the Tropics. I have been hunting,
chiefly for the pot, and prospecting; but the
most passionate pursuit of my life, and the chief
interest of my existence, is the study of the ani-
mal kingdom, not from a biological, but from a
psychological point of view. I avoid all European
settlements and feel happy only when I live in
my tent — a happiness which increases at the
ratio of the number of miles which separate me
from civilization. I am afraid that my long and
intimate intercourse with Nature has given me a
grievance against the being about whom H. Fair-
field Osborn has written: ' Man who, through the
invention of tools in middle Pleistocene time,
about 125,000 years ago, became the destroyer
of creation.' I have never seen an aeroplane.
... I have been in a theatre last seventeen
Charles Bernard Nordhoff, whose ele-
ment, ah*, earth, water, is the one he hap-
pens to be in, writes from Tahiti. Annie W.
Noel, the most understanding of suburban-
ites, sends us her first contribution from her
home in Upper Montclair, New Jersey.
Joseph Fort Newton is minister of the
Church of the Divine Paternity in New
York City. Joseph Auslander is an Amer-
ican poet who has been teaching at Harvard.
* * *
The correspondence between John Bur-
roughs and Herbert D. Miles began with a
challenge from Mr. Miles regarding Mr.
Burroughs's book, Accepting the Universe.
The challenge was accepted, and many
letters made their way between Asheville,
North Carolina, and the famous Slabsides.
Arthur Sherburne Hardy, diplomatist, edi-
tor, and novelist, has contributed to the At-
lantic for a full generation. J. Edgar Park
is the minister of the Second (Congrega-
tional) Church of Newton, West Newton,
Massachusetts .
* * *
E. Alexander Powell is a wide-ranging
war correspondent, with many years of
573
574
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
remarkable experience behind him. In the
list of his important services was the cor-
respondence covering the Turkish and Per-
sian revolutions, the Balkan wars, and the
French campaign in Morocco. He was the
only correspondent officially attached to
the Belgian forces in the campaign of 1914,
and was decorated Chevalier of the Order
of Leopold. Later he accompanied the Ger-
mans during the advance on Paris. He was
in Antwerp during the siege, and was the
only correspondent to witness the entry of
the Germans. Mr. Powell has been con-
nected with the Plattsburg camp and with
the movement for military education of
young Americans. Samuel W. McCall, long
a member of Congress for Massachusetts,
and for three years (1916-18) Governor of
the State, is well known as a statesman and
publicist of notable independence of thought
and expression. Colonel S. C. Vestal, of
the Coast Artillery Corps, sends, at the edi-
tor's request, this paper outlining the theo-
ries discussed in his interesting and highly
important volume, The Maintenance of
Peace. Maxwell H. H. Macartney has
been for many years a correspondent of the
London Times.
* * *
The future that the Orient holds out to
Christianity has been the subject of an At-
lantic debate of no small interest.
ST. JOHN'S UNIVERSITY,
SHANGHAI, CHINA,
June 15, 1921.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
In the June number of the Atlantic there is an
article by Mr. Chang Hsin-hai entitled ' The Re-
ligious Outlook in China: a Reply,' which con-
tains some statements requiring, it seems to me,
some modification or correction.
Mr. Chang, we learn, is now studying at Har-
vard University. Perhaps he is not aware that
Harvard was established by the Christian people
of Massachusetts 'for the education of English
and Indian youth in knowledge and godlyness';
in other words, that it was a missionary college
receiving in early years generous aid from Eng-
land for the special object of educating the na-
tives, a college like those in China whose activity
and influence he is deprecating.
It is untrue to say that ' missionaries have ar-
ranged that students may know as little as possi-
ble of the grandeur and dignity of their own na-
tional genius, the force and beauty of their own
civilization, and the splendid character and disci-
pline of their own great men.' As a matter of fact,
all educational institutions in China provide
courses of study in Chinese literature, Chinese
history, and Chinese philosophy, as well as Chi-
nese essay-writing, and in most institutions such
courses are not optional, but required. Confu-
cius's birthday is quite generally celebrated in
mission schools.
Instead of its being the case that 'missionary
educational institutions have always been looked
on with suspicion,' intelligent and progressive
Chinese have generally looked on them with
favor, have contributed generously to their ex-
pansion and maintenance, and have sent their
own boys and girls to be educated in them. The
Minister of Education in Peking, Mr. Fan Yuan-
lien, sent a representative to the meeting of the
East China Christian Educational Association,
held in Shanghai in February of this year, who
'addressed the convention, expressing the appre-
ciation of the Ministry of the work done in Mis-
sion schools and the desire to cooperate and keep
in touch with Mission educational work.'
Fortunately Mr. Chang does not mention med-
ical mission work: the benevolence of the doctors,
Chinese and foreign, in the Christian hospitals
throughout China is so conspicuous, that one
would stultify one's self by any unfriendly
criticism.
There is no danger of a dull uniformity of ideas
when China becomes christianized: on the con-
trary, Christianity is usually charged with too
great a diversity. To begin with, there are the
differences between the Roman Catholics and
the Protestants. Among the former, the various
orders which are carrying on the propagation of
their faith differ strikingly, and among the latter
variety is even more marked. But that China is
actually being evangelized, there can scarcely be
a doubt. Mr. Chang's article is a symptom of the
alarm felt in certain anti-Christian circles at the
rapid advance made by the religion of the Cross.
China is indeed 'now willing to reckon with the
more powerful civilization of the West and to fol-
low it in certain important aspects,' and the most
important of these aspects is the spiritual, for
'It is the spirit that giveth life.'
Yours faithfully,
MONTGOMERY H. THROOP.
* * *
This lady from Philadelphia knows her
Aristotle to some purpose.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Mrs. Gerould, in her brilliant article on 'Mo-
vies' in the July number, says that the motto of
the screen-play should be 'Good-bye, Aristotle';
but Aristotle taught that several things besides
the 'Three Unities' went to the making of a good
play. He lays tremendous stress on action,
'For,' says he, 'Tragedy is an imitation, not of
men, but of actions — for happiness consists in
action, and the supreme good itself, the very end
of life is action of a certain kind — not quality.'
The things that he thought essential to a play, in
the order of their importance, were Plot, Action,
Characterization, Sentiments.
Not a bad formula for a scenario!
Sincerely yours,
MARY ELEANOR ROBERTS.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
Mr. Christopher Morley includes the fol-
lowing lines in his Bowling Green, taking for
his text a remark of the Shop-Talk editor,
and developing the theme with his usual
felicity.
PLEASURES OF NUNCPROTUNCKING
'It is one of the compensations of a publisher's
existence that he is compelled to live a de6nite
part of his life in the future — to proceed, as the
lawyers say, nunc pro tune.'
— The Atlantic Monthly.
The publisher: consider him,
Who never lives ad interim.
He is compelled to haw and hem.
He cannot live, like us, pro tern.
For future days he packs his trunk,
Exclaiming sadly, Nunc pro tune!
Upon reading the lines, our merry print-
er's devil sat down at the linotype, and has-
tily dashed off the following untutored
trifle.
This poem of Morley's was not slow
To reach us in our status quo.
It hit the very hominem
Who was its terminus ad quern.
Eheu! The poem made quite a stir,
And we'd reply to Christopher,
But we are out of rhymes just nunc,
And he will have to wait till tune.
* * *
It is always valuable to hear many sides
of a many-sided question.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
You have given considerable space of late to
discussion of the growth of anti-Semitic senti-
ment in this country, and justly, for the question
is a burning one. The chief indictment against
the Jews seems to be that they refuse to be assim-
ilated, to intermarry, even to mingle — that they
stand aloof, as a race apart.
I hold a brief for the Jew who wishes to be
assimilated. Have you any idea of the difficulties
under which he labors? He may live in a Chris-
tian community, and have a dozen Christian in-
timates; he may even join the Church. He is,
nevertheless, unable to become a member of the
local club, to which all his friends belong. He has
not the family backing, the ramifying connec-
tions that make for social standing in the com-
munity. If he has married a Christian, her
friends feel that she has condescended a bit, even
though he is an exceptionally fine fellow; and his
friends think it's a pity that he should have cut
adrift like that, when there are so many attract-
ive Jewish girls to be had. There is always a cer-
tain constraint in their presence if the question
of religion is touched upon, be it ever so remotely.
They decide to send their children to the
neighboring private school attended by their
friends' children. Before this can be done, wires
sufficient to delight the heart of Tony Sarg must
be pulled. The father is then summoned to the
575
principal's sanctum, and given, gently, tactfully,
but unmistakably, to understand, that this is a
Christian school and that his children are being
admitted by special dispensation.
The question of finding accommodations at
good hotels has been discussed ad infinitum, and I
will not bore you with the numberless instances
of Jews who have been turned away, to their
great embarrassment, simply because they are
Jews, though they have culture, breeding, and
Christian connections. And with the refusal goes
a sneer at the Jew for trying to force himself
where he does not belong. How about assimila-
tion here?
Finally, is it not unjust to the Jew who is
adaptable, who wishes to be a one-hundred-per-
cent American, to find himself constantly classed
with the objectionable, noisy aliens who are
flooding this country?
Perhaps these few arguments may set some of
your readers to thinking, and to putting at least
part of the blame for non-assimilation where it
really belongs.
Sincerely yours,
H. L. K.
* * *
The Chicago Tribune hoists us a friendly
signal now and then, this time a warning
from a contributor.
A CALL FOR THE WATCH ON THE RHYME
SIR,—
In its August number, the Atlantic Monthly has
a sonnet in which us, glamorous, radius and con-
tinuous, and diameters and carpenters are used as
rhymes. And this from Boston! Please pass the
beans! OLE OLESON.
Even the editor was aware that the At-
lantic's poet neither meditated nor em-
ployed the usual sequent rhymes, preferring
the more complex assonance that has after
all a charm of its own. But any critic from
Chicago deserves a Boston audience.
Yeats's Lake Isle of Innesfrae comes to
mind as one reads this account, not of a
dream, but of a dream come true.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
I am living a unique life. Do you want me to
write about it? I am living on an ancestral farm
with my son (you have an article from him now,
on stock exchange and speculation), and we are
almost independent as far as living costs go.
About all we buy is soda, sugar, coffee, cheese,
and an occasional piece of meat (when our canned
meat, which we kill and put up on the place, gives
out).
We raise and grind our own wheat for break-
fast-food; have our own milk and cream (buy
butter); grind our own corn-meal, and get our
wheat ground for flour; have all the fruit and
vegetables we want; and our living costs us about
a dollar or so a week, apiece. For this we live on
576
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
the top, everything being fresh and appetizing.
Our inner life is delightful. We have all sorts of
good books, papers and magazines, music, and
perfect quiet, with only the birds singing about
us. I throw down a blanket and sleep under the
trees, and the birds and I begin the day together.
I have lovely flowers, to the raising of which I
attend, often before the sun is up.
We have a car, and the roads are fine, so we
can exchange our idyllic existence for the advan-
tages (?) of city life whenever we so desire.
Our habit of life being so simple is, I think,
largely responsible for our quiet, happy, and use-
ful existence.
Neither my son nor I (we are alone here) eat
breakfast; and when we eat at noon, it is that
cracked wheat, hot or cold — generally out of the
fireless cooker. No cooking for me until evening,
when I throw a few of our new potatoes into the
pot, and cook some eggs, and provide fresh apple-
sauce and sweet corn, five minutes from the field
before cooking.
It seems to me that from this quiet harbor,
where life sings on so quietly and happily, there
might come a message of simplicity and happi-
ness to a bedeviled city population which could
produce something of the effect on country-lovers
that Thoreau's Walden did on me when I read it
in Chicago, and yearned with all my heart to go
and do likewise.
This life seems heavenly to me; and not one
person who has been here but feels the charm
and wants to return.
Yours truly,
ELLEN DE GRAFF.
Apparently the amenities of stamp-col-
lecting may be appreciated by the stamp-
collector's family, or then, again, they may
not.
' Dear, your balance is running low.'
'Bought some more stamps.'
And again I had to listen to the Evils of Throw-
ing Away Money. Would it not be well to stop
squandering my hard-earned cash on mere
scraps of paper, etc., etc.
Scraps of paper, indeed! Was not this stamp
one of the great rarities? And here was a gem
procured in Alaska. Not an ordinary one-cent
stamp as the family would have it, but one which
had been sent all the way from Washington by
rail, steamer, and pack, to the gold-fields, there
to lie until I should stumble across it. Useless to
explain that it was a variety unknown until I
found this specimen.
And this little engraving, worth many times
its weight in gold, was found in a country post-
office, where the postmaster refused to show me
his stock one Saturday afternoon because he kept
his stock upstairs in the safe, ' and,' he explained,
'some of the women are up there taking a bath.'
No romance in stamps? Why, here was romance
to saturation!
Useless to try to explain why sane men with
national-bank letter-heads and big-corporation
stationery forgot their stenographers and scrawled
me letters telling me of their finds. No, it was a
childish pastime. Foolish, frivolous, and fruit-
less.
One fine day, a strange chap walked into my
office and asked whether I would sell my collec-
tion. I would. I would convince that family of
mine there was something in that album.
Things moved rapidly. I took the stranger
home, showed him the treasures, took his check,
and sent him down the road with my Alaska find,
my bathroom stamps — my hobby. (There is no
climax to this tale — the check was O.K. Phi-
latelists habitually trust one another.)
Now, I Would show in one-syllable words what
I had parted with. With the proceeds I bought a
car, and every time the family admired the flit-
ting scenery I reminded them that they rode on
postage-stamps.
But my victory fell flat. I had lost my hobby.
No longer could I turn to my album for solace
after an off day at the office. No pages to turn
long winter evenings into hours of pleasure. I
felt lost.
Once a collector, always a collector. I became
interested in old maps. The romance of old
charts with their sea serpents, mermaids, and
Terra Incognita fascinated me. I began gathering
old books of travel, with their quaint cartograph-
ical insets; old folio atlases, with their hand-
painted pages. The void would be filled! I would
make a collection that would be a pleasure and a
joy forever.
' Dear, your balance is running low.'
Our correspondent is conservative. An-
other stamp-collector of our acquaintance
sometimes receives from his banker a letter
that reads, in substance, 'Dear, your bal-
ance is overdrawn.'
In these days of General-Information
tests, it is refreshing to know that at least
one young candidate for future honors is
beginning early to store up geographical
lore against the day of the Edison examina-
tions.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
That the Monthly has a certain fixed place in
the scheme of things is well known to all readers.
Extra proof 'out of the mouth of babes' may be
of interest.
Small boy of four who has his 'toy world'
(globe), and interests beyond his own fireside: -1-
'I know the names of the oceans.'
' Well, and what are they? '
'One is Atlantic and — I think the other is
Monthly.'
Yours sincerely,
D. A. STEWART.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
NOVEMBER, 1921
PRISON FACTS
BY FRANK TANNENBAUM
'THIS is a very nice view, is n't it?'
The warden was speaking — a tall
broad-shouldered man in the early for-
ties, with a rugged complexion, power-
fully thick hands, and an open face with
twinkling eyes. A self-made man, who
had risen from the rank of a guard to
his present position of responsibility in
one of the largest prisons in the country.
He had taken me to the old prison, and
pointed to the place on the wall where,
twenty years before, he had started his
career, pacing the wall with a rifle on
his shoulder. He was proud of his newly
won responsibility and conscious of it
— it was a new thing.
We sat on the porch facing the prison.
A broad, quiet river flowed by the
house, with a distant range of low hills,
green and bright. It was a wonderful
summer morning! The sun barely ris-
ing above the tree-tops, the dew still
glistening in the shade, the birds sing-
ing in their varied, joyful, and madly
hilarious moods, all gave the setting a
cheerful atmosphere that filled every
fibre with the love of life. In front of
us was the prison — long gray walls
partly covered with ivy, the ground
round about planted with flowers, and
the green grass neatly kept. The sun,
driving the shadowed curtain of early
VOL. 1S8—NO. 5
A
dawn from the upper turrets of the in-
side building, made everything vibrant
and happy.
We were sitting in soft chairs, smok-
ing our pipes, looking at the prison, and
talking about its manifold problems.
The warden was a very good fellow,
kind-hearted and well-intentioned. He
was, however, a man of no learning,
almost illiterate. His whole training was
the training he had received in the
prison; his equipment was that which
the prison environment provided. A
varied contact with many men who had
come under his observation, combined
with a natural exuberance and intelli-
gence, with a background of good-will
that had remarkably well escaped the
corroding influence of the prison atmos-
phere, had given him a really unusual
personal equipment and power. He
was telling me that he had been trained
under the greatest of prison men, and
considered himself a good disciple.
'These men can only be treated in one
way — that is, strict and steady disci-
pline. Always be just to the men, but
punish them quick and sharp when they
break the rules.' This completed his
philosophy of life — strictness, just-
ness, treat all men alike, and let punish-
ment follow the breaking of a rule as
578
PRISON FACTS
the night follows the day — without
exception, without fuss, constant and
inevitable. He liked to talk about him-
self, his experiences, the men he had
met, the characters he had handled,
and was proud beyond words that the
men considered him 'square.'
We sped the rising sun into the upper
sky by exchanging stories and adven-
tures. Once, years ago, he had visited
New York City, and the marvel of it
still dwelt with him. He told me how
he had been taken down the subway,
had watched the crowds on Broadway,
and stood bewildered before the ' crazy,
shrieking, hair-tearing lunatics ' in front
of the Stock Exchange. The tall build-
ings impressed him, and the rumbling
Elevated; but, most of all, the crowded
East Side. 'I did n't tell my wife and
children half that I saw, because they
would n't have believed me anyway;
and would you think that people would
live like a lot of pigs, when they could
come out here in the open and free
West? But man is a funny creature,
ain't he? and there is no explaining
him.'
It was Sunday, and chapel-time came.
He turned us — my wife and me —
over to the assistant warden, with in-
structions to take us to chapel.
The assistant warden was a smaller
man, stocky, a little gray, quiet, an-
swering questions in monosyllables, and
watchful. As the gates swung open, we
followed him into the prison. This is
one of the new structures, a model of
the Auburn type — probably the best
of its kind in the world. Everything was
spick and span: the yard, the buildings,
the halls, the brass, the marble floor —
all looked shiny. It would have been
difficult to find a speck of dust. In an-
swer to a question, the assistant warden
said, 'We make 'em spruce 'er up.'
The halls were strangely silent. We
could hear the echo of our steps go
rumbling down the line. Nothing was
visible but an occasional guard in his
blue uniform and yellow buttons,
standing in a corner, and saluting with
his club as we went by.
The chapel, a half-circular room with
something like fifteen hundred seats, was
empty when we walked in and seated
ourselves in the last row, the assistant
warden standing at our back. The
stained windows with their steel bars,
the gray walls, heavy and barren, gave
the whole chapel a sombre and dull
setting. After a few silent and restless
moments, a door opened. The assistant
warden nodded his head, and a second
later a brazen gong struck upon the air.
Suddenly, we heard the shuffling tramp,
tramp, tramp of a thousand prison feet,
marching on us from all sides. They
came down four aisles — in single file,
dressed in gray suits, their heads bare,
their arms folded, shoulders stooping,
bodies bent a little forward as if they
were falling into the chapel rather than
walking, eyes to the ground and faces
turning neither to the right nor to the
left. There was a listless weariness
about these spiritless men, a kind of
hopeless resignation, an acceptance of
an unrelenting fate and a broken sub-
mission, that made the metaphor of
' being broken on the wheel ' seem a real,
stalking, ghost-like apparition. About
every twenty feet a guard in blue uni-
form and Sunday suit, with shoes nice
and shiny, and armed with a heavy
loaded cane, kept company.
As they reached the end of the aisle,
the guard struck the marble floor with
his loaded 'butt,' and the men turned
half around, and filed in front of their
seats. He struck the ground again, and
they faced the platform. Another rap
from the stick, and this sound seated
the men. This continued row after row,
until all the men were in their seats.
When the doors were closed, the guards
placed at their proper distances, facing
the men, with their sticks in front of
PRISON FACTS
579
them, another rap on the ground and
the hands of the men dropped to their
sides. In all this time not a head had
been turned, not a sound, not a whisper,
not a word, nothing — not even a ver-
bal command — had escaped the thou-
sand men in the room. Nothing but
the tramping, shuffling feet, the iron
clang against the marble floor — and
the stooping forms dressed in gray.
A few minutes later, a signal from the
watchful master of ceremonies at our
back, and a side door on the stage
opened. A man dressed in black was
ushered on to the platform. He was
a little man, bald-headed, with thick
eyeglasses and a red puggy face. As
he crept across the platform, he kept
pushing his hands into his pockets, pull-
ed out a yellow paper folded many
times, and began to open it. He placed
the paper on the speaker's desk in front
of the platform, pulled out a red hand-
kerchief, mopped his face, cleaned and
adjusted his thick glasses, hemmed and
coughed a few times, stuck the paper
against his nose, and began to read. He
had a thin, squeaking voice, which did
not reach half across the room.
It is difficult to describe the setting
and the bearing of the spiritual leader
of this silent and subdued flock without
seeming unkind and ungenerous. I
write without prejudice and without
bias — but one must tell the truth. He
was an ignorant man. He stumbled
over the big words, would get half-way
through them, only to turn back for
another start. There was nothing in-
spiring about him, nothing cheerful,
nothing interesting. It was dull, stupid,
insipid. The men could not hear what
he read as he read to himself, and could
not understand him as he swallowed his
words. The whole performance lasted
some fifteen minutes, including a few
prayers; and then the little man on the
platform folded his yellow paper and
scuttled off" through the side door.
As the door closed, the first sound of
the keeper's stick against the marble
floor roused the men in the last row.
They stood up, folded their arms, faced
half-about and began to shuffle out, fol-
lowed by the next row and the next,
and so until the end. Each movement
was determined by the sound of the
keeper's stick.
As they came out, we got a better
look at the men. Most of them were
young and tall, broad of shoulder and
well built — men reared in the West,
on farms, who had come into the cities
and been dragged into the whirlpool of
undercurrents that brought them to
prison. Their faces were gray, their
eyes sunken, dim, dull, and moody. As
they noticed us sitting in the last row,
their eyes shifted a little in startled
surprise, — it was unusual for visitors
to be seen downstairs in the chapel, —
but hastily, fearfully, their eyes turned
to the ground again when they noticed
the little silent and grim figure at our
back.
The tramp, tramp, tramp of the men
could be heard as they crept down the
distant halls. Silence fell upon the
chapel — a hard silence, a feeling of
horror, suppression, and distortion per-
vaded the air and filled it with some-
thing of infinite sadness. I turned my
head to look at my wife, and the tears
were running down her cheeks — tears
that would not be controlled. When the
last sound had died down, a keeper ap-
peared at one of the doors, nodded his
head, and the guardian at our back
said, 'We can go now.' I asked if the
men had to attend chapel. He said,
'Yes, prayers is good for them.' I have
been haunted by the chapel service.
Never before had I seen anything quite
so humiliating, inhuman, and sterile.
Is this a typical Sunday morning
service? No, I have seen others more
cheerful, less grim — places where laugh-
ter and applause could be heard, where
580
PRISON FACTS
prayers were intermingled with other
things. I have seen services where there
was some eloquence and a manly
voice; but this picture is typical of
the spiritual stagnation in prison. It
is typical of the order and the discipline
in prison — of the system, regularity,
formalism, and, too frequently, of the
silence. There is no spiritual life in the
average American prison. There is no
hope, no inspiration, no stimulus, no
compulsion of the soul to better things.
It is hard, cold, frozen, dead. This is so
true, so general, so all-pervading, that
one might describe the whole prison
system in these few words — and I say
this after seeing something like seventy
penal institutions this summer.
II
The little Ford engine labored might-
ily as we barely climbed the steep hill
to the State Reformatory at Y .
As the car reached the top of the hill, I
could see, about a quarter of a mile
away, a massive building with many
towers, surrounded by most beautiful
grounds. An uninitiated person would
have taken this for some strange medi-
aeval castle magically transplanted to
this most favored spot, set off against
many hills, with a clear blue sky above
and mile upon mile of smiling rich fertile
farm-lands below. This, however, was
no castle of an ancient knight — it was
the stony home of many a poor lad who
had been placed there for the good of
his soul and the safety of the commu-
nity. This, at least, is what the kindly
people would have said. This was a
reformatory to make bad boys good.
As I rang the bell and presented my
credentials to the keeper, he looked at
me doubtfully. 'Whom do you want?'
said he, with the sharpness of a rasped
temper.
'The warden,' said I.
'The warden is busy.'
'Yes, I know he is busy; but as I
shall have to see him before I leave,
you had better take these in to him
now.'
After a while I was presented to the
warden — a tall, bony, straight-backed
old man, of about sixty-five or seventy;
gray, thin-lipped, sullen, and obviously
displeased. As I came in, he motioned
me to a chair and then turned suddenly
on me. Pointing a long sharp finger in
my face, he said : ' I know you. You are
from one of them damned reform com-
mittees who believe in coddling the
prisoners. Well, I don't. I have been in
this business forty years, and know
what I am talking about. You can't
coddle these fellows — you can't do it.
Let me tell you. I don't like these
sniffling committees that come around
and investigate — that come around
and tell a man like me, who has been in
this business forty years, how to run his
prison. It is just like telling a general
how to run his army. But I don't care;
I will show you everything. [I was
shown the sum total of nothing. But
in his blustering way, he told me every-
thing I wanted to know.] I have noth-
ing to hide. I treat the men right; they
can learn a trade, and if they are willing
workers, they can earn some money —
and work is good for them. This is not
a bad prison. Men who are here from
other prisons always tell me this is
better than most. But I run this prison.
No rough-neck can come here and think
he is going to rough-house it. If he tries
to, I fix him. I fix him. This is my job.
A little while ago they transferred a
fellow in here who said that this place
was like a kindergarten, and that he
would show everybody how to eat out
of his hand. Well, I fixed him. He
started by getting into a fight with one
of my officers. I took him out into the
yard, put him over a barrel, stripped
him the way his father used to do, and
put the cane to him — I have a good
PRISON FACTS
581
birch cane. I fixed him good and fine.
No bones broken, no rough stuff, no
permanent marks. It will wear off in
good time. And when I had given him
plenty, I riveted a seventy-pound ball
and chain round his ankle and put him
back in the shop from which he came.
It did n't take long, only a little longer
than it does to tell. But I fixed him.
He has been a good dog ever since.'
The warden stopped; his face re-
laxed a little, he looked at me as if he
were well pleased, wiped his thin lips
with the back of his hand, reflected a
minute, and then said, ' Would you be-
lieve it — I told this story to a bunch
of women the other day when they
asked me to speak, and they hissed me
for it.'
He was sincerely perplexed, and
naively thought that the women must
either have been ' crazy,' or affected by
the 'new-fangled' ideas.
Ill
This story brings me straight to the
question of prison discipline in the Uni-
ted States. There has been so much
agitation about this particular ques-
tion, — and it is a crucial question, —
that a survey of how things stand at
present is bound to be of interest as
well as significant. I must begin by
saying that the agitation has mainly
been outside of prison — that those af-
fected by it were mostly people who
have little or nothing to do with the
prison situation. There are a few excep-
tions, a few indications that all the
agitation has not been entirely in vain:
a few changes in method, a possible re-
duction in the number of men punished,
a relaxing of the rules a little in regard
to talking and the lock-step, the aboli-
tion of such things as the strait-jacket
(I am not so sure about this : rumors of
its existence reached me in more than
one place, but I did not actually see it),
and the abolition of what was once a
common practice, of hanging men up by
their wrists and swinging their bodies off
the floor.
Let me introduce into this discus-
sion of the situation the following quo-
tation from the Detroit News of Janu-
ary 27, 1920: -
'Harry L. Hulburt, warden of the
prison, explained to the committee how
the flogging apparatus is worked. The
man to be flogged is blindfolded, hand-
cuffed, and shackled at the ankles.
Then he is stretched out on a long lad-
der, which is made to fit snugly over a
barrel. The prisoner is blindfolded, the
warden said, so that he will not see who
is flogging him. [The warden told me,
when I visited the institution, that he
did it himself, as he thought that no one
else should be allowed to do it.] His
back is bared and a piece of stout
linen cloth is placed over the bare spot.
The instrument used in the paddling is
a heavy strap about four inches in
width, punched with small holes about
an inch apart and fastened to a handle.
The strap is soaked in water, according
to the warden, till it becomes pliable;
Dr. Robert McGregor [one of the best
and most conscientious prison doctors
that I met on the trip], prison physician,
holds the pulse of the man being flogged
and gives the signal for the flogger to
stop.'
The article then goes on to detail
three different cases of flogging. We
will quote only the first.
'Thomas Shultz, boy of twenty-one
years old, seven months after being sent
from the insane asylum, was given 181
lashes and kept in the dungeon during
the period of the flogging for nine days
and fed on bread and water. . . . Nov.
3, assaulted guard. For this and other
minor offenses, none of them serious,
he was sentenced to receive 181 lashes.
Nov. 4, he received 40 lashes. . . ,
Nov. 5, he received 35 lashes. Nov. 6,
582
PRISON FACTS
he received 26 lashes. Nov. 9, he re-
ceived 40 lashes. Nov. 13, he received
40 lashes. Total, 181 lashes.'
Now Jackson, to which this refers, is
a comparatively decent prison (I had
started to use the word good; but there
are no good prisons, any more than there
are good diseases). If I were asked to
pick the least objectionable prisons in
the United States, after seeing some-
thing like seventy, I should have to in-
clude Jackson among the first ten, or
possibly even among the first half-
dozen. The warden is unusually intel-
ligent, interested in his job, an advocate
of the honor system, who also practises
it on a large scale. He is certainly
among the most humane of the wardens
in the country; and, by and large, his
prisoners have more freedom inside
the walls than is common. I do not re-
peat this quotation to give it extra
publicity. I repeat it to show what
happens even in those prisons which are
least antiquarian and hide-bound. This
does not mean that all prisons have
whipping. A large number still do, —
more than I expected, — but old meth-
ods of punishment are still prevalent in
practically all prisons.
There is hardly a prison where soli-
tary confinement is not practised. In
some cases solitary confinement is for
a few months, in some cases for a few
years; and in not a few there is such a
thing as permanent solitary. Some pris-
ons have a few men put away; some
have as many as twenty; and in one
case there are about fifty men placed in
solitary for shorter or longer periods.
Why do the wardens do it? Well,
they do not know what else to do.
They run to the end of their ingenuity,
and do that as a last resort — that is,
the best of them. Some do it as a mat-
ter of common policy. I recall climbing
a flight of stairs with a good-natured
warden in a Western prison, and being
shown a specially built courtyard with
some dozen solitary cells. There were
four men put away there permanently
— one had been there for three years.
They were not even allowed to exercise.
They were not allowed to talk, they
had no reading-matter, they could not
smoke. There had at one time been
only one man in the place, and the war-
den permitted him to smoke; but when
the others were put in, he told him not
to pass any tobacco to them. This is,
of course, an impossible demand. The
insistence for a share of that mighty
joy in solitary — a smoke — is irresist-
ible. He did what was inevitable, —
passed his tobacco and a 'puff,' to the
other fellows, — and the warden de-
prived him of the privilege. 'He should
have obeyed what I told him if he
wanted to hold on to his privilege,' was
the reason given.
What is true of solitary confinement
is true also of the dark cell. Practically
all prisons have and use dark cells. It
is common to find from one to a dozen
men put away in the dark cells, kept
on bread and water — that means a
little bread and about a gill of water
every twenty-four hours. In most
prisons — about ninety per cent — this
punishment is added to by handcuff-
ing the man to the wall or the bars of
the door during the day, that is, for a
period of ten to twelve hours each day
that he is in punishment — the time
varying from a few days to more than
two weeks. In some institutions the
handcuffs have been abolished and re-
placed by an iron cage made to fit the
human form, which, in some cases, can
be extended or contracted by the turn-
ing of a handle. A man put in the dark
cell has this cage placed about him and
made to fit his particular form — and
it is usually made so ' snug ' that he has
to stand straight up in the cage. He
cannot bend his knees, he cannot lean
against the bars, he cannot turn round;
his hands are held tight against the
PRISON FACTS
583
sides of his body, and he stands straight,
like a post, for a full day, on a little
bread and water — and for as many
days as the warden or the deputy sees
fit. I was always asked to observe that
they did not use handcuffs : this was the
reform. Remember, a dark, pitch-black
cell, with your hands pinned against
your sides, your feet straight all day,
unable to move or shift your ground,
for ten and twelve hours a day, on bread
and water, is the reform!
In one or two institutions where the
cage is used, but is not adjustable, —
the man having to squeeze into the flat
space as best he can, — they added the
handcuffs. In one institution, — a com-
mendable institution, as such things
go, in some ways, — in one of the states
that has always prided itself on being
progressive, I found that they added to
the dark cell the handcuffing of the
man while he slept. In the particular
institution I have in mind the arrange-
ment was as follows. A bar was at-
tached to one of the walls, and slanted
down until it reached within about
three inches of the floor. On this bar
was a ring. At night, the board on
which the man slept was placed near
this slanting bar; one pair of handcuffs
was put on the prisoner's wrists, an-
other pair connected with his hands
was attached to the ring on the slant-
ing iron bar. This means that he had
to lie on one side all night long, hand-
cuffed and pressing on this board, which
served him as a bed.
This does not complete the list of
prison punishments as they are now
practised. The underground cell is still
in existence — probably not in many
prisons, but I saw it in at least two
different institutions. In one state pris-
on, — an old prison, dark and damp in-
side, — I found a punishment cell in
the cell-block. It was built under-
ground. In the centre of the hall there
is an iron door, flat on the ground, which
one lifts sideways — like an old-type
country cellar-door. It creaks on its
rusty iron hinges. I climbed down a
narrow flight of rickety stairs. When I
got to the bottom, I had to bend double
to creep into a long narrow passage. It
was walled about with stone, covered
with a rusty tin covering. It was not
high enough to stand up in, hardly high
enough for a good-sized man to sit up
in. The warden above closed the door
on me. I was in an absolutely pitch-
black hole — long, narrow, damp, un-
ventilated, dirty (there must be rats and
vermin in it); and one has to keep a
bucket for toilet purposes in that little
black hole. As I came out, the warden
said naively, * When I put a man in here,
I keep him thirty days.' Let the reader
imagine what that means to human flesh
and blood.
I do not want to make this a paper of
horrors. Just one more case. On my
way back I stopped off at a certain very
well-known prison that I had heard
about since childhood. For the last ten
years it has been famous as one of the
great reform prisons of the country. I
remember seeing pictures of the warden
with prisoners out on a road-gang. The
article in which these pictures appeared
gave a glowing account of the freedom
these men had — they guarded them-
selves away from the prison proper, out
in the hills, building roads. The state
in which this prison is situated has
constructed many miles of prison-built
road — and in fact it was one of the
first in the country to undertake to
build roads with convict labor, without
guards. When I knocked on its gates,
I thrilled with expectancy. Here, at
least, would I find a model prison,
unique, exceptional, a pride to the state
and an honor to the man who was re-
sponsible for it. In fact, I had heard
that the warden was being considered
for political advancement to the office
of governor because of his remarkable
584
PRISON FACTS
prison record. I found a remarkable
institution — remarkable for its back-
wardness and brutality.
The first thing that I saw as I en-
tered the prison yard was a strange and
unbelievable thing. Nine men kept go-
ing round in a circle, wheeling wheel-
barrows, while a heavy chain dangled
from each man's ankle. As I came
nearer, I noticed in each wheelbarrow a
heavy iron ball attached to the chain.
In the centre stood a guard; and the
men kept circling about him all day
long, wheeling the iron ball in their
barrows, their bodies bent over, their
faces sullen, their feet dragging. They
did that for ninety days each, I was
told by my guide. At night they carried
the ball to their cells, and in the morn-
ing they carried it to the dining-room.
For three months this iron ball and
chain stayed riveted about their ankles
— a constant companion and, I sup-
pose, from the warden's point of view,
a stimulus to better things — one of
the ways of making 'bad' men 'good.'
There, too, I found all the 'other
characteristics of the average prison —
dark cells, bread and water, solitary,
handcuffs, and, in addition, a hired
colored man to do whipping when that
was called for — as no one else could be
got to do it. This negro was never per-
mitted in the prison yard for fear that
the men might kill him. The report
that I sent to the National Committee
on Prisons and Prison Labor, for which
I was traveling, reads as follows : —
I have just visited the famous reform
prison at C and this is what I found : —
Nine men going around a circle, wheeling
ball and chain.
Whipping-post, with special colored man
to do the task.
Dark cells.
Solitary.
Men handcuffed to the doors.
Bread and water.
No work for the men.
In addition to loss of privileges and good
time, which is usual as a means of discipline.
A traveling prison chaplain had vis-
ited the institution the Sunday before
I came, and made a speech to the men.
In beginning his speech, he remarked
upon the fame of the warden with the
world abroad, and upon the fortune of
the men for being under such humane
treatment. Some of the men hissed.
For that the moving-picture machine
had been torn out from its place in the
chapel, and the men were to be de-
prived of their weekly prison 'movie.'
I was told also that Sunday yard-privi-
leges had been rescinded. In telling me
about it, one of the guards remarked:
' We will show them [the prisoners] that
this can be a real prison.' I wonder
what they think it is now — and what
else they can add to make it one. Let
this conclude the description of current
disciplinary methods.
IV
The use of man by man is the basic
test in the evaluation of any institution,
especially one designed to make the
'bad' 'good,' the 'hard' 'soft,' and the
'unsocial' 'social.' The test of a penal
institution is its disciplinary methods.
The picture I have drawn is one-
sided and not sufficiently comprehen-
sive. If one desires to secure a general
view of the technique of penal adminis-
tration as it is at present practised, he
must look at other elements of the pic-
ture. There is the problem of labor.
The opportunity to keep busy during
the day, — to do something that will
hasten the passing hours, that will give
a sense of contact with the world of
reality, that will exercise one's ringers
and use one's body, — this simple crav-
ing of the human organism is denied on
a much larger scale than one can imag-
ine unless he is actually brought in con-
PRISON FACTS
585
tact with the fact. I should say that
at least one third of the prisoners in the
American state prisons are unemployed.
That means that in some prisons all
men are working, in some practically
none, and in others only a part.
The warden was an aggressive, opin-
ionated, ignorant, and coarse individ-
ual. He had grown stout, his lower lip
had hardened, his jaw jammed against
his upper teeth as he talked, and at
every second sentence he banged the
table for emphasis, stopped, looked at
you to see if you agreed with him, and
if there was any doubt in his mind about
this, he repeated what he had said,
adding, ' I am talking straight fact.'
I first saw him in the evening, swing-
ing in a soft hanging rocker on the
porch, supported by small couch cush-
ions, dressed in an immaculate white
suit, with a silk handkerchief in his
coat-pocket, and smoking a big cigar
tilted at the proper 'politician's' angle.
He was round-headed, his face shiny
and smooth-shaven. I felt uncomfort-
able sitting there in front of him and
talking about the men inside. A feeling
of disgust crept over me, as if he were
some fat over-dressed pig — and self-
assertive.
'I run this prison by psychology; if
you want a lecture on psychology I will
give it to you; it is all hi psychology,'
he told me.
I begged to be excused that night. I
was tired. I had driven all day; and
perhaps I would enjoy it better after I
saw how he managed the prison.
'All right; but remember the whole
trick is psychology — it is as simple as
that.'
It was a typical prison — only it had
an 'idle-house.' The 'idle-house' is so
called because it houses the idle men —
men who do nothing all day long but
sit on benches, crowded together, all
day, every day of the week, every week
of the year, and every year of their pris-
on term — a term that may range from
one year to a lifetime. It is a large bare
loft. There I found four hundred men,
dressed in their prison suits, sitting, all
facing one way. Around the room there
were keepers, seated on high stools,
watching these idle men. In the morn-
ing after breakfast the men were
marched to this idle-house. At noon
they were taken to the dining-room;
after lunch they were marched back to
the idle-house. They were being made
good by sitting. This is better than in
some prisons, where the men who have
nothing to do are kept in their cells.
And yet — how little ingenuity it
would have taken to put most of these
men to work at something useful, if not
remunerative. It would not have been
difficult to find enough public-spirited
citizens who would have provided a
dozen old and broken-down automo-
biles and typewriters, and thus put a
number of them to work taking them
apart and putting them together —
learning something and keeping busy,
doing something. It would not have
been difficult to put a number of these
to studying Spanish, French, Italian —
every large prison has men who would
like to teach these languages and others
who would like to learn them. There
are a hundred ways hi which these men
could — at least, most of them could —
have been occupied in doing something :
learning how to draw, to box, to play an
instrument, to typewrite — anything
that would have taken the burden of
eternal idleness off their hands. All it
needed was a couple of days' use of the
imagination. But the warden lacked
the imagination. He was not really
vividly conscious of the problem. When
I had seen the prison and was ready to
go, I asked him if he would give me that
lecture on psychology, and he said with
an emphatic bang on the table, 'My
boy, psychology is common sense.'
586
PRISON FACTS
What is true of work is true of other
things. There is no imagination in the
American prison field — or so little that
one has to look far and wide to find it.
Take the question of housing. Prac-
tically all American prisons are built on
the same plan. That is the Auburn
type. The best way to describe it is to
begin from the outside. The first thing
is the high stone wall. After you get in-
to the prison yard made by this wall you
come face to face with a large square
building about five stories high. It has
narrow windows, heavily barred — in
some cases these windows are so narrow
that it would not be possible for a man
to get through them. When you enter
the stone building, you find another
building inside. This inside building is
the cell-block, a square stone structure
standing four stories high. Each tier,
or floor, is divided into a large number
of little cells — each cell looks like
every other. Each floor is like the one
below it. The cells vary in size, but
not much. In the older prisons — and
most of the prisons are old — the cells
are about three and a half feet wide,
seven feet long, and seven feet high.
Some, as in Sing Sing prison, are even
smaller. In the newer prisons they are
larger — in some cases more than twice
this size. The cells are set back to back.
The space of a cell is so small that it
is inconceivable for one who has not
been in it. You cannot spread your
hands, you cannot lift your hand above
your head, you cannot take more than
three steps without hitting your toe
against the wall. A cell is not larger
than a good-sized grave stood on end.
It is dark, half-dark, all the time. There
is no window in the cell. The windows
are in the outer wall and the cell is set
about thirty feet away from the outer
wall. The windows in this wall are gen-
erally narrow, and are always heavily
barred. The sun must first get into
the prison before it can get into the cell.
But the cell is not made to receive
the sun. In the older prisons one half
of the front facing the window is
walled up. The other half has a door.
In the very worst prisons, this door is
completely closed at the bottom —
that is, the lower half is made of solid
steel. To get around this, as in Sing
Sing, they have drilled holes in that
part. The upper half is closely netted
with heavy bars, in some cases leaving
only little square holes for the sun and
air to get through after it finds its way
into the prison. In the older cell-blocks
these cells have no internal ventilation
at all ! All the air must come in and out
through the limited space of the front
door. In others, more modern, there is
a ventilator in the cell — a hole going
up through the wall, about six inches
square. In all the old prisons the cells
have no toilet system; buckets are used
for toilet purposes. These buckets are
generally numbered, so that each man
can get his own back; but not always.
As the men are put into their cells at
about five in the afternoon, and taken
out again at about six in the next morn-
ing they are in this cell-block for at
least thirteen hours. Think of what it
means to have eighteen hundred men
in a prison under such conditions.
Think of a hot July night, and pic-
ture the air on the top tier. No words
can describe the pollution of the air
under these conditions. Add to this
the fact that, in most prisons, the men
are kept in practically all day Sunday,
half a day Saturday, and, tf Monday
happens to be a holiday, all day Mon-
day, and you will have a sense of the
torture that life under these conditions
imposes upon the sensitive, and of the
callousness it implies in those who have
ceased to be sensitive.
This, however, is not all. The prisons
cannot be kept clean, — certainly not
the old prisons, — even if there were
consciousness that this ought to be done.
PRISON FACTS
587
These old stone structures, standing
in half-darkness for a hundred years,
never having proper ventilation, never
proper airing, are infected with bugs
and vermin. In my own case — and
this is typical of the old prison — the
old cell-block in Blackwell's Island
was bug-ridden. In my day there were
thousands of bugs in my cell. I strug-
gled valiantly, constantly, and indus-
triously. But it was a hopeless fight.
I had some books, and the bugs made
nests in them. They crept over me
when I slept — they made life mis-
erable. I am not blaming the warden
for this. I am describing a fact that
we might as well face. But the sense of
sanitation is not very keen among pris-
on officials taken as a whole. There
are a few exceptions, mostly in the new
prisons.
The meaning of cell-life under these
conditions cannot be conceived. I re-
call the day when I was first put in a
cell. I stepped into a little yellow space
— the walls seemed drawn together,
and I halted at the door. A little yel-
low half-burned bulb was stuck up in
the corner; there was a narrow iron cot
against the wall. I heard the door be-
hind me slam, and I felt myself cramped
for space, for air, for movement. I
turned quickly after the retreating offi-
cer, and called him back.
'What do you want?'
'Will — will I have to stay in this
place all night?'
He laughed. 'You will get used to it
soon enough.'
I turned back to my cell. The walls
slowly retreated and made more room
for me, so that I crept in and away from
the door. The yellow glimmering light
hurt my eyes. It was fully half an hour
before I adjusted myself to the fact
that I was there for the night. On my
little narrow iron cot, I found two dirty
blankets. I rolled them up, shoved
them against the wall beneath the light,
and took out a little book that I had
with me.
When I came into the prison that
morning, I had some books, but they
were taken away. I protested that I
had to have something to read — I sim-
ply had to have something. The keeper
objected that it was against the rules.
He looked at my books carefully, and
then picked out a little paper-covered
volume, which he gave me with the re-
mark, 'You can have this. We permit
men to bring in anything that is reli-
gious.' It was William Morris's News
from Nowhere. The little glimmering
light on the yellow page, and in a few
minutes I was off in dreamland — I
followed Morris's idyllic picture and
perfect beings into a world where there
were no prisons and no unemployed.
This happy setting was interrupted
by the sobs of a boy next to my cell —
he too was a newcomer. He sobbed
hysterically, 'My God, what shall I do?
What shall I do ? ' I climbed down from
my cot, knocked on the wall of his cell,
and tried to talk to him. But he paid
no attention to me. He just sobbed and
cried like a child torn from its mother,
as if his heart would break.
Finding no response, I clambered
back to my place, and was soon off in
dreamland again. I did not wake until
the lights were turned out at nine
o'clock. I looked out of my cell and
saw, through the far-off window in the
outer wall, a star glimmering; then,
without undressing, straightening my
blankets, I fell asleep and, in my sleep,
dreamed of the free fields of early child-
hood.
I mentioned the dirty blankets on
the cot. I used that word deliberately.
It is not uncommon for the blankets
which a man gets hi prison to be
dirty. They are rarely cleaned or fumi-
gated. One man goes out and another
goes in — receiving the blankets the
other used, without any attempt to
588
PRISON FACTS
clean or wash them; and of course
there are no sheets. I have seen blan-
kets so dirty that the dust actually fell
out of them when you moved them.
This is not true of all prisons, but is of
many.
It is not uncommon to find a prison
where the men have not their own in-
dividual underwear. The underwear is
sent to the laundry, and a man gets
what luck will bring him: some is too
long, some too short; some has been
used by healthy men, some by men who
were sick with contagious diseases. In
some prisons the small cells have two
men to a cell. There are two cots, one
above the other; and these men live in
this narrow cramped place — and at
times the health of the men so crowded
is not examined. They use the same
bucket and drink out of the same cup.
Practically none of the prisons pay
the men for their work. A few places
make it possible for a few men to earn
what might be considered a fair wage,
but the mass of the prisoners earn little,
in many cases nothing. Just at random :
New York pays its prisoners one cent
and a half a day; California and Massa-
chusetts pay them nothing. And yet,
it is asked why the men are not inter-
ested and ambitious!
Practically none of the prisons make
a serious attempt to educate their pris-
oners. The eight grades for illiterates
are in use in places — but as a rule
they amount to little, both the system
and the method being antiquated and
the spirit poor. In only one or two
places is there a real attempt to use
for educational purposes the extraordi-
nary advantages of time and control
which prisons imply. San Quentin is
conspicuous by the fact that it is mak-
ing a real attempt in that direction.
What I have said about education is
true of health. Health is neglected.
Here and there the fact that crime and
health, both physical and mental, have
a relation to each other, is gradually
being recognized, but not as much or as
fully as one would expect.
This rather sketchy description of
American penal conditions is unfair to
the exceptions — but the exceptions
are few and far between. There is not
a prison in the country, in so far as I
have seen them, that does not fall into
this general picture in one or more of
its phases. Of the worst prisons, all
that I have said is true. Of the better
ones, some of the things I have said are
true. For the casual visitor, who is
taken around by a guard or by the
warden, who is told all the good things
and not permitted to see the bad ones,
whom lack of experience and know-
ledge makes gullible, this may seem a
startling story. If it is startling, it is
not more so than the facts are.
There are other things about the
prison — developments of parole, edu-
cation, self-government, farm-labor —
which are more hopeful than the pic-
ture painted here. These, however,
must be left over for another time. I
have separated the hopeful things in the
prison situation from the outstanding
shortcomings, deliberately. To com-
bine them is to give the optimist —
and we are all ready to hang our opti-
mism to the most fleeting excuse — an
opportunity to rationalize and escape
the burden of present evil. The present
prison system is bad. I have hardly de-
scribed all its evils. Some cannot be
written about without greater finesse
and literary subtlety than I possess.
Others were hidden from me. There
are indications of a possible way out,
of better things, of more hopeful use of
human intelligence; but to date, all of
these are negligible and limited, even
if a significant contribution to penal
methods.
THE PURITAN HOME
BY GEORGE HERBERT PALMER
THIS year we are celebrating the
third centennial of the landing of the
Pilgrims, and our people are making an
effort gratefully to recall the tremen-
dous event. To do so requires consider-
able effort; for to any but themselves
Puritans have generally been a distaste-
ful folk. Especially was the last century
for them a time of bitter and almost
continuous attack, caricature, and de-
nunciation. Now, however, when the
gaunt figures no longer walk our streets,
feeling has grown kinder and aversions
less clamorous. Not unwelcome now
will be a dispassionate estimate of what
the Puritan actually was.
To understand him, we must study
him in his breeding-place, the Puritan
home; for that was the most funda-
mental of Puritan institutions. Its ef-
fects were prodigious. It formed New
England. Out of it came much of the
mind and character of the entire coun-
try. Many of the older among us have
felt its invigorating influence. Yet it is
now in decay, where it has not alto-
gether disappeared. Its usages are large-
ly unknown, its strength and weaknesses
have seldom been coolly studied. Often
has it served as picturesque material
for our novelists; but only to be held up
to scorn as an oppressor of youth and a
fosterer of gloom and hypocrisy.
I was brought up in it, am profoundly
grateful for its discipline, and feel that
I owe to it more than half of all that has
made my life beautiful and rewarding.
To-day I would come forward as its
eulogist. And while not blind to its de-
fects, — aware indeed that its sudden
passing has been inevitable, — I would
insist that American civilization will
have a hard task to find a source from
which to draw an inspiration so boun-
teous and so constructive.
To fix the worth of the Puritan home
I shall endeavor first to give a clear ac-
count of the facts usually found in such
homes, and then proceed to trace the
setting and influence of those facts.
What was the daily current of life in
a Puritan home? All recognize that its
distinctive feature was its elaborate
religious training. But how did that
training secure its hold on the young?
To be of any worth, this depictive side
of my subject should be minute and
well authenticated. I will base it on a
description of my own childhood, and
thus will show hi some detail what were
the assumptions, the practices, and the
ideals of a typical Puritan home.
n
My father was a Boston merchant,
who had come from the country and by
diligence had climbed to a competence.
In our home all was plain and solid.
There was no luxury. Expenditure was
carefully studied, and waste incessantly
fought. But we had all that was needed
for comfort and dignity, and on all that
we possessed and did religion set its
mark. To exhibit that ever-present influ-
ence, I trace the course of a single day.
590
THE PURITAN HOME
On rising I read a chapter of the Bi-
ble and had a prayer by myself. Then
to breakfast, where each of the family
repeated a verse of scripture, my father
afterward asking a blessing on the
meal. No meal was taken without this
benediction. When breakfast was end-
ed, the servants were summoned to
family prayers, which ended with the
Lord's Prayer, repeated together.
Then we children were off to school,
which was opened with Bible-reading
and prayer. Of school there were two
sessions, one in the morning and one in
the afternoon; so that our principal
play-time was between four-thirty and
six o'clock, with study around the fam-
ily table after supper. Later in the
evening, when the servants' work was
done, they joined us once more at fam-
ily prayers; after which we children
kissed each member of the family and
departed to bed, always however, be-
fore undressing, reading a chapter of
the Bible by ourselves and offering
an accompanying prayer. Each day,
therefore, I had six seasons of Bible-
reading and prayer — two in the fam-
ily, two by myself, and two at school;
and this in addition to the threefold
blessing of the food. No part of the
day was without consecration. The
secular and the sacred were completely
intertwined.
Permeated thus as was every day
with divine suggestion, it may be said
that on Sunday our very conversation
was in the heavens. On that day the
labor of the servants was lightened, so
that they too might rest and attend
church. Many household cares were
then thrown upon us children, and it
was arranged that there should be lit-
tle cooking. But while play and labor
ceased and solemnity reigned, it was
an approved and exalting solemnity;
for then occurred two preaching serv-
ices and a session of Sunday School.
To me the day was one of special
happiness, because my father was then
at home, and during almost every hour
of the day was his children's companion.
We gathered about him for cheerful
talk after breakfast, and after the noon
dinner he usually read to us from The
Pilgrim's Progress, or some other be-
nign and attractive book. After supper
the whole family assembled in the par-
lor, and when each one present had re-
peated a hymn or poem, we had an hour
of music — solos on the piano by the
girls, and familiar hymns sung without
book by the entire company.
Toward the end of the evening my
father was apt to put his arm around
one of the children and draw him into
the library for a half-hour's private talk.
Blessed and influential sessions these,
serving the purpose of the Roman con-
fessional! As frank as that and as
peace-bringing, but freed from its
formality, with no other authority rec-
ognized than a common allegiance to a
Heavenly Father, the independence of
us little ones guarded by the abounding
wisdom, tenderness, trust, and even
playfulness of our adored companion.
Ill
Such unceasing presence in the Puri-
tan home of the religious motive might
easily have become unwholesome and
enfeebling, had it not been attended by
several other powerful influences, which
diversified it and enriched the nature to
which religion gave stability. As these
supporting interests are generally over-
looked by those who censure the Puri-
tan home, I name a few of them.
To the family tie the Puritans gave
great prominence. Marriage was a sac-
rament, and the family a divine insti-
tution, where each member was charged
with the well-being of all. In my own
family there was little authoritative re-
striction. With father and mother we
children were on terms of tender and
THE PURITAN HOME
591
reverential intimacy. They joined us in
our games, were sharers in our studies,
friendships, and aspirations. To them
we expressed freely our half-formed
thoughts. If one of them took a jour-
ney, one of us was pretty sure to be a
companion.
In a family where there were few
servants, each of us took part in house-
hold duties. There were rooms to be
set hi order, wood to be split, errands to
be run. The older children must wait
on the younger. In this way all were
drawn together by common careyS.
Brothers and sisters became close
friends. Affection was deep and openly
expressed. With no fear of sentimen-
tality, we kissed one another often,
always on going to bed, on rising, and
usually when leaving the house for even
a few hours. We were generous with
our small pocket-moneys, and wept
when the ending vacation carried away
to boarding-school a member of our
group. The Puritan home cannot be
rightly estimated without noting the
tenacity of family affection, which its
devout atmosphere directly contributed
to induce.
rv
Furthermore, there was the insistence
on learning, fostered by the presence of
abundant books, by the studies around
the centre table in the evening, by the
reading aloud that went on wherever
three or four could be gathered to-
gether. My father was not a college
graduate, eagerly as he had desired to
be. He sent his brother to Yale and ac-
cepted a business life for himself. But
he more than made up the regretted
loss by diligent reading, and to all his
children he gave the utmost education
they would accept.
I think this insistence on education
was usual in Puritan families. Lavish
expense was incurred for it when strin-
gent economy was practised elsewhere.
The foundation of Harvard College in
the early and poverty-stricken years of
the Puritan colony was characteristic
of Puritanism everywhere. It set great
store on intellectual vigor and filled its
homes with books. Our public libraries
have done us one disservice. They have
checked the habit of buying books.
The libraries of my father and grand-
father were considerable, containing
most of the important books in history,
biography, divinity, and poetry. Phys-
ical science was then just starting. Of
fiction there was little; until the begin-
ning of the nineteenth century, novel-
ists were few.
There is a widespread impression
that Puritanism was hostile to the Fine
Arts. I believe it to be untrue, or, at
most, true only with reference to the
lighter, more ornamental and vivacious
of the arts. In the view of the Puritan
life was not meant for amusement.
Whatever fostered self-indulgence or
heedless gayety was certainly frowned
on. But in my childhood several of the
Fine Arts, notably poetry and music,
were cultivated with an ardor and gen-
eral approval infrequent to-day. From
our family library none of the great
English poets was absent. My grand-
father loved Pope, my father Shake-
speare and Byron, my mother Cowper.
All three wrote respectable verse, as
did several of the children. Most per-
sons did. No one of us ever doubted
that to be a poet or a composer of mu-
sic was the highest attainment of hu-
man faculty, unless indeed that pre-
eminence might be challenged by the
minister, to whom these artistic seers
were thought to be near of kin. We
studied our poets, therefore, as those
who brought us messages of impor-
tance. We committed their verses to
memory enormously.
A clerical uncle begged that I might
592
THE PURITAN HOME
be named for his favorite poet, George
Herbert — a rich endowment! By the
time I was twelve, I knew by heart
about half of all Herbert wrote, and
that not to the prejudice of Chaucer,
Pope, Wordsworth, and Tennyson. It
should be remembered that among the
English poets Puritanism had rather
more than its fair share, — Milton,
Marvell, the Wesleys, Watts, Cowper,
Montgomery, the two Brownings, —
sufficient to make poetry a natural in-
mate of most Puritan homes. Burns's
poems were printed in America two
years after they appeared in Scotland,
and the Lyrical Ballads of Wordsworth
but four years after they had been
laughed at by Englishmen.
So far from any natural antagonism
between the greatest of the arts and
Puritanism, it may well be urged that
the constant sense of the infinite in
which the Puritan was nurtured was
the very soil most favorable for devel-
oping the poetic spirit. Certainly,
among the friends of my youth I came
upon enjoyers of poetry twice as fre-
quently as I do to-day. The number of
great writers was smaller, but the study
of those few was more serious and
general.
And something similar may be said
of music. Few indeed were the Puritan
homes where music of a high order was
not cultivated. As a rule, girls were ex-
pected to master the piano. Three of
my four sisters played, and played well,
Bach, Beethoven, and Mendelssohn —
the last especially in his sacred settings
— being accounted sovereign. Mozart,
Schubert, and others of a lyrical vein
were, I suspect, counted somewhat too
sportive and spontaneous.
In almost every family there were
seasons of song in which all were ex-
pected to join. The meagre conditions
of that primitive day could not afford
the many concerts that we now enjoy.
Populations were not large enough for
that. But it is worth noting that, in
Puritan New England, the first schol-
arly Journal of Music, and the first
carefully trained orchestras — the Mu-
sical Fund and the Germania — found
strong support. My father was by no
means rich, but he supplied us children
with season tickets each whiter to the
symphony rehearsals of the Germania
Society.
It is true that to several of the arts —
painting, sculpture, and the drama —
Puritanism was unfriendly. But the
grounds of this aversion were historical
and not to be explained by any sup-
posed sourness of disposition. The
first and the last pieces written by Mil-
ton were dramatic, and the eulogies of
Shakespeare by him and by Marvell
are among the warmest in our language.
But there came a change. By the
time of the great migration, 1640 to
1650, the English stage had reached
such a pitch of degradation that it be-
came necessary to close the theatres;
and when they were again opened, on
the coming of Charles II, they exhibit-
ed an indecency unparalleled before or
since. No wonder that the horror of
that foulness became fixedly associated
in Puritan minds with the theatre it-
self, and that, even as late as my child-
hood, self-respecting people pretty gen-
erally kept away from stage-plays. No
doubt that absence encouraged the
very vices against which it protested,
and the Puritans lost an ingredient of
character of utmost worth in training
the imagination. But when an art has
been so captured by the forces of evil,
abstention from it becomes a neces-
sity, and confidence in it is only slowly
established.
In less degree a similar defense may
be offered for the Puritan attitude to-
ward painting and sculpture. Repre-
sentations of the saints in stone and
glass did not then merely stir aesthetic
emotions of beauty, such as we expe-
THE PURITAN HOME
593
rience to-day. They excited, and were
intended to excite, feelings closely
akin to idolatry. Mourn, as we must,
over the image-breaking which, during
the Civil War, damaged the loveliness
of many cathedrals, it is only fair to
recognize it as a stage, perhaps a neces-
sary stage, in the emancipation of the
English mind. Since sculpture was em-
ployed at that time almost exclusively
to further superstitious ends, it natu-
rally bred repulsion in men of clearer
faith. They felt the dangers against
which the Second Commandment warns.
Personal busts were not counted ob-
jectionable, nor painted portraiture.
Something like a dozen contemporary
portraits of Milton are known, and
ancestral portraits were fairly common
in Puritan homes. Except for these,
Puritan walls were generally bare.
Pictures were rare and expensive, and
distasteful associations connected with
their superstitious use did not readily
pass away.
On the other hand, Puritans were
strong in the arts of design. Their fur-
niture, silver, china, and the many
articles of comfort and beauty for the
home, were admirable. They are
sought to-day as superior in taste to
those of later years. There is solidity in
them, durability, freedom from caprice,
and an expression of that sober ration-
ality everywhere characteristic of the
Puritan genius. On entering an old
Puritan home, I have often wondered
how a family of modest means could
acquire furniture of such excellence.
They apparently bought slowly, either
went without or got the best, and pro-
vided for their children no less than for
themselves. For temporary conven-
ience to accept an article of inferior
workmanship or design was- reckoned
a kind of moral obliquity. Standards
of quality had been established in most
things, from which individual fancy did
not readily depart. Such standards
VOL. 1S8 — NO. 5
give quiet dignity to Puritan architec-
ture, making the three or four types of
Colonial house worth preserving. For
adaptation to climate, wise use of ac-
cessible materials, inner convenience
obtained at low cost, for modest state-
liness and freedom from discordant
lines, Puritan domestic architecture de-
serves high praise.
It has seemed worth while to exam-
ine thus minutely the artistic attitude
of the Puritans because it has generally
been so grossly misrepresented. Since
these lovers of purity and righteousness
held themselves aloof from the de-
bauched representative arts of paint-
ing, sculpture, and the drama, they are
charged with an indiscriminate hostil-
ity to all beauty, their exceptional
devotion to the nobler arts of poetry,
music, and the home being quite over-
looked.
It is true that, even in these regions,
Puritan taste was severe. Whatever a
Puritan loved must be rational, thor-
ough, and marked with deliberate pur-
pose. These are fundamental qualities
in all the arts. But they are best at-
tended by a light touch, spontaneous
gayety, and superficial grace. Hence
arise two types of beauty: the one intel-
lectual, where the beautiful object is an
embodiment of law and is stripped of
all that is not called for by its purpose;
the other, exuberant, expressing free-
dom, play, ornament. In the former
Puritan art is strong. On the latter it
looks askance. Because the latter, the
easier and prettier, is at present in fa-
vor, Puritans are apt to be denied all
sense of beauty.
VI
Such, then, was the constitution of
the Puritan home, such its central re-
ligious ideal, and such its three support-
ing influences — education, family af-
fection, and the nobler Fine Arts. In
594
THE PURITAN HOME
dealing with so controversial a subject,
I have thought it safest to record the
actual facts of a personal experience.
The subject is one which readily lends
itself to picturesque treatment, whether
of eulogy or scorn. Both of these I
would avoid. On the basis of sifted fact
I would ask a dispassionate estimate of
the training which fashioned New Eng-
land's character during three centuries.
My experience, I think, is fairly repre-
sentative, though late. My life began
in 1842, when the Puritan regime was
drawing to its close. But on both
sides my ancestry was purely Puritan
and American for nine generations, my
father a deacon of an Orthodox church,
four of my uncles Orthodox ministers.
Living, too, as I did throughout my
boyhood, as much in the country as the
city, I caught the Puritan traditions of
creed and practice where they lingered
longest. The habits of the many other
Puritan homes familiar to my boyhood
did not differ materially from mine,
except in the matter of temperament.
Wherever the head of the house was
sombre, disappointed, or unapproach-
able, I have found an atmosphere far
removed from that of my cheerful sur-
roundings. A bad temper will spread
gloom anywhere, and spread it the
more readily when life is regarded as a
serious business. I would not assert
that Puritanism is an antidote for every
infelicity of temper. I merely maintain
that it provides ample room for men of
good-will, and I think it unjust to hold
a special faith responsible for evils in-
cident to all mankind. Out of a happy
experience I am certain that Puritanism
was no check on well-made parents, but
that it helped them to lead an honor-
able, richly fed, and lovable life, with
great contentment and blessing to all*
around them. Yet while acknowledging
myself fortunate in the well-governed
temper of my companions, I cannot fail
to see how that companionship was fos-
tered by the desire on their part to imi-
tate the patient bounty of the Father of
us all.
VII
In turning from this description of
the Puritan home to emphasize its
worth, I would put forward promi-
nently the literary power its training
gave. Puritan children, we have seen,
were likely to read or hear six passages
of the English Bible every day. That
book, without regard to its religious
value, is acknowledged to be the con-
summate masterpiece of our language.
Here are primitive folk-lore, national
history, personal anecdote, racy por-
traiture, incisive reflection, rapturous
poetry, weighty argument, individual
appeal, the whole presenting a wider
range of interests than any other book
affords. Throughout our version, too,
runs a style of matchless simplicity, pre-
cision, animation, and dignity — a style
exquisitely changing color to match its
diverse subject-matter. What school-
training in English can compare with
the year-long reading of this volume?
Literary taste cannot well be directly
taught. It comes best unconsciously,
while the attention is given to some-
thing else. The Puritan child went
through his many Bible-readings with a
religious aim, the extraordinary beauty
of the literature affecting him inciden-
tally as something which could not well
be otherwise. In that holy hush it was
most naturally incorporated into his
structure.
I understate the case, however, in
saying that the matchless English was
daily read. Almost every week consid-
erable portions were committed to
memory. Before I was fifteen I had
learned half the Psalms, the whole
Gospel of John, three of Paul's Epistles,
and large sections of Job and Isaiah.
And this personal study was under-
taken, not in obedience to commands,
THE PURITAN HOME
595
but because frequent contact with no-
ble thought begets of itself a desire for
more intimate acquaintance. Any man
with half an ear, living in the company
of musicians, is sure to think music
beautiful and important. Just so the
Puritan youth was drawn, not driven,
to the study of the Bible through asso-
ciation with the biblically minded. Be-
fore he was aware what processes were
going on, he found himself in possession
of something priceless. 'He understood
good English, and pretty generally
spoke it.
VIII
Of the doctrines which the Puritans
derived from their sacred volume, or
read into it, I have no need to write at
any length. Their general tenor is well
known, and this paper is not a treatise
on theology, but an exhibit of Puritan
methods of domestic training. Still,
since that training was based on certain
religious conceptions, I must briefly
summarize these. But it should be
borne in mind that there was much di-
versity among the Puritans, and never
any such thing as a Puritan Church
or creed. Each little group of be-
lievers had an independent existence,
and formulated for itself its under-
standing or creed about things divine
and human, changing this whenever it
could be brought into closer conformity
to the mind of the majority. During
my life my country church has rewrit-
ten its entire creed three times.
The distinctive feature of Puritan re-
ligion is the stress that it lays on per-
sonality, the duty of preserving it and
keeping it clean. A person is the one
sacred being in the universe to whom
all else is subservient. God Himself is a
person, having intelligence, will, love
and aversion, communicability and,
above all, righteousness, or respect for
other persons. He is no mere abstract
mind, force, love, or law. Behind all
these there is a He, their possessor and
director. We too are persons, made in
God's likeness and therefore able to
have thoughts about Him which are
true, however inadequate. Human re-
lationships are our best clue to an
understanding of Him and his govern-
ment. Indeed, so near is God to man,
that a finite person, perfect within his
human limits, would be the fullest pos-
sible revelation of God and a fit object
of worship. Loyalty to such a being
saves us from sin and vicariously re-
deems the sinner. Vicariousness is a
principle throughout the personal uni-
verse. The modern Socialist finds that
my wrongdoing afflicts my group and
by it must be healed. Individualistic
Puritanism puts perfect manhood, the
suffering Christ, in the place of the re-
deeming group.
Puritan religion is thus essentially
personal religion. The Spaniard is high-
ly religious. So is the Russian, the Hin-
du, the very English people from whom
the Puritans came out. But the reli-
gion of all these is preeminently social,
embodying a group-consciousness and
largely concerned with the performance
of sacred ceremonies. Puritan religion
is experienced, not performed. It needs
no church, no ritual, no priest. Each
believer stands face to face before God,
responsible to Him alone, and through
his witnesses — conscience, right rea-
son, the Bible 'as spiritually discerned'
— is directly instructed what to do.
Obligation is minute and perpetual.
All things are full of duty. Each sit-
uation in life presents a best way of
acting, expressive of God's will, and a
worse way, expressive of our childish
and temporary will. We are incessantly
tempted to some partial good through
stupor, slackness, caprice, or bodily
allurement.
Human life is a daily strife with sin,
and drill in duty, bringing home to ui
the futility — the suicide, even — of
596
THE PURITAN HOME
following any other will than that of
our exacting Father. The restrictions,
the disappointments, the sufferings of
our existence here become comprehensi-
ble when viewed as preliminary educa-
tion for a perfected existence hereafter.
A wise father sets his child tasks some-
what beyond his powers. Our athletic
trainers fill our sports with difficulties
and dangers, and forbid us to shrink
from bodily harm. Just so God plans
his world. He makes it a preparatory
school for those destined ever to remain
individual persons, unmerged in any-
thing so meaningless as universal being.
The consequences of such discipline,
either in enlargement or shrinkage, go
on forever.
I hope the brevity of this statement
still does sufficient justice to the Puri-
tan faith. Possibly I have over-ration-
alized it through the attempt to give
unity to a complex body of doctrine.
Wise beliefs are seldom free from incon-
gruities. At almost every point, too,
the utterance of some eminent divine
can be quoted, giving to this or that
doctrine a coloring different from that
given here. I have said that Puritan-
ism held no authoritative creed. Its
fellowship was based on general con-
sent, with room left for individual di-
vergence. A faith that included Prince-
ton and Andover, Jonathan Edwards
and Samuel Hopkins, permits no exact
formulation. But I believe my sketch
will be sufficient to show where lay the
strength of Puritanism and to make
plain its hold on the realities of life. It
fitted its followers to fight Indians, en-
dure the hardships of New England,
found a democracy, and send forth
throughout the land a sturdier folk
than any other single stock can boast.
IX
But, if Puritan religion was able to
give weight to character, dignity to
speech and bearing, promptitude to
duty, and such excellence to educational
and political institutions that the world
has taken pattern from them ever since,
why did it decay, and why, even in
the days of its power, did it awaken an-
imosity? Because each human excel-
lence involves some special limitation,
danger at least, and the unavoidable
limitations of Puritanism are pecu-
liarly obnoxious to the common man.
They stifle him and make him after a
time clamor for ampler air. One needs
to be already strong before he can draw
strength from Puritanism. For it looks
on all things sub specie oeternitatis, and
takes altogether seriously the saying
that in God we live and move and have
our being. In the disorderly and chan-
ging world, the Puritan is ill at. ease.
Things of earth are of slender conse-
quence compared with those of Heaven,
and are to be dealt with only as they
prepare us for the divine life. In this
extreme idealism there is danger for
weak natures. They are apt to grow
morbid about themselves, about others,
and even about God.
The miseries attending too great self-
consciousness are widely felt and are
peculiarly difficult to cure. To be con-
stantly analyzing our motives, in order
to be sure that they are not the prompt-
ings of a temporary impulse but the
veritable voice of God, is safe for not
many men, for still fewer women. Of
course, we should know what we are
doing. Blind action is as disastrous as
excessive introspection; but not being
painful, it escapes with less censure.
The wise man keeps control of himself
while still looking without more than
within. So long as we inhabit this com-
plicated planet, we must give it a large
share of our attention and enjoyment.
How large that share shall be and what
proportion it should bear to spiritual
interests can, fortunately, never be de-
termined. The difficult task of keeping
THE PURITAN HOME
597
the two on terms of mutual aid is for
each one of us an important part of
life's discipline.
It is often charged that Puritanism
was lop-sided, other-worldly, over-em-
phatic in the care of one's own soul;
and that through this tendency it ex-
posed its followers to self-deception and
hypocrisy. That there was danger in
this direction is obvious. But danger
that leads to such high results is worth
while. I believe the danger grossly ex-
aggerated ; and it is only fair to remem-
ber that the Puritan world was a far
less interesting, a less spiritual place
than it has become since the rise of
modern science and the study of the
conditions under which mind and
morals are planned to cooperate.
On account, too, of its slender com-
prehension of the relation between per-
sons, Puritanism has been badly shaken
and now looks a good deal out of date.
Its insistence on personality and the
eternal worth of the individual, we
have already seen. Self-respect might
be called the central Puritan virtue.
Certainly the omnipresent sense of sin
that brooded over Puritanism con-
cerned itself far more with personal
stain than with social damage. Society,
with its obligations, is something al-
most accidental. God has seen fit to
create a multitude, each a person, and
has called on us, as we respect ourselves,
to respect others. Equality is the high-
est point reached by Puritan sociology,
with democracy as its natural expres-
sion. But the thought of our time has
taken a lurch in a different direction.
Individualism, the liberal creed for at
least four centuries, is now disparaged,
Socialism is exalted. Instead of viewing
society as formed by the addition of in-
dividuals, we now incline to look upon
society as primordial and an individual
as its derivative. Socialism, though by
itself no less false than its opposite, has
at least shown that a single detached
person, complete in isolation, is incon-
ceivable. We exist hi relations and are
essentially conjunct. But while society
and the individual are mutual factors,
meaningless apart, I think Puritanism
drew attention to that side of the dual
fact which is the more important for
human welfare. The initiation of ac-
tion is an individual function. Too
often it is forgotten that society has no
central consciousness. That is lodged
in individuals, who alone, therefore,
have the power to criticize, on which
power all progress is dependent. With-
out personal goading, society remains
blind and inert. It cannot reform it-
self. A Garrison, a Phillips, a Mrs.
Stowe, a Whittier, a Lincoln must first
appear, before American slavery is
overthrown. While then the meagre
Puritan conception of personality was
destined to perish and to carry with it a
pretty large superstructure, it trained
strong men as the equally one-sided
philosophy of to-day cannot. Socialism
begets enthusiastic followers. Leaders
are fashioned where honor is paid to
personality.
If the Puritan notion of personality,
however, was too small for man, it was
doubly belittling when applied to God.
Yet He, too, was imagined as an individ-
ual, contrasted, on the one hand, with
physical objects, and on the other, with
human beings. He easily became pic-
tured as an old man in the clouds, try-
ing, not very successfully, to manage
his obstreperous world. It is true, such
concrete representation has its uses
and is unhesitatingly employed by the
Psalmist and most religious teachers.
Stated baldly, it seems irreverent to
speak of God as a hen. But when we
read that ' He covers us with his feathers
and under his wings we may trust,'
how true and comforting is the com-
parison
Just so with the Puritan humaniza-
tion of God. If we are to speak to Him
598
THE PURITAN HOME
in prayer, hear his voice in duty, find
Him our supporting companion in pri-
vation and sorrow, the object of our
gratitude in happiness; if, indeed, we
are sincere in our hopes of individual
immortality, we must detect in our own
personality something too precious to
be lacking in Him whom we worship.
Only to a person will love go forth.
The danger is that personality may be-
come an empty form, excluding all con-
tents. As in ourselves, it should be an
organizing principle, rich in relations
and powers, and capable of the utmost
self-diversification. But for the Puri-
tans the world was somewhat aloof
from God. They knew Him as its orig-
inal and arbitrary creator, but not as
its present indwelling life, as
Something deeply interfused,
Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns
And the round ocean and the living air
And the blue sky and in the heart of man.
In like manner the human body, with
its multifarious joys, instincts, invigora-
tions and seductions, was looked on,
not as a temple of God, but as a prison-
house of the Spirit. No monotheism,
however, can be permanent which ig-
nores the massive truths of polytheism.
Puritanism tried to and failed.
No doubt I magnify these faults by
abstract statement. Practical life usu-
ally finds its way to facts, even through
restrictive theories. And it would be
unfair not to recognize the enlarged
scope offered to Puritan thought about
God by the doctrine of the Trinity.
According to this, God presents Himself
to us in three contrasted ways, — as
the ground of all existence, as perfected
humanity, and as the general power,
not ourselves, which makes for right-
eousness,— all these being manifesta-
tions of the same person. This pro-
found doctrine should, especially in its
third phase, have checked the attempt
to think of God as an empty individual
unit. The Trinity makes Him, not a
unit, but a unity. Like all other per-
sons, his nature involves differentiation
and forthgoing. But popular associa-
tions with the word person were hard
to overcome, and the puzzling doc-
trine easily slipped down into tritheism.
When so held, it offered as troublesome
perplexities in the reconcilement of its
members as the Greeks and Romans
felt in harmonizing their polytheistic
pantheon.
While, then, I believe that American
civilization owes more to Puritanism
than to any other single agency, I have
no desire to see it reestablished. That
is plainly impossible. We must rethink
its problems in our own terms and even
remould its beautiful home-training,
if we would not be blind to what the
world has learned since the Pilgrims
landed.
Each age has what may be called
its holy passions. Those of Puritan
times were rationality, order, duty re-
garded as personal loyalty; those of
to-day, humanitarianism, social service,
scientific pursuit of ever-developing
truth. These later ideals, though slen-
derly regarded by the Puritans, are quite
as needful as their own in the fulfill-
ment of Christ's moral law. Through
them the spirit of Puritanism acquires
a richer significance.
SUNSET
BY VICENTE BLASCO IBANEZ
THE Duchess of Pontecorvo left her
automobile at the bottom of the hill on
which the village of Roquebrune is sit-
uated, and, leaning on the arm of a
lackey, began the ascent of the steep,
narrow, winding roads leading through
that fortress-town of the Maritime
Alps. A visit to Roquebrune had be-
come something habitual with the old
lady on afternoons when the sky was
bright and cloudless. She had found
this picturesque nook — where the
streets, paved with blue cobblestones,
are often tunnels — some weeks before,
and had advertised its beauties enthusi-
astically among all her friends. Every
day she herself would go up from her
villa to the esplanade in front of the
village church, to enjoy a magnificent
view of the sunset.
There was an element of vanity in
this daily climb. The duchess had dis-
covered something unknown to the
ordinary resident of the Mediterranean
shore; and pride in her achievement
made her quite forget the fatigue im-
posed upon her eighty years by the
walk up those perpendicular streets of
the mediaeval town, too narrow for a
cart, and familiar with no other means
of locomotion than the donkey or the
mule used by visitors to the church.
The duchess was a decidedly flaccid,
obese person. She could get along only
with the help of a gold-headed bamboo
cane bequeathed by her deceased hus-
band, the Duke of Pontecorvo. On
this walk, however, despite the chronic
swelling of her feet, the Duchess
moved with a certain sprightly youth-
fulness that had been passed on to her
old age by the impatient, nervous
energy of her mind.
A majestic, a Junoesque beauty, she
must have been in her younger days.
4 A Marie Antoinette all over again,' her
flatterers were still saying, even now,
when she was old. Nevertheless, two
deep lines fell from her sharp, aquiline
nose upon the corners of her mouth, and
her blue eyes were faded and watery.
She habitually dressed in black, with
an impressive, aristocratic sobriety.
Curls of white hair, far too thick and
lustrous to be genuine, strayed from
under her bonnet. What at once struck
the eye, however, the thing that had
made her famous along the whole coast,
was a necklace, the 'Necklace of the
Duchess/ as it was familiarly called —
five hundred thousand dollars' worth of
pearls, according to the estimates of
people who were supposed to know!
This necklace — a 'dog-collar,' in the
jargon of the fashionable world — was
a veritable corset for her neck and
throat, flaming like one great jewel, and
hiding in a blaze of glory any defects
there may have been in the complexion
of her wrinkly skin.
The duchess entered the church,
which was quite deserted at that hour.
The lackey left her side and stood at
respectful attention near a little door,
swung out from one side of the building,
and casting over the tiles a rectangle of
590
600-
SUNSET
blue shadow broken by flickering spots
of sunlight as round and glossy as coins
of gold. The footman never went be-
yond that point. The duchess preferred
to be alone, sole sovereign of a domain
that was hers by right of discovery.
The lady made her way through the
church and stepped out through another
door into a garden lined with palm trees.
As she progressed, her cane tapped nois-
ily on the red flagstones that rose and
fell unevenly from years and years of
exposure to sun and rain. The de-
light the duchess knew in this cler-
ical retreat came from the charm of
contrast. Everything here was differ-
ent from the sleek, ornate, majestic ele-
gance of her villa down below, on the
edge of the great blue Mediterranean
plain. On this mountain terrace, flow-
ers were growing in wild freedom and
profusion. Rose bushes, un trimmed, un-
cared-for, wove their branches and
thorns and blossoms into one entranc-
ing thicket of color and perfume. The
trees, unpruned, crowded close upon one
another, even intertwining their trunks
to make strange, fantastic, almost
human forms. Wild flowers, borne
hither on the winds, were disputing the
soil with garden plants. All around was
one confused hum of insect life — ants,
wasps, multi-colored beetles, crawling
over the ground, climbing up and down
the tree-trunks, or flitting musically
through the air.
What the duchess was really looking
for, and enjoying in advance, was the
wonderful view that opened just be-
yond the growth of trees, where, from a
sort of natural balcony, she could look
out from a great height upon the sea,
and then down along the curving shore
where the promontories of the Alps jut
out, making gulfs and bays and penin-
sulas in the azure mirror. In the dis-
tance towered the mountains of Nice,
peaks that stood out like blocks of
ebony against the crimson afterglow.
Nearer, on the seashore, rose the crag
of Monaco, with the old city on its
back. Then came the plateau of Monte
Carlo, bristling with palaces and gar-
dens. At her feet lay Cap Martin,
where her own house was — a villa
erected among the pine groves by the
late Duke of Pontecorvo. Near by was
the summer house of her friend and
former patroness, the Empress Eugenie,
with the residences of other princes and
dethroned monarchs. There, also, was
the huge palace of John Baldwin, an
American iron king, who was regarded
in those parts as one of the richest men
in the world.
The old lady pushed her way through
the shrubbery along the brink of the
precipitous slope, in search of one par-
ticular spot from which the whole
panorama of the Blue Coast spread out
before her delighted eyes. There she
could sit for an hour or more, watching
the slow, placid death of the afternoon.
No one surely would disturb her in that
tranquil garden. There she could rest
for a time, far away from all common
cares of the world, take one delicious
plunge, as it were, into the glory of the
sunset, at an hour when the tenderest
memories of the past return, — thoughts
of all that has been and will never be
again, — like a sweet and melancholy
music coming to the ear from far away,
or a lingering perfume of dead flowers
that will bloom no more!
There was something selfish in this
daily recreation of the duchess. She
was like some despot of music, who has
an opera sung to an empty theatre
while he sits alone there, lying back at
his ease in the depths of an upholstered
chair. The wondrous beauty of that
dying sun, the purple mourning colors
that draped the sky and the sea of that
Mediterranean paradise were things
she wanted all for herself. And in that
garden she could have them.
On this occasion, when the duchess
SUNSET
601
reached her favorite retreat, she noticed,
with some traces of annoyance, that
she was not, as usual, entirely alone. A
smell of tobacco smoke mingled per-
ceptibly with the fragrance of the
flowers. She heard a cough behind the
intertwining branches of the trees. A
man had invaded her dominions and
was enjoying the view which she had
chosen to call her own.
The old lady was tempted to protest,
as if a trespasser had ventured on
property of hers. And yet, when the
intruder appeared and stepped toward
her, the expression of displeasure on her
face changed to one of cordial greeting.
'Oh, it 's you, Mr. Baldwin. I am so
glad to see you here.'
II
Whenever, from time to time, John
Baldwin, the American multimillionaire,
came to spend a few weeks in the palace
on Cap Martin, which he had bought
through a newspaper advertisement,
he attracted the attention of the whole
Blue Coast. Though any number of
forgotten celebrities — • ex-premiers, de-
throned monarchs, retired magnates —
could be found in the small strip of ter-
ritory that stretches between Cannes
and Mentone, there was not a single
'winterer' on the Riviera comparable
to him. The authorities were always
soliciting his aid for public charities.
Philanthropic organizations were for-
ever sending the most important men
of the native population to knock at his
door in the interest of this or that good
work. Every theatrical or musical func-
tion showed his name among its patrons.
The omnipotent millionaire was some-
thing like a god, who never reveals him-
self to profane eyes, but makes his
presence felt everywhere through his
miracles.
Visitors to his beautiful palace were
rarely received by him in person,
though just as rarely, if they came for
any defensible purpose, did they go
away without some donation. The few
who had met him personally would
point him out as a real curiosity when
he appeared on the boulevard in Nice,
or in one of the gambling-rooms at
Monte Carlo. 'Do you know? That is
Baldwin over there — Baldwin, the
American millionaire!' Such informa-
tion would usually be received with an
exclamation of surprise. 'What! Bald-
win? That, Baldwin? Why, he looks
as poor as a rat!'
Baldwin, in fact, always dressed very
plainly; and his habits were as simple
as his clothes. Though his garages on
Cap Martin held numerous automobiles
of the most fashionable makes, he went
almost everywhere on foot. He chose
his secretaries for their refinement and
good taste in dress. He seemed to en-
joy being taken for the servant of the
elegant secretaries who sometimes went
with him on his walks.
People described him ordinarily as
'the richest man on earth.' Those who
pretended greater intimacy with his
affairs asserted that he had a million
dollars on his checking account at the
bank. When asked why he allowed
such an enormous capital to lie idle, he
would answer with a sigh of weariness.
Money bored him so! What could he
do with money? It was impossible to
invest it in anything better than his own
business; and since his various enter-
prises in mining and manufacturing had
already reached their maximum devel-
opment and were in need of no further
capital, why should he worry?
The Duchess of Pontecorvo had
known Baldwin ever since he became
her neighbor on Cap Martin — the
friendship of an old lady, famous in her
time, but now forgotten, with a rich
man whose name was a catchword
throughout the world. The duchess
had found times much changed since
602
SUNSET
the days of her youth. Countries where
she had been intimate with royalty had
become republics. In the present dem-
ocratic age, millionaires like Baldwin
were the real lords of the earth. She
herself had spent the larger part of her
former fortune on the careers of her
children, and for years had been living
a life of gilded poverty, which allowed
only infrequent excursions from her
villa on Cap Martin.
That is why the aged aristocrat felt
the greatest respect for this potentate
of a younger age; and that is why she
smiled so cordially when she discovered
that the intruder on her solitude was
the American millionaire. Hitherto she
had seen him at social gatherings, of
an afternoon, in sombre palace halls,
where the lighting was controlled by
older hostesses, careful to avoid the
glaring, indiscreet rays of unobstructed
sunlight. Now, here he was before her
in the open air, and in that garden where
trees and stones seemed to have halos
of green around them, so intense was
the golden radiance dripping from the
sky.
She was eighty, and he was quite as
old, if not, as the duchess suspected, a
few years older. But he was still a
strong man, one of those hard, wiry,
elastic persons on whom the storms of
the years beat as on a marble temple,
roughening the surface, perhaps, but
powerless to break them down. Old
age seemed to have toughened John
Baldwin, throwing a wrapper of parch-
ment, as it were, around him, an armor
proof against disease and impenetrable
to the shafts of death. His dark-blue
suit had been cut to fit him; yet he
seemed to move about in it as if it had
been made for another person. The
slenderness of his neck emphasized the
massive structure of his head — a prom-
inent, bulging forehead, a strong, pro-
truding lower jaw, evidences of intelli-
gence and will, remnants of a vigorous
youth, which the deep lines of his aged
face had not been able to obscure.
And his eyes, also ! His eyes were as
bright as they had ever been. It was
easy to guess how they must have
flashed in his angry moments as a
youth. They looked out upon you with
the piercing, disconcerting glare that
belongs to men who are masters of men.
In them one could see the secret of his
great worldly success. And yet their
outlines were somewhat softened now
by a trace of gentleness and kindliness.
They suggested willingness on a fighter's
part to forget the struggles of the past.
At sight of the duchess, Baldwin
threw away the smashed and much-
chewed cigar-butt he had been smoking.
'How do you happen to be here? ' the
duchess asked, offering her hand in cor-
dial greeting.
' Oh, one of my friends told me about
the view from here. He heard you de-
scribe it so enthusiastically the other
day! I thought I would come and have
a look at it myself. You are right,
madame! It is wonderful!'
They sat down on a rustic bench of
tree-trunks, looking out over the sea at
their feet, the villages along the shore,
and the distant foothills of the Alps.
Automobiles, like so many insects, were
running along the thread-like roadways
visible far down at the foot of the hills.
A train was in sight on the Franco-
Italian railroad, though at that distance
the locomotive seemed to be puffing in
silence and there was no rumbling of the
wheels. In fact, the stillness of the gar-
den was broken only by the tinkling of
little bells that came from a herd of
goats grazing along the slopes below the
garden — a soft, mellow tinkling, like
the ring from a Venetian glass. The
sea had turned to a more subdued
azure, less harsh on the eyes than pre-
viously in the blinding deluge of light
rained upon it from the sun.
'Yes, it is beautiful! ' said the duchess
SUNSET
603
after a long pause. 'It is wonderful!'
As they sat there in silence, the full
solemnity of the dying day came over
them. 'What a pity it is,' Baldwin
observed, ' that we have to wait till we
are old before we can enjoy the deepest
and sweetest pleasures of life! When
we are young, we are always worried
about things. We are looking forward
all the time. Our hopes and ambitions
blind our eyes to the things actually
present before us. I imagine that many
of the men I used to know, if they
could rise from their graves on the other
side of the ocean and come here now,
would be surprised to see old man Bald-
win stopping to look at a landscape and
actually enjoying it, without a thought
for the ups and downs of exchange!'
The duchess nodded without clearly
foreseeing what her companion was
about to say.
'I imagine that you, too,' he con-
tinued, ' have had to wait for the years
to go by before you could take a really
true delight in the beauties of Nature;
though women, as a rule, are born more
poetic, more sentimental, than men,
and when they are young, furthermore,
have more time to devote to what are
called "higher" things. I am sure you
are enjoying what you see before you
quite as much as you used to enjoy a
soiree at the Tuileries.'
Again the duchess nodded, quite flat-
tered that the powerful personage at
her side should take an interest in her
humble self. Something of her vanished
coquetry came to life again. Baldwin,
the richest man in the world, had come
to visit that remote garden just because
she had praised it to one of his friends!
These new bourgeois upstarts of the
day were not so hard, so lacking in all
feeling, as she had been told. She began
to talk of her past as if the aged Amer-
ican were an old friend of hers.
'You are right,' she said. 'The life I
am leading now is not so brilliant as the
life of gayety I led when I was young.
But it has its consolations. You see, I
have suffered a great deal in my time,
Mr. Baldwin. People's lives are some-
thing like houses, are n't they? You
have to live in them before you know
what they really are.'
The American millionaire had heard
many stories about the career of the
duchess in the old days. She had been a
very interesting person; and he began
to listen to her story attentively.
The Duchess of Pontecorvo was a
Spanish woman, by birth distantly re-
lated to the Empress Eugenie. She had
come to Paris to join the galaxy of
beauties that revolved around the mag-
nificent sovereign in the Tuileries. Her
family, of the ancient Spanish nobility,
had long since been ruined; so the
Empress tried to arrange a suitable
marriage for her protegee with some
important personage in France. The
man in whom the young lady showed
greatest interest was a general in Napo-
leon's army, who had just received a
title of duke — Duke of Pontecorvo —
for a victory his division had won in the
wars in Italy.
The duchess made no mystery of the
incompatibility of taste and tempera-
ment between herself and the rough
soldier she finally married. But life at
court was so gay that domestic troubles
were not terribly oppressive. She had
found life quite tolerable. When the
Empire fell, and all the brilliant life
that centred around the Court in Paris
came to an end, the marshal died of a
broken heart. He could not survive the
overthrow of the Emperor and the
shock of the great disaster of 1870. Two
children, boys, had been born to the
duchess. They in turn had set up new
families and carried off the greater part
of their father's fortune.
To escape unpleasant contrasts be-
tween her former splendor and the
modest way in which she now had to
604
SUNSET
live, the widowed duchess went to Cap
Martin, intending to spend the rest of
her life in the palace that had been her
vacation home in the days of her splen-
dor. There she could live in company
with old friends from earlier times,
without obtruding the decline in her
resources.
The Empress was a not infrequent
visitor to the Riviera. When Eugenie
came to Cap Martin, she would pay a
visit to the duchess; and the two old
ladies, dressed in their widow's weeds,
would talk of the happy days gone by.
But now the Empress was dead ; and the
passing of that lifelong friend brought
home to the duchess the short time that
must be left before she too passed on.
Only one memento was still left from
her really brilliant youth — her neck-
lace, the 'Necklace of the Duchess,' a
jewel so closely identified with her
fame that to dispose of it would be a
public declaration of poverty.
'You are right, Mr. Baldwin,' she
continued. 'Old age does have its
pleasures. I am now well acquainted
with something that I never knew be-
fore — peace, quiet, tranquillity. I have
no ambitions left, of course. I have so
restricted my daily needs that there is
hardly a thing in the world I really
want. Life does not call to me with the
vibrant voice that it used to have before.
At the same time it is without the old
sorrows and the old worries. At our
age, for instance, there is no such thing
as love; but yet, there is friendship!
And how much more wonderful and
lasting than love that sometimes is!
You can't imagine what a beautiful
woman, a woman whom many, many
men desire, has to go through in life.
You live in a state of perpetual alarm.
You are afraid to venture on the slight-
est intimacy with a man. The moment
one appears, you come to regard him as
a possible enemy. The life of a great
beauty is like that of the commander of
a fortress under siege: she never has a
moment's rest!
'For the first time in my life I am
free to enjoy friendship, comradeship,
with men. That is something I never
knew when I was young. It was a great
surprise to me to find that a man need
not necessarily be a torment! But at
our age, you see, people are not men
and women. They are friends, com-
panions, comrades. When passion is
once out of the way, all the other beau-
ties of the human soul come more into
evidence and seem more attractive in
our eyes.
' Of course, sometimes, when I see a
pretty, charming, popular young girl,
I remember my own days of triumph,
and feel a flash of envy; but I soon get
over that. Why envy them? Some day
they will be old, too. They will reach
the point that I have reached. The fact
is, I suppose, one can be really selfish
when one is old. One can just live, and
feel all the delights of just living —
something that a young person never
dreams of. Believe me, Mr. Baldwin, I
am not at all sorry that I am eighty
years old; and I am glad to see that you,
after your long and active life, feel as I
do about it.'
'Well, yes,' the old man replied, mus-
ing sadly; 'yes — if only we could
always be old! But there's death,
is n't there?'
The animation with which the duch-
ess had been speaking vanished from
her face, and there was a tremor of sad-
ness in her voice as she replied : —
'Yes, that is true. There's death!
We old people have not very long to
live!'
ni
There was a long silence. Then the
old man expressed aloud all that he had
been thinking while the duchess was
telling the story of her life. He, too,
found a strong contrast between the
SUNSET
605
present and the past; but he did not
regret his retirement, after a life so full
of energy that the greatest business men
in the world had considered him the
type of the man of action. After all,
there was no reason why he should
go on working forever. What could
he do that he had not already done?
There was really no role left for John
Baldwin to play in the comedy — the
tragedy — of life. And yet he went on
living, because there is something in us
that makes us want to live, quite aside
from all the calculations and conven-
iences of men !
'You have no idea, duchess, of the
real extent of my business enterprises.
People call me rich ; but that word gives
no adequate idea of the wealth I actu-
ally have. Half the world would have
to go bankrupt before I could be entire-
ly ruined. I have to think up devices
for restricting the growth of my income.
I leave enormous sums of money lying
idle in the banks just because I have
more money than I can possibly use. I
find it annoying to have so much around.
'I say I have seen everything, and
where I have not been I could easily be
to-morrow, if I thought it worth while.
But none of the things that attract men
ordinarily have any charm for me now.
I am so old that I see the futility of all
the varieties of human vanity. I have
no children, and my one concern is to
find ways to invest my money where it
will do some good after I am gone.
'Well, I have founded libraries, mu-
seums, and universities. I have endow-
ed charitable organizations — though
my reason tells me that charity is
of no particular use in this world. I
spend my money often without exam-
ining the bases of the requests that are
made of me. I am tired of buying pic-
tures and subsidizing books that do not
pay. I am also tired of giving money for
the progress of science and invention.
Good enough, in their way, such things
— when you are young and enthus-
iastic, and believe in the future! Now I
have no enthusiasm about anything;
and as for the future — '
The old man fell silent for a time.
Then he resumed, in a voice not un-
touched with rancor: —
'As for the future, the future does
interest me, to tell the truth, the way
exciting business propositions interested
me when I was young. Sometimes, when
I meet ragged newsboys on the street,
or little cowherds on the mountainsides,
I feel a sort of jealous anger at them.
They are so young, those little shavers!
They are sure to live so much longer
than I can ever live! "Ah, you little
rogues," I say to myself, "you will be
here to see things that I shall have no
chance to see." The thought makes me
feel how useless money is, how absurd
the respect it inspires in everyone!
The famous John Baldwin, for all his
two billions, is worth, in terms of future
experience, less than a little beggar
who crawls along on all fours to pick up
the cigar-butt you are throwing away!
'We are living in 1920. Sometimes I
amuse myself by wondering what things
will be like when you double the twenty
part of it — 1940! What are twenty
years for any of the young people who
are now around us? They are so sure of
living that long, that they are ready to
risk their chance on it for a passing
moment's pleasure. And I, John Bald-
win, who have stood before the kings of
the earth, and am a king myself so far
as money and power are concerned,
could not for all my wealth buy those
twenty years, if I took into my service
all the intelligence and science in the
world.'
The two old people lapsed into silence
again.
'I have seen everything,' Baldwin
finally resumed, 'and I have had every-
thing. For that very reason life has no
more attractions for me. And yet I still
606
SUNSET
want to live! The certainty that I am
soon to die angers me, depresses me,
beyond endurance. I suppose it is the
idleness of my retirement that makes
me think of such things now, and em-
phasizes reality as it is. The old days
were days of struggle. There were
obstacles to overcome, problems to
solve. There is a kind of poetry in
youth, and poetry disguises things,
throws a veil of illusion over them, so
that the dreamer never sees them as
they really are. In my case it was the
thirst for power; and the pursuit of
power was an absorbing, an inspiring
preoccupation. Now that everything
has come to me, the enchantment is
gone. I see the framework of fatuity
that underlies human existence; and on
that my eyes, by a strange perversity of
old age, are fixed. It is as if a man saw
only the skeleton under the beauty of
an attractive woman.
* I remember how anxiously I used to
wait for the outcome of enterprises that
meant success or total ruin for me. I
have lost four fortunes in my time.
More often it was a great triumph.
Now, the arrival of a cablegram fails to
give me the slightest thrill. Whatever
the message it contains, I know it will
make very little difference in the mass
of my possessions or achievements.
Most people, when they have fought a
long battle to make a fortune, have to
make a second and sometimes harder
fight to keep what they have earned. I
am beyond all such worries. My vic-
tory has been so overwhelming, so com-
plete, that my wealth stands there on
its own feet, and a generation of the
world's activities could hardly over-
throw it. Well, there you are! What
have I to live for?'
The duchess, in her humble way, had
many pet charities in which she was
always trying to interest her more for-
tunate society friends. She was going
to mention one of them when she
remembered what the great American
had said some moments before. Bald-
win did not believe in charity, though
he practised it in a more or less casual
way, giving money to those who asked
for it just because they asked for it.
Besides, she was loath to break in with
any commonplace advice on what was
obviously a despairing confession on the
part of the old man, prompted by the
melancholy beauty of the afternoon.
'I have no hopes unrealized, no
desires unsatisfied,' he continued. ' Yet
I don't want to die. Death seems to
me something insulting, something un-
worthy of me, something beneath my
dignity as a man. Strange, is n't it?
Everything in life is so complicated,
so mysterious, so hard to understand.
Nothing is ever simple. The moment
we go beyond the obvious occupations
of everyday life, things become involved
beyond our comprehension. Death, for
instance — Well, people have been
talking about death for thousands and
thousands of years, everybody saying
the same things, so that we have hun-
dreds of trite expressions and aphor-
isms, which we repeat mechanically
without thinking even of what they
mean. It is only when we get old and
find death right before us that we see
fate in its actual outlines, and come to
understand the full measure of human
misery.
'Some people find consolation in the
fact that death is the great leveler, that
death represents democracy, equality.
Well, that reflection may be of some use
to the millions of unfortunates who have
got nothing out of life. For such, death
may represent the revenge of those who
have failed, the satisfaction of those
who are envious of others. But that is
not my case. I am one of the successful
men. What have I to gain by death?
'The thought of death as a long, re-
freshing sleep, the slumber that restores
our wearied strength, is just as meaning-
SUNSET
607
less. The man who lies down to sleep
knows that he will wake up again in the
morning. Death as sleep is a fancy of
religion, the great consoler of human
ignorance. At best, the notion is but a
hope, a prophecy, that may or may not
be fulfilled. We are not sure that the
night of death will ever break into a new
dawn!
'The poets have compared death to
winter-time, a period of cold and silence,
preceding and preparing the rebirth of
springtime, the splendor and exuber-
ance of summer. That, also, is a guess,
a speculation, an attempt to snatch a
grain of consolation from the infinite
unknown.'
The sun was just touching the higher
peaks of the western mountains, casting
a dust of golden rose along the horizon,
and unwinding a sash of violet and blue
along the sea-line to the south. Some of
the peaks seemed to be catching fire
from a gigantic furnace flaming beyond
and within them. The old man pointed
his cane at the sinking sun.
' The death of the sun is not death at
all. That sun knows that he will rise
to-morrow morning in the east, and
retra verse the path of glory he has fol-
lowed for thousands and thousands of
centuries. I imagine that is why, each
evening, he bids us farewell so gloriously.
He reminds one of a great actor who does
a great death-scene on the stage, with
his mind on the midnight supper he is to
have in the cafe an hour later. No, we
do not die like that. With us it is once
and for always; and what makes mat-
ters worse, almost, is that, when we get
ready to depart, we see others in the full
flush of youth coming on to take our
places.
'Sometimes I envy the great trees in
the forest. They die so slowly and so
resignedly. They keep the ground un-
derneath them dark. There are no im-
pudent saplings rising in the shade, to
taunt the agony of the giant with his
helplessness. Human beings are not so
fortunate. Decrepitude comes over us,
while the young people about us are
beaming with the radiant prospects of
their long futures.'
The duchess was listening atten-
tively, because she judged that every-
thing that such a celebrity thought and
said must be important. Nevertheless,
all that brooding over death disquieted
her. Could n't he talk on some more
pleasant subject? Had n't he heard any
new gossip about the people living along
the coast ? There was that young woman
in the house on the Cape. Did n't he
know what people were saying about
her? Why should old people worry
about death, anyhow? Death comes
to them soon enough without their
troubling to send a special invitation!
When the duchess timidly ventured
this last reflection, Mr. Baldwin showed
himself the man of authority, the
man accustomed to holding the floor
at directors' meetings. He did not
choose to be distracted from his line of
thought. He went on talking, but in a
lower voice, and with his eyes on the
ground, as if he were embarrassed in
advance by the complaint he was to
make against destiny.
'Human life reminds me of a badly
managed piece of business, where the
superintendent is either a lunatic or a
malicious fool. Life never succeeds in
doing what it undertakes to do. When
we are young, we work to make our
way in the world. We set. out after
glory and wealth. In attaining them,
we waste the years when the possession
of them would do us any good. We find
success when we are old, at a time
when success and failure are much the
same thing. The years when we might
enjoy them are years usually of sacrifice
and renunciation.
'Just imagine, duchess! For years
and years I worked like a dog, shut up
in dark offices or in smoky factories,
608
SUNSET
when, outside, the sun was shining and
the gardens were in flower. Now, when
I have everything, I can even improve
on Nature, if she does n't satisfy me. I
can make a paradise out of a desert.
Do you know that many women who
found me impossible when I was young,
I could now persuade to love me, old
and decrepit as I am? Money is a won-
derful thing, duchess — when you don't
have it!
'People all consider themselves im-
mortal. A man knows all along that
some day he is going to die; but death
is always a concern for some future day.
It is never real to the moment ! We find
it natural that other people should
die. As for ourselves, death is some-
thing incredible, almost impossible. The
young people of the present would not
understand us if they heard us talking
now. They will have to wait till they
get older, to know the full misery of
human life. But when their turn comes,
they will moralize as we are doing, and
prove just as unintelligible to the genera-
tion after them.
'People like to delude themselves.
They refuse to think of death in the
midst of their happiness.'
At this point the duchess broke in,
to emphasize the necessity of illusion,
without which life would be impossible.
The old man agreed.
'Yes,' he said, 'we must deceive our-
selves in order to go on living. We all
pass through life on the wings of some
dream or other — all of us, even those
who seem furthest removed from any
kind of sentiment. You think me a hard
man, don't you, duchess? Well, all my
life long I have been chasing a will-o'-
the-wisp, living on an illusion that in
every moment of trial has given me
strength and courage to push on.'
Baldwin reviewed the story of his life
from<the days of the Civil War, when he
had thrown up a promising business
position to become a soldier. When,
after the war, he had saved his first
thousand dollars, he went to Europe,
and was in Paris once during the later
years of Napoleon's reign, at the time
of the famous Exposition.
'That was where I saw you first,
duchess, when all Paris was talking
about your beauty, your splendor, the
magnificence of your entourage.'
'O Mr. Baldwin!' the duchess inter-
rupted, very much flattered. 'What a
pity you were never introduced! It
would have been so delightful to know
you when you were young.'
'I should never have been received,'
Baldwin replied. 'I was a young fellow,
vigorous, and not bad-looking, perhaps;
but something far less presentable than
the old man you see before you. I was
very poor then, and struggling for an
education. I had nothing of what is
called breeding. My hands were rough
and calloused from manual toil. No, it
did n't even occur to the John Baldwin
of those days that he could have a place
at one of your receptions. I was con-
tent with standing on the sidewalk, lost
in the Exposition crowds, on the chance
that the Emperor would pass that way
in an open carriage, with the Empress
at his side, and, in attendance on her,
the Duchess of Pontecorvo, then in the
full effulgence of her youth and beauty.'
'O Mr. Baldwin!' the Duchess said
again, looking at the ground, while a
faint blush overspread her pale wrinkled
cheeks.
'Well,' the American continued,
'that is when I saw you first; and, do
you know, I have never forgotten you
all my life long ! You see, boys have to
fix their eyes on some great goal, on
something far above them. The more
unattainable the goal, the better; for, if
it is quite out of reach, the illusion they
hang on it will never be disturbed by
contact with cold realities. You were
that inaccessible pinnacle to me. You
will excuse me, duchess! We are both
SUNSET
609
of us now of an age when we can say
things without any of the restraints
proper to the young. Yes, you! In my
time of danger and struggle, three
ambitions were always in my mind,
three goals that were to be the reward
of victory. I wanted, first, an enormous,
palatial residence surrounded by a tre-
mendous park. I wanted a yacht big
enough to sail any sea on earth. And
my third ambition — of course, it was
really my first, the one most persistently
before my mind — was to have for a
wife either a woman like the Duchess of
Pontecorvo, or the Duchess of Ponte-
corvo herself!
'And, you see, life often affords un-
expected bounties that it seemed quite
mad to dream of in advance. As for
that palace, I have a dozen of them
scattered here and there about the
world. As for the yacht, I could build
a fleet of them, if I weren't bored to
death with the three I already have in
one port or another of the United States
and Europe. It is the third ambition
that I never realized. The one thing
that John Baldwin failed to attain
'in his triumphant existence was the
Duchess of Pontecorvo!'
'O Mr. Baldwin!' the duchess re-
peated in a great flutter of effusiveness.
'O Mr. Baldwin, how funny!'
'And I suppose the reason why that
illusion has always been with me is
because I failed in winning her. I
can honestly say, duchess, that I have
thought of you every moment of my
life. A man like me has work to do,
work that often leaves little leisure for
sentimental breedings. But I am able
to affirm that in the few moments of
repose I have had, every time I was able
to let my fancy wander as it listed, the
first picture inevitably to come into my
mind was the memory of you.
' I married, of course, and I loved my
wife, I am sure. She was a good woman,
an excellent housewife, a charming,
delightful comrade; but the flare, the
glory of my dream of love always lin-
gered about your image; and I believe
it was in that that I found the stimulus
to go on with my work. I understood
in a certain way that the beauty of my
dream lay in the fact that it would
never come true. That is why I never
tried to find you when I had become a
really successful man. I was old, you
see, and you could not have been very
young. Your children had grown up
and established families of their own.
You were long since a grandmother.
What would have been the use? Why
destroy the last illusion left me?'
He stopped for a second, while the
duchess studied his face with interest,
struggling apparently to reconstruct
before her mind's eye the image of the
American millionaire as he must have
been in those youthful days.
'O Mr. Baldwin!' she said again,
'why did n't you declare yourself?'
The old man, absorbed hi the thread
of his own thoughts, seemed not to be
listening.
'I did n't try to find you because I
was afraid you might have changed
in the meantime. Now — it does n't
matter! You have changed, if I may
say so; and I have changed, changed
immensely. There is little left of the
John Baldwin who used to stand on the
sidewalk in Paris and watch you go by.
We are two old people who have out-
lived their real lives. The woman I am
speaking of is the woman I can still see
in my imagination. In my mind no
time has passed, and fashions have not
changed. The only Duchess of Ponte-
corvo that I shall ever really know is a
woman in a hooped crinoline skirt, in
the style of the Empress Eugenie and
the other ladies of the Imperial Court.
— And that is the only duchess I care
to know. For that is the woman who
was loved as few women are ever loved,
loved by a poor young American, who
VOL. 1S8 — NO. 6
B
610
SUNSET
likewise has passed away — a love
whose principal charm was its unself-
ishness; a love never to be requited
because it was never to be revealed ! '
'O Mr. Baldwin!' the old lady re-
peated in a trembling voice, as if she
were about to weep; 'why did n't you
speak? Why did n't you tell me then
what you are telling me now?'
Baldwin shrugged his shoulders. He
had a clearer, a more accurate sense of
reality than she. He understood that
what now seemed to this old woman an
unpardonable oversight, she would have
regarded in those days as an unpardon-
able presumption.
The sun had set, leaving a patch of
pale rose upon the mountain-tops, the
last trace of its departed glory. The
evening star was twinkling in the lumi-
nous trail that still brightened the
western sky. The eastern horizon above
the Italian mountains was deepening
to an intenser blue, through which,
fainter still, a few stars were struggling
to appear. A breeze had begun to blow
down from the mountains, setting the
leaves of the garden astir on its way
out to wrinkle the placid mirror of the
sea. The old duchess seemed not to
notice. Her mind was on other things.
'Why didn't you speak then?' she
insisted. * It would have been so inter-
esting! Why didn't you declare your-
self?'
Baldwin again shrugged his shoulders;
for now the illusion was quite dead, and
it had been dead for a long time. He
had spoken only under the impulsive
need for confession that we all seem to
feel at certain moments. Ever since he
had found the duchess living near him
on Cap Martin he had been intending
to make this revelation to her. That,
perhaps, was what had impelled him to
pay a visit to the garden of the church.
But, once confessed, the weight had been
lifted from his soul and — life never goes
backward; peace be with the dead!
But the woman, more responsive to
sentimental things, was unwilling to
forget. She clung to the illusion as if it
were a life-raft come to her hand in the
torrent of time that was sweeping her
so rapidly toward eternity. Besides,
her feminine vanity had been aroused
from its sleep of half a century. A
declaration of love at eighty! And from
the most powerful man in the world!
Baldwin coughed. The evening wind
was chilling him.
'Let 's go,' he said. 'At our age it is
not quite safe to catch cold.'
He gave one last look at the crimson
afterglow. 'The sun has gone,' he said.
'To-morrow he will return, and the
next day, and the next. But when we
sink below the horizon of life — '
The duchess took his arm, and began
to walk back along the path to the
church, her bamboo cane beating rhyth-
mically on the flagstones. Quite un-
conscious of everything around her, she
seemed not to hear what her compan-
ion was saying. She had gone far back
into the past — and how delightful
those memories were!
They pushed their way through the
bushes of the garden, lowering their
heads to avoid the hanging branches.
'Why did you not declare yourself?'
she kept repeating. 'Why did you not
tell me then what you have just told me
now?'
THE IRON MAN IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
BY ARTHUR POUND
IN America we invent, manufacture,
and use in the production of goods, an
infinite number of machines; but we
pay scant heed to the effect of these
machines upon the evolution of society.
Out here, in our great Middle West
machine-shops, where the automatic
principle of machine production has
reached its highest development and
broadest application, we possess tools
superior to those of Paris. Yet it would
never have occured to any of us to say
in 1914, as did M. Bergson, addressing
the French Academy: —
* Many years hence, when the reaction
of the past shall have left only the grand
outlines in view, this, perhaps, is how a
philosopher will speak of our age. He
will say that the idea, peculiar to the nine-
teenth century, of employing science
in the satisfaction of our material wants
had given a wholly unforeseen exten-
sion to the mechanical arts, and equip-
ped man, in less than fifty years, with
more tools than he had made during the
thousands of years he had lived upon
earth. Each new machine being for
man a new organ, — an artificial organ,
— his body became suddenly and pro-
digiously increased in size, without his
soul being at the same time able to dilate
to the dimensions of his new body.'
Bergson pictures the 'machinate mam-
mal' of Butler's striking phrase as a
dread, autogenetic being, adding limbs
and organs ad infinitum, without cor-
responding growth of soul — a modern
monster set going by our busy Frank-
ensteins, the inventors. Let us consider,
rather, man in society, organized into
states, and observe some of the polit-
ical and social results which have fol-
lowed, and are likely to follow, multi-
plication of man-power by machinery.
Multiplying man-power bymachinery
sets going certain forces and tendencies
in key with — but not at all points par-
allel to — those set going in other times
by brisk breeding. However generated,
new peaks of human energy strain social
and political systems evolved to carry
currents less high. Unless the current
is cut down, or the system of distribu-
tion readjusted to carry the new peak-
load, something breaks. War is simply
one method of restoring equilibrium be-
tween the kinetics of human energy and
the statics of social order.
Machine use, on the expanding scale
of recent years, multiplies goods-pro-
duction over and above any point at-
tainable by natural increase without
machine assistance. Power over ma-
chines enabled the coal-and-iron mem-
bers of the great-nations group to es-
tablish world-leadership in the years
between the industrial revolution and
the World War. Not only did popula-
tion in the industrial state increase
absolutely, but the effectiveness of those
increased populations in wealth-produc-
tion multiplied over and over. States
with more machines assumed prepon-
derant political influence over those
with less.
Because the nations of leading power
612
THE IRON MAN IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
at the opening of the twentieth century
were all white and all Christian, a false
idea arose that this overlordship rested
upon race or religion; but Japan's en-
trance, following victory over Russia,
proved the acid test of world-power to
be industrial prowess. Enough pro-
ductivity to furnish, year after year, a
considerable excess of goods for export,
and to support naval and military forces
proportionate to the resulting extensive
overseas interests — these were the
prime desiderata of power; and the na-
tion possessing them could be sure of its
place in the sun, regardless of color or
the constitution of its Godhead.
Machine-power not only strengthen-
ed nationalism by slowing down dis-
persion through emigration, but also
intensified it through generating real
need for group-action to ensure subsist-
ence from foreign sources. To .make
the industrial centre secure, its econom-
ic hinterland must be likewise secure;
states were constantly urged by groups
oppressed by the conviction of insecu-
rity to move outward toward the control
of that ever-widening hinterland, with-
out whose produce and consumption the
industrial complex at home must lan-
guish in unprofitable depression.
In earlier times natural increase set
going centrifugal forces, which machine
increase shifted into centripetal forces.
Nations in effective possession of coal
and iron held their nationals, because
machines permitted the use at home of
more labor and more capital per .acre.
Instead of sending forth surplus popula-
tion at the former rate, the industrial
states sent forth, in ever-increasing
volume, surplus goods to compete with
those of their rival nationals in world
markets. The descendants of men who
had won sustenance at the spear-point
in forced migrations now fought one
another with goods, and recorded their
victories in ledgers instead of sagas.
Upon the profitable and certain sale of
these goods depended national solven-
cy and domestic content, the hunger
or plenty of millions of wage-earners,
the revenues which supported govern-
ments, military establishments, edu-
cational institutions — in short, modern
Western civilization. Realizing the vul-
nerability of their economic supports,
the industrial societies of the Old World
grew more and more state-conscious,
and drifted into more and more bristling
attitudes toward one another. Thus
modern nationalism developed a sinister
accent.
Given the determining mechanisms,
this development was sure as fate.
Arteries of national existence, inextric-
ably interwoven, came to thread the
Seven Seas. Though the bulk of im-
ported nourishment grew in stabilized
quarters, certain essentials of industrial
life were gathered from lightly settled
districts of uncertain political complex-
ion, where the white man's code did not
run. Concessions and capitulations, ex-
tra-territoriality and economic penetra-
tion — these satisfied neither natives
nor invaders. Willy-nilly, the situation
made for imperialism. Wherever moneys
were owing and courts were not; wher-
ever raw materials needed in the mills
back home could be produced; wher-
ever goods could be sold to the heathen
if the latter could be educated suffi-
ciently hi wants; wherever capital
could be multiplied by exploiting cheap
labor — there industrial societies, al-
though located on the other side of the
earth, had stakes, vital stakes of exist-
ence. The temptation was powerful,
indeed, to change these stakes of exist-
ence into stakes of empire. Africa was
partitioned; western Asia became a
bickering ground; China was partition-
ed into spheres of influence, and must
soon have been parceled out, if the
United States, not yet hard pressed
economically, had not initiated the
saving reprieve of the Open Door.
THE IRON MAN IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
613
So far toward the war had the nations
traveled by the beginning of the cen-
tury. Thereafter came intrigue after
intrigue for adjustment and review.
Only by stating and restating the Mon-
roe Doctrine, in terms which would
have amazed Monroe, were we able to
fend off itching hands from South
America, perchance to keep for our-
selves freedom of action in that quarter
at some later date. Elsewhere the game
went on with ever-increasing openness
as the economic needs of Europe be-
came more acute. The nations looked
sharply to navies, coaling-stations, mer-
chant marines, as so much national in-
surance under the conditions imposed
by the Iron Man. Popular hate must be
roused to wring funds for naval expan-
sion from parliaments and tax-payers.
Enter propaganda, the press doing its
share and navy leagues the rest. Diplo-
matic incident followed incident, well
named because so obviously incidental
eruptions of the primary force that
made peace ever more difficult to keep.
Algeciras, London, The Hague — all
vain while factory wheels continued to
move at an ever-accelerated pace, and
statesmen continued thinking in terms
of politics instead of economics. Back
of all this diplomatic jockeying and
military picketing, commercial zeal and
naval expansion, — the motor-force be-
hind all these expressions of national
will, — operated unceasingly the over-
load of human energy released by ma-
chine multiplication of man-power.
Responsibility for this dangerous
evolution rests upon political rigidity
rather than upon industrial progress.
Internally each of the industrial states
maintained such a division of the re-
turns of industry that its full produc-
tion could not be consumed at home;
internationally trade and finance reach-
ed planetary proportions without cor-
respondingly broad political and legal
controls. Failing such controls, the situ-
ation marched swiftly to its conclusion.
Almost to the last, either of two de-
nouements was possible — either the
boundaries of industrial states must
burst under inequalities of pressure
generated by increased populations and
increased machines, or the machines
themselves must be slowed down by
eliminating profits from their operation.
The first meant war — the World War;
the second meant war also, but of a
different sort — the war between classes,
the social revolution.
In midsummer of 1914, it was hard
to say which method of bleeding the
too-vital patient would be adopted.
Had Juares lived, who knows how
changed the face of history might be?
The state-war method won the des-
perate race against time. At the mo-
ment decision rested with certain Ger-
mans, who may have been influenced,
consciously or unconsciously, by the
hovering spectre of social and political
revolution. If deferred then, the deci-
sion a little later might have rested
upon other persons elsewhere; and if so,
the answer must have been the same —
war. Useless to apply ethical rules at
such a pass; indicting forces is even
more absurd than indicting nations.
The important thing to understand, here
and now, is that, given nationalism as
the dominant social fact of the planet,
sea-striding industrialism as its domi-
nant economic fact, and the control of
weak peoples by strong as its dominant
political fact, peace in or near the year
1914 could not be maintained without
qualifying one or all of the three. It
was not done. There were none big
enough to do it. To that extent the war
may be considered inevitable.
n
Has Europe's blood-letting, plus its
post-war Socialism and Communism,
rid the world of wars bred in the market-
614
THE IRON MAN IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
place? The situation does not make for
confidence. State competition, intensi-
fied by hunger, hate, and debt, is not
yet restrainable by international bonds.
Russia's experiment does not recom-
mend the class-war as a means to peace.
Just as industry and nationalism con-
ceived and brought forth the World
War, without quite knowing either
when or how conception occurred, so
they may add to the Martian family in
the future. Indeed, certain tendencies
of modern industrialism, in its new
automatic phase as yet but dimly under-
stood, seem destined to put even more
strain upon the political framework of
the planet than that under which the
same framework cracked in 1914.
One such aspect of industrialism is its
tendency to spread. Born in England,
the factory system has migrated to
northwestern Europe, northern Italy,
the United States, and Japan. It has
healthy roots in Canada, less healthy
ones in Mexico. It appeared in Russia,
and contributed to that debacle. China
is getting under industrial way, slowly,
but with a steady ponderosity which
Ross, Stoddard, and Weale agree means
nothing less than an economic upheaval
certain to affect every nation and in-
dividual on earth as time runs on.
India, too, is on the way, quickening
step during the war; Australia, by erect-
ing a tariff wall, encourages domestic
industries. Thus industry travels; how
far can it go?
The spread of industry among colored
and Slavic populations has been retard-
ed appreciably by the fact that, in the
past, industrial production required the
application of certain traits, natural or
acquired, which, for historic reasons be-
yond the scope of this paper, are more
apparent in white peoples than in oth-
ers. The skill element was paramount.
Now industry has machines so highly
perfected that highly specialized skill is
not required. Ordinary intelligence and
average manual dexterity are the top
requirements, from the standpoint
of production only, for the operative
or attendant of automatic machines
He who brings maximum endurance tc
the shop at minimum cost will profit
his employer most. On this basis th(
Chinese coolie, at first glance, appears
unbeatable. If not the best individual
his cheapness still may give his produce
an advantage in the market. The Jap
anese have demonstrated a considerable
degree of Oriental adaptability to mod
ern machines. The Hindu test maj
not be far behind. And since the tend
ency in machine-development is always
toward less and less mental demanc
upon the operative, there is the possi
bility that even more backward peoples
than these may some day find machines
attuned to their mental and manua
capacities. The huge profits likely t<
follow promptly upon the putting o:
cheap, low-standard labor to work upor
automatic and semi-automatic machines
should be enough to ensure that, soon 01
late, all peoples will be brought to the
ordeal by the Iron Man.
But whether browns, blacks, and yel-
lows can withstand this ordeal is an-
other matter. Theoretically, expansior
of industry should proceed until expon
trade in manufactured goods is mudt
curtailed. But there are offsets to con-
sider — capital, coal, iron, oil, water-
power. Dearth of these bars industry
from many quarters. Far more import-
ant, however, are the varying abilities
of races and peoples to meet the socia
and political problems presented bj
machine industry. The white race is
progressive; the historic concept which
has motivated western history gives
it a superior elasticity of adaptation
to changing conditions. Yet the wai
proves that even we favored whites
could not escape at least one terrific set-
back resulting from industrial impact,
The depth and breadth of present social
THE IRON MAN IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS 615
unrest further emphasizes the difficul-
ties of adjustment on that side of the
equation. Since the colored races have
not yet been tried in the fiery crucible
of industry, no one can prophesy their
reaction to the impact of modern in-
dustry.
Consider from this angle some of
the vital demands that industry makes
upon government and upon society.
Industry requires a government at once
strong and flexible. Government must
preserve domestic order against class
jealousies that fatten upon the dispar-
ity of wealth inevitably arising from
industrialism under private ownership,
as King demonstrates in his comparison
of incomes in Prussia and Wisconsin.
It must uphold contracts under condi-
tions hi which contractual relations be-
come increasingly complex. It must
protect the people from their employers
and from themselves; it must maintain
such hours of labor and working con-
ditions as will save the workers from
being ground down in ruthless competi-
tion, or enfeebled by their own weak-
nesses. It must encourage the public,
and find ways and means to compensate
it for the social sacrifices involved in
industrial production, which compen-
sations must be provided outside of
factory walls and enjoyed in leisure.
To provide these sedatives requires
an imaginative, strongly functioning
public spirit outside of the industrial
group, and the finding of funds to
make expensive dreams of social prog-
ress come true, at least sufficiently to
allay discontent.
The dilemma presented by heavy
social needs and the very real danger of
overtaxing industry is not an easy one
to solve, even for states highly organ-
ized; it may well prove insoluble for
states which, like China and Turkey,
reveal chronic inability to establish
sound public finance. Finally, history
gives no ground for believing that in-
dustry and autocracy are compatible;
in the long run, so strong are the social
pressures involved, a successful govern-
ment of an industrial state must grow
out of the conscious will of its people,
represent their ideals, and be amenable
to those ideals as they change from
generation to generation. Even in
Japan the advent of industry brought
constitutional forms, not yet nationally
digested. Those states in which repre-
sentative democracy had reached its
highest expression emerged from the
desperate test of war and the grind of
war-production with the least political
and social damage.
Industry prospers best under capi-
talism and under representative democ-
racy; I cannot conceive industry func-
tioning well under other dispensations.
German autocrats might introduce
state socialism as they pleased; the fact
of autocracy remained a threat to Ger-
man industry. And because no colored
race equals the white in its power to
create the social and political setting
hi which machine industry thrives, I
am unable to follow Lothrop Stoddard
as far as he goes in forecasting the
shrinking of the white man 's markets,
in his book, The Rising Tide of Color.
Indeed, the impact of industry upon
colored races seems as likely to weaken
them as the reverse. Modern industrial-
ism places both the individual and
society under severe and continued
strains, physical, mental, moral. The
more static the society, the more cus-
tom-tied the individual, the more severe
the strain. English people have been
evolving with and in industry under
representative government for six cen-
turies; for two centuries they have been
applying power to machines and build-
ing up a factory system. All this time
they have been building up definite
immunities against industrial ills and
definite predispositions to bargain them-
selves out of industrial ills. Yet they are
616
THE IRON MAN IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
never out of hot water, politically and
industrially. I do not see how peoples
without that background, or something
like it, lacking alike political flexibility
and industrial experience, can stand the
shock of modern industrial life. Indus-
trialism in its functioning and growth
— and it is still growing — requires
never-ending readjustments, compro-
mises, and concessions, which are born
of freedom and responsibility — the
right of individuals and groups to bar-
gain freely; and the duty, freely accept-
ed, of living up to the bargain after it is
made. Where these concepts have no
place in the popular mind, there indus-
try will have rough sledding, and can
become efficient only through a system
of force and repression which eventually
defeats itself.
It is easy, under the automatic r6-
gime, for a man to stand beside a ma-
chine and produce goods, and difficult
for him to stay there and remain a
reasonably satisfied, contributing mem-
ber of a political and social group,
strong enough to maintain itself, yet
flexible enough to give him reason to
believe industrialism worth while. Mex-
ico's experience is a case in point. Diaz,
proceeding toward the industrializa-
tion of his country with the aid of for-
eign capital, enterprisers, and engineers,
unmistakably bettered the economic
condition of Mexican labor. Neverthe-
less, the peons' ideal of life remained
agricultural; Madero won their back-
ing with his promise of forty acres and
a mule. Carranza, inheriting from
Madero, frankly declared his country's
antipathy to industrialism; whatever
his faults, Carranza sized up his Indian
correctly. Though the Mexican peon
has certain innate capacities for factory
work, notably high manual dexterity
and stolid patience, he prefers to half-
starve on the land rather than work
upon modern machines indoors at wages
that would enable him to maintain a
higher standard of living. Necessity
may bring him to the factory, if we
whites insist; but he will remain a rebel,
active or potential, against industrial
organization so imposed.
The Mexican's instinctive reaction
against industrial organization differs
in degree, but not in kind, from that of
many of our own shop-workers. There
develops among the workers in highly
automatized plants a chronic dissatis-
faction, which cannot be explained away
without reference to nerves. It seems
to be proof against high wages and
good conditions. Welfare- work, bonuses,
shop-councils, even profit-sharing, do
not drive it out. Clatter and haste are
contributing factors; so also are indoor
confinement, monotony of task, dis-
tance from the real boss, repression of
personality, strict regimentation of ef-
fort, and the scant opportunity afforded
for the play of the craftsman instinct,
the joy in production.
But the basic cause lies deeper. All
of us are descended from ancestors who,
a comparatively short time ago, were
farmers, hunters, and fishermen, with
occasional experience as fighting men.
Their work held considerable variety,
called for great outbursts of physical
energy interspersed with frequent let-
downs. They had their labor-thrills
along with their labor-pains. Even the
simple annals of the mediaeval poor must
have been crowded with adventure, as
compared with the systematic, color-
less, bare-of-drama tasks of the modern
factory. Your worker is there in the
factory, not because he wants to be,
but because he needs the money, and
can discover no other means of getting
it. Yet there is that stirring within him
which informs him, even before the
voice of the agitator reinforces the con-
viction, that this is no life for a real man.
He gets, literally, no fun out of his
labors. His environment irks him, and
out of that attrition is born an Arbeit-
THE IRON MAN IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS 617
schmerz as real as the Weltschmerz that
Goethe discovered. Our tenders of ma-
chines are being starved in their souls;
and while there may be sedatives for
that malady, there is no specific.
That seems to me the root of social
unrest in America, and it is probably
equally true in Europe. Under our po-
litical and social controls, in a people
naturally robust and hopeful in spirit,
the sickness may not run its course.
Though half our mechanics talk radi-
calism, they vote with the others for
Harding, play baseball in our parks,
and get some relief and encouragement
out of being literate citizens of a repub-
lic whose evolution tends, however slow-
ly, toward the interests of the masses.
But what will this chronic work-pain
drive other breeds to do — breeds that
get no relief out of sport and voting?
Well, to cite the shining example, it
seems to have poisoned Russia's indus-
trial workers against the only system of
industry under which industry func-
tions profitably in our day; the Com-
munists of Russia come from her few
industrial towns. Signs of similar explo-
sions are not lacking in Japan. No mat-
ter how shops are organized, no matter
how profits are divided, this fraying of
nerves in industry continues. Industry
may stir temporarily the simple folk
of Mandalay and Pesha>yur; but can
they stand the shock any better than
the Amerind withstood the white man's
methods and the white man's whiskey?
Modern industry is strong drink; those
who have lived long with it, despite
partial immunity born of experience,
are none too happy; and those less
experienced dally with it at the risk of
their health, customs, general effective-
ness, and political stability.
m
Viewing from these angles the possi-
bility of spreading industrialism, a tre-
mendous dilemma presents itself. On
the one hand, the economic forces that
spread industrialism outward from its
English inception are still operative,
and more vigorous than before. To the
constant of self-interest is added a
heightened state-interest flowing from
huge debts. These converging interests
now have tools at their disposal which
admit to efficient production breeds of
cheap men not hitherto available as
industrial workers. These dynamic
forces are not to be denied their trial of
strength. On the other hand, peoples
about to be introduced to industrialism
must overcome grave social and politi-
cal inhibitions before they cut down
materially the demand for the white
man's goods, and so restrict his influence
in the world. These contrary forces —
one set positive, the other negative; one
the essence of progress, the other the es-
sence of conservatism — are bound to
do battle with one another on the world
stage. Upon the outcome depends the
future of terrestrial society.
Alarm as to the outcome has been
sounded vociferously enough; and while
the warnings may be more strident than
the dangers are imminent, still the out-
look calls for the highest statesmanship.
The trial period, while the old and new
do battle in Asia, is sure to be an era of
extreme nervousness in international
relations. During this period the white
nations must strive toward a genuine
solidarity, at the very time when their
traders and governments are forced by
powerful economic motives to cut into
each other's markets. At a time, too,
when rankling hate persists, and state-
craft is still under the shadow of chau-
vinism. Any statesman who does not
make an effort to overcome these diffi-
culties deserves ill of posterity; because
the situation is one in which peace must
be labored for, and of which war is the
logical outcome.
There can be no durable peace, and
618
no effective white solidarity, so long as
the coal-and-iron states continue tread-
ing the path of economic competition
toward another Armageddon. A sword
is suspended over civilization, and that
sword can be sheathed only by such a
reorientation of industrialism as will
permit the aggressive nationalism it
fosters to die of inanition. Much may
be done by international agreement,
with force back of the agreement; more
may be done by the forward spirits in
each industrial society forcing into
public attention these internal adjust-
ments necessary to bring social and polit-
ical evolution into line with industrial
evolution. The more energy goes into
internal developments, the less will press
outward to complicate international re-
lations. There is plenty of work for all
governments to do at home, before their
populations recover their pre-war trust
in governments.
Every alert man or woman recog-
nizes that the masses are critical of
governments in this year of grace. The
conviction is growing that the war was
of economic origin. Men are no longer
willing to turn out war as a by-product
of goods — on machines. Since a prime
source of belligerency is goods-competi-
tion, sovereignty has become a matter
of control over machines as well as over
men. That is the direction in which
competent governments must move;
and those which fail to keep step will
possess no valid reason for existence in
the automatic-machine age. The peo-
ples of the earth look to governments
to set up a moral control over machine
use; and this instinctive turning to the
state for relief is sound to the core, since
states are the only groupings of hu-
manity strong enough to harness the
Iron Man to the chariot of human well-
being.
THE GUILD OF STUDENTS
BY WILBUR C. ABBOTT
OF all concerns of our democracy,
most men agree, the chief is education
in some form. From little red school-
house to Research Council, all of us at
some time, some of us at all times, are
brought in touch with it; and all of us
at all times profess an interest in it.
Our boys and girls go — or are sent —
to college or university. Thence they
emerge like a recent 'graduate,' who,
standing on the steps of the Commence-
ment hall, waved his beribboned diplo-
ma about his head and shouted to
the appreciative crowd, 'Educated, by
gosh!' And as he stood there, he raised
in more than one mind a question. What
was this 'college course' and this 'de-
gree,' which set him off from those who
lacked his ' advantages ' ? what was this
college, which had 'educated' him?
To uninitiated eyes the venerable in-
stitution, — they are always 'old,'-
its buildings and its grounds, its library
and laboratories, its lecture-rooms and
THE GUILD OF STUDENTS
619
halls, its faculty and president, had
made him what he was. But he and his
fellows knew that being a 'college man'
was no mere membership in a fraternity
of scholars. They knew that when, in
future years, he foregathered with his
kind in annual hilarity, he would not
come to hear the latest word in chemis-
try or history from peripatetic ' faculty
representatives,' but for reasons only re-
motely related to a common interest in
the curriculum. Neither for president
nor for faculty, nor for buildings, nor
for courses, does our youth, of which he
is a type, flock to institutions of higher
education. Its education it accepts,
eagerly or reluctantly, as the case may
be; but for the majority it is the 'col-
lege life' which they — and their par-
ents — crave. It is not easy to define a
university; it seems to lie somewhere
between an atmosphere and a factory.
But for most of us -it is a state of exist-
ence, peculiarly attractive to a certain
class and age; a state in which buildings
and faculty and mental training have a
place, but not the whole, nor, frankly,
to most men, the most important place.
Especially in the United States; for
here, within two generations, almost
within the memory of men now living,
there has been evolved beside, or rather
within, the framework of formal and
official college and university another
system of education, largely outside the
authority of faculties, and largely inde-
pendent of their intellectual impulses
and disciplinary ordinances. While
those in charge of the institutions of
higher learning have elaborated curric-
ula and extended the scope and con-
tent of their own activities, the volun-
teer authorities of the undergraduate
world, aided by the alumni, have
founded another institution, created in
their own image, to meet their own
desires. They have framed their own
courses, employed their own instructors,
built their own buildings, provided
their own income, and evolved a system
that challenges comparison with that
of their academic superiors. They have,
in truth, ' called a new world into exist-
ence, to redress the balance of the old ' ;
they have created a real imperium in
imperio, a student university — what
would have been called, in older tunes,
a guild of students.
It is easy to say that this is the only
too familiar phenomenon of outside,
or extra-curriculum, activities, long one
of the chief concerns of deans and facul-
ties and even presidents. It is easier still
to say that calling this a student guild,
much less a student university, is but
another way of saying what everybody
knows, another startling discovery of the
wholly obvious. For this is, in many re-
spects, the best-known feature of Amer-
ican education, even in the non-aca-
demic world. It has been the subject
of long and dull discussions in public,
and longer, though not so dull, discus-
sions in private. We heard long ago
from a distinguished college president
— as he then was — the danger of al-
lowing the side-shows to swallow up the
circus. Yet the very fact of considering
this phenomenon as a side-show indi-
cates how little the problem is appreci-
ated by minds which still consider the
advice to undergraduates, 'Don't let
your studies interfere with your educa-
tion,' as humorous. And no one famil-
iar with common conversation among
undergraduates and alumni in their
natural state will make that mistake.
Let us consider the matter from another
point of view than that involved in call-
ing this an outside interest.
The problem of student activities
outside of the curriculum is not new. At
all times since universities began, stu-
dents have lived a great part of their
lives beyond the view of faculties. There
have always been student organizations,
for pleasure, for profit, and for protec-
tion; there are such organizations now
620
THE GUILD OF STUDENTS
in other lands. The first university of
which we have any adequate account,
the University of Bologna, was, in fact,
a guild of students, which employed
its own professors, hired its own build-
ings, and managed its own affairs. Our
modern guild of students has not, indeed,
reached the point where, as in Bologna,
it has succeeded in 'reducing the Mas-
ters to an incredible degree of servitude.'
Not only does there yet remain to our
faculties that sole prerogative of the
Bolognese professors, ' the one function
and only one over which the Doctors to
the last retained an exclusive control,' —
that of examining and conferring de-
grees, — but they still maintain those
disciplinary powers denied to their un-
fortunate Bolognese predecessors, into
whose lecture-rooms 'the idea of disci-
pline never entered at all.' It is still
measurably true now as then, that ' op-
position to the Professors formed no
part of the original raison d'etre of the
[student] universities.' The modern
student guild, like its forerunner, as yet
claims 'no authority over the Doctors
or the control of strictly Academical
matters' — with some modifications,
perhaps, as to attendance and the
exigencies of its own public exercises!
And like the Bolognese guild, it still
has 'little or nothing to do with the
Studium.'
Moreover, it is perhaps not so true
now as it was then that the 'jealousy of
the Professors arose simply (so far as
appears) from the fact that the students
were attempting to do for themselves
what the Professors claimed to do for
them. ' They cannot, perhaps, in the very
nature of the new student guild's ambi-
tions and desires; for the mediaeval stu-
dent guild was chiefly concerned with
the cultivation of the mind, and the
modern guild has wider scope than this.
The older body employed its instructors
to lecture in philosophy and rhetoric
and theology and law; and whatever
charges may be brought against its
later counterpart, this will not be found
among them. Nor have we reached, as
yet, the point where, as at Bologna, the
students 'acquired a complete control
over their professors, and to a large
extent usurped the powers elsewhere
exercised by the professional body.'
Yet, like its ancient analogue, the
twentieth-century American phenom-
enon is no less a 'wholly new depart-
ure in the history of education . . .
distinct from anything which preceded
it.' To us it seems the simplest, most
obvious, even inevitable, of develop-
ments. Of casual visitors from other
lands it fills the mind with wonder, not
unmixed with awe. None the less,
strange or familiar, like its prototype
of Bologna, ' it is not difficult to explain
the genesis of the new creation if we
bear in mind the character of the envi-
ronment wherein it grew up.'
That environment may be measured
in three terms — the initiative and or-
ganizing capacity of American youth,
the desires of American parents, and the
conditions in American colleges fifty
years ago. Those institutions, excellent
of their kind, were, in the main, domi-
nated by ecclesiastical influence. They
provided a classical education of the
old school, admirable in its way, if to
our eyes somewhat limited in its range
and appeal. They paid small attention
to the graces and amenities of life, and
less to the social and physical develop-
ment of the undergraduate. There was
a plentiful lack of those facilities for
comfort and amusement which we now
regard as essential to our welfare. A
boy was sent to college to improve his
mind, and incidentally to gain contact
with his fellows. The literary and
debating societies, the casual outdoor
sports, the occasional social event, were
the sum of his extra-curriculum activi-
ties, together with such loosely organ-
ized clubs as he contrived to form. In
THE GUILD OF STUDENTS
621
some measure this was the expression
of the more restrained, if not more
sober, character of American life. It is
peculiarly typified in the high hats, long
coats, and hirsute adornment still re-
flected in those photographs of earlier
classes which entertain the present un-
dergraduate.
n
But America changed, and her col-
leges with her. There arose a class of
newly rich who regarded the college
rather as a place to acquire social polish
and position, a knowledge of the world
and of society, than as essentially a
means of mental discipline. And many
who were neither new nor rich altered
their conceptions of life and preparation
for it. Take a handful of paternal ex-
pressions of what the college is sup-
posed to do. ' I want my son,' writes one
father, 'to learn how to dress and be-
have, and make friends of the right
sort.' — 'I should like,' writes another,
'to have my son learn how to meet
people and form acquaintances which
will be of advantage to him hi after
life.' Another, still more frankly, voices
what is doubtless in many minds, con-
fessing that he wants his boy to 'join
a good society, make the football team,
and live like a gentleman.' — 'Educa-
tion by contact,' to 'know men,' to 'get
the most out of his college life,' 'social
training' — these are the commonest of
expressions nowadays.
They are the natural desires of man-
kind. Two centuries ago, some vision-
ary in a New Haven town-meeting sug-
gested that more attention be given to
arithmetic in the school; but 'he was
speedily suffocated by a substitute
measure proposed, that the youth be
instructed in points of manners, there
being a great fault in that respect, as
some exprest.' Times change, and man-
ners, but the desire to have youth
trained in the graces, to be 'socialized'
in all senses, survives both time and
change. And the college, through the
student guild, has thus conformed to
that desire. 'To ride a horse, shoot with
the bow, keep clean, and tell the truth '
— these, the oldest educational require-
ments, are not out of date, save as the
instruments have somewhat changed.
The 'friendships formed at Yale,' or
Harvard, or Michigan, or Emory and
Henry — are these not as enduring as
the mental discipline, and of more ulti-
mate value? And how shall these be
attained? How train men in laboratory
or by lectures to meet their fellows —
and their fellows' sisters?
These are some of the reasons why
the undergraduates have formed their
guilds. They began their social educa-
tion with those willing instructors com-
mon to us all, the tailor, the haberdash-
er, the dancing-master, the theatre, the
teacher of musical instruments, and
their fellow men. They played some
kind of ball, and less innocuous games
of chance and skill; they formed debat-
ing clubs and boarding clubs and liter-
ary societies, and mingled as they could
in social events. All these are as old
as universities. And in America, some
time before the middle of the nineteenth
century, they turned to secret socie-
ties. There they parted company with
most other nations, unless we may re-
gard the German corps and Burschen-
schaf ten as a parallel. How greatly these
'fraternities' have grown, we know.
They are numbered now by scores; their
members by tens of thousands. A
generation since, a distinguished Bos-
tonian boasted that he could go from
coast to coast and sleep each night in a
different house owned by his college
society. There is at least one organiza-
tion now where he might sleep each
night for at least two months in a dif-
ferent house; and no one familiar with
the college world need have attention
called to the increasingly luxurious
622
THE GUILD OF STUDENTS
habitations which adorn so many col-
lege towns — houses so splendid that
many have come to doubt the wisdom
of such elements in student life.
This is but one manifestation of the
student guild. For undergraduates have
not been content with building dormi-
tories where the colleges had none, or
none sufficient to their needs and de-
sires. Far more important than this
matter of housing, they have developed
a curriculum. Football and baseball,
rowing, track and field sports, games of
all kinds, indoor and outdoor, boxing
and wrestling, manly exercises, they
have brought in, with or without the
aid of the faculty, and these they ' elect '
and follow with a zeal worthy of a bet-
ter cause — if such there be.
Nor is their educational system pure-
ly physical or social. The guild of schol-
ars shows how things are, or should
be, or have been, done; in his system
the student does them for himself. He
is nothing if not concrete. The lecturer
on journalism expounds his principles
— and the student produces a paper.
The professor of business management
explains how business is, or ought to be,
conducted — and the 'managers' of
'student enterprises' devote most of
their waking, and not a few of what
should be their sleeping hours to the
conduct of their respective interests.
The professor of literature directs their
attention to the masterpieces of prose
and verse and drama; but the student
writes and acts his plays, and contrib-
utes to his own periodicals, too often
far from the softening influence of the
English Department. The music school
may cultivate his taste and sensibilities
as best it can; but he makes more or
less sweet sounds for himself with his
own voice, attuned to vaudeville strains,
or on the latest instrument, ukulele or
saxophone, as the fashions change; he
frames his glee-club programmes and
those of his banjo and mandolin clubs
with small regard to the canons of the
academic muse.
His methods, like his means of expres-
sion, differ widely from those of the
faculty. He chooses for himself, accord-
ing to his tastes, or real or fancied gifts,
or his ambitions, the course or courses
which he will pursue — 'what he goes
out for,' in his sharper phrase. There
the resemblance to his intellectual train-
ing stops; for two factors enter, which
have little place in modern college edu-
cation as conceived in official minds.
The first is competition, which has been
barred from purely academic shades,
where studies are no longer a major
sport. In the student university com-
petition is the rule of life. Men compete
or 'try out' for every place in every
activity — athletic, literary, executive,
musical, even social. From Freshman
to Senior, life presents one long conflict,
one endless rivalry, with prizes at the
end. And this great stimulus of youth,
this game he plays throughout, perhaps
this is one reason why these outside
activities detract from interest in the
formal curriculum. They offer him what
youth continually desires, a chance to
try its strength and skill with its fellows.
And his elders might perhaps consider
that 'curriculum ' once related to a race
rather, than to something that merely
goes round and round.
And more: among the wise old heads
of wise old 'educators' there still rages
the ancient dispute whether it is better
to watch over men from day to day, or
point the way to youth and let it take
its course, examining from time to time
to see how closely youth has followed
it, with or without extraneous aid, and
to what result. But in the student guild
there is no such argument. Men are
tested and passed or flunked continu-
ally. In athletics, indeed, there has been
some attempt to introduce the ma-
chinery of higher education, to reinforce
the lessons of the football coach. Some
THE GUILD OF STUDENTS
have adopted the lecture system — so-
called ' blackboard talks ' — to illus-
trate their theory and their practices.
But which of them has trained a team
by lectures? Who has said, 'Do thus
and thus. The game comes Saturday.
Go now and see how much you can
improve by then.'
Or who has taught them in a mass,
by hundreds at a time? Whatever may
be said of mental discipline, the training
of the body has not lacked for individ-
ual instruction, for intimate relation of
the teacher and the taught. The stu-
dent guild has not tried to carry on a
retail business by wholesale methods,
or abandoned quality for quantity pro-
duction, handwork for machines. Nor
has it judged the laborer unworthy of
his hire. Knowing something of rela-
tive values in the world, it has not
hesitated to secure the best. Its mem-
bers long since realized that it is only
men that count. What money they have
had, they have paid out for men. Only
just now have they begun to reach the
'stone age' hi the development of their
institution; and beside the great struc-
tures for their outdoor contests we begin
to see here and there buildings erected
to house their various interests — with
which they enter on another stage of
this progress.
HI
Such is the faculty and the curricu-
lum, the physical equipment and the
informing spirit of the student univer-
sity. It has long issued catalogues. If
you care to know the realities of a col-
lege, spend little time on its dull, formal,
unillumined list of courses and names.
Take up instead the college 'annual,'
under whatever title it appears. There
you will find no mere announcement of
intellectual interests, but a fascinating
tale of college life. There you may see
the pictures of student habitations; the
brawny forms of athletes unadorned,
or in their panoply; the 'boards' and
'fraternities'; the teams of every sort;
the orchestra, the vocal and instru-
mental clubs; the endless organizations
hi which men find their interests ex-
pressed. There is the heart and mind
of the undergraduate laid bare. This is
his university, which he has built for
himself; the educational system which
he has devised.
Two things it seems to lack: the one
degrees, the other unity. Yet it has its
degrees — not sheepskin documents, ob-
scure and for most recipients untrans-
latable, but genuine insignia. There
are true 'bachelors of letters,' as their
raiment testifies; honor men of the
teams, pass men of the squads, aspirants
of the. numerals. There are the success-
ful seekers after social degrees, with
their strange symbols of gold and pre-
cious stones. There are the winners hi
this great competitive scheme, adorned
with tangible symbols of their prowess
in a chosen field. It is no fable, that
story of the man who was too busy to
graduate — for he had won five ' let-
ters' in five different sports. This is no
idler's club, this guild of students.
Viewing its manifold activities, we may
well revise Arnold's line, ' There are our
young barbarians all at ivorlc'
And for the general organization of
this great complex? By its peculiar
nature it cannot be so centralized and
directed as that of the scholar guild. In
the mediaeval university there were
'Reforma tores Studii,' with a formal
code of laws, a student legislature, stu-
dent courts, and a rector above all.
But have we not 'student councils'
pushing their young stalks through the
academic mould? Is there not, in every
institution, a code, written or unwritten,
— a'Freshman Bible,' — of traditionary
or customary law, hardening year by
year into a Codex Studentium? What of
' disciplinary committees ' of undergrad-
uates, and 'inter-fraternity councils/
624
THE GUILD OF STUDENTS
and 'honor systems,' and 'student self-
government'? There are already in-
dividuals who stand at the head of all;
and in more than one institution there
is a group, in some places formally or-
ganized and recognized, which acts as
an executive council. And the system is
young!
Finally, there is another element in
this young vigorous organism, which
the formal institution, and perhaps even
the mediaeval student guild, lacks. It is
the oldest of all appeals to youth —
romance. Who has not felt the fascina-
tion of the secret societies, whether from
within or from without, whether as
friend or foe? Who has not felt the
thrill of 'coming back in the fall,' to
meet the old associates, to live again
that ever-changing, ever-delightful life?
Who has ever gone away with the team,
whether as player or spectator, who
has not felt the charm? The inva-
sion of the land of the friendly enemy,
the journey, the cheers and crowds, the
tournament between 'their' men and
'ours,' the sense of unity in the face of
the struggle and the supporters of the
other side — how shall the concerns of
intellect compete with this? Can lec-
ture and laboratory ever provide such
contacts with each other and with con-
crete realities as this? And is it any
wonder that youth loves it?
To this college life the price of admis-
sion and continuance is the performance
of those intellectual exercises for which
colleges and universities exist. Its ex-
penses— greater by far in many in-
stances than the modest demands of
the guild of scholars — its members pay
in part from their own pockets. As in
Bologna, its ' receipts are derived from
entrance payments . . . from fines . . .
and from the occasional presents of an
alumnus'; and though they are not now
'chiefly devoted to convivial and relig-
ious purposes,' as they were then, there
is ample use for them, indeed for more
than undergraduates would be likely to
supply from their own resources. But
the student guild has hit upon a source
of revenue, — the public, — and from
the outside world is drawn much of the
revenue essential to the continuance of
a great part of this system.
. And to what end, the cynic inquires?
To see men play games like, and not as
well as, the professionals on whom they
model themselves; to yawn through
dreary imitations of the vaudeville stage,
and crude, expensive parodies of poor
Broadway shows; to groan through ill-
composed and vapid glee-club concerts?
We see the teams recruited by ' scouts '
and too-enthusiastic alumni, to beat a
rival, with no regard to the ethics or
spirit of amateur sport, and less to the
training of the mass of men. We stand
aghast at revelations of the incompe-
tence, or worse, of student managers,
from whose hands we are compelled to
take control of revenue and expenditure.
And why should we put up with it?
Why permit men to waste their time
and money — and ours — in such fol-
lies? Is it the business of the colleges to
provide great public spectacles? Is this
why we support the 'higher education'?
The thing is a sham. The colleges are
nothing more than clubs, — city or
country, as the case may be, — where
idle youths fritter away four years to
unfit them for the real business of life.
Let us mend it or end it.
Moreover, adds the critic, this com-
parison with the mediaeval student guild
is misleading and absurd. There is no
argument so fallacious as the argument
from analogy — especially a false anal-
ogy such as this. It is preposterous
fantasy. The mediaeval students were
serious men, bent on improving their
minds. These things are youthful folly
organized. It is ridiculous to call
them a ' system of education ' ; and it is
worse than ridiculous to dignify these
'social and athletic merry-go-rounds'
THE GUILD OF STUDENTS
625
by recognition as part of college work.
To some minds such answers are ef-
fective; but there are two reasons why
they are not wholly conclusive. They
do not prevent our halls of learning from
being crowded as never before, nor
do they affect the development of the
student guild. Neither denial nor de-
struction is a policy. We lack the word
to charm the genie again into the bottle.
And no amount of repression, not even
raising entrance requirements and stif-
fening courses, — though these would
help some institutions which pride
themselves on numbers, — will solve
the problem, which, call it what you
will, remains one of the great issues in
our higher education. The demand of
parents and undergraduates for train-
ing beyond that afforded by the faculty
is not only natural: it is legitimate.
There is an education not set down in
books, or embodied in lectures; and
purely intellectual acquirement by it-
self is poor preparation for this wicked
world. As it stands now, this part of our
collegiate system is perhaps ill done.
But it is now beyond us to end it; it
remains to mend.
Much has been accomplished by some
faculties. Deans and sub-deans and
'student' deans, advisers and super-
visors of all kinds, have done and are
doing good work. Still more, the earnest
and unrecognized labors of many indi-
viduals in the guild of scholars among
undergraduates has borne fruit. Some-
thing has been accomplished by the
students themselves. Year by year the
number of societies that take an active
interest in the more serious activities of
their members has increased. Some
have established scholarships; many
have begun to supervise the studies of
at least the younger men; many more
have cooperated with the faculty in a
variety of ways. And slowly, toilsome-
ly, this fusion proceeds, to the advantage
of both groups. The colleges themselves
VOL. 128— NO. 6
are embarking on a score of activities
unknown to older generations, bringing
themselves in closer touch, not only
with the undergraduates, but with the
alumni and with the world outside.
For it is obvious that there are two
things which must be done. The one is
to infuse into this mass of youthful
energy something of judgment and di-
rection more than is natural to youth;
to connect this vigorous, undisciplined,
loosely organized development with the
saner standards and the worthier ends
of maturer minds, on the principle of
'old men for counsel and young men
for war.' What can be done by closer
cooperation is revealed in one institu-
tion by the development of a glee club
which has achieved distinction in the
whole world of music; in another by
a school of poetry, and in another of
drama, which need not hide their heads
even before professionals. The second
is the recognition by the undergraduates
themselves of the duties and the respon-
sibilities which their system has brought
with it. They must direct this move-
ment to better ends than material
comfort, or mere pleasure, or mutual
admiration, or social distinction, or or-
ganization for organization's sake, un-
less it is to destroy itself. The idea of
' doing something ' for this institution or
that, though often expressed in futile
forms or running to absurdities, points
the way to better things than living for
one's self or for one's club alone.
In these two things — closer coopera-
tion between the guild of scholars and
the guild of students, and acceptance
of the obligations of their system by
the undergraduates and the alumni —
seems to lie the only perceptible basis
for the proper development of the future
college and university. But there is a
third — the recognition of this problem
for what it is : an integral part, not only
of the situation as it exists, but of the
education of our youth in its entirety.
A YOKE OF STEERS
BY DUBOSE HEYWARD
A HEAVE of mighty shoulders to the yoke,
Square, patient heads, and flaring sweep of horn;
The darkness swirling down beneath their feet
Where sleeping valleys stir, and feel the dawn;
Uncouth and primal, on and up they sway,
Taking the summit in a drench of day.
The night-winds volley upward bitter-sweet
And the dew shatters to a rainbow spray
Under the slow-moving, cloven feet.
There is a power here that grips the mind;
A force repressed and inarticulate,
Slow as the swing of centuries, as blind
As Destiny, and as deliberate.
TV,
They will arrive in their appointed hour
Unhurried by the goad of lesser wills,
Bearing vast burdens on.
They are the great,
Unconquerable spirit of these hills.
i . - -3
hi
.
H
THE ATTAS AT HOME
BY WILLIAM BEEBE
CLAMBERING through white, pasty
mud, which stuck to our boots by the
pound; peering through bitter, cold
mist, which seemed but a thinner skim
of mud; drenched by flurries of icy
drops shaken from the atmosphere by
a passing moan and a crash; breathing
air heavy with a sweet, horrible, pene-
trating odor — such was the world as
it existed for an hour one night, while
the Commandant of Douaumont and I
wandered about, completely lost, on the
top of his own fort. We finally stum-
bled on the little grated opening through
which the lookout peered unceasingly
over the landscape of mud. The mist
lifted and we rediscovered the cave-like
entrance, watched for a moment the
ominous golden dumb-bells rising from
the premiere ligne, scraped our boots on
a German helmet, and went down again
into the strangest sanctuary on earth.
This was the vision that flashed
through my mind as J began vigil at an
enormous nest of Attas — the leaf-cut-
ting ants of the British Guiana jungle.
In front of me was a glade, about thirty
feet across, devoid of green growth and
filled with a great irregular expanse of
earth and mud. Relative to the height
of the Attas, my six feet must seem a
good half-mile, and from this height I
looked down and saw again the same
inconceivably sticky clay of France.
There were the rain-washed gullies, the
half-roofed entrances to the vast under-
ground fortresses, clean-swept, perfect
roads, as efficient as the arteries of Ver-
dun; flapping dead leaves like the om-
nipresent, worn-out scarecrows of cam-
ouflage. And over in one corner, to
complete the simile, were a dozen shell-
holes, the homes of voracious ant-lions,
which, for passing insects, were unex-
ploded mines, set at hair-trigger.
My Atta city was only two hundred
feet away from the laboratory, in fairly
high jungle, within sound of the dinner
triangle, and of the lapping waves on
the Mazaruni shore. To sit near by and
concentrate solely upon the doings of
these ant-people was as easy as watch-
ing a single circus ring of performing
elephants, while two more rings, a maze
of trapezes, a race-track, and side-
shows were in full swing. The jungle
around me teemed with interesting
happenings and distracting sights and
sounds. The very last time I visited
the nest, and became absorbed in a line
of incoming ants, I heard the shrill
squeaking of an angry hummingbird
overhead. I looked up, and there, ten
feet above, was a furry tamandua ant-
eater slowly climbing a straight purple-
heart trunk, while round and round his
head buzzed and swore the little fury
— a pinch of cinnamon feathers, ablaze
with rage. The curved claws of the
unheeding ant-eater fitted around the
trunk, and the strong prehensile tail
flattened against the bark, so that the
creature seemed to put forth no more
exertion than if walking along a fallen
log. Now and then it stopped and dain-
tily picked at a bit of termite nest.
627
628
THE ATTAS AT HOME
With such side-shows it was some-
times difficult to concentrate on the
Attas. Yet they offer problems for
years of study. The glade was a little
world in itself, with visitors and ten-
ants, comedy and tragedy, sounds and
silences. It was an ant-made glade,
with all new growths choked either by
upflung, earthen hillocks, or by leaves
bitten off as soon as they appeared.
The casual visitors were the most con-
spicuous: an occasional trogon swoop-
ing across — a flashing, feathered comet
of emerald, azurite, and gold. Or, slow-
ly drifting in and out among the vines,
and coming to rest with waving wings,
a yellow-and-red-spotted Ithomiid — or
was it a Heliconiid or a Danaiid? with
such bewildering models and marvelous
mimics it was impossible to tell without
capture and close examination. Giant
purple tarantula-hawks hummed past,
scanning the leaves for their prey.
Another class of glade-haunters were
those who came strictly on business —
plasterers and sculptors, who found wet
clay ready to their needs. Great golden
and rufous bees blundered down and
tore off bucketsful of mud; while slen-
der-bodied, dainty wasps of ebony, after
much fastidious picking of place, would
detach a tiny bit of the whitest clay,
place it in their snuff-box holder, clean
their feet and antennse, run their rapier
in and out, and delicately take to wing.
Little black trigonid bees had their
special quarry — a small deep valley,
in the midst of a waste of interlacing
Bad Lands, on the side of a precipitous
butte. Here they cut and gouged to
their hearts' content, plastering the
thighs until their wings would hardly
lift them. They braced their feet,
whirred, lifted unevenly, and sank back
with a jar; then, turning, bit off a piece
of ballast, and heaving it over the pre-
cipice, swung off on an even keel.
Close examination of some of the
craters and volcano-like cones revealed
many species of ants, beetles, and
roaches searching for bits of food — the
scavengers of this small world. But the
most interesting were the actual para-
sites, flies of many colors and sizes, hum-
ming past like little planes and Zeppe-
lins over this hidden city, ready to drop
a bomb in the form of an egg deposited
on the refuse-heaps or on the ants them-
selves. The explosion might come slow-
ly, but it would be none the less deadly.
Once I detected a hint of the complexity
of glade life — beautiful metallic green
flies walking swiftly about on long legs,
searching nervously, whose eggs would
be deposited near those of other flies,
their larvae to feed upon the others —
parasites upon parasites.
As I had resolutely put the doings of
the tree-tops away from my conscious-
ness, so now I forgot visitors and para-
sites, and armed myself for the excava-
tion of this buried metropolis. I rubbed
vaseline on my high boots, and about
the tops bound a band of teased-out
absorbent cotton. My pick and shovel
I treated likewise, and thus I was com-
paratively insulated; for without pre-
cautions no living being could with-
stand the slow, implacable attack of
disturbed Attas. At present I walked
unmolested across the glade. The mil-
lions beneath my feet were as uncon-
scious of my presence as they were of
the breeze in the galm-fronds overhead.
At the first deep shovel-thrust, a
slow-moving flood of reddish-brown
began to pour forth from the crumbled
earth — the outposts of the Atta Max-
ims moving upward to the attack. For
a few seconds only workers of various
sizes appeared; then an enormous head
heaved upward, and there came into
the light of day the first Atta soldier.
He was twice the size of a large worker
and heavy in proportion. Instead of
being drawn up into two spines, the top
of his head was rounded, bald, and
shiny, and only at the back were the
THE ATTAS AT HOME
629
two spines visible, shifted downward.
The front of the head was thickly
clothed with golden hair, which hung
down bang-like over a round, glistening
single median eye. One by one, and
then shoulder to shoulder, these Cyclo-
pean Maxims lumbered forth to battle,
and soon my boots were covered in
spite of the grease, all sinking their
mandibles deep into the leather.
When I unpacked these boots this
year, I found the heads and jaws of two
Attas still firmly attached, relics of
some forgotten foray of the preceding
year. This mechanical, vise-like grip,
wholly independent of life or death, is
utilized by the Guiana Indians. In
place of stitching up extensive wounds,
a number of these giant Atta Maxims
are collected, and their jaws applied to
the edges of the skin, which are drawn
together. The ants take hold, their
bodies are snipped off, and the row of
heads remains until the wound is
healed.
Over and around the outpouring sol-
diers, the tiny workers ran and bit and
chewed away at whatever they could
reach. Dozens of ants made their way
up to the cotton, but found the utmost
difficulty in clambering over the loose
fluff. Now and then, however, a needle-
like nip at the back of my neck showed
that some pioneer of these shock troops
had broken through, when I was thank-
ful that Attas could only bite, and not
sting as well. At such a time as this,
the greatest difference is apparent be-
tween these and the Eciton army ants.
The Eciton soldier, with his long curved
scimitars and his swift, nervous move-
ments, was, to one of these great in-
sects, as a fighting d'Artagnan would be
to an armored tank. The result was
much the same, however — perfect
efficiency.
I now dug swiftly and crashed with
pick down through three feet of soil.
The great entrance arteries of the nest
branched and bifurcated, separated and
anastomosed, while here and there were
chambers varying in size from a cocoa-
nut to a football. These were filled
with what looked like soft grayish
sponge covered with whitish mould,
and these sombre affairs were the raison
d'etre of all the leaf-cutting, the trails,
the struggles through jungles, the con-
stant battling against wind and rain
and sun.
But the labors of the Attas are re-
newed only when a worker disappears
down a hole with his hard-earned bit of
leaf. He drops it and goes on his way.
We do not know what this way is, but
my guess is that he turns around and
goes after another leaf. Whatever the
nests of Attas possess, they are with-
out recreation-rooms. These sluggard-
instructors do not know enough to
take a vacation; their faces are made
for biting, not for laughing or yawning.
I once dabbed fifteen Mediums with a
touch of white paint as they approached
the nest, and within five minutes thir-
teen of them had emerged and started
on the back track again.
The leaf is taken in charge by another
Medium, hosts of whom are every-
where. Once, after a spadeful, I placed
my eye as close as possible to a small
heap of green leaves, and around one
oblong bit were five Mediums, each
with a considerable amount of chewed
and mumbled tissue in front of him.
This is the only time I have ever suc-
ceeded in finding these ants actually at
this work. The leaves are chewed thor-
oughly, and built up into the sponge
gardens, being used neither for thatch,
nor for food, but as fertilizer. And not
for any strange subterranean berry or
kernel or fruit, but for a fungus or mush-
room. The spores sprout and prolifer-
ate rapidly, the gray mycelia covering
the garden ; and at the end of each thread
is a little knobbed body filled with
liquid. This forms the sole food of the
630
THE ATTAS AT HOME
ants in the nest; but a drop of honey
placed by a busy trail will draw a circle
of workers at any time — both Mediums
and Minims, who surround it and drink
their fill.
When the fungus garden is in full
growth, the nest-labors of the Minims
begin; and until the knobbed bodies are
actually ripe, they never cease to weed
and, to prune, killing off the multitude
of other fungi and foreign organisms,
and, by pruning, to keep their particu-
lar fungus growing, and prevent it from
fructifying. The fungus of the Attas is
a particular species, with the resonant,
Dunsanesque name of Rozites gongy-
lophora. It is quite unknown outside of
the nests of these ants, and is as arti-
ficial as a banana.
n
Only in Calcutta bazaars at night,
and in underground streets of Peking
have I seen stranger beings than I un-
earthed in my Atta nest. Now and
then there rolled out of a shovelful of
earth an unbelievably big and rotund
cicada larva — which, in the course of
time, whether in one or in seventeen
years, would emerge as the great mar-
bled, winged Cicada gigas, spreading
five inches from tip to tip. Small ta-
rantulas, with beautiful wine-colored
cephalothorax, made their home deep
in the nest, guarded, perhaps, by their
dense covering of hair. Slender scor-
pions sidled out from the ruins; they
were bare, with vulnerable joints, but
they had the advantage of long, mobile
arms, and a pair of hands which could
quickly and skillfully pluck an attack-
ing ant from any part of their anatomy.
The strangest of all the tenants were
the tiny, amber-colored roaches, which
clung frantically to the heads of the
great soldier ants, or scurried over the
tumultuous mounds, searching for a
crevice sanctuary. They were funny,
fat little beings, wholly blind, yet su-
premely conscious of the danger that
threatened, and with only the single
thought of getting below the surface as
quickly as possible. The Attas have
very few insect guests, but this cock-
roach is one who has made himself
perfectly at home. Through century
upon century he has become more and
more specialized and adapted to Atta
life, eyes slipping until they are no more
than faint specks, legs and antennae
changing, gait becoming altered to
whatever speed and carriage best suits
little guests in big underground halls
and galleries.
He and his race have evolved unseen
and unnoticed even by the Maxim po-
licemen. But when nineteen hundred
humanly historical years have passed, a
man with a keen sense of fitness named
him Little Friend of the Attas; and so
for a few years more, until we scientists
give place to the next caste, Attaphila
will, all unconsciously, bear a name.
Attaphilas have staked their whole
gamble of existence on the continued
possibility of guestship with the Attas.
Although they live near the fungus
gardens, they do not feed upon them,
but gather secretions from the armored
skin of the giant soldiers, who appar-
ently do not object, and show no hos-
tility to their diminutive masseurs. A
summer-boarder may be quite at home
on a farm, and safe from all ordinary
dangers; but he must keep out of the
way of scythes and sickles, if he chooses
to haunt the hayfields. And so Atta-
phila, snug and safe, deep in the heart
of the nest, has to keep on the qui vive
when the ant-harvesters come to glean
in the fungus gardens. Snip, snip, snip,
on all sides in the musty darkness, the
keen mandibles shear the edible heads;
and though the little Attaphilas dodge
and run, yet most of them, in course of
time, lose part of an antenna, or even a
whole one.
631
Thus the Little Friend of the Leaf-
cutters lives easily through his term of
weeks or months, or perhaps even a
year, and has nothing to fear for food
or mates, or from enemies. But Atta-
philas cannot all live in a single nest,
and there must come a crisis, when they
pass out into a strange world of terrible
light and multitudes of foes. For these
pampered, degenerate roaches to find
another Atta nest unaided, would be
inconceivable. In the big nest that I ex-
cavated I observed them on the backs
and heads, not only of the large soldiers,
but also of the queens, which swarm-
ed in one portion of the galleries; and,
indeed, of twelve queens, seven had
roaches clinging to them. This has
been noted also of a Brazilian species,
and we suddenly realize what splendid
sports these humble insects are. They
resolutely prepare for their gamble, —
Vaventure magnifique, — the slenderest
fighting chance, and we are almost in-
clined to forget the irresponsible im-
placability of instinct, and cheer the
little fellows for lining up on this for-
lorn hope. When the time comes, the
queens leave, and are off up into the
unheard-of sky, as if an earthworm
should soar with eagle's feathers; past
the gauntlet of voracious flycatchers
and hawklets, to the millionth chance
of meeting an acceptable male of the
same species. After the mating comes
the solitary search for a suitable site;
and only when the pitifully unfair gam-
ble has been won by a single fortunate
queen does the Attaphila climb trem-
blingly down and accept what fate has
sent. His ninety-and-nine fellows have
met death in almost as many ways.
With the exception of these strange
inmates there are very few tenants or
guests in the nests of the Attas. Unlike
the termites and Eciton, who harbor a
host of weird boarders, the leaf-cutters
are able to keep their nest free from
undesirables.
Once, far down in the nest, I came
upon three young queens, recently
emerged, dazed and stupid, with wings
dull and glazed, who crawled with awk-
ward haste back into darkness. And
again twelve winged females were group-
ed in one small chamber, restless and
confused. This was the only glimpse
I ever had of Atta royalty at home.
Good fortune was with me, however,
on a memorable fifth of May, when
returning from a monkey-hunt in high
jungle. As I came out into the edge of
a clearing, a low humming attracted
my attention. It was ventriloquial,
and my ear refused to trace it. It
sounded exactly like a great aerodrome
far in the distance, with a score or more
of planes tuning up. I chanced to see a
large bee-like insect rising through the
branches, and following back along its
path, I suddenly perceived the rarest of
sights — an Atta nest-entrance boiling
with the excitement of a flight of winged
kings and queens. So engrossed were
the ants that they paid no attention to
me, and I was able to creep up close
and kneel within two feet of the hole.
The main nest was twenty feet away,
and this was a special exit made for the
occasion — a triumphal gateway erect-
ed far away from the humdrum leaf-
traffic.
The two-inch arched hole led oblique-
ly down into darkness, while brilliant
sunshine illumined the earthen take-
off and the surrounding mass of pink
Mazaruni primroses. Up this corridor
Atta nobility was coming, slowly, with
dignity, as befitted the occasion. The
males were more active, as they were
smaller in size than the females, but
they were veritable giants in compari-
son with the workers. The queens
seemed like beings of another race,
with their great bowed thorax support-
ing the folded wings, heads correspond-
ingly large, with less jaw-development,
but greatly increased keenness of vision.
632
THE ATTAS AT HOME
In comparison with the Minims, these
queens were as a human being one hun-
dred feet in height.
I selected one large queen as she ap-
peared, and watched her closely. Slow-
ly and with great effort she climbed the
steep ascent into the blazing sunlight.
Five tinj' Minims were clinging to her
body and wings, all scrubbing and
cleaning as hard as they could. She
chose a clear space, spread her wings
wide and flat, stood high upon her six
legs, and waited. I fairly shouted at
this change, for slight though it was, it
worked magic, and the queen Atta was
a queen no more, but a miniature, strad-
dle-legged aeroplane, pushed into posi-
tion, and overrun by a crowd of me-
chanics, putting the finishing touches,
tightening the wires, oiling every pli-
able crevice. A Medium came along,
tugged at a leg, and the obliging little
plane lifted it for inspection. For three
minutes this kept up, and then the
plane became a queen and moved rest-
lessly. Without warning, as if some
irresponsible mechanic had turned the
primed propellers, the four mighty
wings whirred — and four Minims were
hurled head over heels a foot away,
snapped from their positions. The
sound of the wings was almost too exact
an imitation of the snarl of a starting
plane — the comparison was absurd in
its exactness of timbre and resonance.
It was only a test, however, and the
moment the queen became quiet, the
upset mechanics clambered back. They
crawled beneath her, scraped her feet
and antennae, licked her eyes and jaws,
and went over every shred of wing-
tissue. Then again she buzzed, this
time sending only a single Minim sprawl-
ing. Again she stopped, after lifting
herself an inch, but immediately started
up, and now rose rather unsteadily, but
without pause, and slowly ascended
above the nest and the primroses. Cir-
cling once, she passed through green
leaves and glowing balls of fruit into
the blue sky.
Thus I followed the passing of one
queen Atta into the jungle world, as far
as human eyes would permit, and my
mind returned to the mote which I had
detected at an equally great height —
the queen descending after her mar-
riage, as isolated as she had started.1
We have seen how the little blind
roaches occasionally cling to an emerg-
ing queen and so are transplanted to a
new nest. But the queen bears some-
thing far more valuable. More faith-
fully than ever virgin tended temple
fires, each departing queen fills a little
pouch in her mouth with a pellet of
the precious fungus, and here it is care-
fully guarded. until the time comes for
its propagation in the new nest.
When she has descended to earth and
excavated a little chamber, she closes
the entrance, and for forty days and
nights labors at the founding of a new
colony. She plants the little fungus
cutting, and tends it with the utmost
solicitude. The care and feeding in her
past life have stored within her the sub-
stance for vast numbers of eggs. Nine
out of ten that she lays she eats, to give
her the strength to go on with her labors;
and when the first larvse emerge, they
too are fed with surplus eggs. In time
they pupate, and at the end of six weeks
the first workers — all tiny Minims —
hatch. Small as they are, born in dark-
ness, yet no education is needed. The
Spirit of the Attas infuses them. Play
and rest are the only things incompre-
hensible to them, and they take charge
at once of fungus, of excavation, of the
care of the queen and eggs, the feeding
of the larvse. As soon as the huskier
Mediums appear, they break through
into the upper world, and one day the
first bit of green leaf is carried down
into the nest.
The queen rests. Henceforth, as far
1 See Atlantic for July, 1921, p. 52.
THE ATTAS AT HOME
633
as we know, she becomes a mere egg-
producing machine, fed mechanically by
mechanical workers, the food trans-
formed by physiological mechanics into
yolk, and then deposited. The aeroplane
has become transformed into an incu-
bator.
m
As we have seen, an Atta worker is a
member of the most implacable labor-
union in the world; he believes in a
twenty-four hour day, no pay, no play,
no rest — he is a cog in a machine-
driven good-for-the-greatest-number.
After studying these beings for a week,
one longs to go out and shout for kaisers
and tsars, for selfishness and crime —
anything as a relief from such terrible
unthinking altruism. All Atta workers
are born free and equal — which is
well; and they remain so — which is
what a Buddhist priest once called
gashang (or so it sounded), and which
he explained as a state where plants and
animals and men were crystal-like in
growth and existence. What a welcome
sight it would be to see a Medium
mount a bit of twig, antennae a crowd of
Minims about him, and start off on a
foray of his own !
We may jeer at or condemn the Attas
for their hard-shell existence, but there
comes to mind, again and again, the
wonder of it all. Are the hosts of little
beings really responsible; have they not
evolved into a pocket, a mental cul-de-
sac, a swamping of individuality, pool-
ing their personalities?
And what is it they have gained —
what pledge of success in food, in safety,
in propagation? They are not separate
entities; they have none of the freedom
of action, of choice, of individuality, of
the solitary wasps. They are the somat-
ic cells of the body politic, while deep
within the nest are the guarded sexual
cells — the winged kings and queens,
which, from time to time, exactly, as in
isolated organisms, are thrown off to
found new nests. They, no less than
the workers, are parts of something
more subtle than visible Attas and
their material nest. Whether I go to
the ant as sluggard, or myrmecologist,
or accidentally via Pterodactyl Pups, a
day spent with them invariably leaves
me with my whole being concentrated
on this mysterious Atta Ego. Call it
Vibration, Aura, Spirit of the Nest, —
clothe ignorance in whatever term
seems appropriate, — we cannot deny its
existence and power.
As with the army ants, the flowing
lines of leaf-cutters always brought to
mind great arteries, filled with pulsat-
ing, tumbling corpuscles. When an ob-
struction appeared, as a fallen leaf,
across the great sandy track, a dozen
or twenty, or a hundred workers
gathered — like leucocytes — and re-
moved the interfering object. If I in-
jured a worker who was about to enter
the nest, I inoculated the Atta organ-
ism with a pernicious foreign body.
Even the victim himself was dimly
aware of the law of fitness. Again and
again he yielded to the call of the nest,
only to turn aside at the last moment.
From a normal link in the endless Atta
chain, he had become an outcast ! —
snapped at by every passing ant, self-
banished, wandering off at nightfall, to
die somewhere in the wilderness of
grass. When well, an Atta has relations,
but no friends; when ill, every jaw is
against him.
As I write this seated at my labora-
tory table, by turning down my lamp
and looking out, I can see the star-dust
of Orion's nebula, and without moving
from my chair, Rigel, Sirius, Capella,
and Betelgeuze — the blue, white, yel-
low, and red evolution of so-called life-
less cosmic matter. A few slides from
the aquarium at my side reveal an evo-
lutionary sequence to the heavenly
host — the simplest of earthly organ-
634
YELLOW ROSES
isms playing fast and loose with the
borderland, not only of plants and ani-
mals, but of the-one and of the many-
celled. First, a swimming lily, Stentor,
a solitary animal bloom, twenty-five to
the inch; Cothurnia, a double lily; and
Gonium, with a quartette of cells cling-
ing tremulously together — progressing
unsteadily, materially, toward the rim
of my field of vision, and, in the evo-
lution of earthly life, toward sponges,
peripatus, men, and ants.
I was interrupted in my microcosmus
just as it occurred to me that Chester-
ton would heartily approve of my ap-
proximation of Sirius and Stentor, of
Capella and Cothurnia — the universe
balanced. My attention was drawn
from the atom Gonium, whose brave
little spirit was striving to keep his four-
some one — a primordial struggle to-
ward unity of self and division of labor;
my consciousness climbed the micro-
scope tube and came to rest upon a slim
glass of amber liquid on my laboratory
table. A servant had brought a cock-
tail, for it was New Year's Eve (now
the thought came that there were a
number of worthy people who would
also approve of this approximation!).
I looked at the small spirituous luxury,
and I thought of my friends in New
York, and then of the Attas in front of
the laboratory. With my electric flash
I went out into the starlight, and found
the usual hosts struggling nestward
with their chlorophyll burdens, and
rushing frantically out into the black
jungle for more and yet more leaves.
My mind swept back over evolution
from star-dust to Kartabo compound,
from Gonium to man, and to these leaf-
cutting ants. And I wondered whether
the Attas were any better for being
denied the stimulus of temptation, or
whether I was any the worse for the
opportunity of refusing a second glass.
I went into the house, voiced a toast
to tolerance, to temperance, and — to
pterodactyls, and drank my cocktail.
YELLOW ROSES
BY EMMA LAWRENCE
THEY were talking about an embez-
zlement, the old story of a trusted em-
ployee, who had taken funds so cleverly
and systematically for so long that he
had come to look upon his peculations as
a part of his salary. At last he had been
found out. Tina Metcalfe remarked
bromidically that people always were
found out.
'Do you suppose,' she asked, 'that
anyone ever really lived a lie and got
away with it — forever, I mean?'
Reggie Forsyth said he knew a wom-
an who did once — he would tell them
about it if they liked. The little group
around the fire, who had just dined and
would eventually make up a table of
bridge, assured him they did like; so he
told them this story.
'It happened a few years ago,'
Forsyth said, 'and it happened a long
way from here. The woman was the
wife of a mill agent in a little manufac-
turing town. Where she came from, I
YELLOW ROSES
635
don't know; she was certainly not bred
in those parts; no one there had ever
seen her like. Had she been in society
or on the stage, her beauty would have
made her famous; but her fellow towns-
people merely thought her odd, she was
so amazingly unconventional and so
astonishingly unprovincial. She did as
she chose, as a duchess might have done.
'One wonders where the little chap
she married ever found her, or why she
appealed to him. He was a good little
chap enough, absorbed in his work and
in the life of the town, delighted with
his house, and heartbroken because no
children had ever come to it. Ugly little
man he was, too, and quite typical of
his class; repeated your name when he
met you; said, "Pleased to meet you,"
and "Excuse my glove," just where,
according to his lights, he should have.
'And she — she was like a wild bird
caged, a woods-flower set in a border of
zinnias and asters, a well-kept border
where one would not expect to find a
weed, however rare. She was slender,
and long-limbed, shapeless as a young
boy; her neck was slim and white, and
her head small and wonderfully set.
She had a great mass of reddish hair, —
short, thick, curly hair, — but her lashes
were long and black.
'No wonder the townspeople dis-
approved of her; they bored her, and
when her husband insisted that they
should continue to bore her by forcing
her into their society, she became
extremely ill. Then he became almost
frantic, for he adored her and would
trust her to none but the greatest doc-
tor he could discover; and the doctor
proved himself great by his diagnosis,
for he told the man that nothing ailed
his wife but that her life did n't suit
her, and that she must be left freer, to
choose one more congenial. So after
that she was let alone, free to find the
country that surrounded the town, to
walk, to run, to read. The townspeople
thought she was "touched," and were
kinder to her than she knew. They
ceased to criticize her and made it easy
for her to be alone. In the summer-time
she would take her book and her lunch-
basket and tramp the fields and woods
till she found some spot she could love,
and spend the days with her dreams
and her long, long thoughts. But the
evenings belonged to her man; though
what they found in common I cannot
guess.
'But one day on her walk she had an
adventure. She found a field she liked
— liked because it was flushed with
hardback and white with meadow-sweet,
and inhabited by a man whose type was
unknown to her. Any of you would
have placed him quickly en9ugh; his
riding togs and English boots would
have marked him for you — a young
blood who had come a cropper among
the hardhack and meadow-sweet. But
to her he was new; his looks and his
clothes and his opening remark to her
were all quite different.
'"I've lost my horse," he said gen-
ially. She looked curious, which appar-
ently encouraged him. " I don't mind,"
he said. "He was a horrid horse." She
looked about her. " You won't see him,"
said the man; "he could run most aw-
fully fast."
' It occurred to her that he had fallen
off. "Are you hurt?" she asked.
'"Thanks, not a bit. This is a jolly
field, is n't it?"
'"I like it," she said.
'"Blueberry-picking?" he suggested,
looking at her basket.
'She shook her head. "No, just
lunch."
'"Picnicking! By Jove> what luck.
Falling makes one so frightfully hungry,
you know."
'She did n't know, but she believed
him and invited him to share her meal.
They found a shady place, and in the
course of time discovered many things
YELLOW ROSES
about each other. He was staying at a
country house with people she knew by
sight — knew their traps and their
grooms when she saw them outside
shops in the town; knew what the town
people had chosen to tell of them and of
their ways. He discovered more about
her. And he found her book.
' " Masefield, Daffodil Fields, " he said ;
"do they read that — in the town?"
'"No," she said, "I read it — in the
woods."
'"Oh, no, you don't; I read it to
you."
'So he began and read for a while;
and he read delightfully, for he had a
pleasant voice and he loved what he
read. But by and by he put down the
book and they talked for a while, of
books and of themselves again. It was
a wonderful day for her — a surprise to
find the things she cared for were loved
by others, and that she was not really
"odd" at all. By and by it was time to
go home, before her man should come
from his work. But they made plans for
the morrow, or, should the morrow not
be fine, for the day after.
' It happened they were in for a spell
of fair weather, and they spent long
hours together in the fields and in the
woods. They read books together, and
he told her of cities and of life in the
cities, and of people he knew, people
who would not have bored her and
made her ill. He told her of music, and
art and architecture, and stories of
hunting and balls and dinner-parties,
and about the women who hunted and
danced and dined. But oftener he told
her about herself — how lovely she was,
and how lovable. They were very much
in love before long, and she showed
a curious courage in her determination
that, having missed so much, this should
not pass her by.
' So they lived to the utmost — while
the fair weather lasted. The third day
he met her, he brought her a yellow rose
from the garden of his hostess.
'"I searched the garden," he told
her, "to find what flower you are like.
This is it."
'So every day she wore a yellow rose
tucked in her gown.
'At last the weather broke, and he
went back to the city, and she no
longer could roam the fields and woods.
She drooped like a flower in the long
wet autumn, confined to the house; and
though nothing ever ailed her very
much, she died before the winter was
half through!
'Her husband was beside himself
with grief, and the neighbors who had
bored her came and looked on her when
she was dead. Her husband had filled
her hands with yellow roses.
'"She loved them so," he told his
friends; "all summer long she wore
them in her dress."'
'So that,' said Reggie Forsyth, 'is
the story of a woman who lived a lie,
yet no one ever knew.'
'Yet you knew,' said Tina Metcalfe
quickly — and wished she had bitten
out her tongue before she spoke.
THE MYSTIC'S EXPERIENCE OF GOD
BY RUFUS M. JONES
THE revival of mysticism, which has
been one of the noteworthy features in
the Christianity of our time, has pre-
sented us with a number of interesting
and important questions. We want to
know, first of all, what mysticism really
is. Secondly, we want to know whether
it is a normal or an abnormal expe-
rience. And omitting many other ques-
tions, which must wait their turn, we
want to know whether mystical expe-
riences actually enlarge our sphere of
knowledge, that is, whether they are
trustworthy sources of authentic in-
formation and authoritative truth con-
cerning realities which lie beyond the
range of human senses.
The answer to the first question ap-
pears to be as difficult to accomplish as
the return of Ulysses was. The secret is
kept in book after book. One can mar-
shal a formidable array of definitions,
but they oppose and challenge one an-
other, like the men sprung from the
dragon's teeth. For the purposes of the
present consideration, we can eliminate
what is usually included under psychical
phenomena, that is, the phenomena of
dreams, visions, and trances, hysteria
and dissociation and esoteric and occult
phenomena. Thirty years ago Professor
Royce said: 'In the Father's house are
many mansions, and their furniture is
extremely manifold. Astral bodies and
palmistry, trances and mental heal-
ing, communications from the dead and
"phantasms of the living" — such
things are for some people to-day the
sole quite unmistakable evidence of
the supremacy of the spiritual world.'
These phenomena are worthy of care-
ful, painstaking study and attention,
for they will eventually throw much
light upon the deep and complex nature
of human personality — are, in fact,
already throwing much light upon it.
But they furnish us slender data for
understanding what is properly meant
by mystical experience and its religious
and spiritual bearing.
We can, too, leave on one side the
metaphysical doctrines that fill a large
amount of space in the books of the
great mystics. These doctrines had a
long historical development, and they
would have taken essentially the same
form if the exponents of them had not
been mystics. Mystical experience is
confined to no one form of philosophy,
though some ways of thinking no doubt
favor and other ways retard the expe-
rience, as they also often do in the case
of religious faith in general. Mystical
experience, furthermore, must not be
confused with what technical expert
writers call ' the mystic way.' There are
as many mystical 'ways' as there are
gates to the New Jerusalem. 'On the
east three gates, on the north three
gates, on the south three gates, and on
the west three gates.' One might as
well try to describe the way of making
love, or the way of appreciating the
Grand Canon, as to describe the way to
the discovery of God, as if there were
only one way.
637
638
THE MYSTIC'S EXPERIENCE OF GOD
I am not interested in mysticism as
an ism. It turns out, in most accounts,
to be a dry and abstract thing, hardly
more like the warm and intimate expe-
rience than the color of the map is like
the country for which it stands. 'Can-
ada is very pink/ seems quite an inade-
quate description of the noble country
north of our border. It is mystical ex-
perience, and not mysticism, that is
worthy of our study. We are concerned
with the experience itself, not with
second-hand formulations of it. 'The
mystic,' says Professor Royce, 'is a
thoroughgoing empiricist.' 'God ceases
to be an object and becomes an expe-
rience,' says Professor Pringle-Pattison.
If it is an experience, we want to find
out what happens to the mystic him-
self inside where he lives.
According to those who have been
there, the experience that we call mysti-
cal is charged with the conviction of
real, direct contact and commerce with
God. It is the almost universal testi-
mony of those who are mystics that
they find God through their experience.
John Tauler says that, in his best mo-
ments of ' devout prayer and the uplift-
ing of the mind to God,' he experiences
'the pure presence of God' in his own
soul; but he adds that all he can tell
others about the experience is 'as poor
and unlike it as the point of a needle is
to the heavens above us.' 'I have met
with my God; I have met with my Sav-
iour. I have felt the healings drop upon
my soul from under his wings,' says
Isaac Penington, in the joy of his first
mystical experience.
Without needlessly multiplying such
testimonies for data, we can say with
considerable assurance that mystical
experience is consciousness of direct and
immediate relationship with some tran-
scendent reality which, in the moment
of experience, is believed to be God.
'This is He, this is He,' exclaims Isaac
Penington; 'there is no other. This is
He whom I have waited for and soughi
after from my childhood.' Angela ol
Foligno says that she experienced God
and saw that the whole world was full o
God.
II
There are many different degrees o
intensity, concentration, and convio
tion in the experiences of different indi
vidual mystics, and also in the varioui
experiences of the same individual fron
time to time. There has been a ten
dency in most studies of mysticism tx
regard the state of ecstasy as par excel
lence mystical experience. That is, how
ever, a grave mistake. The calmer, mon
meditative, less emotional, less ecstatii
experiences of God are not less con vine
ing and possess greater constructivi
value for life and character than d<
ecstatic experiences which presuppose j
peculiar psychical frame and disposi
tion. The seasoned Quaker, in th<
corporate hush and stillness of a silen
meeting, is far removed from ecstasy
but he is not the less convinced that h<
is meeting with God. For the essentit
of mysticism we do not need to insis
upon a certain 'sacred' mystic way, o
upon ecstasy, or upon any peculiar typ
of rare psychic upheavals. We do nee<
to insist, however, upon a consciousnes
of commerce with God amounting t<
conviction of his Presence.
Where one heard noise
And one saw flame,
I only knew He named my name.
Jacob Boehme calls the experieno
that came to him, 'breaking througl
the gate' into 'a new birth or resurrec
tion from the dead'; so that, he says, '.
knew God.' 'I am certain,' says Eck
hart, 'as certain as that I live, tha
nothing is so near to me as God. God i
nearer to me than I am to myself.' Om
of these experiences — the first one —
was an ecstasy, and the other, so far a:
we can tell, was not. It was the flood
THE MYSTIC'S EXPERIENCE OF GOD
639
ing in of a moment of God-conscious-
ness in the act of preaching a sermon to
the common people of Cologne. The
experience of Penington, again, was not
an ecstasy; it was the vital surge of
fresh life on the first occasion of hearing
George Fox preach after a long period
of waiting silence. A simple normal case
of a mild type is given in a little book of
recent date, reprinted from the Atlantic
Monthly: 'After a long time of jangling
conflict and inner misery, I one day,
quite quietly and with no conscious effort,
stopped doing the disingenuous thing [I
had been doing]. Then the marvel hap-
pened. It was as if a great rubber band,
which had been stretched almost to the
breaking-point, were suddenly released
and snapped back to its normal condi-
tion. Heaven and earth were changed
for me. Everything was glorious be-
cause of its relation to some great cen-
tral life — nothing seemed to matter
but that life.'
Brother Lawrence, a barefooted lay
brother of the seventeenth century, ac-
cording to the testimony of the brother-
hood, attained 'an unbroken and undis-
turbed sense of the Presence of God.'
He was not an ecstatic; he was a quiet,
faithful man, who did his ordinary daily
tasks with what seemed to his friends
'an unclouded vision, an illuminated
love, and an uninterrupted joy.' Simple
and humble though he was, he never-
theless acquired, through his experience
of God, 'an extraordinary spaciousness
of mind.'
The more normal, expansive mystical
experiences come apparently when the
personal self is at its best. Its powers
and capacities are raised to an unusual
unity and fused together. The whole
being, with its accumulated submerged
life, finds itself. The process of prepar-
ing for any high achievement is a severe
and laborious one; but nothing seems
easier in the moment of success than is
the accomplishment for which the life
has been prepared. There comes to be
formed within the person what Aris-
totle called 'a dexterity of soul,' so that
the person does with ease what he has
become skilled to do. Clement of Alex-
andria called a fully organized and spir-
itualized person 'a harmonized man'
— that is, adjusted, organized, and
ready to be a transmissive organ for the
revelation of God. Brother Lawrence,
who was thus 'harmonized,' finely says:
'The most excellent method which I
found of going to God was that of doing
my common business purely for the love
of God.' An earlier mystic of the four-
teenth century stated the same princi-
ple in these words : ' It is my aim to be
to the Eternal God what a man's hand
is to a man.'
There are many human experiences
which carry a man up to levels where
he has not usually been before, and
where he finds himself possessed of in-
sight and energies that he had hardly
suspected were his until that moment.
One leaps to his full height when the
right inner spring is reached. We are
quite familiar with the way in which
instinctive tendencies in us, and emo-
tions both egoistic and social, become
organized under a group of ideas and
ideals into a single system, which we
call a sentiment, such as love, or patriot-
ism, or devotion to truth. It forms
slowly, and one hardly realizes that it
has formed until some occasion unex-
pectedly brings it into' full operation,
and we find ourselves able with perfect
ease to overcome the most powerful
inhibitory and opposing instincts and
habits, which, until then, had usually
controlled us. We are familiar, too,
with the way in which a well-trained
and disciplined mind, confronted by a
concrete situation, will sometimes, —
alas, not always, — in a sudden flash of
imaginative insight, discover a uni-
versal law revealed there and then in
640
THE MYSTIC'S EXPERIENCE OF GOD
the single phenomenon, as Sir Isaac
Newton did, and as, in a no less striking
way, Sir William Rowan Hamilton did
in his discovery of Quaternions. Liter-
ary and artistic geniuses supply us with
many instances in which, in a sudden
flash, the crude material at hand is shot
through with vision, and the compli-
cated plot of a drama, the full signifi-
cance of a character, or the complete
glory of a statue stands revealed, as if,
to use R. L. Stephenson's illustration, a
geni had brought it on a golden tray as
a gift from another world. Abraham
Lincoln, striking off in a few intense
minutes his Gettysburg address, as
beautiful in style and perfect in form as
anything in human literature, is as
good an illustration as we need of the
way in which a highly organized person,
by a kindling flash, has at his hand
all the moral and spiritual gains of a
lifetime.
There is a famous account of the
flash of inspiration, given by Philo,
which can hardly be improved. It is as
follows: —
I am not ashamed to recount my own ex-
perience. At times, when I have proposed
to enter upon my wonted task of writing on
philosophical doctrines, with an exact know-
ledge of the materials which were to be put
together, I have had to leave off without any
work accomplished, finding my mind barren
and fruitless, and upbraiding it for its self-
complacency, while startled at the might of
the Existent One, in whose power it lies to
open and close the wombs of the soul. But
at other times, when I had come empty, all
of a sudden I have been filled with thoughts,
showered down and sown upon me unseen
from above, so that by Divine possession I
have fallen into a rapture and become igno-
rant of everything, the place, those present,
myself, what was spoken or written. For I
have received a stream of interpretation, a
fruition of light, the most clear-cut sharp-
ness of vision, the most vividly distinct view
of the matter before me, such as might be
received through the eyes from the most
luminous presentation.
The most important mystical exp
riences are something like that. Th<
occur usually, not at the beginning
the religious life, but rather in the ri]
and developed stage of it. They are tl
fruit of long-maturing processes. Cler
ent's ' harmonized man ' is always a pe
son who has brought his soul in
parallelism with divine currents, hi
habitually practised his religious L
sights, and has finally formed a unifie
central self, subtly sensitive, acute!
responsive to the Beyond within hir
In such experiences, which may con
suddenly or may come as a more grai
ual process, the whole self operates ar
masses all the cumulations of a lifetim
They are no more emotional than the
are rational and volitional. We have
total personality, awake, active, an
' aware of his life's flow.' Instead of se
ing in a flash a law of gravitation, (
the plot and character of Hamlet, or tl
uncarven form of Moses the Law-giv<
in a block of marble, one sees at sue
times the moral demonstrations of
lifetime and vividly feels the implia
tions that are essentially involved in
spiritual life. In the high moment Go
is seen to be as sure as the soul is.
I stood at Naples once, a night so dark
I could have scarce conjectured there was eari
Anywhere, sky or sea or world at all :
But the night's black was burst through by
blaze —
Thunder struck blow on blow, earth groaned an
bore.
Through her whole length of mountain visible.
There lay the city thick and plain with spires,
And, like a ghost disshrouded, white the sea.
So may a truth be flashed out by one blow.
To some the truth of God never come
closer than a logical conclusion. He i
held to be as a living item in a creec
To the mystic He becomes real in th
same sense that experienced beauty i
real, or the feel of spring is real, or sum
mer sunlight is real : He has been found
He has been met, He is present.
Before discussing the crucial ques
THE MYSTIC'S EXPERIENCE OF GOD
641
tion whether these experiences are evi-
dential and are worthy of consideration
as an addition to the world's stock of
truth and knowledge, I must say a few
words about the normality or abnormal-
ity of them. Nothing of any value can
be said on this point of mystical expe-
rience in the abstract. One must first
catch his concrete case. Some instan-
ces are normal, and some are undoubt-
edly abnormal. Trance, ecstasy, and
rapture are unusual experiences, and,
in that sense, not normal occurrences.
They usually indicate, furthermore, a
pathological condition of personality,
and are thus abnormal in the more tech-
nical sense. There is, however, some-
thing more to be said on this point. It
seems pretty well established that some
persons — and they have often been
creative leaders and religious geniuses
— have succeeded in organizing their
lives, in finding their trail, in charging
their whole personality with power, in
attaining a moral dynamic, and in tap-
ping vast reservoirs of energy by means
of states which, if occurring in other
persons, would no doubt be called path-
ological. The real test here is a prag-
matic one. It seems hardly sound to
call a state abnormal if it has raised
the 'experient,' as a mystic experience
often does, into a hundred-horsepower
man, and by his influence has turned
multitudes of other men and women
into more joyous, hopeful, and efficient
persons. This question of abnormality
and reality is thus not one to be settled
off-hand by a superficial diagnosis.
An experience which brings spacious-
ness of mind, new interior dimensions,
ability to stand the universe, — and
the people in it, — and capacity to
work at human tasks with patience, en-
durance, and wisdom may quite intelli-
gently be called normal, though to an
external beholder it may look like what
he usually calls a trance of hysteria, a
state of dissociation, or hypnosis by
VOL. 1X8 — NO. 6
c
auto-suggestion. It should be added,
however, as I have already said, that
mystical experience is not confined to
these extremer types. They may or may
not be pathological. The calmer and
more restrained stages of mysticism
are more important and significant, and
are no more marked with the stigma of
hysteria than is love-making, enjoy-
ment of music, devotion to altruistic
causes, risking one's life for one's coun-
try, or any lofty experience of value.
m
We come at length to the central
question of our consideration : Do mys-
tical experiences settle anything? Are
they purely subjective and one-sided,
or do they prove to have objective ref-
erence and so to be two-sided? Do they
take the experient across the chasm that
separates 'self from 'other'? Mystical
experience undoubtedly feels as if it had
objective reference. It comes to the indi-
vidual with indubitable authority. He
is certain that he has found something
other than himself. He has an unescapa-
ble conviction that he is in contact and
commerce with reality beyond the mar-
gins of his personal self. 'A tremendous
muchness is suddenly revealed,' as
William James once put it.
We do not get very far when we un-
dertake to reduce knowledge to an
affair of sense-experience. ' They reckon
ill who leave me out,' can be said by the
organized, personal, creative mind as
truly as by Brahma. There are many
forms of human experience in which the
data of the senses are so vastly trans-
cended that they fail to furnish any
real explanation of what occurs in con-
sciousness. This is true of all our expe-
riences of 'value, which apparently spring
out of synthetic or synoptic activities of
the mind, that is, activities in which the
mind is unified and creative. The vibra.
tions of ether that bombard the rods
642
THE MYSTIC'S EXPERIENCE OF GOD
and cones of the retina may be the occa-
sion for the appreciation of beauty in
sky or sea or flower, but they are surely
not the cause of it. The concrete event
which confronts me is, very likely, the
occasion for the august pronouncement
of moral issues which my conscience
makes; but it cannot be said that the
concrete event in any proper sense
causes this consciousness of moral obli-
gation. The famous answer of Leibnitz
to the crude sense-philosophy of his
time is still cogent. To the phrase,
'There is nothing in the mind that has
not come through the senses,' Leibnitz
added, 'Except the mind itself.' That
means that the creative activity of the
mind is always an important factor in
experience, and a factor that cannot
be ignored in any of the processes of
knowledge.
Unfortunately, we have done very
little yet in the direction of comprehend-
ing the interior depth of the personal
mind, or of estimating adequately the
part which mind itself, in its creative
capacity, plays in all knowledge-func-
tions. It will be only when we have suc-
ceeded hi getting beyond what Plato
called the 'bird-cage' theory of knowl-
edge, to a sound theory of knowledge
and to a solid basis for spiritual values,
that we shall be able to discuss intelli-
gently the 'findings' of the mystic.
The world at the present moment is
pitiably 'short' in its stock of sound
theories of knowledge. The prevailing
psychologies do not explain knowledge
at all. The behaviorists do not try to
explain it, any more than the astrono-
mer or the physicist does. The psychol-
ogist who reduces mind to an aggre-
gation of describable ' mind-states ' has
started out on a course that makes an
explanation forever impossible, since
knowledge can be explained only
through unity and integral wholeness,
never through an aggregation of parts,
as if it were a mental 'shower of shot.'
If we expect to talk about knowledge,
and seriously propose to use that great
word truth, we must at least begin with
the assumption of an intelligent, crea-
tive, organizing centre of self-conscious-
ness, which can transcend itself and can
know what is beyond, and other than,
itself. In short, the talk about a ' chasm *
between subject and object — knower
and thing known — is as absurd as it
would be to talk of a chasm between
the convex and the concave sides of a
curve. Knowledge is always knowledge
of an object, and mystical experience
has all the essential marks of objective
reference, as certainly as other forms of
experience have.
Professor J. M. Baldwin very well
says that there is a form of contempla-
tion in which, as in aesthetic experience,
the strands of the mind's diverging dual-
isms are 'merged and fused.' He adds:
' In this experience of a fusion which is
not a mixture, but which issues in a
meaning of its own sort and kind, an
experience whose essential character is
just this ilnity of comprehension, con-
sciousness attains its completest, its
most direct, and its final apprehension
of what Reality is and means.' It really
comes round to the question whether
the mind of a self-conscious person has
any way of approach, except by way
of the senses, to any kind of reality.
There is no a priori answer to that
question. It can be settled only by ex-
perience. It is, therefore, pure dogma-
tism to say, as Professor Dunlap in his
recent attack on mysticism does, that
all conscious processes are based on
sense-stimulation, and all thought as
well as perception depends on reaction
to sense-stimulus. It is no doubt true
that behavior psychology must resort
to some such formula; but that only
means that such psychology is always
dealing with greatly transformed and
reduced beings, when it attempts to
deal with persons like us, who, in the
THE MYSTIC'S EXPERIENCE OF GOD
643
richness of our concrete lives, are never
reduced to 'behavior-beings.' We have
interior dimensions, and ' that is the end
on 't ' ! Some persons — and they are by
no means feeble-minded individuals —
are as certain that they have contact
with a world within, as they are that
they have experiences of a world out-
side in space. Thomas Aquinas, who
neither in method nor in doctrine leaned
toward mysticism, though he was most
certainly 'a harmonized man,' and who
in theory postponed the vision of God
to a realm beyond death, nevertheless
had an experience two years before he
died which made him put his pen and
inkhorn on the shelf and never write
another word of his Summa Theologies.
When he was reminded of the incom-
plete state of his great work, and was
urged to go on with it, he replied, 'I
have seen that which makes all that I
have written look small to me.'
It may be just possible that tftere is a
universe of spiritual reality upon which
our finite spirits open inward as inlets
open into the sea.
Like tides on the crescent sea-beach
When the moon is new and thin,
Into our hearts high yearnings
Come welling and surging in —
Come from that mystic ocean
Whose rim no foot has trod —
Some call it Longing,
But others call it God.
Such a view is perfectly sane and ten-
able; it conflicts with no proved and
demonstrated facts in the nature either
of the universe or of mind. It seems,
in any event, to the mystic that there
is such a world, that he has found it as
surely as Columbus found San Salvador,
and that his experience is a truth-telling
experience.
But, granting that it is truth-telling
and has objective reference, is the mys-
tic justified in claiming that he has
found and knows God? One does not
need to be a very wide and extensive
student of mystical experience to dis-
cover what a meagre stock of knowledge
the genuine mystic reports. William
James's remarkable experience in the
Adirondack woods very well illustrates
the type. It had, he says, 'an intense
significance of some sort, if one could
only tell the significance. ... In point
of fact, I can't find a single word for all
that significance and don't know what
it was significant of, so that it remains a
mere boulder of impression.' At a later
date James refers to that 'extraor-
dinary vivacity of man's psychological
commerce with something ideal that
feels as if it were also actual.' The
greatest of all the fourteenth-century
mystics, Meister Eckhart, could not
put his impression into words or ideas.
What he found was a 'wilderness of the
Godhead where no one is at home' —
that is, an Object with no particular,
differentiated, concrete characteristics.
It was not an accident that so many of
the mystics hit upon the via negativa,
the way of negation, or that they called
their discovery ' the divine Dark.'
Whatever your mind comes at,
I tell you flat,
God is not that.
Mystical experience does not supply
concrete information. It does not bring
new finite facts, new items that can be
used in a description of 'the scenery
and circumstance ' of the realm beyond
our sense-horizons. It is the awareness
of a Presence, the consciousness of a
Beyond, the discovery, as James put it,
that ' we are continuous with a More of
the same quality, which is operative in
us and in touch with us.'
The most striking effect of such ex-
perience is not new fact-knowledge, not
new items of empirical information, but
new moral energy, heightened convic-
tion, increased caloric quality, enlarged
spiritual vision, an unusual radiant
power of life. In short, the whole per-
sonality, in the case of the constructive
644
THE MYSTIC'S EXPERIENCE OF GOD
mystics, appears to be raised to a new
level of life, and to have gained from
somewhere many calories of life-feed-
ing, spiritual substance. We are quite
familiar with the way in which adrena-
lin suddenly flushes into the physical
system and adds a new and incalculable
power to brain and muscle. Under its
stimulus a man can carry out a piano
when the house is on fire. May not,
perhaps, some energy, from some Source
with which our spirits are allied, flush
our inner being with forces and powers
by which we can be fortified to stand
the universe and more than stand it!
* We are more than conquerors through
Him that loved us,' is the way one of
the world's greatest mystics felt.
Mystical experience — and we must
remember, as Santayana has said, that
'experience is like a shrapnel shell and
bursts into a thousand meanings ' —
does at least one thing. It makes God
sure to the person who has had the ex-
perience. It raises faith and conviction
to the nth power. ' The God who said,
"Let light shine out of darkness," has
shined into my heart to give the light
of the knowledge of the glory of God,'
is St. Paul's testimony. 'I knew God
by revelation,' declares George Fox;
' I was as one who hath the key and doth
open.' 'The man who has attained this
felicity,' Plotinus says, 'meets some
turn of fortune that he would not have
chosen, but there is not the slightest
lessening of his happiness for that.'
But this experience, with its overwhelm-
ing conviction and its dynamic effect,
cannot be put into the common coin of
speech. Frederic Myers has well ex-
pressed the difficulty: —
Oh could I tell, ye surely would believe it!
Oh could I only say what I have seen!
How should I tell or how can ye receive it,
How, till He bringeth you where I have been?
When Columbus found San Salvador,
he was able to describe it to those who did
not sail with him in the Santa Maria;
but when the mystic finds God, he cannot
give us any 'knowledge' in plain words
of everyday speech. He can only refer
to his boulder, or his Gibraltar, of im-
pression. That situation is what we
should expect. We cannot, either, de-
scribe any of our great emotions. We
cannot impart what flushes into our
consciousness in moments of lofty intui-
tion. We have a submerged life within
us, which is certainly no less real than
our hand or foot. It influences all that
we do or say, but we do not find it easy
to utter it. In the presence of the sub-
lime we have nothing to say — or, if we
do say anything, it is a great mistake!
Language is forged to deal with experi-
ences that are common to many per-
sons, that is, with experiences that refer
to objects in space. We have no vocab-
ulary for the subtle, elusive flashes of
vision, which are unique, individual,
and unsharable, as, for instance, is our
personal sense of 'the tender grace of
a day that is dead.' We are forced in
all these matters to resort to symbolic
suggestion and to artistic devices.
Coventry Patmore said with much in-
sight:—
In divinity and love
What 's worth the saying can't be said.
I believe that mystical experiences
do, in the long run, expand our knowl-
edge of God, and do succeed in verify-
ing themselves. Mysticism is a sort of
spiritual protoplasm, which underlies,
as a basic substance, much that is best
in religion, in ethics, and in life itself.
It has generally been the mystic, the
prophet, the seer, who has spotted out
new ways forward in the jungle of our
world, or lifted our race to new spiritual
levels. Their experiences have in some
way equipped them for unusual tasks,
have given supplies of energy to them
which their neighbors did not have, and
have apparently brought them into
vital correspondence with dimensions
and regions of reality that others miss.
THE MYSTIC'S EXPERIENCE OF GOD
645
The proof that they have found God,
or at least a domain of spiritual reality,
does not lie in some new stock of knowl-
edge, not in some gnostic secret, which
they bring back; it is to be seen rather
in the moral and spiritual fruits which
test out and verify the experience.
Consciousness of beauty or of truth
or of goodness baffles analysis as much
as consciousness of God does. These
values have no objective standing-
ground in current psychology. They
are not things in the world of space.
They submit to no adequate causal ex-
planation. They have their ground of
being in some other kind of world than
that of the mechanical order, a world
composed of quantitative masses of
matter in motion. These experiences of
value, which are as real for experience
as stone-walls are, make very clear the
fact that there are depths and capaci-
ties in the nature of the normal human
mind which we do not usually recognize,
and of which we have scant and imper-
fect accounts in our textbooks. Our
minds, taken in their full range, in other
words, have some sort of contact and
relationship with an eternal nature of
things far deeper than atoms and mole-
cules. Only very slowly and gradually
has the race learned, through finite
symbols and temporal forms, to inter-
pret beauty and truth and goodness,
which, in their essence, are as ineffable
and indescribable as is the mystic's
experience of God. Plato often speaks
as if he had high moments of experience
when he rose to the naked vision of
beauty — beauty 'alone, separate and
eternal,' as he says; and his myths are
very probably told, as J. A. Stewart
believes, to assist others to experience
this same vision — a beauty that * does
not grow nor perish, is without increase
or diminution and endures for everlast-
ing.' But, as a matter of fact, however
exalted heavenly and enduring beauty
may be in its essence, we know what
it is only as it appears in fair forms of
objects, of body, of soul, of actions;
in harmonious blending of sounds or
colors; in well-ordered or happily com-
bined groupings of many aspects in one
unity, which is as it ought to be. Truth
and moral goodness always transcend
our attainments, and we sometimes feel
that the very end and goal of life is the
pursuit of that truth or that goodness
which eye hath not seen nor ear heard.
But whatever truth we do attain, or
whatever goodness we do achieve, is al-
ways concrete. Truth is just this one
more added fact that resists all attempt
to doubt it. Goodness is just this sim-
ple everyday deed that reveals a heroic
spirit and a brave venture of faith in the
midst of difficulties.
So, too, the mystic knowledge of God
is not some esoteric communication,
supplied through trance or ecstasy; it
is an intuitive personal touch with God,
felt to be the essentially real, the burst-
ing forth of an intense love for Him,
which heightens all the capacities and
activities of life, followed by the slow
laboratory effects which verify it. 'All
I could never be ' now is. It seems pos-
sible to stand the universe — even to do
something toward the transformation
of it. The bans get read for that most
difficult of all marriages, the marriage
of the possible with the actual, the ideal
with the real. And if the experience
does not prove that the soul has found
God, it at least does this: it makes the
soul feel that proofs of God are wholly
unnecessary.
MEDITATIONS OF A BACHELOR
BY EDWAKD CARRINGTON ^ENABLE
IT is printed on some page of a now
forgotten volume: —
'The cry of "The Christian to the
Lions!" resounded everywhere through
the dark streets.'
The page was probably describing
the reign of the Emperor Nero, and was
possibly written by Sienkiewicz, though
that is no matter here.
The little boy who read it, and went
to bed immediately afterward, lay alone
for a long time — or at least what seem-
ed a long time — in a perfectly dark
bedroom, hearing that terrible cry.
It came to him in a dozen forms, but
each distinctly articulate. There was
a large clock below, at the stairs' foot,
which ticked it; somewhere in the fields
outside a cow bellowed it defiantly into
the dark universe; a lonely whip-poor-
will down by the river somewhere
lamented it with equal intervals.
It was the very worst night of that
little boy's life. Never afterward was
he quite so frightened. He believed, a
trifle arrogantly, may be, that he was
a Christian, and, of course, he was sure
of lions. To these facts, add that un-
namable quality which the dark pos-
sesses, even for an animal, and you have
by the simplest reasoning a truly ter-
rifying situation. For it is a terrifying
situation to be alone in the dark, a very
small Christian, and hear a horde of
barbarians shrieking for your life. It
is terrifying, and it is childish, and it is
as impeccably reasonable as arithmetic.
Of course, to the adult mind that last
quality, the rationality, is not self-evi-
dent; but that is because the adult mind
646
cannot recapture firm faith in its own
orthodoxy or shed its acquired knowl-
edge of the scarcity of lions. But tak-
ing these two feats as accomplished,
certainly the perfect reasonableness of
that terror is undeniable. Anyone is
afraid of being thrown to the lions, who
knows that he is defenselessly liable to
such a fate and that there is a plentiful
and immediate supply of lions. That
small boy was not, as his elders would
have assured him, groundlessly alarm-
ed. He was ignorant, very, and of many
things — of zoology, of the improved
customs of theological dispute; but he
was not in the least irrational. His
fright was childish, but it was not in
any correct sense unreasonable.
That so simple a conclusion requires
any demonstration shows the extent of
the evil — this confounding of the un-
reasonable with the childish. The two
terms have become positively almost
synonymous. The two adjectives pop
out in any casual talk like the two bar-
rels of a shot-gun. It would be more
accurate, however, to say that they
are in antithesis. For example, the fair
question is rather whether there are
any reasonable fears, except childish
fears. It is this that gives them their
unequaled poignancy. They assail not
the imagination, but the very seat of
reason itself. They cannot be argued
away, because they have all the argu-
ments on their side. Not Socrates him-
self that night could have reasoned that
little boy into serenity. He remained
alarmed at the horrible possibilities of
his merciless logic, until experience
MEDITATIONS OF A BACHELOR
647
shifted the weight of probability to his
side of the balance — a faultlessly logi-
cal method. True, the result was ab-
surd; but then, that was the defect of
his education. He was helpless in that
regard, for he could acquire only what
was permitted to him. Beyond that
he was the victim of his method — a
fate that overtakes only children and
philosophers.
The likeness between these two class-
es of human beings, between children
and philosophers, which has become the
most obvious of observations, is, in-
deed, never a matter of chance. It is as
sequential as it is obvious. Each con-
fronted by an unintelligible universe,
which he is compelled to explain, at-
tempts to reduce it to order by the
method of his reason. The central ef-
fort of the life of either is precisely the
same. Each fails. The child becomes a
man or woman, acquires experience,
prejudices, sympathy, superstitions,
memories, and so accomplishes his few
purposes. The philosopher commits
suicide, or dies of old age, according to
the intensity of his convictions. As
surely as a man is a child who has
grown up, a philosopher is a child who
has not grown up. The Pauline admoni-
tion that he put away childish things
he has not heeded — not, at least, in
regard to the most childish of all things.
All of which is the most obvious of ob-
servations. The type of philosopher
who forgets his hat and carries about
into the world the heart of a child has
worn out its welcome in the most popu-
lar fiction. It is strange that the equal-
ly broad generalization, the philosophy
of infancy, has escaped an equally gen-
eral recognition. Perhaps the explana-
tion is that children have so recently
begun to write books.
Certainly no one who has ever en-
countered the merciless rationalism of
i the human young has failed to mark it.
The matured descendant of that small
boy with the lions, then grown to thirty
years and more, had such an expe-
rience. It was terrifying; but how
absurd, how beyond all reasonable ex-
planation appears this adult terror —
occurring, too, not in the darkness of a
lonely bedroom, but in the mild after-
noon light of a nursery — by compari-
son with that earlier one.
It was exactly mid-afternoon in May
that he, a grown-up Christian now,
was thrown into the arena of his grown-
up fear, a nursery, to three little lions
seated about a sort of Gulliver's
Travels table before a window. The
mother of these lions stood in the door-
way. The poor Christian stood in the
middle of the floor being looked at, not
at all angrily, only thoroughly. The
mother of the lions looked anxiously
at the group about the table. Then she-
turned a tranquil glance for an instant
to the Christian. So, exactly, might
some Imperial Roman, lolling on velvet-
covered marble, have glanced down at
the terrible sands. And just as that
one might, for a brief instant of bored
indecision, have looked at his thumb
before deciding 'up' or 'down,' so
she glanced at her wrist with its tiny
watch.
'I shall be back,' she said evenly,
'about six.'
It was then about five. So it was dis-
tinctly, 'Thumbs down.'
Then she went out, closing the door
behind her — chaining it possibly.
And the lions sat implacable.
When, at a little before six, — she
was not so heartless as she appeared, —
the door was unbarred, it was a truly
exhausted man who was released. He
was exhausted because no adult can
live in the rarefied air of pure truth,
purged of every uncertainty that in-
terrogation can detect, for that length
of time without exhaustion. He, like an
air-pilot at altitude, must get down for
a few lungfulls of earth-contaminated
648
MEDITATIONS OF A BACHELOR
atmosphere, or die. Only children and
philosophers can do otherwise.
Yet this man's ordeal had been a
light one. He had been set three tasks.
First, he had been asked to sing. He
could n't sing; but then, neither could
the children. He had been taught the
fact by experience. Innocent of experi-
ence, their ecstasy during ten repeti-
tions of ' My Country, 't is of Thee ' was
exquisite. His mortification was un-
necessary, unreasonable, and painful.
Failing completely to explain his lack
of voice, he was asked to tell a story.
Now it happened, that whatever self-
respect he had he had won for himself
by the belief that he could tell stories
and by the stories he had told. In fact,
he was a story-teller by trade. It might
be well to explain that the situation as
it stood then was caused by the mother
of the lions, who was his hostess for
that week-end and rather at a loss to
dispose of him, suggesting, —
'I have to meet Elizabeth on the
5.35. Why don't you go up and tell the
children stories. I am sure you would
tell such wonderful ones.'
He remembered later that he had
thought he would — would, that is,
tell wonderful ones. He even had a
remnant of such confidence after the
failure of 'My Country, 't is of Thee.'
So he started off gallantly at the com-
mand, ' Tell us a story,' with ' Well, once
upon a time — '
In three sentences he had lost his
audience. In ten he had disgusted
them. They were, on the whole, polite
about it, though not obscurely cir-
cuitous. They merely said, —
'We're going to play Alps.'
Fortunately they let him be the
mountain. He possessed superior quali-
fications for that role.
So he lay for the better part of an
hour covered by a white table-cloth,
and was an Alp, while disregarding feet
trampled on his diminished head. In
that way, at the last, he achieved a suc-
cess of a sort. But to be only a moun-
tain in a nursery is not a gratifying
experience.
When at last he lifted a corner of the
table-cloth and peered out at his re-
turned hostess, all vanity had fled from
that man. There was an annoying sym-
bolism about his attitude on the carpet.
He had been brought low by the piti-
less logic that seemed to stamp ' Mene,
mene ' upon his forehead. He had been
tested, soul and body, and found only
body. He had been subjected to that
dreadful and merciless analysis, — so
many of whose celebrated practitioners
have justly suffered death at the hands
of outraged humanity, — that pitiless
judgment which, taking no account of
the nobler, though abortive impulses of
mankind, their capacity for love, their
dauntless aspiration, their tender fancy
and sympathy, the mysteries of their
imagination, will accept only the hard
cash of Reason.
'Well, how did you like it?' asked his
hostess as they went downstairs.
If he had answered frankly, the vio-
lence of his feeling, of his just resent-
ment, would possibly have hurled her
the length of the flight of stairs. That
is the way her children would have an-
swered her.
He managed to preserve some degree
of truth, however, by replying that it
was one of the most instructive after-
noons of his life.
It was a just answer. Later reflec-
tion has confirmed it. After all, his
assailants were unconscious of their
acts. Like himself thirty years earlier,
they were the victims of their method.
And that method was the only one they
knew. Strip any human soul of its ex-
perience, of the sympathy that comes
by suffering, of the aspiration that
springs only from watching the suffer-
ings of others, of the humility that only
failure can teach — what is left to it,
COURTSHIP AFTER MARRIAGE
649
except Reason? True, the infants were
terrible, but how terribly they were
armed, with minds free from the prej-
udices of experience, unsoftened by
strain, functioning with mechanical ac-
curacy. These are the qualifications of
a machine-gun, not of a human soul.
Alas, it cannot be denied that, the more
one feels, the more especially one has
felt, the less accurately one reasons.
It is not the ineptitude of the child's
question that upsets his elders, it is its
directness. The enfant terrible is ter-
rible only because of his accuracy, of
his simplicity, of his perfect unconcern
with anything but truth. Surely, to
say of an afternoon spent in such com-
pany that it is instructive, is not to ex-
ceed the bounds of even their rigid
veracity.
But his questioner was not daunted.
She ventured further.
'Yes,' she agreed as her feet touched
the bottom step. 'Are n't they fas-
cinating?'
That was the fatal step too far, the
famous little bit of the too-much.
There is the story of the man who de-
veloped feliphobia fainting at the sound
of a purr, or the touch of fur, and ex-
plained his aversion on the grounds
that 'cats can only reason.' There is a
difference between an association that
is instructive and one that fascinates.
'I love to watch their little minds
grow,' she finished happily.
The remark, somehow, instantly
called up a picture of this most delight-
ful gentle human being, spending her
life gloating over the gradual and in-
evitable deterioration of her offspring
— like some distraught marksman en-
thusiastically calculating the increas-
ing error of his rifle.
COURTSHIP AFTER MARRIAGE
NOT long ago I read with pious mis-
givings a book on Anarchism, by Emma
Goldman. It contained — as I expected
— much that was objectionable, wild,
and shocking. But it also contained
some very stimulating observations and
reflections. I was deeply impressed by
a powerful chapter on marriage, in
which the author protested against the
ugly fact that, under modern social and
economic conditions in the United
States, particularly in New England,
very many women are denied the nat-
ural right of motherhood. A painful
picture was drawn of the many thou-
sands of over-strained, atrophied wom-
en doomed to live out their lives un-
mated and deprived of their rightful
inheritance.
Statistics show that one out of every
twelve women remains unmarried be-
tween the years of forty-five and sixty-
four; one out of ten between thirty-five
and forty-four; and one out of five
between twenty-five and thirty-four.
Among the men, one out of ten remains
unmarried between the ages of forty-
five .and sixty-four; one out of six be-
tween thirty-five and forty-four; and
one out of every three between twenty-
five and thirty-four. Something must
be decidedly wrong with our civiliza-
tion, to permit such a state of affairs.
It is evident that this extraordinary
problem concerns the unmarried man
quite as much as the unmarried woman.
The man who has never known the dig-
nity, the responsibilities, and the deep
650
COURTSHIP AFTER MARRIAGE
satisfaction of fatherhood is also an
atrophied, abnormal member of society.
As an unreconciled bachelor, I have
wrestled hard with the problem and
have reached certain conclusions, which,
I fear, are regarded by some of my
friends as most heretical.
I recognize, of course, that economic
conditions are partly responsible for
this abnormal situation; but I believe
that this difficulty could be surmounted
without much trouble if it were not for
other much more serious influences.
The necessity of earning a living, in
order to care for dependents; the strug-
gle to acquire an education in law and
medicine, as well as in other professions
— all this often compels a lamentable
delay, or an indefinite postponement, of
marriage. This delay is itself frequently
tragic in the strain of inhibitions and
the consequent ills it imposes on both
sexes, at the time when Nature is call-
ing imperatively for her unquestioned
rights.
But I am thinking primarily of those
who never marry, who bravely put up
a cheerful front, but whose hearts are
never free from a sense of irremediable
loss. I am thinking of those who can-
not stand this strain, and who collapse,
either mentally or morally. Economic
reasons may in some cases absolutely
preclude marriage; but I believe that
other causes are of much greater weight.
First of all, I accuse the spirit of Puri-
tanism for having fostered a false atti-
tude toward the sex-instinct. Many a
boy and girl brought up in a Puritan
environment have come to regard the
first attractions of sex as something
utterly unholy. They have resisted
these inclinations and brooded morbidly
over them, until they have felt damned
beyond redemption. They have turned
to ascetic discipline and severe tor-
ments of the soul, until their outlook
has become badly distorted, even at
times to the extreme of insanity.
These unhappy victims of Puritan-
ism have been prevented from realiz-
ing that Nature is only asking her own:
that she rejoices in the instinctive reve-
lations of sex; that adolescence is as
natural as breathing, and must not be
too long ignored.
Among simple primitive folk, who
have mercifully been spared the dark
shadow of Puritanism on their sex-rela-
tions, the process of mating and of
reproduction is rightly regarded as Na-
ture's richest gift. They do not affront
Nature by pleading for a delay, or feel
guilty when obeying the imperious de-
mands of mature adolescence. As for
that matter, even our Puritan ancestors
were in this respect more normal and
more moral than is the case to-day, in
favoring early marriages and in wel-
coming the rather abundant harvests
of such unions.
Puritanism, in its peculiar definition
of moral purity and its gloomy approach
to marriage, has created a stuffy at-
mosphere in which it is excessively
difficult for men and women to meet
naturally. There is a restraint and a
prudery that render courtship difficult
or illicit love easy. Desperate measures
are necessary under such conditions.
Severe admonitions or cruel jests either
kill budding affections or provoke to
acts not infrequently unfortunate in
their consequences.
And this preposterous attitude lasts
after marriage, when many a young
mother finds herself condemned to a
painful reticence and evasion at a time
when she should be boldly exultant in
her supreme realization of Nature's
greatest miracle. Puritanism has seem-
ed to associate with this great joy
something abhorrent and shameful! I
remember how I once shocked a cousin
by remarking that one of our relations
was expecting a baby; and how, later
on, she admitted her inability to under-
stand why she should have felt shocked.
COURTSHIP AFTER MARRIAGE
651
The answer, of course, was this strange
thing called Puritanism, which has cast
a dreadful pall on the most joyous and
natural instinct of mankind.
Next to Puritanism I accuse the
spirit of Romanticism — an odd part-
ner in crime — for rendering marriage
so difficult to achieve. Poetry and fic-
tion have done their worst to foster
fantastic notions concerning love and
matrimony. Preachers, moralists, psy-
chologists, and writers of various kinds
have all united to represent the sex-in-
stinct as exotic and unreal. The native
hue of passion has been sicklied o'er by
a very pale cast of thought. Youths
and maidens have attended theoretical
courses in correspondence schools on
the subject of matrimony. They have
been encouraged to subject their emo-
tions to a compound microscope, to try
to discover by analysis whether these
feelings are as described in the books.
They have been led to be hypercritical
to such an extent that they become
morbidly introspective. And all the
time two sound hearts may have been
calling loudly to each other in vain! In
their search for a great romance, for the
proper stage-setting for courtship, they
become utterly confused and hysterical
at times. They play on each other's
nerves until something is bound to hap-
pen; but what happens is too often a
tragedy. Nature is scornful of play-
acting in matters of the heart, and
visits fearful penalties on the actors.
Nature cannot but have a grudge
against this Romanticism, which blinds
people to realities and impels them to
pursue an ignis fatuus, in an utterly un-
real world of intellectual creation.
I accuse also the Feminist movement
for its part in bewildering society re-
garding the relations of the sexes.
Many excellent women, in their devo-
tion and martyrdom to the cause of
equal suffrage, have practically taken
vows of celibacy, like nuns. At least,
the effect is the same, by reason of the
emphasis they place on the entering of
women into the various professions,
their right to economic independence,
and their obligation to demonstrate
their absolute freedom. The making of
a home, the rearing of children, seem to
be regarded by the Feminists as, at
best, nothing but an evil necessity, to
be borne under protest and to be avoid-
ed if possible. This attitude in some
amounts virtually to an angry revolt
against Nature for having been out-
rageously unjust in placing a heavier
burden on women than on men. The
way some of these Feminists talk would
lead one to infer that they desired leg-
islation from on high, to impose on men
part of the task of bearing children!
Another and more sinister effect of
Feminism has been the hideous reac-
tion of the argument against a double
standard of morality for men and wo-
men. Instead of inducing men to be
more moral, the tendency would seem
decidedly to make women more lax,
and even cynical on the subject. I have
known women who, ignoring the sen-
tentious and incontrovertible argument
of Franklin concerning the double
standard, have frankly asserted the
right of a woman to have her 'fling' as
well as a man. There are various sets
where an amused tolerance condones
moral delinquencies, or fosters a most
dangerous attitude toward marriage.
As in the case of certain social or stage
celebrities, marriage becomes a joke, or
a meaningless formality, well character-
ized by a shrewd Turkish observer as
'consecutive polygamy.'
It is to be hoped, and in fact is to be
expected, that, after this exaggerated
movement of protest by the Feminists
has spent its force, we shall have a re-
turn to a sane and natural attitude to-
ward the marriage relation and all that
it implies in obligations and ultimate
contentment.
652
COURTSHIP AFTER MARRIAGE
And out of Puritanism, Romanti-
cism, and Feminism, as well as from pre-
vailing economic conditions, have grown
false standards of happiness. Nature
says to a man and woman: 'Unite,
make a home, have children, cherish
them, and build for their future, if you
would know true contentment.' Mod-
ern civilization says: 'Do not think of
marriage until after you have had a
chance to enjoy yourselves in a life of
independence; until you have sufficient
means, a fine house, an automobile or
two, and a mate with whom to continue
your good time. Do not think of hav-
ing children if they interfere in the least
with your good time; certainly do not
have more than one or two. And do
not stay married for a moment if any-
thing disagreeable occurs to mar your
happiness.'
Or many a high-minded young man
or girl is thinking of perfect bliss in
marriage, of an ideal union of kindred
souls, that will ensure eternal harmony
and contentment. Their conception of
domestic happiness is too exacting and
unreal; it cannot allow for strain and
stress. It renders marriage either more
difficult to achieve or impossible to
maintain.
I recall an observation by a statesman
of note, when addressing a group of
college girls, to the effect that it was
much better for a woman never to
marry than to marry unhappily. This
sounds rather reasonable, but requires,
first of all, a clear definition of married
happiness. Such a definition, under
modern conditions, is becoming increas-
ingly difficult. Many a girl would be
rendered unhappy by being deprived of
certain comforts and privileges she has
enjoyed in her home. At least, she may
think so, and thus avoid matrimony
and, very probably, miss true happi-
ness. Other girls, who could readily
endure such privations, may be made
miserably unhappy to discover that their
glorious ideal of marriage cannot be
fully realized.
Here is the difficulty: what consti-
tutes true happiness and absolute con-
tentment? Many a man and woman
have learned the answer by simple liv-
ing in accordance with the demands oi
Nature. They have discovered that th<
standards of happiness set by moderri
civilization in literature, theatre, col-
lege, and social conventions are gro-
tesquely false. Yes, many a woman pos-
sessing that greatest of gifts — an
understanding heart — has achieved su-
preme happiness through 'the simple
round, the daily task,' through the home
loyalties and loving services. I have
known women whose love and devotior
have enabled them, not only to endure
fearful humiliations at the hands ol
unworthy husbands, but actually tc
redeem them to a fine manhood in i
sanctified and reconsecrated home. ]
have known men whose patience anc
tenderness have endured the nagging ol
thoughtless wives, their extravagances
their follies, yes, their faithlessness; anc
have brought them back to a beautifu
and sane realization of true content
ment. I have seen such men and womer
learn, through the strain and stress o:
married life, that the greatest happiness
after all, lies in sacrifice; that the basi<
principle of our Western civilization ii
the obligation to build for others. The
home is the cornerstone of that civiliza-
tion and of true contentment.
In the light of this standard of happi-
ness I venture to reply to the superficia
observation on marriage by the states-
man to whom I have alluded, that it «
better by far to have known the joys
with the ills and sacrifices of mother-
hood than to live in a fancied single
blessedness. To live as Nature ordain-
ed, though with many a concern anc
many a chagrin, is infinitely preferable
to living in relative ease and serenity, ii
opposition to Nature's demands.
COURTSHIP AFTER MARRIAGE
653
There is good reason to view with dis-
gust and alarm certain tendencies of
the rising generation. The mode of dress
that exposes rather than discloses fem-
inine charms; the dance that exacts
vulgar postures and familiarities; the
'petting' that arouses sexual emotions
— all this, I take it, lamentable as it is,
may perhaps be regarded in part as a
reaction from those unnatural condi-
tions which have militated against the
wholesome relations of the sexes. It is a
pity that the pendulum should swing so
violently to a dangerous extreme; but I
am hopeful that we may yet find a gold-
en mean, which will result in a greater
general happiness
Such a golden mean I find on the
other side of the Atlantic, where the
sex-instinct and marriage are regarded
more sanely and naturally than on this
side. Everything there — nature, par-
ents, and society in general — unites to
encourage young people to mate and
nest early. No exaggerated intellectual
refinements, no romantic fancies, no
social conventions stand in the way of
a free response to the 'cosmic urge.'
In the case also of Europeans of
means and education, marriage is rela-
tively easy, even when delayed for one
reason or another. It is erroneous to
think that Continental marriages are
simply a matter of negotiations, irre-
spective of the sentiments and prefer-
ences of those directly concerned. If
sentiment and desire should not coin-
cide with interest, either side may freely
use the right of veto. I recall several
German friends living away from Ger-
many, who were precluded by this fact
and other circumstances from an early
marriage. When the time arrived that
they felt free to marry, it was a simple
matter to let the home folks know of
this desire. They in turn found it easy
to pass along the word to someone in
their circle of friends, who likewise had
the desire to do her part in the making
of a home. When the prospective lovers
came together, there was no constraint,
either of Puritanism or of Romanticism.
On their finding each other congenial,
the engagement was shortly entered
into, and marriage followed soon after.
In the cases I have in mind there was
every evidence in later years of tender
devotion and contentment.
I hope it will not be thought that I
am arguing in favor of marriages de
convenance as against sentiment and
romance. There is nothing finer than
some of the truly romantic and idyllic
courtships it has been my privilege to
witness. The grande passion does come
to some, and is greatly to be desired. I
am merely arguing that where such ex-
traordinary experiences seem unlikely
or unattainable, — as I fear they are
in most cases, — obedience to the de-
mands of nature should compel one to
admit that marriage is not only desira-
ble but imperative. I am contending
for a saner attitude on the part of so-
ciety in general toward the whole sub-
ject. I am writing as frankly as I can,
out of the depths of experience, —
sweet as well as bitter, — to try to help
others to think more clearly on this vital
problem.
Society should do all in its power, in
my opinion, to render marriage easier,
in order to restore it to its rightful place
as the basic and primordial fact of life
itself. We should feel much greater
concern over the unpleasant fact of the
large numbers of unmarried members
of society. And early marriages should
be facilitated, in recognition of the fact
that delay can hardly be good, either
for the individual or for society in gen-
eral. The home is the basis of our civil-
ization, and the more homes, the better
the community. Whether early or late,
marriage should be the immediate and
the most serious concern of society at
large.
All that has been said thus far should
654
COURTSHIP AFTER MARRIAGE
not be interpreted as minimizing in the
least the sacramental nature of mar-
riage as it rightfully is regarded by the
Church. To those who think deeply,
there is hardly anything in life that may
not properly be deemed sacred. In fact,
it is this sense of the sanctity, beauty,
and dignity of human relationships
that brings the greatest joy in life. But
it does not follow, because marriage is
sacramental, that courtship is to be con-
sidered as of divine origin, more than
any of the many other human relation-
ships. What really matters is the spe-
cific act of consecration. The mating of
man and wife may be elemental, a most
natural response to an imperative and
irresistible command; but God may not
have joined them together unless they
themselves have solemnly laid their
plighted troth on his altar.
This to me is the true significance and
beauty of the marriage service, so often
missed, alas, amid the pomp and the-
atricals of elaborate church weddings.
The thoughtless and the cynics, occu-
pied with thoughts of how the bride
looked or the groom behaved, are often
too unmindful of the fact that here are
two souls who have dared present them-
selves to dedicate their union before
God and in the sight of man. They
have solemnly pledged in prayer that,
come what may, they are determined
to show each other patience, reasonable-
ness, charity, forgiveness, loyalty, and
the love that pardoneth all things
throughout the trials and vicissitudes
of their wedded life.
Whether in a religious or a civil cere
mony, this is what all reasonable beings
should pledge. It is a solemn acknowl
edgment of the fundamental fact thai
falling in love is not nearly of as great
importance as the sacred act of mar-
riage itself. The emphasis should b(
placed, not simply by the Church, bul
by all society, on the sacramental na-
ture of married life.
Confucius said: 'A man and his wife
should be as guests to each other.1
Could anything more profound or more
exquisite be said of the marriage rela-
tion? Unfailing courtesy and deferential
consideration, thoughtful and delicate
attentions, rare patience and charity,
all that the hospitality of one soul to
another implies — is not this the final
answer to the whole problem of marriage
and divorce?
This, it seems to me, is the attitude
society should aim to foster: a more
natural approach to the sex-relation,
freedom from fantastic notions and arti-
ficial restraints, a shifting of emphasis
from the search for romantic courtships
to the necessity of a daily courtship
after marriage; in sum, insistence on a
simpler and deeper conception of happi-
ness, based on home loyalties, sacrifices,
and joyous revelations of life's myster-
ies, ' until Death us do part.'
HIPPOLYTUS
BY ANNE WINSLOW
IN these untarnished meadows, where the bee
Plies undisturbed his summer husbandry,
Where never sound of men who sow and reap
Vexes the earth's soft sleep,
All is so still I sometimes hear her pass;
Her foot's divinity has touched the grass
And left its bloom more fair,
And falls upon the air
A brightness from her hair.
Here in her timeless garden, where the hours •
Leave off their ringed dance, I wreathe pale flowers
To crown her brows. So would I gather peace
And find at last release
From the dark visions the immortals send;
They give men death, but man's blind fate no end;
Counting the wasted sands,
Knitting the broken strands
With their all-patient hands.
Like a dim legend written on the brain,
The shadows come; deep caverns yawn again
In the steep rocks, and monstrous deeds are done
Under an ancient sun.
Far voices call me and I hear the sound
Of endless hoof-beats on the echoing ground.
Why must you fall so fleet,
Dark and avenging feet,
While life and youth are sweet?
BY CHARLES A COURT REPINGTON
All Commonwealths ought to desire Peace, yet it
is necessary ever to be prepared for the War; because
Peace disarmed is weak, and without Reputation:
Therefore the Poets feign, that Pallas the Goddess of
Wisdom did always appear armed. — SIR WALTER
RALEIGH: The Arts of Empire.
THE Washington Conference is about
to open, with disarmament for its lead-
ing theme, and I think it may be inter-
esting to American readers if I give
them, for what it is worth, the deduc-
tions that I have drawn concerning dis-
armament and kindred subjects during
recent travels from the Baltic to the
^Egean and from the Channel to the
Black Sea. These journeys have occu-
pied me during the greater part of this
year and have brought me in contact
with most of the directing minds which
exercise authority in the old Continent,
as well as with many other people of all
classes, professions, and nationalities. I
write for American readers with the
greater pleasure because, wherever I
have been, I have found English and
American opinion firmly united, with
or without previous discussion or agree-
ment, on almost every single question
that distracts Europe, and I have cer-
tainly returned home with this fact as
the most satisfying, if not the only
satisfying, conclusion of my tour.
The Question of Disarmament
One may divide Europe, broadly
speaking, into three parts: the victors,
the vanquished, and the neutrals in the
late war. The victors are suffering from
indigestion, the vanquished from ex-
656
haustion, and the neutrals from the dis-
comforts inherent in propinquity to
sick neighbors. No people are happy;
no nation loves another; and it will take
years for the hates and jealousies aris-
ing out of both the war and the peace to
die down. Practically speaking the vic-
tors are still dominant and the van-
quished still in subjection. The victors
are dominant because they are com-
pelled, in greater or less degree, to re-
main armed until all the terms of the
peace treaties are carried out; and this
must be an affair of long years, because
the reparations exacted, though not a
tithe of the real cost of the damage
done, have been spread over long periods
of time, in order to make the payments
possible. The presence of numerous In-
ter-Allied commissions in the conquered
countries is a source of humiliation to
them, but cannot be helped, as they are
there in pursuance of treaties.
It is no satisfaction to the victors to
remain armed, because the cost is great
and every state is at its wits' end for
money. In fact, the destitution of
treasuries is so marked that even the
victors have to impose on their own
people almost unendurable burdens,
and in many cases do so with little re-
gard for the elementary principles of
economics, thus helping to prolong the
crisis of which even America is sensible.
But they dread that, if they do not re-
main armed and impose these burdens
on their taxpayers, the vanquished may
either recover and renew the war, or,
at all events, find good pretexts for dis-
continuing their payments, owing to
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
657
their recognition of the fact that there
is no power sufficient to coerce them.
In this event, certain of the victors will
reckon themselves ruined.
Therefore, the first unpleasant fact
to be faced is that the victors are still
armed and the vanquished almost en-
tirely disarmed; and that, though this
is an intolerable state of affairs, offers
no permanence, and heals no wounds,
an alternative is not within sight for
many years without risk of the renewal
of the war, which alternative is, of all
things, the one that nobody can
contemplate with equanimity. 'Peace
disarmed' would be not only 'without
reputation,' but a signal danger.
A conference aiming at disarmament
will observe that, England apart, and
America having side-tracked herself in
this business, the victors retain com-
pulsory service, while the vanquished, or
at least their governments, all pine for
such service and are not allowed to
have it. Similarly, the vast war-mate-
rial of the victors remains in existence,
rotting or rusting in part, perhaps, and
gradually growing out of date, but still
more or less fit for use; while the huge
war-material of the vanquished, greater
by far than anyone imagined at the
Armistice of 1918, has been swept into
the net of the victors and has either
been taken or destroyed. Disarmament?
Yes, it has been carried out by force,
but only in the case of the conquered
states.
Another cause for disquiet is the fact
that practically the whole of the able-
bodied population of Europe were
trained soldiers in 1918, or trained or-
ganizers or providers of the needs of
war, in one form or another. Therefore,
if some strong compelling sentiment
should make a people rise, it would only
need arms for numerically strong forces
to reappear as by magic, and all the
long training of the war period could be
dispensed with. This situation will not
VOL. its — NO. e
D
end for another fifteen or twenty years,
when all the veterans of the war-time
will be too old, or too stout, or too much
immersed in then* new occupations,
whatever these may be, to desire, or to
be able, to march and fight. The vic-
tors have seen very clearly that these
veterans cannot be destroyed, but that
war-material can be; and the various
Inter-Allied military commissions have
therefore concentrated upon mateiial,
and have shown relentless severity in
insisting upon a thorough surrender of
arms — not only of guns and rifles, aero-
planes and machine-guns, but of the
whole machinery of military equip-
ment, including carts and limbers, har-
ness, and all the thousands of articles
that go to make up a properly found
army. It is held that this action will
make the vanquished states incapable
of creating modern armies, except after
a long delay, which the victors will nat-
urally exploit.
The vanquished, on their side, have
naturally sought, by every available
means, to escape the control of the mili-
tary commissions, and, in effectives as
in armament, to conceal what they are
doing by more or less clever camouflage.
It has not succeeded, on the whole, but
there are still military organizations in
excess of treaty stipulations; there are
all sorts of pseudo-civilian societies,
associations of old soldiers, compulsory-
labor laws, and so forth, which are not
indeed very formidable, but which show
that the disposition endures to resus-
citate military power at the first oppor-
tunity. Similarly, there is a certain
amount of war-material still concealed
and undelivered, especially rifles and
machine-guns; but to me the wonder is
that so much has been given up, and I
feel confident that it would not have
been had the vanquished been certain
allied and associated powers that one
could name.
However, there it is, and that is the
658
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
present situation. But not quite all has
been said; for it is the decided and well-
weighed opinion of the best men in con-
trol of the military commissions that,
after they withdraw from the territories
of the vanquished states, it will not take
more than two years for the war-mate-
rial to be replaced, at all events in the
case of Germany; and that in five years
the whole of the vast war-material may
be renewed, quite apart from contracts
that may be made with neutrals, per-
haps through foreigners. Therefore,
the question arises whether these com-
missions should not be retained until
all the veterans are past the fighting
age; for though, by the Treaty of Ver-
sailles, it is the League of Nations that
has the duty of checking future designs
of an aggressive sort, the League will
have difficulty in carrying out this task;
and, in fact, no one believes that it can
do it.
Another real difficulty is that, when
we disarm a state, we practically be-
come, in a moral sense, trustees for her
internal order and external security. A
country whose forces are compulsorily
reduced to the vanishing-point may
not be able to suppress Spartacists, Bol-
sheviki, or what not; may not be able
to prevent bandits from crossing from
their territory into another, or to keep
out other peoples' bandits; while there
is the still more serious danger that the
government itself may become so weak
that it may lack authority, and be at
the mercy of a coup d'etat. This lack of
authority is one of the most constant
complaints of the vanquished states.
It is certain also that a long-service, vol-
untarily enlisted army, gendarmerie, or
police, offers an easier prey to intriguers
than a conscripted army based on short
service; for the latter constantly re-
freshes itself from the whole people,
whence it springs, while a volunteer
force has to be taken from less choice
elements, and in unsettled times and
territories easily becomes a sort of Prae-
torian Guard, or corps of Janissaries
at the call of the highest bidder. In
countries of peasant proprietors, it is
even difficult to recruit a voluntary
army at all.
These are among the problems that
Washington will have to confront on the
side of the recently vanquished states;
but perhaps they will be surpassed in
complexity when the armies of the Al-
lies are passed in review.
It is true that England will not have
much difficulty in securing a clean bill
of health, because we have scrapped
compulsion and all our military acts of
the war period. Except for the posses-
sion of better material and equipment,
and for the acquired precedent of creat-
ing a national army based, at need, on
compulsion, we are in a worse state of
military destitution than we were in
1914, — which is saying a good deal, —
whereas we have much greater commit-
ments all over the world, and a whole
series of new difficulties for which, in
ultimate analysis, force may be the
only remedy.
But when I think of our allies, they
will, I imagine, be asked to explain
their position; and they may possibly
be asked why, if the disarmament of
their late enemies has been in such large
measure accomplished, they do not
themselves disarm. The retention, prac-
tically all over Europe except in the
vanquished states, of compulsory mili-
tary service, and of the potentially huge
armies which derive from it, will not, I
imagine, escape comment. The case of
our allies I will, therefore, briefly state.
If we take France first, we must ad-
mit that she has the greatest, and, per-
haps, — with a saving clause for Japan,
— the only really great army in the
world. She has a numerous, well-or-
ganized, and splendidly equipped army,
much superior to her army of 1914, led
by commanders of the greatest distinc-
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
659
tion, and capable, as I verily believe, of
conquering Continental Europe. If a
Bonaparte came into view, he would
have a perfect instrument ready to his
hand, with this reservation, that — at
first, at all events — Frenchmen would
not march except in a good cause, and
with the object and scope of an opera-
tion clearly pointed out to them. But
such eventualities are, I hope, far from
us. French generals do not dabble in
politics, and the whole army despises
them. No political generals in France
survived the war-storm. No civilian
could, or would wish to, repeat the Napo-
leonic epopee, of which he would prob-
ably be the first victim. But even more
important is the fact that France's pop-
ulation is small, and that her strength
to-day, admittedly great though it be,
is merely a fortuitous and perhaps tem-
porary superiority of an army, and not
one of a people firmly based on founda-
tions of numbers, wealth, and science.
France might march on Berlin, even on
Moscow, and reach both with ease; but
she is quite incapable of confronting the
subsequent hostility of the world, or
even of Europe, which every aggressor
must expect who attempts to emulate
the projects of Napoleon or Wilhelm
II. We must keep our heads cool when
we observe the brilliant power of France.
The maintenance of the French
army at its present standard of num-
bers and efficiency is due to want of
confidence in the future; and if France
pleads this want of confidence, one
must be just to her and lay the blame
where it is mainly due, namely, upon
the lapse of the Anglo-American guar-
anty. France reluctantly consented to
abandon her defensive plans on the
Rhine because America, and England
if America ratified the agreement, were
to give France a guaranty against Ger-
man aggression in the future. Two
years have passed, and America has not
ratified that undertaking. Consequent-
ly our adhesion falls to the ground,
although our Parliament accepted the
liability under the conditions named.
Very likely we on this side of the water
were very great fools, and curiously ill-
informed of the real state of public opin-
ion in America, when we signed that
conditional guaranty. That remark
applies to our Government, if the cap
fits them. It depends upon whether
our former Ambassador at Washington
warned the Government that the
American Senate might not second the
guaranty of President Wilson. I do not
know whether our Ambassador gave a
warning or not. But the public in Eng-
land and France certainly never had the
glimmer of a suspicion that a guaranty
signed by a President of the United
States and countersigned by a Secre-
tary of State, in a vital matter affecting
the safety of France and the future
peace of Europe, would not be honored
hi America.
It is impossible not to attribute a
very large share of France's want of
confidence in the future to the above
cause, and a very large share of Eu-
rope's unrest to France's want of con-
fidence. Over and over again I have
been told by French statesmen and
generals that France would never have
taken the unrelenting course that she
has taken toward Germany had the
Anglo-American guaranty stood. Over
and over again I have been assured by
representatives of all the allied and
associated powers that Germany would
never have dared to confront that com-
bination, and that, secured by the
guaranty, France would, and could safe-
ly, have disarmed. The fact that none
of these things happened is the main
cause of the sanctions, the Upper Sile-
sian trouble, the reparation wrangles,
and most of the resulting unrest that
has followed throughout Europe, which
seems to take its cue from the barom-
eter of Franco-German relations.
660
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
I am not blaming America in the
least. Our own long-established prac-
tice, to keep out of continental entangle-
ments when we can, is as deeply rooted
in principle as that of the United States,
to steer clear of European commit-
ments. The difference between us is
merely the difference between the
breadth of the Channel and the breadth
of the Atlantic. By that much our pol-
icy differs from yours; but it is a differ-
ence of degree, and not of kind. But
for all that, when one observes, as every
traveler through Europe must observe
daily, the truly appalling results that
have followed from this failure, miscon-
ception, desertion, or whatever one
should term it, one stands aghast at the
consequences, and laments the little wis-
dom with which the world is governed.
France has no definite guaranty now
that any state but Belgium, and per-
haps Poland, will support her when
Germany feels strong enough to act;
and in the sheer desperation of self-de-
fense, has thought it necessary to in-
flict upon her neighbor one humiliation
after another, in order to make her, and
keep her, weak. The policy of broad
and genial tolerance, which would have
so well become a country with France's
generous traditions, she could not fol-
low, for with her forty millions there
were over against her seventy million
Germans, with a far higher natality;
and France saw no salvation except in
the rigid exaction of all her treaty
rights, so that Germany, for a great
number of years hence, might be inhib-
ited from even dreaming of revenge.
But when one thinks of the dry-powder
reTime under which France has been
living for so long, and of all the terrible
injuries inflicted on her by Germany
in the past, one can understand, and
tout comprendre c'est tout pardonner.
If France declares at Washington that
nothing tangible except her army stands
between the world and the renewal of
the war by Germany, I do not know how
she can be gainsaid. In the circum-
stances, it is the truth. I even think
that we English and Americans, having
left to France the largest share of the
war, must feel a tinge of shame at leav-
ing also to her the main burden of en-
forcing the peace, with all the obloquy
that follows.
Italy will plead that she has greatly
reduced her army and diminished the
service periods. She can say with jus-
tice that her policy has been concilia-
tory, and that she has shunned adven-
tures. But she can also show that the
Anschluss movement in Austria has
underlined the danger of Austria join-
ing Germany, and she can point out
that such an act would bring Germany
down to her borders. Yugoslavia can
urge that both Hungary and Bulgaria
are uneasy neighbors; Czechoslovakia,
that she is liable to be stifled by the
Germans round her, and has Austria
and Hungary to fear. Rumania can
point to dangers from three neighbors,
and, above all, from the Soviet, armies
upon the Dniester, and from the bulk of
the Bolshevist reserves not far away.
Belgium has too complete a case to
bring up from 1914, for anyone to find
fault with her for abandoning her neu-
trality and reorganizing her army on
more modern lines; while Poland can
say that she has recently saved Europe
from the Reds by her military exertions.
Lastly, there is Greece, who can show
that she went to Asia Minor at the re-
quest of the Allies, who have since let
her down and given her no assistance,
because she chose, in the full plentitude
of popular right, to recall her King.
Two states of unequal importance
and discordant character will stand al-
most wholly beyond the influence of the
Washington Conference. These are
Russia and Turkey. The picture that
we make of both is not a pleasant one;
but in reference to armaments they
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
661
cannot be excluded, because the exist-
ence of their armed forces is primarily
the cause of countervailing armies in
the countries round them. If Poland,
Rumania, and Greece are more immedi-
ately affected for the moment, it must
not be forgotten how far Russia extends,
or how insidiously the Turks are able
to work upon Mohammedan sentiment
in Asia and Africa. Nothing final in the
nature of reduction in armaments can
be settled until these two contuma-
cious peoples rejoin the comity of na-
tions. No one can say when they will.
Neither seems to possess the capacity,
either for evolution or for repentance.
There are also alliances, supple-
mented by military agreements, be-
tween certain states of Europe, which
may tell against the conclusion of agree-
ments to disarm. France has a treaty
and a military agreement with Belgium,
and, perhaps, understandings, at least,
with other states. In the east of Europe
the Little Entente unites Rumania,
Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and Po-
land in a series of alliances which
Greece may possibly join; and all these
states may plead, not only these under-
standings, but their fear of warlike
> neighbors, as reasons for maintaining
their military strength.
For all these reasons we cannot be
sure that disarmament, or reduction of
armaments, so far as they relate to
land forces, will have more than a suc-
ces d'estime at Washington. It is not a
favorable moment to discuss this ques-
tion, and it is even open to argument
whether a direct attack on armaments
is the best way of securing either their
diminution or their abolition. I hap-
pened to take an unimportant part in
the first Peace Conference at The
Hague in the year 1899, when all the
states of the world were not separated
by the terrible antagonisms aroused by
the late war. We were very well inten-
tioned, very friendly, and set out to
discover a formula for the reduction of
armaments, in response to the late
Tsar's humanitarian appeal. We could
not find one, though we sought high
and low for it, and a very good Amer-
ican delegation helped us in our search.
Time has passed, and the urgency of
the question may lead to the discovery
of the formula for which we sought in
vain; but I am not confident that it will.
Recently I had the pleasure of meet-
ing again that very competent Belgian
lawyer, M. Rolin Jacquemyns, who
also was at the Peace Conference of
1899, and is now the Belgian represent-
ative on the Rhineland High Commis-
sion. We compared notes and were
both convinced that the creation of the
Permanent Court of Arbitration at
The Hague, which was the chef-d'ceuvre
of our Conference, was of more value
than the League of Nations is ever
likely to be. The Court still exists and
has done much useful work. To it
should have been submitted the Upper
Silesia case. The Hague Court repre-
sents the main idea that seemed to me
to be in President Harding's mind at
the time of the late presidential election
in the United States; and I hoped that
we were on the right track once more
and were getting back to practical
politics after our Geneva day-dreams.
I shall retain that hope till the end.
An International Court of Arbitra-
tion, rather than a spurious form of
world-government like the League, is
the real remedy for most of the present
troubles of the world. But I would like
to see its importance magnified a hun-
dred times by the acceptance of the
principle of obligatory arbitration by
all the states of the world. That condi-
tion we could not secure in 1899, be-
cause several states insisted on with-
drawing from the purview of the Court
all questions in which ' honor and vital
interests' were involved. That reserva-
tion practically made the Court useless
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
at the time when it would have been
most needed. If the United States
were ever great enough and wise enough
to accept the principle of compulsory
arbitration, I cannot name the state
that would not follow her. Can any ar-
bitral decision, even against the claims
of any one of us, cause one millionth
part of the ruin and loss of life and
treasure of the late war? And, on the
other hand, compulsory arbitration is a
sure means of sterilizing armaments,
since, once international arbitration
becomes our settled rule in diplomacy,
the use of force must end; for no state
would be so foolish as to keep up ex-
pensive forces for long when there was
no use for them. On these lines, and I
believe on these lines only, can the de-
sign that must stand behind the assem-
bly of the Washington Conference be
carried out to its logical completion.
I suppose that we shall not hear very
much of the League of Nations at Wash-
ington. It was mainly American handi-
work, but America's refusal to recog-
nize her own child has relegated it to
the political workhouse. No world-
authority can exist when the United
States, Germany, and Russia have no
share in it. There are League enthusi-
asts here, as there doubtless are in
America, and we must admire the devo-
tion with which the League works and-
accumulates mountains of documents
and reports. But we must also admit
that it makes little progress and has
scant authority. Some say that the
Council of the League is a mere crea-
ture of the French and British Foreign
Offices. Others declare Geneva to be a
focus of international intrigue. In any
case, it is common ground that the
League has no authority, and no force
at its back except that of moral per-
suasion; and that it can do nothing but
report, warn, or recommend. With dif-
ficulty it has at last agreed that the
election of judges to an International
Court of Justice shall be placed on its
agenda at its second assembly, which is
taking place as I write; but I do not
know why this Court should be any bet-
ter than, or even so good as, our Hague
Court of the first Peace Conference.
To take two years to begin to duplicate
the machinery that we finished twen-
ty-two years ago does not strike me as
an achievement of great merit. The
real practical international diplomacy
of the moment, in all but American
affairs, is controlled by the Supreme
Council and by the Council of Ambassa-
dors in Paris, both of which are, in ef-
fect, instruments for registering the de-
cisions of the Allied cabinets. The
League is left to its pious aspirations,
and the main* stream of diplomacy
passes it by. Even when it has taken up
a question like that of Armenia, with
passionate earnestness, the only result
has been that its protege has become
either Kemalist or Red; while in the
matter of mandates, the United States
has protested against decisions made
without its approval, and the whole
question is consequently hung up. Well
may a French statesman have said to
himself sarcastically every morning in
the spring of 1919, as he rose from his
bed: 'Georges Clemenceau, you believe
in the League of Nations.'
The Sorrows of Europe
In what particular manner President
Harding and Mr. Hughes will change
the situation for the better, we shall all
learn presently; but that the old Conti-
nent of Europe is beset with immense
difficulties, political, social, economic,
and commercial, is manifest to a travel-
er in every country that he visits. I
place the question of exchange first
among the anxieties of Europe; and it
is needless to remark how gravely
British and American trade have been
affected by it. It is not only the depre-
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
663
ciation that has hit the world so hard,
but the constant fluctuations, which
have ruined confidence, caused every
trader to think many times before he
closes a deal, and involved, not only
foreign merchants, but many British
and American ones as well, in very
severe losses. The foreigner, except in
the case of a few neutrals, cannot afford
to buy from us at the present rates, and
consequently purchases only what he
cannot produce or buy elsewhere. In
many cases, foreigners refuse to pay for
our goods on arrival, because the local
exchange has fallen since the order was
given. In some cases, notably in Ru-
mania, the inefficiency and inadequacy
of the railway service preclude the for-
warding of our goods from ports when
they are landed; and there the goods
remain for months, on the quays, often
perishing from exposure.
Is there no remedy against this dead-
ly injury of the depreciated European
exchanges? I know of none except
work, thrift, retrenchment, and time.
But I think that we should explore the
repudiation of old currencies, the re-
placement of old units by new, and cur-
rency reform based on the international
redistribution of gold. Sound currency
stands at the base of sound trade; but
as America holds most of the gold of
the world, it is up to her to initiate
reform.
People curse Versailles for not hav-
ing stabilized exchanges at the time of
the Peace Conference; but when one
looks into the procedure recommended,
it is usually evident that the remedy is
to declare that one crown, mark, franc,
dinar, or lewa, is worth five, or possibly
ten. Artificial stabilization is financial
quack medicine. International finance
may be very clever, but apparently it is
disarmed in presence of conditions with
which it had no previous acquaintance.
Some people think, seeing how the
hard-working countries like Germany
undersell us owing to their depreciated
exchanges, that their governments pro-
mote this depreciation. I have seen no
evidence of it. The fall makes it enor-
mously more difficult for countries to
pay their foreign debts; and those
countries at all dependent on foreign
imports naturally have to pay through
the nose for them. The depreciation,
or, at least, the fluctuations, may be in
part accounted for by speculation and
gambling, which proceed on a vast
scale; but, taking the situation as a
whole, the fall seems generally justified
by foreign debts, by inflation, by inter-
nal exhaustion, by reduced output per
man per day, by consequent failure of
productivity, and by the inability of
many countries to complete the recon-
struction of their state machinery,
without which their wealth cannot be
fully exploited.
The countries doing best are those in
which Labor is most moderate in the
standards of wages and living it accepts,
and in which governments provide
cheap coal and relatively cheap food.
This is Germany's strength. She is
resolutely setting to work, and all
classes are accepting a standard of liv-
ing and of wages far below ours and
even farther below the American scale.
Compare the seventeen shillings per
ton for German coal at the Ruhr pit-
heads with the price we have to pay;
and compare the fifty pounds a year of
the German bank-clerk with the pay of
the English or American clerk! This
difference runs through all German
social and industrial life, and there is,
besides, a rigid elimination of waste,
which is unknown with us.
The combination of the benefit from
a depreciated exchange and that de-
rived from low wages and poor living is
enough to account for our difficulty in
competing with German trade. In
many other countries the scale of re-
muneration of the highest dignitaries
664
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
is preposterously small. In Austria the
President of the Republic draws only
eighty pounds a year, and heads of de-
partments in the Foreign Office tell me
that they cannot afford a new suit of
clothes. The High Court Judge in Bu-
charest draws sixteen pounds a month,
and the lieutenant four pounds. How
they manage to live at all, with prices
at their present height in these coun-
tries, is one of those mysteries which I
have not been able to penetrate, though
we must, of course, admit that the pur-
chasing power of the local currency in
the country itself is much higher than
the English or American equivalent of
it would be in London or New York. A
few countries have checked inflation
and are bravely facing their liabilities;
but in many — and Poland and Aus-
tria are the worst cases — inflation goes
on, and selfishness often prevents the
imposition of taxes needed for recon-
struction.
Generally speaking, I regard this
question of the rates of exchange as
much more vital to England and Amer-
ica than to Continental Europe, though
in one way or another all suffer from
the present situation. We are really in
presence of a state of chaos which in-
jures all the world, and only the union
of the world for the purpose of mending
matters can improve conditions. In this
matter, America might take the lead,
and, by collecting the best practical ex-
ports, endeavor to formulate a solution.
The Brussels Economic Conference
gave us the most excellent advice upon
the questions of state finance and eco-
nomics; but something more is needed
before we can go ahead. Unless some
financial genius can discover a remedy,
one must regard British and American
trade with Continental Europe as al-
most dead for a long time to come.
Second only to the exchanges, there
comes the urgent need of freeing inter-
national trade by every possible means
from the very great obstacles which are
at present accumulated in its path. I
refer especially to passports, custom-
houses, tariffs, permits, and all the vast
machinery for selfish national isolation
which seems especially devised, not to
assist trade, but to hamper it. The
grand tour of Europe is no joke in these
days. One's passport becomes a formid-
able document. One must get a vise in
advance for every country through
which one passes, even if one does not
propose to stop there. One must carry
only a very limited amount of the local
money out of each country; and in
traveling across a number of states one
must carry the coinage, or rather the
horrible paper, of each. The trader is
greatly handicapped by a system of
permits, and export and import duties,
and the wonder is how any trader gets a
ton of goods into, or out of, any coun-
try. This arises from state control of
trade, and everything shows that, what-
ever else the state may be, it is a failure
as a merchant.
We see the system at work to kill
trade in full perfection in the Succes-
sion States of Austria. The old Austro-
Hungarian Empire was favorably situ-
ated economically, because different
parts of it supplied things that other
parts lacked, and everything passed
freely from one province to another.
There was internal free trade, and the
Empire was almost self-supporting.
Hungary sent her wheat and her tim-
ber, Bohemia sent her coal and sugar,
Styria and the other parts all their pro-
ducts. It was less the Austrian mar-
riages that made Austria happy than the
very shrewd business sense which real-
ized that certain provinces were needed
to supply Austria's deficiencies.
Now all this economically happy
state of affairs has terminated. The
Succession States have all closed their
frontiers against Austria and against
each other. Each has its own currency,
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
665
and has set to work to build up customs
barriers on every side against the terri-
tories with which it once traded freely.
This has injured the present Austria
most, and has indeed reduced her state
finance almost to extremities by com-
pelling her to pay vast sums for wheat
and coal. But before long the selfish
Succession States found that, in in-
juring Austria, they were losing their
customers and injuring themselves; so,
by the natural force of circumstances,
we shall in due course see a change of
policy for which Austria, Hungary, and
even Czechoslovakia are almost ripe.
But the big idea of Dr. Benes, the
Foreign Minister of Czechoslovakia, to
create the United States of Central Eu-
rope by a series of tariff agreements be-
tween half a dozen states in this part of
the world, may take long to be carried
out; for in some quarters the tendency
is still to pile on duties, chiefly in order
to collect money, but also to protect
home industries.
The broad fact remains that interna-
tional trade is grievously hampered,
and that it should be our object to free
it from its fetters, both for our own
sakes and for the sake of these small
countries which are busy strangling
each other to no possible benefit for
themselves. I believe that the quickest
and most drastic cure for the evils of Eu-
rope, and failing currency and exchange
reform, would be a year of completely
free trade, with no tariffs at all, inward
or outward; but one must confess that
the nations concerned, not to speak of
others, have not yet reached such a state
of grace as to accept a remedy of so
novel and so violent a kind. The ten-
dencies, on the whole, are the other
way. Even on the international rivers,
; the smaller riverain states are most ten-
acious of what they call their rights, and
claim powers which the regime of inter-
national law does not allow them.
All governments want money, wheth-
er to administer the state or to re-
ward political friends. Therefore the
rule is to tax everybody and every-
thing, but especially the foreigner. The
export duty on Rumanian oil is a typi-
cal case; for, if it hits directly the for-
eign capital invested in this industry,
it also injures a source of local wealth,
and gives a subsidy to other states
which supply oil. The idea of a fixed
export tax, laid on regardless of world-
prices and falling-values, is one which
must have originated in a lunatic asy-
lum. In other places we discover a con-
sortium, or government trading-ma-
chine, which supplies posts for political
adherents, usually ignorant of trade
needs and practices; and it need scarce-
ly be said that it trades badly, and im-
poses on the produce of the country
quite needless losses, often failing to
find markets at all. In short, there is
every grade of incompetence to be
found as we pursue our inquiry; while,
of course, the immense loss and damage
of the war has thrown numerous states
into a disorganized condition and com-
munications have particularly suffered.
Another change, which we in Eng-
land, at all events, watch with some
anxiety, is the agrarian policy, which
has taken the form, in several states, of
distributing the land among the peas-
ants. It may have been, and it was in
some cases, a political necessity, and
may have prevented an agrarian revo-
lution; but the effect which it will have
upon the export of cereals is of consid-
erable interest to the world. The great
estates are being broken up and re-
placed by small holdings, which usually
run from some three acres in Alpine
regions up to twenty acres in average
arable land, rising again to six hundred
acres at most for the old proprietors.
There is no universal scale, nor even the
same scale in all the provinces of each
separate country; but the general effect
is to replace large landed properties by
666
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
small ones, with various scales of com-
pensation — all very low — to the for-
mer landlords. Most of these laws were
passed in the first flush of revolutionary
enthusiasm after the war. In some
cases they have been widely applied, in
some partially, and in others scarcely
at all. But all the laws stand, and it is
the general belief that the exportable
surplus of cereals, and especially of
wheat, will diminish with a generalized
peasant-proprietorship. The tendency
of the small holder is to grow patchy
crops, primarily for his own food and
that of his family; and there will not be
the capital necessary for rich manuring,
for providing modern agricultural ma-
chinery, or for purchasing high-class
stock. On the other hand, a plurality of
landowners means more stable political
conditions, and may lead, some hope,
to increased production, owing to the
personal interest of each small farmer
in his land.
Some attempts have been made by
the proletariat, notably in North Italy,
to seize factories and to exploit them
for the exclusive benefit of the workers.
These attempts have failed, because
the new men in possession found them-
selves quite incapable of managing the
administrative part of the work, the
contracts, and the sales. They, there-
fore, in many cases, invited the old pro-
prietors and managers to return, while
the bourgeois parties created the fas-
cisti in Italy, and took other measures
to defend themselves.
In general, the tyranny, the excesses,
and the fearful results of the Russian
Revolution, have sunk deeply into the
minds of the workers in Europe. If Bol-
shevism had been specially designed to
expose the futility and uneconomic ab-
surdity of the theories of Karl Marx, it
could not have more appropriately car-
ried out its mission than it has done
during the last four years. The error,
and the tragedy of the error, have been
denounced to the workers of Europe by
many missions to Russia composed of
men of extreme views. With few excep-
tions these men have confessed them-
selves horror-stricken by the conditions
they have found; and though Commu-
nism is not everywhere dead in Europe,
there has been a powerful reaction
against the disruptive theories of a few
years ago. The affair really came to a
head in the Bolshevist invasion of Po-
land; and if the failure of that attack
did not convince Lenin and his dupes
of the futility of their theories, it con-
veyed to them, at all events, a sense of
their weakness against even partially
trained troops; and since then Bolshe-
vism has been steadily losing ground in
countries other than Russia. There are
some communistic centres in Europe
where outbreaks of this disease may
recur, but I do not know the country in
Europe which has any serious fear now
that its people can be stampeded by the
fanatics of Moscow. The experiences of
Berlin and Munich, Vienna and Buda-
pest, have sufficed. The country has
one hold over the towns : it can always
starve them.
The disruption of four great historic
empires, and the substitution for them
of various forms of democratic rule,
have naturally caused immense disturb-
ance in the political atmosphere, and
the political weather is most uncertain.
Bulgaria keeps her dynasty, and Aus-
tria thinks more of joining Germany
than of recalling the Hapsburgs; but
Hungary is monarchical, and would
have a king to-morrow if she dared;
while a large and influential part of the
German population remains in princi-
ple monarchical, and desires to revert
to that form of government. The Ger-
man Empire acquired its former great
position under a kaiser, and every Ger-
man is regretful of the past.
The present government of Dr. Wirth
and the personality of this honest
DISARMAMENT AND THE STATE OF EUROPE
667
Swabian, are very highly esteemed by
the Allied and Associated diplomatic
bodies in Berlin. Chancellor Wirth is
endeavoring to do his duty by the
Treaty of Versailles, as well as by his
own people. But he has to call upon
the German people to double the state
revenue in order to pay reparations;
and though I am convinced that he can
do it if he meets with proper support,
politics hi Germany are very bitter, and
the parties of reaction stick at nothing.
All the old reactionary forces are still in
existence. The Army, the Church, and
the Universities combine with the land-
lords and the great industrial magnates
to make things difficult for a govern-
ment which has no great prestige for
want of past successes, and has the in-
vidious task of sending the hat round
for the Allies. The mass of the Left, and
even some of the intermediate parties,
have at present rallied to the Chan-
cellor's support; and if street demon-
strations count for much, the majority
of the voters are for him. The Allies
have abolished the Rhine customs as a
tribute to him; but, owing to the oppo-
sition of France, have not withdrawn
from Diisseldorf, Ruhrort, and Duis-
burg, as Dr. Wirth has very earnestly
pleaded that they should.
The Right parties in Germany com-
plain that the Government lacks au-
thority, cannot represent the country
with the old distinction, and is subser-
vient to the Allies. Most of the notable
leaders of the Imperialist party are get-
ting on in years, and they probably feel
that time is on the side of German Re-
publicanism. In a few years most of
the old officers will have settled down
to new occupations and may retain lit-
tle more than a sentimental attach-
ment to Kaiserism. The Right probably
feel that they cannot afford to wait, and
they count, with some reason, upon the
national pride, which revolts against
the peace and the surrender to the Al-
lied ultimatum of last May. But it
seems to be the prescriptive right of
this party to make colossal blunders,
and the assassination of Erzberger,
almost condoned as it was by many
Opposition newspapers, is the last on
the list.
No one can safely predict the future
of German politics, which depend
on events that cannot be foreseen; but
that the character of the new Chan-
cellor and the policy of his Government
offer the best ascertainable chance for
the gradual pacification, not only of
Germany, but of Europe, will not be
disputed by the closest observers of
European politics.
For the reasons stated in the earlier
part of this article, I do not think that
very much can be expected from the
meeting at Washington in the way of
reduction of land forces. With respect
to navies it is different, because there
are only three great navies that count,
and none of these is specially concerned
in the enforcement of the terms of peace
upon our late enemies, who have no na-
vies at all. It is, therefore, merely a ques-
tion of agreeing to a mutual stand-still
in naval armaments; and this question,
it would seem, should present no insup-
erable difficulties.
But I cannot think that such an im-
portant conference will break up with-
out suggesting a remedy for the ills
which I have briefly described. Arma-
ments are symptoms of a political dis-
ease, but are not the disease itself. The
real diseases of the world are unstable
exchanges, unsound currencies, ham-
pered trade, and the false nationalism
•which shuns obligatory arbitration.
Cure these diseases and armaments
cure themselves.
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
BY WALTER B. PITKIN
EVERY civilized man wants peace.
But peace has its price, payable in two
installments. The first installment is
disarmament. The second consists of
all the consequences, political, econo-
mic, religious, and racial, which must
flow from the laying down of arms.
Nine tax-payers out of ten sigh for the
privilege of paying the first installment
at once. But are they willing to pay the
balance of the bill?
This is the world's gravest question
to-day. It must be faced and answered
before the close of the Washington Con-
ference. Thus far it has been evaded.
Most people, who are always looking
for a panacea, dream that disarmament
alone will bring the Golden Age. Oth-
ers, more canny, admit that the move
may involve some unpleasant changes,
but they belittle these. Only a few
thousand bankers, international trad-
ers, and political specialists foresee
some of the startling transformations
that must ensue. And nobody knows
all the impending upheavals.
It is these certainties and uncertain-
ties that cause well-informed men, who
have no interest in bolstering up mili-
tarism, to doubt the wisdom, as well as
the possibility, of quick disarmament.
They all know that the Conference
will make no effort to disarm the world,
1 The phraseology of this paper is not intend-
ed as a reflection upon the recent statement of
Secretary Hughes that the subject of the forth-
coming Conference is to be limitation of arma-
ments rather than disarmament. — THE EDITOR.
(568
but will only reduce army and navy ex-
penses; which, as one close thinker re-
marked, 'will bring disarmament about
as fast as a cheapening of automobiles
will abolish transportation.' Many for-
eign observers no longer believe that
even such a reduction of costs is the
primary aim. They see America striv-
ing to force Japan's hand by compelling
her to define her Asiatic policies under
the pretext of a peace move. Lieuten-
ant-General Sato advises the Japanese
Government to send no men of the first
rank to the Conference, ' but only those
who are fluent in foreign languages, and
sociable.' For, in common with some
French critics, he thinks the whole af-
fair will dwindle to a string of brilliant
dinners and press-agent hurrahs. Be-
hind their caustic doubts lie many hard
facts too jauntily overlooked by most
peace-lovers. The longer we shut our
eyes to them, the longer we must wait
for world peace.
The Conference faces six obstacles
of the first magnitude — and heaven
knows how many lesser hindrances. By
all odds the greatest is the chaos in
China. Next ranks the chaos in Russia,
coupled with Russia's absence from the
arms parley. The third is a profound
dilemma in Japan's national policy; the
fourth a similar one in our own, and
both dilemmas aggravated by the les-
sons of the World War. The fifth is the
still unbroken power of the militarist
party in Japan. And the sixth is the
sheer physical impossibility of devising
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
669
a disarmament programme that will
affect equally or equitably all partici-
pants. Probably no one or two of these
obstacles would suffice to thwart the
Conference. The menace lies in all six
working in conjunction and reinforced
by a host of lesser difficulties, economic,
political, and social, the whole tangle
involving billions of human beings, bil-
lions in money, a hundred theories, and
a hundred aspirations and prejudices of
race and creed.
Is not the task too great for the mind
of man? Is it not one which only a
politician would rush at hopefully?
Whether we think so or not, one thing
is pretty clear: the organization and
the membership of the Conference be-
tray an amazing neglect of the inmost
nature of the Pacific problems. To real-
ize this, one need only recall the follow-
ing facts.
The invitation to the Conference
made clear that, until the nations of the
Pacific reached some understanding as
to then* rights and policies in that area,
it would be vain to move for disarma-
ment. The stakes are too huge, the
conflict of interests too acute, the dis-
parity of ethical and political codes too
gross. This view was promptly accepted
by almost every statesman at home and
abroad. It is axiomatic, in spite of the
sentimentalists and ignoramuses who
say that wars are caused by talking
war, that the way to disarm is to dis-
arm, and that America must lead the
world in idealism — whatever that
may mean. Let us see how President
Harding applied this statesman-like
principle.
All major problems of the Pacific,
save that of Asiatic emigration, centre
in China and Siberia. There lie, still
barely scratched, the world's vastest
treasuries of raw materials, the greatest
forests on earth, the hugest coal-fields,
stupendous iron-deposits, millions of
acres that some day must yield wheat
and cotton. There too swarm some
four hundred million unappeased con-
sumers of manufactured goods, a multi-
tude greater than the combined popu-
lations of Western Europe, North
America, and Australia, with Japan
thrown in for good measure.
China and Siberia are richer in eco-
nomic resources and in man-power than
all these lands. Beside them, all the
rest of the Pacific area is rather insig-
nificant. They are the two problems
of the Pacific. But neither China nor
Siberia can be reckoned with at the
Conference. Neither will be truly pres-
ent there. Neither will be able to pre-
sent or to defend its rights and policies.
And there is not the remotest chance
that either will like the decisions of
the foreigners.
Here, then, is the comedy, and here
the stuff of which tragedies are woven.
Briton, Yankee, and Japanese meet to
usher in world peace. They dare not
discuss laying down arms until each
knows what the other two are planning
to do with the Far East. What each
can there do depends in the long run
upon the wishes of the Chinese and Si-
berians, unless these peoples are to be
overawed by force. If thus bullied,
Asia will see no disarmament, noV can
America. If bullying ceases, China and
Siberia will automatically settle their
own destinies; for they will then have
the freedom to do so, as well as the
desire.
Thus the Washington Conference
must choose either to disarm and leave
Asia to the Asiatics, or else to run Asia
and maintain immense fleets. The first
alternative wrecks the policy of every
non-Asiatic power. The second makes
the Conference futile. Lacking the
moral courage to solve this dilemma,
the delegates may dodge the problem
of disarmament and confine themselves
to the task of trimming budgets. But
even this develops painful difficulties.
670
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
n
Look first at the chaos in China,
around which all other difficulties re-
volve. That land is rotting, politically
and socially. It is an indescribable pan-
demonium. Famine, pestilence, civil
wars, and the alien enemy at the gates
have undermined its frail structure of
state. Corrupt politicians and foreign
adventurers prey upon the weakened
members. And the masses sink deeper
into the sleep of opium, while the classes
burn with a new hatred of the foreigners
who contribute to the ruin.
Two governments wave their ban-
ners, one at Peking, the other in Can-
ton. And a third is struggling to be
born at Hupeh. The Peking affair is a
scream. Led by President Hsu Shih-
chang, a gentle philosopher and poet of
renown, it is the vilest militarism in all
the world to-day. Honest, noble, and
unworldly, Hsu was cleverly chosen by
a bogus legislature made up of the
henchmen of China's two mighty war
lords, Chang Tso-lin and Tsao Kun,
who are busy making money at the
country's expense. Hsu is not a party
to their disgraceful ventures and treach-
eries. He protests much, and some-
times manages to thwart them for a
time, in lesser affairs. But, as they con-
trol the armies and collect taxes and
play practical politics with veteran skill,
Hsu disturbs them little.
Only three or four of China's eight-
een provinces even feign to obey Pe-
king. In reality these do not, for they
are the domains of the three war lords
who created Hsu's regime. Hsu gets
taxes and obedience from them only
when the war lords feel like contribut-
ing either, which is not often. Last
July, Chang Tso-lin, being short of
change, pocketed the salt revenues of
Manchuria, where he rules. The tuchun
(military governor) of Shantung re-
cently appropriated the post-office re-
ceipts. In three other provinces, the
retiring officials were graciously per-
mitted to take with them considerable
funds from the treasury. And thus
everywhere and always.
The result is chronic bankruptcy at
Peking. Troops go unpaid for months.
Sometimes they mutiny, as at Ichang
and Wuchang, last summer, where they
pillaged terribly. To check such out-
breaks, Hsu has raised money by 'di-
verting' the educational appropria-
tions. For nine months teachers have
gone penniless, and the schools have
been closed by a teachers' and students '
strike. These funds being lamentably
inadequate, the Government has lately
pressed the Chinese Eastern Railway for
a twenty-five-year-old debt, and has al-
lowed that company to pay up with a
bond issue, put out on such terms that
only the Japanese would consider buy-
ing it, and they not for profit so much
as for political reasons. At the same
time Hsu and his Cabinet have been
making desperate economies in small
matters. Their auditors have found
1256 office-holders in Peking drawing
two or more salaries; the ministers are
reorganizing their staffs downward, and
some high officials have been invited to
accept half-pay. All of which does not
improve Hsu's credit at the banks, as
we mark in his emergency loan of a
million dollars last summer, on which
he was obliged to pay 18 per cent inter-
est. The only wonder is that the finan-
ciers did not demand 50 per cent.
The Cabinet and departments are
befuddled and disorganized past all be-
lief. They appeared at their worst in
the recent radio dispute. Seemingly,
the Government had granted three
wireless concessions to as many parties,
all overlapping and incompatible. The
fact was, though, that no Government
granted any concession. The Ministry
of the Navy entered into an agreement
with the Mitsui Company in 1918.
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
671
The Ministry of War did likewise with
the Marconi Company in 1919. And
last January the Ministry of Communi-
cations followed suit with the Federal
Wireless Company, an American con-
cern. The first two agreements carried
plain monopoly rights, and it was this
fact that caused our State Department
to protest. An investigation showed
that each ministry serenely ignored, or
else knew nothing about, what the
other two were doing; and neither Pres-
ident nor Cabinet checked up on the
ridiculous performance. Which moves
us to quote the old China trader's re-
mark on Chinese politics: 'When you
are through fighting for the Open Door
in China, you'll open it and find no-
body at home.'
So shaky is this rag-doll government
of Peking that, before these lines are
printed, it may be a thing of the past.
What follows it will depend chiefly
upon two men, Chang Tso-lin and Sun
Yat-sen.
The Canton government is a model
of neatness and strength beside Hsu's.
And its founder commands respect even
among his opponents. President Sun is
pretty generally regarded as a patriot of
high intelligence, and the vital force be-
hind the New China. For a decade he
has championed a genuine democracy,
and has drawn to his side many of the
best minds. Unhappily, though, the
masses have not seen fit to follow the
best minds — a familiar habit of masses
everywhere. The ordinary Chinese has
no interest in politics, which he looks
upon as a somewhat shady business,
less profitable than peddling opium,
and less agreeable than gambling. The
people who count in politics are the
hordes of small office-holders, who look
to it for a livelihood, the thousands of
poppy farmers, who need political pro-
tection, and the corrupt mandarins
and tuchuns, who subsist on likin,
'squeeze,' and simple 'appropriation.'
Now all these worthies fear Sun, and
either oppose him, use his movement
for their own ends, or else hold aloof,
under the pretense of favoring provin-
cial autonomy instead of a strong cen-
tral government. Many Europeans and
Japanese in the treaty ports dislike Sun
for reasons only a degree nicer. Some
brand him as a Bolshevik and accuse
him of playing Lenin's game.
This is absurd. Sun stands for the
simple democracy which Americans be-
lieved in half a century ago. He thinks
the ideals of Lincoln ; and he is paying
the price in much bloodshed and dubi-
ous progress. The Canton armies have
been fighting steadily for many months,
have scored brilliant victories in Kwang-
si and the Yangtze districts, but still
control little more of China than the
northern Government does. To be sure,
twice as many provinces have declared
for Sun as have sided with Hsu; but
with their favor goes no true control.
Sun does not truly govern even his own
province of Kwangtung, whose tuchun,
Chen Chiung-ming, is the commander-
in-chief of the Constitutionalist army
recruited from five provinces. Chen
levies taxes and hands over such funds
as he sees fit to the Canton Republic.
The Republic, as matters now stand, is
nearly as poor of purse as Peking; and
were Chen to reduce his bounty, Sun
would have nothing to fall back upon
save the contributions of Chinese na-
tionalists abroad, the very groups who
financed the revolution. There is no
reason for believing that Chen will with
draw support; but it is important to
keep in mind that the Republic, with
all its virtues and fine aspirations, owes
its very existence to an enlightened
tuchun, who may break with Sun al-
most any day on some new political is-
sue. Such a break may come over the
issue of provincial autonomy, which
finds its most ardent champions in the
five -provinces that support Sun,
672
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
Provincial autonomy is a fact, and
many sincere thinkers wish to make it
the basis of Chinese policy. Each
tuchun dominates his province and is a
law unto himself, thanks to his control
of troops and taxes. As most provinces
are fully as large and as rich as France,
a tuchun is comparable to a pre-war
European potentate, but with the pow-
ers of an Asiatic despot. Several tu-
chuns have made millions by trafficking
in opium. Others sell concessions. Not
a few have levied tribute on subject-
towns under one pretext or another.
And all maintain their rule by force.
Their armies now number about 1,700,-
000, or an average of nearly 100,000 ac-
tive soldiers under each tuchun. Nat-
urally the tuchuns tend to favor the
division of China into eighteen nations,
with themselves as lords and emperors.
Why should anybody else approve?
Simply, because China is too huge, too
immature politically, and too inchoate,
to think and act as a unit.
The political realist has often noted
that this land should be thought of, not
as an ordinary single country, but rather
as a backward continent containing
widely differing races and economic
divisions, more or less like Europe of
the seventeenth or eighteenth century,
when there were no railroads, posts,
telegraphs, or sense of community.
China as a whole is surely less of a po-
litical entity than Europe was when the
Treaty of Utrecht was signed. Yunnan
has less in common with Manchuria
than Portugal then had with Sweden;
and the wider conflicts of interest be-
tween North and South are quite as
acute and as stubborn as any between
the popes and the emperors or the Haps-
burgs and their many foes. Most im-
portant of all, the level of political in-
telligence in modern China is certainly
lower than that of Western Europe
three centuries ago. And nobody who
understands the origins and nature of
political intelligence believes that the
Chinese can rise much faster than Eu-
ropeans have risen. You do not make
men good citizens by building railways
through their farms. You do not pro-
duce statesmen merely by installing
telephones in the offices of senators.
Slow experiment by trial and error, still
slower education of millions, slow
crushing of superstitions, slow refine-
ment of tastes and desires — out of
such stuff is citizenship made. And this
process must work from the home and
the village outward and upward.
The people who dwelt between Dub-
lin and Constantinople when the Treaty
of Utrecht was signed could not have
been organized into one successful
State by the greatest of political ge-
niuses. Even to-day their descendants
cannot create the United States of
Europe, which is the only sure salva-
tion for that wretched continent. Geo-
graphical differences, many languages,
race-prejudices, childish nationalistic
fancies, and grave economic conflicts
still keep the European masses igno-
rant, provincial, and befuddled. How
hopeless, then, to expect that the eight-
een provinces of China, with their
350,000,000 mediaeval folk, mostly des-
titute of all the tools of civilization, can
combine under one government, which
will work even as smoothly as a back-
ward European nation!
While this powerful argument for
provincial autonomy makes headway,
the vast rim of China lapses deeper
and deeper into simple anarchy. Civil
wars — four violent — in the past six
months; famines unparalleled, pesti-
lence, and the interminable border
warfare lawlessly carried over into
Mongolia by the Russian reaction-
aries under Semenoff and Ungern, have
shattered what frail web of law and
order once hung over the western and
northern fringes of the chaotic king-
dom. The river pirates are looting
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
673
junks and barges again. The robbers
have come down from the mountains.
And in great hordes the hunghutze (pro-
fessional Manchu robbers) are maraud-
ing; across Manchuria. On the borders
of Tibet bandits have baffled and beaten
the soldiers of the tuchuns. Out of
Mongolia, but a few months past, the
rabble trailing the fanatical Living
Buddha came within a day's march of
the gates of Peking. Harbin, at the
date of this writing, saw thousands of
hunghutze drawing near. And for a
year, or longer, the Chinese Eastern
Railway has been attacked and plun-
dered almost daily by these same out-
laws, whom the Chinese troops dare
not defy, knowing that many of them
are working for certain Japanese ad-
venturers and others for the Russian
reactionaries, all clients of the mighty
tuchun, Chang Tso-lin.
This red arc of ruin spans the two
thousand miles that lie between Vladi-
vostok and the frontier of Burma. It
has paralyzed trade on a thousand high-
ways and driven the boatmen from the
rivers. Even between large cities travel
is so hazardous that local officials forbid
foreigners to attempt it, and require na-
tive merchants to take along armed
guards in such numbers that only the
most urgent mission can justify the
cost. It is the thirteenth century on
the miry roads of England; night, and a
dark forest ahead.
in
While China crumbles, a plan grows
in the north. If only half successful, it
will shake the world before many years
have gone. No outsider knows its de-
tails, for they seethe in the cunning
brain of Chang Tso-lin, inspector-gen-
eral of Manchuria, the power behind
Peking, and the most sinister and stren-
uous of the war lords. Chang rules
from Mukden of bloody memory,
VOL. 1S8 — NO. 6
where he holds the most strategic posi-
tion in all Asia. His is the rich land
where Russia, China, and Japan meet
in their struggle for existence. Man-
churia dominates Peking, Vladivostok,
the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Amur
River Valley, and Korea. It is the gate-
way from China to Siberia, from China
to Japan, and from Japan to Mongolia
and world-power. Chang sits at the
gate and collects toll, such as the traffic
will bear.
The traffic bears a good deal, and the
proceeds have gone to Chang's head.
He dreams of empire. Some observers
have imagined that he would be mon-
arch of all China; but Chang is too
shrewd for that; and if he were not, his
shrewder Japanese backers would halt
him. His vision is much more practic-
able, hence more dangerous. He sees
anewManchu-Mongol Empire, stretch-
ing from the sea to the core of Asia. On
Manchuria and Mongolia Chang would
rebuild the throne of Jenghiz Khan,and
send the bill to the Japanese. He will
sell to the Japanese, at their own terms,
a thousand concessions; and on his
coronation day Japan will occupy
peaceably a wedge twenty-four hundred
miles long, giving them 'interior lines'
dominating both Siberia and China. In
short, what 'little Hsu' and his An-
fuites dreamed of doing 'for China,'
Chang would do for himself and his
Tokyo friends. The Japanese backed
the Anfuites, and lost. Now they are
backing Chang, and hope to win. And
to-day the odds are strongly in their
favor.
Three facts will convince you of all
this. One is Chang's military power,
another is his management of the Pe-
king Government, and the third is his
long series of business deals with Japan-
ese. It must shock the American read-
er to learn that this clever schemer now
rules an army of 300,000 well-equipped
soldiers, over which the so-called Cen-
674
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
tral Government exercises not the
slightest control, although it is com-
pelled to pay most of its upkeep. Since
Hsu demobilized some 300,000 of the
Peking forces last summer, Chang has
become the overshadowing force; and
not alone because his is the largest
army in China. His strength flows
largely from three immense strategic
advantages: adequate food-supplies
within his own lines, the superior rail-
way system of Manchuria, and the re-
serves of munitions held ready by his
Japanese friends in Manchuria and
Korea. To all this, add a double geo-
graphic advantage: Manchuria is quite
detached from the rest of China, hence
not surrounded by potentially hostile
provinces; and it is near the arsenals
and shipyards of Japan. Why should
not Chang dream of empire?
And how can the frail Hsu resist
Chang's demands? Dexterous, cunning,
and strong of will, the uncrowned king
of Manchuria manipulates his marion-
ettes at Peking without an effort. His
technique is too elaborately celestial to
report here. Judge it by its fruits.
Chang milks the treasury dry, plays off
one clique against another, and traffics
with the Japanese 'going and coming.'
Week by week he sells off China's as-
sets and invests the proceeds in Chang.
And all so quietly and suavely, that no-
body quite knows what is happening
until too late.
Last July Chang seemed to be des-
perately hard up. But of a sudden he
handed over to his commissary general
$2,510,000 in honest cash, albeit Mex-
ican. This oddly coincided with his
signing incorporation papers and con-
cessions for a large Japanese develop-
ment company in Mongolia; and it pre-
ceded by only a few days his shocking
surrender of the Chinese Eastern Rail-
way, through a shady bond-issue vote.
Because of an old debt, conveniently
overlooked for years, Chang's Peking
Government was able legally to de-
mand the payment of some 13,000,000
taels from that road; and the road
could pay only with a bond issue whose
terms had to meet with the approval of
the Peking Minister of Finance and the
Minister of Communications — both
Chang's trained Pekingese. The issue
was authorized in such a form that only
Japanese would consider underwriting
it, and they for political purposes.
At the date of writing, strong efforts
are being made to block the issue.
Whether they succeed or not, Chang's
intentions and methods remain clear.
If he is thwarted here, it will be only
for a while. Legally as well as factually,
no man can launch an enterprise in
Manchuria or Mongolia save by Chang's
leave. And Chang sees fit to favor the
Japanese. Steadily since 1906 the
Japanese have been pouring money
into his domain. They have financed
twenty-seven large corporations, most-
ly banks and the rest mining companies,
lumber-mills, railways, and electrical
plants. They show a gross authorized
capitalization of 71,525,000 yen, a sum
which means much more in that raw
country of cheap land and coolie wages
than twice as many dollars would mean
to-day in our own country. Apart from
its arithmetical significance, the invest-
ment acquires abnormal power from
the protection against non-Japanese
competition furnished by the Japanese
authorities, as well as by Chang him-
self.
Manchuria being thoroughly in hand,
Chang now prepares to absorb Mon-
golia. Circumstances played into his
hand last spring, when the Siberian
peasants and the Far Eastern Republic
drove Ungern's reactionary riff-raff all
the way to Urga, in Mongolia. Ungern
carried on a variety of still obscure
schemes, now to capture Chita, now
to attack Peking through the Living
Buddha. Chang saw in Peking's panic
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
675
his own chance. Knowing, as every
other well-informed person in the Far
East knew, that Semenoff and Ungern
were third-rate adventurers, with never
a chance of wrecking the Chita Govern-
ment, and that they were merely being
used by a small clique of Japanese
militarists as a means of bringing pres-
sure to bear upon the Far Eastern Re-
public for the gaining of concessions,
Chang nobly volunteered to drive the
invaders off Chinese soil. It would cost
Peking seven to ten millions, of course,
but the job would be done with neat-
ness and dispatch. Unhappy Hsu ad-
vanced three millions, then two more.
Chang posted bulletins of his plans and
progress. Months passed, and not a
soldier moved. Chang had to wait till
Japan was through with Semenoff.
Finally, when the Japanese had kicked
Semenoff out, and Ungern, his under-
ling, had not even a broken reed to lean
on, and the Living Buddha had wan-
dered back into the windy solitudes,
China's great defender marshaled a mere
handful of braves. Perhaps some of them
are arriving in Urga now; and Chinese
history will not run true to form unless,
once in Urga, they stay there as long as
Chang finds backing for his Mongol
entpire. They may be there when the
second Jenghiz Khan enters in triumph,
escorted by a purely honorary Japanese
army. Who knows? Mad dreams do
come true. And the truth itself is often
madness.
IV
What has all this to do with disarma-
ment? Well, each tendency in China's
chaos affects every foreign investor
there. Each will do so much more after
a disarmament programme, however
modest, has been adopted. Now, the
British investor in China largely shapes
British policy toward China; and so
too with the American and Japanese.
Furthermore, disarmament hangs upon
a prior understanding among the powers
as to their Far Eastern policies. Plainly,
then, every move toward disarmament
must be determined chiefly by what
foreign investors think of the drift in
China. What must their thoughts be?
What if Chang has his way? Then
Japan will become a colossal conti-
nental power as well as a maritime one.
Her protectorate will extend first over
Manchuria and Mongolia; next over
Shantung; then probably over Kansu,
whose tuchun is a friend of Chang, in-
stalled by Chang's cunning. The Jap-
anese militarist party will have justi-
fied its expensive policy. The price of
conquest will be collected from the
conquered, and Japan's finances will
be greatly strengthened. The present
monopolistic policy of Japan, which has
just been extended still further in
Korea, will swiftly drive foreign inves-
tors out.
What if Sun Yat-sen prevails? Sun
is an intense nationalist, aglow with
the desire to free China from the alien.
He hates Japan most, America least.
In common with millions of his coun-
trymen, he believes that the foreigner
has caused most of China's woes, and
that expelling the money and the po-
litical influence of all foreigners is the
first step toward national regeneration.
Given full power, Sun would cancel or
heavilyamend every foreign concession,
put a quick end to extraterritoriality,
restore the treaty ports to China, and
finance the country from within. All of
which would not encourage outsiders to
drop money in Chinese ventures.
What if provincial autonomy arrives?
The eighteen new nations would soon
join in one or two loose confederations,
but these latter would not hamper the
new military kings. Forthwith, the
status of innumerable concessions would
become dubious, for the central govern-
ment which had granted them would
have ceased. All would depend upon
676
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
the good will, the cupidity, or the fear
of the local tuchun. It would tfe Cen-
tral Europe and the Balkans over
again, but poisoned with medisevalism.
Civil wars, intrigues, an endless un-
stable balancing of petty powers, and
interminable uncertainty as to to-mor-
row would sap the courage of the bold-
est foreign investor and leave the field
open only to the adventurer. Probably
the treaty ports would thrive, for even
the dullest war lord realizes that they
are the life of their provinces. But all
expansion beyond their environs would
halt.
To all this, one exception. Japan
would profit richly by the disintegra-
tion. She would sign treaties with the
new northern kingdoms, paying gladly
the tuchuns' price. The technique fol-
lowed in olden days by the British in
dealing with the native states of India
would be repeated, with modern varia-
tions and embellishments. And a quar-
ter-century would see Japan the master
of the continent.
Here are the three outstanding pos-
sibilities in China, in their baldest
form. Each is little more than a possi-
bility, as matters now stand. Chang
will not have his way as sweetly as he
hopes; for his countrymen understand
him, and the Japanese behind him real-
ize the danger of quick and open im-
perialism. Sun's foes are many and
mighty, while his purse is lean. And
provincial autonomy is suspect because
too many militarists are shouting for it,
while clear thinkers understand that
China must present a united front
against Japan, or go under. Over and
above all these restraints tower the
battleships that ride in the harbors
of Manila, Shanghai, and Hong Kong.
These vessels are singularly unpopular
among river pirates, opium smugglers,
poppy farmers, white slavers, bandit
chieftains, and exploiters white and
yellow. All of which suggests a leading
question. What if the Washington
Conference, moved by lofty idealism, —
whatever that may mean, — were to
persuade the three dominant naval
powers to scrap, let us say, one half of
their fleets, or to cease new construc-
tion? How would that noble act affect
Chang, Sun, and provincial autonomy?
And how, in turn, the American, Brit-
ish, and Japanese investors in China?
The answer is too easy. And it gives
us a first clear glimpse of the obstacles
to disarmament.
Cut the British and American fleets
one half, whether by scrapping battle-
ships or by suspending new construc-
tion, and you leave the coast clear for
Chang and his Japanese friends to an-
nex Mongolia and Shantung. They can
and will double their speed of conquest
on the day Anglo-Saxon sea-power
dwindles. How so? Geography tells the
whole story. From Japan's huge naval
port, Nagasaki, to the mainland of
Asia is less than 150 miles — an easy
night's run for transports and battle-
ships. The waters are dotted with
islands which, fortified or used as bases
for destroyers and submarines, make
the passage fairly safe, even under
heavy attack. Furthermore, the Japan-
ese can mass in Korea and Manchuria
millions of soldiers, if need be, long be-
fore a foreign power could effectively
interfere. Military railways, ware-
houses, terminals, and other basic
necessities of war, are already installed
in vital points. And the farmers of
Manchuria can now supply food for a
sizable army. To all of which facts we
need add but one, unsuspected by most
Americans, perhaps, but recognized by
all naval experts: neither the British
nor the American fleet of to-day is
strong enough to carry on a modern
war anywhere in the Far East, chiefly
because of the abnormally long and
weak line of supplies and the distance
from primary bases.
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
677
The militarist party of Japan would
rejoice at an international slashing of
naval budgets, provided nothing was
done to cut army expenditures and
policies. Winning that, they will win
Asia at a fraction of the price they had
expected to pay.
After disarmament, Chang may turn
the trick for Japan in three ways. He
may allow her militarists to trump up
a pretext for war, and he will offer only
nominal resistance. Should Sun and
his constitutionalists sweep the coun-
try, Chang might resort to this proce-
dure; otherwise not. He will find it
simpler to sell off the assets of China, as
the Peking Government grows more
and more desperate for funds; and thus,
in a few years, Japanese buyers will own
Manchu-Mongolia by the highly re-
spectable right of purchase. Should
this prove too slow, a third method re-
mains. Chang may come out for pro-
vincial autonomy, after the battleships
have vanished. He may retain sundry
wise men, yea, even college professors,
to demonstrate to a dubious world that
this is China's one true salvation. The
wise men will cite the famous doctrine
of self-determination. And they will
make out an extraordinarily strong
case; for, in the long run, provincial
autonomy may really be the best solu-
tion. Chang of Mukden will secede
from Chang of Peking. The new em-
pire of the north will straightway enter
into close alliance with Japan. And all
will be over but the banzai.
Suppose finally that, after naval dis-
armament, Sun Yat-sen wins. What
then? It is hazardous to make more
than two broad conjectures, as the
outcome of a constitutionalist victory
must be highly complex. This much is
sure, though: the restored Republic
could not block Japan's expansion in
Manchuria and Mongolia, as it lacks
railroads, finance, technical staffs, and
general organization. And, with British
and American navies negligible, Japan
might declare war on a democratic
China, on the ridiculous pretext that
Sun is Bolshevist, precisely as it attacked
the Maritime Provinces of Siberia. As
for Sun himself, he would doubtless up-
root British and American concession-
naires at a great rate, if not menaced
by their battleships. And in this he
would be aided by the fast-mounting
hatred of the foreigner, among even
the common folk of China.
Were disarmament to be followed by
provincial autonomy, it is doubtful
whether even the lives of foreigners
would be safe in most regions. The
World War shattered the white man's
prestige and revealed the infamy of the
Japanese militarists. China now fol-
lows Japan and India in her distrust of
European civilization. The thoughts of
Gandhi, the Hindu saint, and the poet
Tagore are blazing up the dense valleys.
The outcry against the Consortium, the
thirty-million-dollar loan from native
bankers to the Peking Government,
last summer, and, above all, the wild
enthusiasm in the south over Sun's ex-
treme nationalism, are a few gusts that
scurry ahead of the great storm which
must some day break, once the re-
straint of naval force is withdrawn.
Everybody who knows China seems to
agree that, in the chaos following the
creation of eighteen kingdoms, the
foreign devils would suffer first and
foremost.
Thus far we have noted only internal
tendencies in China. Is there not hope
that the prospect will brighten when
we consider other possibilities? May
not Japan, reassured by Anglo-Saxon
disarmament, forsake her militant
ways in Asia? And if China, no longer
threatened by her neighbor, continues
chaotic, may not the powers join to put
her house in order, under some benev-
678
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
olent scheme of international control?
Alas for these hopes! The militarist
party is still unbroken at Tokyo, and
its counsel will prevail at the Washing-
ton Conference, where it will confound
its adversaries with an argument bor-
rowed from the very advocates of dis-
armament. Japan can defend her Asi-
atic policy with the greatest lesson of
the World War. Her militarists can ap-
peal to Mr. Frank I. Cobb's vigorous
and accurate statement of it, in the
August Atlantic: —
'Nations that are rich are not de-
fenseless. They contain in themselves
all the elements of defense. They may
have been defenseless in times when war
was the exclusive business of profes-
sional soldiers, but all that has been
changed. The elements of national de-
fense are now the sum total of all the
economic resources of the country plus
all the man-power. . . .
'Economic resources can be easily
and quickly translated into military
resources; and a sound economic sys-
tem is the essential element in any ex-
tensive military undertaking.'
Mr. Cobb correctly used this as an
argument for America's disarming.
Japanese war lords can use it to dem-
onstrate Japan's need of dominating
Manchuria and Mongolia, if not also a
slice of Siberia. They can thus prove
that their fatherland cannot even de-
fend itself unless it acquires immense
economic resources. To-day their coun-
try is perilously poor in the materials
that make for strength. Her people no
longer feed themselves, but import vast
quantities of rice and millet. Most of
her peasants make money only from
silkworm culture. Unhappily, silk is a
luxury whose value fluctuates widely,
and imitations made from cotton al-
ready threaten its market. So a nation
whose natural resources are mostly
silkworms hangs by a thread. To sur-
vive, Japan must own coal, iron, cop-
per, timber, cotton, and all the other
ingredients of modern security and
comfort. She will seek these even as
Great Britain, France, and the United
States do to-day. Failing to get them,
she must join the ranks of pauper Italy
and Greece. Economic expansion on a
vast scale, or a surrender of national
power — there is no third course!
Can any American or Briton soberly
advise the Japanese delegates that they
should show true moral grandeur by
choosing the second alternative? And,
if you once grant the right of economic
expansion, where else would you have
Japan expand, if not due west?
We come now to the proposed inter-
national control of China, which some
observers feel would at once restore
order there and hold the Tokyo mili-
tarists in check. Here is no place to
debate the broader merits of the plan.
We have only to note its relation to dis-
armament, which is as clear as sun-
shine. So sincerely do the Chinese hate
foreign domination, that internation-
al management could succeed only if
backed up by a large army and navy.
The day the first alien manager entered
Peking, Sun Yat-sen's strength would
be doubled. To the 1,700,000 troops of
the tuchuns would be added the might
of armed mobs and bandits innumer-
able; and we should be committed to a
new benevolent militarism for years to
come.
This brings us to the one obstacle to
world peace which lies wholly within
our own gates. We have most of the
world's gold, most of the free capi-
tal, immense factories, and millions
of skilled workers. The unbalance of
trade has ruined our foreign trade with
Europe; our exports and imports de-
clined 50 per cent in the first seven
months of this year; Germany is selling
textiles 60 per cent cheaper than we
can; German mills are underbidding
Pittsburgh in our domestic steel mar-
WHAT DELAYS DISARMAMENT?
679
ket; our automobile factories are run-
ning at 57 per cent capacity; and five
million workers are idle, as winter comes
on. Meanwhile, taxes refuse to shrink,
and battleships are being built, while
our farmers see their minute profits de-
voured by abnormal freight-rates and
our builders touch only the most urgent
contracts. There is but one escape from
the deadly combination of war-debts,
an over-expanded factory system, and
a money glut. New markets must be
tapped quickly, new consumers found,
new desires created. But where and
how?
Not in Europe, for Europeans are
finding it hard enough to fill their
stomachs; and they can undersell us at
almost every point. Not in Russia,
where none has a dollar save for black
bread. Not in South America, whose
buying power is probably less than that
of Texas, in spite of the large claims of
sundry bank presidents whose know-
ledge of that continent and its people
appears to have been derived from
grammar-school geographies and smok-
ing-room tales. Where, then? There
remains only the Far East. China and
Siberia can absorb billions of capital,
much of which, as Mr. T. W. Lament
remarked, must eventually earn a thou-
sand per cent. They can also consume
billions' worth of manufactures; and,
as their standards of living rise, these
billions will become tens of billions. To
those lands, then, our financiers and
manufacturers must look for the only
foreign trade that can restore our eco-
nomic balance appreciably. Their logic
is impeccable, granting the premise that
we must look abroad for new markets.
But how dares any American finan-
cier invest millions in such chaos, where
governments totter, intriguers plot new
empires, and war lords revel in civil
strife? Neither Peking nor Canton can
protect him, and Tokyo will not. His
alternatives, then, are clear: either he
must have his own country protect
him with as much force as is necessary,
or else he must stay out of Asia. As for
the manufacturer and the exporter, he
is vexed by this same dilemma and two
further annoyances. He must under-
sell the British, Germans, and Japan-
ese in China; and this he cannot do now
save in a few monopolistic lines, such
as cheap automobiles and sewing ma-
chines. And even when he can meet
their prices, he cannot reap their prof-
its, because Great Britain and Japan
have exempted their nationals doing
business in China from all income taxes
and excess-profits taxes on their China
trade. But these worries pale beside
the chaos in China.
This chaos creates for the Republican
party a terrible dilemma. Champion of
the full dinner-pail, roaring factories,
and hundred-per-cent dividends, — all
excellent ideals ! — it has committed
itself heart and soul to the utmost stim-
ulation of foreign trade and foreign
investments. Champion of general pros-
perity, it aims to reduce the cost of liv-
ing, especially taxes, which are nine
tenths military. The first goal demands
a navy. The second demands the aboli-
tion of navies. And neither a navy nor
an abolished one will guarantee success
in the Far East!
Is it to be marveled at that some
Republicans have lost interest in the
Disarmament Conference, while others
are losing sleep over it?
VI
Disarm and leave Asia to the Asi-
atics, or else run Asia and a huge fleet.
This, when all is said and done, is the
alternative that delays disarmament.
It may be dodged for a while, but it can-
not be evaded. It will not help to emit
hypocritical shrieks over the wicked
Japanese, whose imitation of our politi-
cal ways is the sincerest flattery. Nor
680
THE FAR EASTERN PROBLEM
will it serve any good end to shed croc-
odile tears over poor, down-trodden
China, which is not a whit worse off
than some of our own Southern states,
man for man, road for road, town for
town. Asia is Asia. It must work out
its own salvation. Too far away and
too huge to be controlled by us, who
cannot even manage our own cities
intelligently, its hundreds of millions
can be swayed by us only under the
compulsion of overwhelming force.
They who are compelled will gain little.
We who compel shall lose much in
money and in reputation. Only a few
exploiters, white and yellow, will emerge
with riches.
Some influential Republicans under-
stand this and are ready to accept its
implications. But the majority seem
still under the spell of economic impe-
rialism, or else hypnotized by the Jap-
anese bogey manufactured by our yel-
low press. And so, while they may cry
for world peace and the prosperity it
must bring, they thwart it by refusing
to accept the consequences of disarma-
ment. If the Conference fails, they will
probably have to share the guilt with
the extreme militarists of Japan.
THE FAR EASTERN PROBLEM
BY J. O. P. BLAND
EARLY in August, the Washington
correspondent of the Philadelphia Led-
ger announced that it was the intention
of the United States Government to
' make the settlement of the Far East-
ern situation a condition precedent to
the discussion of the curtailment of
armaments.9 If this be so, supreme
importance must attach to whatever
scheme of settlement is eventually
framed and proposed by the State De-
partment. Seldom, indeed, have the
prospects of peace in our time been more
directly dependent upon the knowledge
and breadth of vision of a few states-
men. America, because of her unchal-
lengeable wealth and resources, holds
the master-key to the gates of peace
and war in the regions of the Pacific.
If, at this juncture, her foreign policy is
based upon recognition of the realities
of the Far Eastern situation (including
recognition of the instinct of self-pres-
ervation which underlies Japan's ex-
pansion on the Asiatic mainland), the
Conference should pave the way, at
least, to what President Harding calls
'approximate disarmament,' and thus
relieve the world of the burden and dan-
ger of acute naval rivalry.
At the outset it may be asked, why
should America seek to make an inter-
national agreement for disarmament
dependent upon the settlement of the
Far Eastern question, more than upon
the removal of any other potential cause
of conflict? The answer lies obviously
in the fact that every nation's foreign
policy is inevitably inspired by the fun-
damental instinct of survival, which
681
compels it to seek and preserve, at all
costs, national security. Also, that
many things have happened during the
past ten years to lead public opinion in
the United States to the belief that
America's security is menaced by Ja-
pan's rapid rise to the front rank of
world powers and by the activities and
ambitions of her military party.
When, after the Russo-Japanese War,
the United States played the part of
host and peacemaker at the making of
the Treaty of Portsmouth (1905), the
general sentiment of the American na-
tion was one of unmistakable sympathy
and friendship for Japan; but since
then much has occurred to change this
feeling into one of apprehension and in-
creasing antagonism. First came the
Russo-Japanese Entente of 1907, fol-
lowed by the definite agreement of
July, 1910, which made the Treaty of
Portsmouth a dead letter and definitely
abrogated the principle of the Open
Door in Manchuria and Mongolia.
Next came the humiliating fiasco of
Mr. Secretary Knox's scheme for the
neutralization of railways in Manchu-
ria; and finally, the annexation of Korea
by Japan. But more significant than
all these indications of Japan's activi-
ties as a world power was her increasing
insistence on the principle of racial
equality, combined with the assertion
of rights of migration to the American
continent. Thus, before the revolution
in China and the great war in Europe
gave Japan new and unexpected oppor-
tunities for advancing her outposts and
accelerating her economic penetration
in the comparatively undeveloped re-
gions of the Asiatic mainland adjacent
to Korea, the Yellow Peril (as pro-
claimed by Homer Lea in the Valor of
Ignorance) had begun to loom largely
on the political horizon, and public opin-
ion in America had become definitely
imbued with the conviction that Ja-
pan's ambitions must involve a chal-
lenge to Western civilization and, ulti-
mately, a claim to the mastery of the
Pacific.
The course of events during and
since the great war — the elimination
of Russia as an Asiatic power, the in-
creasing chaos in China, and the swift
rise of the United States to leadership
in the council of nations — has served
to increase the points of contact and to
accentuate the economic and political
differences between the two nations
which confront each other across the
Pacific. The racial aspect of the an-
tagonism thus created was emphasized
at Versailles, and finds expression to-
day in a widely prevalent belief hi the
idea of a ' color war,' wherein the forces
of Pan-Asia (and even Pan-Africa), or-
ganized and led by Japan, will chal-
lenge and overthrow the dominant
white race. Mr. Lothrop Stoddard's
Rising Tide of Color, and other works of
the same kind, have given form and
substance to a Yellow Peril spectre, as
fantastic in its way as Kaiser Wilhelm's
famous vision of China's warlike mil-
lions ranged in battle array against the
pale legions of the West.
The limits of this article do not per-
mit, nor does the occasion require, any
detailed exposition of the absurdity of
this Pan-Asian delusion. In propound-
ing their scheme for the settlement of
the Far Eastern question to the Wash-
ington Conference, the American State
Department and the British Foreign
Office will have work and to spare in
dealing with the actual and immediate
difficulties of the situation. The theory
of profound racial antagonism is obvi-
ously incompatible with the proclaimed
intention of the British and American
governments to substitute a spirit of
cooperation and mutuality for the in-
tense spirit of competition in solving
the problems which arise out of the
political and financial disorganization
of China. It is a theory that cannot be
682
THE FAR EASTERN PROBLEM
invoked without weakening the whole
Anglo-American position in the matter
of the Asiatic Exclusion acts, and stulti-
fying their essential justification, which
rests on economic, as distinct from
racial, grounds.
Mr. Lloyd George has recently de-
clared that the foreign policy of Great
Britain, as a partly Asiatic empire,
'can never range itself in any sense
upon the differences of race and civili-
zation between East and West. It
would be fatal to the Empire. No
greater calamity can overtake the world
than any further accentuation of its
divisions upon the lines of race. We
look confidently to the Government
and people of the United States for
their understanding and sympathy in
this respect. Friendly cooperation with
the United States is for us a cardinal
principle, dictated by what seems to
us the proper nature of things, dictated
by instinct quite as much as by reason
and by common sense.'
Mr. Lloyd George's words undoubt-
edly express the sentiments of the great
majority of his countrymen. Every dis-
cussion of the question of the Anglo-
Japanese Alliance, by the Imperial
Conference, in Parliament, and in the
press, has served to emphasize the
general opinion that the treaty should
be renewed, but in a form that will
give no umbrage, and evoke no misgiv-
ings, in the United States. The Aus-
tralian Premier has declared that 'Aus-
tralia's safety lies in a renewal of the
Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and that it
is her bounden duty to use every means
at her disposal to effect such a modus
vivendi as will secure it in a form agree-
able to the United States.' On a later
occasion, Mr. Hughes expressed the
opinion (which has found wide support
in the British press) that, in the event
of a tripartite understanding being
reached between America, Great Brit-
ain, and Japan, dealing with the Far
East and with disarmament, there would
be no necessity for a renewal of the
Anglo-Japanese Alliance.
II
As matters now stand, the first thing
necessary, to remove the immediate
difficulties and dangers of the Far East-
ern situation, and to diminish the causes
of friction between Japan and the
United States, is the conclusion of an
international agreement for the restora-
tion, by concerted action, of the powers
of law and order in China. Unless steps
are taken, and that speedily, to this
end, there can be no prospect of any
permanent settlement of the Far East-
ern question. American participation
in such an agreement, and in an ' Inter-
national Council ' to carry it into effect,
is a solution that presents obvious diffi-
culties; nevertheless, it is the only one
that affords practical means of carrying
out the American idea of friendly coop-
eration, and the only way of putting an
end to the chaos of misrule in China, in
a spirit of genuine friendship for the
Chinese people. Failing active Amer-
ican participation, the Anglo-Japanese
Alliance, renewed under conditions
consistent with the Covenant of the
League of Nations, would appear to
offer the only alternative solution of the
problem; the only one, at all events,
that would provide England with the
leverage necessary to secure the future
maintenance of the Open Door for
trade, a revision of the Shantung ques-
tion, and the settlement of other points
of difference in the Far East.
Assuming that the first desideratum
for the Washington Conference is a
spirit of harmony and helpfulness be-
tween the representatives of those
powers, whose ultimate object is the
limitation of armaments, the decision
to invite China's participation in the
Conference, though diplomatically and
THE FAR EASTERN PROBLEM
683
theoretically sound, is calculated, in
practice, to frustrate the ends desired.
For there is already ample evidence in
the press, here and in the United States,
that China's representatives on this
occasion will conform faithfully to their
traditional policy of setting one bar-
barian against another, and will do
everything in their power to make the
Conference an arena of enmity and sus-
picion. All the undeniable eloquence
and intelligence of that highly vocal
element of Young China which pro-
fesses its present belief in American
institutions and ideals will be concen-
trated in an appeal to the chivalrous
support of the American people, and
this appeal will no doubt be powerfully
supported by many of the missionary
societies and the Y.M.C.A., which
naturally sympathize with the aspira-
tions of their pupils and proteges to be-
come the dominant force in Chinese
politics. There is already evidence that
the public utterances of adroit diplo-
mats and lawyers like Mr. Wellington
Koo and Dr. Wang, and the press prop-
aganda conducted by Putnam Weale,
and other foreigners in Chinese pay,
to which Professor Dewey's distin-
guished reputation lends additional
force, have achieved considerable re-
sults in the direction indicated; that is
to say, they have created an atmos-
phere of hostility toward Japan, and
toward the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, in
the United States. Something of the
effect of China's propaganda and ap-
peals may even be discerned in the dis-
patches of the State Department that
form part of the correspondence ante-
cedent to the establishment of the In-
ternational Financial Consortium last
year.
Briefly stated, the object of the Amer-
ican Government, as expressed in these
dispatches, was to eliminate all special
claims in particular spheres of interest
in China and to throw open the whole
country, including Manchuria and
Mongolia, without reserve, to the com-
bined activities of the Consortium.
The British Government, at the outset,
gave friendly support to this proposal;
but inasmuch as it conflicted obviously
with certain accomplished facts and
recorded pacts, it was possible to do so
only by concurring vaguely in the
benevolent argument that, 'with the
establishment of the Consortium, a
new era was about to dawn, in which
conditions have changed, and that the
powers therefore propose henceforward
to work together in harmonious and
friendly cooperation, rather than in
competition.'
The Japanese Ambassador's reply to
the dispatch in which Lord Curzon
supported this argument tactfully re-
frained from discussing the practical
effects of the 'new era' upon inter-
national politics. He contented himself
with reiterating his Government's reli-
ance upon the British Government's
explicit assurance that the powers would
refuse to countenance any activities of
the Consortium 'affecting the security
of the economic life or the national
defense of Japan,' a reservation capable
of the widest application, and one which
leaves the question of Japan's ' special
interests' in the same nebulous condi-
tion as that in which it remained after
the Lansing-Ishii agreement of 1917.
m
The line that China's representatives
and advisers may be expected to adopt
at Washington was clearly indicated
some months ago by the Chinese Min-
ister in London, Mr. Wellington Koo,
well known in the United States. They
will undoubtedly present a glowing
picture of the Chinese Republic, suc-
cessfully progressing toward Utopia by
the development of liberal ideas and
democratic institutions, all regardless
684
THE FAR EASTERN PROBLEM
of the fact that these are as remote as
the planet Mars from all the realities of
the situation in China. They will make
eloquent appeal to the sympathies of
the civilized world, in the name of
Democracy, on behalf of Young China's
chimerical Republic, and of its splen-
did programme of purely imaginary
reforms. In the typical words of Put-
nam Weale, they will 'claim their
place in the family of nations, not only
on terms of equality, but as represent-
atives of Liberalism and subscribers to
all those sanctions on which the civili-
zation of peace rests.' They will con-
tinue to describe the social activities
and academic theories of a few thousand
'Western-learning' students and jour-
nalists as truly representative of the
political convictions and institutions of
the Chinese people.
And all the while they will compla-
cently ignore the lamentable and noto-
rious facts of China's actual position,
the utter demoralization and inevitable
bankruptcy of the Peking Government,
the lawlessness and insatiable greed of
the military chieftains, whose rabble
armies have devastated the country for
the last ten years, and the untold suffer-
ings of the defenseless people, more
pitiful to-day than ever they were un-
der the Manchus. Above all, they will
carefully refrain from admission of the
undeniable truth that the political and
financial ascendancy which Japan has
established at Peking, and the rapid
advance of her 'peaceful penetration'
in Manchuria and Mongolia, are direct
results of the incorrigible money-lust of
the mandarin class, more flagrantly dis-
played by the officials of the Republic
than under the old regime. They will
earnestly invoke the assistance of
America and England against Japan,
for the restoration of China's rights in
Shantung, and of her unfettered sov-
ereignty over the Northern dependen-
cies; but they will say nothing of the
lamentable fact that, since the death
of Yuan Shih-k'ai (1916), the several
political factions that have struggled
for mastery at Peking have vied with
each other in mortgaging to Japan,
in return for subsidies and loans,
many rights, privileges, and concessions
calculated to jeopardize their country's
political independence.
Early this year, the Chinese Minister
in London gave the Foreign Office an
indication of the attitude to be adopted
by China's representatives at the forth-
coming Conference in regard to the
renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.
They desire to protest, in the first place,
against any reference in the treaty, if
renewed, to 'the preservation of the
territorial integrity and political inde-
pendence of China,' as an implication
derogatory to the dignity of China as a
sovereign State, and distasteful to the
sentiment of her people.
Inasmuch as the first object of their
presence at the Conference is to in-
voke assistance for the maintenance of
China's sovereign rights, this initial pro-
test may be regarded as a face-saving de-
vice, a mild bluff for the benefit of the
gallery, based on the oldest traditions
of Oriental statecraft. Next, they will
ask for the abrogation of the 'twenty-one
demands' agreement (signed by Yuan
Shih-k'ai in May, 1915, under pressure
of a Japanese ultimatum), and for the
restoration of China's full sovereignty
in Shantung. Here we reach a crucial
point of the Far Eastern question. For
it is undeniable that, in these twenty-
one demands, Japan availed herself of
the opportunities created by the war
in Europe and the demoralization of
China, to regularize and consolidate her
position at China's expense, in Shan-
tung (as successor to Germany), and in
Manchuria, Eastern Inner Mongolia,
and on the coast of Fukhien province.
Now, it must be obvious that no
satisfactory results are to be expected
THE FAR EASTERN PROBLEM
685
from the Washington Conference, ex-
cept upon the initial assumption that
henceforward Japan, in concert with
England and the United States, is pre-
pared to cooperate loyally in practical
measures for the restoration of law, or-
der, trade, and sound finance, in China.
This assumption implies, not only the
definite cessation of the Japanese mili-
tary party's activities in Peking, but the
abandonment by Japan, as part of a
general self-sacrificing agreement be-
tween the powers, of all claims to * spe-
cial interests ' in any province of China
proper, such as those which were
created by the twenty-one demands in
1915, and subsequently by the secret
'military agreement,' concluded in
March, 1918, with the corrupt clique
then in power at Peking.
Having discussed these questions
with many of the leading statesmen
and publicists in Japan, I firmly believe
that the Japanese Government is pre-
pared to welcome an Anrlo-American-
Japanese understanding, having as its
avowed object a common reconstructive
policy in China. Even before the pros-
pect of a limitation of armaments had
emphasized the desirability of such an
understanding, the Japanese Prime
Minister had declared (1919) his Gov-
ernment's readiness to cooperate in the
difficult task of restoring financial and
administrative order in China, with due
regard to her sovereign rights. Many
things have happened in the last five
years to lead the rulers of Japan to per-
ceive that persistence in the aggressive
'forward' policy of the military party
can lead only to a dangerous position of
national isolation, besides involving the
over-taxed people in further heavy
expenditure. For these and other rea-
sons, there appear to be valid grounds
for expecting good results from the
Conference, provided that responsible
American opinion be not misled by the
specious pleadings of China's repre-
sentatives, into finding in the gospel of
the 'new era,' tidings of comfort and
joy for all the world — with the excep-
tion, and to the detriment, of Japan.
In particular, the question of Shan-
tung, though apparently simple enough
in its broad moral aspect, will require
delicate handling. China and the
United States, not being parties to the
Treaty of Versailles, may be justified
in questioning the decision of the Allies,
whereby Japan obtained the reversion
of Germany's exclusive privileges in
Shantung; but the fact must not be
overlooked that America's represent-
ative and President was a consenting
party to that decision; also that, be-
cause of it, Japan agreed to withdraw
from discussion the thorny question of
'racial equality.' In originally raising
that question, Japan practically claimed
recognition of her right to equal oppor-
tunity in the matter of migration over-
seas; and President Wilson, unable to
concede that claim, was fain to com-
promise it along the line of least re-
sistance— that is, at China's expense.
As for the position of China in the
matter, it is evident that the activities
of her diplomats and publicists are in-
spired rather by the desire to create
dissension between Japan and the
United States than by genuine zeal for
the integrity and independence of their
country. For the men who strain so
noisily at the Shantung gnat are the
same as those who quietly swallowed
the camel of the secret military agree-
ment (to which I have already referred)
— a pact concluded by their Govern-
ment, of its own accord, with Japan,
which made Peking, for all practical
purposes, a subsidized dependency of
Tokyo.
IV
Two fundamental facts must be
faced at the outset by the Conference if
the Far Eastern problem is to be solved
686
THE FAR EASTERN PROBLEM
in a spirit of mutuality and helpfulness.
First, that China's military weakness,
financial chaos, and internecine strife
now constitute the root-cause of the
problem. This fact requires no demon-
stration for anyone who has studied the
situation. Second, that Japan is impel-
led, by acute economic pressure, either
to seek new outlets for her surplus pop-
ulation overseas, or to endeavor to se-
cure such a position of economic advan-
tage in the undeveloped regions of the
Asiatic mainland, adjacent to her fron-
tiers, as shall enable her to maintain
and increase her industries, and thereby
feed her people, at home.
Japan's imperative need of expansion
is, indeed, an undeniable and constant
factor in the Far Eastern problem.
Morally speaking, and from the political
idealist's point of view, it is, of course,
lamentable that any race or nation
should expand at the expense of an-
other; nevertheless, pace the 'new-era'
doctrine, the struggle for supremacy
and survival between races has not
ended with the Treaty of Versailles,
and the ideal of self-determination
must always prove to be an empty
phrase when confronted with the ele-
mental instinct of self-preservation.
Japan has expanded into Korea, and is
thence expanding northward and west-
ward, impelled by the same instincts
and impulses as those which have peo-
pled England's colonies and doubled
the territory and number of the United
States.
America's nayal programme affords
more convincing testimony to the
realities of the situation than all the
acts of the apostles of pacifism. The
conflict between benevolent idealism
and the stern facts of existence is as
old as the hills; and despite humani-
tarians and vegetarians, the inexorable
law remains that all life on this planet
exists and persists at the cost of other
lives. Charm they never so wisely, it
will need more than the eloquence of the
idealists to convince responsible states-
men that this instinct and the economic
pressure behind it can be exorcised by
invoking a new era of universal altru-
ism. The philosophers have not yet
found the stone which will satisfy a
people that cries for bread.
Considered in this light, the crux of
the Far Eastern discussion will prob-
ably be found to lie in the question of
Japan's claim to 'special interests' in
Manchuria and Mongolia. In seeking
the abrogation of the twenty-one-
demands agreement of 1915, China asks,
in fact, that Japan should vacate the
'leased' territory of the Liaotung pen-
insula, including Dairen and Port
Arthur, at the date named in the orig-
inal Russian lease (that is to say, in
March, 1923), and that the ninety-
years' term — subsequently conceded
in compliance with the twenty-one-
demands ultimatum — should now be
annulled. But no good purpose can be
served by ignoring the truth that the
original 'lease' of the Liaotung penin-
sula by China to Russia was never any-
thing but a diplomatic fiction, a politic
device whereby the face of Li Hung-
Chang was partially saved. Common
sense, if not common justice, compels
recognition of the lamentable truth,
that China's sovereign rights in Man-
churia and Mongolia were virtually
doomed when Russian diplomacy con-
cluded the original 'lease' compact
with China's complaisant rulers. By
that compact, Japan's economic exist-
ence and national security were threat-
ened with dangers so imminent, that
war between her and Russia became
inevitable.
The development of a position of
economic and political ascendancy by
Japan in Manchuria and Mongolia —
euphemistically described in the Lan-
sing-Ishii agreement as 'special' inter-
ests — became equally inevitable when,
THE FAR EASTERN PROBLEM
687
by the Treaty of Portsmouth, Russia
handed over to her conqueror the leased
territory of Liaotung and the South
Manchurian railway. China not only
consented to this arrangement, but by
certain secret clauses of an agreement
voluntarily concluded between her Gov-
ernment and Japan in December, 1905,
she deprived herself of valuable rights,
specifically reserved for her by the
Treaty of Portsmouth, in regard to the
economic and industrial development
of Manchuria. By pledging herself
not to build any railways which might
compete with the South Manchurian
line, she made it possible for Japan to
veto (as she subsequently did, in part-
nership with Russia) all British and
American enterprises in that region.
To-day, Japan's privileged position
and paramount influence on the main-
land to the north and west of Korea is
regarded by the nation, not only as one
of vital necessity, but of indisputable
right — a right established at the cost
of two victorious wars, and subsequent-
ly developed by means of concessions
freely granted by China's rulers in
return for money loans. To suggest (as
was done by Lord Curzon and Mr.
Lansing in the Consortium dispatches
of 1919) that Manchuria and Mongolia
are actually integral 'provinces' of
China, to be regarded and dealt with
internationally in the same way as the
eighteen provinces of China proper, is
to ignore the basic realities of the situa-
tion, not to mention elementary geog-
raphy and history.
Mongolia, as a dependency, stands
toward China in precisely the same rela-
tion as Tibet. It is not easy to under-
stand upon what grounds Great Brit-
ain, after having required China to
abandon her claims to effective sover-
eignty over autonomous Tibet, can
profess to regard Mongolia (which has
asserted its independence of Peking) as
a 'province' of China. Nor can any
valid process of reasoning justify Eng-
land or America in supporting China's
contention that Japan should now sur-
render, or greatly modify, her claims to
'special interests' in Manchuria. The
arguments and attitude of Japan's rep-
resentatives at Versailles clearly dem-
onstrated their determination to insist
upon recognition of those interests, as
an equitable quid pro quo for our
Asiatic Exclusion acts and all that they
imply. The same determination was
unmistakably manifested in the nego-
tiation and conclusion of the Lansing-
Ishii agreement in 1917.
To sum up. If England, America,
and Japan now concur in recognizing
the critical condition of affairs in
China, and unite, in a common purpose
of good-will, to restore her stability of
government and to protect her sover-
eignty, the resources of diplomacy
should be capable of devising a practical
and equitable solution of the Far East-
ern problem. Frank discussion of the
existing situation should entail, part
passu with reasonable recognition of
Japan's established position in Man-
churia and Mongolia, the simultaneous
restoration to China, by all the powers
concerned, of 'leased' territories in
China proper, the withdrawal of all
foreign garrisons and post-offices from
the eighteen provinces, and the aban-
donment therein of all claims to spheres
of influence and concessions, which
conflict with the sovereignty of China
and the principle of equal opportunity.
Given such an agreement, concerted
measures for the restoration of the
Central Government's authority and
fiscal machinery, for the effective dis-
bandment of the tuchuns' irregular
forces, and for financial reorganization,
might be profitably discussed with
China's representatives. But, pending
the application of such remedial meas-
ures, it is foolish and futile to talk of
restoring the unfettered authority of
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
the Chinese Government in Manchuria
and Mongolia, for the simple reason
that there is no effective government in
China. Under existing conditions, the
rapid economic development of these
dependencies, which has resulted from
Japan's railway and mining enter-
prises, has proved of immediate bene-
fit, not only to China's revenues, but to
large numbers of Chinese workers and
settlers, who have poured into the
country from Shantung and Chihli,
attracted by good wages and the pros-
pect of immunity from the lawlessness
that preys upon all forms of produc-
tive industry, as the result of chronic
misrule under the Chinese Republic.
A word, in conclusion, with the polit-
ical idealists who would have us believe
in the impending federation of the
world by virtue of Christianity and
faith in the blessings of Democracy.
It were well for the peace of mankind if
they could be led to realize the simple
truth that the impact and influence of
the West have tended to destroy the
cohesive and self-sufficient qualities of
China's patriarchal system of govern-
ment, without supplying anything of
practical value in its place. A venerable
civilization, probably the wisest, and
certainly the oldest, that humanity has
produced, is now in danger of perish-
ing, as so many others have perished,
by contact with our machine-driven,
armor-plated culture, in combination
with soulless international finance.
Time will show whether the process of
disintegration wrought by these dis-
ruptive influences can possibly be
arrested by a new policy of harmonious
cooperation, for China's good, between
the friendly powers, so as to preserve
her independence as a nation and to
restore peace and prosperity to her
people. Reduced to simple terms, this
is the real Far Eastern question, which
awaits the deliberations of the Washing-
ton Conference.
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL? II
BY E. ALEXANDER POWELL
THE key to Japanese militarism and
imperialism is to be found in the dual
government that exists in Japan. There
is the constitutional government —
the Cabinet, the Diet, consisting of the
House of Peers and the House of Repre-
sentatives, and the administrative bu-
reaucracy — with which the world is
familiar. But there is also an invisible
government, an unseen empire, com-
posed of a clique of military men and
men with military affiliations, headed
by the Genro, or Elder Statesmen, with
the General Staff of the Army as its in-
strument. Of the two governments,
the latter is by far the more powerful.
Japanese policy, particularly in foreign
affairs, is invariably shaped by this
unseen government, its wishes gener-
ally being translated by the constitu-
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
689
tional government's actions. The two
regimes, whose interests are by no
means always opposed, are of necessity
more or less intermixed, like interlock-
ing directorates. For example, many
officials of the permanent civil bureau-
cracy — that is, the bureau chiefs and
their staffs — are drawn from the mili-
taristic clique, which is identical with
the unseen government, with which, as
might be expected, they work in har-
mony.
At the head of the Japanese State
stands the Emperor, generally spoken
of by foreigners as the Mikado (' Hon-
orable Gate,' a title comparable with
Sublime Porte), and by his own sub-
jects as Tenn5, or Heavenly King.
The present Emperor, Yoshihito, is the
one hundred and twenty-second of his
line, according to Japanese history,
which reckons from 660 B.C. when
Jimmu ascended the throne. But as
written records do not carry us back
further than A.D. 712, the reigns and
periods of the very early monarchs are
more or less apocryphal. Still, the fact
remains that Japan has been ruled by
an unbroken dynasty ever since the
dawn of her history, in which respect
she is unique among all the nations of
the world. By the Constitution of 1889
the Emperor combines hi himself the
rights of sovereignty and exercises the
whole of the executive powers, with the
advice and assistance of the nine Cabi-
net ministers. He alone can make war,
declare peace, and conclude treaties.
But between the Cabinet and the
Crown stands a small body of men, the
survivors of those by whose genius
modern Japan was raised to her present
high position among the nations. They
are known as the Genro, or Elder
Statesmen. At the present time only
three remain — Field-Marshal Prince
Yamagata, Marquis Okuma, and Mar-
quis Matsukata. These three old men
are the real rulers of Japan.
VOL. Ii8 — NO. A
Now let me make it clear that the
Elder Statesmen are neither appointed
nor elected. Indeed, there is no such
office as that of Elder Statesman per se.
You will find no mention of them in the
Japan Year-Book or other works of
reference. They are not officials, though
they hold the reins of power, though
by virtue of their rank they have seats
in the House of Peers. They are private
citizens who, because of their experi-
ence and sagacity, are the trusted ad-
visers of the Emperor, as they were of
his father before him. They are so
firmly intrenched in the confidence of
the Emperor and great nobles; they
are the embodiment of traditions so in-
dissolubly linked with the history of the
Empire; the social, political, financial,
and military interests which they repre-
sent are so powerful; that all attempts
to dislodge them or seriously to weaken
their influence have met with failure.
The invisible government of which
the Elder Statesmen are the head and
brains is not a modern development; it
goes back into Japanese history for
centuries. For nearly a thousand years
Japan has had a nominal government
and another unacknowledged govern-
ment, the latter more or less cloaked
and independent of check or control,
existing side by side. This unseen em-
pire dates from the period of the Sho-
gunate, during which the Emperor was
the titular ruler and the Shogun the
actual ruler of Japan. When the Sho-
gunate was abolished in 1868, and the
unification of the country under the
Emperor Mutsuhito begun, the task of
reconstruction was undertaken by the
daimyo, or feudal nobles. They became
the officials of the new government and
directed the transformation of Japan
into a modern state. Their descendants
fill those offices to-day.
When it is remembered that the
present officeholders are almost all
members of the ancient military clans,
690
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
it is not difficult to understand the as-
cendancy of the militarists in Japanese
politics. For example, nearly all the
members of the military clique belong
to the Chosun clan, while the navy
clique is recruited from the Satsuma
clan. The acknowledged leader of them
all, the uncrowned ruler of Japan, is
Prince Yamagata, himself a soldier and
a field-marshal. The Emperor, feeble
in health and mind, in spite of the pro-
found veneration in which he is still
held by the great mass of his subjects,
is a ruler only in name.
Of the nine members of the Cabinet,
two — the Minister of War and the
Minister of Marine — are not answer-
able for their actions to the Premier,
but are responsible only to the Em-
peror— which, translated, means the
Elder Statesmen. As a result of this
anomalous situation, these two minis-
ters can, and frequently do, defy the
Premier and block legislation. In fact,
a former Prime Minister resigned be-
cause he was unable to find men for
these portfolios who would consent to
carry out his policies. As the members
of the Cabinet are appointed by the
Emperor, instead of, as is the custom
in most European countries, by the
Premier, it is self-evident that no one
could obtain the portfolio of war or of
marine unless he was persona gratis-
sima to the militarist party. This
closest of close corporations is still
further bound together by family ties,
the present Minister of War, Major-
General Giichi Tanaka, being a son-in-
law of Prince Yamagata.
It is this curious relic of feudal times
which is responsible for those failures
to keep her agreements which have
done so much to lose for Japan the con-
fidence of other nations. Japan's fail-
ure to abide by her promise to evacuate
Siberia upon the withdrawal of the
American and other Allied troops pro-
vides a case in point. This commit-
ment was made to the United States
and her European allies by the consti-
tutional Government, as represented by
Premier Kara. I have good reason to
believe that, in making this promise,
the Government was entirely sincere
and that it fully intended to carry out
the evacuation. But the unseen govern-
ment — by which is meant the militar-
ist party — wished Japan to remain
in Siberia, for reasons of its own. It
wanted territory in that region, — ter-
ritory rich in mines and forests, — and
here was an easy way to get it. I do
not know precisely what procedure was
followed by the militarists, of course;
but I imagine that it was something
like this. Prince Yamagata, speaking
with the authority of the Emperor, in-
formed his son-in-law, the Minister of
War, that the occupation of Siberia was
to be continued; whereupon the Min-
ister of War, presumably without the
consent of the Premier, and quite pos-
sibly without his knowledge, instead
of withdrawing the Siberian garrisons,
reinforced them. It thus being made
impossible for the constitutional Gov-
ernment to keep the agreement it had
made, Premier Hara, in order to 'save
his face/ as they say in the East, was
forced to explain his failure to with-
draw the troops by asserting that it
had been found necessary to retain
them in Siberia temporarily in order
to guard Japan from Bolshevist attacks.
Result: loss of confidence by the other
powers in Japan's promises.
The effect on foreign opinion of such
usurpation of power by the invisible
government is recognized by the liber-
al element in Japan ; as witness a recent
editorial in the Yomi-Yuri Shimbun: —
'It is regrettable that the declara-
tions of the Japanese Government are
often not taken seriously. The Powers
regard Japan as a country that does
not mean what it says. The most im-
portant reasons for this will be found in
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
691
the actions of the militarists, whose ut-
terances are the cause of the Govern-
ment's attitude being misunderstood
abroad. Unless the militarist evil is
stamped out, a hundred declarations
disavowing territorial ambitions will
not be able to convince the Powers.'
The militarists placed the Govern-
ment in almost as embarrassing a posi-
tion in Korea last year as in Siberia.
Premier Hara, stirred to action by the
excesses of the Japanese troops, issued
orders that the military forces in Korea
should be subordinated to the civil
authorities; but the military, backed by
the unseen government, virtually ig-
nored these orders, the newly appointed
Governor-General, Baron Saito, being
unable to enforce his commands where
the military were concerned. Should
the Prime Minister resent such at-
tempts to block the policy of the Gov-
ernment, and appeal to the Emperor,
he would really be appealing to the
Elder Statesmen, who, as I have ex-
plained, stand between the Emperor
and the Cabinet. Or, should the Diet
attempt to put a check on the militar-
ists by refusing to pass the army ap-
propriations, it would have no effect on
the situation, for in such a case the
budget holds over from the previous
year. Having direct access to the Em-
peror and to the funds of the Imperial
Household, which is the richest in the
world, the militarists never lack for
money. Indeed, when all is said and
done, it is they who hold the purse-
strings. It will be seen, therefore, that
the Progressive Premier, Mr. Hara, is
in a trying and none too strong posi-
tion. The military party and the forces
of reaction typified by Prince Yama-
gata have too much power for him. The
Premier, speaking for the Government
and through the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, makes commitments to other
powers. The unseen government ig-
nores these commitments and leaves it
to the Premier to explain as best he can.
There you have the real reason why Ja-
pan seems so often to violate her treaty
obligations. She is not insincere in mak-
ing them. The men who make them are
not the men who break them.
This continued exercise of irrespon-
sible authority by the military party is
the most important and the most dan-
gerous factor in the whole Japanese
question. Until the invisible and irre-
sponsible powers behind the throne are
suppressed in favor of the constitu-
tional Government, there can be no real
hope of a satisfactory understanding
between Japan and the United States.
A democracy like ours cannot do busi-
ness with a government that is masked;
we must know with whom we are deal-
ing. If Japan sincerely desires the
friendship of the United States, then
she must give valid assurances that the
declared policies of her Government
will henceforward be binding on her
military, as well as her civil agents.
n
Although close observers have of
late detected a noticeable change in the
attitude of the younger generation of
Japanese toward the Emperor, who is
no longer venera.ted as he has been by
past generations, and although the
strength of the anti-militarist party is
steadily increasing, to talk glibly, as
certain American visitors to Japan
have done, of Japanese militarism be-
ing on its last legs, is to reveal profound
ignorance of the actual conditions. If
the system of unseen government were
merely transitory, it might readily
yield before the growth of education
and enlightened opinion. But it is not
transitory. Its tentacles reach deep
into the traditions of the Empire. It
would be strange, indeed, if the mili-
tarists were not dominant in Japan,
for the whole history of the nation is
692
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
punctuated by wars, feuds, and revolu-
tions; it climbed to its present position
as one of the Great Powers on the guns
of its battleships and the bayonets of
its soldiers; it has always been ruled by
military men. The militarism which
pervades the nation is vitalized, more-
over, by Japan's obsession that she is
hemmed in by a ring of enemies. The
truth of the matter is that the great
majority of Japanese look to the mili-
tarists as the saviors of the Empire.
Although the Japanese are gradually
becoming more democratic in their ten-
dencies, let us not delude ourselves into
thinking that the disappearance of
militarism is a probability of the not
far distant future. That it will eventu-
ally disappear is as certain as that dawn
follows the dark. But it may take a
generation, or more. That the militar-
ists will remain in the ascendant during
the lifetime of the Elder Statesmen
there can be little doubt. Not until
the grip of those aged dictators has been
relaxed by death is the power of the
militarists likely to wane. Nor is there
any certainty that it will wane then;
for in recent years their power has been
immensely strengthened by a force
far mightier and more sinister than
that of the Elder Statesmen. I refer
to the force of organized capital, of Big
Business. As Mr. Nathaniel Peffer, one
of the shrewdest and best-informed stu-
dents of Far Eastern politics, has shown,
it is Big Business that has reinforced
and is keeping in power the unseen
government — the military party.
Only recently has modern industrial
Japan awakened to a realization of its
own strength. But it is now fully alive
to the almost unlimited power, the end-
less possibilities, to be realized by the
great business interests of the country
joining hands and working together
for a common purpose. One who could
trace, through the political structure of
the Empire, the ramifications of the
great industrial and trading companies
would be in a position to analyze Jap-
anese politics, domestic and foreign.
Those policies of the Japanese Govern-
ment which are usually attributed by
foreigners to the ambitions of the mili-
tarists are in reality due to the machi-
nations of the capitalists. Here you
have the key to the annexation of Ko-
rea, to Japanese aggression in Manchu-
ria and Siberia, to the unreasonable
demands made on China, to the opposi-
tion to the restoration of Shantung.
All of those regions are immensely rich
in natural resources; they offer unlim-
ited possibilities for profitable exploita-
tion. And it is Japanese Big Business
which proposes to do the exploiting.
So, in order to obtain control of the ter-
ritories which it proposes to exploit, it
has joined forces with the land-hungry
militarists. It is the most sinister com-
bination of high politics and Big Busi-
ness that the world has ever seen.
Dominating Japanese business and
finance are a few great corporations:
Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Suzuki, Okura,
Sumitomo, Kuhara, Takata, Furu-
kawa. So much larger than the others
that they are in a class by themselves
are the Mitsui and Mitsubishi com-
panies, owned respectively by the
Mitsui and Iwasaki families. Indeed,
it is a common saying in Japan that no
one knows where Mitsui ends and the
Government begins. Their tentacles
sink deep into every phase of national
life — commercial, industrial, financial,
political. They own banks, railways,
steamship lines, mills, factories, dock-
yards, mines, forests, plantations, in-
surance companies, trading corpora-
tions. They and the leaders of the
unseen government are as intertwined
by marriage, mutual interest, and inter-
locking directorates as President Wilson
boasted that the Treaty of Versailles
was intertwined with the Covenant of
the League of Nations.
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
693
Each of these great companies, ac-
cording to Mr. Peffer, has its political,
financial, or family alliances with the
leaders of the unseen government.
Marquis Okuma, one of the Elder
Statesmen, is related by marriage to the
Iwasakis, who, as I have said, own the
great house of Mitsubishi. The same
house is connected with the opposition
party through its leader, Viscount Kato,
who is Baron Iwasaki's son-in-law.
Another of the Elder Statesmen, Mar-
quis Matsukata, is adviser to one of
these political dynasties. The late Mar-
quis Inoue, who held in turn the port-
folios of agriculture and commerce,
home affairs, finance, and foreign af-
fairs, was closely connected with the
house of Mitsui. The late Field-Mar-
shal Terauchi, at one time Prime Min-
ister of Japan and one of the foremost
leaders of the military party, was equal-
ly close to Okura, a relationship which
explains that house's success in ob-
taining army contracts and concessions
on the mainland of Asia. And so with
the highest military men of the Empire
and the leading statesmen of both po-
litical parties. Each has his relation-
ship to some great financial house, to
some captain of industry. Big Business
uses these affiliations with the militar-
ists to obtain for its schemes the sup-
port of the unseen government, which
is enormously strengthened by the affili-
ations of the militarists with Big Busi-
ness. It is like a cross-ruff at bridge.
m
* Japan's future lies oversea.' In
those four words is found the policy of
the military-financial combination that
rules Japan. The annexation of For-
mosa and Korea and Sakhalin, the oc-
cupation of Manchuria and Siberia and
Shantung, are not, as the world sup-
poses, examples of haphazard land-
grabbing, but phases of a vast and
carefully laid scheme, which has for
its aim the eventual control of all East-
ern Asia. Ostensibly to solve the prob-
lems with which she has been con-
fronted by her amazing increase in
population and production, but in
reality to gratify the ambitions of the
militaristic-financial clique, Japan has
embarked on a campaign of world-
expansion and exploitation. Con-
vinced that she requires a colonial em-
pire in her business, she has set out to
build one as she would build a bridge
or a dry-dock. The fact that she had
nothing, or next to nothing, to start with
did not worry her at all. Having once
made up her mind that the realization
of her political, economic, and territo-
rial ambitions necessitated the acquire-
ment of overseas dominions, she has
permitted nothing to stand hi the way
of her getting them. In other words,
wherever an excuse can be provided
for raising a flagstaff, whether on an
ice-floe in the Arctic or an island in the
Pacific, there the Rising Sun flag shall
flutter; wherever trade is to be found,
there Yokohama cargo-boats shall drop
their anchors, there Osaka engines
shall thunder over Kobe rails, there
Kyoto silks and Nagoya cottons shall
be sold by merchants speaking the lan-
guage of Nippon. It is a scheme as-
tounding by its very vastness, as me-
thodically planned and systematically
conducted as an American presidential
campaign; and already, thanks to
Japanese audacity, aggressiveness, and
perseverance, backed up by Japanese
banks, battleships, and bayonets, it is
much nearer realization than the world
imagines.
In China, Siberia, and the Philip-
pines, in California, Canada, and Mex-
ico, in the East Indies, Australia, and
New Zealand, on three continents and
on all the islands of the Eastern seas,
Japanese merchants and Japanese
money are working twenty-four hours
694
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
a day, building up that overseas em-
pire of which the financiers and the
militarists dream. The activities of
Japan's outposts of commerce and
finance are as varied as commerce and
finance themselves. Their voices are
heard in every Eastern market-place;
their footsteps resound in every avenue
of Oriental endeavor. Their mines in
Siberia and China and Manchuria
rival the cave of Al-ed-Din. The rail-
ways that converge on Peking from the
north and east, the great trunk-line
across Manchuria, and the eastern
section of the trans-Siberian system
are already in their hands. They work
tea-plantations in China, coffee-plan-
tations in Java, rubber-plantations in
Malaya, cocoanut-plantations in Bor-
neo, hemp-plantations in the Philip-
pines, spice-plantations in the Celebes,
sugar-plantations in Hawaii, prune-
orchards in California, apple-orchards
in Oregon, coal-mines in Manchuria,
gold-mines in Korea, forests in Siberia,
fisheries in Kamchatka. Their argo-
sies, flying the house-flags of the Toyo
Kisen Kaisha, the Nippon Yusen
Kaisha, the Osaka Shosen Kaisha, and
a score of other lines, bear Japanese
goods to Japanese traders on all the sea-
boards of the Orient, while Japanese
warships are constantly a-prowl, all
up and down the Eastern seas, ready
to protect the interests thus created
by the menace of their guns.
In regions where Japanese banks are
in control and Japanese settlers abound,
it is seldom difficult for Japan to find
an excuse for aggression. It may be
that a Japanese settler is mistreated
or a Japanese consul insulted, or that
a Japanese bank has difficulty in col-
lecting its debts. So the slim cables
flash the complaint to Tokyo; there
are secret consultations between the
militaristic leaders and the chieftains
of Big Business; a spokesman of the
unseen government rises in the Diet to
announce that, in Siberia or China,
Japanese interests have been endan-
gered or Japanese dignity affronted;
the newspapers controlled by Big Busi-
ness inflame the national resentment;
the heads of the invisible government,
speaking with the authority of the
Emperor, issue the necessary orders
to the Ministers of War and Marine;
and before the country in question
awakens to a realization of what is hap-
pening, Japanese transports are at
anchor in her harbors and Japanese
troops are disembarking on her soil.
Before they are withdrawn, — if they
are withdrawn, — Japan usually suc-
ceeds in extorting a concession to build
a railway, or to work a coal-field, or to
underwrite a loan, or a ninety-nine-
year lease of a harbor which can be
converted into a naval base, or the
cession of a more or less valuable strip
of territory — and so the work of
building up an overseas empire goes
merrily and steadily on.
Now this steady territorial expansion
— or, rather, the aggressive militarism
that has produced it — has naturally
aroused suspicion abroad of Japan's in-
tentions. In less than a quarter of a cen-
tury the area of the Empire has grown
from 148,000 to 261,000 square miles.
And virtually every foot of this great ter-
ritory has been won by the sword. We
have seen Formosa and the Pescadores
filched, as spoils of war, from a helpless
China. We have witnessed the rape of
Korea. We have observed Manchuria
become Japanese in fact, if not in name.
We have watched first Southern and
now Northern Sakhalin brought under
the rule of Tokyo. We have seen the
Rising Sun . flag hoisted over Kiao-
chow, the Marshalls, and the Caro-
lines. We have noted Japan's reluc-
tance to withdraw from Shantung or to
permit the neutralization of Yap. We
have watched the armies of Nippon
pushing deeper and deeper into Siberia
695
instead of withdrawing altogether, as
the Tokyo Government had promised.
Let the honest-minded Japanese ask
himself, then, if, in the face of such
aggressive imperialism, we are not jus-
tified in our suspicion and apprehension.
Not a little of our suspicion of Jap-
anese imperialism is directly traceable
to the circumstantial stories told by
Americans returning from the East,
particularly army and navy officers, of
Japan's secret designs against the
Philippines. In substantiation of these
stories they point to the temptation
offered by the great natural wealth of
the islands; to the alleged alarming
increase in the number of Japanese
settlers, particularly in Mindanao; and
to the geographical fact that the Philip-
pines form a prolongation of the Jap-
anese archipelago. (Were you aware
that Taiwan [Formosa], the southern-
most Japanese island, can be seen from
the highlands of Luzon on a clear day?)
That the Philippines would be an ob-
jective of Japanese attack in the event
of war between the United States and
Japan is a foregone conclusion. What
Japan's attitude might be were we to
withdraw from the islands, leaving the
natives to paddle their own canoe, is,
perhaps, open to question. But of this
I am convinced: as things stand to-day
Japan harbors no designs whatsoever
against the Philippines. Look at it
from the standpoint of common sense.
Why should Japan embark on a war
with a rich and powerful country like
the United States, in order to seize the
Philippines, — which, as she doubtless
realizes, she could not permanently
hold,* — when, without the risk of war,
she can help herself to even more valu-
able territory much nearer home? It is
quite true that Japan is opposed to the
fortification of the Philippines, which
she would regard as a threat against
herself, just as we are opposed to and
would probably prohibit the establish-
ment of a fortified Japanese naval base
on the coast of Mexico. While on the
subject of the Philippines, here is an
interesting bit of secret history. Vis-
count Kaneko.told me that, some years
prior to the Spanish-American War,
Spain approached Japan with an offer
to sell her the Philippines for eight
million dollars gold, and that Japan
declined the offer on the ground that
the islands were too far away for her to
administer satisfactorily and that their
climate was not suitable for Japanese to
live in.
Another reason for our distrust of
the peacefulness of Japanese intentions
is to be found in the fact that, at a time
when other nations are seriously dis-
cussing the question of disarmament,
Japan announces a military programme
which calls for an army with a war-
time strength of close to five million
men, thereby making her the greatest
military power on earth, and a naval
programme designed to give her eight
battleships and eight battle-cruisers,
each to be replaced by a new vessel
every eight years. Japan asserts that
these vast armies, this powerful arma-
da, should not be interpreted as a
threat against ourselves. But, we nat-
urally ask, against whom, then, are they
intended? Surely not against her ally,
England, or against revolution-torn
Russia, or against prostrate Germany,
or against decrepit China. Leaving
these out of the question, who is left?
But there are two sides to every ques-
tion. Let us look for a moment at
Japan's. Is it not fair and reasonable to
judge her by ourselves? What should
we say if the Japanese charged us with
planning a war against them because
we are increasing our naval strength?
We are building a navy for national
defense. Japan is building one for
precisely the same reason. Defense
against whom, you ask? Well, if you
wish to know the truth, defense against
696
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
the United States. For, grotesque as
such an assertion may appear to Amer-
icans, the majority of Japanese are
convinced that we are deliberately
trying to force a war upon them. As
evidence of this, they point to the dis-
criminatory and humiliating treatment
which we have accorded to Japanese in
the United States; to pur opposition to
Japan's legitimate ambitions on the
mainland of Asia; to our blocking the
insertion in the Covenant of the League
of Nations of a clause recognizing
Japanese racial equality; to our refusal
to recognize the Japanese mandate for
the former German possessions in the
Pacific; to our unofficial but none the
less active support of China in the con-
troversy over Shantung ; to the strength-
ening of our naval bases at Cavite and
Pearl Harbor; and finally, to the long
succession of sneers, gibes, and insults
indulged in by American jingoes, anti-
Japanese politicians, and certain sec-
tions of the American press. Viewing
the situation without prejudice, it seems
to me that Japan has as good ground for
her suspicion of us as we have for our
suspicion of her.
IV
Finally, we come to the most press-
ing, the most delicate, and the most
dangerous of all the questions in dis-
pute between the two countries — that
of Japanese immigration into the
United States. Now I have no inten-
tion of embarking on a discussion of
the pros and cons of this question. But,
because I have found that most Amer-
icans have of it only an inexact and
fragmentary knowledge, and because a
rudimentary knowledge of it is essen-
tial to a clear understanding of the
larger question, our relations with
Japan, it is necessary for me to sketch
in briefest outline the events leading up
to the present immigration situation.
Under the administrative interpre-
tation of our naturalization laws, Jap-
anese aliens are ineligible to American
citizenship. But down to the summer
of 1908 there was no restriction on Jap-
anese immigration. In that year, how-
ever, the much-discussed ' Gentlemen's
Agreement,' whereby Japanese labor-
ers are excluded from the United
States, went into effect. That agree-
ment is not in the shape of a formal
treaty or undertaking. The term ap-
plies simply to the substance of a num-
ber of informal notes exchanged be-
tween the then Secretary of State,
Elihu Root, and the Japanese Ambas-
sador in Washington. Under the terms
of this agreement we announced that
no Japanese could enter our ports from
Japan or Hawaii without a proper
passport from their own government,
and Japan promised in turn to give no
passports to laborers. There has been
no charge that Japan has failed to keep
both letter and spirit of this agreement
with absolute integrity. In fact, the
Japanese Foreign Office has at times
leaned backward in its endeavor to keep
faith. But the labor elements in Califor-
nia, unable to meet Japanese industrial
competition and jealous of Japanese
success, continued their anti-Japan-
ese agitation, being aided by politicians
seeking the labor vote; and in 1913 a
law prohibiting the purchase of land
by Japanese in that state was placed
on the statute-books of California.
But there were certain loopholes left
by this law which made it possible for
agricultural land to be leased for three
years by Japanese; for land to be pur-
chased by corporations in which Jap-
anese were interested: and for* land
to be purchased by American-born
children of Japanese parents. To block
up these loopholes the Oriental Exclu-
sion League circulated a petition to
place an initiative act — known as the
Alien Land Act — on the ballot, in
1920. To bolster up its arguments in
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
697
favor of this act, it called attention to
the rapid increase of the Japanese
birth-rate in California. This increase
in the birth-rate was due, it was claim-
ed, to the custom followed by many of
the poorer Japanese settlers in Cali-
fornia of having pictures sent to them
from Japan of eligible girls, to whom
they were married in absentia, these
so-called 'picture brides,' being thus
legally married, having the right under
our laws to join their husbands in the
United States. The more picture brides,
the more children, and the more child-
ren, the more land passing under Jap-
anese control; for the Japanese cir-
cumvented the prohibition against
their holding land by purchasing in
the name of their American-born child-
ren, who were automatically American
citizens and of whom the parents were
the legal guardians. Japan, in order
to remove another source of contro-
versy, in February, 1920, ceased to
issue passports to 'picture brides.'
But this did not satisfy the anti-Japan-
ese element in California, which succeed-
ed in having the adoption of the Alien
Land Act put to a popular vote. This
act — perhaps the most stringent meas-
ure ever directed against the civil rights
of residents in the United States —
provides for the prohibition (a) of land-
ownership by Japanese; (6) of leasing of
agricultural lands by Japanese; (c) of
land-ownership by companies or corpo-
rations in which Japanese are interest-
ed; (d) of land-ownership by Japanese
children born in the United States, by
removing them from the guardianship
of their parents in such cases.
At the elections in November, 1920,
this measure was carried by a minority
of the registered voters and by a three-
to-one vote of those who expressed an
opinion on the subject. The vote stood
668,483 in favor and 222,086 opposed.
There you have the Japanese immi-
gration situation up to the minute.
Now, the point I wish to emphasize
is this: the Japanese are not clamoring
for the removal of any of the present
restrictions on Japanese immigration.
They consider these restrictions offen-
sive and humiliating, — that goes with-
out saying, — but they concede our
right to decide who shall enter our
doors and who shall stay out. Not for
a moment, however, have the Japanese
accepted our assertion that our exclu-
sion of them is based on economic
grounds. They know, and we know,
that the cause of their exclusion is
racial. No one realizes more clearly
than the Japanese that, in excluding
them from the United States, we have
virtually proclaimed them an inferior
race. I repeat, however, that they con-
cede our right to exclude whom we
please. But what they do not con-
cede, what they will not agree to, is the
right of the United States, or of any
state in the United States, to discrim-
inate against those Japanese who are
lawfully resident in this country. To
attempt to deprive those Japanese
dwelling within our borders of the
personal and property rights that we
grant to all other aliens is so obviously
unjust that it scarcely merits discus-
sion. The Japanese have excellent
grounds for believing that such dis-
criminatory legislation is unconstitu-
tional; they know that it constitutes an
open defiance of justice and equity.
They feel — and their feeling is shared,
apparently, by the 222,000 Californi-
ans who voted against it — that such
legislation makes ridiculous our oft-
repeated boast that we stand for the
'Square Deal.'
The bitterness of Japanese resent-
ment over the immigration question is
not entirely due, however, to wounded
racial pride, but quite as much, I think,
to the rudeness and lack of tact which
have characterized the anti-Japanese
campaign in California. For it should
698
ARE WE GIVING JAPAN A SQUARE DEAL?
be remembered that in no country is
the code of social courtesy or considera-
tion for aliens so rigidly observed as in
Japan. In dealing with the Japanese
nothing is ever gamed by insults or
bullying. Politeness is the shibboleth
of all classes, and the lowest coolie
usually responds to it instantly. Is it
to be wondered at, then, that the Jap-
anese are irritated and resentful at the
lack of courtesy and ordinary good
manners which we have displayed in
our handling of so peculiarly delicate
a matter as the immigration question?
It may be that local conditions jus-
tify the wave of anti-Japanese hysteria
which is sweeping the Pacific Coast.
It may be that the people of the West-
ern states can offer valid reasons for
their constant pin-pricking and irrita-
tion of Japan. But I doubt it. I am no
stranger to California, — I have lived
there, off and on, for years, — nor am
I ignorant of the relations between
labor and politics in that state. That
is why I refuse to become excited over
the threatened 'conquest' of California
by a little group of aliens which com-
prises only two per cent of the popula-
tion of the state, and which owns or
leases only one and six tenths per cent
of its cultivated lands. The Califor-
nians assert that their anti-Japanese
legislation is a matter for them to de-
cide and does not concern the rest
of the country. Therein they are wrong.
For in the unwished-for event of war
with Japan, it would not be a war be-
tween California and Japan, but be-
tween the United States and Japan.
Therefore, in its treatment of the Jap-
anese, it behooves California to take
the rights and interests of the rest of
the country into careful consideration.
So, because we must all share in the
responsibility for California's treat-
ment of the Japanese, let us make cer-
tain beyond doubt or question that that
treatment is based on equity and jus-
tice. Under no conditions must racial
prejudice or political expediency be per-
mitted to serve as an excuse for giving
the Japanese anything save a square
deal.
From talks that I have recently had
with many of the leading men of Japan,
including the Prime Minister, the Minis-
ter for Foreign Affairs, the Minister for
War, and the President of the House of
Peers, I am convinced that an under-
standing can be reached with the Japan-
ese Government over the immigration
question, — and, indeed, over most of
the other questions pending between the
two nations, including that of Yap, —
provided we approach Tokyo in a
courteous manner and with at least an
outward show of sympathetic friend-
liness. My conversations with the
Japanese leaders showed me that they
have a much clearer understanding of
our difficulties and perplexities than
most Americans suppose. It might be
well for us to remember that the Jap-
anese Government is itself in an ex-
tremely trying position, and that its
leaders are extremely apprehensive of
the effect on Japanese public opinion
of any settlement of the immigration
question which might be interpreted as
an affront to Japanese racial pride or
national dignity. But of this I can as-
sure you: Japan is genuinely, almost
pathetically, anxious for American
confidence and good-will, and, in order
to obtain them, she is prepared to make
almost every concession that her self-
respect will permit and that a fair-
minded American can demand.1
1 For many valuable suggestions and for many
important data incorporated in this article I am
deeply indebted to the Hon. Roland S. Morris,
former American Ambassador to Japan, and to
Nathaniel Peffer, Esq., correspondent in the Far
East of the New York Tribune.
(The End)
ENGLAND AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
BY HERBERT SIDEBOTHAM
THERE has been little public discus-
sion in England of the problems of the
Washington Conference; but on that
account people have been thinking the
more. Six months ago it used to be said
that all roads in English politics led to
Dublin, so strongly did people feel that
on a just settlement of the Irish problem
depended the health of the whole State.
In regard to Ireland, the British Gov-
ernment has done everything that it
could do to bring about a settlement;
and whether it is reached or not rests
with the Sum Fein leaders rather than
with England. At any rate, we have
done enough, it is hoped, to prove the
sincerity of our desire for peace, and to
disprove that strange legend of England
as a nation besotted with Imperialism
and caring nothing for the liberty of
mankind, so long as her own interests
are served. From this point of view, the
negotiations with Sinn Fein, whether
they succeed or fail, will serve to strike
the keynote both of our policy and of
our reputation at Washington.
This is not a Liberal government in
the party sense; but in the real sense,
especially in the domain of foreign af-
fairs, it is perhaps the most liberal gov-
ernment that England has ever had.
Let Americans compare the ease with
which a great, humane, liberal idea
gains acceptance in official circles now,
with the passive obstinacy it used to
encounter in the past, and they will
realize that this is no idle boast.
Observe, too, how interest and senti-
ment unite from the most diverse quar-
ters to make Washington the focus of
every political orientation just now. Is
relief from heavy taxation the domin-
ant desire in the British electorate? It
can look nowhere for hope except to the
success of Washington hi producing
some effective scheme of disarmament;
for, apart from economy in armaments,
the anti- waste compaign is only a suc-
cession of cat-calls. Is the conscience
overborne with a sense of the horror
and wickedness of war? We cannot
escape the sense of impending tragedy
except by settling before they become
acute the political differences in the
Far East, which, left alone, are even
now shaping themselves toward an-
other great war. Does this man long
for the power and opportunity to sweet-
en the toil of the poor? He too must fix
his hopes on Washington, for the expen-
diture on war is the greatest of obstacles
to all political schemes for promoting
domestic happiness. Or is that man's
principal interest in the personalities of
politics? For him, too, Washington
will provide one of the most moving of
dramas.
By his offer of peace to Ireland, Mr.
Lloyd George has proved that war has
not dulled the edge of his Liberal faith.
If, in addition, he can in conjunction
with American statesmen settle the prob-
lem of disarmament, which has defied
the efforts of good-will for genera-
tions, his power is assured for the rest
of his life, and the policy of England
will be Liberal for another generation,
or more. Mr. Lloyd George knows
that, and the spur of ambition will
speed him in the same direction as the
699
700 ENGLAND AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
conscience of the people. America need
have no fear that our politicians will
not take the Washington Conference
seriously. They are desperately in ear-
nest about it, and they have every rea-
son — of ambition, of expediency, and
of principle — to work hard for success.
America has been led to propose the
Conference for reasons that are parallel
to, but not identical with, those which
lead us to support her effort so warmly.
She has, like us, economic reasons for
desiring a reduction in the expenditure
on armaments, though they are less
strong than with us. America has not
passed the limit of her taxable capacity
(or so it seems to us here) so far as we
have done. On the other hand, her po-
litical reasons for desiring -a settlement
with Japan which shall avoid the oc-
casion of war are stronger even than
ours. In no conceivable circumstances,
should we go to war against America on
the side of Japan; our risk of war lies in
the remote contingency of our interven-
tion if America were really hard pressed ;
for we could not afford to let America
be defeated any more than America
could have afforded to let us be defeated
in the late war. And it is safe to say
that, if Japan knew that that would be
our attitude, there would be no risk of
war between her and America. We
hold the keys of peace between America
and Japan, and America must allow us
to use them in the sense that we think
would be most effectual for the pur-
poses of peace. If we were to denounce
the alliance with Japan, the danger
could be met only by a military alliance
between England and the United
States, by which we should bind our-
selves to provide an army for the de-
fense of China against military aggres-
sion by Japan. That is a prospect that
is agreeable to neither of us. As neither
of us wishes to engage in difficult and
dangerous operations in China, let us
rather use the instrument that we have
to hand in the Japanese alliance, and, by
associating Japan with our policy, pre-
vent the occasion of war from ever aris-
ing. It would be a great mistake on the
part of America if she were to make the
abandonment of this alliance the test of
our friendship with her, for that would
be to precipitate the danger we are both
anxious to avoid. But if America were
to say, 'Make this alliance the means
of preserving peace and the interests
that we have in common,' that is a test
that we should accept with alacrity, be-
cause we are sure that we can satisfy it.
The main motive, however, of Presi-
dent Harding 's invitation to the Con-
ference at Washington is not the out-
cry against excessive taxation or the
fear of war with Japan, but a view of
world-policy with which England has a
very close sympathy. America fears
that, if expenditure remains at its pres-
ent height, not only will the expansion
of commercial enterprise be checked,
but an irresistible popular movement
will arise for the repudiation of debts.
There are people in England who fear
it too, and on that account Lord Birk-
enhead is believed to be anxious to
democratize the House of Lords and to
give it some control over finance, in
order to prevent a chance Labor ma-
jority in the House of Commons from
measures of confiscation.
A second motive with America is
that she has made the discovery that
the world is, in the economic sense, all
one. Nations live on each other's pros-
perity, and the first condition of healthy
exchange of commodities is a healthy
state of the exchange in money. We
had just made up our minds that the
'economic man' of the Manchester
school did not exist, when lo, a very big
economic man comes into life. America
is that man; and she is interested in the
political and economic health of Eu-
rope because (apart from humane rea-
sons) without it her own foreign trade
ENGLAND AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE 701
must languish. So true is it that na-
tions, however wealthy and prosperous,
cannot live alone.
And, lastly, America, dissatisfied
with the political arrangements made
at the Paris Conference for preserving
the peace of the world, knows that she
cannot rest in an attitude of mere nega-
tion, but that, if she rejects those ar-
rangements, she must substitute some-
thing better for them. That arises from
her discovery that the political as well
as the economic world is one; indeed,
that you cannot separate politics and
economics any more than you can sep-
arate the head from the tail of a coin.
America is coming into world-poli-
tics, not from choice but because she
must — that is the first and most im-
portant meaning of the Conference.
England welcomes the decision, not be-
cause she thinks that America will sup-
port any particular views of hers, but
because she will be a new arbiter in Eu-
ropean affairs , who, whether she agrees
with us or not, will at any rate speak
our idiom. That idiom is the idiom of
the Common Law, which we share. Its
main characteristic is the view that the
State is, after all, only the sum of the
individuals that compose it, and has
no separate abstract entity, which has
rights of its own; and it follows that it
resents the conception of foreign poli-
tics as a game of the chancelleries, to be
played in secret, with human lives as its
pawns. It insists that the test of for-
eign policy is not the welfare of an ab-
straction called the State, but the sum
of happiness among the individuals who
compose it.
The Paris Conference was far from
realizing that ideal, and, so far from
composing the differences between na-
tions, has exhibited in sharp conflict
two opposing conceptions of foreign
policy: the French conception, which
holds that one state is strong by an-
other's weakness, prosperous by its
depression, secure by strategic combi-
nations and alliances, and the Anglo-
American conception, which believes in
the family of nations and in a concert of
powers based on law and justice. At
Paris this conflict could be resolved
only by compromise, for, in the face of
the enemy, our first duty was at all costs
to maintain, at any rate, the semblance
of unity. It is nothing to be surprised
at that such compromise has aroused
dissatisfaction; the wonder rather is
that so much promises to be durable.
But now the conditions are different.
The Paris Conference was governed by
the conditions of war; the Washington
Conference will be held in an atmos-
phere of peace — a state, however, not
of tranquil acquiescence on the part of
the peoples, but of clamant demand
that they shall cease to be ridden by
the nightmare of the omnipotent State
exacting toll of life and treasure from
its citizens.
The more one thinks of the work of
the Washington Conference, the more
one realizes that it must develop into a
revision of a great deal that is in the
Treaty of Versailles. The article that I
wrote for the July number of the Atlan-
tic Monthly insisted that no effective
disarmament was possible except on the
basis of certain political settlements.
It was not, therefore, surprising that,
for the reasons then advanced and
doubtless for many others, President
Harding's invitation to a disarmament
conference was also an invitation to
survey some of the problems that make
for swollen armaments by the political
friction that they engender. But no
survey of political conditions can be
restricted artificially to one part of the
world, even though that part be a hemi-
sphere like the Pacific. For every po-
litical settlement implies a political
philosophy, and in laying down condi-
tions in the Pacific, we create a pre-
sumption in favor of similar conditions,
702 ENGLAND AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
similar guaranties of the peace, else-
where. Besides, one main motive of the
invitation to the Conference was Amer-
ica's conviction that the world was
economically, and therefore politically,
one.
One can now distinguish three main
divisions of the work of the Conference.
These are: —
1. To determine the conditions on
which America will be able to take her
part in maintaining the peace of the
world.
2. To settle certain political problems
in the Pacific, more particularly in rela-
tion to China.
3. On the basis of this political settle-
ment, to bring about a measure of naval
and military disarmament.
Some observations, necessarily gen-
eral in character, may be offered on
each of these divisions in the work of
the Conference; more particularly in
relation to the policy that England is
known to approve, or is likely to advo-
cate there.
It was a great disappointment to
England that America could not see her
way to join the League of Nations; but
her reasons were intelligible, and were
not, in enlightened English opinion, ref-
erable to mere selfish desire to main-
tain her old isolation. Nor does it lie
with Englishmen, who used to speak of
their own 'splendid isolation' from the
quarrels of Europe, to reproach Amer-
ica, at the other side of the Atlantic,
with her detachment on many matters
which seem to us of vital importance.
In fact, the Covenant of the League,
like many other things done at the
Paris Conference, was a compromise be-
tween two logical alternatives. Your
League of Nations could be one of two
things. Either you could give it execu-
tive power, or you could deny it that
power. In the former alternative, your
League, if it was to be effective, would
have to be a super-state, with an army
and navy of its own. In the second al-
ternative, your League would be a pure-
ly advisory and administrative body.
The actual League sought to recon-
cile the objections to either alternative
by combining them in one scheme, and,
as usual in such cases, it succeeded in
combining their faults without combin-
ing their advantages. It was criticized,
and in America very successfully, be-
cause it impaired national sovereignty
and committed the people beforehand
to a policy which it might not approve
when the time came. On the other hand,
the League had very little real power,
and when any definite action had to be
taken in connection with the settlement,
it always fell to the national govern-
ments (until the last reference of the
Silesian problem to the arbitration of
the League), and the League showed
itself quite unable, unassisted, to curb
the egoism of French policy in Europe.
These objections to the League as at
present constituted are fully realized by
the British Government; and, on the
other hand, much of the advocacy of
the League principles is avowedly hos-
tile to, or at any rate critical of, the
present Government.
President Harding is credited with a
project for setting up councils of a pure-
ly legal character and without execu-
tive power, to deal with specific regional
problems. He will not find the British
Government unsympathetic, for these
regional Areopagi, consisting of repre-
sentatives of the powers concerned, will
not necessarily supersede the World-
League, but will enable America to pull
her weight in the regeneration of the
world and in the prevention of future
wars. That is an object hardly less im-
portant for America herself than for the
rest of the world.
The danger in the second part of the
programme, namely the political settle-
ment of Pacific problems, is that their
nature and difficulties lend themselves
ENGLAND AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
703
to the operations of intrigue. It was for
this reason that Mr. Lloyd George pro-
posed a preliminary conference between
the powers directly concerned, namely,
the United States, Japan, and Great
Britain (including Canada and Aus-
tralia), to explore the ground and to
come to provisional definitions of pol-
icy; and it was a matter of very great
regret to the British Government that
the proposal was not approved. Possi-
bly, the objects of the proposal, namely
to expedite business and to forestall in-
trigue, may be achieved in some other
way; nor, if they are attacked in the
right spirit, are these political problems
insoluble. The view strongly held by
the British Government is that the best
prospects, both of a political settlement
and of enduring peace in the Pacific, are
to retain the alliance, but with modifi-
cations, so as to limit it strictly to the
objects of policy agreed upon at the
Conference. To repudiate this alliance
would be to force Japan to seek another
ally and to bring about the system of
alliances and counter-alliances which
was the basis of European militarism.
The logical corollary of a repudiation
of the alliance would be an Anglo-Amer-
ican military and naval alliance for the
defense of China against the attack that
Japan, freed from the obligations of her
treaty with us, would probably make.
If America were to propose such an alli-
ance, it would have some strong advo-
cates in England; but one does not so
read present political tendencies in
America; and, that being so, our alli-
ance with Japan will be an understruc-
ture to the settlement made at the Con-
ference, not lightly to be removed.
To the long discussion in the July
Atlantic Monthly, by the present writer,
of the problems of naval disarmament,
it is not necessary to add anything here.
The more ambitious the project is, the
more likely it is to succeed ; and nothing
less than the neutralization of the Paci-
fic outside certain limits should satisfy
the Conference. The basis of naval dis-
armament should be partly political
and partly legal, and should include
certain reforms in the laws of interna-
tional law at sea. On the other hand,
the rationale of military disarmament
is financial. There is no common di-
visor possible except that of finance,
with a universal reduction of military
budgets by one half, two thirds, or
three fourths, or whatever proportion
may be arranged, allowances being
made for the military costs of adminis-
tering a mandate.
But this is a vast and complicated
subject and may demand a whole arti-
cle to itself. One thing, however, can
be promised. When the proposals for
reduction of armaments come to be
discussed, England will not be among
the laggards but among the most dras-
tic of pioneers, and the most probable
criticism of her will be that she wants
to do too much and to go too fast.
JAPANESE AND AMERICAN NAVAL POWER
BY HECTOR C. BYWATER
IN discussing the forthcoming Con-
ference at Washington and the issues to
be raised there, the Japanese newspa-
pers, with very few exceptions, assume
that under no circumstances whatever
will the Imperial Government consent
to abandon the so-called 'eight-eight'
programme of naval construction, be-
cause, as they infeist, it represents the
irreducible minimum of naval strength
needed by the Island Empire for its
own security and that of its overseas in-
terests. The Chuo, a semi-official organ,
denies that Japan entertains any fresh
scheme of naval expansion, and adds:
'All that we wish to do is to complete
a national defense programme which
was decided on long ago. For our part,
we see no necessity for restricting our
naval armaments; nor, indeed, is there
any margin for curtailment.' It would,
however, be a mistake to interpret
these press utterances too literally.
From recent speeches by the Foreign
Minister, Count Uchida, and the Minis-
ter of Marine, Admiral Kato, it is clear
that official Japan does not regard the
eight-eight programme as sacred, and
would be prepared to consider its revi-
sion, in the event that the other great
powers agree to make corresponding
reductions in their own navies.
In his address to the Gubernatorial
Conference held at the Home Office,
Tokyo, on May 4, Admiral Kato made
the following significant statement:
1 Mr. Bywater, a British naval writer of note,
speaks as a friendly, but absolutely neutral critic.
— THE EDITOR.
704
'The Japanese Government indorses
the theory of disarmament in principle,
and is ready to support any concrete
plans for the carrying out of disarma-
ment proposals.' At the same time he
took occasion to explain that the eight-
eight programme was in no sense a new
scheme. It originated, he said, as far
back as 1905, and was based upon the
experience gained in the war with Rus-
sia. Previous to that war the Japanese
Navy had been organized on the prin-
ciple of a 'six-six' squadron, that is, a
main battle-fleet consisting of six bat-
tleships and six armored cruisers, with
a proportionate complement of an-
cillary vessels. But the engagements
fought in the Yellow Sea in August,
1904, and in the Sea of Japan in the
following year, showed this fleet to be
too limited in numbers to carry out its
tactical functions with full effect. It
was consequently decided to increase
the strength of each armored squadron
by 25 per cent, thus making the tactical
unit a battle-squadron of sixteen cap-
ital ships, half to be battleships and
the other half armored cruisers.
Such a squadron was actually formed
soon after the war by utilizing the ar-
mored ships captured from Russia; but
as most of these vessels were obsoles-
cent, the practical fighting value of the
first eight-eight squadron was consider-
ably below its paper strength. Admiral
Kato argues, therefore, that the con-
struction programme on which Japan
is now engaged signifies nothing but an
attempt to make up for the deficit
JAPANESE AND AMERICAN NAVAL POWER
705
caused in the eight-eight tactical
scheme by the withdrawal of obsolete
ships. Germany, it will be recalled,
used the same argument to justify her
intensive building under the successive
Flottengesetze, which enabled her to
'replace' small and ancient coast-de-
fense ironclads by super-dreadnoughts
of the most powerful type. Used in this
connection, 'replacement' is therefore
something of a euphemism, though it
would be unfair to criticize Japan for
borrowing a convenient word, which
has been employed by other powers hi
justification of new naval programmes.
And, as a matter of fact, the Japanese
navy as it exists to-day does include
a fair number of capital ships so old
and weakly armed that their only role
in action would be that of defenseless
targets.
To attempt to explore the extraor-
dinary financial intricacies of the eight-
eight programme would be a thankless
task, but its significance in terms of
naval tonnage is more easily explained.
The Japanese battle-fleet consists at the
present moment of ten ships of the
dreadnought type, including battle-
cruisers, and only one of these ships
(the Nagato) comes within the scope
of the eight-eight programme. This
means that 15 more dreadnoughts re-
main to be completed, five of which are
already under construction, leaving ten
ships yet to be laid down.
Let us now turn for a moment to the
American battle-fleet. At this date —
September — it comprises 20 dread-
nought battleships completed, with 15
additional capital ships in various stages
of building or completion. In ships of
the line available for immediate service,
it thus outnumbers the Japanese fleet
by two to one; and the position, super-
ficially regarded, is so entirely in favor
of the United States, that the idea of
Japan's attempting to contest the su-
premacy of the Pacific may seem ab-
VOL. 1K8—NO. 6
surd. Of that, more anon. The point
to be noted is that, as regards capital
ships still in the building stage, — that
is, ships which incorporate the very
latest ideas as to armament, protection,
and other military characteristics, —
the two powers are absolutely equal.
The international naval view, which
may possibly be exaggerated, is that
ships designed before the battle of Jut-
land are so inherently inferior to those
designed subsequently, that the result
of a duel between a pre-Jutland ship
and a post-Jutland ship would be a
foregone conclusion: in other words,
that the post-Jutland type of capital
ship has rendered all her predecessors
totally obsolete. That there are grounds
for conceding this claim hi large meas-
ure will be denied by no one who is
conversant with current developments
in naval architecture, ship-protection,
ordnance, and so forth; and the fact
that pre-Jutland and post-Jutland are
labels which are coming to bear much
the same meaning in naval circles as
that which attaches to pre-dreadnought
and post-dreadnought is sufficient to
indicate the importance attributed by
students of nava warfare to the line
of demarcation between ships dating
from these respective periods. While it
might be straining a point to assert
that all capital ships belonging — as
the vast majority do — to the pre-Jut-
land era would be useless in any future
sea fight, it is unquestionably true that
naval opinion has lost confidence in
these vessels and is ready to consign
them to the scrap-heap as soon as they
can be replaced. As we have seen,
Japan and the United States are both
at work on large programmes of post-
Jutland capital ships; and it is at these,
programmes we must look, not at the
respective fleets of older ships, if we
wish to form a true estimate of relative
naval strength in the Pacific a few years
hence.
706
JAPANESE AND AMERICAN NAVAL POWER
n
Of the 15 big ships authorized by the
eight-eight programme, only one has
been completed to date. This is the
Nagato, commissioned in December,
1920, and at present the largest and
most powerful battleship in the world.
With a displacement of 33,800 tons and
a speed of 23 knots, she is 1200 tons
heavier and two knots faster than the
Maryland, America's first post-Jutland
vessel, which is now performing her
trials. Both ships carry a main battery
of eight 16-inch guns, and may be
classed as equal in fighting power,
though the Nagato's superior speed
might give her an advantage in certain
conditions. A sister to the Nagato, the
Mutsu, is practically ready for sea, and
will join the flag before the close of the
year. The next two battleships of the
eight-eight programme are the Kaga
and Tosa, laid down last year and due
for delivery in 1922-23. They will dis-
place nearly 40,000 tons, and are cred-
ited with a battery of twelve 16-inch
guns, which is identical with that to
be mounted in the American Indiana
class. Next come four battle-cruisers,
the Amagi, Akagi, Atago, and Takao,
all of which are expected to be in serv-
ice before the end of 1924. These ves-
sels are approximately of the same size,
speed, and armament as the six Amer-
ican battle-cruisers now building.
Of the eight remaining capital ships
to be built under the eight-eight scheme
no definite information is available,
save that four of them will be battle-
cruisers. As these vessels have not yet
been begun, their designers, having had
the advantage of studying current de-
velopments abroad, will be able to en-
dow them with tactical qualities on the
very latest principles. Two of the bat-
tleships to be laid down next year, the
Owari and the Kii, are reported by
Japanese papers to be designed for an
armament of 18-inch. If true, there
would be nothing surprising in this, for
Japan has always had a partiality for
very heavy guns, and was, in fact, the
first power to arm her cruisers with
weapons which had previously been
carried only by battleships.
In this connection attention may be
drawn to an important circumstance
that is almost invariably overlooked in
making comparisons between the pres-
ent and future standing of the Japanese
and American navies. Whereas all the
16 capital ships authorized by the Amer-
ican three-year programme are already
under construction, and their essen-
tial characteristics known, only half of
the 16 capital ships for which provision
is made under the Japanese eight-eight
project have been actually begun. The
remaining eight may therefore prove
to be vessels of unprecedented dimen-
sions and fighting power, in which case
all estimates of future comparative
strength based on the principle of
'counting noses' would be vitiated.
This is not by any means an improbable
contingency, for on three occasions
since the dawn of the Dreadnought Era,
Japan has enjoyed for a time the dis-
tinction of possessing the most power-
ful capital ship afloat, namely, the
battle-cruiser Kongo in 1913, the bat-
tleship Fu-so in 1915, and the battle-
ship Nagato in 1920.
Of course, it may be argued that the
conventional method of appraising re-
lative strength by the formula of battle-
ship tonnage is no longer admissible,
seeing that the primacy of the big ship
has been impeached by authoritative
critics, such as Admiral Sir Percy Scott.
This, however, is not the place to dis-
cuss the present status of the battleship
in the naval hierarchy, nor is it neces-
sary to do so, in view of the fact that
the three leading navies of the world
have all decided to perpetuate the bat-
tleship as the chief tactical unit. Then,
JAPANESE AND AMERICAN NAVAL POWER
707
again, it is conceded, even by members
of the ' anti-mastodon ' school, that the
great armored ship may still prove val-
uable, if not indispensable, when war
has to be conducted in so vast an arena
as the Pacific, however much her value
for operations in the restricted waters
of the North Sea or the Mediterranean
has been depreciated by the evolution
of submarines and aircraft. Conse-
quently no excuse is needed for basing
an estimate of naval power in the Pa-
cific on the dimensions of the respective
battle-fleets.
At the same time, it would be a great
mistake to ignore the many other types
of ships represented in every modern
and well-balanced fleet. Light cruisers,
destroyers, submarines, and auxiliaries
are essential components, and the ab-
sence of any one of these types would
mean a corresponding reduction in the
efficiency of the fleet as a whole.
Japan, it must be confessed, has
shown a keener sense of proportion
than the United States in developing
her ship-building policy. She has never
committed the error of putting all her
money into battleships, and neglecting
to provide the satellites without which
the big ship is a more or less blind, grop-
ing, and vulnerable Goliath. Since the
year 1904 the United States has auth-
orized only 13 fast light cruisers, where-
as Japan, in the same period, has pro-
vided 27. The disparity becomes still
more pronounced when it is remembered
that throughout this period the United
States has possessed more than twice as
many battleships as her rival.
This omission to build an adequate
number of fast scouting vessels imposes
a severe handicap on the American
fleet even in time of peace, and would
undoubtedly be a matter of grave con-
cern in the event of war. As the three
scouts of the Birmingham class, com-
pleted in 1908, are now obsolete, and as
the first of the ten new scouts building
under the 1916 programme is still un-
completed, the fleet at this moment
does not dispose of a single fast cruising
ship, and is therefore dependent for
reconnaissance duties on its destroyers,
which have neither the fuel-endurance
nor the seaworthiness to perform such
work efficiently.
Japan, on the other hand, is reaping
the fruits of a wiser policy. Irrespective
of certain older ships, which are too
slow to work with a modern fleet at
sea, she has 10 fast cruisers completed,
4 building, and 12 about to be laid
down under the eight-eight scheme.
From these figures it may be inferred
that she attributes to the fast scouting
cruiser an importance secondary only
to that of the capital ship, and the ex-
perience of the World War suggests
that she is right. That conflict had not
been in progress a month before the
principal naval belligerents discovered
the urgent need of fast cruisers, and
forthwith proceeded to build them in
large numbers. Between the outbreak
of war and the Armistice Great Britain
had laid down no less than 40; and Ger-
many's effort in the same direction was
limited only by the exigencies of her
huge submarine programme. It was
one more case of history repeating it-
self; for Nelson a century earlier was al-
ways calling out for 'more frigates,' and
finding himself hampered at every turn
by the lack of speedy scouts to keep in
touch with, and bring intelligence of, the
enemy. Under modern conditions the
functions of the light cruiser have ex-
panded, and although certain of her du-
ties may in future devolve upon air-
craft, she is, and will remain for many
years to come, a most necessary ad-
junct to the battle-fleet.
m
After their wonderful records of serv-
ice accomplished during the World
708
JAPANESE AND AMERICAN NAVAL POWER
War, it would be superfluous to em-
phasize the unique value, in their differ-
ent spheres, of the destroyer and the
submarine. There are some critics who
hold that neither type would find in a
Pacific campaign so many opportuni-
ties for useful work as they found in the
late struggle, which was fought, for the
most part, in narrow seas and within
easy reach of fuel stations. This holds
good so far as the destroyer is concern-
ed. For the rough-and-tumble work of
patrol, submarine-hunting, and convoy
escort, the medium-type destroyer of
1000 tons or thereabouts proved ad-
equate for all practical purposes, and
was therefore rapidly multiplied by
nearly all the belligerents. America,
in particular, created a record in mass-
production by building 270 destroy-
ers to a standard design; and thanks
to this sudden spurt, is now amply pro-
vided with destroyers of a staunch, fast,
and well-armed type. She can muster,
in round numbers, 300 boats, all of
modern design. The Japanese total is
barely one third of this at present, but
it will rise to 150 when the eight-eight
programme is complete, not counting
half a hundred older boats that are still
good for many years of subsidiary serv-
ice. Japan, however, has not adopted
the system of standardization in build-
ing up her destroyer flotilla. Her meth-
od is to build boats in groups of 10 to
20, each group an improvement on its
predecessor, with the result that her
latest classes are larger, more heavily
armed, and have a wider range of ac-
tion than the American 'flush-deckers.'
In effect they are small but very fast
cruisers, of 2000 tons or more, steaming
36 knots at full speed, and mounting a
battery of five 4.7-inch guns. Twenty
boats of this design are known to be
under construction, and in all probabil-
ity a certain number of the 40 new de-
stroyers for which funds have been
voted will prove to be even larger and
more heavily armed. On the whole,
therefore, the American margin of su-
periority in destroyers is less than the
bare figures seem to indicate.
The relative position in submarines
is less easy to define, owing to the in-
tense secrecy in which the Japanese
naval authorities have always shrouded
this branch of their service. It is
doubtful whether anyone outside the
Tokyo Navy Department knows either
the exact number of underwater craft
that Japan has available at the present
moment or how many she has on the
building slips. All that can be said with
certainty is that most of the statistics
and other data relating to the Japanese
submarine flotilla which appear in for-
eign naval textbooks are unreliable, not-
withstanding the fact that they are
derived in some cases from official
sources in Japan. The eight-eight
scheme provides for an establishment
of 80 submarines, all of which are to be
ready for service by the end of 1927;
but this total includes only 'first-line'
boats of the latest design and largest
dimensions. By the date in question
Japan will probably have an additional
50 or 60 boats of older and smaller
types, which would, however, be quite
effective for short-range operations and
coast defense. A careful analysis of
information that has reached the writer
from a well-informed quarter shows
Japan to have ordered from 90 to 100
submarines of all types since the year
1903. At least 45 of these boats have
been completed, leaving about the
same number still under construction
or contracted for. To these must be
added an unknown number of new
boats to be built under the eight-eight
programme. By far the major propor-
tion of the boats built or ordered in the
past five years are of the ocean-going
type, planned with a view to long-dis-
tance cruising.
In deciding the characteristics of
JAPANESE AND AMERICAN NAVAL POWER
709
their latest submarines the Japanese
naval constructors have been influ-
enced by the design of the surrendered
German U-boats, particularly those of
the submersible cruiser class. Of the 10
boats begun in 1919 (numbers 27 to 36),
each displaces 1100 tons, and will have
a surface speed of 17 knots. Cruising at
economical speed, they will be able to
cover a distance of 11,000 knots with-
out replenishing their oil-tanks. A
larger type, of 1250 tons, armed with
one 5.5-inch rapid-fire gun and four
torpedo tubes, was begun last year; but
even this will be eclipsed by the huge
submersibles reported to have been or-
dered during the current year — with
displacement of over 2000 tons, a speed
of 18 knots, and a battery of two 5.5-
inch guns and six torpedo tubes. The
Minister of Marine is anxious to in-
crease the submarine programme to
150 boats, all to be in service by 1926;
but apparently he has not yet gained
parliamentary sanction for this scheme.
Nor is it likely that the Japanese indus-
try would be capable of producing so
many large submarines by the date in
question. Even as it is, the Govern-
ment has been compelled to place con-
tracts for many sets of submarine en-
gines with European firms.
The American submarine flotilla now
consists of 154 vessels, only 63 of which
are officially classed as ocean-going, the
remainder being 'coastal' boats, with
a nominal cruising endurance up to
5000 knots, though many of them could
not traverse half that distance on one
load of fuel. Hitherto American naval
policy has differed from the Japanese
in assigning to submarines a role that
is mainly defensive, underwater craft
having been regarded more as instru-
ments for coast-defense than as vessels
competent to operate on the high seas,
either independently or in cooperation
with the battle-fleet. There is, however,
reason to believe that this view has
lately been modified, and that most, if
not all, of the new American subma-
rines will be found equal to foreign con-
temporaries hi cruising range, seawor-
thiness, and other essential qualities.
Their studies of the strategic problems
of the Pacific have apparently convinced
American naval officers that a very ex-
tensive cruising radius is absolutely in-
dispensable hi the case of every type of
vessel liable to be employed on war
service in that ocean. Acceptance of
this proposition naturally involves a
substantial increase in size, which ap-
plies as much to the submarine as to
the battleship. While, therefore, the
coastal boats that constitute so large a
percentage of the American submarine
flotilla might prove valuable enough for
the defense of continental and oversea
harbors, they would count for little in
an offensive campaign, which is gener-
ally admitted to be the only form of
strategy open to the United States
in the event of war with Japan.
No one can predict the part that air-
power is destined to play in future
naval wars, and least of all in a war
waged in the Pacific, where so much
would depend upon circumstances im-
possible to foresee with any clearness.
If, for instance, the Philippines and her
other insular possessions in the Western
Pacific remained in America's hands,
she could employ her air-power against
Japan with possibly decisive results.
It is, however, a somewhat formidable
'if,' as will become manifest when we
turn to the strategical outlook. So far
as materiel is concerned, American re-
sources for the conduct of aerial war-
fare at sea are far superior to those of
Japan. Without entering into detailed
comparisons, it is enough to say that
the United States has more than twice
as many efficient naval aircraft as
Japan; and, if military machines are
included, the American preponderance
becomes as three to one.
710
JAPANESE AND AMERICAN NAVAL POWER
Japan has not yet succeeded in pro-
ducing a counterpart of the remarkable
NC flying boats of the United States
navy; and, in fact, there is positive
evidence that her aviation services,
both naval and military, are in a back-
ward state. The 1918 programme made
provision for 140 new naval airplanes,
all of which were to be ready for use in
five years' time. Since, in their present
stage of development, even the largest
airplanes have a relatively limited ra-
dius of action, it is clear that they could
not participate to any marked extent hi
a Pacific campaign unless supported
by aircraft-carriers. This, however, is a
type of vessel in which both navies are
sadly deficient. The United States will
shortly have two such ships, the Lang-
ley and the Wright; but as their speed
is not more than 15 knots, they would be
too slow to accompany the battle-fleet,
and might prove more of a hindrance
than a help if attached to it. Japan is
even worse off, possessing as she does
only one old and slow ship of limited
carrying capacity; but the Hosho, a
new aircraft-carrier of high speed, is
under construction and will join the
fleet next year.
IV
The personnel factor, it need hardly
be said, is of supreme importance in re-
lation to naval efficiency. Only the
test of war could determine which navy
has the most highly trained and efficient
officers and men; but there is no reason
to suppose that any marked difference
exists between American and Japanese
seamen in respect of morale and pro-
fessional keenness. Both services have
an unbroken record of victorious war-
fare, and both are imbued with the
glorious traditions that inspire men
with an iron 'will to win.' Japan is in a
particularly advantageous position by
virtue of her large establishment of
trained personnel. She has sufficient
officers and men to provide a full com-
plement for every vessel that would be
mobilized in case of war, and, in addi-
tion, a reserve force numerous enough
to man every new warship and auxiliary
that could be placed in commission.
This means that the whole of the effec-
tive strength of the Japanese navy
could be mobilized swiftly and secretly,
and dispatched to the war zone without
a week's delay.
The American navy, on the other
hand, is hampered by the chronic short-
age of personnel. Judging from recent
experience, the first hint of war would
flood the recruiting bureaus and fill the
training camps to overflowing; but the
fact remains that competent naval of-
ficers and bluejackets cannot be im-
provised. Two years is a very narrow
estimate of the time required to convert
a civilian into a useful rating on board
a modern man-of-war. What propor-
tion of the United States active fleet
could put to sea on the outbreak of war,
fully manned with trained officers and
men, is a secret known only to the Navy
Department; but external evidence
suggests that the figure would be con-
siderably below the total paper strength
of the United States navy.
In the Pacific, as in other possible
theatres of war, strategy is merely the
handmaid of policy. Previous to the
war with Spain the United States had
no commitments in the Pacific beyond
her own territorial waters, and was
consequently under no necessity to
maintain a powerful naval force in that
ocean; for geography had imposed in-
superable barriers between her Western
littoral and a would-be invader from
the East. But with the acquisition
of the Philippines and other Pacific is-
lands formerly held by Spain, the posi-
tion underwent a fundamental change.
The frontiers of America were thrust
forward many thousands of miles, and
JAPANESE AND AMERICAN NAVAL TOWER
711
the task of defending them by sea-power,
hitherto so very simple, developed into
a problem the complexity of which does
not even yet seem to have been com-
pletely visualized. If it were possible
to rule out these islands, the American
people might feel supremely confident
as to their naval position. But no one
familiar with the American temper ever
supposes that the Philippines would be
tamely surrendered to the Japanese or
to any other invader. Then* retention
would therefore compel America to
concentrate her naval effort in the West-
ern Pacific, where she does not as yet
possess a single first-class naval base,
and possibly to fight a decisive action
at a distance of nearly 7000 miles from
her home coast. She has one asset of
great value in the Isthmian Canal,
which would enable her to transfer
naval force from the Atlantic to the
Pacific with the minimum of delay; but
against this must be set a host of disad-
vantageous conditions, which cannot
be fully realized unless the student has
before him a large-scale map of the
Pacific.
Assuming war with Japan to be a
possibility of the future, three proposi-
tions may be advanced without much
fear of contradiction. (1) The Western
seaboard of the United States is abso-
lutely safe from serious hostile attack,
and a military invasion would be a sheer
impossibility. (2) In the event of war,
the Philippines are practically certain
to be seized by Japan unless a powerful
American fleet arrives in the Western
Pacific within a fortnight after the dec-
laration of war. (3) No such fleet could
be sent unless it was sure of finding a
secure base, with a submarine-proof an-
chorage, abundant stocks of fuel and
other requisite supplies, and facilities
for carrying out repairs, including those
necessitated by heavy damage sus-
tained in action. If these propositions
are examined with the aid of a good
map, they will be found to contain in a
nutshell the strategical problems which
the American naval command would be
called upon to solve in case of war in
the Pacific.
Distance and base-power are the
dominant factors in the situation. It is
nearly 7000 miles from the American
coast to the Philippines, and no fleet
dare venture so far in war-time with-
out being assured of finding ample sup-
plies of fuel when it reaches its destin-
ation. A few years hence, provided
that the plans of the Navy Department
are allowed to mature, a well-defended
base will have been established at
Guam. It will then be feasible for the
American battle-fleet to steam across
the Pacific and undertake warlike oper-
ations against an Asiatic power, using
Guam as its advanced base. There is
some talk, also, of extending the dock-
yard at Cavite; but professional opinion
is rather averse to this plan', holding,
as it does, that the Philippines, exposed
as they are to successful invasion by
the Japanese, should not be reckoned
among the assets upon which the Amer-
ican navy could rely in the event of
war. The development of Guam, though
apparently now determined upon after
many years of hesitation, will be a
task of several years' duration, and
until it is completed, the American fleet
will be practically debarred from wag-
ing warfare in the Western Pacific.
Unless they are far less intelligent
than we have any right to suppose,
Japanese naval officers must clearly
perceive the immense strategic impor-
tance of Guam; and, this being so, it is
reasonable to assume that they would
make strenuous attempts to seize the
island in the very first stage of a con-
flict with America. With Guam in their
hands, they would have the Philippines
at their mercy. Whether under these
circumstances the American battle-
fleet would advance into the Western
712
JAPANESE AND AMERICAN NAVAL POWER
Pacific would depend far more on con-
siderations of policy than of strategy.
From the latter point of view it would
be courting disaster to leave the near-
est friendly base (Hawaii) nearly 5000
miles behind and venture into an area
teeming with enemy submarines, where
there would be no harbor of refuge for
a damaged ship, no means of replenish-
ing depleted bunkers, and scarcely any
possibility of striking an effective blow
at the enemy. A cruise of this nature
would be a more desperate adventure
than the voyage of the Russian Baltic
Fleet, and we may be sure that it would
not be countenanced by any responsi-
ble American strategist.
The Japanese themselves have never
disguised their confidence in the im-
pregnability of their position vis-a-vis
the United States. A war with that
country, they predict, would begin with
her expulsion from the Philippines and
the summary destruction of such Amer-
ican naval forces as were present in the
Western Pacific. Japan, having seized
the Philippines, would revert to the de-
fensive and calmly await developments.
If her opponent so far flouted the rudi-
ments of strategy as to dispatch a fleet
to the war zone, relying on a 5000-mile
line of communications with Hawaii,
the Japanese would resort to a war of
attrition by means of submarines and
mine-layers working from numerous
bases in the South Sea Islands and off
the coast of Japan. Then, when at
length the American fleet, harassed and
weakened by incessant submarine at-
tacks and with its stock of fuel reduced
to a low ebb, proposed to return home,
the Japanese battle-fleet in full strength
would sally forth at the psychological
moment and repeat the triumph of
Tsushima on a magnified scale. Such,
at least, is the sanguine expectation of
those who would control the Japanese
forces in time of war.
But it is usually in war-time that the
unexpected happens, and the whole his-
tory of the recent world-wide struggle
constitutes a warning against taking
too much for granted. The German
plans took cognizance of every foresee-
able circumstance, and by all the rules
of logic they were assured of success;
yet it was precisely because of circum-
stances that were not and could not be
foreseen that the plans were brought to
shipwreck. On the surface of things, a
war with Japan in the near future would
confront the American naval leaders
with a problem so difficult as to be well-
nigh incapable of solution. There are,
however, several alternatives to the
more obvious line of American strategy
indicated above; and the very fact that
Japan, while professing so much con-
fidence in her present naval position, is
feverishly building new fighting ships
and coastal defenses, suggests that she
is not altogether easy in her mind as to
the issue of a conflict with the United
States. The risks and uncertainties of
war are potent factors conducing to the
maintenance of peace, in the Pacific as
elsewhere. With the terrible lessons of
the world struggle still fresh in memory,
it is inconceivable that any nation
would go to war except in defense of its
most vital interests. There is happily
no tendency in responsible quarters to
exaggerate the differences now existing
between America and Japan, and cer-
tainly no suggestion that they are grave
enough to justify a resort to arms.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
ON A HORSE-AND-CARRIAGE
THE farmer's boy is bringing it over
for you this morning. You know that it
is coming because you can hear the
quick click-clack of the horse's hoofs as
they slow up on the hard cement road;
the creak and grind of the wheels
against the sides as they turn in the
driveway; the softened thud of hoofs
and squeak of springs as the carriage
rolls over the grass and comes to a stop
below the terraces beside the well. To
improve his time, the lean horse droops
his head forward and crops, crops,
crops at the short, burned grass, takes
a step or two, and, munching a deli-
cious, salivary quid, turns to look at
you as you approach. When a cow does
this, you hesitate. Horses are very dif-
ferent from cows.
I am sorry, indeed, for those who
have not had, or have by chance for-
gotten, all the sensations of using a
horse-and-carriage. You back the horse
away a little, and turn the front wheel
out more, so that you can step up be-
tween the wheels; you raise your foot
and fit it neatly to the little corrugated
iron square; you step, and feel the
springs give toward you, and are a little
nervous for fear the horse will start
while you are in mid-air. A second later,
and you are safely established on the
burning leather seat. No procedure on
earth is attended by a more charac-
teristic sensation than that of settling
one's self in a carriage. The rough tex-
ture of the upholstery exhales the leath-
ery, stably, but somehow clean, smell of
sleek horses and hay and harness; the
axles squeak a little in spite of the
grease which you so carefully avoided
in stepping over the wheels; and when
you have unknotted the reins from the
whip-handle, and arranged them in
parallel lines along the horse's back,
and flapped them once and clucked a
little, the horse starts forward, strain-
ing to gain impetus up the grassy slope;
and the wheels grit on the gravel and
then run smartly out on the macadam
road behind the metallic click of the
horse's shoes as he settles into a trot.
There is a feeling of soul in the motion,
because a horse has breathing power
which cannot be expressed in a chemi-
cal formula and a muffler cut-out. He
steps briskly along, trot-trot, trot-trot,
shaking his mane from time to time and
indulging in those ecstatic little horse-
heaves and whiskings of tail that cut the
coarse horsehairs across your face.
There does not seem to be much
room for a simple horse-and-carriage on
the double-plated, reenforced edition-
de-luxe expanse of state highway. It is
annoying to jolt off and on the high
little margin-edge, in order to make
room for the touring-cars and motor-
trucks charging to and fro. There is a
country road ahead on the left, and you
aim toward it, steering carefully in,
ploughing through a sandy curve at a
slow walk, and on up over a rise to a
soft dirt road which is dark underfoot
hi shady spots and white with dust for
long sunny spaces. Trot-trot, trot-trot,
trot-trot — the delicious smells of the
countryside are all around you, delicate
trailing of wild grapevines, the tang
of meadows where daisies and Queen
Anne's Lace run riot, intervals of hay
couchant and buckwheat rampant, with
serried rows of corn-banners filing rank
on rank between stone-wall divisions.
718
714
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
It is summer: breath of sweet air,
simmering noises of insects, shrill lo-
custs high in the foliage, heavy bees
wading from milkweed to clover, and a
vast range of motions surging through
the seeming stillness, the vibrations of
hummingbirds, the shimmering of heat-
waves over the grass-fields, and, above,
the vast piling of the clouds. You sniff
great healthy, dusty sniffs, and watch
the horse's little pointed ears twitch,
now forward, now back, in response to
noises that you cannot hear, while his
shabby flanks rise and fall under the
leather trappings.
And why do I insist upon a carriage
behind your horse? Does it spoil the
picture of my summer day to see your-
self sitting primly upright in a wagon,
with all the commonplaceness of its
wagging shafts, its blistering varnish,
its twinkling wheels, and its cheerful
rattle? Would you have preferred your-
self a sporting equestrian, with artful
crooks to your fingers and elbows and
scientific set to your shoulders and a
pressure to your knees, a tailored habit,
a stock, a crop, and a series of paces,
trots, and canters? If so, please step
aside. I cannot paint you thus. This
horse has never heard of a riding
academy, and as for being ridden, the
farmer's boy has tried racing him bare-
back to the pasture once or twice, and
has rubbed his ribs with straddling off
and on, and torn his mane with hanging
to it. Is that what you call riding? He
has a very small opinion of it: he prefers
people at a distance, behind a dash-
board if possible; and as for pulling a
wagon behind him — why, it is always
easier to draw than to carry, as anyone
will tell you.
And now are you content to stay
where you are, with my horse-and-
carriage, to jog on and on through the
countryside in your clouds of dusty
glory, with your heavenly hosts of
swallows darting among the haycocks?
Ah, you find it very delightful, or you
are not the person I take you for. And
where are you going? Does it matter?
Perhaps to the yellow farmhouse yon-
der, for a basket of peaches and a jar of
cream; perhaps to the white farmhouse
under the hill, for the week's crisp
laundry and the tiger-kitten with the
pink nose, which they have promised
you.
WIGS AND TEACHERS
One day, a number of years ago, I, a
teacher, had the pleasure of becoming
honorary member of a college class.
The next morning I received an adver-
tisement which has ever since kept my
curiosity awake. It was the announce-
ment that I might buy wigs at reduced
rates. Now, why, I pondered, was it in-
timated to me that a wig would be a
good investment? Was it a personal or
a general suggestion? Should I look
more youthful in a wig, or was I ex-
pected to take part in theatricals? The
matter was never settled to my satis-
faction until recently, when I read the
personal papers of my great-great-
grandfather, who died in 1808. He was
one who 'most traitorously corrupted
the youth of the realm by erecting a
grammar-school.' For forty years he
was headmaster of this New England
grammar-school, preparing scores of
boys for college. Please note that he
was head-master. Among the papers
was a hair-dresser's bill which ran thus :
1784. Aug. 17. — To shave & dress wigs 14 times
@ 4d per time = £ 0—4—8;
and so on, from 1784 to 1791, in which
year grandfather's 'White Bush Wig'
was dressed 48 times — £2 — 12 — 0.
Never before had I thought of wigs
in relation to teachers — as an adjunct
to authority, as a source of dignity, as a
sign-capital of power. In fact, as re-
gards the schoolroom, only one form of
headcovering (not the teacher's) has
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
715
been pointedly distinguished. I began
to speculate about the wig as mental
furniture hi the annals of the intellec-
tual life. Lawyers, hi England, still
maintain their prestige by wearing the
wig. In Edinburgh, tourists flock to
the advocates' library, where they can
see the young advocates strolling up
and down, crowned, not by laurels, but
by false, gray hair. Why did teachers
abandon wigs to the legal profession?
Probably the lawyer's habit of split-
ting hairs makes it essential for him to
have access to an unlimited supply.
Royalty, too, once wore wigs; Roman
emperors and Egyptian potentates
found them serviceable; Louis XIV re-
vived the fashion, preparing the way for
wigs — bag, bob, tie, bush, scratch; curl-
ed, dyed, powdered, beribboned.
In the great epoch of Wigs and
Whigs, even the author of Robinson
Crusoe wore a wig! The hair-dressers of
the day evidently vied with one another
for custom. One literary perruquier, who
wished to allure both sacred and pro-
fane had a sign in his shop-window: —
O Absalom, O Absalom,
O Absalom, my son!
If thou hadst worn a peri- wig
Thou hadst not been undone.
After all, the fashion of wearing
wigs, ridiculous as it seems to us, is
only one manifestation of the eternal
impulse to cover the head, to conceal it
from the eyes of others. Protection
from enemies (especially phrenologists),
warmth for this poll-ar region of the
human body, decoration — all were de-
sired. Anubis (as pictured in the dic-
tionary) wore a head-dress, fur-side
outside; the oriental veil, the monastic
cowl, the Turkish fez, the anonymous
ringlets of modern times, belong with
the wig as a sort of surmounting alias.
Woman especially has been instructed
to be covered, for her hair is a deadly
snare to the observer. The peasant
woman in Italy, to-day, wears her blue
or saffron-colored shawl over her head;
the Breton girl has the most immaculate
white muslin cap, according to the
style in her village. I have suspected
that the short story of Samson's hair
might be interpreted more accurately.
Delilah undoubtedly desired a new
head-dress. Women are driven to ex-
pedients hi every age when pocket
money is scarce. But to-day the girl of
America listens hi wrath to a passage
which I am fond of reading to my stu-
dents, yearly, telling —
How he, Simplicius Gallus, lefte his wyf.
And hir forsook for terme of al his lyf ,
Noght but for open-heeded he hir say
Locking out at his dore upon a day.
As a result of my reflections, I think
favorably of grandfather's white bush
wig. Was there not secrecy and safety
hi this intellectual ambush? His pupils
could not see through his mental pro-
cesses. The very thought inclines one to
revolt against the open mind. I shall
ignore the fashion of my own day; I
shall not dye 'at the top'; I shall add,
to my stature, a fair-haired counterfeit.
PIES — AN ESSAY
At our house pies were a real occasion
fraught with happiness, and everything
was as it should have been. Mother, dis-
tant far-away pretty mother, descended
into the kitchen with a large red-
checked gingham apron, which flowed
all over her pretty shoulders and gave
size and matronly proportions to her
otherwise slim figure. Her face be-
came flushed with the happiness of
manual labor. And I watched her with
ecstasy as she handled the huge old
range, dexterously shutting a draft
here, opening one there, until the stove
glowed in pride and a red heat of antici-
pated pleasure. Mother allowed none
of the servants in the kitchen when she
descended to make pies. That was what
made the day one long day of satisfac-
716
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
tion — revealing mother to me intimate-
ly, personally, as I saw her upstairs.
You who have never had far-away
artist mothers can never know the long
lonesome days that glide into each
other endlessly. You can never know
how ravenously I watched and listened
and smelled during these fragrant, spicy
hours.
After the fire-building came great
bowls from the pantry; and together
mother and I searched the dark, damp
cellar for apples and jars of fruit. I
clung to her hand and felt well-nigh to
bursting as I thought how brave my
pretty mother must be; for, while I was
peering furtively at the dark places
for spiders and black, crawly things,
mother walked lightly and assuredly,
clasping her hand firmly over mine
when she felt me start. How I loved her
for that!
When we came back laden with
apples and jars of fruit, I always
climbed up on cook's huge, old chair
right next to the tables — something I
never dared to do on other days, even
when cook was in her most engaging
mood. I watched mother empty jars
swiftly; plums and pears and peaches
splashing gayly into saucepans. It
seemed to me mother's hands never
looked daintier or more beautiful than
when she took a pinch of this brown
spice or a pinch of that yellow, softer
stuff from the spice-jars. She hesitated
and studied about each pinch. One
would think she was hesitating over the
browns in one of her great pictures.
Soon the saucepans were bubbling
merrily on the stove, sending out cin-
namons and spices from Araby, and
mother was in the most delicious part of
the pie-making — mixing the crust! I
never asked to help roll. I did not want
to miss one fraction of a minute watch-
ing the delightful process in mother's
hands.
Gradually the whole room, the whole
world, seemed to be a rolling pie-crust.
Back and forth it rolled, twisting grace-
fully, squeezing out from under the
rolling-pin, farther and farther across
the table. The whole room seemed
suddenly to have become quiet, watch-
ing mother. The fire crackled less
noisily, and the saucepans lowered their
bubbling to a gentle simmer. They were
watching mother and listening to her
humming snatches of the ' Marseillaise '
and gently thumping and coaxing end-
less pie-crust into delicate crusty sheets.
Once in a while, she would pause and
would smile happily, dreamily at me. I
squirmed restlessly then, for I thought
with a pang that to-morrow she would
be my far-away mother again.
I watched her pour the saucepans
full of spicy fruit into deep cavernous
crusts. I watched her fit the top crusts
over the pies, closing the steaming
fruit into a prison of juicy fragrance. I
watched her — oh, endlessly! It seemed
to me I never could watch her enough
on these rare, glorious days when I
really owned a real mother.
As the brown crusty smell of baking
crust mingled with the fruit and spices
and filled the air with warmth and fra-
grance, my mother gathered me into
her arms. She drew up cook's old rock-
er, and we traveled back together to
other days, when mother was a girl,
back to a tiny house in Southern France
where there were sisters and sisters and
sisters, and nobody ever got lonely,
and mother's face grew very young and
gay; gay, wet curls fell over her eyes as
she told about the grapes to pick, and
the work to be finished before a day
was called a day; as she told me of
spankings and great holidays. We
laughed recklessly! The young, pretty
artist-mother of mine was warm and
tender. How I loved her, and how I
longed for all days to be filled with
large juicy pies and a warm regular
mother!
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
Frank Tannenbaum leading a mob up
Fifth Avenue, and Frank Tannenbaum
graduating with distinction from Columbia
University, have attracted diverse expres-
sions of opinion. We quote an interesting
editorial from the New York Globe.
The shopworn adventure of the poor boy who
became rich has been outdone by Frank Tannen-
baum, although the latter's career has hardly be-
gun. Mr. Tannenbaum got into the public eye in
1914, when, by leading an orderly little mob into
a church, he called attention to the pitiable con-
dition of the unemployed. The method he used
did not appeal favorably to those who look upon
churches as places of worship, but it opened the
eyes of many people and the hearts of a few. As
for Tannenbaum, he found lodging on Blackwell's
Island for a year. His history since then throws
light upon America during one of the most event-
ful lustrums in its annals. In 1914 most news-
paper readers probably considered him a dan-
gerous radical, although in that golden pre-war
age the man in the street, instead of going into
hysterics, merely smiled in a superior and rather
convincing way at the antics of the little band
of Utopians.
Two years later, Tannenbaum was working in
a shipyard and trying to stir his fellow workers to
greater efforts to counteract the ravages of the
German submarines; two years after that, he was
in the army, and by his patriotic zeal had earned
the rank of sergeant; a year later he had resumed
his studies at Columbia University; and this
week finds him graduating with 'highest honors
in history and economics,' a Phi Beta Kappa key
in recognition of. a brilliant record in his studies,
and a scholarship which will enable him to take
an advanced degree.
There is another moral in this story than the
mere conversion of a 'radical' to 'liberalism.'
This is that youth, enthusiasm, and a degree of
ignorance sufficient to make a youngster a noisy
and irrational objector to the existing order may
cover up the most admirable qualities and the
highest abilities. Probably Mr. Tannenbaum has
found out that if the world is to be made better,
it must be done by prolonged hard work and
painstaking preparation; but probably he does
not regret that, before this was quite so clear to
him, he flung his gauntlet blindly in the face of
what he thought injustice and a cruel indifference
to human suffering.
George Herbert Palmer, Professor Emer-
itus of Philosophy, has for nearly two gen-
erations been a famous teacher at Harvard
University. Discussing popular fallacies
about the Puritans, he writes not unchar-
acteristically: 'We should remember that
something like ten per cent of mankind are
constitutionally sour. How unfair it is to
pick out that ten per cent of Puritans and
make them representative! ' Vicente Blasco
Ibanez first attracted to himself the atten-
tion of Spain by a political sonnet which
won him applause and imprisonment.
More than thirty years later, though long
since famous in his native country, he at-
tracted the attention of the world by his
Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse. Born in
Valencia, of Aragonese parents, he is now
living in Paris. Editorial writer, printer,
investigator, and practical philosopher, Ar-
thur Pound lives in Flint, Michigan, where
the Buick, Chevrolet, and other familiar
types of cars are made, and where there
is detailed opportunity to study the effect
of automotive machinery on human char-
acter.
* * *
Wilbur C. Abbott has been a member of
the History Department of Dartmouth,
University of Michigan, University of
Kansas, University of Chicago, Yale, and
now, Harvard. He is a professor among
professors — and something more. DuBose
Heyward, a poet of North Carolina, makes
his first appearance in the Atlantic. William
Beebe is a household word in the Atlantic
Dictionary. Emma Lawrence (Mrs. John
S. Lawrence) is a Bostonian whose first
story appeared in the Atlantic two months
ago.
* * *
Rufus M. Jones, the author of many val-
uable studies of the Quaker faith, is Profes-
sor of Philosophy at Haverford College, and
editor of the Friends' Review. Edward Car-
rington Venable, a member of the Flying
Corps during the war, lives in Baltimore.
Anne Winslow (Mrs. E. E. Winslow) is a
contributor new to the Atlantic.
717
718
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
Lieutenant-Colonel Charles a Court
Repington saw early and brilliant service in
India, Afghanistan, Burma, the Sudan, and
other British outposts of Empire. Subse-
quently he was Military Attach^ at Brus-
sels and The Hague. After leaving the
army, he became military critic of the Lon-
don Times, where his articles (we quote
from his most bitter critic) 'are almost
models of their kind; clear, sprightly, tell-
ing — almost classical journalism.' Leav-
ing the Times under dramatic circum-
stances, he joined the Morning Post. Every
reader who has followed the war is familiar
with his subsequent record, and all students
with his Diaries of the First World-War.
To all interested in Colonel Repington's
adventurous and dramatic life, we recom-
mend his autobiography, published under
the title of Vestigia. His competence
to discuss the present subject will not be
called in question. Walter B. Pitkin, who
has devoted much time to the study of the
Far East, writes in the belief that 'American
readers have heard too much about the
Open Door in China and too little about soy
beans in Manchuria, coal in Shensi, cotton
in South China, and a hundred other con-
crete matters that cannot be disposed of
by fine generalities.'
J. O. P. Bland knows China, if anybody
does. For years he was Secretary to the
Municipality for the Foreign Settlements in
Shanghai, and representative in China of
the British and Chinese Corporation. More
recently, he has served as a distinguished
correspondent of the London Times. A
world-traveler and carefully trained ob-
server, Mr. Bland may be definitely classed
as a realist in his discussions of political and
social questions. E. Alexander Powell has
corresponded for the papers round the world
and back again. A veteran in the service,
he has devoted a great deal of time to in-
vestigating the questions centring on the
western shores of the Pacific. Herbert Side-
botham, who succeeded to the post left va-
cant by Colonel Repington, under dramatic
circumstances, as military critic of the Lon-
don Times, has just severed his connection
with that paper. Hector C. Bywater is a Brit-
ish naval critic, of recognized attainments.
At the Atlantic's request, he writes this judi-
cious and important comparison of the rela-
tive strength of the American and Japanese
navies. Admiral Sims gives, in another
column, a highly interesting estimate of Mr.
Bywater's views.
* * *
News from Russia is more voluminous
than authentic. Our readers will be inter-
ested in this record of the actual experi-
ences of a Russian lady, whose name, for
prudence' sake, we do not reveal.
PETROGRAD.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
We are alive, but our existence can hardly be
called living. We are buried alive: no news from
the outside world, no new books, papers, or mag-
azines. 'They' have their own publications, in
which they can lie to their hearts' content. I
never read them.
We suffered from hunger and cold, especially in
the winters of 1919 and 1920. I had the scurvy,
but am better now. This last winter we suffered
less, but our life is still hard to bear. We subsist
on rations which are distributed to us, and con-
sist of black bread of inferior quality, smoked
herring which I cannot swallow, frozen potatoes,
and sometimes meat; also a little butter and a
few apples; no genuine tea, coffee, or cocoa. We
depend mostly on porridge (cereal) and a few
other things such as we can buy; for although it
is illegal to trade, almost everyone 'speculates.'
We cannot keep servants, and do our own work.
I don't find that so very hard, but it is hard
to witness Russia's complete annihilation; that
is painful, indeed. A country without trade is
dead.
You would not recognize Petrograd — it is de-
populated. The former millions have shrunk into
hundreds! No traffic in the streets, no izvosh-
zhiks; most of the horses have been killed; only a
few wretched conveyances, which are so crowded
that an old woman like myself dare not venture
to use them.
We live in a wild country, among savages who
rule by terror. Lies, devastation, famine, con-
tagious diseases, and privations of all kinds are
common.
They are not organizers, but destroyers. The
greater part of the forests have been cut down,
but still we have no wood to keep us warm. A
great many wooden houses have been demolished,
and hardly a summer home remains standing. It
will be a desert soon. It is impossible to describe
the misery we have suffered. One has to live in
the midst of it to understand. The despotism of
the Tsars was nothing in comparison. We cannot
move, we cannot go anywhere without leave, and
to obtain leave is well-nigh impossible. One must
negotiate for weeks, and even months; and at pres-
ent the railways can hardly be said either to be
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
719
safe for travel or to function satisfactorily. (Les
chemins de fer sont presque annihiles; Us sont de-
puis longtemps dans une position catastrophique.)
It is three years since we have been able to buy
any wearing apparel or footwear. Nothing is ob-
tainable, not even pins and needles. I am old and
need but little, and what I have may last me
until I die, but the young people are almost des-
titute — dans une position incroyable. Every-
thing has been stolen from our country-house,
even our library — and we had been collecting
books for fifty years! The trees in the park on
the estate have been all cut down; everything has
been desolated (saccagi); but we only share the
general fate.
Wells could not have been allowed to see much,
as he was 'conducted' most of the time, and saw
only what they chose to show him. He may have
heard the truth, however, from Pavlof [the well-
known professor of physiology, who received the
Nobel Prize].
\Ve are in almost total ignorance as to what
happened in the years 1918, 1919, and 1920.
Although the salary of as Professor is
fifty thousand rubles a month, the money has no
value and prices are monstrous. An egg costs a
thousand rubles, a pound of bread three thousand,
a pound of butter seventeen thousand, and a
pound of meat ten thousand and more.
Cherish no illusions about our higher schools,
universities, or polytechnic institutions: they are
not flourishing, they are only shadows of their
former selves. There are few students, and those
who atttend cannot study with any degree of
comfort. The buildings are not heated, and it is
impossible to study in a temperature of six de-
grees below zero [Reaumur}. There is neither wa-
ter nor gas in the laboratories.
It is the same everywhere. In such conditions
you would not think that life was possible!
* * *
One used to believe that the names of
the great and celebrated should not suffer
abbreviation. According to the foll6wing
letter, however, the Plague of Abbreviation
is no respecter of rank.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Your article on the Plague of Abbreviation
called to mind some correspondence with a
brother clergyman, who always signed himself
'yours in the faith of O.B.L.' It took me a good
while to find out what O.B.L. really meant.
Yours truly,
FRANK DTOANT.
It took us a good while, too.
* * *
Old Attardics are carefully kept. Note
this curious instance.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
While walking in the Adirondack Mountains,
I came across an old log-cabin and went in to in-
vestigate. I found in a crevice a magazine. Judge
my surprise when I discovered it to be an Atlantic
Monthly published in 1867, two years after the
Civil War. Although the cabin is almost a ruin,
the print is in first-class condition and also the
paper, although it has lam here for fifty-four
years. I think it is a unique find, and if you are
interested, write to
PATRICK H. FOESSLER.
'Our Street,' we agree, is open to further
discussion, and to friendly traffic of every
sort. For this little thoroughfare, not less
than 'Main Street' and 'The Drive,' is
found on the road-map of every American
town. And for some of us it is the familiar
road toward home.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Never before have I wished to usurp the edi-
torial prerogative — but why could n't there
have been more of 'Our Street'? Why could n't
the Atlantic have sent it back with a request for a
little more detail, a little wider vista, perhaps for
a larger, more comprehensive canvas? For there
is more of it, a great deal more of it, in spite of
Masters and Mencken and Sinclair Lewis.
Let me confess that for me 'Our Street' is
making the most effective assault possible upon
the so-called realists — it is so real, and at the
same time so permanent, like Truth and Progress
and Human Charity. Its reality and its fine per-
manency speak to me every day through all my
windows and my open doors, with the wafted
odors of my neighbor's baking and the strong
young voices of her children. We are plain peo-
ple, working-people all, with barely a college de-
gree to go around. But there are no fences be-
tween our houses; our green corn and our new
biscuits find their way to more than one table;
when one of us gets to hear Rachmaninoff, he
brings the programme home for the rest to see.
We exchange paper patterns and opera records
and Atlantics; for how could one have all these
things at once? And quite often we go shopping
for a new dining-room rug and come home with
books.
Periodically, usually in the spring, some of us
wonder if we should n't try to find a house
on the Drive — for the children's sake, you
know. But somehow we never do. The soil seems
to suit us, here on Our Street, and moving might
very well destroy in us something native and nat-
ural to that homely environment.
I have heard, somewhere, the story of a Quaker
who overtook a man traveling with a van-load of
household goods.
'Is thee moving, Robert?' asked the Quaker.
'Yes, and I'm glad to get away from that
town,' the man replied. "Those people are a poor
lot; not a decent soul among them.'
'Friend,' said the Quaker, tthee will find the
same wherever thee goes!'
720
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
Very likely for some folk heaven itself would
have its Main Street.
Yours sincerely,
ELAINE GOULD.
* * *
These rumors of Archaeology in the Back-
yard make us long unseasonably to spade
the garden.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Upon my return to-day to the little khaki tent
on a big New Mexican ranch which constitutes
my temporary home, I had the exhilarating ex-
perience of reading Mr. Moorehead's article in
your September issue. May I be allowed a com-
ment or two?
I, too, am an archaeologist, and one of the
younger school that went 'West, South, or
abroad.' Each one of us, when he reached the
parting of the ways, chose that American culture
which interested him most, as the subject for his
life-work. The entire New World is roughly di-
vided into large geographical areas, each of which
was once the home of some distinct civilization.
In nearly every case, these old civilizations differ
one from the other as widely as ancient Egypt
from Babylon hi its prime. Each archaeologist, in
attacking the many and varied problems in his
own area, soon becomes a specialist, and, as such,
becomes incompetent to judge of the detailed
problems of other areas. However, all of us have
a sufficient knowledge of the general problems of
American archaeology to appreciate those of an-
other area. When all is said and done, we are one
in our desire to extend the history of the Amer-
ican Indian backward in the realm of time.
Mr. Moorehead has mentioned public interest
in archaeology. I quite agree with him that this
interest should start at home. If, however, the
antiquities of one area of our country have re-
ceived a modicum of attention in excess of an-
other, the men working in that area are to be
congratulated. Even at its best, the interest our
public takes in the history and archaeology of its
own country is discouragingly small. It is our
great dream that some day the public as a whole
will awaken to the great fund of romance and his-
tory that now lies hidden in the ruins, not only in
one area, but in all parts of the country. The
slogan ' See American First ' should be changed to
'Know America First,' in all that the change of
the verb implies. A better knowledge of Indian
history, and also of the remnants of that race still
living, would certainly do much more good than
harm.
These few sentences are not to be construed as
a criticism in any way. They are simply in the
form of a footnote. I congratulate my friend, Mr.
Moorehead, and also the Atlantic, upon this arti-
cle, which gives promise of a better, saner interest
on the part of the public in our work, because it
is a serious article, put before the right kind of a
public.
Sincerely yours,
CARL, E. GTJTHE.
Here is a note which will appeal to bib-
liophiles— and bibliophilistines, too.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
I had an experience in one of our bookstores
that may interest Mr. Newton. I inquired for
Frank Stockton's The Lady, or the Tiger? The
salesman replied, 'I am sorry, madam, but we
have neither.'
Yours sincerely,
EDNA L. TAYLOR.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
The following inquiry suggests that the
corporate octopus may still need an addi-
tional tentacle or two.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Will you please advise me concerning the pos-
sibility of my having a poem accepted by the
Atlantic Monthly Company? Do you buy them
from companies or from individuals? If from in-
dividuals, would you ignore the work of an un-
known writer?
Very truly yours,
By way of defining the policy of the mag-
azine, we may state that, if any excellent
company poems should ever come our way,
we should doubtless accept them without in-
quiring too curiously into their authorship.
* * *
This question is a poser, but we think the
Apex wins.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Here 's a new situation, and I want you to an-
swer this all-important question.
This morning's mail brought the new Atlantic,
which I am always anxious to peruse. The fam-
ily washing had to be done. The ancient axiom
'Duty before pleasure' again held sway, but I
changed it.
Descending into the laundry, laden with the
washing, surmounted by the Atlantic, I started
my labors and then, while the Apex Electric
Washing-Machine chug-chugged the clothes to
snowy whiteness, I laughed over A. Edward
Newton's 'Twenty-five Hours a Day.'
Here is the question: Would the above situa-
tion be a better 'Ad' for the Atlantic than for the
Apex Electric Washing-Machine Co.?
You tell!
Sincerely,
HELEN DORCAS MAGEE.
* * *
Will any Atlantic reader in possession of
letters from the distinguished painter, Ab-
bott H. Thayer, be so good as to communi-
cate with Mrs. Abbott H. Thayer, Monad-
nock, New Hampshire. All originals will be
carefully returned.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
DECEMBER, 1921
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
BY A. CLUTTON-BROCK
I AM, I confess, astonished at the
lack of curiosity which even psycholo-
gists, and they more than most men,
discover about the most familiar, yet
most surprising, facts of the human
mind. They have their formulae, as
that the human mind is unconsciously
always subject to the sexual instinct;
and these formulae, while they make
psychology easier for those who accept
them, utterly fail to explain the most
familiar, yet most surprising facts.
There is, for instance, self-esteem,
— egotism, — we have no precise scien-
tific name for it; if we go by our own
experience, it seems to be far more pow-
erful and constant than the sexual in-
stinct, far more difficult to control, and
far more troublesome. The sexual in-
stinct gets much of its power from
this egotism, or self-esteem, and would
be manageable without it; but self-
esteem is, for many of us, unmanageable.
Often we suppress it, but still it is our
chief obstacle to happiness or any kind
of excellence; and, however strong or
persistent it may be in us, we never
value it. In others we dislike it intense-
ly, and no less intensely in ourselves
when we become aware of it; and, if a
man can lose it in a passion for some-
thing else, then we admire that self-
VOL. 1S8 — NO. 6
A
surrender above all things. In spite of
the psychologists, we know that the
sexual instinct is not the tyrant or the
chief source of those delusions to which
we are all subject. It is because we are
in love with ourselves, not because we
are hi love with other people, that
we make such a mess of our lives.
Now, what we ask of psychology, if
it is to be a true science, is that it shall
help us to manage ourselves so that we
may achieve our deepest, most perma-
nent desires. Between us and those de-
sires there is always this obstacle of
self-esteem, and if psychology will help
us to get rid of that, then, indeed, we
will take it seriously, more seriously
than politics, or machinery, or drains,
or any other science. For all of these,
however necessary, are subsidiary to
the management of the self; and all
would be a thousand times better man-
aged by a race of beings who knew how
to manage themselves. There is not a
science, or an art, that is not hampered
by the self-esteem of those who practise
it; for it blinds us both to truth and to
beauty, and most of us are far more un-
conscious of its workings than we are
of the workings of our sexual instinct.
The Greeks were right when they said,
' Know thyself ' ; but we have not tried
722
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
to follow their advice. The self, in spite
of all our attempts to analyze it away in
physical terms, remains unknown, un-
controlled, and seldom the object of
scientific curiosity or observation. • V
In the past, the great masters of re-
ligion were well aware of self-esteem;
and our deepest and most practical
psychology comes from them, though
we do not call it psychology. For them
the problem was to turn self-esteem
into esteem for something else; and to
that all other human problems were
subsidiary. By God they meant that
in which man can utterly forget himself;
and they believed in God because the
self can sometimes utterly forget and
lose itself in something which cannot be
seen or touched but which does cause
self-forgetfulness. They were sure that
the self could not so forget itself except
in something more real than itself.
'With thy calling and shouting,' says
St. Augustine, 'my deafness is broken;
with thy glittering and shining, my
blindness is put to flight. At the scent
of thee I draw in my breath and I pant
for thee; I have tasted and I hunger and
thirst; thou hast touched me and I am
on fire for thy peace.' Augustine had,
no doubt, an exorbitant self, which tor-
mented him; and he was far more aware
of his self-esteem and its workings than
most men are, even to-day. He was
concerned with a real, psychological
fact, and his Confessions are still inter-
esting to us because of that concern.
And the Sermon on the Mount itself is
also practical and psychological, con-
cerned with the satisfaction of the self in
something else, so that we are still inter-
ested in it, however little we may obey
it. But still, from this supreme object
of self-control, we turn to other tasks
and sciences, at best only subsidiary.
We might begin by asking, if once
our curiosity were aroused — Why are
we born with this exorbitant self? It
seems to have no biological purpose; it
does not help us in the struggle for life,
any more than in the arts and sciences,
or in conduct, to be always esteeming,
admiring, and relishing the self. The
products of our egotism, open or sup-
pressed, are useless and unvalued; the
very word vanity expresses our opinion
of them. But what a vast part of our-
selves is just vanity — far vaster than
the part that is instinct or appetite.
The demands of appetites cease, for the
time, with their satisfaction, but the
demands of vanity never. Consider,
for instance, how your whole opinion of
any man is affected by the fact that he
has wounded or flattered your vanity. If
he does either unconsciously, the effect
on your opinion of him, on your whole
feeling toward him, is all the greater;
for your vanity knows that unconscious
homage or contempt is the most sincere.
The greatest villain in literature, lago,
acts from vanity. He did not know it;
we may not know it as we read the play;
but Shakespeare knew it by instinct; he
saw the possibilities of his own vanity
in that of lago, saw that it was cruel as
the grave, and developed it in his trag-
edy of vanity. Those satanic criminals
who seduce and murder woman after
woman are not sex-maniacs, but vanity-
maniacs, and their conquests feed their
vanity more than their lust. They are
imprisoned in the self, enslaved to it.
And the great masters of religion, in-
tensely aware of this tyrannical self in
themselves, fear to be enslaved to it and
cry to God for freedom. That is why
they are almost morbidly, as it seems to
us, concerned with sin. Sin means to'
them this exorbitant self, this vanity
that may draw a man into any mon-
strous and purposeless villainy. They
will not allow the analysis of sin into
other and more harmless things, or the
analysis of righteousness into other
things less lovely. For them there is one
problem — to be free of the self and of
vanity, to be aware of that which glit-
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
723
ters and shines, which shouts and calls to
the self to forget itself and be at peace.
Sin is the blindness, deafness, captivity
of the self when it is turned in upon
the self; righteousness is its peace and
happiness when it is aware of that su-
perior reality they call God.
You may think them wrong in theory,
but in practice they are right; they are
concerned with the real human difficul-
ty, and aiming at that which all human
beings do most deeply and constantly de-
sire. The riddle of life is this riddle of
the exorbitant self, which somehow or
other must be satisfied, but can be sat-
isfied only when it forgets itself in a
superior reality. I say satisfied, because
suppression or self-sacrifice, as it is
commonly understood, is no solution
of the problem. You can almost kill the
self by lack of interest; but if you do
that, you will not satisfy it and, in
some indirect way, its egotism will still
persist and work mischief in you.
Ascetics are often the worst egotists
of all, thinking about nothing but then-
own souls, which means their own
selves, living a life of inner conquest
and adventure, which is all artificial
because internal. Their interest, be-
cause they refuse it to external reality,
is the more intensely concentrated on
themselves; their very God, to whom
they incessantly pray, is but an idol
made and set up within the temple of
the self and has no likeness to the real
God, if there be one. Or it is like a me-
dium, or the leading articles of a news-
paper, telling them what they wish to
be told, and persuading them that it is
true because it seems to come from out-
side, whereas all the time it is really
only the voice of the self echoed back.
By those methods we can attain to no
freedom because we attain to no self-
knowledge or control or satisfaction.
If one is concerned purely with psy-
chology, freed from all biological or oth-
er assumptions, one may conjecture that
the self comes into life with all kinds of
capacities or faculties itching to be ex-
ercised, and that the problem of life, for
some reason a very hard one, is to find a
scope for their exercise. We are born
with all these faculties and capacities,
but we are not born with a technique
that will enable us to exercise them. And,
if we never acquire it, then the self re-
mains exorbitant, because they all, as it
were, fester and seethe within it. It is as
exorbitant as when we have an abscess
at the root of a tooth and can think of
nothing else. Any thwarting of a facul-
ty, capacity, or appetite produces this
exorbitance and tyranny of the self, but,
since the satisfaction of faculties and ca-
pacities is, for most people, much hard-
er than the satisfaction of appetites, the
exorbitance of the self is more often
caused by the thwarting of the former
than of the latter. The problem of the
satisfaction of appetities is compara-
tively simple, for it does not even need a
technique of the mind. We can eat with-
out learning to eat; we can make love,
even, without learning to make love ; but
when it comes to turning the mind out-
ward and away from itself, then it is the
mind itself that has to learn, has to real-
ize and discover its external interests by
means of a technique painfully acquired.
Civilization means the acquirement
of all the techniques needed for the full
exercise of faculties and capacities, and,
thereby, the release of the self from
its own tyranny. Where men are vain-
est, there they are least civilized; and no
amount of mechanical efficiency or com-
plication will deliver them from the sup-
pression of faculties and the tyranny of
the self, or will give them civilization.
But at present we are not aware how we
are kept back in barbarism by the sup-
pression of our faculties and the tyran-
ny of our exorbitant selves. We shall dis-
cover that clearly and fully only when
psychology becomes really psychology;
when it concerns itself with the practi-
724
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
cal problems which most need solving;
when it no longer tries to satisfy us with
dogmas and formulae taken from other
sciences.
n
And now I come to the practical part
of this article. I, like everyone else, am
aware that we are kept back in barbar-
ism and cheated of civilization by war;
but behind war there is something in the
mind of man that consents to war, in
spite of the fact that both conscience
and self-interest are against it; and it
seems to me that a real, a practical science
of psychology would concern itself with
this something, just as the science of
medicine concerns itself with pestilence.
And a real, a practical science of psychol-
ogy would not be content to talk about
the herd-instinct, which is not a psycho-
logical, but a biological hypothesis, and
only a hypothesis. It would not say,
' Man is a herd animal ; therefore it is nat-
ural for herds of men to fight each oth-
er.' In the first place, it would remember
that herds of animals do not necessarily
fight other herds; in the second, that we
do not know that man, in his remote ani-
mal past, was a herd animal; and, in the
third place, that, as psychology, it is con-
cerned with the mind of man as it is,
not with what other sciences may con-
jecture about the past history of man.
Now, if psychology asks itself what it
is in the present mind of man, of the
peoples we call civilized, that consents
to war, it will at once have its attention
drawn to the fact that wars occur be-
tween nations, and that men have a cu-
rious habit of thinking of nations apart
from the individuals who compose them ;
and of believing all good of their own na-
tion and all evil of any other which may,
at the moment, be opposed to it. This is
commonplace, of course; but, having
stated the commonplace, I wish to dis-
cover the reason of it. And I cannot con-
tent myself with the formula that man is
a herd animal, not only because it is not
proved, but also because there is no prom-
ise of a remedy in it. There is some-
thing in me, in all men, which rebels
against this blind belief that all is good
in my nation, and evil in some other;
and what I desire is something to con-
firm and strengthen this rebellion. When
we can explain the baser, sillier part of
ourselves, then it begins to lose its pow-
er over us; but the hypothesis of the
herd-instinct is not an explanation — it
says, merely, that we are fools in the
very nature of things, which is not help-
ful or altogether true. We are fools, no
doubt, but we wish not to be fools; it is
possible for us to perceive our folly, to
discern the causes of it, and by that very
discernment to detach ourselves from it,
to make it no longer a part of our minds,
but something from which they have suf-
fered and begin to recover. Then it is
as if we had stimulated our own men-
tal phagocytes against bacilli that have
infected the mind from outside; we no
longer submit ourselves to the disease
as if it were health; but, knowing it to
be disease, we begin to recover from it.
The habit of believing all good of our
own nation and all evil of another is a
kind of national egotism, having all the
symptoms and absurdities and dangers
of personal egotism, or self-esteem; yet
it does not seem to us to be egotism, be-
cause the object of our esteem appears
to be, not ourselves, but the nation. Most
of us have no conviction of sin about it,
such as we have about our own egotism;
nor does boasting of our country seem
to us vulgar, like boasting of ourselves.
Yet we do boast about it because it is
our country, and we feel a warm convic-
tion of its virtues which we do not feel
about the virtues of any other country.
But, when we boast and are warmed by
this conviction, we separate ourselves
from the idea of the country, so that our
boasting and warmth may not seem to
us egotistical ; we persuade ourselves that
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
725
our feeling for our country is noble and
disinterested, although the peculiar de-
light we take in admiring it could not be
if it were not our country. Thus we get
the best of both worlds, the pleasures of
egotism without any sense of its vulgar-
ity, the mental intoxication without the
mental headaches.
But I will give an example of the pro-
cess which, I hope, will convince better
than any description of it. Most Eng-
lishmen and, no doubt, most Americans,
would sooner die than boast of their own
goods. Yet, if someone says — some
Englishman in an English newspaper
— that the English are a handsome
race, unlike the Germans, who are plain,
an Englishman, reading it, will say to
himself, ' That is true,' and will be grat-
ified by his conviction that it is true. He
will not rush into the street uttering the
syllogism : ' The English are a handsome
race ; I am an Englishman ; therefore I am
handsome'; but, unconsciously and un-
expressed, the syllogism will complete it-
self in his mind; and, though he says
nothing of his good looks even to himself,
he will feel handsomer. Then, if he sees
a plain German, he will say to himself,
or will feel without saying it, * That poor
German belongs to a plain race, where-
as I belong to a handsome one.' Amer-
icans may be different, but I doubt it.
So, if we read the accounts of our great
feats of arms in the past, we ourselves
feel braver and more victorious. We
teach children in our schools about these
feats, and that they are characteristic of
Englishmen, or Americans, or Portu-
guese, as the case may be; and we never
warn them, because we never warn our-
selves, that there is egotism in their pride
and in their belief that such braveries
are peculiarly characteristic of their
own country. Yet every country feels the
same pride and delight in its own pecu-
liar virtues and its own preeminence;
and it is not possible that every country
should be superior to all others.
Further, we see the absurdity of the
claims of any other country clearly
enough, and the vulgarity of its boast-
ing. Look at the comic papers of anoth-
er country and their patriotic cartoons;
as Americans, look at Punch, and espe-
cially at the cartoons in which it express-
es its sense of the peculiar virtues, the
sturdy wisdom, the bluff honesty, of
John Bull, or the lofty aims and ideal
beauty of Britannia; or those other, less
frequent, cartoons, in which it criticizes
or patronizes the behavior of Jonathan
and the ideals of Columbia. Does it not
seem to you incredible, as Americans,
that any Englishmen should be so stu-
pid as to be tickled by such gross flattery,
or so ignorant as to be deceived by such
glaring misrepresentations? Have you
never itched to write something sarcas-
tic to the editor of Punch, something
that would convince even him that he
was talking nonsense? Well, English-
men have just the same feelings about
the cartoons in American papers; and
just the same blindness about their own.
Disraeli said that everyone likes flat-
tery, but with royalty you lay it on with
a trowel; and nations are like royalty,
only more so: they will swallow any-
thing about themselves while wonder-
ing at the credulity of other nations.
What is the cause of this blindness?
You and I, as individuals, have learned
at least to conceal our self-esteem; we
are made uneasy by gross flattery; we
are like the Duke of Wellington, who,
when grossly flattered by Samuel War-
ren, said to him : ' I am glad there is no-
body here to hear you say that.'
'Why, your Grace?' asked Warren.
'Because,' answered the duke, 'they
might think I was damned fool enough
to believe you.'
But when our country is flattered, and
by one of our countrymen, we do not
feel this uneasiness; at least, such flat-
tery is a matter of course in the newspa-
pers and at public meetings in all coun-
726
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
tries; there is such a large and constant
supply of it, that there must be an equal-
ly large and constant demand. Yet no
one can doubt that it is absurd and dan-
gerous, if not in his own country, in
others. Believe, if you will, that all the
praises of your own country are deserv-
ed, and all the more, because of that be-
lief, you will see that the praises of other
countries are not deserved. If America
is superior to all other countries in all
essential virtues, then, clearly, all the
other countries cannot be superior, and
there must be some cause for their blind
belief in their superiority. Englishmen,
for instance, however bad their manners,
do not proclaim, or even believe, that
they are individually superior to all oth-
er men — indeed, you hold that the bad
manners of Englishmen come from their
belief, not in their individual superiori-
ty, but in the superiority of England; if
they could be rid of that, they might be
almost as well-mannered as yourselves.
It is a national vanity, a national blind-
ness, that makes fools of them.
But what is the cause of a folly so emp-
ty of either moral, or aesthetic, or even
biological value, so dangerous indeed,
not only to the rest of the world, but even
to themselves? For the danger of this
folly, its biological uselessness, has been
proved to us in the most signal and fear-
ful manner lately by the Germans.
They cultivated national vanity until it
became madness ; and we are all aware of
the results. But, if we suppose that they
behaved so because they were Germans
and therefore born mad or wicked, we
shall learn nothing from their disaster.
They were, like ourselves, human beings.
There, but for the grace of God, goes
England, goes America even ; and whence
comes this madness from which the
Grace of God may not always save us?
Because it exists everywhere, and is not
only tolerated but encouraged, it must
satisfy some need of the mind, however
dangerously and perversely. Where
there is a great demand for dangerous
drugs, it is not enough to talk indig-
nantly of the drug-habit. That habit is
but a symptom of some deeper evil,
something wrong with the lives of the
drug-takers, for which the drug is their
mistaken remedy; and the right rem-
edy must be found if the habit is to be
extirpated.
National egotism, I believe, is a kind
of mental drug, which we take because
of some unsatisfied need of our minds;
and we shall not cure ourselves of it un-
til we discover what causes our craving
for national flattery and also our dis-
like and contempt of other countries.
Somewhere, as in the case of all drug-
taking, there is suppression of some kind ;
and the suppression, I suggest, is of in-
dividual egotism. We are trained by
the manners and conventions of what
we call our civilization to suppress our
egotism; good manners consist, for the
most part, in the suppression of it. How-
ever much we should like to talk of
ourselves, our own achievements and
deserts, we do not wish to hear others
talking about theirs. The open egotist is
shunned as a bore by all of us; and only
the man who, for some reason, is unable
to suppress his egotism, remains an open
egotist and a bore, persists in the I — I —
I of childhood, and provokes the impa-
tience caused by the persistence of all
childish habits in the grown-up.
But this suppression of egotism is not
necessarily the destruction of it, any
more than the suppression of the sexual
instinct is the destruction of that. And,
in fact, our modern society is full of peo-
ple whose egotism is all the more exor-
bitant and unconsciously troublesome
to themselves, because it is suppressed.
Their hunger for praise is starved, but
not removed; for they dare not even
praise themselves. Ask yourself, for in-
stance, whether you have ever been
praised as much as you would like to
be? Are you not aware of a profound
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
727
desert in yourself which no one, even in
your own family has ever fully recog-
nized? True, you have your faults, but,
unlike the faults of so many other people,
they are the defects of your qualities.
And then there is in you a sensitiveness,
a delicacy of perception, a baffled crea-
tive faculty even, in fact, an unrealized
genius, which might any day realize itself
to the surprise of a stupid world. Of
all this you never speak; and in that
you are like everyone else in the stupid
world; for all mankind shares with you,
dumbly, this sense of their own profound
desert and unexpressed genius; and if,
by some ring of Solomon or other talis-
man, we were suddenly forced to speak
out the truth, we should all proclaim our
genius without listening to each other.
I, for my part, believe in it, believe
that it does exist, not only in myself, but
in all men, and the men of acknowledged
genius are those who have found a tech-
nique for realizing it. I say realizing,
because, until it is expressed in some kind
of action, it does not fully exist; and the
egos of most of us are exorbitant, how-
ever much we may suppress their out-
ward manifestations, because they do
not succeed in getting themselves born.
The word in us is never made flesh; we
stammer and bluster with it, we seethe
and simmer within; and, though we
may submit to a life of routine and sup-
pression, the submission is not of the
whole self: it is imposed on us by the
struggle for life and for business pur-
poses: and, unknown to ourselves, the
exorbitant, because unexpressed, unsat-
isfied ego finds a vent somehow and
somewhere.
m
Self-esteem is the consolation we of-
fer to the self because it cannot, by full
expression, win esteem from others.
Each one of us is to the self like a fond
mother to her least gifted son : we make
up to it for the indifference of the world;
but not consciously, for in conscious self-
esteem there is no consolation. If I said
to myself, 'No one else esteems me;
therefore I will practise self-esteem, —
the very statement would make the prac-
tice impossible. It must be done uncon-
sciously and indirectly, if it is to be done
at all and to give us any satisfaction.
Most of us have now enough psychology
to detect ourselves in the practice of
self-esteem, unless it is very cunningly
disguised: and, what is more, we are
quick to detect each other. It is, in-
deed, a convention of our society, and
a point of good manners, to conceal our
self-seteem from others, and even from
ourselves, by a number of instinctive
devices. One of the chief of these is our
humor, much of which consists of self-
depreciation, expressed or implied; and
we delight in it in spite of the subtle
warning of Doctor Johnson, who said,
* Never believe a man when he runs
himself down; he only does it to show
how much he has to spare.'
By all these devices we persuade our-
selves that we have got rid of the exorbi-
tant ego, that we live in a happy, free,
civilized, de-egotized world. We are not
troubled by the contrast between our per-
sonal modesty and our national boast-
ing, because we are not aware of the
connection between them. But the con-
nection, I believe, exists; the national
boasting proves that we have not got rid
of our self-esteem, but only pooled it, so
that we may still enjoy and express it, if
only in an indirect and not fully satisfy-
ing manner. The pooling is a pis-aller,
like the floating of a limited company
when you have not enough capital to
finance some enterprise of your own;
but it is the best we can do with an ego-
tism that is only suppressed and dis-
guised, not transmuted.
If I have an exorbitant opinion of
myself, it is continually criticized and
thwarted by external criticism; I learn,
therefore, not to express it, and even
728
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
that I have it; but all the while I am
seeking, unconsciously, for some means
by which I can give it satisfaction. It
becomes impossible for me to believe
that I am a wonder in the face of sur-
rounding incredulity; so I seek for some-
thing, seeming not to be myself, that I
can believe to be a wonder, without
arousing criticism or incredulity; in fact,
something which others also believe to
be a wonder, because it seems to them
not to be themselves.
There are many such things, but the
largest, the most convincing, and the
most generally believed in, is Our Coun-
try. A man may, to some extent, pool
his self-esteem in his family; but the
moment he goes out into the world, he
is subject to external criticism and in-
credulity. Or he may pool it in his
town; but, as I have heard, the Boston-
ian-born is subject to the criticism and
incredulity of the inhabitants of other
towns. What, therefore, we need, and
what we get, is a something which at
the same time distinguishes us from a
great part of the human race, and yet is
shared by nearly all those with whom
we come in contact. That we find in our
country; and in our country we do most
successfully and unconsciously pool our
self-esteem. True, there are other coun-
tries also pooling their self-esteem in the
same way, and apt to criticize us and to
question our preeminence; but they are
far away and we can think of them
as an absurd, degenerate horde or rab-
ble; we can look at their newspapers
and cartoons in our own atmosphere,
and laugh at them securely. They have,
indeed, a useful function in the height-
ening of our own pooled self-esteem; for
we are able, from a distance, to com-
pare ourselves, en masse, with them,
and to feel how fortunate we are, with a
kind of hereditary merit, to be born dif-
ferent from them —
When Britain first, at Heaven's command.
Arose from out the azure main, —
then also it was the command of Heav-
en that we should in due course be born
Britons, and share in the glory of the
mariners of England who guard our na-
tive seas; and there is not one of us who,
crossing from Dover to Calais for the
first time, does not feel that he is more
at home on his native seas than any sea-
sick Frenchman.
All this is amusing enough to Ameri-
cans in an Englishman, or to English-
men in an American; but it is also very
dangerous. In fact, it is the chief danger
that threatens our civilization, that
prevents it from being civilized, and so,
secure. We are all aware of private vices,
even of individual self-esteem and its
dangers; but this great common vice,
this pooled self-esteem, we still consid-
er a virtue and encourage it by all
means in our power. And this we do be-
cause we are not aware of its true nature
and causes. We think that it is disin-
terested, when it is only the starved ego,
consoling itself with a pis-aller; we sup-
pose that it is necessary to the nation-
al existence, when the Germans have
just proved to us that it may ruin a most
prosperous nation. Still we confuse it
with real patriotism, which is love of
something not ourselves, of our own
people and city and our native fields,
and which, being love, does not in the
least insist that that which is loved is
superior to other things, or people, un-
loved because unknown. We know that
where there is real affection, there is not
this rivalry or enmity; no man, because
he loves his wife, makes domestically
patriotic songs about her, proclaiming
that she is superior to all other wives;
nor does he hate or despise the wives of
other men. In true love there is no self-
esteem, pooled or latent, but rather it in-
creases the capacity for love; it makes
the loving husband see the good in all
women; and he would as soon boast of
his own wife as a religious man would
boast of his God.
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
729
So the true love of country may be
clearly distinguished from the patriot-
ism that is pooled self-esteem, by many
symptoms. For the patriotism that is
pooled self-esteem, though it make a man
boast of his country, does not make
him love his countrymen. Germans,
for instance, before the war, showed
no great love of other Germans, how-
ever much they might sing 'Deutsch-
land iiber Alles'; and in England, the
extreme Jingoes, or nationalists, are al-
ways reviling their countrymen for not
making themselves enough of a nui-
sance to the rest of the world. To them
the British Empire is an abstraction,
something to be boasted about and in-
trigued for; but real, living Englishmen
are, for the most part, unworthy of it.
Their patriotism, because it is pooled
self-esteem, manifests itself in hatred
rather than in love; just because it can-
not declare itself for what it is, because
it is suppressed and diverted, its symp-
toms are always negative rather than
positive. For, being suppressed and di-
verted, it can never find full satisfaction
like the positive passion of love. So it
turns from one object of hate to another,
and from one destructive aim to another.
Germany was the enemy and Germany
is vanquished; another enemy must be
found, another danger scented ; and there
are always enough patriots in every
country, suffering from pooled self-es-
teem, to hail each other as enemies, and
to play the game of mutual provocation.
So no league of nations, no polite
speeches of kings and presidents, prime
ministers and ambassadors, will keep us
from hating each other and feeling good
when we do so, unless we can attain to
enough self-knowledge to understand
why it is that we hate each other, and to
see that this mutual hate and boasting
are but a suppressed and far more dan-
gerous form of that vanity which we
have learned, at least, not to betray in
our personal relations. In fact, the only
thing that can end war is psychology
applied to its proper purpose of self-
knowledge and self-control. If once it
can convince us that, when we boast of
our country, we are suffering from pool-
ed self-esteem, then we shall think it as
vulgar and dangerous to boast of our
country as to boast of ourselves. And,
further, we shall be ashamed of such
boasting, as a symptom of failure in
ourselves. For pooled self-esteem is self-
esteem afraid to declare itself, and it
exists because the self has not found
a scope for the exercise of its own
faculties.
Why did the Germans suffer so much
from pooled self-esteem before the war?
Because they were a suppressed and
thwarted people. The ordinary Ger-
man was wounded in his personal self-
esteem by all the social conventions of
his country; he was born and bred to a
lifeof submission ;and, though conscious-
ly he consented to it, unconsciously his
self-esteem sought a vent and found it
in the belief that, being a German, he
was in all things superior to those who
were not Germans. The more submis-
sive he was as a human being, the more
arrogant he became as a German; and,
with unconscious cunning, his rulers
reconciled him to a life of inferiority by
encouraging him in his collective pride.
So, even while he behaved as if he were
the member of an inferior, almost con-
quered, race, to his military caste, he told
himself that this was the price he gladly
paid for national preeminence.
Before and during the war the Ger-
mans were always saying that they had
found a new way of freedom through dis-
cipline and obedience; unlike the vulgar,
anarchical, democracies of the West,
they stooped to conquer; and, since they
did it willingly, it was freedom, not ser-
vitude. But their psychology was as
primitive as it was dangerous. That
willingness of theirs was but making the
best of a bad job. If only they had known
730
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
it, they were not content with their sub-
mission; no people so intelligent in some
things, so industrious and so self-con-
scious, could be content. There was in
them a dangerous, unsatisfied stock of
self-esteem, which, since they dared not
express it in their ordinary behavior,
found expression at last in a collective
national madness. It seems to us now
that the German people suffered from
persecution mania; but that mania was
the vent by which every German eased
his sense of individual wrong and sooth-
ed his wounded personal pride. By a
kind of substitution, he took revenge
for the sins of his own Junkers upon all
rival nations; and hence the outbreak
which seemed to us incredible even
while it was happening.
I speak of this now only because it is
a lesson to all of us, Americans and Eng-
lish. We too are thwarted, not so sys-
tematically as the Germans, but still
constantly, in our self-esteem; and we
too are constantly tempted to console
ourselves by pooling it. In all industrial
societies, the vast majority never find a
scope for the full exercise of their facul-
ties, and are aware of their inferiority
to the successful few. This inferiority
may not be expressed politically or in
social conventions; in America, and
even in England, the successful may
have the wit not to insist in any open or
offensive manner upon their success ; but,
all the same, it gives them a power, free-
dom, and celebrity which others lack.
And this difference is felt far more than
in the past, because now the poor live
more in cities and know better what the
rich are doing. Unconsciously, they are
wounded in their self-esteem by all that
they read in the papers of the doings of
the rich; they have become spectators
of an endless feast, which they do not
share, with the result that they pool their
wounded self-esteem either in revolu-
tionary exasperation or in national
pride. But, since national pride seems
far less dangerous to the rich and suc-
cessful than revolutionary exasperation,
with the profound, unconscious cunning
of instinct, they encourage national
pride by all means in their power.
There, I think, they are wrong. I be-
lieve that national pride, and the hatred
of other nations, is a more dangerous
vent for pooled self-esteem even than
revolutionary exasperation; for, sooner
or later, it will, as in Russia, produce a
revolutionary exasperation all the more
desperate because it has been deferred
and deceived. If we have another world
war, — and we shall have one unless we
discover and prevent the causes of war
in our own minds, — there will be rev-
olutionary exasperation everywhere;
and it will be vain to tell starving mobs
that it is all the fault of the enemy. The
chauvinism of the disinherited mob is
but a drug, which increases the evil it
pretends to heal. Behind revolutionary
exasperation, and behind chauvinism,
there is the same evil at work, namely,
the thwarting of faculties, the sense of
inferiority, the disappointed ego; and
we must clearly understand the disease
if we are to find the remedy.
The remedy, of course, is a society in
which faculties will no longer be sup-
pressed, in which men will cure them-
selves of their self-esteem, not by pool-
ing it, but by caring for something not
themselves more than for themselves.
To dream of such a society is as easy
as to accomplish it is difficult; but we
shall have taken the first step toward
the accomplishment of it when we see
clearly that we have no alternative
except a relapse into barbarism. Sup-
pression, good manners, discipline, will
never rid us of our self-esteem; still it
will find a vent in some collective, and
so more dangerous, form, unless we can,
as the psychologists say, sublimate it
into a passion for something not our-
selves. If we believe that our country is
not ourselves, we deceive ourselves; we
POOLED SELF-ESTEEM
731
may give our lives for it, but it is still
the idol in which we pool our self-esteem;
and the only way to escape from the
worship of idols is to find the true God.
I am not now talking religion; I am
talking psychology, though I am forced
to use religious terms. The true God is
to be found by every man only through
the discovery of his deepest, most per-
manent desires; and these he can discov-
er only through the exercise of his high-
est faculties. So that is the problem for
all of us, and, as we now know, it is a
collective problem, one which we can
solve only all together. So long as other
men are thwarted in the exercise of their
highest faculties, you are thwarted also;
you are kept always from happiness by
the unhappiness of others.
You may be rich, brilliant, and a lover
of peace; but, so long as the mass of men
can do nothing with their self-esteem
but pool it, you will live in a world of
wars and rumors of wars. You may
be an artist, a philosopher, a man of
science; but, so long as the mass of men
are set by division of labor to tasks
in which they cannot satisfy the higher
demands of the self, any demagogue
may tempt them to destroy all that you
value. Until they also enjoy and so
value it, it is not secure for you or for
the world.
In the past religion has failed because
the problem of release from self-esteem
has been for it a private and personal
one. That is where psychology can now
come to its aid. When once we under-
stand that our self-esteem, if suppressed,
is pooled, not destroyed, and that we can
escape from it only by the exercise of
our higher faculties, we shall see also
that the problem of release is collective.
We are, indeed, all members one of an-
other, as the masters of religion have al-
ways said; but only now is it possible
for us to see the full truth of their saying.
In the past there often seemed to be
some incompatibility between religion
and civilization; but now we are learn-
ing that they are one, and have the same
enemy. Once men sought for God alone,
and in the wilderness; now we may be
sure that they will not find Him unless
they search all together. Salvation itself
is not a private making of our peace with
God : it is a common making of our peace
with each other; and that we shall nev-
er do until, by self-knowledge, we re-
move the causes of war from our own
minds.
All that I have said in this article is
vague, loose, and amateurish; and I have
fallen into religious language now and
again because there was no other that I
could use. But the science that we all
need, if we are all together to be saved,
does not yet exist. I have written to point
out our bitter need of it, and in the hope
that the demand will produce the supply.
CONSOLATION
BY ALBION FELLOWS BACON
THE door-bell rang in the night. It
was toward morning, and cold. We sat
up and listened.
It rang again.
The children were asleep across the
hall. Their father went downstairs
quietly and opened the door.
Leaning over the rail, I heard him
talking to a messenger. Then he came
back upstairs, shaking violently, as
with a heavy chill, and handed me a
telegram.
It read, 'Margaret is very ill. Come
at once.'
We looked at each other in terror
and bewilderment. She had gone away,
a few days before, so radiant, and
seemingly in perfect health. We had
letters telling of her happy visit, and
the plans for the wedding at which she
was to be bridesmaid. In her letters
there was no hint of illness or weak-
ness. It seemed impossible that in such
a short time she could be seriously ill.
Had there been an accident? Could
there be a mistake?
I wondered and reasoned, unable to
accept the message, but weighed down
with dread forebodings. Her father
could say nothing, but he looked gray
and broken, as if the telegram had
brought news of her death. He told
me, afterward, that he was convinced
that was what it meant.
'Let us pray for her to be well,' I
said, after we had turned the heart-
breaking puzzle over and over. 'That
is all we can do. We have always pray-
732
ed, and the children always get well.
Perhaps we may get another telegram
by morning, saying she is better.'
And so I actually hoped; and, at last,
praying, fell asleep. But her father
could not sleep. I think he lay awake
till morning, when, in the chill, early
gray dawn, we made his preparations,
and he left to take the first train.
Later, I woke the children and told
them what had happened. They were
distressed with vague fears, watching
me with anxious little faces.
I went about in a strange, unhappy
daze, feeling a cold hand clutching my
heart, imagining her in pain, in fever,
wondering what the physicians were
doing for her, longing, in an agony of
desire and grief, to be with her. I was
hoping every minute for a telegram
that would say she was better.
After some hours a telegram came.
It announced her death.
Holding it with trembling fingers, I
reread it with blurred vision, doubting
my sight. It brought no conviction,
simply more bewilderment. It was
impossible. It was unthinkable. She
to die! I did not believe it. I had never
known anyone so vividly alive. Her
lithe, slender body, her face, alight and
radiant with thought, seemed to be
only an expression of her spirit. ' Spirit,
fire, and dew ' — so I had often thought
of her.
I sat and stared at the telegram,
stupidly, as one might look at a heavy
club that had smitten one on the head.
CONSOLATION
733
I know now that the effect it had was
that of a physical blow. I could not
think coherently, but one idea kept
rising insistently. There was some
mistake. It might be a trance. I sent
a hasty telegram by telephone, and
then another, more explicit and urgent.
I waited in a state of suspended life.
At last the answer came back: —
'There was no mistake. Five phy-
sicians were called.'
There was no mistake. Then —
I could not frame the thought. It
was like another, heavier blow. My
brain reeled. Thought seemed to stag-
ger, to faint, to rouse and fall, exactly as
it does when recovering from an an-
ajsthetic or a blow. I recalled the feel-
ing of the surgeon's knife, the stabs of
pain, dulled and then sharp, as con-
sciousness returns.
That impression of the anaesthetic
persisted for days — the feeling of dull
stupor, with sudden sharp stabs of
pain, as realization came at times. It is
a merciful result of such a blow that the
stupor prevails.
Then, all at once, a clear thought
came to me: 'Now she is with God.
Now she knows what we two have so
often wondered about.'
I was overpowered by the wonder,
the beauty, and the glory of that
thought. I rose and stood by the inner
door. Suddenly, it seemed to me that
Margaret was with me. She seemed to
take my hand and draw me up, a step
higher, while she stood close to me, a
little higher, still holding my hand.
Then it seemed as if, while we stood
thus together, a great brilliant sun
rose from the horizon, with rays spread-
ing to the zenith, while an ineffable
glory spread over the world.
I do not know how long we stood. It
was so wonderful that I found myself
smiling, though I stood there, at last,
alone.
'She is not dead,' I said to myself.
' She is more vitally, strongly alive than
ever before, and she is with God. She
is happy.'
The beauty and glory of that experi-
ence stayed with me. It left an exalta-
tion that lasted for months. It left, too,
a deep conviction that Margaret was
in a realm of love and happiness and
beauty, infinitely transcending ours.
Because I am not a spiritualist, and
would not seek or credit any of their
'communications,' I want to make it
plain that there was no appearance, no
voice, no touch, no thrill of contact.
There was no illusion. The experience
did not seem in the least supernatural,
but most natural. It seemed to be of
the texture of thought, as if I had a
strong thought of her being with me.
It was a manifestation of her love, I feel
sure. It gave me unspeakable comfort
and assurance.
n
'When she comes home,' I thought, with throb-
bing heart,
That danced a measure to my mind's refrain.
Again from out the door I leaned and looked,
Where she should come along the leafy lane.
And then she came — I heard the measured
sound
Of slow, oncoming feet, whose heavy tread
Seemed trampling out my life. I saw her face.
Then through my brain a sudden numbness
spread.
The earth seemed spun away, the sun was gone,
And time, and place, and thought. There was no
thing
In all the universe, save one who lay
So still and cold and white, unanswering,
Save by a graven smile, my broken moan.
She had come home, yet there I knelt alone.
Years ago I had written that poem,
after reading Riley's 'When she comes
Home.' Was it a prophecy?
It was some days before they brought
her home from that distant state. It
seemed like months. I must not dwell
on the agony of those days, or anything
they held for all of us.
And then she came — I heard the measured sound
Of slow, oncoming feet —
734
CONSOLATION
I had looked forward, with a great
eagerness, to seeing her again. I went
into the room. There, amid a bower of
flowers, dressed in glistening, delicate
white, lay a beautiful girl. 'So still and
cold and white, unanswering' —
I felt a distinct shock of disappoint-
ment. This was not Margaret. There
was some mistake, after all. But the
clear-cut, cameo features were the
same, the hair, the hands. I touched
them. Who can forget that icy cold!
It was marble. It was not Margaret.
I stood, disappointed and puzzled.
She was not lying there. I was sure of
it. She was alive, and was both with me
and in heaven. The flood of triumph-
ant conviction swept over me again.
I looked about the room, in a kind of
wonder at the funeral flowers — for
her, who was not dead! There were
pallid white roses. But among them
were some splendid rich red roses, full
of life and vigor. Yes, they were suit-
able. And there were her favorite pink
ones. Then my eye caught a great
wreath of sweet peas, white, rose-pink,
and lavender. It seemed to express my
thought of her present life and sur-
roundings. I caught it up and laid it over
the feet of the beautiful, still figure.
Later in the day someone came and
spoke to me about a dress — a black
dress. The thought filled me with hor-
ror. Black! They wear black for the
dead. She was not dead. To wear black
would seem to proclaim her dead. I
showed them the wreath. 'If it were
possible, I should like to wear white,
embroidered with rose and lavender,
and threads of gold, like light,' I said.
'That is the glorious way I think of
her.' But I felt that no one could
understand.
They spoke of cards, black-edged,
and of kerchiefs, black-edged. It seem-
ed childish to me, even though one
were dead. How wide should the border
be, to express one's grief? It would be
all black, would it not? But it would
seem to say that she was dead. I could
not bear it, and ordered only white.
Another day passed while the beau-
tiful form lay among the flowers. I
need not tell anyone who has experi-
enced it, what those days were to the
grief-stricken household.
Then the time came when we stood
on the hillside, while light snow-flakes
fell, beside the open grave. It almost
seemed true, then, what they all said.
Dazed, in bewilderment and dumb
pain, I saw the blanket of roses laid
over the grave. But as we turned heav-
ily away, I knew that Margaret was
with us.
As we entered the door of the home
there came that piercing, crushing
thought that she would never come
back, as she had before. But she was
alive. She was 'just away,' as she had
been on the visit, as her sister had been
at school. Farther? No, nearer, very
near. I was sure of it. And we would be
going to her.
From that time I have looked for-
ward to that meeting, and I can hardly
wait.
in
It was a comfort, that first night, to
feel that she was with my father and
those others we loved. There comes to
us all at such times, at first, — and es-
pecially at night, — an overwhelming,
instinctive fear of the loneliness and
darkness and cold. It is as if those who
have gone from us had set forth alone,
in a tiny boat, upon a misty sea. Are
they frightened? Are they lonely? Are
they cold? We can think and feel only
in terms of the senses, and we tor-
ture ourselves with these unreasoning
thoughts. We try to reach out human
hands of helpfulness to them; and then
CONSOLATION
735
we realize with relief that others, like
them, can touch and help them, when
we cannot.
The thought makes the flesh seem
unreal. It makes God seem more real.
We are turned back on the thought of
God, and of his promises. The Twenty-
third Psalm is a refuge. We sink into
the comfort of the thought, 'Under-
neath are the Everlasting Arms.' We
hold to the promise of Christ, 'Lo, I
am with you always.' It is unspeak-
ably comforting to realize that 'If I
take the wings of the morning and
dwell in the uttermost parts of the sea,
even there shall thy hand lead me, and
thy right hand shall hold me.'
Why, they could not be away from
Him anywhere in the universe. They
could not grope a single step in dark-
ness or bewilderment.
Then I began to realize that we are
just as entirely dependent on God in the
flesh, as we are after we leave it. How
helpless are mortals, before the power
of the aroused elements, in flood or
fire, earthquake or hurricane! How
helpless in pestilence! How little hu-
man hands can do to protect us! And
we are as helpless to provide for our
needs, if provision is not made first by
Nature.
I realize how God's care anticipates
our human needs, provides light for the
eye, sound for the ear, adjusts our
physical frame to the pressure of the
atmosphere, maintains the thefmo-
equilibrium of the body these and
thousands of other provisions. And
does He not provide as generously for
our souls, even while they are impris-
oned hi the flesh? In how many ways
does He minister to the soul — through
the eye, the ear, the intellect, and by
spiritual communion.
The study, not only of the human
body and mind, but also of physical na-
ture, convinces one of open heart of the
care of God.
'Consider the lilies of the field.'
'Behold the fowls of the air. . . .
Your heavenly Father feedeth them.'
Many a time, since then, have I
stood, as the golden sunset deepened
into twilight, and listened to the robins
singing their happy vespers among the
orchard trees. As it sank to a soft twit-
ter, blending with the contented hum
of insects, and the far-off, peaceful
sounds of flock and herd, there has
swept over me an overwhelming con-
sciousness of the care of the All-Father
for his creatures.
Something of this came to me that
first night, and I prayed for her who had
gone out into what seemed at first to be
the great Darkness. It was not that
she needed my prayers, for her faith
was as deep as mine; but that seemed
the only way I could bear her company.
Gradually the darkness became lumi-
nous, and the horror of cold and loneli-
ness melted away in the warm con-
sciousness of the love and light of God.
The next day a friend brought me a
copy of the beautiful prayer that his
church uses. It was so comforting that
I want to give it to others.
'O God, the God of the spirits of all
flesh, in whose embrace all creatures
live, in whatsoever world or condition
they be; I beseech Thee for her whose
name and dwelling-place and every
need Thou knowest.
'Lord, vouchsafe her light and rest,
peace and refreshment, joy and conso-
lation, in Paradise, in the companion-
ship of saints, in the presence of Christ,
in the ample folds of thy great love.
Grant that her life (so troubled here)
may unfold itself in thy sight and find
a sweet employment in the spacious
fields of eternity. If she hath ever been
hurt or maimed by any unhappy word
or deed of mine, I pray Thee, of thy
great pity, to heal and restore her, that
she may serve Thee without hindrance.
'Tell her, 0 gracious Lord, if it may
736
CONSOLATION
be, how much I love her and miss her
and long to see her again; and, if there
be ways in which she may come, vouch-
safe her to me as a guide and guard,
and grant us a sense of her nearness, in
such degree as thy laws permit.
'If in aught I can minister to her
peace, be pleased, of thy love, to let
this be; and mercifully keep me from
every act which may deprive me of the
sight of her as soon as our trial time is
over, or mar the fullness of our joy when
the end of the days hath come.
' Pardon, O gracious Lord and Father,
whatsoever is amiss in this my prayer,
and let thy will be done; for my will is
blind and erring, but thine is able to do
exceeding abundantly above all that
we ask or think; through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.'
'Light and rest, peace and refresh-
ment, joy and consolation.' What
could I pray for her that she would not
have? I prayed God to give her all
these, and some special, shining joy,
because of her mother's prayer. I pray-
ed for Him to give her my love, and to
tell her how deeply we missed her; for,
though I lifted my thought to her con-
stantly, I felt that she was more sure to
receive the message in that way. I
prayed, too, that I might have com-
munion with her, and that my thought
might go to her. I feel now that it does.
And then I taught the children to pray,
'Please, God, give her our love.' But
most of all I prayed that she might be
kept as close to Christ as possible.
That means all safety, all care, all be-
atitude.
IV
The pink roses left in the home
breathed of her. While they lasted
they gave me a kind of faint happiness.
When they were gone, I brought more
to put by her picture and in her room.
She seemed to be there, in a way. But
when I went back to the cemetery, I
felt that she was not there. There was
no satisfaction in going, or in taking
flowers. It seemed better to put them
in her room, as if she would know.
Her room, all rose-pink and white,
had been closed. Some weeks later, I
took it for mine, seeming to be nearer
to her. Standing before her mirror, I
thought how often there. had 'glowed
the clear perfection of her face.' It
seemed as if she must enter through that
mirrored door, and smile over my
shoulder. The feeling persisted that
she would be returning at any time.
Our lives and our thoughts had been
much interwoven, and we had much in
common. It seemed to me that now, in
a peculiar way, I had come to see with
her eyes. As I unfolded the delicate
gowns she wore, I could not help think-
ing, 'How coarse and common these
must seem to her, compared to the
glorious raiment she can choose and
fashion now.' Suddenly, I had a
thought, almost a feeling, of filmy gar-
ments, not woven, but of the texture
of a flower-petal. How coarse the finest
fabric is, compared to that!
Putting away her trinkets, I thought
what childish toys they must seem to
her now, compared with the wonders of
heaven. But I laid my treasures away
with reverent care, for they were all
I had, and inexpressibly dear. The
thought was satisfying rather than dis-
quieting, for it left a stronger impres-
sion of her exalted state, and made me
seem more attuned to her spirit.
I felt this, too, when I noticed sud-
denly the unusual effect of sad or
minor strains on my ear. I used to love
them, and they are generally supposed
to be peculiarly acceptable to those in
sorrow. Now they smote on my ear as
gratingly as a discord. I realized that
this was not the kind of music that
Margaret was hearing. It should be
happy and triumphant.
CONSOLATION
737
I saw the grime and dirt of the city
with new vision, and with an over-
powering thought of the immaculate
purity of those streets, ' like unto mol-
ten glass,' and of the incorruptible
beauty of that fair country, that real
'Place' that Christ promised to pre-
pare for us. It was good to think of her
there.
When someone laid before me that
beautiful sonnet of Richard Watson
Gilder, 'Call me not Dead,' it came to
me with new meaning: —
Call me not dead when I, indeed, have gone
Into the company of the ever-living
High and most glorious poets. Let thanksgiving
Rather be made. Say : ' He at last hath won
Rest and release, converse supreme and wise,
Music and song and light of immortal faces;
To-day, perhaps, wandering in starry places,
He hath met Keats, and known him by his eyes.
To-morrow (who can say?) Shakespeare may
pass,
And our lost friend just catch one syllable
Of that three-centuried wit that kept so well;
Or Milton; or Dante, looking on the grass
Thinking of Beatrice, and listening still
To chanted hymns that sound from the heavenly
hill.
I had thought of her meeting others.
Perhaps she, too, had met Keats and
others of those beautiful spirits gone
from us, whose books she had loved to
read, those masters of music and paint-
ing that she enjoyed most. It was a
comfort to know that she had always
delighted in new places and in making
new friends. I pictured her amid groups
and companies, amid love and light and
harmonies of wonderful music. I could
see her conversing, with her bright
sparkle and vivacity, with these new
friends. How she would enjoy them;
and, I could not help thinking, how
they would enjoy her!
Then I began to think of her, with a
most persistent imagining, as moving in
some free, swift, happy motion, almost
as if swept along by light clouds, or by
electric currents. Not with the old
idea of wings! As I saw her, in thought,
she was always smiling, almost always
laughing, with that light, joyous laugh
of hers. And whenever I lifted my
eyes, it seemed that, framed among the
trees, wreathed in rainbow colors, there
was a vanishing vision of her smiling
face.
It took nothing from my comfort to
think that memory and imagination
each had its part in this strong new
visualizing. Accustomed to analyze
thought, I was aware of a new, strong
element, which I believed to be divine.
Many things about the home have
helped to make her, not a memory, but
a living part of our daily lives. She
seems immanent in all beauty, as a liv-
ing part of it — in sunset or moonlight,
in garden walks or woodland paths.
And in all holy communion, being near-
er to God, I feel nearer to her who is
with God.
Most of all, the thought of her comes
at sunrise, in the beauty of the quiet
dawn, with the words of her best-loved
hymn. The air is Mendelssohn's, but
there always awakens at the same time
the unearthly music of Grieg's 'Morn-
ing,' which she often played. It, too,
has in it the faint, growing light of the
dawn and the stir of awakening birds.
Still, still with Thee, when purple morning break-
eth,
When the bird waketh, and the shadows flee;
Fairer than morning, lovelier than daylight,
Dawns the sweet consciousness — I am with
Thee.
So shall it be at last, in that bright morning
When the soul waketh, and life's shadows flee;
O in that hour, fairer than daylight dawning,
Shall rise the glorious thought — I am with
Thee.
To that dawning I lift my eyes.
VOL. 128 — NO. 6
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
BY AN AMERICAN SOLDIER
HEADQUARTERS, DIVISION,
, FRANCE,
November 1, 1918.
COLONEL
General Staff, —
You will proceed to Ceuilly Woods at
once, ascertain the conditions existing upon
that front, and report the result of your ob-
servations by the quickest available means.
By command of
MAJOR GENERAL ,
Colonel, General Staff,
Chief of Staff.
I received the above order within
half an hour after reporting for duty as
liaison officer for the th Division,
A.E.F. Brief, to the point, apparently
simple of execution, it was the cause of
months of the most perfect and un-
mitigated hell to me.
My automobile, a beautiful Cadillac
limousine, was waiting on the street,
below the general's office. I climbed
aboard, directing my chauffeur to drive
toward the front — we were then about
ten miles behind the infantry lines. On
the way, I stopped to pick up two Sal-
vation Army girls, walking laboriously
through the mud to their advanced sta-
tion. About three miles back of the
lines, we came to the field artillery, and
were met in the road by a sentinel, who
told me that that was the limit for auto-
mobiles. I sent the car back to Division
Headquarters, grabbed a side-car, and
went on. It was an active sector, and
things became interesting very soon.
We went on, however, until we reached
738
a camouflaged road. I got out, told the
driver to wait for me at a town I showed
him on my map, and went on afoot,
gathering up a lieutenant liaison officer
familiar with that section of the front.
We walked along the road a bit, leav-
ing it at an opening in the camouflage,
through which ran an abandoned Boche
narrow-gauge railroad. We followed
this railroad, picking our way carefully,
while listening intently to the occasion-
al Boche shells that came over, in order
to drop on our bellies in case our ears
told us the shells were close. At inter-
vals we were jolted by our own artillery
fire, as the seventy-fives searched for
some irritating battery of the enemy.
Soon we reached the reserves of our
infantry. I stopped at the P.C. of a
regiment, asked the colonel about con-
ditions, and went on, still up the aban-
doned Boche railroad. We were in the
woods, and the railroad was the easiest
road to travel. Shells came thicker, and
now and than we would drop as fast as
our legs would wilt, wait an instant for
the crash, get up and go on. Soon the
shelling became heavier, and one time I
dropped and heard a man laugh at me.
I got up and looked back at him. He
was without a helmet, a dirty, noncha-
lant boy, not as bluffed as I had been
by the shelling.
I looked to the front again, and just
as I did so, I heard the most terrifying
thing I had ever heard in my life — the
loud, malicious scream of a big shell. I
believe that there can be nothing more
SHELI^SHOCKED — AND AFTER
739
utterly terrifying than that sound. It is
wicked, awful; it makes one feel cold
and sick when it is loud. These shells
carry with them a warning of death in
an awful form, from which there is no
escape unless God is good to you and
you are quick enough to get close to the
ground before the spray of splintered
steel flies in all directions. This shell
was louder than any I had ever heard
— it seemed to be right in front of my
face; it called its message with a flutter-
ing, whimpering scream that froze me,
nauseated me, weakened my legs, made
me breathe a most devout, heartfelt
prayer: 'O my God, don't let that hit
me!'
I dropped. I crumpled up. I simply
collapsed on the ground. But I did not
get there fast enough. As I was falling,
the whole world blew up. It is inde-
scribable, that crash of sound, so loud
one cannot hear it. It stuns, it seems to
hit you all over at once — things seem
to stop going altogether. Perhaps I was
knocked out; I don't know. I remember
getting to my feet, my head throbbing,
my ears banging, my legs wobbling a
bit as I tried to get my balance and stay
up. I put my hand to my head in a
dazed way, to wipe away from my mind
the fogginess that seemed to surround it.
Another crash came and knocked me
down. Again I got up. The blue layers
of smoke were lying all about me, layer
on layer, quiet and still, with the trees
showing in between. I turned around,
and still I saw those horizontal layers of
blue smoke. I could n't think, or move
away from where I stood.
Then, as if it had just happened, I
heard a man screaming. He was hold-
ing his body with both hands, kneeling
on the ground, and screaming in agony.
Another and another were lying quietly
on the track. Then my eyes rested on
what was left of the boy who had laugh-
ed at me, the blood pumping out of his
body like red water from an overturned
bucket. Then I realized that the shell-
ing was still going on — heavy, contin-
uous crashes, following closely one after
another, many at a time, a perfect din
of sound. I fell to the ground, and roll-
ed over and over, off the track into the
woods on the side, into a shell-hole, and
lay there. My head hurt, my face hurt,
my ears and eyes — I hurt all over. I
put my hand to my face where it seem-
ed to burn, and found it was covered
with blood. I thought how messy it
would make my trench-coat, and won-
dered whether a dry cleaner could get
blood out of a fur collar. I lay there in
that hole until the barrage lifted a bit
— it was a six-inch barrage: the Boche
was covering our approaches, which he
knew all too well, since we had just
pushed him out of that same area the
day before. He knew that track very
well, and exactly where it was.
I went on to the front, slowly feeling
my way, until I got to the lines. There
were no trenches, our men were lying on
their bellies in the grass, hugging the
ground until they went forward a few
yards more, only to hug the ground
again. At a field-telephone, a bit later,
I telephoned back what information I
had, and started to return. It took me
all the rest of the day to get back to a
dressing-station, where I was sewed up.
That night I investigated the rest of
that immediate sector, found my side-
car, and went back to the division,
hugging the right of the road, with no
lights of any kind, meeting ammunition-
trains lumbering up on the other side,
big spectres in the night, noisily making
their way to the lines with their load of
the iron ration. At times a shell would
whinney and flutter — and crash to our
right or left. It was a wild ride. Early
in the morning we reached headquar-
ters, and I breakfasted with the general
and his staff. Jokes were cracked at my
hurt face, and I was congratulated on
having won a wound-stripe.
740
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
n
The Armistice came along in a few
days, and I was assigned to command
a field-artillery regiment that was to
march into Germany. I was glad, as I
wanted to make that historic trip. But
I wished to high heaven that my head
would quit aching. We got ready for
the march in, gathering horses here and
there, resting our men, sprucing up all
we could under the circumstances, hat-
ing the quiet and inactivity of it all,
wishing we could go home for a week or
so, talking about the past already. And
still I wished to high heaven that my
head would stop its ache, its throb, its
feeling as if it were in a vise.
Then our orders came, and in we
went. Through miles of horribly dev-
astated France, past miles on miles of
barbed-wire entanglements, over roads
full of shell-holes, past utterly ruined
towns. And then into beautiful Luxem-
burg, with fields of grain, wonderful
forests; through quaint towns, and then
to Luxemburg City, where, as I rode at
the head of my regiment, the children
ran along and threw flowers under my
horse's feet — flags waving from the
windows, people cheering, until my
heart came into my throat and tears to
my eyes, and I realized that never in
my life again would I feel as I did then.
And always my head ached and throb-
bed, always I wished to high heaven it
would some time stop.
The regimental surgeon began to
dope me. Every night he would stick
something into me, or give me some-
thing to drink, feel my pulse, chat a
while. Next morning he would stop in
and ask how I slept, and sometimes how
I ate. I did n't sleep, I could n't eat.
And always the ache. And then that
dream! It would wake me up in a
sweat. Every now and then I would
hear that fluttering, whimpering squeal,
— and then I would see myself lying on
the ground with my face gone — and
the blood pumping itself out of the
pieces of the boy who had laughed at
me. I would wake up and not sleep any
more. Then breakfast and no appetite
— and always that damnable ache, and
throb, and the vise would squeeze my
head.
Food became more scarce, transpor-
tation was not adequate, the Boche was
moving fast, and we must keep up to
him. My horses had been gassed from
grazing in gassed areas back of the
front; they had not had sufficient nour-
ishment, and were weak. My men were
very weary. One time we were told that
the next day's march was forty-two
miles. It almost broke my heart to
make the regiment turn out at 4 A.M.,
and march those forty-two long miles.
Horses died, men were evacuated to the
hospitals, and between nine and ten
that night we staggered into our billets,
almost all in. And the hill we climb-
ed that day — what a pull for those
horses! I love horses, and as I rode up
that hill, I thought of how little these
drafted men knew of driving a six-line
team up a hill with a jack-knife turn at
the top. So I stopped, spread the regi-
ment out so that there was road-room
between the carriages, and personally
drove every gun-carriage around that
turn. There were only three men in the
regiment who knew how to keep six
horses in draft around a turn like that.
The two majors knew, one a West Point-
er, the other an old-type field-artillery
first sergeant. I was the other one. It
took six hours to get the two miles of
regiment over the top of that hill. They
got there, though.
Across the river into Germany! How
I do remember that day. From the
laughter, the waving flags, the hap-
py children strewing flowers in Luxem-
burg, into Germany — silent, sullen Ger-
many. The women turned their backs,
the children clung to their mothers'
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
741
skirts, and stared, or scampered into the
house, looking backward as they ran.
How quiet it all was! How sullenly
antagonistic! My men joked and kid-
ded each other about the way the girls
turned their backs, and comments were
made on how that would all change
when the Q.M. furnished us with new
uniforms. It did change, too, almost
overnight, as if it had been ordered
from the German Great Headquar-
ters. Then we were treated well, almost
as guests. The sullenness vanished, to
be replaced by a welcoming hand and
offers of food and shelter if we did not
have enough. My orderly came to me
and said, ' Colonel, we ' ve been fighting
the wrong people! ' It shocked me for a
moment and made me think, and has
made me think a good deal since —
that remark. I began to learn how many
of my men spoke German, how many
had been born hi Germany, or were of
German parentage.
I was made military governor of an
area, was treated well by my host, the
mayor of the town where I made my
headquarters. I remember how deli-
cious his Frau's outing-flannel sheets felt
to me at night, after the variety I had
been accustomed to at the front. But I
could not sleep well at all, nor could I
eat well. The doctor began to talk of
my taking a rest, a few days in the hos-
pital, and so forth, to ease up a bit.
And there was more dope in my arm,
or something to drink. But the throb
in my head kept on — and so did the
dream. For about three months that
continued; my nerves were getting bad,
I was becoming more and more irri-
table. I was ill, but did not quite know
it. I was sent to the hospital, was trans-
ferred to another, fainted once, was put
to bed. And then things began to fade
away at times. They were kind to me
there, very kind. I shall always remem-
ber the kindness of those nurses and
doctors.
The next thing I remember I ^was at
Saint-Nazaire, waiting in the hospital
for a transport to take me home, with a
lot of wounded and sick men. They
told me afterward that I acted all -right;
but the five weeks intervening between
the hospital in Germany and Saint-
Nazaire are a blank — I simply remem-
ber nothing at all.
The trip across was fine — did me
lots of good. I was looking forward
with a great deal of happiness to meet-
ing some dear friends on this side, and
subconsciously waiting for the kind
welcome they would give me, and the
rest and peace that I would have. A
wireless came to me from a girl who had
written to me a good deal. If only my
head would have let up a bit, — and the
nausea have stopped, — I could have
been quite happy.
in
We were met in New York by a re-
ception committee, and handed news-
papers. Officers came to . me, saying
that the men were angry at something
and wanted my opinion. I happened to
be the senior officer on board and, al-
though on sick-report, was, neverthe-
less, asked about this thing that bother-
ed the men. After hearing it out, I put
it up to the men themselves, and they
voted to a man that they did not want
to be received by a committee headed
by a New York newspaper man whom
they considered worse than a Boche.
The Boche at least would fight — this
man stayed home and did all he could
to mess up our work apparently. So I
told the committee that the men want-
ed no reception from them, and they de-
parted. How odd it seemed to me that
we should be met by a pro-German at
such a time! As I look back, I remem-
ber this as the first of the disappoint-
ments which my country had in store
for its men from overseas.
742
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
I was feeling a bit rocky, and dodged
the good people who met us. The sur-
geon, who had been sleeping in the
same room with me on the way across,
took hie to a receiving hospital in New
York City. A friend of mine, an officer
who had been shell-shocked, was miss-
ing, and I asked for him. The surgeon
said that he had jumped overboard.
Then it dawned upon me why the doc-
tor had slept in my room.
I want to give all credit to the won-
derful staff of the hospital. The nurses
and doctors were all one could want.
They were kindness itself, thought-
ful, and most considerate. At times in
the months to follow there were other
bright lights of happiness that shine
forth as I look back; but, in the main,
the year that followed was dominated
by misery, physical pain, and mental
anguish. If I knew that I was doomed
to go through that period again, I would
not face it.
For some reason I shrank from meet-
ing my friends — and the girl. But
after a bit I was allowed to go out, and
I called on her. She was apparently
glad to see me, and for a while I enjoyed
her company; but some intuition made
me feel uncomfortable — why, I could
not tell. Gradually this began to be-
come clearer to me, however, as I came
to realize how far apart we were, how
different her sheltered life had been on
this side, and how utterly impossible it
was for her to appreciate how I felt. I
closed up like an oyster, finding it out
of the question to tell what wanted to
be told. I tried to a few times, only to
catch the look of conscious interest —
and again shut up.
This was my second disappointment.
It surprised me — it hurt me. The
longer I remained in this country, the
more it hurt, until, finally, I became
callous to the fact; for I realized,
much against my will, that my friends,
my country, spoke a different language!
That thought rang through my brain
in the long months that followed! Back
in my own country, back among my
friends, among scenes that I loved, that
meant everything to me, and yet not
back at all. I know that I am but re-
peating a thing that has been told many
times, but the big fact remains, that the
quick abandonment of interest in our
overseas men by Americans in general
is an indictment against us as a nation,
not soon to be forgotten by the men in
uniform from the other side. This fact
burns in the minds of the thousands of
men who at this very moment are liv-
ing their broken lives in almshouses,
jails, insane asylums, and hospitals, or
wandering, hopeless, about the streets.
I wanted relaxation, rest, anything to
take my mind away from myself. I
wanted to see musical comedies, read
light books; I wanted to laugh and play.
These were difficult things to obtain,
however. My best friends wanted to see
heavier plays — they wanted to see
Nazimova writhe and squirm about the
stage; they wanted to hear Heifetz play
exquisite music, over which they raved.
Exquisite music, yes, but not the sort
to feed to a man who was in dire need of
something vastly different.
I had friends who were intellectual,
who were interested in things of real
worth; but they could not discuss them
in the human terms that interested me.
In New York drawing-rooms I met
musicians of international repute, men
of letters, of travel, who were interest-
ing to most people and would have been
to me, normally; but I was only bored.
Back my mind wandered to France; and
now and then that old dream came
back, and I saw the red blood streaming
from the ripped, torn body of the boy
who had laughed at me. I became more
nervous as sleep kept away, and food
lost its interest.
A party of us drove up the Hudson
and spent a few hours at my old Alma
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
743
Mater, to me the most beautiful spot
in America, from which have come so
many of our most famous men: the
school, founded by George Washington,
which gave us Grant, Lee, Sheridan,
Sherman, Taylor, Pershing, and many
others of international fame in civil as
well as military life. There is something
about that school that holds its gradu-
ates with a loyalty that exceeds any-
thing I have seen.
The Corps! Bare-headed, salute it!
With eyes up, thanking our God
That we of the Corps are treading
Where they of the Corps have trod.
We sons of to-day salute you,
You sons of its earlier day;
We follow close order behind you.
WTiere you have pointed the way.
The long gray line of us stretches
Through the years of a century told,
And the last man feels to his marrow
The grip of your far-off hold.
It was good to be back, but those
with whom I was did not understand.
They had no realization of the value of
such a school to the nation. Somebody
remarked that West Point was a place
where men were taught to kill Germans
who had done us no harm. That grated
on me, and I replied that, if I knew any-
one who was pro-German at the time, I
would most certainly report him to the
authorities.
'Would you report me?' asked an
American woman in the party.
'I most certainly would,' I answered.
'Well,' she replied, 'you know my
friend Fritz is a German, and I
have a great deal of sympathy for
Germany.'
My comments were a bit sharp, I am
afraid, and were apparently distasteful
to another member of the party, who
said that I was a coward if I were will-
ing to report to the Secret Service such a
friend as the other woman was to me.
Things grew disagreeable, but we drove
back to New York in peace, though I
was worried and tired out. I retired that
night exhausted in mind and body, and
could not sleep, though the doctor gave
me an opiate. That element of pro-
Germanism at that time was extremely
distasteful to me — I had seen too much,
had felt too much, to be kindly dis-
posed. Besides, it was a distinct shock
to learn that my own friends felt so
friendly toward those people with re-
spect to whom I felt quite the oppo-
site, because of things I had seen and
been through myself. I learned later
that that feeling was very prevalent
among people calling themselves good
Americans.
After a bit I was assigned to duty
with the General Staff in Washington.
My duties began at once — getting
ready for another war. Another war! I
used to sit at my desk in the 'War De-
partment, thinking it over. Another
war — God, what a thought! How un-
der high heaven it could be that we
should prepare for another war was be-
yond my powers of comprehension. I
could not keep my mind on my work,
I thought of other things, fumbled with
my papers, dreamed and took walks
during office-hours, trying to get my
mind clear and get away from that
damnable ache in my head. I would go
to sleep at my desk, making up for the
night before. To the Department I was
practically useless.
Occasionally I went to New York,
but had best have stayed away. I met
an editor of a newspaper which had as
its object the uplift of people; but I
never got to know exactly what he
wanted — he seemed a bit vague him-
self on that score. I listened to many
conversations on the subject of the im-
provement of the condition of this and
that. Then came Germany and the
indemnity, and how awful it all was to
make poor Germany pay. I went to
hear a preacher of the gospel, and was
disgusted with his ideas. I heard him ad-
dress a meeting in Madison Square, at-
744
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
tended by hundreds of men and women.
As I looked around, I saw not one face
that I took to be American; and as this
American preacher remarked that the
Bolsheviki must succeed, he was cheer-
ed to the echo, hats were thrown in the
air — the crowd went mad. I told my
companions that I would not stay in
such a place in an American uniform —
and left. They came, too, not because
they did not sympathize with the speak-
er, but because they would not stay
alone, without the protecting influence
of that same uniform.
The drive home started in silence,
but became a nightmare memory to me.
Two women, one an American, one
a foreigner of aristocratic birth, began
to talk — and such talk! Again were
my eyes opened very wide, and I was
stunned and shocked by the opinions
expressed. I was told that America
should never have entered the war at
all; that we should have accepted things
peacefully; that, even if the Germans
came over here, they would make
themselves so hated that they would
soon depart whence they came! I was
informed that I should be ashamed of
myself for ever going to the front; that
my decorations were a disgrace to wear,
as being tokens given to me for killing
Germans! It was a disgrace to be a
soldier at all, killing helpless women and
children! I was a liar when I said that
American troops were not accustom-
ed to doing such things. And this too
from well-bred women — intellectuals,
so-called.
This was the beginning of the end of
my association with these people, of
whom I had been very fond before I
sailed overseas. I reported them to the
Secret Service in Washington, and be-
lieve that their pernicious activities
ceased. The foreigner had taken refuge
on our shores from the violence and
anarchy which reigned in her own coun-
try; had for three years accepted all
that we had to give — our safety, hos-
pitality, music and art, the associations
which meant most to her. And yet, in
conversation with me one evening,
holding her aristocratic arms aloft, she
loudly proclaimed that REVOLUTION
was what was needed to cure my coun-
try's ills! Some things are beyond com-
prehension, beyond the power of hu-
man understanding.
IV
Back in Washington, we still worked
on war, preparing for the next one. I
did my best, but one day things broke.
I was sitting at my desk, and suddenly
realized that there was something radi-
cally wrong. I got to my feet, laughing
and feeling silly. I saw little white
circles chasing each other in front of my
eyes. They came slowly into view from
nowhere and tumbled from left to right,
scurrying along one after another; and
as I looked after them, they hurried on,
always from left to right. I turned my
head — and still they rolled over and
over, those soft, round things that came
out of nothing and fled away just as I
turned my head to see where they were
hurrying. I grew tense, and laughed.
Then I began to play with them as they
rolled along from left to right, always
just a little ahead of me. I grabbed at
them — and laughed and giggled in my
play. I turned my head, but they rolled
on, always just a bit ahead. I turned
around myself, grabbing at those dam-
nably elusive things that seemed to
mock me in this game. And as I jump-
ed for them, I laughed and chuckled
delightedly.
In the middle of it all I stopped —
there came a noise outside that brought
me up sharp. I stopped and listened —
everything was very still for an instant.
Then a car-bell rang on the street be-
low; then came steps in the hall out-
side, and the subdued voices of officers
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
745
in the next room in a conference. I felt
a chill of fear grip me. I locked myself
in, sat down, and held on to my desk as
things got gray and the ache in my
head gave way to a hum, a low chanting
hum, like the one that comes when
one is just going under an anesthetic.
It required all my will-power to keep
conscious then. Many times afterward
I used my will to keep control of my-
self; but I remember that as the first
time, and it left me tired physically, hot
all over, and shaking with an intangible
fear of a thing not understood.
Then a thought came to me, slowly,
in a vague sort of way — I was losing
my mind! Dear God, I was losing my
mind! I grabbed my head in my hands,
closed my eyes to keep away those
fooling, fluffy, flying things that came
out of nowhere and tumbled off into
nowhere again. Things became quiet,
I got control, picked up my cap, un-
locked the door, and started to leave
the office. My secretary met me at the
door and laughingly asked me why I
had locked her out — that she had been
knocking. I said I would not be back
that afternoon.
I went as straight as I could go to the
attending surgeon, an old friend. In the
seclusion of his office I told him my
story, and went all to pieces and sobbed
like a woman. Pretty soon we were in
my car, and he was driving me to the
Walter Reed Hospital, talking to me
quietly on the way. Then followed
those interminable examinations, day
after day, — blood-tests, eye-tests, ear-
tests, balance-tests, every test apparent-
ly that could be devised. I was thank-
ful for my shoulder-straps, which gave
me a room to myself.
There came interviews with a famous
nerve specialist, a man whose grasp of
human nature was wonderful ; but he did
not know the answer. He advised one
thing and then another; he was kind-
ness itself, and his understanding was
remarkable. A man nationally famous,
he had given up his practice to help the
army in its time of need — but he had
not been 'over there,' and he did not
know. It was this man, whose opinion I
valued so highly, whose keen percep-
tion was always a source of wonder to
me, whose training was all along the
line that would lead to a real under-
standing of my case, who first showed
me how utterly alone I was to be in the
year that followed.
I had been more or less alone before,
because everyone seemed to be so in-
capable of seeing things as I saw them,
but my previous feeling was but little,
compared to what followed. I wish that
I could properly describe that feeling of
utter loneliness in the world. I wish I
could in some way convey to those who
had their men on the other side how
perfectly damnable that solitude is to
some of those men. I wish more still
that I could in some way get it into the
minds of all Americans who have not
been through it, how dreadfully alone a
shell-shocked man can be, even though
surrounded by those who love him most.
After some weeks I was given more
liberty and would drive out to see
friends — but with what result? Al-
ways I met with the same thing, that
lack of interest, — either assumed or
real, I do not know, — and would go
back to the hospital and lie on my bed
and lose all control of myself, and cry
like a baby. Sleep did not come when I
seemed most to need it, and food was
positively repulsive a great deal of the
time.
There is no use in going into the de-
tails of what followed in the hospital,
except that one day three doctors came
in to see me. They seemed to have
something on their minds, but took
some time to get it off. Finally, with
the greatest consideration, calmly and
with expressions of regret, I was in-
formed that it was their opinion that I
746
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
had best get my affairs in shape as I
would probably not live for more than a
month, or at best would be permanently
insane.
Angry? When I had heard them out,
I was more than that. I seemed to have
an insane desire to hurt those men. I
called them all the names I could think
of; damned them with as much abuse as
I could command. I wanted to break
the furniture, to smash anything that
came near me. They must have thought
me crazy; perhaps I was, but it was the
craziness of a wild rage at anybody who
was such a fool as to think I was ready
to die. Die? Why, I would not have
died to please those doctors — and I
did n't.
The thought has come to me since,
that perhaps those specialists told me
that with a purpose. I don't know — I
have never asked; but it has occurred
to me that perhaps they told me that to
bring out all the fight there was in me.
If that was their object, I will grant
them a hundred per cent of success.
That interview was the turning-point
in my illness. From that minute I was
obsessed with the idea that I would not
die — I was damned if I would die!
The whole object of my life was to
show those men what fools they were to
think that I was going to die. I remem-
ber how I screamed at them in that
room, and how they stood there listen-
ing to me, watching me, and saying
nothing. I screamed and cursed those
men until I cried, and slung myself
down on my bed, and wore myself out
trying to control the hysterical sobs
that seemed to shake me all to pieces.
I locked my nurse out, but she got
in and was good to me and gave me
an opiate. She was a sweet girl, the
daughter of a great man, giving her
time and earnest effort to doing good.
I knew her brother, who, himself a
shell-shock case, had killed himself af-
ter returning from overseas.
At my own request I was soon al-
lowed to leave the hospital on a long
sick leave, to do whatever I wished.
Apparently the doctors had done all
they could — it was up to me.
I was mad all through, fighting mad.
I was simply possessed with the idea
that I would not die, that I would show
those doctors what fools they were. In
the year that followed, I exhausted
everything I could think of that would
help me to get well, to get back to where
I had been two years before. My con-
stant thought was that I was going to
win in some way. It would be tedious
to tell it, except in the most general
way, but I want to remind anyone who
may read this that that period of con-
tinual, continuous scrap lasted for a
year, and in that time there was but
one person who spoke my language.
With this one exception, I was as alone
as if I had been in a deserted world.
I went to one friend after another,
searching for help, suggestions that
would assist me; but it was like search-
ing for the pot of gold at the rainbow's
end — it simply was not there. There
were those who were sympathetic in
thought and in deed, but apparently
they did not know how to do anything
practical.
The one person who knew was the
military attache at the French Em-
bassy, a young captain of the French
Army. We were chatting in his apart-
ments one day, talking over the past,
when it dawned upon us both that we
had been through the same terrible
thing. It was like finding some precious
possession, long mourned as lost, for us
to find each other. We clung to each
other like blind men left alone. He
spoke English — I spoke French — we
both spoke the language of the Front,
and we both spoke the language that
needs no words, which exists between
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
747
two men who have experienced shell-
fire and suffered the misery of exhaust-
ed, shattered nerves known to the
world as shell-shock. In the Somme of-
fensive with the battery, he had been
filling a sand-bag, when a shell of large
calibre struck within a few feet of him.
He had been peppered with splinters,
but not badly hurt. He had been
caught running back and forth behind
the front, muttering to himself, and
had been for months in hospital until
his mind began to clear. Being of a
prominent family in France, he had
been sent to the United States to get
him away from the war, and was going
through the same thing I was, fighting
it out alone. What long talks we had!
We drove about in the country, lay on
the grass in the woods, and talked'and
talked, searching together for the spark
in the empty dark that would be a hint
of the life to come.
I went to an old friend, a teacher who
kept a school for the daughters of
rich parents. She was a graduate of
Vassar, and I thought she could help
me. And the disappointment that fol-
lowed! I thought that she was human,
but she was n't. She had developed
into the same sort that I have found
elsewhere since then — the type of neu-
rotic weaklings who hide away from
reality and live in a comfortable fog
of voluntary ignorance. While the war
was in progress, she had refused to read
about it, on the ground that it was
all too horrible. She had purchased
Liberty Bonds, in order to be able to
tell her clientele how patriotic she was.
She had ' closed her door on the war,' as
she dramatically told me.
'Close your door on the war?' I
said; 'how can you close your door on
the biggest event since the coming of
Christ?'
She was shocked, horrified at my blas-
phemy. She folded her hands, closed
her eyes, and said that I must seek
solitude, weeks of solitude — and read
Pilgrim's Progress!
It is so useless to go through the list
of people to whom I went looking for
help. To their credit be it said that
many of them wanted to do something;
but they never did it, because they
could not, since they did not have the
understanding to do it. So I left them,
one after another, and went my way —
alone, always alone.
My head continued to ache and
throb, I continued to be nauseated, I
still could not sleep. An insane desire
to kill myself, as four other friends had
done, took possession of me. I would
toy with my automatic, and think how
best to do it. I would lock myself in
my room when attacks came that I had
to fight, attacks that made me tense all
over, that made me want to scream,
break the furniture, pull my clothes to
pieces. I would lean against the wall,
tears running down my face, and scratch
at the plaster, and sob and gag, and end
by throwing myself on my bed, utterly
exhausted by the effort to regain con-
trol. I would lock my windows before
retiring for the night, lock my door and
throw the key through the transom, to
prevent my doing some insane thing be-
fore morning. I would go to sleep late,
and wake at about half-past three in
the morning, and stare at the dark,
trying to think out the meaning of this
thing.
I read New Thought, studied Chris-
tian Science, read the Bible, became a
regular attendant at church. I got a
copy of that great piece of logical
thought, Burke's ' Conciliation with the
American Colonies,' and read it care-
fully, searching it for his great ideas on
how to cure an ill by removing the cause.
What was the cause of this thing? That
was what I searched for in my own case.
The thing to do was to remove the cause
— but what was the cause?
My mother came and stayed with
748
SHELL-SHOCKED— AND AFTER
me. Never in my life before had I
known what a mother could be. I be-
lieve that very few men really appreci-
ate their mothers. I know I never ap-
preciated mine until then. I have never
seen such utter unselfishness, such ob-
liviousness to her own desires, her own
interests, as in my mother's loving
thought, her anxiety to help her son.
But it was too much — I could not
stand her anxiety. I could not have her
coming to my room in the middle of the
night, and sitting with me hour after
hour, listening to my raving. So I got a
nurse and traveled for months on end.
I took a ship and sailed off on a cruise
through the Southern Seas. I stopped
at an island in the south, took a house
near the sea, and spent a month or
more there. It was wonderful in that
quiet and peace. I lay in a hammock,
looking out over the beautiful blue
Caribbean, listening to the pounding of
the waves on the rocks, with the limpid
azure of the sky, and its fleecy, scatter-
ed clouds overhead.
I breathed in the balm of the fronded
palms in the hush of the moonlit nights,
until a wonderful thing came to me.
The shadows broke, the night of that
hideous fight was gone, and the first
faint dawn of another day of my life
came to me, in the knowledge that I
was whining. Then the light came
truly bursting in upon my conscious-
ness. I was winning! I was getting well
again! I was sleeping better — I could
eat — the pains in my head were lessen-
ing — my periods of depression were
coming at lengthening intervals. I was
getting well!
The knowledge that I was coming
back came to me suddenly, all at once,
and gave me a strength that I thought
I could never have again. But once it
came, the months that were to come
were easy indeed, compared with the
ones that had gone before. It was still a
struggle, it still required all my will-
power to keep going; but I knew that I
could win. Before that time I had been
trying to find out if that were a possible
thing.
Nearly two years after I received the
order that sent me into the shelled area
of the Front, I left the army and return-
ed to civil life. I got a job that took me
again away from my country for several
months. I was not yet really well, but
this change helped a great deal, and
rapidly I returned to normal again.
Periods of ache and pain became very
short, and few and far between. I be-
lieve the last one has come and gone. It
was several months ago that I was
writing on a typewriter, smoking my
pipe. The pipe suddenly rattled in my
teeth, my fingers became tense, my
muscles tightened. I grabbed my pipe
out of my mouth, stood up, forced my
fingers out straight against my desk,
took my hat, and walked and walked
out into the country for a few miles,
fighting for myself again. Finally I
lighted my pipe again, and smoked.
There was no more rattle then, my
fingers were again all right. Once more
I had won. That was the last time.
Since then I have never had an indica-
tion that I had a nerve in my body any-
where. That was the last dying gasp of
the thing that had held me in its grip
for so long, ii
My work brought me back to the
United States. I began to read the
papers Articles caught my eye — ex-
soldiers not cared for, ex-soldiers out of
work, in insane asylums, in jails, walk-
ing the streets. I looked into the mat-
ter and found that there were thousands
upon thousands of these men in strait-
ened circumstances, in poverty. There
were more thousands, who needed hos-
pital attention, who were not getting it.
There was trouble in Washington over
the means to care for these men. Gov-
ernmental bureaus overlapped, passed
SHELL-SHOCKED — AND AFTER
749
the buck to each other — and still noth-
ing seemed to be accomplished. What
was the matter with my country? Was
it really ungrateful? Was it true that
the public had tired of this responsibil-
ity? Statements were made to me that
magazines would no longer accept
war-stories, and that publishers would
no longer print anything pertaining to
the war, or the men who had fought in it.
I found that these statements could
be easily disproved, but, nevertheless, it
was disheartening, when I kept learn-
ing for myself how these men were
suffering.
I was walking down Broadway, and
my walking-stick accidentally struck
against a man. I apologized perfunctor-
ily, but upon looking at him, I saw a
poorly dressed man who looked familiar.
Then he spoke. 'Colonel,' he said, 'can
you do me a favor?'
I was astonished — did not know
hun. But he knew me — he had been
in my regiment overseas. He wanted
money — two hundred dollars to start
a cigar-stand. We went to the bank and
he left me happy. Some day I shall
hear from that man, who drove a lead
pair on the march into silent, sullen
Germany. He will win some day. All
he needed was a little help, practical
help to start again; not emotional senti-
mentality, but help — practical, sub-
stantial help.
How many others there are just like
him, who need just a little help. Are we
going to give it? I believe we shall, if we
but realize the truth; if we will but see,
and not 'close our door on the war.'
There has come a thought to me that
I wish the American people would pon-
der over when they grow tired of the
war, which they felt so very, very little.
When they damn the men who bother
them for jobs, who pester them for help,
they should search their own hearts
first.
Judge not!
The workings of his heart and of his mind
Thou canst not see.
What in our dull brain may seem a stain,
In God's pure light may only be a scar,
Brought from some well-fought field,
Where thou wouldst only faint and yield.
Shall we help back those thousands
of humble men who trod the rocky
pathway of the Front in France? Shall
we give them the little boost that they
need, to come back? And what of those
other men who have suffered, whose
minds are gone? Shall we be but ghosts
for those unburied dead — who did
not die?
THE ROUND-FACED BEAUTY
A STORY OF THE CHINESE COURT
BY L. ADAMS BECK
IN the city of Chang-an music filled
the palaces, and the festivities of the
Emperor were measured by its beat.
Night, and the full moon swimming like
a gold-fish in the garden lakes, gave the
signal for the Feather Jacket and Rain-
bow Skirt dances. Morning, with the
rising sun, summoned the court again to
the feast and wine-cup in the floating
gardens.
The Emperor Chung Tsu favored this
city before all others. The Yen Tower
soaring heavenward, the Drum Towers,
the Pearl Pagoda, were the only fit sur-
roundings of his magnificence; and in
the Pavilion of Tranquil Learning were
held those discussions which enlighten-
ed the world and spread the fame of the
Jade Emperor far and wide. In all re-
spects he adorned the Dragon Throne
— in all but one; for Nature, bestow-
ing so much, withheld one gift, and the
Imperial heart, as precious as jade, was
also as hard, and he eschewed utterly
the company of the Hidden Palace
Flowers.
Yet the Inner Chambers were filled
with ladies chosen from all parts of the
Celestial Empire — ladies of the most
exquisite and torturing beauty, moons
of loveliness, moving coquettishly on
little feet, with all the grace of willow
branches in a light breeze. They were
sprinkled with perfumes, adorned with
jewels, robed in silks woven with gold
and embroidered with designs of flowers
and birds. Their faces were painted and
750
their eyebrows formed into slender and
perfect arches whence the soul of man
might well slip to perdition, and a
breath of sweet odor followed each
wherever she moved. Every one might
have been the Empress of some lesser
kingdom; but though rumors reached
the Son of Heaven from time to time of
their charms, — especially when some
new blossom was added to the Impe-
rial bouquet, — he had dismissed them
from his august thoughts, and they
languished in a neglect so complete that
the Great Cold 'Palaces of the Moon
were not more empty than their hearts.
They remained under the supervision of
the Princess of Han, August Aunt of
the Emperor, knowing that their Lord
considered the company of sleeve-dogs
and macaws more pleasant than their
own. Nor had he as yet chosen an Em-
press, and it was evident that without
some miracle, such as the intervention
of the Municipal God, no heir to the
throne could be hoped for.
Yet the Emperor one day remem-
bered his imprisoned beauties, and it
crossed the Imperial thoughts that even
these inferior creatures might afford
such interest as may be found in the
gambols of trained fleas or other in-
sects of no natural attainments.
Accordingly, he commanded that the
subject last discussed in his presence
should be transferred to the Inner
Chambers, and it was his Order that the
ladies should also discuss it, and their
THE ROUND-FACED BEAUTY
751
opinions be engraved on ivory, bound
together with red silk and tassels, and
thus presented at the Dragon feet. The
subject chosen was the following: —
Describe the Qualities of the
Ideal Man
Now when this command was laid
before the August Aunt, the guardian
of the Inner Chambers, she was much
perturbed in mind, for such a thing was
unheard of in all the annals of the Em-
pire. Recovering herself, she ventured
to say that the discussion of such a
question might raise very disquieting
thoughts in the minds of the ladies, who
could not be supposed to have any opin-
ions at all on such a subject. Nor was
it desirable that they should have. To
every woman her husband and no other
is and must be the Ideal Man. So it was
always in the past; so it must ever be.
There are certain things which it is
dangerous to question or discuss, and
how can ladies who have never spoken
with any other man than a parent or a
brother judge such matters?
'How, indeed,' asked this lady of ex-
alted merit, 'can the bat form an idea
of the sunlight, or the carp of the mo-
tion of wings? If his Celestial Majesty
had commanded a discussion on the
Superior Woman and the virtues which
should adorn her, some sentiments not
wholly unworthy might have been of-
fered. But this is a calamity. They
come unexpectedly, springing up like
mushrooms, and this one is probably
due to the lack of virtue of the inelegant
and unintellectual person who is now
speaking.'
This she uttered in the presence of
the principal beauties of the Inner
Chambers. They sat or reclined about
her in attitudes of perfect loveliness.
Two, embroidering silver pheasants,
paused with their needles suspended
above the stretched silk, to hear the
August Aunt. One, threading beads of
jewel jade, permitted them to slip from
the string and so distended the rose of
her mouth in surprise that the small
pearl-shells were visible within. The
Lady Tortoise, caressing a scarlet and
azure macaw, in her agitation so twitch-
ed the feathers that the bird, shrieking,
bit her finger. The Lady Golden Bells
blushed deeply at the thought of what
was required of them; and the little
Lady Summer Dress, youngest of all
the assembled beauties, was so alarmed
at the prospect that she began to sob
aloud, until she met the eye of the Au-
gust Aunt and abruptly ceased.
'It is not, however, to be supposed,'
said the August Aunt, opening her
snuff-bottle of painted crystal, 'that
the minds of our deplorable and un-
attractive sex are wholly incapable of
forming opinions. But speech is a
grave matter for women, naturally slow-
witted and feeble-minded as they are.
This unenlightened person recalls the
Odes as saying: —
'A flaw in a piece of white jade
May be ground away,
But when a woman has spoken foolishly
Nothing can be done —
a consideration which should make
every lady here and throughout the
world think anxiously before speech.'
So anxiously did the assembled beau-
ties think, that all remained mute as
fish in a pool, and the August Aunt
continued: —
'Let Tsu-ssu be summoned. It is my
intention to suggest to the Dragon
Emperor that the virtues of women
be the subject of our discourse, and I
will myself open and conclude the dis-
cussion.'
Tsu-ssu was not long in kotowing be-
fore the August Aunt, who dispatched
her message with the proper ceremonial
due to its Imperial destination; and
meanwhile, in much agitation, the
beauties could but twitter and whisper
in each other's ears, and' await the
752
THE ROUND-FACED BEAUTY
response like condemned prisoners who
yet hope for a reprieve.
Scarce an hour had dripped away on
the water-clock when an Imperial Mis-
sive bound with yellow silk arrived, and
the August Aunt, rising, kotowed nine
times before she received it in her jewel-
ed hand with its delicate and lengthy
nails ensheathed in pure gold set with
gems of the first water. She then read it
aloud, the ladies prostrating themselves.
To the Princess of Han, the August Aunt,
the Lady of the Nine Superior
Virtues: —
Having deeply reflected on the wis-
dom submitted, We thus reply. Women
should not be the judges of their own
virtues, since these exist only in rela-
tion to men. Let Our Command there-
fore be executed, and tablets presented
before us seven days hence, with the
name of each lady appended to her
tablet.
It was indeed pitiable to see the anx-
iety of the ladies! A sacrifice to Kwan-
Yin, the Goddess of Mercy, of a jewel
from each, with intercession for aid,
was proposed by the Lustrous Lady;
but the majority ' shook their heads
sadly. The August Aunt, tossing her
head, declared that, as the Son of Heav-
en had made no comment on her pro-
posal of opening and closing the discus-
sion, she should take no part other
than safeguarding the interests of pro-
priety. This much increased the alarm,
and, kneeling at her feet, the swan-like
beauties, Deep Snow and Winter Moon,
implored her aid and compassion. But,
rising indignantly, the August Aunt
sought her own apartments, and for the
first time the inmates of the Pepper
Chamber saw with regret the golden
dragons embroidered on her back.
It was then that the Round-Faced
Beauty ventured a remark. " This maid-
en, having been born in the far-off prov-
ince of Ssuch-uan, was considered a rus-
tic by the distinguished elegance of the
Palace and, therefore, had never spok-
en unless decorum required. Still, even
her detractors were compelled to admit
the charms that had gained her her
name. Her face had the flawless outline
of the pearl, and like the blossom of the
plum was the purity of her complexion,
upon which the darkness of her eye-
brows resembled two silk-moths alight-
ed to flutter above the brilliance of her
eyes — eyes which even the August
Aunt had commended after a banquet
of unsurpassed variety. Her hair had
been compared to the crow's plumage;
her waist was like a roll of silk, and her
discretion in habiting herself was such
that even the Lustrous Lady and the
Lady Tortoise drew instruction from
the splendors of her robes. It created,
however, a general astonishment when
she spoke.
* Paragons of beauty, what is this dull
and opaque-witted person that she
should speak?'
'What, indeed!' said the Celestial
Sister. 'This entirely undistinguished
person cannot even imagine!'
A distressing pause followed, during
which many whispered anxiously^ The
Lustrous Lady broke it.
'It is true that the highly ornamen-
tal Round-Faced Beauty is but lately
come, yet even the intelligent Ant may
assist the Dragon; and in the presence
of alarm, what is decorum? With a
tiger behind one, who can recall the
Book of Rites and act with befitting
elegance?'
'The high-born will at all times re-
member the Rites!' retorted the Celes-
tial Sister. 'Have we not heard the
August Aunt observe: "Those who un-
derstand do not speak. Those who
speak do not understand"?'
The Round-Faced Beauty collected
her courage.
'Doubtless this is wisdom; yet if the
THE ROUND-FACED BEAUTY
753
wise do not speak, who should instruct
us? The August Aunt herself would be
silent.'
All were confounded by this dilem-
ma, and the little Lady Summer-Dress,
still weeping, entreated that the Round-
raced Beauty might be heard. The
Heavenly Blossoms then prepared to
listen and assumed attitudes of atten-
tion, which so disconcerted the Round-
Faced Beauty that she blushed like a
spring tulip in speaking.
'Beautiful ladies, our Lord, who is
unknown to us all, has issued an august
command. It cannot be disputed, for
the whisper of disobedience is heard
as thunder in the Imperial Presence.
Should we not aid each other? If any
lady has formed a dream in her soul of
the Ideal Man, might not such a pic-
ture aid us all? Let us not be "say-
nothing-do-nothing," but act!'
They hung their heads and smiled,
but none would allow that she had form-
ed such an image. The little Lady Tor-
toise, laughing behind her fan of sandal-
wood, said roguishly: 'The Ideal Man
should be handsome, liberal in giving,
and assuredly he should appreciate the
beauty of his wives. But this we cannot
say to the Divine Emperor.'
A sigh rustled through the Pepper
Chamber. The Celestial Sister looked
angrily at the speaker. 'This is the talk
of children,' she said. 'Does no one re-
member Kung-fu-tse's [Confucius] de-
scription of the Superior Man?'
Unfortunately none did — not even
the Celestial Sister herself.
' Is it not probable,' asked the Round-
Faced Beauty, 'that the Divine Empe-
ror remembers it himself and wishes — '
But the Celestial Sister, yawning audi-
bly, summoned the attendants to bring
rose-leaves in honey, and would hear
no more. .
The Round-Faced Beauty therefore
wandered forth among the mossy rocks
and drooping willows of the Imperial
VOL. 128 — NO. 6
B
Garden, deeply considering the matter.
She ascended the bow-curved bridge of
marble which crossed the Pool of Clear
Weather, and from the top idly observ-
ed the reflection of her rose-and-gold
coat in the water while, with her taper
fingers, she crumbled cake for the for-
tunate gold-fish that dwelt in it. And,
so doing, she remarked one fish, four-
tailed among the six- tailed, and in no
way distinguished by elegance, which
secured by far the largest share of the
crumbs dropped into the pool. Bending
lower, she observed this singular fish and
its methods.
The others crowded about the spot
where the crumbs fell, all herded to-
gether. In their eagerness and stupidity
they remained like a cloud of gold in
one spot, slowly waving their tails. But
this fish, concealing itself behind a min-
iature rock, waited, looking upward,
until the crumbs were falling, and then,
rushing forth with the speed of an
arrow, scattered the stupid mass of fish,
and bore off the crumbs to its shelter,
where it instantly devoured them.
'This is notable,' said the Round-
Faced Beauty. 'Observation enlightens
the mind. To be apart — to be dis-
tinguished — secures notice!' And she
plunged into thought again, wandering,
herself a flower, among the gorgeous
tree paeonias.
On the following day the August
Aunt commanded that a writer among
the palace attendants should, with
brush and ink, be summoned to tran-
scribe the wisdom of the ladies. She
requested that each would give three
days to thought, relating the following
anecdote. 'There was a man who, tak-
ing a piece of ivory, carved it into a
mulberry leaf, spending three years on
the task. When finished it could not be
told from the original, and was a gift
suitable for the Brother of the Sun and
Moon. Do likewise!'
'But yet, O Augustness!' said the
754
THE ROUND-FACED BEAUTY
Celestial Sister, ' if the Lord of Heaven
took as long with each leaf, there would
be few leaves on the trees, and if — '
The August Aunt immediately com-
manded silence and retired. On the
third day she seated herself in her chair
of carved ebony, while the attendant
placed himself by her feet and prepared
to record her words.
'This insignificant person has de-
cided,' began her Augustness, looking
round and unscrewing the amber top of
her snuff-bottle, Ho take an unintelli-
gent part in these proceedings. An ex-
ample should be set. Attendant, write! '
She then dictated as follows: 'The
Ideal Man is he who now decorates the
Imperial Throne, or he who in all hu-
mility ventures to resemble the incom-
parable Emperor. Though he may not
hope to attain, his endeavor is his merit.
No further description is needed.' With
complacence she inhaled the perfumed
snuff, as the writer appended the elegant
characters of her Imperial name.
If it be permissible to say that the
faces of the beauties lengthened visibly,
it should now be said. For it had been
the intention of every lady to make an
allusion to the Celestial Emperor and
depict him as the Ideal Man. Nor had
they expected that the August Aunt
would take any part in the matter.
'Oh, but it was the intention of this
commonplace and undignified person to
say this very thing!' cried the Lustrous
Lady, with tears in the jewels of her
eyes. 'I thought no other high-minded
and distinguished lady would for a mo-
ment think of it!'
'And it was my intention also!'
fluttered the little Lady Tortoise, wring-
ing her hands! 'What now shall this
most unlucky and unendurable person
do? For three nights has sleep forsaken
my unattractive eyelids, and, tossing
and turning on a couch deprived of all
comfort, I could only repeat, "The Ideal
Man is the Divine Dragon Emperor! " '
'May one of entirely contemptible
attainments make a suggestion in this
assemblage of scintillating wit and
beauty?' inquired the Celestial Sister.
'My superficial opinion is that it would
be well to prepare a single paper to
which all names should be appended,
stating that His Majesty in his Dragon
Divinity comprises all ideals in his
sacred Person.'
'Let those words be recorded,' said
the August Aunt. ' What else should any
lady of discretion and propriety say? In
this Palace of Virtuous Peace, where
all is consecrated to the Son of Heaven,
though he deigns not to enter it, what
other thought dare be breathed? Has
any lady ventured to step outside such
a limit? If so, let her declare herself!'
All shook their heads, and the August
Aunt proceeded : ' Let the writer record
this as the opinion of every lady of the
Imperial Household, and let each name
be separately appended.'
Had any desired to object, none dared
to confront the August Aunt ; but appar-
ently no beauty so desired, for after three
nights' sleepless meditation, no other
thought than this had occurred to any.
Accordingly, the writer moved from
lady to lady and, under the supervision
of the August Aunt, transcribed the
following: 'The Ideal Man is the earth-
ly likeness of the Divine Emperor. How
should it be otherwise?' And under
this sentence wrote the name of each
lovely one in succession. The papers
were then placed in the hanging sleeves
of the August Aunt for safety.
By the decree of Fate, the father of
the Round-Faced Beauty had, before
he became an ancestral spirit, been a
scholar of distinction, having graduated
at the age of seventy-two with a com-
position commended by the Grand
Examiner. Having no gold and silver
to give his daughter, he had formed her
mind, and had presented her with the
sole jewel of his family — a pearl as
THE ROUND-FACED BEAUTY
755
large as a bean. Such was her sole dow-
er, but the accomplished Ant may excel
the indolent Prince.
Yet, before the thought in her mind,
she hesitated and trembled, recalling
the lesson of the gold-fish; and it was
with anxiety that paled her roseate lips
that, on a certain day, she had sought
the Willow Bridge Pavilion. There had
awaited her a palace attendant skilled
with the brush, and there in secrecy and
dire affright, hearing the footstep of the
August Aunt in every rustle of leafage,
and her voice in the call of every crow,
did the Round-Faced Beauty dictate
the following composition: —
'Though the sky rain pearls, it can-
not equal the beneficence of the Son of
Heaven. Though the sky rain jade, it
cannot equal his magnificence. He has
commanded his slave to describe the
qualities of the Ideal Man. How should
I, a mere woman, do this? I, who have
not seen the Divine Emperor, how
should I know what is virtue? I, who
have not seen the glory of his counte-
nance, how should I know what is
beauty? Report speaks of his excel-
lences, but I who live in the dark know-
not. But to the Ideal Woman, the very
vices of her husband are virtues. Should
he exalt another, this is a mark of his
superior taste. Should he dismiss his
slave, this is justice. To the Ideal
Woman there is but one Ideal Man —
and that is her lord. From the day she
crosses his threshold, to the day when
they clothe her in the garments of Im-
mortality, this is her sole opinion. Yet
would that she might receive instruc-
tion of what only are beauty and virtue
in his adorable presence. '
This being written, she presented her
one pearl to the attendant and fled, not
looking behind her, as quickly as her
delicate feet would permit. On the
seventh day the compositions, engraved
on ivory and bound with red silk and
tassels, were presented to the Emperor,
and for seven days more he forgot their
existence. On the eighth the High
Chamberlain ventured to recall them to
the Imperial memory, and the Emperor
glancing slightly at one after another,
threw them aside, yawning as he did so.
Finally, one arrested his eyes, and read-
ing it more than once, he laid it before
him and meditated. An hour passed
in this way while the forgotten Lord
Chamberlain continued to kneel. The
Son of Heaven, then raising his head,
pronounced these words: 'In the so-
ciety of the Ideal Woman, she to whom
jealousy is unknown, tranquillity might
possibly be obtained. Let prayer be
made before the Ancestors with the cus-
tomary offerings, for this is a matter de-
serving attention.'
A few days passed, and an Imperial
attendant, escorted by two mandarins
of the peacock-feather and crystal-but-
ton rank, desired an audience of the
August Aunt, and, speaking before the
curtain, informed her that his Imperial
Majesty would pay a visit that evening
to the Hall of Tranquil Longevity. Such
was her agitation at this honor that she
immediately swooned; but, reviving,
summoned all the attendants and gave
orders for a banquet and musicians.
Lanterns painted with pheasants and
exquisite landscapes were hung on all
the pavilions. Tapestries of rose, dec-
orated with the Five-Clawed Dragons,
adorned the chambers; and upon the
High Seat was placed a robe of yellow
satin embroidered with pearls. All was
hurry and excitement. The Blossoms of
the Palace were so exquisitely decked
that one grain more of powder would
have made them too lily-like, and one
touch more of rouge, too rose-cheeked.
It was indeed perfection, and, like lotuses
upon a lake, or Asian birds, gorgeous of
plumage, they stood ranged hi the outer
chamber while the Celestial Emperor
took his seat.
The Round-Faced Beauty wore no
756
THE ROUND-FACED BEAUTY
jewels, having bartered her pearl for
her opportunity; but her long coat of
jade-green, embroidered with golden
willows, and her trousers of palest rose
left nothing to be desired. In her hair
two golden pseonias were fastened with
pins of kingfisher work. The Son of
Heaven was seated upon the throne as
the ladies approached, marshaled by the
August Aunt. He was attired in the
Yellow Robe with the Flying Dragons,
and upon the Imperial Head was the
Cap, ornamented with one hundred and
forty-four priceless gems. From it hung
the twelve pendants of strings of pearls,
partly concealing the august eyes of
the Jade Emperor. No greater splendor
can strike awe into the soul of man.
At his command the August Aunt
took her seat upon a lesser chair at the
Celestial Feet. Her mien was majestic,
and struck awe into the assembled
beauties, whose names she spoke aloud
as each approached and prostrated her-
self. She then pronounced these words:
'Beautiful ones, the Emperor, having
considered the opinions submitted by
you on the subject of the Superior Man,
is pleased to express his august com-
mendation. Dismiss, therefore, anxiety
from your minds, and prepare to assist
at the humble concert of music we have
prepared for his Divine pleasure.'
Slightly raising himself in his chair,
the Son of Heaven looked down upon
that Garden of Beauty, holding in his
hand an ivory tablet bound with red
silk.
'Lovely ladies,' he began, in a voice
that assuaged fear, 'who among you
was it that laid before our feet a com-
position beginning thus — "Though the
sky rain pearls"?'
The August Aunt immediately rose.
'Imperial Majesty, none! These eyes
supervised every composition. No im-
propriety was permitted.'
The Son of Heaven resumed: 'Let
that Lady stand forth.'
The words were few, but sufficient.
Trembling in every limb, the Round-
Faced Beauty separated herself from
her companions and prostrated herself,
amid the breathless amazement of the
Blossoms of the Palace. He looked down
upon her as she knelt, pale as a lady
carved in ivory, but lovely as the lotus
of Chang-su. He turned to the August
Aunt. 'Princess of Han, my Imperial
Aunt, I would speak with this lady
alone.'
Decorum itself and the custom of
Palaces could not conceal the indigna-
tion of the August Aunt as she rose and
retired, driving the ladies before her as
a shepherd drives his sheep.
The Hall of Tranquil Longevity be-
ing now empty, the Jade Emperor
extended his hand and beckoned the
Round-Faced Beauty to approach.
This she did, hanging her head like a
flower surcharged with dew and sway-
ing gracefully as a wind-bell, and knelt
on the lowest step of the Seat of State.
'Loveliest One,' said the Emperor, 'I
have read your composition. I would
know the truth. Did any aid you as you
spoke it? Was it the thought of your
own heart?'
'None aided, Divine,' said she, al-
most fainting with fear. 'It was indeed
the thought of this illiterate slave, con-
sumed with an unwarranted but uncon-
trollable passion.'
'And have you in truth desired to see
your Lord ? '
'As a prisoner in a dungeon desires
the light, so was it with this low per-
son.'
'And having seen?'
'Augustness, the dull eyes of this
slave are blinded with beauty.'
She laid her head before his feet.
'Yet you have depicted, not the ideal
Man, but the Ideal Woman. This was
not the Celestial command. How was
this?'
'Because, O versatile and auspicious
THE ROUND-FACED BEAUTY
757
Emperor, the blind cannot behold the
sunlight, and it is only the Ideal Woman
who is worthy to comprehend and wor-
ship the Ideal Man. For this alone is
she created.'
A smile began to illumine the Imperial
Countenance. 'And how, O Round-
Faced Beauty, did you evade the vigi-
lance of the August Aunt? '
She hung her head lower, speaking
almost hi a whisper. 'With her one
pearl did this person buy the secrecy of
the writer; and when the August Aunt
slept, did I conceal the paper in her
sleeve with the rest, and her own Im-
perial hand gave it to the engraver of
ivory.'
She veiled her face with two jade-
white hands that trembled excessively.
On hearing this statement the Celestial
Emperor broke at once into a very great
laughter, and he laughed loud and long
as a tiller of wheat. The Round-Faced
Beauty heard it demurely until, catch-
ing the Imperial eye, decorum was for-
gotten and she too laughed uncontrol-
lably. So they continued, and finally
the Emperor leaned back, drying the
tears in his eyes with his august sleeve,
and the lady, resuming her gravity, hid
her face in her hands, yet regarded him
through her fingers.
When the August Aunt returned at
the end of an hour with the ladies, sur-
rounded by the attendants with their
instruments of music, the Round-Faced
Beauty was seated in the chair that she
herself had occupied, and on the white-
ness of her brow was hung the chain of
pearls, which had formed the frontal
of the Cap of the Emperor.
It is recorded that, advancing from
honor to honor, the Round-Faced
Beauty was eventually chosen Empress
and became the mother of the Imperial
Prince. The celestial purity of her mind
and the absence of all flaws of jealousy
and anger warranted this distinction.
But it is also recorded that, after her
elevation, no other lady was ever exalt-
ed in the Imperial favor or received
the slightest notice from the Emperor.
For the Empress, now well acquainted
with the Ideal Man, judged it better
that his experiences of the Ideal Woman
should be drawn from herself alone.
And as she decreed, so it was done.
Doubtless Her Majesty did well.
It is known that the Emperor de-
parted to the Ancestral Spirits at an
early age, seeking, as the August Aunt
observed, that repose which on earth
could never more be his. But no one
has asserted that this lady's disposition
was free from the ordinary blemishes of
humanity.
As for the Celestial Empress (who
survives in history as one of the most
astute rulers who ever adorned the
Dragon Throne), she continued to rule
her son and the Empire, surrounded by
the respectful admiration of all.
CRISIS
BY MARGARET WTODEMER
I THINK there are two aprons at home that I can hem;
I can put a frill of lace for edge to one of them ;
I will have blue ribbon to tie it, and to sew
Just above the pocket in a flaring bow;
And I can sit quite quiet, as if nothing had been
Except the needle's in and out and out and in —
(Every sorrow ends — every horror ends —
Every terror ends that we have to face or do —
These hours will end, too.)
Back where I live there still are green things to see —
Lilacs and a rose-bush and a tall old apple tree;
Everything is quiet there — everything will stay
Steady till I come to it as when I went away.
I must remember them, think hard of them, my flowers,
And village folks not caring, and the yellow morning hours
(Everything ends that begins beneath the sun —
There will be kind hours after these hours are done —
How slow, how slow they run!)
All of it will surely stop to-night at least by ten,
And I may be too numb to feel a while before then —
And maybe, if I seem too tired or too like to weep,
They'll give me something merciful to let me get to sleep,
And drop inert and shut my eyes and count, as I lie still,
Sheep slipping through a gap and running down a hill —
(Lord, once you saw it through, the waiting and the fright,
And being brave for them to see, as if it all was right —
Send me quick — send quick to-night!)
A VOICE FROM THE JURY
BY ANNE C. E. ALLINSON
MY friend and I were discussing the
story called 'The Jury,' published in the
Atlantic Monthly for October. It will
be remembered that the author leaves
with a group of women the problem of
whether their old friend, Violet, shall be
freely and fully received by them if she
accepts the invitation of her husband,
Harry, to return to him and to their
children, after spending several 'crim-
son years' with Cyril.
My friend is a business woman, train-
ed in the office and the market-place.
I am a professional woman, trained in
schools and universities. She chose not
to marry. I chose to marry. We have
become friends somewhat far along the
road, after passing various sorts of mile-
stones. Diverse discipline, work, experi-
ences, and acquaintances have shaped
our characters and opinions. Yet these
opinions, on matters connected with
'life,' practically always coincide.
So it proved to be when we imagined
ourselves parts of the jury in the case
of Violet versus Society. We began by
swiftly agreeing that we had the right
to decide in favor of a woman once
our friend without feeling too sombrely
that this decision would be equivalent
to a public statement of our own princi-
ples. Friendship, once assumed, entails
certain obligations; and we claimed the
right to stand by a friend without there-
by being understood to regard either
her action or her character as models for
other women. In this matter of Violet
it seemed to us clear that, if her hus-
band and daughters wanted her to come
back, and if she wanted to come, it was
not for us to create obstacles or to omit
the ordinary interchanges of social life
with a family that had united in a de-
sire to ' begin again.'
To be sure, we felt that Tina Met-
calfe was visionary in thinking that
things socially could really be as they
were before, and that Harry was tragi-
cally mistaken in thinking that his or
his children's happiness would bloom
again under the given conditions. Vio-
let was to return as arrogantly as she
went, still maintaining that her right
to a happy life had been superior to
theirs. We smiled somewhat cynically
over her concern for the social status of
her daughters, whose every other need
she had so readily disregarded. The
crimson years had evidently not modi-
fied her cold egotism. We anticipated
no great success for her in reassuming
the roles of wife and mother, friend and
hostess. But that was not our affair.
As far as we were concerned, Tina
might cable as unanimous a 'come' as
she chose.
The thing that alienated us was Vio-
let's own willingness to come. We were
both shocked by the cowardice of a
woman who could not abide by either
choice, by either marriage or free love.
Violet was as unsatisfactory as Helena
in the recent novel called Invisible Tides,
Both 'heroines,' without even a decent
regret, abandoned their husbands as
long as men more agreeable to them
lived. Then, when death intervened
(in time to save the men from disillu-
sionment), instead of standing alone,
as many an unmarried or widowed
759
760
A VOICE FROM THE JURY
woman stands alone," they made use of
the love and chivalry of their former
victims to return to the comfortable
safeties of a conventional life. By this
materialistic meanness Violet stripped
from her life any pretense of bravery.
We went on to discuss her earlier
vagrancy, her original action which, at
least, had rejected conventions for the
sake of an emotion. But we could not
be stampeded by any such show of
'idealism.' The emotion had been one
which is glorious only when it submits
to be secondary. And with the rejec-
tion of certain unessentials went the
rejection of priceless treasures that a
woman of large mind and large heart
would refuse to sacrifice to an isolating
passion. Passion harnessed to all the
other powers of a generous nature is a
mighty dynamo. Divorced from them
it shrivels despicably. No, my friend
and I knew that Violet, hiding herself
with Cyril, had revealed the cheapness
of her fibre. She had shown it, too, in
the easy frivolity with which she dis-
regarded obligations still scrupulously
observed by the other members of a
common undertaking. Accustomed to
taking seriously business and profes-
sional contracts, we were disgusted by
the way she tossed aside her spoken
contract with Harry — whose only
fault was that she liked Cyril better
— and shattered brutally the tacit
contract made with her children when
she forced life upon them.
In our conversation we had not yet
reached the profounder expression of
our ethical judgment. There was, of
course, a stark question of public right
and wrong, which must perplex even
Harry in relation to his daughters. But
ultimately we judged Violet's action,
not as it broke a law of church or state,
but as it offended against moral princi-
ples which support more external pro-
hibitions. The love of man and woman
is not a thing apart, a fleshly accident
set loose from the domain of spiritual
law. Two human wills can unite to
preserve married love by observing the
laws which ensure the health of all love.
Of these, the first and the last are that
love dies in self-seeking and is renewed
in every act of self-forgetfulness. 'It's
not an exhortation, but an axiom,' I
said to my friend as we touched upon
the subject.
But we were growing tired of Violet,
and the world about us was very beau-
tiful. The October sun was laying a
sheet of pure flame behind the trunks
of the maple trees on the edge of the
wide pasture. There were ardent
touches of red on the sumach between
the straight green savins. The young
moon was silvering above the red and
gold of the sunset. In the silence, my
friend's thoughts roamed I know not
where. My own circled and alighted on
the magnificent lover in Meredith's
Tragic Comedians. The silver moon
invited him and Clotilde, on the pas-
sion-swept night of their first meeting,
to go quite mad. But his brilliant mind
refused to be eclipsed — ' the handsome
face of the orb that lights us would be
well enough were it only a gallop be-
tween us two. Dearest, the orb that
lights us two for a lifetime must be
taken all round, and I have been on the
wrong side of the moon. I know the
other face of it — a visage scored with
regrets, dead dreams, burned passions,
bald illusions, and the like, the like, the
like! — sunless, waterless, without a
flower.'
How stupid to mistake this evening's
moon for to-morrow's sun! How stupid
to mistake the crimson slash on the
sumach for the whole broad upland!
CUNJUR AND 'SUASION
PLANTATION CHRONICLES
BY ELEANOR C. GIBBS
TOOMBER KAMID! What a name!
Well, she was a woman, a negro woman,
tall, black, brawny. About her there
was something that attracted me by its
singularity; yet with this attraction
there was a something indescribable
that was almost awe-inspiring to a
child like me. When I asked her where
she got such a queer name, she told me
that it was her grandmammy's grand-
mammy's name. Her grandmammy,
she said, was a Mollie Gloskie (Mada-
gascar) negro; and she had been told
that her grandmammy remembered all
about being in Africa, and had told of
many strange customs there, where
children never wore clothes until they
were as tall as their mothers. Then
they were sent to the straw-fields to
make long aprons for themselves. She
said the mothers had to do something
to help them to know their own children
from the children of other negroes, so
they took a sharp knife, made of a shell,
and scratched up and down the child-
ren's faces, and up and down their
arms and legs. As I listened to her, I
saw that she was trying to describe
tattooing. She told, too, of the rings
she used to wear — gold rings, she said:
two in her nose, and four or five around
her ears, where holes had been pierced
for them.
She said she had been told that her
grandmammy's grandmammy was a
queen in Africa. But one day a big ship
came sailing up, and the captain had
pretty red calico and gold bracelets
and looking-glasses in the ship. She
and a crowd of other negroes 'scrouged '
along and went on the ship, and the
captain gave them some good fire-
water, and they got sleepy and went to
sleep; and when they woke up, they
were 'way off, 'way out in the sea, and
the 'maremaids' were swimming all
around them.
When I expressed doubts about the
* maremaids,' she said, ' Dey sho is mare-
maids, kaze my own mammy seed 'em
in de 'Tomac ribber. I hyeard her tell
'bout de maremaids times 'pon top uv
times. She sho did see 'em wid her eyes
— in de 'Tomac ribber. You doan'
know 'bout maremaids, but niggers
knows 'bout 'em kaze dey seed 'em dey-
selves. Now Gord knows dat 's de
trufe.'
All these stories were as fascinating
to me as ' Cinderella' and ' Jack and the
Beanstalk' were to other children. I
listened with eager interest to stories
of the negroes in Africa who were 'cun-
jur niggers.' 'All uv em wuz cunjur
niggers. Dey knowed how to walk on
behind anybody an' pick up de tracks
and put 'em in a cunjur bag with pois-
onous spiders and toad-frogs and tree-
frogs and devils' horses — great big
old grasshoppers wid red-an'-black
761
762
CUNJUR AND 'SUASION
wings. Den doodle-bugs and grub-
worms and measuring worms would
be put in, and cats' fur, and a piece
of leather-wing bat's wing, and thou-
sand-legged worms, and lizards' tails,
and scorapins.'
When the cunjur bag was completed,
it was buried under the eaves of the
house where the victim of the cunjurer
lived. The ' tarrifyin' pains' would soon
make themselves manifest, and in the
veins, the stomach, and the bowels of
the unfortunate cunjured person these
'varmints an' insecks' would hold high
carnival. The victim was doomed. No
doctor could relieve him. Only by pro-
pitiating the cunjurer was there any
hope. This could sometimes be done
by giving presents to the cunjurer.
The poor cunjured wretch was avoided
by all his acquaintances. People did
not like to walk on the side of the road
where the doomed one lived. When the
'cunjur' was getting off, the 'varmints
an' insecks' would sometimes be heard
jumping out and falling down flop on
the ground.
Filled with interest and curiosity, I
asked Toomber if she could tell me
anything about conjuring.
'Yes,' she replied, 'cunjurin' sho is
true fac'. I bin had de cunjur on me,
an' I knows 'bout it. I sho do. One
Sunday, when I gwine 'long ter meetin',
I seed a cunjur 'oman pickin' up my
tracks. Dat was Sunday; den on Mon-
day dat 'oman done put de cunjur on me.
I knowed she gwine do dat, kaze I seed
her at her devilment, stoopin' down on
de san' an' pickin' my tracks right out-
en de san', an' puttin' 'em in her pocket.
I peeped roun' de corner uv my eye an'
seed her. I knowed she gwine do devil-
ment. I knowed she a dang'ous 'oman.
'Fore Gord, ef you ever git de cunjur
on you, you sho' will know 'bout cun-
jur. Dat 'oman pick up my tracks on
Sunday, an Monday 'bout daybreak de
cunjur 'peared. I could n' git out de
bed, kaze de misery was in my laig, an'
my foots, an' my side, an' my head. I
des sot propped up on de side uv de bed
an' I moan an' groan. I skeered ter tell
'bout what dat dang'ous 'oman done
ter me, kaze hit mought make de cun-
jur worse an' worse. Den I crope out de
bed, an' tuck a knife an' dug up some
poke-root an' biled it an' rubbed my
swol'd-up laig wid dat, an' rubbed hit
wid karosene. But de cunjur did n'
leave my cistern. My cistern wuz all
discomfused. Hit so full of cunjur I
did n' know what ter do.
'Dat night ole squint-eye Sary Jane
come ter see my misery, an' she say
I mus' fix up a big plate full uv good
vittles, an' put two dimes in de plate,
an' sen' de plate to de cunjur 'oman wid
my love an' complimen's. Gord knows
I did n' want dat dang'ous 'oman ter
hab dat plate full uv good vittles, but I
so skyeurd uv dat 'oman I was mos'
crazy. De cunjur kep a-goin' on, an' I
kep' sayin', "O Gord! O Gord! O Gord!
I 'ze cunjured mighty bad. De misery 's
wuckin' all th'oo my cistern. O Gord!
0 Gord!" Squint-eye Sary Jane say
she'll tote de plate ter de cunjur 'oman
ef I can han' out a nice ashcake to her,
kaze her belly wuz a growlin' an' groan-
in' for vittles. Cunjur kin strike you
mighty bad when your belly is moanin'.
1 han' out some taters an' some cushaw
an' some lye hominy to Sary Jane, an'
she smack'd her mouf an grin' her toofs.
Den she toted dat plate uv vittles ter de
dang'ous 'oman an' gin her de money.
Den de misery got ter 'swagin' down.
Den Sary Jane say she pertects herse'f
'ginst cunjur. She totes de lef hin' foot
uv a grabeyard rabbit in her pocket day
in an' day out. I gwine get me one.
Den cunjur '1 lemme 'lone. I sho is
gwine ter pertec' myse'f f'om cunjur. I
got 'nuf uv cunjur.
' Dem Cincinnati niggers is gittin' so
dey likes ter hear 'bout cunjur an'
witches an' grabeyard rabbits. Dem
CUNJUR AND 'SUASION
763
niggers is mighty ign'an'. Dey doan'
know nuthin' 'bout de bref uv heaven.
I flings my wooden winder-shutters
open an' de bref uv heaven goes a
sweepin' th'oo my cabin. Dey got glass
winders all shut up tight, an' ain' got no
great big fireplace. I feels like I wuz
sufflicate when I goes in de chu'ch dar.
I wants to be back on de plantation
whar I kin git de bref uv heaven. I
gwine back dar soon's ole Mistiss comes
ridin' back Tom Culpeper Cote House.
'I doan' want ter stay in Cincinnati
an' be a free nigger. I doan' want two
things — I'ze sot 'ginst bein' a free
nigger or bein' po' white trash. Niggers
'spises po' white trash an po' white
trash 'spises niggers. I bin uster qual-
ity white folks. Dey sets heap uv sto'
by niggers, an' niggers sets sto' by dem.
Dey sho do like one anurr. I gwine
back to Kanawha County an' live out
all my born days wid quality folks.
'Dem dar Cincinnati niggers got so
now dey lis'ns when my tongue 'gins ter
run. One uv dem little Ohio niggers
wuz layin' up on de bed groanin' wid de
headache. She tol' me she dunno what
make her head ache so. I say, "Chile,
I'll tell you. Sho's you born, you bin
th'owed a stran' uv yo' hyar out de win-
der, an' a bird done tuck hit up in a
tree. Cose den eb'ry time de win* blows
yo' head 'bleeged to ache. You all so
ign'an' up here, you 'bleeged ter be
painified." I tell you I knows a heap. I
knows when bad luck is comin' 'long,
lickity-split, lickity-split. Scritch-owl
tells me 'bout dat. He dess scritches
an' scritches when he knows bad luck's
comin'. Dat he do. One time a ole
scritch-owl sot on de ridge-pole uv my
cabin un' mos' split his th'oat scritchin'.
Isettin' down in de cabin, waitin' for
my old man ter come home wid de ox-
team. De scritch-owl kep' on scritchin'.
I th'owed my apurn up ober my face
an' sot dar an' shivered an' trimbled.
De scritch-owl done got in good chune
den, an' he kep' on scritchin'. My ole
man nuvar did come home. He done
drownded in de creek, cedar creek, one
mile Tom de cabin.
'I bin livin' nigh on to a hunderd
years, an' I done fin' out how knowin'
scritch-owls is. Dey's knowin' in AT-
bama an' dey's knowin' in de Mis'-
sippy bottoms. Whippoorwills is bad-
luck birds, too, but scritch-owls kin
beat whippoorwills. When I hears a
scritch-owl I runs ter de fire, an' sticks
a shovel in de fire. Sometimes dat
'pears ter do some good. Sometimes hit
doan' do no good. I tries all de ways I
hears tell 'bout ter shoo bad luck off.
Ef a chunk uv fire rolls down, I puckers
up my mouf in a hurry an' spits down,
spang on hit. Den when I spittin' I
wishes a good-luck wish. Dat's a good
way to do. Des say, "Stay dere, ole
chunk, an' hev 'memb'ance ter bring
good luck!" I spits three times, spang!
spang! spang! Den I sets down an'
sings a little.
'I likes ter sing. All de plantation
niggers likes ter sing. Dem Cincinnati
niggers so smart dey say dey sings out-
en a book, do, re, mi, like white folks. I
say, Gord teached de plantation niggers
an' de mockin' birds how ter sing. I
spec' de debble teached de jay birds. I
dunno 'bout dat.
'I sho does wish ole Mistiss would
git up on her prancin' sorrel horse an'
ride back home. I tired bein' chamber-
maid on de steamboat. Dey got cuyous
vittles on dat steamboat, an' I 'ze tired
eatin' dem things whar I ain' bin uster
eatin' on de plantation. I wants some
possum, I does, possum wid sweet
'taters all ranged roun' hit, wid good
possum gravy. Plantation niggers
knows what good vittles is soon's dey
sets dey eyes on hit. 'Pear like I cyarn'
go back ter de plantation now; but I
know whar I kin go when de right time
comes: I kin sho' go ter de promis' Ian'
up de right road ter glory. I '11 go when
764
CUNJUR AND 'SUASION
Marse Jesus calls. When de angels
comes, I sho will wrastle wid 'em, an'
dey'll be a flutterin' an' a flyin' roun'
worser 'n a chicken wid his head cut off.
I ain' 'feard uv angels. I des 'feared uv
cunjur an' hants. I gwine ter glory, dat
whar I gwine ! '
Then her wild voice rang out, —
'Some uv dese mornin's bright an' fair
I'll hitch on my wings an' try de air!'
II
*O Gord ! O Gord ! Lord 'a' massey on
me! Poor me! Dat's bad as a scritch-
owl, dess as bad. I looked out my doah
an* seed a hog, a ole razor-back red sow,
des a-runnin' up an' down de pastur'
wid a shuck in her mouf. I knowed she
tellin' me den 'bout bad luck. Poor me!
I knowed bad luck was comin', kaze
las' night I dreamt 'bout muddy water.
Den to-day I drapped ter sleep in my
split-bottom chair an' dreamt 'bout
snakes. Dat a mighty bad sign. Secret
enemies gwine ter 'pear when you
dreams 'bout snakes. Poor me! Poor
me! I 'members de fus time I dreamt
'bout hog runnin' roun' wid shuck in
his mouf. I wuz livin' 'way down in
Mis'sippy den, on Marse Jeems's lower
plantation. Dey did n' hab de same
ways down dar dat dey got on dis plan-
tation. Dey gin out a tas' [task] ter
ebry nigger on de place. Not a hard big
tas', des a tas' 'bout de right size. Atter
dat tas' done did, all you got ter do is
ter work 'long, an' all you makes Marse
Jeems 's gwine buy fom you.
'I wuz a sassy little gal when I live
down in Mis'sippy on Marse Jeems's
place. Marse Jeems nuvar did speak
discontempshus ter me but one time. I
done hyeard 'im tell Mistiss dat I got
gifty-gab. I so uppity I traipsed up ter
de house, an' pick up de bunch uv pea-
cock feathers ter keep off de flies. I
waved dem peacock feathers an' I
waved 'em. Den I say, " Marse Jeems,
please, suh, splainify 'bout what you
say I got — 'bout gifty-gab." Marse
Jeems th'owed back his head an' laffed
an' laffed. Den I say agin, "Marse
Jeems, suh, please splainify 'bout gifty-
gab." Den he say, " When you fus' be-
gin comin' up ter de house ter set on de
bottom step an' play wid my chillern, I
tuck noticemen1 dat you nuvar stop
talkin', talkin'. You kep' up yo' clack
all de time. When folks doan' nuvar
stop talkin' I 'clares dat dey sho got
gifty-gab. Talk, talk, talk." Den
Marse Jeems th'owed back his head
agin. He sho did. I ain' stop gifty-gab
yit. I spec' I'll keep up gifty-gab 'tel
dey hauls me ter de grabeyard. I doan'
see no use uv havin' a tongue ef hit
gwine ter be closed up 'tween yo teef,
day in an' day out. My mammy say I
talks in my sleep. I dunno, I ain' nuvar
"mained wake ter see 'bout dat. Dey
say de gifty-gab runs day an' night.
' I did n' like ter stay down on Marse
Jeems's plantation. Too many ole alli-
gators down dar. My mammy tell me
ter stay up on de hilL She say she
hyeard dat alligators would bite off lit-
tle nigger chillern's laigs. Dey nuvar
bit my laigs. I got many laigs now as I
uver had in all my born days. Dat's
de trufe — dat's Gord's trufe.
' Marse Jeems wa'n't like ole Marster
hyeah on dis plantation. Marster 's a
dignity man. Sometimes Marse Jeems
wuz a dignity man — des' sometimes.
Den sometimes he so chock full of fun
an' devilment, de dignity des' banished.
I mos' laffed tell my ribs rattle when I
'members how Marse Jeems punish
Nepchune. Dat nigger wuz de lazies'
nigger on Marse Jeems's plantation
down in Mis'sippy. But he sorter smart
nigger, an' he fooled Marse Jeems tel
he 'sidered Nepchune a induschus nig-
ger. Den Marse Jeems 'pinted Nep-
chune for foreman. He tol' 'im ter go
an' look at de difTunt fiel's an' lay off
de ivuck for hisse'f an' for de gang.
CUNJUR AND 'SUASION
765
'Nepchune sho did lay off de wuck
for hisse'f. All he laid off for hisse'f was
ter do nothin' an' res' in de shade. He
knowed how ter do. One day Marse
Jeems an' Nepchune wuz out in de
House gyarden. Marse Jeems 'splained
ter Nepchune 'bout plantin' de seed,
radish-seed, and turnip-seed, an' all
sorts uv little pinhead seed like mus-
tard-seed. Nepchune say he got de un-
derstannin' 'bout how ter do. When he
went up ter de house an' toF Marse
Jeems he done plant all de seed, Marse
Jeems say Nepchune bin mighty smart,
an' he gin 'im a present. He gin 'im a
whole plug uv 'bacco.
'Nex' day Marse Jeems wuz walkin'
in de gyarden, an' unbeknownst he
kicked up a brick layin' out dar.
Gord 'a' massey! Marse Jeems foun'
all de papers uv little pinhead seeds
onder dat brick. Marse Jeems a mighty
cussin' man when he wuz mad. I hyear
'im say, "Dat infernal rascal! I'll pun-
ish im sho as I a born man. I sho gwine
punish Nepchune."
'I kep on studyin' 'bout what Marse
Jeems gwine ter do ter Nepchune. I
foun' out. Ha, ha, ha! Ha, ha, ha!
Marse Jeems's place most jined on ter
Merid'an. One day a Merid'an man
corned ter de plantation an' 'swaded
Marse Jeems ter buy a great, big, long
red hammock. Dat man swung dat
hammock up on Marse Jeems's gal-
lery an' lef . Marse Jeems kep' on
studyin' 'bout how Nepchune plant
dem seed. I knowed what wuz in his
min'. He studyin' an' studyin' 'bout
punishin' Nepchune. I sho thought he
gwine whip Nepchune bad. Dat I did.
No, suh, Marse Jeems mighty notion-
ate man. He got heap uv devilment
'bout 'im, an' heap uv fun. He call
Nepchune up ter de gallery an' say: —
* " Nepchune, I mighty sorry you had
to work so hard plantin' de gyarden.
I knows you tired mos' ter def, poor
nigger. I gwine give you some res'.
Yo' Marse Jeems ain' gwine ter let
you work yo'se'f 'tel yo' tongue mos'
hangin' out yo' mouf. He sho ain' gwine
ter do dat. Come hyeah, Nepchune,
an' teck a liT res'. Poor fellow, yo'
Marse Jeems sorry for you, he sorry
for induschus nigger like you, Nep-
chune. You needs a res', nigger.
Come hyeah."
'Nepchune stepped up on de gallery,
an' Marse Jeems say, "Now, Nepchune,
git up in dis big red hammock an'
stretch yo'se'f out long as you kin."
'Nepchune sorter swunk back. Den
Marse Jeems say, "Is you work so hard
you got deaf? Poor devil, you sho needs
a good res'.
'Nepchune 'bleeged ter git in de ham-
mock an' stretch out. He 'peared
mighty sorrowful like. Marse Jeems
mighty dignity dat day; talk mighty
onnateral, so gently an' sweetified, Nep-
chune did n' know what wuz de 'casion
uv dat soft-soap talkin' to a nigger.
When Nepchune done stretch out good,
kaze he skyeard not to do dat, Marse
Jeems sot hisse'f down by de red ham-
mock. He done tied a twine string ter
de hammock. He sot in a big split-bot-
tom chair an' pull dat string, an' made
it swing an' swing.
'Presen'ly Nepchune say, "Marse
Jeems, I'ze mightily res' up; I wants
ter go out in de fiel', suh."
'"No, no, Nepchune. No, no, poor
fellow. I gwine ter let you hab a good
ole res'."
'Den Marse Jeems swinged Nep-
chune an' swinged 'im, an' swinged 'im.
Eb'ry now an' den some uv de niggers
corned up ter de house, 'tendin' dey
'bleeged ter come on business. Dey
kep' on comin', an' laffin', an' savin',
"Nepchune, you sho gittin' a good res'.
Dat you is." Nepchune nuvar 'sponded
nuthin'. Marse Jeems kep' on swingin'
dat nigger, an' lookin' like he walkin'
'hind a hearse ter de grabeyard down
by de ribber. I wuz des' shakin' my
766
CUNJUR AND 'SUASION
ribs lookin' at Nepchune restin' in de
long red hammock. Tear like Marse
Jeems could n' git tired swingin' Nep-
chune. He swinged an' he swinged.
' Tear like all de niggers on de plan-
tation got business in de house-yard dat
day. Mos'ly dey did n' say nuthin'.
Sometimes dey step up close ter de
gallery an' look devilish an' call out,
"Nepchune, is you gittin' a good res'?
You ain' nuvar be tired again, I 'spec'."
'Nepchune nuvar said nuthin'. He
did n' even grin. Mos'ly Nepchune wuz
a mighty grinnin' nigger. He did n'
'pear so grinny de day he wuz restin' in
de hammock. He des' 'peared discom-
fused, mightily discomfused wid all de
niggers laffin' at 'im. I seed Nepchune
wuz mad. But Marse Jeems — Marse
Jeems got mealy-moufed an sweet-
spoken more an' more, more an' more.
He sho did hab a injoicin' time seein'
dat induschus nigger restin' in de red
hammock. Dat wuz a good fun day on
Marse Jeems's plantation. Tear like
Marse Jeems mighty induschus, pullin'
dat twine string an' swingin' Nepchune.
'Mos' all de niggers on de place, tend-
in' dis an' tendin' dat, traipsed 'long
th'ough de house-yard while Nepchune
wuz gittin' his res'. Tear like dey
could n' keep deyse'ves 'way fom seein'
dat sight. Nepchune mos' daid he so
mad wid dem niggers. Dey so con-
sarned 'bout poor, tired Nepchune.
Ha, ha, ha! Ha, ha, ha! Tear like de
sun could n' set. Pear like hit got
hitched in a crotch uv de tree while
Marse Jeems wuz swingin' de poor tired
nigger. Ha, ha, ha! Ha, ha, ha! Dat
nigger would n' nuvar git tired agin.
Ha, ha, ha! Ha, ha, ha!
'Atter while de sun did drap. Den I
hyeah Marse Jeems say, "Nepchune,
nex' time you gits tired, I gwine gib
you a long res' agin. I gwine dig a hole
six foot deep for you to res' in. Den
when you res'n' dar, you won't hear
when Gabriel blows his horn."
'All de niggers done flock roun' de
gallery den, an' Marse Jeems call out,
"Boys, is any of you tired?" Dey all
'spond, "No, Marse Jeems, we doan'
need no res'. We ain' tired." Den
Marse Jeems say, "Hurrah for you,
boys, hurrah!"3
Ill
'I doan' know but five Injin words.
Dey's Choctaw Injin words. Marse
Jeems's plantation wuz close to whar
dem Choctaw Injins lived in Mis'sippy.
Dem Injins say dey 's de frienlies' Injins
uv all de Injins. Dey sho did count
mighty cuyous. "Onarby, tosharby,
tuckaloo, toochany": one, two, three,
four, five. Dey helt dey fingers out
when dey count dem words. Dem Choc-
taw Injins sho did meek pretty wilier
baskets. Dey dug up some sort uv
roots, or sumpin,' an' dyed de wilier.
Red wilier, yaller wilier, black wilier,
all sorts of culled wilier. Den dey
made de baskets: little baskets for de
gal chillern at Marse Jeems's house ter
put hick'y nuts in; baskets for Marse
Jeems's wife ter tote her keys in; great
big roun' baskets ter hoi' de fold-up
work whar gwine ter be sewed on; cuy-
ous baskets, one on each side runnin'
down ter a p'int : forks goes down in one
side, knifes in t' other. Den dey made a
monst'ous big basket to put dey pus-
cooses [pappooses] in. Dem baskets got
a long strop ter go roun' de haid. Dem
little puscooses looked comf'able wid
dey heads stickin' out dem baskets.
'Eb'ry year, 'bout time chinkapins
an' ches'nuts an' muscadines gits ripe,
dem Injins sho ter come. De Injin men
come ridin' on Injin ponies. Dey sho
ter be tottin' some blow-guns. I doan'
know whar dey git dem big ole canes.
Dey gits 'em somewhar, an' tecks out
all de pith. Den dey mecks Injins ar-
rers, sharp at one eend, an' feathers on
t' other eend. Jes' blow in one dem blow-
CUNJITR AND 'SUASION
767
guns an' dem arrers goes flyin' out.
You can kill a jay bird dat way, or a
sparrer. 'Cose nobody am' gwine kill
a robin dat way. Dey wait for de robin
ter fly up in a Chiny tree an' git drunk.
Eb'ry chile on de plantation thinks he
'bleeged ter hab a blow-gun when dem
Choctaw Injins comes ridin' in. Jay
birds better watch out den. Folks say
Choctaw Injins ain' smart as Cher'kee
Injins. I doan' know 'bout dat. Deysho
mecks pretty baskets an' blow-guns.
But dey doan' know nuthin' 'bout al-
phabits like Cher'kee Injins does.
'Marse Jeems wuz a mighty smart
man. I sot my min' an* cotch heaps uv
smartness f'om Marse Jeems on his
lower plantation down in Mis'sippy.
Dat I did. I 'stonish de Al'bama nig-
gers wid my smartness when I went
back to de Black Belt. Dat sho is a
Black Belt. Dat ole prairie mud's
black as a tar-ball — an' sticky! Gord
knows hit's sticky! Des' walk 'long a
little way an' de mud sticks so fast to
de soles uv yo' foots you cyarn' sca'cely
lif em up. I likes sandy town myse'f,
like Livi'ston an' Selma.
'Bless Gord! I knows I is got gifty-
gab, like Marse Jeems say. I mos' for-
got how skyeard I wuz 'bout bad luck.
Mighty bad luck for bird ter come flyin'
in yo' house. Bird come flyin' in my
house one day. I druv dat bird out.
Nex' mornin' dar wuz dat same bird
flatted 'ginst my winder-shutter. I so
'stressed I des th'owed myse'f down on
de flo' an' put my apurn up over my
haid. I tryin' ter fool dat bird. But I
could n' fool 'im. He knowed me, an'
dat very day de bad luck struck me. I
fell down an' broke my laig, my poor
old laig wid de rheumatiz pain mos'
killin' me. I could n' skyear de bad
luck away. Hit done^come, an' 'pear
like hit gwine ter stay. Poor me!
'Here I is gifty-gabbin' an' forgittin'
all de teachmen's my mammy toF me
'bout huccome niggers han's, an' down
side uv dey han's, is white, an' de bot-
toms uv dey foots. Mammy say Gord
A'mighty made all de folks white when
he fus' started out ter make 'em. Den
he got plum tired lookin' at all dem
white folks. Den he 'cided he 'd paint
'em diff 'unt colors. He made some red
folks like Injins, an' some yaller folks,
an' some brown folks. Den he studied
'bout what he gwine do nex'. He 'cided
he 'd meek some black folks. Den he toF
some de white folks ter git down on
all fours, kaze he gwine paint 'em black.
He paint dem folks black while dey
down on all fours. 'Cose de bottom uv
dey han's an' dey foots did n' git painted
black. Dat 's de trufe, sho 's I 'ze a born
nigger. My mammy had heaps uv
knowin's. White folks doan' know how
much knowin's niggers got.
' One day I wuz out in de pastur' git-
tin' poke-weed. I hyeard ole crook-
hand Sal singin' an' singin'. I cotch de
words. Dey wuz hitched on ter a chune.
Mighty easy ter ketch de words ef dey 's
hitched on ter a chune. She kep' on a-
singin' : —
'Yonder go de bell cow.
Ketch her by de tail.
Turn her in de pastur',
Milk hit in de pail.
Milk hit in de pail,
An' strain hit in de gourd.
Set hit in de cornder,
And kiver wid a board.
'I sung dat over in my min' 'tel I
cotched hit good.
'Dat wuz de day a nigger man corned
ter Marse Jeems's place Pom Merid'an.
He think he mighty smart kaze he bin
livin' in Merid'an. He seed me, an' wave
his ole black paw at me. Den he hol-
lered out, "Howdy, sweetie!" He all
dress up mighty fine in white clo'es.
Fus' I would n' look at 'im. Den he
holler out agin, "Howdy, sweetie. How
is you to-day?" I say," I worse off on
'casion uv seein' you. Sho's I born,
Vou look des' like a black snake in a
bowl uv cream." Dat smarty-jack
768
CUNJUR AND 'SUASION
nigger f om Merid'an 'pear like he dis-
comfused den. He riz up agin' an' hol-
lered out, "You look mighty peart to-
day, sweetie! " Den I 'spond, " Keep yo'
sweetnin' for yo'se'f, ole black snake."
I sho did discomfuse dat nigger. But
he kep' on wavin' his black paw at
me. He did n' come back f 'om Merid'an
no more ter call me sweetie.
'One nice white lady corned f'om
Merid'an one time ter see Marse Jeerns's
wife. She corned f'om de Norf an' she
mighty ign'an' lady. She seed me set-
tin' on de tip-top uv de high ten-rail
fence, staked an' ridered, an' she say
she so 'feared I gwine fall down. I say
I doan* see no use in tumblin' down. I
mighty com'fable up hyeah. Den I
'menced callin' out, "Cur rench! Cur
rench! Cur rench! " She ax me what for
I keep sayin' "Cur rench" so much. I
tell her she ain' got un'erstannin' ter
know what I talkin' 'bout. De cows
an' de bulls got un'erstannin'. Look at
'em. Marse Jeems say cows got jog-
raphy an' 'rithmetic in dey haids. Ef
dey long way f'om de cuppen [cow-pen]
dey starts home soon. Ef dey short
way off, dar dey lays 'tel dey see me
puttin' down de bars. Dey got heap uv
sense.
'One time, I wuz a little gal den,
I layin' down on de flo' kickin' up my
heels an' cryin'. Mammy say, "Wha*
de matter wid you, chile?" I tol' her
my haid wuz splittin' open wid head-
ache. She 'spond, "Chile, I spec' you
got de hollow horn like de ole red bull
got." Den I got ter laffin' an' laffin'.
Den de headache des upped an' went
off somewhat.
'When I corned back from Marse
Jeems's place, I met ole black Jubiter.
I bin gone seb'ral years. When I went
dar, de wool on my haid wuz black.
Wool on my mammy's haid bin white
'long time. Ole black Jubiter hollered
out to me, "Hi! hi! hi! Is you come
back ter Al'bama? I mos' did n' know
you. You heap more like yo' mammy
dan yo'se'f. Dat's a sho fac'."
'I stannin' by de car track den. I
axed Jubiter ef de trains wuz regilar in
runnin'. He 'spond, "Dey's mighty
regilar in bein' onregilar." He sho did
tell de trufe dat time — dat one time.
Mos'ly Jubiter wuz a big lie-teller. He
'joyed tellin' lies. He had 'joymen'
f'om sunup ter sundown dat way.
'I bin havin' 'joymen' all dis day des
studyin' 'bout buckwheat cakes. 'Fore
Christmus come, on Marse Jeems's
plantation, 'peared like ebrybody was
busy makin' bags. Bags 'pon top uv
bags wuz piled up on de shelves in de
house. I knowed what dem bags was
for. Ebry Christmus dem bags wuz'
piled up dar. 'Bleeged ter hab a high-
up pile uv bags for de 'casion. Den de
Mistiss had a pile uv dimes an' pica-
yunes in her trunk. She knowed what
she gwine do wid all dat silver money.
I knowed, too, kaze I bin on Marse
Jeems's place 'fore dat time. I knowed
dem wuz Chris'mus bags for buckwheat.
Niggers nuvar seed buckwheat but one
time eb'ry year. Dat wuz Christmus
mornin'. All de niggers got up 'fore sun-
rise dat day. Eb'rybody had big fire in
dey big fireplace by time de sun riz.
Den all uv 'em went flockin' up ter de
house, ter jump out sudden, an' holler
out, "Christmus gif! Christmus gif!
Christmus gif, marster! Christmus gif,
mistiss." Dem niggers got Christmus
gif's, eb'rybody down ter de suckin'
babies. Eb'rybody wuz laffin' an'
whoopin' an' hurrahin'. Eb'rybody got
Christmus in dey bones.
4 Den eb'ry nigger gits a bag, an' back
dey troops ter dey cabin. Dey snatches
up dey sifters an' 'mence siftin', siftin',
siftin'. Dey knowed dimes an' pica-
yunes wuz in dem buckwheat bags.
Dey 'termined ter sif out de money.
All de chillern des' scrouges one anurr,
an' gits up close ter de sifter ter see
if dey kin git a dime or a picayune wid a
CUNJUR AND 'SUASION
769
hole in it. Dey likes ter hang picayunes
an' dimes roun' dey neck, an' strut
roun' proud as a ole peacock. Dat
what dey wants ter do on Christmus
mornin' on Marse Jeems's plantation.
'Some uv de marsters in Mis'sippy
does dat away like Marse Jeems. Some
doan' do dat away. Dey fix up some
sorter way for Christmus fun. Marse
Jeems got a big ole barrel uv whiskey
in his smoke-house. He sho gits a bar-
rel uv dat once eb'ry year Torn Mobile.
He got a 'mission merchan' in Mobile
ter sell his cotton. Dat 'mission mer-
chan' buys de sugar an' de flour an' de
whiskey an' de rice an' all sort o' gro-
ceries down in Mobile. He puts 'em on
de steamboat an dey 's fotch up ter de
lanolin' at Moscow. Den de wagons
goes down dar an' hauls 'em up. Dat 's
de time we sees oranges an' lemons.
Dat 's de onlies' time. We 's mos' crazy
when de wagons comes back. Eb'ry-
body on de place 'pears ter be plum
crazy den. All de chillern in special,
white chillern an' nigger chillern. All
dey moufs is wuterin' an' drippin'.
Eb'rybody is hollerin' out, "Yonder
comes de wagons!"
' When dey does come, Gord A'mighty !
eb'rybody sho is crazy den. De men
lif s out a great big hogshead of rice.
Dey knocks out de head an' 'mences
divin' down in de rice an' pullin' out
tin buckets an' tin pans an' sifters, an'
I dunno what, all packed in de rice.
Sometimes out comes a tin plate wid
letters all roun' de edge, big a, little a,
big b, little b. We knows de house-'oman
— one uv de house-'omans — gwinegit
dat tin plate. Certain sho, she gwine git
dat. Dey keeps a-divin' down an' divin'
down in dat rice, an' pres'n'ly out comes
some doll-heads. All de chillern 'gins
ter dance an' laf an' holler. Dey knows
Mistiss gwine cut out doll-bodies an'
stuff 'em wid cotton. Den up in de
seamster's room de seamsters gwine
ter sew de doll-heads on de doll-bodies.
VOL. 128 — NO. 6
'All de chillern stannin' roun' eb'ry-
whar dances roun' an' hurrahs an' hol-
lers, 'tel Marse Jeems step out an' say,
"Too much noise! Too much noise! Ef
you cyarn' be quiet, you mus' go back
ter yo' cabins." Hit gits so quiet den
'pears like somebody's dyin'. But in a
minute dey gins ter 'spond, "Yes, suh,
Marse Jeems, yes, suh! We gwine be
still as a church mouse. Yes, suh,
Marse Jeems, yes, suh!"
'I gits ter studyin' 'bout dem days
sometimes 'tel hit 'pears like dem days
is right here agin. 'T wuz a injoicin'
time eb'ry year when de wagons come
back Tom Moscow. Sometimes Marse
Jeems would han' out some drams ter
de niggers. De house-servants done
had egg-nog when dey runned up
Christmus gifing. Marse Jeems had a
bung-hole in de whiskey barrel, an' he'd
teck a mighty cuyous vial, solid heavy
at de bottom, an' let it down th'ough
de bung-hole an' draw up de whiskey.
Dat vial too little ter draw much whis-
key. Nobody did n' get none but spe-
cial house-niggers. Dey did n' git much.
'All de whiskey Marse Jeems ever
drunk was one mint julep once a day.
I hyeard him say one day, "Mint is de
grass dat grows on de graves uv all
good Virginians." Dat's what I hyeard
Marse Jeems say. Dat what he to]' his
comp'ny settin' up dar on de gallery.
Once eb'ry day Marse Jeems tuck one
mint julep. All his chillern runned to
him den, an' he gin each one a teaspoon-
ful of dat good julep.
'Somehow I keeps on studyin' an'
studyin' 'bout dem ole days. Tears like
I kin set down in Jerushy's cabin an'
see de fiddler fiddlin'. He sot up on a
high stool on top uv a table. He de one
dat called out de figgirs uv de dance.
'Fore dat, one o' de niggers would step
out an' cut de pigeon wing, an' one
would give a double shuffle. All de nig-
gers would clap an' rap den, an' some-
body would holler cut, "Play 'Chicken
770
CUNJUR AND 'SUASION
in de bread tray,' play 'Ole Firginny
nuvar tire,' play 'Susanna gal.'"
'De fiddler did n' pay no 'tention ter
all dem callin's-out. He de one gwine
call out. Den he'd stan' up a minute
an' holler, "Time's a-flyin'. Choose
yo' pardners! Bow perlitely! Dat de
way! S'lute yo' pardners! Swing cor-
ners! Cyarn' yo' hear de fiddle talkin'?
Hail, Columbia! Halleloo! Hoi' yo'
han's up highfilutin'! Look permiskus!
Dat'sdeway! Dat'sdeway! Keep on
dancin'!" An' dey sho did dance an'
promenade, tel de bref mos' gin out.
'Den de fiddler sho ter put his fiddle
down an' call out, "I knows what you
wants. You wants some banjo music."
When de banjo started up, de niggers
'peared plum 'stracted. Dat 's de music
for niggers. Dey kin fling a souple toe
when de banjo talkin' ter 'em. But I
got rheumatiz in my laig, an' I doan'
dance dese days. I'd be skyeard ter
dance too, kaze I mought cross my
foots, an' den de debble'd cotch me. I
'members de song: "He! Hi! Mr. Deb-
bie! I knows you'ze at de doah. I
knows you'ze grabblin' grabble wid
yo' ole sharp toe."
'Here I is studyin' so much 'bout de
debble I mos' los' 'membrance uv all de
good Christmus vittles. Up at de house
de table sho' did look scrumshus;
a whole roas' pig at one eend uf de
'hogany table, wid a lemon in his mouf
an' red ribbon on his tail. Dey had tur-
keys too 'pon top uv turkeys, tame tur-
keys an' wil' turkeys, an' roas' ducks,
an' fried chickens, an' baked hams, an'
mutton saddles, an' venison, an' — O
Gord 'a' massey ! dey had so much good
vittles dat I ain' got de 'membrance uv
one half uv all dat. Eb'rybody sho did
git a fill-up wid good vittles. Den come
de de'sert: drop-cakes, an' hole-in-de-
middle cakes, an' snowball cakes, an'
jelly, an' ice-cream, an' apples, an'
blackberry cordial, an' pork wine. All
de house-niggers got so much leavin's
on de white folks' plates dat dey was
stuffed full as a egg.
'Eb'rybody down on Marse Jeems's
plantation say dey'd like ter have
Christmus all de year, 'stid uv des' one
week. All dat Christmus day you
could n' sca'cely hear yo'se'f talk.
Eb'rybody wuz tryin' to see how much
noise dey could meek. De white folks,
up an' down de plantation, wuz firm'
off Christmus guns f 'om sunup ter sun-
down. Dey'd teck a big hick'nut tree
wid a nachul hollow in hit, or dey'd
meek a hollow. Den dey'd fill dat hol-
low plum-full uv gunpowder an' plug
hit up. When de match wuz tetched ter
de powder, you sho did hear noise.
Sometimes dey 'd fill up bottles an' can-
isters wid gunpowder an' put 'em onder
barrels an' hogsheads an' set a match
to 'em. Eb'rybody 'd holler, an' hurrah,
an' whoop eb'ry time de 'sploshun come.
Dat de way 't wuz all day long.
' I nuvar did go down ter de cow-house
Christmus night, but I hear tell 'bout
what gwine-ons dey wuz down dar.
Out in de fiel's, an' down in de cow-
house, an' out in de stables, all de cat-
tle knowed when midnight come. Des'
like roosters knows when ter crow.
When midnight come, all de cattle fell
down on dey knees wid dey faces turned
ter de eas'. Dar dey 'mained, clean till
daylight. I sorry I did n' go down dar
ter de cow-house an' see de cattle pray-
in', an' prayin', an' prayin'. Beastes
got a heap uv sense. Dat dey is. I
b'leeve all de beastes is gwine ter
heab'n. I sho do. Hit sho 'd be mighty
lonely up dar bedout any beastes.
'Folks doan' know how ter hab good
Christmus times now like dey knowed
on Marse Jeems's plantation down in
Mis'sippy. Dem sho wuz good ole
Christmus times, mun! Dey doan'
know 'bout good Christmus times up
hyeah in Livi'ston. Dey ain' nuvar live
down in Mis'sippy on Marse Jeems's
plantation.'
SOME TRAITS IN THE CHINESE CHARACTER
THERE is a theory among Occiden-
tals that the Chinaman is inscrutable,
full of secret thoughts, and impossible
for us to understand. It may be that a
greater experience of China would have
brought me to share this opinion; but I
could see nothing to support it during
the time when I was working in that
country. I talked to the Chinese as I
should have talked to English people,
and they answered me much as English
people would have answered a Chinese
whom they considered educated and
not wholly unintelligent. I do not be-
lieve in the myth of the 'subtle Orien-
tal': I am convinced that in a game of
mutual deception an Englishman or
American can beat a Chinese nine times
out of ten. But as many comparative-
ly poor Chinese have dealings with
rich white men, the game is often played
only on one side. Then, no doubt, the
white man is deceived and swindled;
but not more than a Chinese mandarin
would be in London.
One of the most remarkable things
about the Chinese is their power of se-
curing the affection of foreigners. Al-
most all Europeans like China, both
those wrho come only as tourists and
those who live there for many years.
In spite of the Anglo-Japanese alliance,
I cannot recall a single Englishman in
the Far East who liked the Japanese
as much as the Chinese. Those who
have lived long among them tend to
acquire their outlook and their stand-
ards. New arrivals are struck by ob-
vious evils: the beggars, the terrible
poverty, the prevalence of disease, the
anarchy and corruption in politics.
Every energetic Westerner feels at first
a strong desire to reform these evils,
and of course they ought to be reformed.
But the Chinese, even those who are
the victims of preventable misfortunes,
show a vast passive indifference to the
excitement of the foreigners; they wait
for it to go off, like the effervescence
of soda-water. And gradually strange
doubts creep into the mind of the be-
wildered traveler: after a period of in-
dignation, he begins to doubt all the
maxims that he has hitherto accepted
without question. Is it really wise to be
always guarding against future mis-
fortune? Is it prudent to lose all en-
joyment of the present through think-
ing of the disasters that may come at
some future date? Should our lives be
passed in building a mansion that we
shall never have leisure to inhabit?
The Chinaman answers these ques-
tions in the negative, and therefore has
to put up with poverty, disease, and
anarchy. But, to compensate for these
evils, he has retained, as industrial
nations have not, the capacity for
civilized enjoyment, for leisure and
laughter, for pleasure in sunshine and
philosophical discourse. The China-
man, of all classes, is more laughter-
loving than any other race with which I
am acquainted; he finds amusement
in everything, and a dispute can always
be softened by a joke.
771
772
SOME TRAITS IN THE CHINESE CHARACTER
I remember one hot day, when a
party of us were crossing the hills in
chairs. The way was rough and very
steep, the work for the coolies very se-
vere. At the highest point of our jour-
ney, we stopped for ten minutes to let
the men rest. Instantly they all sat
in a row, brought out their pipes, and
began to laugh among themselves as if
they had not a care in the world. In
any country that had learned the vir-
tue of forethought, they would have
devoted the moments to complaining
of the heat, in order to increase their
tip. We, being Europeans, spent the
time worrying whether the automobile
would be waiting for us at the right
place. Well-to-do Chinese would have
started a discussion as to whether the
universe moves in cycles or progresses
by a rectilinear motion; or they might
have set to work to consider whether
the truly virtuous man shows complete
self-abnegation, or may, on occasion,
consider his own interest.
One comes across white men occa-
sionally who suffer under the delusion
that China is not a civilized country.
Such men have quite forgotten what
constitutes civilization. It is true that
there are no trams in Peking, and that
the electric light is poor. It is true that
there are places full of beauty, which
Europeans itch to make hideous by
digging up coal. It is true that the edu-
cated Chinaman is better at writing
poetry than at remembering the sort
of facts which can be looked up in
Whitaker's Almanac. A European, in
recommending a place of residence,
will tell you that it has a good train-ser-
vice; the best quality he can conceive
in any place is that it should be easy to
get away from. But a Chinaman will
tell you nothing about the trains; if
you ask, he will tell you wrong. What
he tells you is that there is a palace built
by an ancient emperor, and a retreat in
a lake for scholars weary of the world,
founded by a famous poet of the Tang
dynasty. It is this outlook that strikes
the Westerner as barbaric.
The Chinese, from the highest to the
lowest, have an imperturbable quiet
dignity, which is usually not destroyed,
even by a European education. They
are not self-assertive, either individ-
ually or nationally; their pride is too
profound for self-assertion. They admit
China's military weakness in compar-
ison with foreign powers, but they do
not consider efficiency in homicide
the most important quality in a man
or a nation. I think that at bottom,
they almost all believe that China is
the greatest nation in the world, and
has the finest civilization. A Western-
er cannot be expected to accept this
view, because it is based on traditions
utterly different from his own. But
gradually one comes to feel that it is,
at any rate, not an absurd view; that
it is, in fact, the logical outcome of a
self-consistent standard of values. The
typical Westerner wishes to be the
cause of as many changes as possible in
his environment; the typical Chinaman
wishes to enjoy as much and as delicate-
ly as possible. This difference is at the
bottom of most of the contrast between
China and the English-speaking world.
We in the West make a fetish of
' progress,' which is the ethical camou-
flage of the desire to be the cause of
changes. If we are asked, for instance,
whether machinery has really improved
the world, the question strikes us as fool-
ish: it has brought great changes, and
therefore great * progress.' What we
believe to be a love of progress is really,
in nine cases out of ten, a love of power,
an enjoyment of the feeling that by
our fiat we can make things different.
For the sake of this pleasure, a young
American will work so hard that, by the
time he has acquired his millions, he
has become a victim of dyspepsia, com-
pelled to live on toast and water, and to
SOME TRAITS IN THE CHINESE CHARACTER
773
be a mere spectator of the feasts that
he offers to his guests. But he consoles
himself with the thought that he can
control politics, and provoke or pre-
vent wars as may suit his investments.
It is this temperament that makes
Western nations 'progressive.'
n
There are, of course, ambitious men
in China, but they are less common
than among ourselves. And their am-
bition takes a different form — not a
better form, but one produced by the
preference of enjoyment to power. It
is a natural result of this preference
that avarice is a widespread failing of
the Chinese. Money brings the means
of enjoyment, therefore money is pas-
sionately desired. With us, money is de-
sired chiefly as a means to power; politi-
cians, who can acquire power without
much money, are often content to re-
main poor. In China, the tuchuns (mili-
tary governors), who have the real
power, almost always use it for the sole
purpose of amassing a fortune. Their
object is to escape to Japan at a suitable
moment, with sufficient plunder to en-
able them to enjoy life quietly for the
rest of their days. The fact that hi es-
caping they lose power does not trouble
them in the least. It is, of course, ob-
vious that such politicians, who spread
only devastation in the provinces com-
mitted to their care, are far less harmful
to the world than our own, who ruin
whole continents in order to win an
election campaign.
The corruption and anarchy in Chi-
nese politics do much less harm than
one would be inclined to expect. But
for the predatory desires of the Great
Powers, — especially Japan, — the harm
would be much less than is done by
our own 'efficient' governments. Nine
tenths of the activities of a modern
government are harmful; therefore, the
worse they are performed, the better.
In China, where the government is lazy,
corrupt, and stupid, there is a degree
of individual liberty which has been
wholly lost in the rest of the world.
The laws are just as bad as elsewhere:
occasionally, under foreign pressure, a
man is imprisoned for Bolshevist prop-
aganda, just as he might be in England
or America. But this is quite exception-
al; as a rule, in practice, there is very
little interference with free speech and a
free press. The individual does not feel
obliged to follow the herd, as he has in
Europe since 1914, and in America
since 1917. Men still think for them-
selves, and are not afraid to announce
the conclusions at which they arrive.
Individualism has perished in the West,
but in China it survives, for good as
well as for evil. Self-respect and person-
al dignity are possible for every coolie
hi China, to a degree which is, among
ourselves, possible only for a few lead-
ing financiers.
The business of 'saving face,' which
often strikes foreigners in China as
ludicrous, is only the carrying out of
respect for personal dignity in the
sphere of social manners. Everybody
has 'face,' even the humblest beggar;
there are humiliations that you must
not inflict upon him, if you are not to
outrage the Chinese ethical code. If
you speak to a Chinaman in a way
that transgresses the code, he will laugh,
because your words must be taken as
spoken in jest if they are not to consti-
tute an offense.
Once I thought that the students to
whom I was lecturing were not as in-
dustrious as they might be, and I told
them so in just the same words that I
should have used to English students in
the same circumstances. But I soon
found I was making a mistake. They
all laughed uneasily, which surprised
me until I saw the reason. Chinese life,
even among the most modernized, is
774
SOME TRAITS IN THE CHINESE CHARACTER
far more polite than anything to which
we are accustomed. This, of course, in-
terferes with efficiency, and also (what
is more serious) with sincerity and
truth in personal relations. If I were
Chinese, I should wish to see it mitiga-
ted. But to those who suffer from the
brutalities of the West, Chinese urbani-
ty is very restful. Whether on the bal-
ance it is better or worse than our
frankness, I shall not venture to decide.
. The Chinese remind one of the Eng-
lish in their love of compromise and in
their habit of bowing to public opin-
ion. Seldom is a conflict pushed to
its ultimate brutal issue. The treat-
ment of the Manchu Emperor may be
taken as a case in point. When a West-
ern country becomes a republic, it is
customary to cut off the head of the
deposed monarch, or at least to cause
him to flee the country. But the Chinese
have left the Emperor his title, his
beautiful palace, his troops of eunuchs,
and an income of several million dol-
lars a year. He is a boy of fourteen,
living peaceably in the Forbidden City.
Once, in the course of a civil war, he
was nominally restored to power for a
few weeks; but he was deposed again,
without being in any way punished for
the use to which he had been put.
Public opinion is a very real force in
China, when it can be roused. It was,
by all accounts, mainly responsible for
the downfall of the An Fu party in the
summer of 1920. This party was pro-
Japanese, and was accepting loans from
Japan. Hatred of Japan is the strong-
est and most widespread of political
passions in China, and it was stirred up
by the students in fiery orations. The
An Fu party had, at first, a great pre-
ponderance of military strength; but
their soldiers walked away when they
came to understand the cause for which
they were expected to fight. In the
end, the opponents of the An Fu party
were able to enter Peking and change
the government almost without firing a
shot.
The same influence of public opinion
was decisive in the teachers' strike,
which was on the point of being settled
when I left Peking. The Government,
which is always impecunious, owing to
corruption, had left its teachers unpaid
for many months. At last, they struck
to enforce payment, and went on a
peaceful deputation to the Govern-
ment, accompanied by many students.
There was a clash with the soldiers and
police, and many teachers and students
were more or less severely wounded.
This led to a terrific outcry, because the
love of education in China is profound
and widespread. The newspapers
clamored for revolution. The Govern-
ment had just spent nine million dol-
lars in corrupt payments to three
teachers who had descended upon the
capital to extort blackmail. It could
not find any colorable pretext for re-
fusing the few hundred thousands re-
quired by the teachers, and it capitula-
ted in panic. I do not think there is any
Anglo-Saxon country where the inter-
ests of teachers would have roused the
same degree of public feeling.
Nothing astonishes a European more
in the Chinese than their patience.
The educated Chinese are well aware
of the foreign menace. They realize
acutely what the Japanese have done
in Manchuria and Shantung. They are
aware that the English in Hong Kong
are doing their utmost to bring to
naught the Canton attempt to intro-
duce good government in the South.
They know that all the great powers,
without exception, look with greedy
eyes upon the undeveloped resources
of their country, especially its coal and
iron. They have before them the ex-
ample of Japan, which, by developing a
brutal militarism, a cast-iron discipline,
and a new reactionary religion, has
succeeded in holding at bay the brutal
775
lusts of 'civilized' industrialists. Yet
they neither copy Japan nor submit
tamely to foreign domination. They
think, not in decades, but in centuries.
They have been conquered before, first
by the Tartars and then by the Man-
chus. But in both cases they absorbed
their conquerors. Chinese civilization
persisted, unchanged; and after a few
generations the invaders became more
Chinese than their subjects.
Manchuria is a rather empty country,
with abundant room for colonization.
The Japanese assert that they need
colonies for their surplus population,
yet the Chinese immigrants into Man-
churia exceed the Japanese a hundred-
fold. Whatever may be the temporary
political status of Manchuria, it will
remain a part of Chinese civilization,
and can be recovered whenever Japan
happens to be ,in difficulties. The
Chinese derive such strength from their
four hundred millions, the toughness of
their national customs, their power of
passive resistance, and their unrivaled
national cohesiveness, — in spite of
the civil wars, which merely ruffle the
surface, — that they can afford to de-
spise military methods, and to wait till
the feverish energy of their oppressors
shall have exhausted itself in interne-
cine combats.
China is much less a political entity
than a civilization — the only one that
has survived from ancient times. Since
the days of Confucius, the Egyptian,
Babylonian, Persian, Macedonian, and
Roman empires have perished; but Chi-
na has persisted through a continuous
evolution. There have been foreign in-
fluences — first Buddhism, and now
Western science. But Buddhism did
not turn the Chinese into Indians, and
Western science will not turn them into
Europeans. I have met men in China
who knew as much of Western learning
as any professor among ourselves; yet
they had not been thrown off their
balance, or lost touch with their own
people. What is bad hi the West — its
brutality, its restlessness, its readiness
to oppress the weak, its preoccupation
with purely material aims — they see
to be bad, and do not wish to adopt.
What is good, especially its science,
they do wish to adopt.
The old indigenous culture of China
has become rather dead; its art and
literature are not what they were, and
Confucius does not satisfy the spiritual
needs of a modern man, even if he is
Chinese. The Chinese who have had a
European or American education real-
ize that a new element is needed to
vitalize native traditions, and they
look to our civilization to supply it.
But they do not wish to construct a
civilization just like ours; and it is pre-
cisely in this that the best hope lies. If
they are not goaded into militarism,
they may produce a genuinely new
civilization, better than any that we in
the West have been able to create.
m
So far, I have spoken chiefly of the
good sides of the Chinese character;
but, of course, China, like every other
nation, has its bad sides also. It is dis-
agreeable to me to speak of these, as
I experienced so much courtesy and
real kindness from the Chinese, that I
should prefer to say only nice things
about them. But for the sake of China,
as well as for the sake of truth, it would
be a mistake to conceal what is less ad-
mirable. I will only ask the reader to
remember that, in the balance, I think
the Chinese one of the best nations I
have come across, and am prepared to
draw up a graver indictment against
every one of the great powers.
Shortly before I left China, an emi-
nent Chinese writer pressed me to say
what I considered the chief defects of
the Chinese. With some reluctance, I
776
SOME TRAITS IN THE CHINESE CHARACTER
mentioned three: avarice, cowardice,
and callousness. Strange to say, my
interlocutor, instead of getting angry,
admitted the justice of my criticism,
and proceeded to discuss possible reme-
dies. This is a sample of the intellectual
integrity which is one of China's great-
est virtues.
The callousness of the Chinese is
bound to strike every Anglo-Saxon.
They have none of that humanitarian
impulse which leads us to devote one
per cent of our energy to mitigating the
evils wrought by the other ninety-nine
per cent. For instance, we have been
forbidding the Austrians to join with
Germany, to emigrate, or to obtain the
raw materials of industry. Therefore
the Viennese have starved, except those
whom it has pleased us to keep alive,
from philanthropy. The Chinese would
not have had the energy to starve the
Viennese, or the philanthropy to keep
some of them alive. While I was in
China, millions were dying of famine;
men sold their children into slavery for
a few dollars, and killed them if this
sum was unobtainable. Much was done
by white men to relieve the famine, but
very little by the Chinese, and that
little vitiated by corruption. It must
be said, however, that the efforts of the
white men were more effective in sooth-
ing their own consciences than in helping
the Chinese. So long as the present
birth-rate and the present methods of
agriculture persist, famines are bound
to occur periodically; and those whom
philanthropy keeps alive through one
famine are only too likely to perish in
the next.
Famines in China can be permanent-
ly cured only by better methods of ag-
riculture combined with emigration or
birth-control on a large scale. Educa-
ted Chinese realize this, and it makes
them indifferent to efforts to keep the
present victims alive. A great deal of
Chinese callousness has a similar ex-
planation, and is due to perception of
the vastness of the problems involved.
But there remains a residue which can-
not be so explained. If a dog is run over
by an automobile and seriously hurt,
nine out of ten passers-by will stop to
laugh at the poor brute's howls. The
spectacle of suffering does not of itself
rouse any sympathetic pain in the aver-
age Chinaman; in fact, he seems to find
it mildly agreeable. Their history, and
their penal code before the revolution
of 1911, show that they are by no means
destitute of the impulse of active cru-
elty; but of this I did not myself come
across any instances. And it must be
said that active cruelty is practised by
all the great nations, to an extent con-
cealed from us only by our hypocrisy.
Cowardice is prima facie a fault of the
Chinese; but I am not sure that they
are really lacking in courage. It is true
that, in battles between rival tuchuns,
both sides run away, and victory rests
with the side that first discovers the flight
of the other. But this proves only that
the Chinese soldier is a rational man.
No cause of any importance is involved,
and the armies consist of mere merce-
naries. When there is a serious issue,
as, for instance, in the Tai-Ping rebel-
lion, the Chinese are said to fight well,
particularly if they have good officers.
Nevertheless, I do not think that, in
comparison with the Anglo-Saxons, the
French, or the Germans, the Chinese
can be considered a courageous people,
except in the matter of passive endur-
ance. They will endure torture, and
even death, for motives which men of
more pugnacious races would find in-
sufficient — for example, to conceal the
hiding-place of stolen plunder. In spite
of their comparative lack of active cour-
age, they have less fear of death than
we have, as is shown by their readiness
to commit suicide.
Avarice is, I should say, the gravest
defect of the Chinese. Life is hard, and
SOME TRAITS IN THE CHINESE CHARACTER
777
money is not easily obtained. For the
sake of money, all except a very few
foreign-educated Chinese will be guilty
of corruption. For the sake of a few
pence, almost any coolie will run an
imminent risk of death. The difficulty
of combating Japan has arisen mainly
from the fact that hardly any Chinese
politician can resist Japanese bribes.
I think this defect is probably due to
the fact that, for many ages, an honest
living has been hard to get; in which
case it will be lessened as economic con-
ditions improve. I doubt if it is any
worse now in China than it was in Eu-
rope in the eighteenth century. I have
not heard of any Chinese general more
corrupt than Marlborough, or of any
politician more corrupt than Cardinal
Dubois. It is, therefore, quite likely
that changed industrial conditions will
make the Chinese as honest as we are
— which is not saying much.
I have been speaking of the Chinese
as they are in ordinary life, when they
appear as men of active and skeptical
intelligence, but of somewhat sluggish
passions. There is, however, another
side to them: they are capable of wild
excitement, often of a collective kind.
I saw little of this, myself, but there
can be no doubt of the fact. The Box-
er rising was a case in point, and one
which particularly affected Europeans.
But their history is full of more or less
analogous disturbances. It is this ele-
ment in their character that makes
them incalculable, and makes it im-
possible even to guess at their future.
One can imagine a section of them be-
coming fanatically Bolshevist, or anti-
Japanese, or Christian, or devoted to
some leader who would ultimately de-
clare himself Emperor. I suppose it is
this element in their character that
makes them, in spite of their habitual
caution, the most reckless gamblers in
the world. And many emperors have
lost their thrones through the force of
romantic love, although romantic love
is far more despised than it is in the
West.
To sum up the Chinese character
is not easy. Much of what strikes the
foreigner is due merely to the fact that
they have preserved an ancient civili-
zation which is not industrial. All this
is likely to pass away, under the pres-
sure of Japanese, European, and Amer-
ican financiers. Their art is already
perishing, and being replaced by crude
imitations of second-rate European pic-
tures. Most of the Chinese who have
had a European education are quite in-
capable of seeing any beauty in native
painting, and merely observe contempt-
uously that it does not obey the laws of
perspective.
The obvious charm which the tour-
ist finds in China cannot be preserved;
it must perish at the touch of indus-
trialism. But perhaps something may
be preserved, something of the ethical
qualities in which China is supreme,
and which the modern world most des-
perately needs. Among these qualities
I place first the pacific temper, which
seeks to settle disputes on grounds of
justice rather than by force. It remains
to be seen whether the West will allow
this temper to persist, or will force it to
give place, in self-defense, to a frantic
militarism like that to which Japan has
been driven.
THE LETTERS IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS
BY ELLEN TERRY
SOME years ago, when I was asked to
lecture on Shakespeare's heroines in the
light of the knowledge which I had
gained of their character through im-
personating them on the stage, I won-
dered if it were possible to find any-
thing to say that had not been said
before. ' If nothing is, that has not been
before, how are our brains beguiled!'
However, I found out, when I applied
myself to the task, that even Shake-
speare, about whom hundreds of books
have been written, has a little of the
unknown. For years it was my trade
to find out, not what he had been to
others, but what he was to me, and to
make that visible in my acting. It was
easier to describe what I saw through
my own medium, than through one for
which I have had no training; but I am
glad that I tried, because it meant more
study of the plays, and so, more delight-
ful experiences.
In the course of this study for my
lectures on the women in Shakespeare,
I was struck by the fact that the letters
in his plays have never had their due.
Little volumes of the songs have been
published; jewels of wit and wisdom
have been taken out of their setting and
reset in birthday books, calendars, and
the rest; but, so far as I know, there is
no separate collection of the letters.
I found, when I read them aloud, that
they were wonderful letters, and worth
talking about on their merits. 'I
should like to talk about them as well as
the heroines,' I said. 'But there are so
few,' the friend, to whom I suggested
them as a subject for a causerie, ob-
778
jected. 'I can't remember any myself
beyond those in The Merchant of Venice,
and As You Like It." ' That 's splendid ! '
I thought. 'If you, who are not at all
ignorant, can't do better than that,
there must be hundreds to whom it will
be a surprise to learn that there are
thirty letters, and all good ones!'
There is all the more reason for giv-
ing them our attention because they
are the only letters written by Shake-
speare that have survived. I doubt
whether, as a man, he was a good cor-
respondent. He crowded his great
life's work, which has made England
more honored throughout the world
than the achievements of her great
soldiers, sailors, and statesmen, into a
score of years. He did not begin his
career as a youthful prodigy, and he
died when he was fifty-two. What with
adapting plays, creating them, re-
touching them at rehearsal, writing
sonnets, acting, managing companies
of actors, and having a good time with
his friends, he could not have had much
leisure for pouring out his soul in let-
ters. The man who does that is, as a
rule, an idle man, and Shakespeare, I
feel sure, was always busy.
People often say we have no author-
ity for talking about Shakespeare as
a man at all. What do we know for
certain about his life? But I quite
agree with Georg Brandes (my favorite
Shakespearean scholar) that, given the
possession of forty-five important works
by any man, it is entirely our own fault
if we know nothing about him. But
perhaps these works are not by Shake-
THE LETTERS IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS
779
speare, but by £ syndicate, or by some
fellow who took his name! Why should
we pursue these tiresome theories? I
wish we had juut one authentic letter
of Shakespeare's to put a stop to it.
Otherwise, I should be glad that he left
none behind for posterity to thumb. I
don't like reading the private letters
of a great man. Print is so merciless.
Many things pass in hand-writing,
which print 'shows up.' Print is so im-
pertinent — flinging open the door of a
little room, where, perhaps, two lovers
are communing, and saying to the pub-
lic, 'Have a look at them — these great
people in love! You see they are just as
silly as little people.' The Browning
letters — ought they ever to have been
published? The Sonnets from the Portu^
guese gave us the picture of a great love.
The letters were like an anatomical dis-
section of it.
Now these letters in Shakespeare's
plays were meant for the public ear —
invented to please it; so we can examine
them with a clear conscience. Yet they
are true to life. We can learn from them
how the man of action writes a letter,
and how the poet writes a letter. We
can learn that, when people are hi love,
they all use the same language. Whether
they are stupid or clever, they employ
the same phrases. 'I love you,' writes
the man of genius — and ' I love you,'
writes the fool. Hamlet begins his let-
ter to Ophelia in the conventional
rhymes which were fashionable with
Elizabethan gallants: —
'To the celestial and my soul's idol,
the most beautified Ophelia ' — 'In her
excellent white bosom, these,' and so on.
' Doubt thou the stars are fire,
Doubt that the sun doth move,
Doubt truth to be a liar,
But never doubt I love.'
So far he writes hi his character of
' the glass of fashion.' But he does not
like the artificial style and soon aban-
dons it for simple, earnest prose: —
0 DEAR OPHELIA, I am ill at these num-
bers. I have not art to reckon my groans;
but that I love thee best, O most best, be-
lieve it. Adieu.
Thine evermore, most dear lady,
Whilst this machine is to him,
HAMLET.
Is this a sincere love-letter? Was
Hamlet ever in love with Ophelia? I
think he was, and found it hard to put
her out of his life. At the very moment
when the revelation of his mother's in-
fidelity had made him cynical about
woman's virtue, this girl acts in a way
that fills him with suspicion. She hands
his letters to her father, allows herself
to be made a tool. His conclusion is:
'You are like my mother; you could act
as she did.' But he loved her all the same.
1 loved Ophelia. Forty thousand brothers
Could not, with all their quantity of love.
Make up my sum.
Proteus, in The Two Gentlemen of
Verona, is one of those professional
lovers who are never hi love and never
out of it. I can imagine him reeling
off love-letters with consummate ease,
not caring much to whom they were
addressed so long as they contained
enough beautiful epithets to satisfy
him! Of his letter to Julia we hear only
fragments: 'Kind Julia'; 'love-wound-
ed Proteus'; 'poor forlorn Proteus';
' passionate Proteus ' — more of Pro-
teus than of Julia, you see! — for Julia,
like many another woman, has, for the
sake of her self-respect, torn up the let-
ter that she is burning to read! She
pieces the torn bits together, but these
incoherent exclamations are all that her
pride has left legible. Proteus's letter
to Silvia we hear complete. It is in the
fashionable rhyme, affected, insincere,
but quite pretty.
My thoughts do harbour with my Silvia nightly,
And slaves they are to me that send them fly-
ing:
O, could their master come and go as lightly,
Himself would lodge where senseless they are
lying!
780
THE LETTERS IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS
My herald thoughts in thy pure bosom rest them,
While I, their King, that hither them impor-
tune,
Do curse the grace that with such grace hath
blessed them,
Because my sen* do want my servants' fortune.
I curse myself, for they are sent by me,
That they should harbour where their lord would
be.
Silvia, this night I will enfranchise thee.
How this letter-writer enjoyed play-
ing with words! And how different this
skill at pat-ball from the profound feel-
ing in the letter from Antonio to Bas-
sanio in The Merchant of Venice! Hear
how a man, deeply moved, writes to the
friend he loves.
SWEET BASSANIO, — My ships have all
miscarried, my creditors grow cruel, my
estate is very low, my bond to the Jew is
forfeit, and since in paying it, it is impossi-
ble I should live, all debts are cleared be-
tween you and I, if I might but see you
at my death. Notwithstanding, use your
pleasure. If your love do not persuade you
to come, let not my letter.
To my mind, in this letter human
love at its greatest finds expression.
This love has all the tenderness of a
woman's love: 'Sweet Bassanio!' the
trustfulness of a child's ' I have only to
tell him and he will help me'; the gener-
osity and manliness of a true friend's
'Don't feel that you owe me anything.
It's all right, but I would like to see
you and grasp your hand'; the unself-
ishness with which wives and mothers
love: 'You must n't think of coming
all the same, if it puts you out.' Of all
the letters in the plays, this one of
Antonio's is my favorite.
Our manner of expression is deter-
mined by the age in which we live, but
hi this letter it is the thing expressed
that seems to have changed. It is im-
possible to study Shakespeare's plays
closely without noticing that to him
friendship was perhaps the most sacred
of all human relations. Valentine offers
to sacrifice Silvia to Proteus. Bassanio
says that his wife matters less to him
than the life of his friend. To an Eliza-
bethan audience this exaltation of
friendship did not seen strange. Two
of Shakespeare's comrades, Beaumont
and Fletcher, lived together 'on the
Bankside, not far from the playhouse,'
and had the same 'clothes and cloak
between them'; and there were many
such all-sufficing friendships. That at-
tractive old sinner, John Falstaff, was
cut to the heart when his friend Prince
Hal publicly denounced him. His affec-
tion for young Harry is a lovable trait
in his character; and who does not feel
sorry for him, worthless old waster as
he is, when the Prince answers his,
'God save thee my sweet boy,' with 'I
know thee not, old man; fall to thy
prayers'? But when Falstaff wrote the
following letter, Harry was still unre-
formed and friendly: —
Sir John Falstaff, knight, to the son of
the King nearest his father, HABRY PRINCE
OF WALES, greeting : —
I will imitate the honourable Romans in
brevity. I commend me to thee, I commend
thee, and I leave thee. Be not too familiar
with Poins; for he misuses thy favours so
much, that he swears thou art to marry his
sister Nell. Repent at idle times as thou
mayest; and so, farewell.
Thine by yea and no, which is as much as
to say, as thou usest him, JACK FALSTAFF
with my familiars, JOHN with my brothers
and sisters, and SIR JOHN with all Europe.
When we meet Sir John again in The
Merry Wives of Windsor, — in which
play Shakespeare had to bring him out
of his grave, 'by request,' because he
was so popular in the theatre that audi-
ences wanted to see him in another play,
— his wit is not quite so bright, but his
epistolary style is much the same. You
may remember that he writes two love-
letters, word for word the same, to two
women living in the same town, who,
as he must have known, met often
and exchanged confidences. This alone
THE LETTERS IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS
781
shows that the Falstaff of the Merry
Wives is not quite the man he was in
Henry IV — does not carry his sack as
• well, perhaps!
Ask me no reason why I love you; for
though Love use Reason for his physician, he
admits him not for his counsellor. You are
not young, no more am I; go to then,
there's sympathy. You are merry, so am I;
ha, ha! then there's more sympathy. You
love sack, and so do I; would you desire bet-
ter sympathy? Let it suffice thee, Mistress
Page, — at the least, if the love of a soldier
can suffice, — that I love thee. I will not
say, pity me; 't is not a soldier-like phrase;
but I say, love me. By me,
Thine own true knight,
By day or night,
Or any kind of light,
With all his might
For thee to fight,
JOHN FAI^TAFF.
This letter may not be very funny
hi print; but when it is read aloud on
the stage, it provokes much laughter.
Sometimes one thinks that a joke is the
thing most affected by the time-spirit.
Remove it from its place in tune, and
it ceases to exist as a joke. Our sense
of what is tragic remains the same
through the centuries; but our sense of
humor — that changes. It is hard to
believe that some Elizabethan come-
dies were ever amusing. In nothing
does Shakespeare show himself 'above
the law' more clearly than in his fun.
It is not always 'nice,' but it is mirth-
provoking, that is, if it is not treated
academically. If a modern audience
does not laugh at Shakespeare's jokes,
blame the actors! The letter that
Maria, hi Twelfth Night, palms off on
Malvolio as Olivia's has all the materi-
al for making us laugh; but I have seen
Malvolios who so handled the material
as to justify the opinion that Shake-
speare's comedy is no longer comic.
Here again it is the situation that makes
the letter good fun on the stage. It be-
gins in verse of rather poor quality: —
Jove knows I love;
But who?
Lips, do not move;
No man must know.
I may command where I adore;
But silence, like a Lucrece knife,
With bloodless stroke my heart doth gore.
M, O, A, I, doth sway my life!
Maria was not much of a poet, but
when she takes to prose, she shines.
If this fall into thy hand, revolve. In my
stars I am above thee, but be not afraid of
greatness. Some are born great, some achieve
greatness, and some have greatness thrust
upon 'em. Thy Fates open their hands, let
thy blood and spirit embrace them; and, to
mure thyself to what thou art like to be,
cast thy humble slough and appear fresh.
Be opposite with a kinsman, surly with
servants; let thy tongue tang arguments of
state; put thyself into the trick of singular-
ity: she thus advises thee that sighs for
thee. Remember who commended thy yel-
low stockings, and wished to see thee ever
cross -gartered. I say, remember. Go to,
thou art made, if thou desirest to be so; if
not, let me see thee a steward still, the fellow
of servants, and not worthy to touch For-
tune's fingers. Farewell. She that would
alter services with thee,
THE FORTUNATE UNHAPPY.
Then follows the postscript; and
Maria had reserved her great coup
for the postscript (the only one, by
the way, that is written in full hi the
plays): —
If thou entertainest my love, let it appear
hi thy smiling. Thy smiles become thee
well; therefore in my presence still smile,
dear my sweet, I prithee!
Shakespeare was no Puritan. He
probably enjoyed bear-baiting, and
yet, unlike many of his contemporaries,
felt sorry for the bear. So after writing
this scene, in which Malvolio is baited,
and deluded, and made to look a fool,
he is able to write another in which our
sympathies are roused with the victim
of Maria's 'sport royal.' Malvolio 's
letter to Olivia makes us see that the
sport had its cruel side.
782
THE LETTERS IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS
By the Lord, madam, you wrong me, and
the world shall know it. Though you have
put me into darkness and given your drunk-
en cousin rule over me, yet have I the bene-
fit of my senses as well as your ladyship. I
have your own letter that induced me to the
semblance I put on; with the which I doubt
not but to do myself much right, or you
much shame. Think of me as you please. I
leave my duty a little unthought of and
speak out of my injury.
THE MADLY-USED MALVOLIO.
Although written in circumstances
calculated to make the best servant 'a
little forget his duty,' this letter is full
of the dignity of service, and a just re-
buke to those who hold their 'inferiors'
up to ridicule.
From a letter from a steward in a
gold chain, preserving his dignity in an
undignified position, I turn to one from
a groom. A plain fellow this. I see him
sitting down, laboriously scratching out
a few illegible sentences. But they are
straight to the point, and they have
their dramatic value in adding a touch
to the portrait of Cardinal Wolsey in
Henry VIII.
MY LORD, — The horses your lordship
sent for, with all the care I had, I saw well
chosen, ridden, and furnished. They were
young and handsome, and of the best breed
in the north. When they were ready to set
out for London, a man of my Lord Car-
dinal's, by commission and main power,
took 'em from me, with this reason: His
master would be served before a subject, if
not before the King; which, stopped our
mouths, sir.
There is a tedious, pedantic letter in
Love's Labour's Lost, which may have
amused Shakespeare's contemporaries
because it satirizes the affectations of
their day. Armado's style in this letter
is only a slight exaggeration of that in
which people wrote to Queen Elizabeth.
They used six long words when one
short one would have conveyed their
meaning, and racked their brains for
pretentious and extravagant compli-
ments. I used to read this letter in one
of my lectures, and oh, what a job it
was to get any fun out of it! Here is a
sample of its humor: —
The magnanimous and most illustrate
king Cophetua set eye upon the pernicious
and indubitate beggar, Zenelophon; and he
it was that might rightly say, Veni, vidi,
vid; which to annothanize in the vulgar, —
O base and obscure vulgar! — videlicet,
He came, saw, and overcame: he came, one;
saw, two; overcame, three. Who came?
The king. Why did he come? To see. Why
did he see? To overcome. To whom came
he? To the beggar. What saw he? The
beggar. Who overcame he? The beggar.
The conclusion is victory; on whose side?
The king's. The captive is enriched; on
whose side? The beggar's. The catastrophe
is a nuptial; on whose side? The king's;
no, on both in one, or one in both.
And so forth.
But, of course, when the audience has
seen the popinjay Armado and knows
that this high-flown stuff is written
to an illiterate peasant-girl, the letter
makes a different impression, especially
if Boyet, who has to read it, is a good
actor! But if he is a wise one, he will
probably beg for the effusion to be
'cut.'
'I say she never did invent this let-
ter,' exclaims Rosalind, after hearing
the rhymed jingle that Phebe sends her
under the impression that she is a hand-
some young man. This lets us into a
little secret about these rhymed letters.
They could be bought in many English
villages, from the professional letter-
writer of the parish. And this was the
sort of letter that he turned out: —
If the scorn of your bright eyrie
Have power to raise such love in mine,
Alack, in me what strange effect
Would they work in mild aspect!
Whiles you chid me, I did love;
How then might your prayers move?
He that brings this love to thee
Little knows this love in me;
THE LETTERS IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS
783
And by him seal up thy minds,
Whether that thy youth and kind
Will the faithful offer take
Of me, and all that I can make;
Or else by him my love deny,
And then I '11 study how to die.
In All's Well that Ends Well, we find
that women of property commanded
the services of their stewards when they
wanted a letter written. Bertram's
mother in this play instructs her stew-
ard, Rinaldo, to write to her son for
her: —
Write, write, Rinaldo,
To this unworthy husband of his wife.
Let every word weigh heavy of her worth
That he does weigh too light. My greatest grief.
Though little he do feel it, set down sharply.
Rinaldo evidently obeyed this in-
struction faithfully, for we hear later on
that the letter 'stings Bertram's na-
ture,' and that on the reading of it 'he
changed almost into another man.'
Bertram ends his letter to his mother
with 'My duty to you.' He is not on
good terms with her, but he does not
forget to be externally filial and polite.
An odious young man, yet Helena,
whom he treats so outrageously, is
annoyingly fond of him.
Thus, Indian-like,
Religious in mine error, I adore
The sun, that looks upon his worshipper.
But knows of him no more.
My next letter-writer, Leonatus in
Cymbeline, plays his wife a dirty trick.
But in all ages a man whose jealousy is
roused is forgiven much. Leonatus is
devoted to Imogen, yet he can make
her chastity the subject of a wager with
a man who scoffs at the idea of any
woman being chaste.
He writes and asks her to welcome
this man of whom he has every reason
to think ill. He goes so far as to de-
scribe lachimo to her as 'one of the
noblest note, to whose kindnesses I am
most infinitely tied. Reflect upon him
accordingly, as you value your trust — '
'So far I read aloud,' says Imogen;
and adds that the rest of the letter
warms * the very middle of my heart ' —
a letter written by a husband who can-
not believe in her without proof, and
has sent a comparative stranger to
make an assault on her virtue!
It is not surprising that, when lachimo
returns with his catalogue of all the
furniture in Imogen's room, and a
careful description of the mole on her
left breast, 'cinque-spotted, like the
crimson drops i' the bottom of a cow-
slip,' Leonatus should 'see red'; but
there is really no excuse for his sitting
down and writing a base falsehood to
lure his wife to her death. How differ-
ently Imogen behaves when lachimo
traduces Leonatus to her! She is not
only indignant; she is reasonable and
sensible. When he urges her to be re-
venged, she says that, if it were true, —
but she will not let her heart be abused
in haste by her ears, — revenge would
not help her. And what wisdom there
is in her reply to lachimo: —
If thou wert honourable,
Thou wouldst have told this tale for virtue, not
For such an end thou seek'st.
She sees through this man, but na-
turally does not see through this letter
from Leonatus.
Justice, and your father's wrath, should
he take me in his dominion, could not be so
cruel to me, as you, 0 the dearest of crea-
tures, would even renew me with your eyes.
Take notice that I am in Cambria, at Mil-
ford-Haven; what your own love will out of
this advise you, follow. So he wishes you
all happiness, that remains loyal to his vow,
and your increasing in love
LEONATUS POSTHUMUS.
I never could read it on the stage
without believing in its sincerity. A
woman would have to be very suspi-
cious to take it as 'a trap.' Imogen's
love was so great that she forgave the
man who wrote it to make her death
sure. Did Shakespeare himself hold the
opinion that a woman's love and a
784
THE LETTERS IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS
man's love have no common denomina-
tor? Leonatus shows his love by plan-
ning to kill his wife, when he is con-
vinced that she is unfaithful. When he
finds that he has been deceived, he calls
himself 'a credulous fool,' and other
harsh names. But Imogen refrains from
petty reproaches. The worst she says
is: —
Why did you throw your wedded lady from you?
Think that you are upon a rock, and now
Throw me again.
To love when all goes well — that is
easy. To love when the loved one be-
haves like Leonatus — that requires a
self-abnegation which is apparently
considered impossible except to women!
Macbeth's letter to his wife is inter-
esting, not only because it is one of
those rare tributes that a man some-
times pays to the share his wife has had
in the making of his career, but because
of the light it throws on the visionary
element in Macbeth's character. The
goal of his ambition is a material thing,
— an earthly crown, — but he believes
in the supernatural nature of his 'call.'
They met me in the day of success; and I
have learned by the perfectest report, they
have more in them than mortal knowledge.
When I burned in desire to question them
further, they made themselves air, into
which they vanished. Whiles I stood rapt
in the wonder of it, came missives from the
King, who all-hailed me ' Thane of Cawdor' ;
by which title, before, these weird sisters
saluted me, and referred me to the coming
on of time, with 'Hail, King that shalt be!'
This have I thought good to deliver thee,
my dearest partner of greatness, that thou
mightest not lose the dues of rejoicing, by
being ignorant of what greatness is prom-
ised thee. Lay it to thy heart, and farewell.
'My dearest partner of greatness!'
Is not that a wonderful revelation of
the relationship between this husband
and his wife? Is not the whole letter
a wonderful revelation of the man's
character? a man who was driven by
dreams into a common and cruel crime-
We could not have a better example
than this of Shakespeare's use of the
letter in his plays. Dramatists now
condemn them, with soliloquies, as a
clumsy expedient for letting the audi-
ence 'know things.' But Shakespeare
employs both letters and soliloquies
with a skill that strikes one more when
one sees his plays in action than when
one reads them. Bellario's letter to the
Duke in The Merchant of Venice, be-
sides being a model of what a letter
should be, is a masterly preparation for
Portia's entrance in the Court scene,
and an instruction as to how the actress
ought to handle that scene. She is not
to behave with feminine inconsequence,
and provoke laughter by her ignorance
of legal procedure, but to conduct her-
self like a trained advocate. The letter
makes Portia's eloquence and intelli-
gence convincing to the audience.
Your Grace shall understand that at the
receipt of your letter I am very sick; but in
the instant that your messenger came, in
loving visitation was with me a young doc-
tor of Rome. His name is Balthazar. I ac-
quainted him with the cause in controversy
between the Jew and Antonio the merchant.
We turned o'er many books together. He is
furnished with my opinion; which., bettered
with his own learning, the greatness whereof
I cannot enough commend, comes with him,
at my importunity, to fill up your Grace's
request in my stead. I beseech you, let his
lack of years be no impediment to let him
lack a reverend estimation; for I never
knew so young a body with so old a head.
I leave him to your gracious acceptance,
whose trial shall better publish his com-
mendation.
What a lot of things there are to
think over in this letter! And what pic-
tures it conjures up! No Italian painter
could make us see more clearly the
learned Bellario receiving his young
visitor and instructing her how to con-
duct her case. With the instinct of
genius, the dramatist absorbed the
THE LETTERS IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS
785
spirit of the Renaissance in this play,
as in Julius Ccesar he absorbed the
spirit of ancient Rome. If Shakespeare
knew 'small Latin and less Greek,' he
was able to make this letter of warn-
ing to Csesar typically Latin in its
conciseness : —
Caesar, beware of Brutus; take heed of
Cassius; come not near Casca; have an eye
to Cinna; trust not Trebonius; mark well
Metellus Cimber; Decius Brutus loves thee
not; thou hast wronged Caius Ligarius.
There is but one mind in all these men, and
it is bent against Caesar. If thou beest not
immortal, look about you; security gives
way to conspiracy. The mighty gods defend
thee! Thy lover,
AKTEMODOBUS.
The whole plot of the play, and the
guiding motive of each character, can
be found in these short sentences.
If we compare this letter with the
long-winded effusion from Armado to
the King in Loves Labour's Lost (which
I am not going to quote here, because
it is so terribly long), we get a good
idea of the infinite variety of style that
the dramatist had at his command, and
of his insight into the characteristics of
different races at different times. He
knew that the Romans were masters of
brevity. And he knew that the affected
Elizabethan courtier was a master of
verbosity. Both he can imitate to the
life.
In Henry IV Hotspur reads a letter,
and this time it is the man who reads it,
not the man who writes it, on whom
our attention is concentrated. You see
a quick-witted, courageous fellow, im-
patient of cautious people who see both
sides of a question and are afraid of
going too far. You see the 'extremist,'
with all his good points and his bad
ones.
He could be contented; why is he not,
then? In respect of the love he bears our
house: he shows in this, he loves his own
barn better than he loves our house. . . .
VOL. 128 — NO. 6
c
'The purpose you undertake is dangerous';
— why that's certain. 'T is dangerous to
take a cold, to sleep, to drink; but I tell you,
my lord fool, out of this nettle, danger, we
pluck this flower, safety. 'The purpose you
undertake is dangerous; . . . the friends
you have named uncertain; and your whole
plot too light for the counterpoise of so
great an opposition.' Say you so, say you
so? I say unto you again, you are a shallow,
cowardly hind, and you lie. What a lack-
brain is this! By the Lord, our plot is a
good plot as ever was laid; our friends true
and constant: a good plot, good friends, and
full of expectation; an excellent plot, very
good friends. What a frosty-spirited rogue
is this! Why, my Lord of York commends
the plot and the general course of the action.
'Zounds, an I were now by this rascal, I
could brain him with his lady's fan.
There is real ' vinegar and pepper ' hi
this outburst of Hotspur's. Compare
it with the ' vinegar and pepper ' of Sir
Andrew Aguecheek's fiery challenge to
Viola in Twelfth Night. Sir Andrew is,
as you know, a very devil of a fellow.
He is quite sure that this letter is bold
enough to strike terror into the heart
of the most confident enemy : —
Youth, whatsoever thou art, thou art but
a scurvy fellow. Wonder not, nor admire
not in thy mind, why I do call thee so, for I
will show thee no reason for 't. Thou com'st
to the lady Olivia, and in my sight she uses
thee kindly. But thou liest in thy throat;
that is not the matter I challenge thee for.
I will waylay thee going home; where if it
be thy chance to kill me, thou killest me
like a rogue and a villain. Fare thee well,
and God have mercy upon one of our souls!
He may have mercy upon mine; but my
hope is better, and so look to thyself.
Thy friend, as thou usest him, and thy
sworn enemy, ANDREW AGUECHEEK.
Besides Hamlet's letter to Ophelia,
there are two other letters from him in
the play which are often omitted in
acting versions. The first is to Hora-
tio, and it has its bright side in the
complete confidence he places in his
friend: —
786
THE LETTERS IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS
Horatio, when thou shalt have over-
looked this, give these fellows some means
to the King; they have letters for him. Ere
we were two days old at sea, a pirate of very
warlike appointment gave us chase. Find-
ing ourselves too slow of sail, we put on a
compelled valour. In the grapple I boarded
them. On the instant they got clear of our
ship, so I alone became their prisoner.
They have dealt with me like thieves of
mercy, but they knew what they did: I am
to do a good turn for them. Let the King
have the letters I have sent, and repair thou
to me with as much speed as thou wouldst
fly death. I have words to speak in your
ear will make thee dumb, yet are they much
too light for the bore of the matter. These
good fellows will bring thee where I am.
Rosencrantz and Guildenstern hold their
course for England; of them I have much
to tell thee. Farewell.
He that thou knowest thine,
HAMLET.
The wording of the second letter, to
the King, is simple and direct enough,
yet it has a sinister and malevolent
sound — its very civility is calculated
to terrify the guilty conscience of the
King: —
High and mighty, You shall know I am
set naked on your kingdom. To-morrow
shall I beg leave to see your kingly eyes,
when I shall, first asking your pardon there-
unto, recount the occasions of my sudden
and more strange return.
HAMLET.
'And in a postscript here,' says the
King, who reads the letter, 'he says,
"alone."3
In Antony and Cleopatra, Shake-
speare adopts the method of making
someone give the substance of a let-
ter, instead of reading the actual words
of the writer. Twice Octavius Caesar
enters 'reading a letter,' and twice
we have to trust to his honor that he
is reporting it fairly. The first, which
brings news of Antony, is obviously col-
ored by Octavius's jealousy of his great
' competitor.'
From Alexandria
This is the news: he fishes, drinks, and wastes
The lamps of night in revel; is not more manlike
Than Cleopatra ; nor the Queen of Ptolemy
More womanly than he; hardly gave audience, or
Vouchsafed to think he had partners. You shall
find there
A man who is the abstract of all faults
That all men follow.
You feel at once that Octavius reads
this as a stroke of diplomacy. He wants
to justify himself in the eyes of the
world for hating Antony, and he does
not trouble to be accurate. Half a
truth is always more damning than a
lie.
Antony was, as he is represented
here, a pleasure-seeker; he had that
reckless determination to enjoy the
moment, which is not an uncommon at-
tribute of great rulers and great artists.
But he was, as well, a fine soldier, one
who was at his best in defeat and mis-
fortune. He loved luxury, but he could
at times renounce all comfort for the
sake of keeping up the courage of his
men. But with Roman fortitude he had
neither Roman restraint nor Roman
simplicity. He loves striking an atti-
tude. Twice he challenges Octavius to
single combat, and in language so vain-
glorious that Octavius exclaims: 'He
calls me boy' (this time he is too angry
to misrepresent Antony, and we may
take it that his version of the challenge
is true) : —
He calls me boy; and chides as he had power
To beat me out of Egypt. My messenger
He hath whipped with rods; dares me to personal
combat,
Caesar to Antony. Let the old ruffian know
I have many other ways to die.
Timon of Athens's last message to
the world is melancholy reading! Its
fierce and savage cynicism shows our
gentle Shakespeare in a new light.
Timon makes his grave on the ' beached
verge of the salt flood,' and erects his
own tomb, —
Entombed upon the very hem o' the sea.
THE IRON MAN AND WAGES
787
A soldier takes an impression in wax
of the inscription scratched on it, and
brings it to Alcibiades: —
Here lies a wretched corse, of wretched soul
bereft.
Seek not my name: a plague consume you wicked
caitiffs left!
Here lie I, Timon, who, alive, all living men did
hate.
Pass by and curse thy fill, but pass and stay not
here thy gait.
Alcibiades, with a generosity that
we should imitate, finds the noble ele-
ment in this last effort after consistency
of a consistent hater of men: —
These well express in thee thy latter spirits:
Though thou abhorr'dst in us our human griefs,
Scorn'dst our brain's flow and those our droplets
which
From niggard nature fall, yet rich conceit
Taught thee to make vast Neptune weep for aye
On thy low grave, on faults forgiven.
Those are good words with which to
bring this little study of a corner of the
great world of Shakespeare's mind to
an end!
THE IRON MAN AND WAGES
BY ARTHUR POUND
OPERATING an automatic machine re-
quires no more than average manual
dexterity and ordinary intelligence. In
some cases, where the materials in pro-
cess are heavy, it requires considerable
strength and, where several machines
are grouped in one man's care, consider-
able agility. If the operative is willing
to trust the company to figure his pay,
without checking up in his own interest,
no book knowledge is necessary. Sim-
ple arithmetic and ability to sign one's
name are the top intellectual require-
ments. Most manufacturers, however,
prefer to have their employees read,
write, and understand English, though
this knowledge is by no means neces-
sary. Consequently, many companies
provide instruction in English for immi-
grants. In general, the ordinary pub-
lic-school instruction, up to and includ-
ing the eighth grade, gives a youth all
the mental furnishing he needs to func-
tion efficiently in automatic production.
Considered strictly as an economic
being, he could get along with less.
When we come to the salaried workers,
the so-called white-collar group, we find
public education reinforcing the level-
ing tendency in those branches, just as
automatic machinery does in the mills.
Thus far we have considered the auto-
matic machine as leveling wages and
distributing labor between farm and
factory, home and the mill. In much
the same way, the spreading use of auto-
matic machinery tends to level wages in
all plants so equipped, though hindered
at many points by special conditions
and special labor contracts. Certain
automatic machines are widely scatter-
ed, and can be found in every industrial
centre. Many others present family
likenesses. Even the greenest of green
788
THE IRON MAN AND WAGES
workers needs but short tutelage at his
assigned machine; while the man who
knows how much — or rather how little
— is expected of him, can shake down
quickly into efficient production. As
was said in an earlier article, the per
capita . cost of labor turnover on the
1920 basis of pay ranged from $25 to
$100 per man in the more efficiently or-
ganized automobile plants, this cost in-
cluding the pay of the novitiate and his
teacher, the overhead on machine, and
allowance for spoiled work. This veri-
fies the evidence presented by a survey
of certain large allied plants, to the ef-
fect that 70 per cent of the employees
could be fitted into their jobs in three
days or less. This means that a worker
can shift from one line of production to
another without grave loss of time. He
may be a woodcutter or harvest-hand
this month, and a producer of automo-
bile parts the next. If of a roving dispo-
sition, in a single year he may can salmon
on the Pacific coast, pour cement on an
irrigation dam in Idaho, mill flour in
Minnesota, cut pearl buttons in Iowa,
mould iron in Ohio, weave silk in Jersey,
or make rubber tires in New England.
The outcome of such easy transitions
must be a highly efficient distribution of
labor-power on the one hand, and, on the
other, a progressive leveling of wages
as among all automatized industries.
' The old trade demarcations,' says Mr.
E. F. Lloyd, ' have largely ceased to
exist, and with their passing the old
differences of pay have correspondingly
declined.'
This leveling tendency, moreover, is
no respecter of sex. Since women can
tend many automatic tools as well as
men, it follows that the wages of the two
sexes must draw together. They may
never reach uniformity, because many
women view jobs as temporary stop-
gaps on the road to marriage, and this
handicaps them as yet in the eyes of
many employers. This, and kindred
non-economic considerations, may affect
the result ; but they cannot stop the drift
toward equality of wage. It is no unusual
thing, even now, to find a young wife
earning as much as, or more than, her
husband. As time goes on, this will be-
come too common to command notice.
Likewise, automatic machinery tends
to break down the former disparity of
wage as between age and youth. Child-
ren of twelve can tend many automatic
machines as competently as adults.
Youths, in fact, approach their highest
wage during the very years in which the
boys of a generation ago were earning
less than living wages as apprentices.
The years from eighteen to twenty-five
are the most gainful for the ' machinate
mammal.'
The leveling proceeds with ruthless
disregard for race or nationality. While
a knowledge of the native tongue may
be desirable, it is by no means essential.
Witness the widespread employment on
automatic machines of our newly ar-
rived immigrants, their earning on a
parity with native-born products of our
public schools. Notwithstanding that
the color line rarely gives the negro a
chance at automatics, the black popu-
lations of our northern industrial cities
increased faster than the white popu-
lations from 1910 to 1920. Bringing
black labor north became a highly or-
ganized enterprise. The pay of negroes,
generally speaking, maintained a par-
ity with white labor on the same kind of
work; and while blacks are not often
put on machines, there is no doubt that
many blacks can fill the requirements
of machine attendance. Whether they
can stand the steady grind as well as
whites, or whether the color line is jus-
tifiably drawn at the machine, are moot
points, reserved for future discussion.
But the general effect of the automa-
tizing process has been to bring the
average wages of the two races closer
together, not only in the industrial
THE IRON MAN AND WAGES
789
cities, but to an even greater extent in
those sections where the black does
most of the field-work. Increased cot-
ton-picking costs and increased wheat-
growing costs both resulted from the
drain that automatic production put
upon rural labor-supplies.
Automatic machines in offices affect
the white-collar group in industry pre-
cisely as shop-workers are affected.
With adding machines and other mech-
anisms, and standardized office system,
need for special skill is decreasing among
office- workers. The old-fashioned book-
keeper, the aristocrat of fin-de-siecle
offices, is fast becoming as obsolete a
type as the old-fashioned mechanic, the
one-time aristocrat of the shops. Sten-
ographic skill is subject to the competi-
tion of the phonograph; the typist is
entering into competition with the
duplicating typewriter. Meanwhile,
public schools and business colleges are
producing an abundance of persons
sufficiently educated for the simpli-
fied office tasks. In addition, the higher
social status enjoyed by such workers
can be depended upon to furnish surplus
labor for such activities in ordinary
times, with the result that we pay prac-
tically the same rate to washerwomen
and typists; also to cooks and stenog-
raphers, when board-and-lodging costs
are considered. These influences tend-
ed to bring office-work down to the
wage-level of factory-work before the
war; as office- workers began to go over
into the ranks of factory-workers, owing
to war-wage rates in the factories, office
wages began to rise. From this on,
owing to the fact that labor can flow
from one group to the other more easily
than ever before, disparity of wage
between the two groups will tend to
correct itself promptly.
Transferring the vital function of
production from the operative to the ma-
chine involves the taking away of skill
from the rank and file and concentrat-
ing it in the directing and organizing
end of industry. The heats of competi-
tion, playing through machine improve-
ments, evaporate skill from the lower
reaches of industry, and distill it in the
upper reaches. Fewer producers need
skill; but those few require much longer
training and more highly intensified
mental powers. It is up to them, not
only to design, build, place, and adapt
machines to involved tasks, but also to
work out systems under which the pro-
duction of those machines can be coor-
dinated and the produce distributed.
II
To fit an automatic machine for its
production-cycle requires high skill in
tool-designing and making. Head and
hand must work together; jigs and dies
must be of the utmost precision. The
number of skilled workmen required
for this task is small compared to the
whole number of industrial employees;
but the group is of key importance. In
the past, these men were trained under
the apprentice system; but that system
being in decline, industrial executives
are greatly concerned for the future
supply of such craftsmen. They look
to public education to guard against a
famine of skilled artisans; and such is
their influence that they are not likely
to look in vain. The call of industry
has been answered already by the estab-
lishment of technical high schools and
colleges in many industrial cities, as
well as by the erection of private trade-
schools. In desperation some employ-
ers have established their own trade -
schools; but the outlook is that public
education, thus challenged, will take up
the burden of providing industry with
skilled mechanics. Once adequate facil-
ities are provided, we may look with
assurance for the greater mental inter-
est attaching to that work to provide
candidates in abundance, and so in-
790
THE IRON MAN AND WAGES
crease the number of qualified men to
the point where the pay will approach
that of the machine- tender — always be-
ing enough more, presumably, to make
up for the time and cost of training.
The next layer in the skill compart-
ment contains technical experts, shop-
organizers, and salesmen. The third
layer includes the executives. It is in
these two layers that the thought-pro-
cesses of modern industry centre; and
the demands for special knowledge are
such that the personnel must be far
better equipped than their predecessors
in the old regime. In the swift expan-
sion of automatized industry they have
been forced further and further afield
for labor and materials on the one hand,
and for markets on the other hand.
They have been required to finance,
not only the inflow of men and machines,
but also the outflow of goods; a task so
vast and compelling that it has brought
into being a distinct adaptation of the
banking function to industrial needs.
In a very real sense bankers are the
aristocrats of modern industry, sitting
apart from the actual processes of pro-
duction and distribution, but furnish-
ing the lifeblood of capital, and through
that power exercising a genuine, and
usually salutary, control. How are these
thought-men of industry going to be
affected by these leveling forces at
work in modern society? Are they go-
ing to be leveled economically by the
same forces which brought them such
large rewards? Of late years, in the era
of industrial expansion, they have com-
manded large salaries. What is likely to
happen to them now that the wheels of
industry are slowing down?
So far as the technical experts —
chiefly chemists and engineers — are
concerned, the situation is fairly clear.
They are being turned out in such
numbers by colleges and universities
that, except in sudden bursts of indus-
trial expansion, the supply tends to
outrun the demand. There is no wide
rift between the pay of a Bachelor of
Science, just out of college, and the pay
of a factory operative. A city engineer-
ing department can hire draughtsmen
about as cheaply as common laborers.
All institutions of higher learning are
growing in attendance, particularly in
the technical branches. Also, the train-
ing tends to become more thorough,
hence more productive of men fitted to
move in the highest circles of industrial
production. From all indications, uni-
versities and colleges are as apt to flood
the market with engineers and chemists
as the mothers of the country are to
flood it with unskilled labor. Public
education, therefore, tends to level to-
ward the general average the pay for
such service.
Salesmanship is similarly affected.
The personal element does not play the
large part it did in disposing of goods.
The influence of advertising is to create
a market condition in which the sales-
man becomes more and more an 'or-
der-taker,' disposing of standardized,
guaranteed goods at prices and on terms
set by his superiors in the organization.
As dickering is thrust out of the sales
equation, the personal shrewdness of
the salesman counts for less and less.
His efficiency comes to depend less
upon native traits and more upon what
can be taught him. Salesmen of the
old school were born, not made; but
salesmen of the new school can be made
out of any normally aggressive public-
school product. Schools for salesman-
ship, established here and there, are
likely to succeed. In general, the pro-
cess of distributing goods tends to be-
come more scientific and less personal;
and as that change proceeds, the hum-
bler members of the sales-organization
become less important, and more candi-
dates are available. The net result is
that the salesman's wage tends toward
the common wage-level. The retail
THE IRON MAN AND WAGES
791
sales-clerk, male or female, earns no
more than he or she could earn in a
factory. The small retail grocer, whose
chief function is that of taking orders,
complains because he is being run out
of business by a chain store, whose
manager is frankly an order-taker, and
earns, usually, no more than the aver-
age wage of the community. His em-
ployer, safeguarded by the cash regis-
ter and an office system imposing a
close check, finds it unnecessary to pay a
bonus for character and honesty. The
traveling salesman is not the bold, free
man of other days; he covers more ter-
ritory than the 'drummer' of twenty
years ago, but he does not have equal
responsibility. The tendency, all along
the line, is for salesmen's wages to keep
in closer touch with the wage-level in
the producing end of the business.
Ill
The situation as respects employers
is even more difficult to analyze, be-
cause executive ability is so largely ap-
plied native force, energy, will-power.
Executives, up to date, have been
largely self-trained. However, of late,
the universities and colleges, recog-
nizing that industrial executives are
the most powerful figures in an indus-
trial civilization, have taken steps to
train men for these posts. Hence their
schools of finance and commerce; hence
their courses in business practice; hence
the announcements that the universi-
ties must train 'for life.' If the educa-
tional system makes good on this pro-
gramme, it is evident that executive
salaries must fall. They have always
been higher here than abroad. Foreign
managers are content with less pay and
more prestige. Already the trend is
downward. In practically every indus-
trial receivership, the receiver's first
step has been to reduce executive sala-
ries. This leveling down is matched by
an equally significant recent leveling
up in the salaries of minor executives,
who were left behind in the war raises
for the rank and file, by means of which
the laborer, in many cases, came to
earn more than the man from whom he
took his orders directly. The Pennsyl-
vania Railroad, for example, some
months ago raised all its operating
officials below the grade of superintend-
ent, while the salaries of the higher exec-
utives were not raised.
Consideration of executive salaries,
from this standpoint of wage-leveling,
is complicated by the fact that many
executives play a dual role in industry.
They are heavy stockholders as well
as managers of other persons' capital.
Some managers, in fact, own majority
interests in the corporations they cap-
tain; the corporation, then, is actually
the lengthened shadow of the man —
and none too lengthened at that. In
such cases, managers draw as salaries
part of the profits which otherwise
would be apportioned as dividends,
since competition for leadership does
not enter into the equation. This prac-
tice has been accelerated by the excess-
profits tax.
This dual relationship of the execu-
tive to his job seems, however, to be
a passing phase. As business institu-
tions age and expand, they tend to
divide the functions of management
and ownership. Personal enthusiasm
and vigor start business projects, but
they proceed toward cooperation under
the corporate form, with increasing
stress upon order and system. Those
which survive several generations usu-
ally are found operating under other
leadership than that of the owners.
Accident of birth may produce owners ;
but it cannot be depended upon to
produce those leaders who must be
found if the property is to flourish
under competition. Few of our younger
captains of industry own dominant
792
THE IRON MAN AND WAGES
holdings in the corporations they man-
age; some own no stock at all. There
is no reason why they should; they
hold their positions by reason of their
personal powers, their industrial states-
manship. They are better able to hold
the balance true as against the demands
of labor, capital, and the market — their
workers, their stockholders and bond-
holders, and their customers — than
they would be if strong financial interest
pulled them to one side.
Homer Ferguson, President of the
Newport News Shipbuilding Com-
pany, calls himself a ' plain hired man,'
owning no part of the property he man-
ages; he has elaborated the reasons
why that aloofness from ownership
strengthens him in his work. He may
earn less money in his present job than
he would earn running a business of
his own; on the other hand, he has
more prestige, greater opportunity.
Judge Gary dominates United States
Steel, not by stock-ownership or stock-
jobbing, but by the power of a wise and
courageous mind. In his case, too, the
chief reward lies in doing a big work
and winning the applause of the public,
not in his salary check. You cannot
picture either man, or any industrial
leader worthy of rank alongside them,
as quitting his job in the face of a sal-
ary-cut, or as higgling over the price of
his preferment in the first instance.
In the future, industrial leaders will
tend more and more to be picked men,
not owners in any important sense.
Their salaries will depend upon the
number of qualified men in the market,
and the existing demand for their serv-
ices. The lure of such positions and
the determined efforts being made to
educate for business leadership are sure
to increase the number of qualified
candidates. The demand is, of course,
uncertain; but the chances are that it
will not maintain itself relatively to
now that education, both pub-
lic and private, has set itself to increase
the supply. In that case, the present
high level of executive salaries cannot
be maintained. All indications point
to the executives of the future carrying
their loads of responsibility less because
of the money reward and more because
of personal pride and public spirit.
Business leadership seems likely to be-
come a profession, with professional
standards and standing, as well as pro-
fessional limitations as to its pay.
The learned professions, so called for
tradition's sake, are easier to dispose of
because, in each case, the leveling tend-
ency is reinforced by an established
professional ethic. Teachers, preachers,
writers, and artists generally, for cen-
turies have regarded their wages, not
as pay, but as their living, their real
rewards being service to their ideals
and humanity, established social posi-
tion, and the regard of their fellow men.
These non-economic lures attract hu-
man nature so strongly that the re-
wards in these lines sometimes fall
below those of unskilled labor. Poets
have starved in garrets; ministers are
notoriously underpaid, and of late
years comparison of the pinched pro-
fessor and the silk-shirted yokel has
led to 'Feed the Prof.' campaigns.
Law and medicine, because they work
more directly upon life, have been more
affected by the industrial swirl; but
they, too, are bound to swim out of the
commercial current to the high ethical
shore. Even now, though physicians
may talk about their business, they
respond to many humanitarian de-
mands; and there exist some lawyers,
if not many, who put the eternal cry
for justice ahead of fees. So the level-
ing influences of automatic machinery
are bound to be reinforced and strength-
ened by the example of professional
men, no less than by the teaching of
those among them who see service as
the high goal of human endeavor.
THE IRON MAN AND WAGES
793
IV
Thus far we have considered the
leveling of labor, as dictated by the
automatic tool, solely from the stand-
point of production. That is its direct
action. Automatic machinery works
indirectly toward the same end, how-
ever, through the market — through
consumption. As the total cost of the
product is the total cost of the brain-
and hand-labor involved, an immediate
effect of production through automatic
machines is to reduce the cost of the
units produced. The economic advan-
tage of such machinery is so manifest
that there can be no stopping its prog-
ress short of the point where productive
power will so far outrange the world's
market ability to consume, that further
multiplication of man-power will not
be worth while. No one can foresee
whether that point is centuries re-
moved or merely decades. Theoreti-
cally, the capacity of the human race
to consume goods is infinite; but actu-
ally it is at all times in competition
with the universal human demand for
leisure. No matter how cheap goods
become, there is a point of accumula-
tion beyond which some men will say,
'Let's knock off and have some fun.'
The ranks of labor developed plenty of
such cases in 1919.
Short of that point, however, the
market repays intensive cultivation.
The cheaper goods become, the more
of them can be sold, provided the pur-
chasing power does not drop coinci-
dentally with prices. It follows that,
with increasing automatization in pro-
duction, competition among sellers of
goods on the one hand and buyers of
labor-time on the other must push
prices and wages toward a point where
maximum production and maximum
consumption tend to concur. Such is
the diversity of human nature and the
insistence of human desire that they
may never reach absolute concurrence;
but the prospects are that they will ap-
proach one another with lessening fluc-
tuations. In this country, mass-buying
makes the market for most commodi-
ties. A broad division of the proceeds
of industry stimulates buying far more
than a narrow one; hence, influences
flowing from the sales-end of industry
will tend to strengthen that leveling of
labor which is predetermined by com-
petition among buyers of labor-power
for use on automatic machines.
It must be borne hi mind that, under
competition, some degree of wage- vari-
ation always will exist, from causes
lying within the individual, as, for
example, the varying wages of opera-
tives under piece rates. ' For while the
automatic tool works within a fixed
cycle, it is not the precise counterpart
of the ancient treadmill.' Within narrow
and unimportant limits, its product-
iveness varies somewhat with varia-
tions of personal energy and attentive-
ness. Likewise, there are sure to be
variations in different parts of the
country, due largely to uneven supply
of labor-power resulting from differing
local birth-rates and non-economic hin-
drances to economic shifts of base.
Home and family ties, love of one's
native environment, stock-ownership
by employees, and personal loyalties in
work-relations, probably always will
influence human beings considerably,
and deter them from following the main
chance absolutely. Barometric pressure
always tends to uniformity, yet is never
uniform. 'The wind blowing where it
listeth has its counterpart in the now
fluid movement of labor in search of
employment, higher pay, or, perhaps,
escape from monotony.' Enough men
and women can be depended upon
to follow the main chance to effect a
fairly even displacement of labor-power,
and to enforce by economic law a fairly
even wage-scale over the entire country.
794
Not the least interesting part of this
leveling tendency is that it runs direct-
ly toward that socialist dream — equal-
ity of income. Yet it proceeds without
any assistance from the Socialists, solely
as the result of capitalists installing
automatic machinery. The tendency
itself is strictly economic, and con-
ceivably might work out to its ultimate
conclusion without calling forth politi-
cal action, amending the institution of
private property, or changing the pres-
ent relations between employer and
employee. Nothing so simple is to be
expected; not so easily does humanity
accept revolutionary changes in its
methods of sustaining life. Farmer-
labor parties in the United States and
Canada, recently formed, may be taken
as evidence of belated appreciation of
the economic solidarity of town and
country labor under the new conditions
of industry. Woman suffrage gained
influence in direct proportion as women
became engaged in industrial produc-
tion. The automatic tool will be the
force back of most of our legislation for
the next fifty years, just as it will be
the mainspring of our educational pro-
gramme, once its significance is under-
stood by educators still fumbling for
the key to modern life. To lads who
come as beardless boys into their great-
est purchasing power, something must
be taught, other than has been taught,
if they are ever to use their leisure and
their economic power aright. The army
of homeless, wifeless men and foot-
loose women is growing; the automatic
tool has cut marriage-knots as well as
steel bands. Let all who think in terms
of public recreation, domestic relations,
THE IRON MAN AND WAGES
charity, religion, morals, child-welfare,
and social science ponder those reac-
tions of the automatic tool that daily
proceed under their eyes.
In other parts of the world classes
are wrestling bloodily for the control
of machinery. They are of breeds to
whom compromise is difficult. It is our
boast that we, as inheritors of the
Anglo-Saxon tradition, can settle peace-
ably clashes of interest over which
other humans fight. But we shall never
be able to settle peaceably and credit-
ably all the problems arising out of the
common use of the automatic tool in
industrial production unless we grasp
the social and political possibilities of
its evolution. America gave the auto-
matic tool its chance. Its blessings are
evident; but unless controlled by social
conscience, it may develop curses equal-
ly potent. America's high duty is to
guide the continuing evolution of the
Iron Man intelligently. For the eco-
nomic forces which he releases are of
such intense reality and abundant
vitality that they will break govern-
ments which blindly oppose them just
as quickly as they will undermine so-
cieties which yield too supinely to
machine dictation. Governments now
stake their existences upon controlling
men; in the dawning age, the acid test
of sovereignty may be control of ma-
chines. Through such control the level-
ing tendency, inherent in automatic
production and reinforced by popular
education, may be directed toward the
goal of true democracy; whereas, un-
directed, it may push the human race
into a new slavery, or stampede it into
a new anarchy.
A PROUD CHOICE OF INFLUENCES
BY MARGARET WILSON LEES
FOR that is what it really was. But
away back in another century, when
Patricia was eight and I was six, I did-
n't know what made her different from
the rest of us, and I wondered how she
walked safely over pitfalls that en-
gulfed me.
There was the disgraceful episode of
the kiss, to take one small instance.
How did she know the right thing to do,
in time ? I knew well enough afterward.
Oh yes, often enough, afterward, I
lived through the scene in imagination,
and acted my part in it as it should
have been acted. One could n't turn
the clock back by any agony of wish-
ing; one could only provide against
catastrophe ahead. To find a rule that
would fit every possible emergency? The
formula at last arrived at had nothing
in it about ' a decided and proud choice,'
or 'repelling interference.' It was, sim-
ply, Watch Patricia and do as she does.
There was a party going on in the
drawing-room on the second story; the
sound of carpet-balls came up to us in
our nursery on the third story — a
rumble like thunder in the distance,
then the click of balls as they touched.
When there was a party, Patricia and
I, being the eldest, were allowed to
go down to the drawing-room and say
good-night before we went to bed.
The nurse looked us over to see that
our dresses did n't sag at one shoulder,
that our stockings lay smoothly under
the crossed elastic of our slippers —
that we were altogether * fit to be seen.'
Then we took hands and went down-
stairs. Sally watched us go, with eyes
that seemed to ask an unkind universe
why they too might not have a glimpse
of the gods at play; but Robin contin-
ued to shorten the stirrups of the saddle
on his rocking-horse, and envied nobody.
We stood hand in hand at the door of
the long drawing-room and looked in.
The sight was different from anything
one could find anywhere in the world
to-day. So were the sounds. If we had
been greeted by the clack of tongues that
you will hear at your next afternoon
tea, I do believe we should have turned
and fled. Patricia and I had never
heard anything so unlovely. Fortunate
ears of the sixties — spared so many of
the stridencies to come! Can one im-
agine now a city with no harsher bird-
note than the twitter of the purple
martens in the marten-house above the
brewery? Not a city sparrow in all the
length and breadth of the land; not a
motor-horn ! Little wonder if the voices
in that drawing-room were soft and
low-pitched.
I tugged at Patricia's hand to hold
her back. It was so very beautiful — I
wanted time to look. The game was
over. The balls lay quiet at the end of
the room where a visiting-card was
pinned to the carpet; the players were
standing about in groups, ' having con-
versation,' as I whispered to Patricia —
a different matter from plain talking.
There was a delightful variety of bright,
pretty colors; as the groups broke up
and formed new groups, it was like look-
ing into a big kaleidoscope. The ladies
were 'in low neck and short sleeves,'
like ourselves. The thermometer out-
795
796
A PROUD CHOICE OF INFLUENCES
doors probably stood somewhere about
zero at the time, and the big house was
heated solely by wood stoves; drawing-
room and library, with folding doors
between, depended for warmth upon
what was called a dumb stove, a kind
of enlargement of the stovepipe from
my father's office below. Sometimes,
when we sat at our lessons in the library,
— low-necked and short-sleeved even
then, — I would hear my mother on
the other side of the folding doors tap-
ping on the dumb stove with her thim-
ble as a signal for more fire; then, study-
ing my arms with interested curiosity,
I would discover myself the proud
possessor of goose-flesh. Yet that night
the bare arms, as I remember them,
were warmly smooth and white against
the gay dresses. Not mere wisps of
color, these, like the evening dresses of
to-day, but satisfying, cushiony eyefuls.
I saw nothing amiss with the setting
of the scene. The carpet with its big
geometrical pattern, the black horse-
hair furniture, the what-not of sea-
shells, the shade of wax flowers — it
was all as inevitable and right as the
blue of the sky and the green of the
grass. It had always been there. Just
now it was softened by candlelight, and
glorified by those radiant beings float-
ing about in pink and blue and corn-
color and mauve and Nile green.
One in the new color, magenta, was
rolling a ball to illustrate some question
that had been raised about the game
just over. Her stiff silk skirt made a
fine 'cheese' as she stooped. By whirl-
ing very fast and then squatting, a
little girl could make a cheese, but not
one like this and not with that fine air
of unconcern. When I was grown up,
I would wear skirts that ballooned of
their own accord. I saw myself in half
a dozen situations that called for stoop-
ing. Most alluring of the visions was
one of my grown-up self at the pantry
table, now on a level with my chin, busy
— oh, happy me ! — at the now for-
bidden task of skimming the cream
from a pan of milk. A bouquet in its
silver holder dangled from my wrist. I
spoke in the fascinating manner of the
young lady in magenta, barely opening
my lips.
Patricia let go of my hand and we
entered the room. That is to say,
Patricia entered. Even at eight she en-
tered a room — the whole of her; no
astral half left dragging along uncer-
tainly behind. Yes, Patricia was differ-
ent from other children. Something in
the way she was greeted as she passed
from group to group — a quick look of
interest and admiration — confirmed
me in the belief. I followed her, pleas-
urably excited, but with the gone feel-
ing about the pit of the stomach that
came always with that letting go of the
hand. In proportion as Patricia's clasp
was an assurance that all was right with
the world, the loosing of it abandoned
one to a path of lonely peril.
A little fuss was made over both of us.
Here were the friends and acquaintances
of every day, some of them nursery
intimates, but all changed, somehow,
by being at a party; our own mother
looked not so approachable as when in
'high neck and long sleeves.' Here was
even our doctor. Being a favorite with
him, I had to wait to be taken upon his
knee and have my cheeks rubbed into
rosiness, and in this way I got behind
Patricia in our progress around the
room.
When I caught up to her, I saw at
once that something had happened.
There she stood, that little maiden of
the sixties, the unmoved centre of a
teacup tempest. I can see her yet, —
her slimness, her straightness, her
pretty color, her willfully curved lips,
— above all, her evident indifference to
the exclamations that were pelting her
from every side like a flurry of soft
March snow.
A PROUD CHOICE OF INFLUENCES
797
'What! Won't kiss Mr. Fitzhugh!
O Patricia! Oh, poor Mr. Fitzhugh!'
I looked at Mr. Fitzhugh. He made
me think of our dough-men before they
were put into the oven. I did n't won-
der that she would n't kiss him. His
mouth was — well, not the kind one
wants to kiss. But he was lame, and
were not lame people good ? In the story-
books, where they abounded plenti-
fully, they were all, all good, and only
the wicked were unkind to them.
I looked at Patricia. Was n't it wick-
ed to be unkind to lame people? But
already she had lost interest in Mr.
Fitzhugh — her choice had been made.
She had shaken hands with him; she
had wiped the impression unobtrusively
off upon her skirt; now her eyes were
turned to the piano, where the young
lady in magenta was beginning to play
'La Cracovienne' with the soft pedal
down. Her eyes rested upon the left
hand of the player, and from a certain
hint of brooding in their expression, I
knew that the bass was all wrong.
'Never mind. Here comes Janie.
She will give me a kiss, I know. A nice
sweet kiss; maybe two, three, four.' He
made the sound of four kisses. 'Janie
and I are good friends. Are n't we,
Janie? '
'Ye-es.' (To myself, 'He's lame.')
'But if you don't mind, I think I 'd
rather just shake hands.' ('I can't kiss
him.')
Another chorus of 'What! Not kiss
Mr. Fitzhugh! Oh, poor Mr. Fitzhugh!'
Always, please remember, in the soft
voices of eighteen-sixty-one.
('Can I kiss him? No, I can't. But
he 's lame.')
'You too, Janie! Who would have
believed you could be so cruel! Look
at poor Mr. Fitzhugh! Only see how
sad he looks!'
Yes, there was no doubt about it.
He was looking sad. And he was lame.
To be cruel to the lame!
('Now, if you shut your eyes and
hurry up, perhaps you can do it. Now,
now.')
It was done.
It was hard to do. Had n't a little
girl some reason to expect approval?
But that beautiful, rainbow-colored
group had led her on to her undoing,
only to turn upon her now with looks
and exclamations more shocked than
before.
'Janie! Janie! You little coquette!
Coming down from the nursery with
your kisses all made up, and then pre-
tending to be too coy to give them!
Pretending you would n't, when all the
time you meant to ! '
I turned to Mr. Fitzhugh. He was
grinning — an odious grin.
Down dropped my head upon the
sofa; hot, shut eyes pressed close against
the slippery coolness of its horsehair.
I could feel a fluttering of the air like
a flock of butterflies closing in upon me;
there was a soft humming, half pity,
half mocking laughter. Then the iam-
bic of a lame footstep. At that I
straightened up and stood at bay.
I must have breathed Patricia's
name, for she stopped trying to recon-
cile the bass and treble of 'La Craco-
vienne ' and came to me. I wish I could
describe how she did it. Straight as the
dart of a sailboat — and the circle clos-
ing me in parted as naturally as the
water at the bow. It was an instinctive
movement, altogether free from aggres-
siveness, but — nobody touched me.
'We can't stay any longer, Janie.
Mother 's beckoning to us.'
For once the signal was welcome. As
our parents kissed us good-night, their
cheerfulness impressed me as a strange
thing. If they knew how their child had
been disgraced !
I crept up the dimly lighted stairs
beside Patricia, crushed and silent.
Her hold of my hand was the only com-
fort she tried to give. Pity would have
798
come amiss just then. I wanted noth-
ing more to do with pity, my own or
another's. It was a mistake. If I had
refused to listen to its appeal, like
Patricia, I might now have been walk-
ing with my head held up like hers.
Only once she spoke.
'If I were you, I would n't pay any
attention to what young ladies say.
They 're like that — in society. So-
ciety 's silly.'
And then we were back in the dear,
safe nursery, where treachery was un-
known. And Robin had just finished
shortening .his second stirrup, so I knew
that hours and days could not have
passed since we left him busy with the
first.
BY AGNES REPPLIER
It is probably more instructive to entertain a
sneaking kindness for any unpopular person than
to give way to perfect raptures of moral indigna-
tion against his abstract vices. — ROBERT Louis
STEVENSON.
IT is not only more instructive — it
is more enlivening. The convention-
alities of criticism (moral, not literary,
criticism) pass from mouth to mouth
and from pen to pen, until the itera-
tions of the press are crystallized in en-
cyclopaedias and biographical diction-
aries. And from such verdicts there is
no appeal. Their labored impartiality,
their systematic adjustments, their care-
ful avoidance of intuition, produce in
the public mind a level sameness of
misunderstanding. Many sensible peo-
ple think this a good result. Even a
man who did his own thinking, and
maintained his own intellectual free-
hold, like Mr. Bagehot, knew and up-
held the value of ruts. He was well
aware how far a little intelligence can be
made to go, unless it aspires to orig-
inality. Therefore he grumbled at the
paradoxes which were somewhat of a
novelty in his day, but which are out-
worn in ours, at the making over of
virtue into vice, and of vice into some-
thing more inspiriting than virtue. 'We
have palliations of Tiberius, eulogies on
Henry the Eighth, devotional exercises
to Cromwell, and fulsome adulations of
the first Napoleon.'
That was a half-century ago. To-day,
Tiberius is not so much out of favor as
out of mind; Mr. Froude was the last
man really interested in the moral sta-
tus of Henry the Eighth; Mr. Wells has
given us his word for it that Napoleon
was a very ordinary person; and the
English people have erected a statue of
Cromwell close to the Houses of Parlia-
ment, by way of reminding him (in
his appointed place) of the survival of
representative government. The twen-
tieth century does not lean to extrava-
gant partialities. Its trend is to dispar-
agement, to searchlights, to that lavish
candor which no man's reputation can
survive.
STRAYED SYMPATHIES
799
When Mr. Lytton Strachey reversed
Mr. Stevenson's suggestion, and chose,
as subject-matter of a book, four people
of whom the world had heard little but
good, who had been praised and rev-
erenced beyond their deserts, but for
whom he cherished a secret and cold
hostility, he experimented successfully
with the latent uncharitableness of
men's minds. The brilliancy with which
the four essays were written, the keen-
ness of each assault, the charm and per-
suasiveness of the style, delighted even
the uncensorious. The business of a
biographer, said the author in a very
engaging preface, is to maintain his own
freedom of spirit, and lay bare the facts
as he understands them, 'dispassion-
ately, impartially, and without ulterior
intentions.'
It sounds fair and square; but the
fact remains that Mr. Strachey disliked
Manning, despised Arnold, had little
sympathy with Gordon, and no great
fancy for Florence Nightingale. It
must be remembered also that in three
cases out of four he was dealing with
persons of stubborn character and com-
pelling will, as far removed from irre-
proachable excellence as from criminal-
ity. Of such, much criticism may be
offered; but the only way to keep an
open outlook is to ask, ' What was their
life's job?' 'How well did they do it?'
Men and women who have a pressing
job on hand (Florence Nightingale was
all job) cannot afford to cultivate the
minor virtues. They move with an ir-
resistible impulse to their goal. It is
a curious fact that Mr. Strachey is
never so illuminating as when he turns
his back upon these forceful and discon-
certing personages, and dallies with
their more amenable contemporaries.
What he writes about Gordon we should
be glad to forget; what he writes about
Sir Evelyn Baring and Lord Hartington
we hope to remember while we live.
The popularity of Eminent Victorians
inspired a host of followers. Critics be-
gan to look about them for other vul-
nerable reputations. Mr. J. A. Strahan,
stepping back from Victoria to Anne,
made the happy discovery that Addi-
son had been systematically over-
praised, and that every side of his
character was open to assault. The re-
sult of this perspicuity is a damning
denunciation of a man whom his con-
temporaries liked and esteemed, and
concerning whom we have been content
to take the word of those who knew him.
He may have been, as Mr. Strahan as-
serts, a sot, a time-server, a toad-eater,
a bad official, and a worse friend; but
he managed to give a different impres-
sion. The just man falls seven times a
day. Take sufficient account of all these
falls, and he eclipses Lucifer. Addison's
friends and neighbors found him a
modest, honorable, sweet-tempered gen-
tleman; and Steele, whom he had af-
fronted, wrote these generous words:
'You can seldom get him to the tavern;
but when once he is arrived to his pint,
and begins to look about him, you ad-
mire a thousand things in him which
before lay buried.'
This seems to me a singularly pleas-
ant thing to say about anybody. Were
I coveting praise, this is the form I'd
like the praise to take.
The pressure of disparagement, which
is one result of the cooling of our blood
after the fever-heat of war, is lowering
our enthusiasms, thinning our sym-
pathies, and giving us nothing very
dazzling in the way of enlightenment.
Americans are less critical than English-
men, who so value their birthright of
free speech that censure of public men
has become a habit, a game of hazard
(pulling planks out of the ship of state),
at which long practice has made them
perfect. 'The editor of the Morning
Post,' observes Mr. Maurice Hewlett
wearily, 'begins his day by wondering
whom he shall denounce'; and opposing
800
STRAYED SYMPATHIES
editors, as nimble at the fray, match
outcry against outcry, and malice
against malignity.
I doubt if any other than an English-
man could have written The Mirrors of
Downing Street, and I am sure that,
were an American able to write such a
book (which is problematic), it would
never occur to him to think of it, or to
brag of it, as a duty. We grumble at our
high officials, and expect our full share
of impossibilities; but as task-masters
we are not in it with the British. The
difficulties surmounted by Mr. Lloyd
George make the labors of Hercules look
like a picnic; and to begrudge him an
hour in his arm-chair, with his young
daughter and a friend, seems to us like
begrudging an engine-driver his sleep.
There was a time when it was thought
that an engine-driver could sleep less,
and lamentable results ensued.
The public actions of public men are
open to discussion; but Mr. Balfour's
personal selfishness, his parsimony, his
indifference to his domestics, are not
matters of general moment. To gossip
about these things is to gossip with
tradesmen and servants. To deny to
Lord Kitchener 'greatness of mind,
greatness of character, and greatness of
heart,' is harsh speaking of the dead;
but to tell a gaping world that the
woman 'whom he loved hungrily and
doggedly, and to whom he proposed
several times, could never bring herself
to marry him,' is a personality which
Town Topics would scorn. The Mirrors
of Downing Street aspires to a moral pur-
pose; but taste is the guardian of
morality. Its delicate and severe dic-
tates define the terms upon which we
may improve the world at the expense
of our neighbor's character.
The sneaking kindness recommended
by Mr. Stevenson is much harder to
come by than the 'raptures of moral
indignation,' of which he heard more
than he wanted, and which are rever-
berating through the world to-day. The
pages of history are heavy with moral
indignation. We teach it in our schools,
and there are historians like Macaulay
who thunder it rapturously, with never
a moment of misgiving. But here and
there, as we step apprehensively into
historic by-paths, we are cheered by
patches of sunshine, straight glimpses
into truths which put a more credible,
because a more merciful, construction
upon men's actions, and lighten our
burden of dispraise.
I have often wondered why, with
Philippe de Commines as an avenue of
approach, all writers except Scott
should deal with Louis the Eleventh as
with a moral monstrosity. Commines is
no apologist. He has a natural desire
to speak well of his master; but he re-
views every side of Louis's character
with dispassionate sincerity.
First, as a Catholic: 'The king was
very liberal to the Church, and, in some
respects, more so than was necessary,
for he robbed the poor to give to the
rich. But in this world no one can ar-
rive at perfection.'
Next, as a husband: 'As for ladies, he
never meddled with them in my time;
for when I came to his court, he lost a
son, at whose death he was greatly
afflicted; and he made a vow to God in
my presence never to have intercourse
with any other woman than the queen.
And though this was no more than he
was bound to do by the canons of the
Church, yet it was much that he should
have such self-command as to persevere
firmly in his resolution, considering that
the queen (though an excellent lady in
other respects) was not a princess in
whom a man could take any great
delight.'
Finally, as a ruler: 'The king was
naturally kind and indulgent to persons
of mean estate, and hostile to all great
men who had no need of him. . . . But
this I say boldly in his commendation,
STRAYED SYMPATHIES
801
that in my whole life I never knew any
man so wise in his misfortunes.'
To be brave in misfortune is to be
worthy of manhood ; to be wise in mis-
fortune is to conquer fate. We cannot
easily or advantageously regard Louis
with affection; but when Commines
epitomizes history in an ejaculation,
'Our good master, Louis, whom God
pardon!' it rests our souls to say,
'Amen!'
We cannot easily love Swift. The
great 'professional hater' frightens us
out of the timid regard which we should
like — in honor of English literature —
to cherish for his memory. But there is
a noble sentence of Thackeray's which,
if it does not soften our hearts, cannot
fail to clarify our minds, to free us from
the stupid, clogging misapprehension
which we confuse with moral distaste.
'Through the storms and tempests of
his [Swift's] furious mind the stars of
religion and love break out in the blue,
shining serenely, though hidden by the
driving clouds and maddening hurri-
cane of his life.' One clear and pene-
trating note ('Childe Roland to the
Dark Tower came ') is wrorth much care-
ful auditing of accounts.
The picture of John Wilkes drawn by
Sir George Otto Trevelyan in his Early
History of Charles James Fox, and the
picture of Aaron Burr drawn by Mr.
Albert J. Beveridge in his Life of John
Marshall are happy illustrations of un-
popular subjects treated with illuminat-
ing kindness. Wilkes was a demagogue
and Burr a trouble-maker (the terms
are not necessarily synonymous), and
neither of them is a man whose history
is widely or accurately known. Both
historians are swayed by their political
passions. An historian without political
passions is as rare as a wasp without a
sting. To Trevelyan all Conservatives
were in fault, and all Liberals in the
right. Opposition to George the Third
is the acid test he applies, to separate
VOL. 1&8 — NO. 8
D
gold from dross. Mr. Beveridge regards
the Federalists as the strength and the
Republicans as the weakness of the
young nation. Thomas Jefferson is his
test, and a man hated and hounded by
Jefferson necessarily wins his support.
Nevertheless, Wilkes and Burr are
presented to us by their sympathizers
in a cold north light, which softens and
conceals nothing. Men of positive
quality, they look best when clearly
seen. 'Research and fact are ever in
collision with fancy and legend,' ob-
serves Mr. Beveridge soberly; and it is
to research and fact that he trusts, to
rescue his accomplished filibuster from
those unproved charges which live by
virtue of then- vagueness. American
school histories, remembering the duty
of moral indignation, have played havoc
with the reputation of Aaron Burr; and
American school-children, if they know
him at all, know him as a duelist and a
traitor. They are sure about the duel
(it was one of the few facts firmly es-
tablished in my own mind after a severe
struggle with American history); but
concerning the treason, they are at least
as ill informed as their elders.
British children do better, perhaps,
with John Wilkes. Little Londoners
can gaze at the obelisk which com-
memorates his mayoralty, and think of
him as a catless Whittington. The slo-
gan ' WTilkes and Liberty ' has an attrac-
tive ring to all who are not of Madame
Roland's way of thinking. No man ever
gave his partisans more to defend, or
his opponents better chances to attack;
and friends and foes rose repeatedly
and fervently to their opportunities. A
century later, Sir George Trevelyan, a
friend well worth the having, reviews
the case with wise sincerity, undaunted
confidence, a careful art in the arrange-
ment of his high lights, and a niceness
of touch which wins half-way all readers
who love the English language. Wilkes
was as naturally and inevitably in debt
802
STRAYED SYMPATHIES
as was William Godwin, and Wilkes's
debts were as naturally and inevitably
paid by someone else as were Godwin's;
but when Trevelyan alludes softly to
his ' unambitious standard of solvency,'
this sordid detail becomes unexpectedly
pleasurable. So easily are transgressions
pardoned, if they provoke the shadow
of a smile.
Lord Rosebery 's Napoleon: the Last
Phase is a work nobly conceived and
admirably executed; but its impelling
motive is an austere resolve to make
what amends a single Englishman can
make for an ungenerous episode in Eng-
lish history. Its sympathy for a fallen
foe bears no likeness to the sympathy
which impelled Theodore de Banville,
broken in health and hope by the siege
of Paris, to write a lyric in memory of a
young Prussian officer, a mere boy,
who was found dead on the field, with a
blood-stained volume of Pindar in his
tunic. Lord Rosebery 's book is written
with a proud sadness, a stern indigna-
tion, eminently fitted to its subject; but
he is not so much kind as just. Napo-
leon is too vast a figure to be approached
with benevolence. It is true, as Mr.
Wells asserts, that, had he been unself-
ish and conscientious, he would never
have conquered Europe; but only Mr.
Wells is prepared to say that a lack of
these qualities won him renown. He
shares the lack with Wilhelm the Sec-
ond, who has had neither an Austerlitz
nor a Waterloo.
n
There is a wide assortment of unpopu-
lar characters whose company it would
be very instructive to keep. They be-
long to all ages, countries, and creeds.
Spain alone offers us three splendid ex-
amples — the Duke of Alva, Cardinal
Ximenez, and Philip the Second. Alva,
like the Corsair, possessed one virtue,
which was a more valuable virtue than
the Corsair's, but brings him in less
credit, because the object of his un-
swerving loyalty and devotion was not
a guileless lady, but a sovereign, le.ss
popular, if possible, than himself.
Cardinal Ximenez, soldier, statesman,
scholar, priest, ascetic, author, and edu-
cator, was also Grand Inquisitor, and
this fact alone seems to linger in the
minds of men. That, for his day, he
was a moderate, avails him little. That
he made a point of protecting scholars
and professors from the troublesome
interference of the Inquisition ought to
avail him a great deal. It might were it
better known. There is a play of Sar-
dou 's in which he is represented as con-
centrating all the deadly powers of his
office against the knowledge which he
most esteemed. This is the way the
drama educates.
And Philip? It would be a big piece
of work to win for Philip even a partial
recognition of his moderate merits. The
hand of history has dealt heavily with
him, and romance has preyed upon his
vitals. In fact, history and romance are
undistinguishable when they give free
play to the moral indignation he inspires.
It is not enough to accuse him of the
murder of the son whom he hated
(though not more heartily than George
the Second hated the Prince of Wales) :
they would have us understand that he
probably poisoned the brother whom he
loved. ' Don John 's ambitions had be-
come troublesome, and he ceased to
live at an opportune moment for Phil-
ip's peace of mind,' is the fashion in
which Gayarre insinuates his suspicions;
and Gayarre's narrative — very popu-
lar in my youth — was recommended to
the American public by Bancroft, who,
I am convinced, never read it. Had he
penetrated to the eleventh page, where
Philip is alluded to as the Christian
Tiberius, or to the twentieth, where he
is compared to an Indian idol, he would
have known that, whatever the book
might be, it was not history, and that,
STRAYED SYMPATHIES
803
as an historian, it ill became him to tell
innocent Americans to read it.
But how were they to be better in-
formed? Motley will not even allow
that Philip's fanatical devotion to his
church was a sincere devotion. He ac-
cuses him of hypocrisy, which is like
accusing Cromwell of levity, or Burke
of Jacobinism. Prescott has a fashion of
turning the King 's few amiabilities, as,
for example, his tenderness for his third
wife, Isabella of France, into a sugges-
tion of reproach. ' Well would it be for
the memory of Philip, could the his-
torian find no heavier sin to lay to his
charge than his treatment of Isabella.'
Well would it be for all of us, could the
recording angel lay no heavier charge
to our account than our legitimate af-
fections. The Prince of Orange, it is
true, charged Philip with murdering
both wife and son ; but that was merely
a political argument. He would as soon
have charged him with the murder of his
father, had the Emperor not been safely
isolated at Yuste; and Philip, in return,
banned the Prince of Orange — a brave
and wise ruler — as 'an enemy of the
human race.'
Twenty-four years ago, an English-
man who was by nature distrustful of
popular verdicts, and who had made
careful studies of certain epochs of Span-
ish history, ventured to paint Philip in
fresh colors. Mr. Martin Hume's mon-
ograph shows us a cultivated gentle-
man, with a correct taste in architec-
ture and art, sober, abstemious, kind
to petitioners, loyal and affectionate to
his friends, generous to his soldiers and
sailors — a man beloved by his own
household, and reverenced by his sub-
jects, to whom he brought nothing
but misfortune. The book makes mel-
ancholy reading because Philip's polit-
ical sins were also political blunders,
his mad intolerance was a distor-
tion, rather than a rejection, of con-
science, and his inconceivable rigidity
left him helpless to face the essential re-
adjustments of life. 'I could not do
otherwise than I have done,' he said
with piercing sincerity, 'though the
world should fall in ruins around me.'
Now what befell Mr. Hume, who
wrote history in this fashion, with no
more liking for Philip than for Eliza-
beth or the Prince of Orange, but with
a natural desire to get within the pur-
lieus of truth? Certain empty honors
were conferred upon him : a degree from
Cambridge, membership in a few socie-
ties, the privilege of having some letters
printed after his name. But the Uni-
versity of Glasgow and the University
of Liverpool stoutly refused to give him
the chairs of history and Spanish. He
might know more than most men on
these subjects, but they did not want
their students exposed to new impres-
sions. The good old way for them. Mr.
Hume, being a reader, may have re-
called in bitterness of spirit the words
of the acute and unemotional Sully,
who had scant regard for Catholicism
(though the Huguenots tried him sore-
ly), and none at all for Spain; but who
said,- in his balanced, impersonal way,
that Philip's finer qualities, his patience,
piety, fortitude, and single-mindedness,
were all alike 'lost on the vulgar.'
Lucrezia Borgia is less available for
our purpose, because the imaginary
Lucrezia, though not precisely beloved,
is more popular in her way than the real
Lucrezia could ever hope to be. ' In the
matter of pleasantness,' says Lucian,
'truth is far surpassed by falsehood';
and never has it been more agreeably
overshadowed than in this fragment of
Italian history. We really could not
bear to lose the Lucrezia of romance.
She has done fatigue duty along every
line of iniquity. She has specialized in
all of the seven deadly sins. On Rosset-
ti's canvas, in Donizetti's opera, in Vic-
tor Hugo's play, in countless poems
and stories and novels, she has erred
804
STRAYED SYMPATHIES
exhaustively for our entertainment.
The idea of an attractive young woman
poisoning her supper guests is one which
the world will not lightly let go.
And what is offered in return? On-
ly the dull statements of people who
chanced to know the lady, and who
considered her a model wife and duch-
ess, a little over-anxious about the edu-
cation of her numerous children, but
kind to the poor, generous to artists,
and pitiful to Jews. 'She is graceful,
modest, lovable, decorous, and devout/
wrote Johannes Lucas from Rome to
Ercole, the old Duke of Ferrara. 'She
is beautiful and good, gentle and ami-
able,' echoed the Chevalier Bayard years
later. Were we less avid for thrills, we
might like to think of this young crea-
ture, snatched at twenty-one from the
maelstrom of Rome, where she had been
ka pawn in the game of politics, and
placed in a secure and splendid home.
The Lucrezia of romance would have
found- the court of Ferrara intolerably
dull. The Lucrezia of history took to
dullness as a duck to water. She was a
sensible, rather than a brilliant woman,
fully alive to the duties arid dignities of
her position, and well aware that re-
spectability is a strong card to play in
a vastly disreputable world.
There was a time when Robespierre
and Marat made a high bid for unpopu-
larity. Even those who clearly under-
stood the rehabilitation of man in the
French Revolution found little to say
for its chosen instruments, whose pur-
poses were high, but whose methods
were open to reproach. Of late, how-
ever, a certain weariness has been ob-
servable in men's minds when these re-
formers are in question, a reluctance to
expand with any emotion where they
are concerned. M. Lauzanne is, indeed,
by way of thinking that the elemental
Clemenceau closely resembles the ele-
mental Robespierre; but this is not a se-
xious valuation; it is letting picturesque-
ness run away with reason — a habit in-
cidental to editorship.
The thoroughly modern point of view
is that Robespierre and Marat were in-
effective — not without ability in their
respective lines, but unfitted for the
parts they played. Marat's turn of
mind was scientific (our own Benjamin
Franklin found him full of promise).
Robespierre's turn of mind was legal;
he would have made an acute and suc-
cessful lawyer. The Revolution came
along and ruined both these lives, for
which we are expected to be sorry. M.
Lauzanne does not go so far as to say
that the great war ruined Clemenceau's
life. The 'Tiger' was seventy-three
when the Germans marched into Bel-
gium. Had he been content to spend
all his years teaching in a girls' school,
he might (though I am none too sure
of it) have been a gentler and a better
man. But France was surely worth
the price he paid. A lifeboat is not ex-
pected to have the graceful lines of a
gondola.
'Almost everybody,' says Stevenson,
'can understand and sympathize with
an admiral, or a prize-fighter'; which
genial sentiment is less contagious now
than when it was jittered, thirty years
ago. A new type of admiral has pre-
sented itself to the troubled conscious-
ness of men, a type unknown to Nelson,
unsuspected by Farragut, unsung by
Newbolt. In robbing the word of its
ancient glory, Tirpitz has robbed us of
an emotion we can ill afford to lose.
'The traditions of sailors,' says Mr.
Shane Leslie, ' have been untouched by
the lowering of ideals which has invaded
every other class and profession.' The
truth of his words was brought home to
readers by the behavior of the British
merchant marine, peaceful, poorly paid
men, who in the years of peril went out
unflinchingly, and as a matter of course,
to meet 'their duty and their death.'
Manj and varied are the transgressions
SOLILOQUY FOR A THIRD ACT
805
of seafaring men; but we have hitherto
been able to believe them sound in their
nobler parts. We should like to cherish
this simple faith, and, though alienated
from prize-fighters by the narrowness of
our civic and social code, to retain our
sympathy for admirals. It cannot be
that their fair fame will be forever
smirched by the tactics of a man who
ruined the government he served.
The function of criticism is presum-
ably to clear our mental horizon, to get
us within close range of the criticized.
It recognizes moral as well as intellect-
ual issues; but it differentiates them.
When Emerson said, ' Goethe can never
be dear to men. His is not even the de-
votion to pure truth, but to truth for
the sake of culture,' he implied that
truth, besides being a better thing than
culture, was also a more lovable thing,
which is not the case. It takes temerity
to love Goethe; but there are always
men — young, keen, speculative, beauty-
loving men, — to whom he is inexpres-
sibly dear because of the vistas he opens,
the thoughts he releases, the 'inward
freedom ' which is all he claimed to give.
It takes no less temerity to love Emer-
son, and he meant that it should be so,
that we should climb high to reach him.
He is not lovable as Lamb is lovable,
and he would not have wanted to be.
A man who all his life repelled unwel-
come intimacies had no desire to sur-
render his memory to the affection of
every idle reader.
It is such a sure thing to appeal from
intelligence to conscience, from the trou-
ble involved in understanding to the
ease with which judgment is passed,
that critics may be pardoned their fre-
quent transcursions. Yet problems of
conduct are just as puzzling as prob-
lems of intellect. That is why Mr.
Stevenson pronounced a sneaking kind-
ness to be ' instructive.' He offered it as
a road to knowledge rather than as a
means of enjoyment. Not that he was
unaware of the pleasures which follow
in its wake. He knew the world up and
down well enough to be thankful that
he had never lost his taste for bad
company.
SOLILOQUY FOR A THIRD ACT
BY CHKISTOPHER MORLEY
WHAT is this sullen curious interval
Between the happy Thought, the languid Act?
What is this dull paralysis of Will
That lets the fatal days drift by like dreams?
Of the mind's dozing splendors what remains?
What is this Now I utter to you here?
This Now, for great men dead, is golden Future;
For happier souls to come, conjectured Past.
806 SOLILOQUY FOR A THIRD ACT
Men love and praise the Past — the only thing
In all the great commodity of life
That grows and grows, shining and heaping up
And endlessly compounds beneath their hands:
Richer we are in Time with every hour,
But in nought else. — The Past! I love the Past —
Stand off, O Future, keep away from me!
Yet some there are, great thoughtless active souls,
Can use the volvant circle of the year
Like a child's hoop, and flog it gleefully
Along the downward slope of busy days;
But some, less lucky.
What wretch invented Time and calendars
To torture his weak wits, to probe himself
As a man tongues a tender concave tooth?
See, all men bear this secret cicatrix,
This navel mark where we were ligatured
To great Eternity; and so they have
This knot of Time-sense in their angry hearts.
So must I die, and pass to Timeless nothing?
It will not, shall not, cannot, must not be!
I '11 print such absolute identity
Upon these troubled words, that finding them
In some old broken book (long, long away),
The startled reader cries, Here was a' Voice
That had a meaning, and outrode the years!
SEQUELS
BY WILLIAM BEEBE
TROPICAL midges of sorts live less
than a day — sequoias have felt their
sap quicken with the warmth of three
thousand springs. Somewhere between
these extremes, we open our eyes, look
about us for a time, and close them
again. Modern political geography and
shift of government give us Methusa-
listic feelings; but a glance at rocks or
stars sends us shuddering among the
other motes, which glisten for a moment
in the sunlight and then vanish.
We who strive for a little insight into
evolution, and the meaning of things as
they are, forever long for a glimpse of
things as they were. Here at my British
Guiana laboratory I wonder what the
land was like before the dense mat of
vegetation covered every rock and grain
of sand; or how the rivers looked when
first their waters trickled to the sea.
All our stories are of the middles of
things — without beginning or end; we
scientists are plunged suddenly upon a
cosmos in the full uproar of aeons of
precedent, unable to look ahead, while
to look backward we must look down.
Exactly a year ago I spent two hours
in a clearing hi the jungle back of Kar-
tabo laboratory, and let my eyes and
ears have full swing.1 Now, in August
of the succeeding year, I came again to
this clearing, and found it no more a
clearing. Indeed, so changed was it,
that for weeks I had passed close by
without a thought of the jungle meadow
1See 'A Jungle Clearing,' in the Atlantic for
January, 1920.
of the previous year; and now what
finally turned me aside from my usual
trail was a sound. Twelve months ago
I wrote: 'From the monotone of under-
wrorld sounds a strange little rasping
detached itself, a reiterated, subdued
scraping or picking. It carried my
mind instantly to the throbbing theme
of the Nibelungs, onomatopoetic of
the little hammers forever busy at their
underground work. I circled a small
bush at my side, and found that the
sound came from one of the branches
near the top; so with my glasses I be-
gan a systematic search.' This was as
far as I ever got; for a flock of parra-
keets exploded close at hand and blew
the lesser sound out of mind. If I had
stopped to guess, I should probably
have considered the author a longicorn
beetle or some fiddling orthopter.
Now, a year later, I suddenly stopped
twenty yards away; for at the end of
the silvery cadence of a wood-hewer,
I heard the low, measured, toneless
rhythm which instantly revived in my
mind every detail of the clearing. I was
headed toward a distant palm-frond,
beneath whose tip was a nest of Rufous
Hermits; for I wished to see the two
atoms of hummingbirds at the moment
when they rolled from their petit-pois
egg-shells. I gave this up for the day,
and turned up the hill, where, fifty feet
away, were the stump and bush near
which I had sat and watched. Three
times I went past the place before I
could be certain; and even at the last I
807
808
SEQUELS
identified it only by the relative posi-
tion of the giant tauroneero tree, in
which I had shot many cotingas. The
stump was there, a bit lower and more
worn at the crevices, leaking sawdust
like an over-loved doll; but the low
shrub had become a tall sapling, the
weeds — vervain, boneset, velvet-leaf
— all had been topped and killed off by
dense-foliaged bushes and shrubs, which
a year before had not raised a leaf above
the meadow-level. The old vistas were
gone, the landscape had closed in, the
wilderness was shutting down. Nature
herself was ' letting in the jungle.' I felt
like Rip Van Winkle, or even more
alien, as if the passing of time had been
accelerated and my longed-for leap had
been accomplished, beyond the usual
ken of mankind's earthly lease of senses.
All these astounding changes had
come to pass through the unceasing
heat and moisture of a tropical year;
and under deliberate scientific calcula-
tion there was nothing unusual in the
alteration. I remembered the remark-
able growth of one of the laboratory
bamboo shoots during the rainy season
— twelve and a half feet in sixteen days;
but that was a single stem, like a blade
of grass, whereas here the whole land-
scape was altered — new birds, new in-
sects, branches, foliage, flowers, where,
twelve short months past, was open sky
above low weeds.
In the hollow root on the beach, my
band of crane-flies had danced for a
thousand hours; but here was a sound
which had apparently never ceased for
more than a year — perhaps five thou-
sand hours of daylight. It was a low,
penetrating, abruptly reiterated beat,
occurring about once every second and
a half, and distinctly audible a hundred
feet away. The 'low bush,' from which
it proceeded last year, was now a re-
spectable sapling, and the source far out
of reach overhead. I discovered a round-
ish mass among the leaves; and the
first stroke of the axe sent the rhythm
up to once a second, but did not alter
the timbre. A few blows, and the small
trunk gave way, and I fled for my life.
But there was no angry buzzing, and I
came close. After a cessation of ten or
fifteen seconds the sound began again,
weaker but steady. The foliage was
alive with small Axteca ants; but these
were tenants of several small nests near
by and at the catastrophe overran
everything.
The largest structure was the smooth
carton nest of a wasp — a beautiful
species, pale yellowish-red with wine-
colored wings. Only once did an indi-
vidual make an attempt to sting, and,
even when my head was within six
inches, the wasps rested quietly on the
broken combs. By careful watching, I
observed that many of the insects jerk-
ed the abdomen sharply downward,
hitting the comb, or shell, of smooth
paper a forceful blow, and producing a
very distinct noise. I could not at first
see the mass of wasps that were giv-
ing forth the major rhythm, as they were
hidden deep in the nest, but the fifty-
odd wasps in sight kept perfect time; or
occasionally an individual skipped one
or two beats, coming in regularly on
every alternate or every third beat.
Where they were two or three deep, the
uppermost wasps struck the insects be-
low them with their abdomens in per-
fect rhythm with the next beat. For
half an hour the sound continued, then
died down, and was not heard again.
The wasps dispersed during the night,
and the nest was deserted.
It reminded me of the telegraphing
ants, which I have often heard in
Borneo — a remarkable sweeping roll,
caused by the host of insects striking
the leaves with their heads, and pro-
duced only when they are disturbed. It
appeared to be of the nature of a warn-
ing signal, giving me opportunity to
back away from the stinging legions
SEQUELS
809
that filled the thicket against which I
pushed.
The rhythm of these wasps was very
different. They were peaceable, not
even resenting the devastation of their
home; but always and always must the
inexplicable beat, beat, beat be kept
up, serving some purpose quite hidden
from me. During succeeding months
I found two more nests, with similar
habits of sound-vibrations that led to
their discovery. From one small nest,
which fairly shook with the strength of
their beats, I extracted a single wasp
and placed him in a glass-topped
metal box. For three minutes he kept
up the rhythmic beat. Then I began
a more rapid tattoo on the bottom of
the box, and the changed tempo con-
fused him, so that he stopped at once,
and would not tap again.
A few little Mazaruni daisies lived
on here and there, blossoming bravely,
trying to believe that the shade was
lessening and not daily becoming more
dense. But their leaves were losing
heart and paling in the scant light. An-
other six months, and dead leaves and
moss would obliterate them, and the
zone of brilliant flowers and gorgeous
butterflies and birds would shift many
feet into the air, with the tops of the
trees as a new level.
As long as I remained by my stump,
my visitors were of the jungle. A
yellow-bellied trogon came quite close,
and sat, as trogons do, very straight
and stiff, like a poorly mounted bird,
watching passing flycatchers and me
and the glimpses of sky. At first he
rolled his little cuckoo-like notes, and
his brown mate swooped up, saw me,
shifted a few feet farther off, and perch-
ed, full of curiosity, craning her neck
and looking first with one eye, then the
other. Now the male began a content
song. With all possible variations of
his few and simple tones, on a low and
very sweet timbre, he belied his un-
oscine perch in the tree of bird-life and
sang to himself. Now and then he was
drowned out by the shrilling of cicadas ;
but it was a delightful serenade, and he
seemed to enjoy it as much as I did. A
few days before, I had made a careful
study of the syrinx of this bird, whom
we may call, rather euphoniously, Tro-
gonurus curucui, and had been struck
by the simplicity of both muscles and
bones. Now, he having summoned his
mate in regular accents, there followed
this unexpected whisper song. It re-
called similar melodies sung by pheas-
ants and Himalayan partridges, usually
after they had gone to roost.
Once the female swooped after an
insect; and in the midst of one of the
sweetest passages of the male trogon, a
green grasshopper shifted his position.
He was only two inches away from the
singer, and all this time had been hidden
by his chlorophyll-hued veil. And now
the trogon fairly fell off the branch,
seizing the insect almost before the
tone died away. Swallowing it with
considerable difficulty, the harmony
was taken up again, a bit throaty for
a few notes. Then the pair talked to-
gether hi usual trogon fashion, and the
sudden shadow of a passing vulture
drew forth discordant cat-calls, as both
birds dashed from sight, to avoid the
fancied hawk.
A few minutes later the vocal seal of
the jungle was uttered by a quadrille
bird. When the notes of this wren are
heard, I can never imagine open blaz-
ing sunshine, or unobstructed blue sky.
Like the call of the wood pewee, the
wren's radiates coolness and shadowy
quiet. No matter how tropic or breath-
less the jungle, when the flute-like notes
arise, they bring a feeling of freshness,
they start up a mental breeze, which
cools one 's thoughts ; and although there
may be no water for miles, yet we can
fairly hear the drip of cool drops falling
from thick moss to pools below. First
810
SEQUELS
an octave of two notes of purest silver;
then a varying strain of eight or ten
notes, so sweet and powerful, so indi-
vidual and meaningful, that it might
stand for some wonderful motif in a
great opera. I shut my eyes, and I was
deaf to all other sounds while the wren
sang. And as it dwelt on the last note of
its phrase, a cicada took it up on the
exact tone, and blended the two final
notes into a slow vibration, beginning
gently, and rising with the crescendo of
which only an insect, and especially a
cicada, is master.
Here was the eternal, hypnotic tom-
tom rhythm of the East, grafted upon
supreme Western opera. For a time my
changed clearing became merely a
sounding-box for the most thrilling of
jungle songs. I called the wren as well
as I could, and he came nearer and
nearer. The music rang out only a few
yards away. Then he became suspi-
cious, and after that each phrase was
prefaced by typical wren-scolding. He
could not help but voice his emotions,
and the harsh notes told plainly what
he thought of my poor imitation. Then
another feeling would dominate, and
out of the maelstrom of harshness, of
tumbled, volcanic vocalization, would
rise the pure silver stream of single notes.
HI
The wren slipped away through the
masses of fragrant Davilla blossoms,
but his songs remained and are with me
to this moment. And now I leaned
back, lost my balance, and grasping
the old stump for support, loosened a
big piece of soft, mealy wood. In the
hollow beneath, I saw a rainbow in the
heart of the dead tree.
This rainbow was caused by a bug;
and when we stop to think of it, we
realize how little there is in a name.
For when we say bug, — or, for that
matter, bogy or bug-bear, — we are
garbling the sound which our very,
very forefathers uttered when they saw
a spectre or hobgoblin. They called it
bugge, or even bwg; but then, they were
more afraid of spectres in those days
than we are, who imprison will-o'-the-
wisps in Very lights, and rub fox-fire on
our watch-faces. At any rate, here was a
bug who seemed to ill-deserve his name;
although, if the Nibelungs could fash-
ion the Rheingold, why could not a bug
conceive a rainbow?
Whenever a human, and especially
a house-human, thinks of bugs, she
thinks unpleasantly and in superlatives.
And it chances that evolution, or nat-
ural selection, or life's mechanism, or
fate, or a creator, has wrought them
into form and function also in superla-
tives. Cicadas are supreme in longevity
and noise : one of our northern species
sucks in silent darkness for seventeen
years, and then, for a single summer,
breaks all American long-distance rec-
ords for insect's voices. To another
group, known as Fulgorids, gigantic
heads and streamers of wax have been
allotted. Those possessing the former
rejoice in the name of lantern flies, but
they are at present unfaithful-vestal
bugs; indeed, it is extremely doubtful if
their wicks were ever trimmed or light-
ed. To see a big wax-bug flying with
trailing ribbons slowly from tree to tree
in the jungle is to recall the streaming
trains of a flock of peacocks on the wing.
The Membracids most of all deserve
the name of bugges, for no elf or hobgob-
lin was ever more bizarre. Their legs
and heads and bodies are small and
aphid-like; but aloft there spring mina-
rets and handles and towers and thorns
and groups of hairy balls, out of all
reason and sense. Only Stegosaurus
and Triceratops bear comparison. An-
other group of five-sided bugs are the
skunks and civet-cats among insects,
guarding themselves from danger by an
aura of obnoxious distillation.
SEQUELS
811
Not the least strange of all this as-
semblage is the author of our rainbow
in the stump. My awkwardness had
broken into a hollow, which opened to
the light on the other side of the rotten
bole. A vine had tendriled its way into
the crevice, where the little weaver of
rainbows had found board and lodging.
We may call him toad-hopper or spittle-
bug — or, as Fabre says, 'Conten tons-
nous de Cicadelle, qui respecte le
tympan.' Like all its kindred, the
bubble-bug finds Nirvana in a sappy
green stem. It has neither strong flight
nor sticky wax, thorny armature nor
gas-barrage, so it proceeds to weave an
armor of bubbles, a cuirass of liquid
film. This, in brief, was the rainbow
which caught my eye when I broke
open the stump. Up to that moment no
rainbow had existed — only a little
light sifting through from the vine-clad
side. But now a ray of sun shattered
itself on the pile of bubbles, and sprayed
out into a curved glory.
Bubble-bugs blow their froth only
when immature, and their bodies are a
distillery, or home-brew, of sorts. No
matter what the color, or viscosity, or
chemical properties of sap, regardless of
whether it flows in liana, shrub, or vine,
the bug's artesian product is clear,
tasteless, and wholly without the pos-
sibility of being blown into bubbles.
When a large drop has collected, the
tip of the abdomen encloses a retort of
air, inserts this in the drop, and forces
it out. In some way an imponderable
amount of oil or dissolved wax is ex-
truded and mixed with the drop — an
invisible shellac, which toughens the
bubble and gives it an astounding glu-
tinous endurance. As long as the abdom-
inal air-pump can be extended into the
atmosphere, so long does the pile of bub-
bles grow until the insect is deep buried,
and to penetrate this is as unpleasant
an achievement for small marauders
as to force a cobweb entanglement.
I have draped a big pile of bubbles
around the beak of an insect-eating
bird, and watched it shake its head and
wipe its beak in evident disgust at the
clinging oily films. In the north we
have the bits of fine white foam which
we characteristically call frog-spittle;
but these tropic relatives have bigger
bellows, and their covering is like the
interfering mass of film that emerges
from the soap-bubble bowl when a pipe
is thrust beneath the surface and that
delicious gurgling sound is produced.
The most marvelous part of the
whole thing is that the undistilled well
that the bubble-bug taps would often
overwhelm it in an instant, either by
the burning acidity of its composition,
or by the rubber coating of death into
which it hardens in the air. Yet from
this current of lava or vitriol our bug
does three wonderful things: it distills
sweet water for its present protective
cell of bubbles; it draws purest nourish-
ment for continual energy to run its
bellows and pump; and simultaneously
it fills its blood and tissues with a pun-
gent flavor, which in the future will be
a safeguard against the attacks of birds
and lizards. Little by little its wings
swell to full spread and strength; mus-
cles are fashioned in its hind-legs, which,
in time, will shoot it through great dis-
tances of space; and pigment of the most
brilliant yellow and black forms on its
wing-covers. When, at last, it shuts
down its little still and creeps forth
through the filmy veil, it is immature
no longer, but a brilliant frog-hopper,
sitting on the most conspicuous leaves,
trusting, by pigmental warning, to ad-
vertise its inedibility, and watchful for
a mate, so that the future may hold no
dearth of bubble-bugs.
IV
On my first tramp each season in the
tropical jungle, I see the legionary army
812
SEQUELS
ants hastening on their way to battle,
and the leaf-cutters plodding along,
with chlorophyll hods over their shoul-
ders, exactly as they did last year, and
the year preceding, and probably a
hundred thousand years before that.
The Colony Egos of army and leaf-cut-
ters may quite reasonably be classified,
at least according to kingdom. The
former, with carnivorous, voracious,
nervous, vitally active members, seems
an intangible, animal-like organism;
while the stolid, unemotional, weather-
swung Attas resemble the flowing sap
of the food on which they subsist —
vegetable.
Yet, whatever the simile, in the case
of both of these colonies of ants, the net
of unconscious precedent is too closely
drawn, the mesh of instinct is too fine,
to hope for any initiative. This was
manifested by the most significant and
spectacular occurrence I have ever ob-
served in the world of insects. Some two
years or more ago I studied, and reported
upon, a nest of Ecitons, or Army Ants.1
Eighteen months later, apparently the
same army appeared and made a sim-
ilar nest of their own bodies, in the
identical spot above the door of the out-
house, where I had found them before.
Again we had to break up the tempo-
rary resting-place of these nomads, and
killed about three quarters of the colony
with various deadly chemicals.
In spite of the tremendous slaughter,
the Ecitons, in late afternoon, raided
a small colony of Wasps-of-the-Paint-
ed-Nest. These little chaps construct
a round, sub-leaf carton-home, as large
as a golf-ball, which carries out all the
requirements of counter-shading and
ruptive markings. The flattened, shad-
owed under-surface was white, and
most of the sloping walls dark brown,
down which extended eight white lines,
following the veins of the leaf overhead.
The side close to the stem of the leaf,
1 See the Atlantic for October, 1919.
and consequently always in deep shad-
ow, was pure white. The eaves, catch-
ing high lights, were black.
All this marvelous merging with
leaf-tones went for naught when once
an advance Eciton scout located the
nest. As the deadly mob approached,
the wasplets themselves seemed to
realize the futility of offering battle,
and the entire colony of forty-four
gathered in a forlorn group on a neigh-
boring leaf, while their little castle was
rifled — larvae and pupae torn from
their cells, and rushed down the stems
to the chaos that was raging in the
Ecitons' own home. The wasps could
guard against optical discovery, but
the blind Army Ants had senses which
transcended vision, if not even scent.
Late that night, our lanterns showed
the remnants of the Eciton army wan-
dering aimlessly about, making near
approach impossible, but apparently
lacking any definite concerted action.
At six o'clock the next morning I was
starting for a swim, when, at the foot
of the laboratory steps, I saw a swiftly
moving, broad line of Army Ants on
safari, passing through the compound
to the beach. I traced them back un-
der the servants' quarters, through two
clumps of bamboos, to the out-house.
Later, I followed along the column
down to the river sand, through a dense
mass of underbrush, through a hollow
log, up the bank, back through light
jungle — to the out-house again; and
on a large fallen log, a few feet be-
yond the spot where their nest had been,
the ends of the circle actually came to-
gether. It was the most astonishing
thing, and I had to verify it again and
again before I could believe the evi-
dence of my eyes. It was a strong
column, six lines wide in many places,
and the ants fully believed that they
were on their way to a new home; for
most were carrying eggs or larvae, al-
though many had food, including the
SEQUELS
813
larvse of the Painted-Nest wasplets.
For an hour at noon, during heavy
rain, the column weakened and almost
disappeared; but when the sun return-
ed, the lines rejoined, and the revolu-
tion of the vicious circle continued.
There were several places which
made excellent points of observation,
and here we watched and marveled.
Careful measurement of the great cir-
cle showed a circumference of twelve
hundred feet. We timed the laden Eci-
tons, and found that they averaged two
to two and three quarters inches a
second. So a given individual would
complete the round in about two hours
and a half. Many guests were plodding
along with the ants — mostly staphy-
linids, of which we secured five species :
a brown Histerid beetle, a tiny Chalcid,
and several Phorid flies, one of which
was winged.
The fat Histerid beetle was most
amusing, getting out of breath every
few feet, and abruptly stopping to rest,
turning around in its tracks, standing
almost on its head, and allowing the
swarm of ants to run up over it and
jump off. Then on it would go again,
keeping up the terrific speed of two and
a half inches a second, for another yard.
Its color was identical with the Ecitons'
armor, and when it folded up, nothing
could harm it. Once a worker stopped
and antennsed it suspiciously; but aside
from this, it was accepted as one of the
line of marchers.
All the afternoon the insane circle
revolved; at midnight, the hosts were
still moving; the second morning many
had weakened and dropped their bur-
dens and the general pace had very ap-
preciably slackened. But still the blind
grip of instinct held them. On, on, on
they must go! Always before in their
nomadic life there had been a goal — a
sanctuary of hollow tree, snug heart of
bamboos; surely this terrible grind must
end somehow. In this crisis, even the
Spirit of the Army was helpless. Along
the normal paths of Eciton life he could
inspire endless enthusiasm, illimitable
energy; but here his material units
were bound upon the wheel of their
perfection of instinct. Through sun and
cloud, day and night, hour after hour,
there was found no Eciton with indi-
vidual initiative enough to turn aside
an ant's breadth from the circle that he
had traversed perhaps fifteen times.
Fewer and fewer now came along the
well-worn path; burdens littered the
line of march, like the arms and accou-
trements thrown down by a retreating
army. At last, a scanty single line
struggled past — tired, hopeless, be-
wildered, idiotic, and thoughtless to the
last. Then some half-dead Eciton strag-
gled from the circle along the beach,
and threw the line behind him into
confusion. The desperation of total
exhaustion had accomplished what ne-
cessity and opportunity and normal life
could not. Several others followed his
scent instead of that leading back to-
ward the out-house; and as an amreba
gradually flows into one of its own pseu-
dopodia, so the forlorn hope of the great
Eciton army passed slowly down the
beach and on into the jungle. Would
they die singly and in bewildered
groups, or would the remnant draw to-
gether, and, again guided by the super-
mind of its Mentor, lay the foundation
of another army, and again come to
nest in my out-house?
Thus was the ending still unfinished,
the finale buried in the future — and in
this we find the fascination of Nature
and of Science. Who can be bored for a
moment in the short existence vouch-
safed us here, with dramatic beginnings
barely hidden in the dust, with the
excitement of every moment of the
present, and with all of cosmic possibil-
ity lying just concealed in the future,
whether of Betelgeuse, of Amoeba, or —
of ourselves? Vogue la galerel
ERANT ENIM PISCATORES
BY HAKRISON COLLINS
THE last rays of the setting sun gild-
ed the distant camel-hump of Hieizan;
up the valleys crept the soft fingers of
a Japanese night. Spring was abroad
in the air, in the bat fluttering over the
surrounding paddy-fields, in the yel-
low evening-primroses already abloom;
everywhere save in the young foreign
teacher Addison's heart. On his shoul-
ders rested a terrible responsibility; and
as the bell for evening prayers clanged
through the dormitory, the perpendic-
ular cleft in his conscientious forehead
deepened, and he grappled anew with
his latest disciplinary problem.
How to present the matter in the
most favorable, most compelling light
— that was the question. He watched
the shadows outside lengthen. Well,
he 'd put it up to these Japanese boys
just as he had to the fellows at the Col-
lege 'Y' six months before, at home.
They 'd understand. Things certainly
could n't continue to go on as at pres-
ent, from difficult bad to intolerable
worse.
Below stairs, stumbling to a chair be-
yond the ping-pong table and baby-
organ, he sat down on a baseball glove,
that may or may not have got there by
mistake, just as Yagi San screwed a
new bulb into its socket and flooded the
disorderly room with light. He watch-
ed the boys absently, as with tattered
hymnals and much flapping of indoor
sandals they drew up into the usual
circle, giggled, and subsided into vivid
silence.
There were ten, in all, present. First,
to the left wriggled the Koyama cous-
814
ins, — Jusan and Eisan, — thirteen
and twelve years old respectively; Ju-
san so fat that his eyes were completely
invisible behind horizontal slits; Eisan,
tiny, wraithlike, the dormitory's in-
imitable mimic (when Addison was not
present), charter-member of that uni-
versal brotherhood of contemporaries
whose idea of the last word in humor
calls for the intimate association of a
chair, a dignified older person, and a
tack or a pin. Hirose San, an over-
grown, somewhat stupid-looking boy
of seventeen — big-headed, moon-faced,
thick-lipped — loomed beyond. Then
Kuroda San, baseball fan and fielder,
sat silent and somewhat bored by his
friend Ouye San, also seventeen and fel-
low admirer of Mr. Babe Ruth. The
pair, with their sun-baked hawk coun-
tenances, would have made excellent
American Indians, had they worn
blankets instead of kimonos. Yagi San,
of the same age, — a pretty boy, pale,
with almost infantile features, — was
finding the place in the hymnal for
little Fujimura San — a newcomer from
Osaka, apple-cheeked, fourteen years
old. Kawazura San, tall, lean, humor-
less, a good student, carrying his six-
teen years as a Buddha carries his
centuries, sat sphinx-like, ready to be-
gin, his large eyes staring. Stunted
Inouye San, his neighbor, fifteen years
of age, at seven o'clock was already
nodding, half asleep. Last, completing
the circle, sat good, faithful, handsome,
manly Suzuki. (The adjectives were all
applicable, thought Addison.) He was
nineteen and would be graduated next
ERANT ENIM PISCATORES
815
year. Not a bad bunch, not half a bad
bunch, mused their teacher, while wait-
ing for the meeting to come fully to
order and life.
' To-night we '11 sing no hymns. I
want to talk. What I say Suzuki here
will translate. All right?'
Suzuki blushed and everybody laugh-
ed, Addison loudest. Then, remember-
ing his solemn duty, he resolutely ban-
ished his smile and summoned again the
difficult frown.
' Fellows,' he began threateningly (his
manner had been much admired in
similar meetings at home), and thump-
ing his closed hymn-book, 'awfully
sorry, and all that, but you and I have
got to go to the mat now on at least two
counts.'
He glared round on all present, and
the boys, who knew him in private life
as a being not wholly impossible to
propitiate, and also as a corking good
baseball pitcher, registered appropri-
ate and sympathetic solemnity, with-
out understanding one word. Sotto
voce: 'Shoot 'em that, Suzuki!'
Suzuki, politely, deprecatingly, in
Japanese: 'Honorable everyone! Par-
don me, but the Sensei says we're go-
ing to the jiu-jitsu room to meet two
counts.'
Interested surprise manifested every-
where, but gravity still maintained,
since the occasion and the Sensei's face
seemed to demand it.
' Number one,' holding up a long fore-
finger, 'hereafter we've got to cut out
all late hours.'
Suzuki, hesitating: 'The first count
says we must operate on ourselves.
That is ' — uncertainly — 'so the Sen-
sei says.'
Puzzlement on part of audience; but
foreigners are funny creatures anyhow
— even Sensei.
Addison, warming up: 'That's right,
that's right, Suzuki; give it to 'em
straight, give it to 'em straight!'
Then, fixing a baleful eye on trem-
bling twelve-year-old Eisan Koyama,
he shouted in a voice of thunder, —
'MEN — '
'Males,' courteously murmured the
faithful Suzuki.
'MEN, things can't go on here as they
are at present. The Antis in school
already say you can tell a Christian
dormitory boy by his sleepy face!'
Suzuki: 'Males, in school (in Amer-
ica?) there are kind aunts who give a
present to every Christian boy who has
a sleepy face.' Then, hurriedly, in the
same tone of voice, with unnecessary
anxiety lest Addison discover any lin-
guistic blunder: 'So he says, but per-
haps I 'm not getting all this.'
Addison (in his best manner, with in-
finite and scathing contempt) : ' Such a
condition, men, turns your stomach
and fills you with disgust.'
Suzuki: 'Such a condition, males,
turns your stomach over and fills it
with dust.'
Addison held up another accusing
finger beside the first: 'Count two.'
'The second count.'
(Recrudescence of interest on the
part of the audience.)
'This count is of even greater im-
portance.'
'This count is of even higher rank.'
'MEN, we are losing our vitality in
getting across our propaganda.'
Here, Suzuki was forced into sur-
render and begged for further enlighten-
ment. A conference ensued, and he in-
terpreted : —
'In spreading our propaganda we are
losing our lives.'
(Visible consternation on every face
except that of Inouye, who was by this
time asleep.)
'Pep, pep, PEP! We must- show
more pep. To win out we Ve got to get
a wiggle on. (No, Suzuki, afraid you
can't make that one — get a move on,
I mean.) In a school of eight hundred
816
ERANT ENIM PISCATORES
boys we ought to rope in more than
fifty!' And so on, the translation of
his remarks illustrating anew what al-
ways happens when enterprising young
Westerners try to hustle the East.
He drew for them, he thought, a
picture of what the dormitory was and
of what it ought to be. He told them,
in racy Yankee, what, if they worked,
it surely would become. He closed with
a forceful appeal, begging them thence-
forth to toil like yeomen (though that
was not his word), like fishers tugging at
the nets, and constrain, constrain mem-
bers to come in.
It was a splendid effort. But perhaps,
after all, it was just as well that the
boys did n't understand it quite —
especially the forceful example at the
end; because, except for Fujimura San,
all of them hailed from the mountain-
ous country of Tamba, in whose rapid
rivers custom dictated that gentlemen
should not fish at all, but lie in canopied
boats at pillowed ease and merely
watch other men wield the nets.
'Now, fellows,' he said in his ordina-
ry voice, taking the silence for appro-
bation and permanently dropping his
frown, 'now, fellows, as a sign of our
turning over a new leaf, I suggest that
we all go to the Heian Church to-night
for the midweek service. We have n't
been there for months. It'll mean a
fine hike, some good words from Mr.
Nishio, and an early snooze.'
What Suzuki made of this, I leave
you to puzzle out. But they were going
somewhere, that they knew, and they
guessed it was to church.
' Banzai ! ' shouted Jusan wildly, ' Ban-
zai! We're going to church to meet
some counts!' And everyone — Ino-
uye San 'being roused — agreed that
it was a far more suitable place than the
jiu-jitsu room for receiving two such
prominent persons.
To one who knew his Dickens — and
who in this dark world and wide does
not! — the Reverend Mr. Nishio at
once recalled and expressed three illus-
trious characters: he was as good as
Pickwick, as unctuous as Pecksniff, as
hopeful as Micawber — and stouter
than any of the three. And so, fig-
uratively, if not literally, — being a
Japanese, — he welcomed Addison and
his nimble flock with open arms. He
smiled, and winked his Jusan-like eyes,
and rubbed his dimpled hands. Indeed,
there was much bowing and intaking of
breath on both sides.
They were just in time, it seemed; for,
as they entered the main room of the
church, a young lady in spectacles and
dun-colored kimono had just begun an
attack on an asthmatic organ. They
sat in a row on the front bench, and
even in their wriggling silence lent the
otherwise middle-aged and demure con-
gregation the vividness of youth. They
made even the minister and organist
feel their grateful aura, and turned what
had begun as a very drowsy prayer-
meeting into something akin to life.
'He is taking Sensei's text,' whisper-
ed Suzuki to Addison, when Mr. Nishio,
rubbing his hands, and winking and
smiling more heartily than ever, began
his little talk. And, as it went on,
though Addison could grasp scarcely
a word, in the voice, the gestures, the
rising passion of the preacher, most of
all in the open-eyed attention of all the
boys, including even sleepy Inouye, he
realized what was being said.
The old, old story of Galilee — he
breathed it all. The blueness of the
cloudless sky and untroubled turquoise
water he felt, and saw the two rough
fishermen with their ragged nets, listen-
ing rapt to the words of the tall, white-
robed One whose sandals made purer
the stainless sand : —
Now as he walked by the sea of Galilee,
he saw Simon and Andrew his brother cast-
ing a net into the sea : for they were fishers.
And Jesus said unto them, Come ye after
ERANT ENIM PISCATORES
817
me, and I will make you to become fishers of
men.
And straightway they forsook their nets,
and followed him.
Now, as everyone _in Kyoto knows,
at the junction of Omiya and Shijo
streets, where one takes the car for
cherry-famed Arashiyama, there is a
little store which, from the diversity and
seasonableness of its wares, merits the
name, Jack-of-all-Shops. In winter, it
sells fried sweet potatoes to children
(who gobble them hot out of the sack) ;
in summer, vegetables; in fall, persim-
mons. At the time I am speaking of —
in spring — its specialty was goldfish.
Addison and his troop, returning from
church about nine o'clock, shot round
the corner upon it, in full cry, so to
speak.
They stopped — as who would n't?
Goldfish, goldfish everywhere! In crys-
tal globes on stands, on shelves, globes
within globes; in pails, in tubs, in arti-
ficial ponds spanned by tiny bridges; of
all bulks, from minnows to full-sized
carp, the magic creatures swam, twink-
ling and blazing under the powerful
electric light.
Beside one pond in the centre —
the largest and most populous of all —
lay displayed miniature bamboo rods,
with black threads for lines, and micro-
scopic filament-like hooks; while over-
head, in Chinese characters, ran the
explanatory legend: 'Buy a pole and
take home your own catch. Fish as
long as you like — only two sen.'
'Oh-h-h-h!' shouted the younger
contingent; and plunged recklessly be-
tween the rows of glass globes for the
sport to be had inside.
Addison was not the last, be it said to
his credit, to cast in a line. But fishing
for goldfish with a hook many sizes
smaller than a pin has its own tech-
nique. Goldfish are slippery as catfish,
and must be caught gently under the
belly or gills, and jerked quickly into a
VOL. 128 — NO. 6
waiting pail of water without contact
with the fingers, if they are to be taken
home alive and unhurt. Time and time
again he raised one to the surface of the
water only to have it, by a sudden flirt
of its lithe body, wriggle away again;
and on a dozen occasions he let one flop
loose when already in the air.
'Well,' he said disgustedly at the
hundredth mishap, 'I quit. I'm going
home — have some work to prepare
anyway.' To a questioning look of
Suzuki's: 'All right, fellows — hang
round a bit, if you care to. But don't
forget — not too late.'
'Sayonara, Sensei!' sang the two
or three others who remembered that
he existed.
Next morning, Addison opened his
eyes, yawned, rose on one arm, noted
that the sun already stood high in the
heavens, and conscientiously got out of
bed. The dormitory was unusually
still. Throwing on a few clothes, he
slipped down to the common wash-
room. There, too, unwonted silence
reigned. Only the old woman cook
could be heard puttering about in the
adjoining kitchen.
He plunged his face into a basin of
cold water and came to full conscious-
ness. On the floor stood a tub, not a
small one, bubbling with panting gold-
fish. Their scales shone in the morning
sun, though here and there a paler up-
turned belly showed where some weaker
warrior had given up the crowded fight.
He poured fresh water into the tub
from a pail standing by, and watched
it give new ease and life.
' By George, there must be a thousand
of them ! ' he cried.
'Seven hundred and fifty-three,'
yawned a voice.
He whipped round to find Suzuki
standing at his elbow rubbing sleep-
filled eyes.
'Seven hundred and fifty-three ex-
818
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
actly. Oh, the man he is angry — bery,
bery angry. But we stay and stay and
stay, and of course pay no attention to
heem. "As long as you weesh, " we re-
mind heem that he hab said. "We
weesh to stay longer." And we stay
until all are catched — all. And,
Sensei, eef you go there to-day you will
find that the advertisement which we
saw to-morrow night is no longer there.
Twenty leettle sen for ten leettle poles
and seven hundred fifty-three pretty
leettle feesh. Also, you will find bery,
bery angry man — bery angry man!'
Dazed, hurt, and not a little angry
himself, Addison sternly climbed the
stairs, Suzuki close behind him.
At the top he turned on the boy
accusingly.
'Suzuki, when did you fellows turn
in last night?'
' Pardon, dear Sensei, early ' — shame-
facedly— 'this morning. One o'crock.'
Addison consulted his watch.
'Heck, only ten minutes till the first
bell! No breakfast, no preparation, no
anything ! O Suzuki ! '
Snores wafted softly down on them
from six open transoms.
His voice trembled: 'Suzuki, how
could you?'
'Sensei, do not trouble. I will awoke
them before your stomach turn himself
over once!'
The student touched his teacher's
arm affectionately.
'Sensei, do not trouble. All right.
Everyshing is all right. I will awoke
them. Sh-h-h-h, listen to them, so
brave, so innocent! I will awoke them
at once. I am coming to awoke you,
my boys!'
Then turning away, reverently, with
upraised Nishio-like face and finger to
lips: 'Last night, feeshers in feesh.
To-day, who know, feeshers in men!'
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
FROM the point of view of the average
educated Englishman, the naval situa-
tion to-day is the most extraordinary
imaginable. If he is a middle-aged
man, he will remember that, barely a
generation and a half ago, all the pow-
ers combined spent less upon their
navies than a single power does to-day.
Then England and France spent more
than the rest of the world together, and
compared in capital ships as three to
two. Together they owned more than
half of all the battleships afloat, yet be-
tween them they spent far less than
twenty millions sterling a year. The
most expensive ship that either nation
had, built or building, cost less than
£700,000. To-day, although we are at
peace with all the world, our navy is
costing ninety millions sterling a year,
and we are outbuilt, not by one, but
by two powers.
The great change came before the
war. Two men are primarily responsi-
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
819
ble for the new emphasis given to naval
forces during the forty years preced-
ing 1914 — two men whose minds and
characters differed fundamentally. The
American Mahan had been a midship-
man in the Civil War, but had seen no
other fighting, and was a student by na-
ture. The Englishman Fisher saw, so
far as one is apt to remember, no sea-
fighting at all, his solitary experience of
warships used in war being the bom-
bardment of Alexandria. He, unlike
Mahan, was no student. He was, in-
deed, proud of his ignorance of history
and of his contempt for the so-called
scientific doctrines of war. These are
common failings of men who believe
themselves to be practical, and have a
native insight into the possibilities of
physical science. Fisher was, in these
respects, preeminent. His faith in what
the inventors and manufacturers could
do was unlimited. His impatience with
the old-fashioned and the obsolescent
was monumental. Like Mahan's, his
memory ran back to the Civil War,
and he was apt to think of the sea-war
of the future in terms of big guns and
thick armor, and the revolution in ma-
terial of which he had seen so much.
It was Fisher who, in the early eighties,
started the late Mr. Stead in his jour-
nalistic campaign on the 'Truth about
the Navy.' It roused England. But it
did more. It roused the whole of Europe
to a sudden realization that England
was England only when her navy was
supreme. And this agitation had hardly
got well under way when Mahan's first
book appeared. The world was now
doubly awakened to the function of sea-
power in history. Here was Great Brit-
ain agitated from end to end in her
effort to put her naval house in order;
and here was Mahan seemingly giving
away the secret of English greatness!
In little more than a generation the
sea-aspect of the world had changed
completely. Whereas in 1885 Great
Britain was spending only eleven mil-
lions and a half on her navy, in 1914 she
had voted over fifty millions; whereas
in 1884 she had no naval competitor but
France, in 1914 the Russian, German,
Austrian, and Italian fleets would have
been greatly superior to her, could they
have combined. Germany alone, which
had no fleet at all at the first date, had
capital ships in number and in power
equal to nearly seventy-five per cent of
the British force. So much for Europe.
The war with Spain had resulted in
America's having a very considerable
navy; the war with Russia had done the
same for Japan.
Yet on the eve of the World War,
Great Britain had, built and building,
forty-four dreadnought battleships and
battle-cruisers, the United States had
fourteen, and Japan seven. In other
words, a brief seven years ago, Great
Britain compared, in capital ships, with
America as three to one, and with
Japan as six to one. She was rather
more than twice as strong as the two
put together. Russia and France were
allies, Italy was neutral, the Austrian
and Turkish fleets could not combine
with the German, and war was de-
clared before Turkey could get the two
battleships building for her in England.
With no rivals outside Europe, and with
allies in Europe, Great Britain had a
comfortable superiority over the neigh-
bor that shortly was to be her enemy.
But great as was the contrast be-
tween the situation of 1914 and that of
forty years ago, the contrast between
1914 and 1921 is more striking still.
Since the engagement that took place
off the Danish coast on the thirty-first
of May, 1916, commonly — and er-
roneously — talked of as the ' Battle of
Jutland,' Great Britain has laid down
and completed one battle-cruiser only
— the Hood. She has built no other
capital ships at all. To be strictly ac-
curate, she has built other ships, bigger
820
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
than any battleships, but they were in-
sane freaks, the offspring of fantastic
and unwarlike notions, whose fabulous
cost and complete futility would have
excited angry comment — except that
the blunder of building them was sub-
merged in other and more costly, more
futile blunders still. The Hood, then,
is the only ship we can show that can be
said to embody any war experience at
all. At Jutland, it will be remembered,
the British battle-fleet did not get into
action; it was the battle-cruisers that
forced the fighting and suffered in the
fighting. And the only ship we have
completed is a battle-cruiser, and the
only change we have made from the
old design has been to eliminate the de-
fects shown in action to be fatal in the
other ships. Our only modern warship,
therefore, is not a vessel of the most
formidable fighting value, nor was she
built after a full and mature examina-
tion of war experience.
Indeed, this experience was not
available until after the surrender of
the German fleet — it would, perhaps, be
more correct to say, until we obtained
from Germany, early in 1919, more or
less complete data of what the German
fleet had suffered from the attentions of
Lord Beatty and his captains. But this
information was shared with the As-
sociated and Allied powers, and it was
they, and not Great Britain, who made
use of it. Thus, if the battleship is
the most powerful of naval units, and
if digested war experience is the best
guide to building the best battleships,
then it is the simple fact that the
British fleet to-day does not possess a
single unit that incorporates the lessons
of the war. America and Japan, on the
other hand, have either completed, or
have due for completion within a year
or two, sixteen battleships and battle-
cruisers apiece, all of which have been
put in hand since the Hood was laid
down, and most of which have, in one
way or another, benefited by the full-
er knowledge of the action off Jutland.
And nothing that Great Britain can do
can alter this state of things, for the
next four or five years at least. During
this period the British fleet will, in the
strongest fighting units, compare with
either the American or the Japanese
fleet, as a fraction of one to sixteen!
II
Now neither of the two following
propositions can be doubted. Battle-
ship strength is the foundation of all
sea-power. Without it decisive victory
at sea is inconceivable. These are doc-
trines laid down by the Board of Ad-
miralty over which Lord Beatty pre-
sides, and we must remember that they
have been endorsed, without qualifica-
tion, by the General Board of the Unit-
ed States Navy. They were, of course,
equally true in 1914. They have been
true throughout the history of naval
war. It is the most powerful ships that
ultimately prevail, if they exist in ade-
quate numbers, and are employed ac-
cording to right principles.
But these are doctrines which have
always been subject to qualification,
and it seems to be indisputable that
there are .factors actually existing and
growing in importance to-day that
must qualify these principles still fur-
ther. First, there has been a devel-
opment of other forms of sea-force, and
these make the effective employment
of a battle-fleet an infinitely more
difficult matter than it was in 1914.
There has been a continuous progress,
not only in the range and power, but
in the accuracy of the torpedo. It is
now feasible to employ it from air-
craft as well as from seacraft, surface
and submerged. And aircraft and sub-
merged seacraft have gained in range,
in certainty of action, and in speed, to
a most marvelous degree. Again, the
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
821
means of communication at sea by wire-
less telegraphy and telephony have
changed so greatly that the tactics for
leading up to action or for avoiding it
have been greatly facilitated; while the
high perfection to which the hydro-
phone has been brought has made it
possible to gain news, not only of sub-
marines, but of surface craft, at far great-
er distances than was once thought
possible, and with far greater precision.
These things not only expose the huge
and costly units of a battle-fleet to forms
of attack undreamed of before the
World War, — so that there is a pre-
cariousness about battleship strength
actually more real than the most san-
guine believer in the German attrition
theory supposed in pre-war days, —
but, what is probably more important,
they increase the facility with which a
weaker force can tire out a superior
force by the successful evasion of action.
Again, each of the new factors I have
mentioned is manifestly capable of in-
creases in efficiency. Nor is it less mani-
fest that to these factors new elements
can at any moment be added, as inven-
tion, scientific research, and experiment
bring new devices and new weapons in-
to play. Putting these things together,
two things become obvious: first, that a
supreme battle-fleet will need a degree
of anxious protection that will be both
costly to prepare and embarrassing to
use; and that, apart from this, the
whole problem of employing a battle-
fleet to get its designed and desired ef-
fect will have been made incalculably
more complicated and, therefore, more
difficult.
The British Navy has actually had
more experience of the novel factors in
sea-war than has any other power; and
it is natural to suppose — should it
have to go to war again — that in this
respect it must, for some years, enjoy a
great advantage. If, then, it is true
that there exist to-day forms of attack
on battleship strength that have not
existed heretofore, we ought to have
something, at least, to set against our
crushing material inferiority in fight-
ing-ships of the most modern kind. So
that the actual threat to Great Britain
of a battle-fleet more formidable than
she possesses, viewed as a material
problem alone, is very far from being
what it was seven years ago.
But this, of course, is far from being
the only technical difference between
the situation in 1914 and that in 1921.
Then our most formidable sea rival was
geographically cornered. The mass of
our island lay straight across his path
to the open sea. He was free to go into
the Baltic and free to go into the North
Sea. But the first liberty was of little
value to him until he gained the Rus-
sian seaports by land conquest. He
had nothing to gain hi the early stages
by an action with the Russian Navy;
for, although that fleet was small in
numbers, it was formidable in power,
and more formidable in view of its
excellent war-trained officer personnel.
And if he had little scope in the Baltic,
he had apparently less in the North
Sea. For here he could do nothing with
effect unless he could force a very su-
perior fleet into action and defeat it
decisively. To a great extent, therefore,
the German fleet was neutralized by the
disadvantages of its situation. If it
had been a superior fleet, the situation
would not have been wholly reversed.
It could have denied British access to
the North Sea until it was itself defeat-
ed; but if it could not force the Brit-
ish fleet to action, it would be compelled
to contain it before it could itself pro-
ceed to close our southern and western
ports.
The neutralization of an inferior Brit-
ish fleet would have presented prob-
lems to a superior German fleet wholly
different from those which we had to
envisage. The point is simple. When
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
the threat of the British battle-fleet
compelled the Germans to keep to their
harbors, or limited them to a very re-
stricted area beyond them, the whole
menace of German sea-power was gone.
The seas were free to British cruisers
and British trade. The German lighter
ships, — von Spec's armored cruisers,
Emden, Konigsberg, Dresden, and the
converted merchantmen, — these were
all mopped up in a few months. There
was nothing between any British ship
and her home ports. But with the situ-
ation reversed this would not have been
so. A British battleship force 'in be-
ing,' unhurt, at Scapa in the north, and
other forces at Plymouth in the south,
could have issued from their harbors
and stopped all German sea-borne
services, and have harried the German
cruisers that attempted to attack our
own trade. Nor could the German
fleet have left the British fleet on its
flank and gone to the open sea to pro-
tect its cruisers. So great, in short, was
the handicap of the geographical po-
sition, that Germany, to counteract it,
would have had to possess a fleet twice
as strong as ours, merely to win a naval
equality.
The present naval situation is, of
course, altogether and entirely different.
A superior battle-fleet, based on the
Atlantic seaports, seems free from the
handicap imposed upon the German
fleet; for, clearly, a stronger battle-fleet
could not be confined to its harbors by a
weaker force; and at first sight it would
seem as if, with free access to the At-
lantic, such a fleet would constitute the
most formidable of all threats to Great
Britain. But there a new principle af-
fects the situation.
Modern ships have certain vast ad-
vantages over the wooden vessels of
our forefathers. They have gained in-
calculably in power and in speed. They
have gained still more in the facility
with which they are free of every point
of the compass. But they have lost in
sea endurance, and they are far more
dependent upon prompt and frequent
access to their bases. And, being vastly
more complicated, they need something
more at their bases than provisions,
ropes, spars, and sails. A modern naval
base, to be of the slightest value to
a battle-fleet, must be equipped with
productive facilities of an engineering
order, ample enough to constitute a
manufacturing town of very respectable
proportions. It must have all the ad-
vantages on which the manufacturing
town depends for a constant supply of
fuel, material, and labor. So vast, in-
deed, are the necessities of a modern
arsenal, that it is practically impossi-
ble for one to exist if severed from the
mainland of the country that owns it.
No country in the world has so many
coaling and other naval stations as
has Great Britain; but outside Great
Britain itself there is not one naval
base that could support and supply a
battle-fleet in war. Both the American
and the Japanese navies, then, suffer —
I am discussing this from the point of
view of their being a menace to Great
Britain — from this severe disability.
Thus, altogether apart from the dif-
ficulties that have accumulated dur-
ing the past few years in employing
a battle-fleet at all, British-sea power
derives certain advantages from this
factor of the distance that separates
our bases and the focal points of our
trade from the fleets materially superior
to ours. In the light of these things, the
fact that Great Britain no longer has a
predominant fighting fleet has a mean-
ing radically different from mere naval
inferiority to a European power: it sug-
gests that the difference is one, not of
degree at all, but actually of kind.
Yet, when every allowance has been
made, it remains a fact that, for the
first time in modern history, Great
Britain is not the putative mistress of
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
823
the seas. The topsy-turvydom of the
World War has brought us no surprise
comparable to this. Time out of mind,
the invincibility of the British fleet has
been a fundamental doctrine of our
national policy. What England owes to
the sea is a commonplace of everyday
knowledge. That England, cut off from
the sea, must perish instantly and ut-
terly, is a commonplace of military
science. That for two hundred and
fifty years Great Britain has never, so
far as material provision could prevent,
been in danger of sea-defeat, is a simple
historical fact. And when I say 'in
danger,' I understate the fact. I mean
that never, in all this period, was there
a time when Great Britain could not
face the sea- world in arms: indeed, at
one period she actually did so, and with
success.
Ill
Now, we shall not understand why it
is that Great Britain no longer has the
strongest fleet, unless we understand
why for so long she had. It has been as-
sumed that our greatness at sea arose
originally — and naturally and inevi-
tably — out of our greatness as a sea-
faring people, and to our owning and
using a larger merchant-shipping than
did other nations. And, again, it has
been assumed that, as Great Britain
was by far the wealthiest country in the
world, her maintaining a greater navy
was a natural and inevitable function
of her wealth. But it is, of course, sim-
ply untrue that fighting navies derive
from merchant navies by some preor-
dained and unescapable process; and
equally untrue that naval strength is,
or ever has been, proportionate to a
country's wealth.
I shall not attempt to justify these
statements by any complete summary
of the historical facts that prove them.
But there are a few instances in point
that will suffice for my purpose. As to
the first proposition, let me quote from
Mahan's Naval Strategy: —
There is a further conclusion to be drawn
from the war between Japan and Russia,
which contradicts a previous general im-
pression that I myself have shared, and pos-
sibly in some degree have contributed to
diffuse. That impression is, that navies
depend upon maritime commerce as the
cause and justification of their existence.
To a certain extent, of course, this is true;
and, just because true to a certain extent,
the conclusion is more misleading. Because
partly true, it is accepted as unqualifiedly
true. Russia has little maritime commerce,
at least in her own bottoms; her merchant
flag is rarely seen; she has a very defective
seacoast; can in no sense be called a mari-
time nation. Yet the Russian navy had the
decisive part to play in the late war; and
the war was unsuccessful, not because the
navy was not large enough, but because it
was improperly handled. Probably, it also
was intrinsically insufficient — bad in qual-
ity; poor troops as well as poor generalship.
The disastrous result does not contravene
the truth that Russia, though with little
maritime shipping, was imperatively in need
of a navy.
Here, then, is a case where a navy
was essential, though there was virtu-
ally no merchant-shipping at all out of
which it could germinate. That there
have been great merchant marines
without navies is, of course, equally
true. Norway, with no navy at all, has
a singularly high ratio of tonnage to
population; and the huge leap in Ger-
man merchant- tonnage between 1890
and 1909 is a not less striking instance
in point. For until 1909 Germany had
not even the rudiments of a fleet that
could have been formidable at sea.
And as to navies being functions of
wealth, this surely is not in the least
degree tenable. People do not build
fleets and ships because they can afford
them as a luxury. Still less do they
build them as an investment, trusting
to then- conquests or their loot to pay
824
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
the bill. They build them only because
they are a grim necessity. At least,
this is certainly the explanation of
Great Britain's two centuries and a half
of sea-supremacy.
IV
England, after all, is one of the
European nations. Until quite recently
she was as inferior in population to one
and another of her neighbors as she was
in area. It was only toward the end of
the eighteenth century that she became
the wealthiest country in Europe; and
although always dependent for a large
portion of her wealth on the freest pos-
sible access to the sea, it was not pri-
marily her sea trade, but the fact that
she was the first of the world's people to
become a manufacturing nation, that
explained why, for a century and half,
hers was the richest people in the world.
But, of course, she could not have be-
come so without free access to the sea;
and of all the nations that have ever
been, she had the greatest interest in
preserving this freedom. And she
needed a free sea, not only to develop
her trade, but for another purpose.
Indeed, her trade itself arose out of that
purpose.
The end of the fifteenth century, and
the beginning of the sixteenth, was
the age of the great sea-adventurers.
But, of all the countries, England alone
maintained the spirit that had first sent
her sons afloat. Sometimes they went
as colonists — to get a freer religious or
political atmosphere than they could
get at home; sometimes they went in
search of wealth; sometimes, appar-
ently, for the sheer fun of the thing.
But, whatever the motive, the spirit of
sea-adventuring, the desire for, and a
determination to get, free use of the sea,
became the mark of the Anglo-Saxon
race. It is to this spirit that the north-
ern continent of America, from the
Mexican border to the North Pole,
owes its control by the descendants of
Englishmen; that half of Africa is un-
der the flag of Britain; that India is a
British dependency; that Australia is
one of His Majesty's Dominions; that
China has been opened up to European
trade.
Few, if any, of the statesmen of
England visualized the enormous scale
of national expansion that Destiny had
in store for the British people. But
they have never failed in the instinct
that this people had to be free to ex-
pand. At every stage they perceived
that there was only one thing that
could prevent the English being mas-
ters of their Fate: it was that the sea
should be closed against them. They
saw that there was but one contingency
that could so close the sea: it was that
the other powers of Europe should com-
bine to do it. There never was a pos-
sibility that such a combination would
be a spontaneous and voluntary move-
ment; but it was a danger, nevertheless.
The ambition to govern the whole
world is an infirmity that has obsessed
the minds — noble and otherwise — of
many emperors and kings. But the
collapse of the Roman Empire, the
barbarian invasion of Europe, the slow
reconstruction of a new civilization to
replace the old, the arrest of the world
trade that had existed while the Roman
Empire still stood — these and other
causes made the business of world-con-
quest slumber, until Louis the Great
emerged from his minority in the
seventeenth century and found the
whole power and wealth of France con-
centrated in his hands. His ambitions
taught the English the lesson they
needed; and when, a century and a
quarter after Louis's failure, his politi-
cal and spiritual heir, Napoleon Bona-
parte, came into the same heritage, his
military genius seemed to promise suc-
cess where Louis had failed. But long
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
825
pondering on what she had escaped un-
der Louis had prepared England for the
emergency. It was during this period
that the sea-doctrine of Great Britain
had been formulated and had become
fundamental.
The ' Balance of Power ' had become
the target of every modern carper at
the old regime. But the adhesion of
England to it arose from no insane
militarism, nor from any blind devo-
tion to an old-world and corrupt diplo-
macy. If for more than two hundred
years we stood in the way of any one
power in Europe dominating the rest,
it was not because we were slaves to the
pursuit of glory, not because we coveted
the wealth of others, not because we
reveled in the shameless chicanery of
intrigue, but simply because we knew
that it was all up with us if we did not.
And the only way we could prevent
France or any other country from
dominating Europe was to keep the
command of the seas in our hands.
In time of peace it is usual to talk of
national forces, whether they are land-
forces or sea-forces, as implements of
national 'defense.' In war, of course,
there is only one use of force, and that
is for an attack upon the enemy. If you
wish to defend your territory you will,
if you are wise, attack and destroy the
force that threatens it. At sea there are
no territories, and the traditions of sea-
war are not, therefore, confused by the
military jargon of offensive and defen-
sive strategy. The function of a fleet is
to destroy, or neutralize the possible ac-
tion of, the enemy's fleet. But its func-
tion begins and ends with this. To be
sure, if either of these ends is achieved,
the way is open for the other arm. But
the work proper of the fleet is over when
the enemy's fleet is rendered innocuous.
Thus, viewed politically, a navy is
not an instrument of conquest. It does
not threaten its neighbors — except in-
directly — because it opens the way to
military conquest. It was this truth that
safeguarded the position of England in
Europe. As it was our set policy to pre-
vent the domination of any single pow-
er, it necessarily followed that, when
the disposition to conquer showed itself
in any one nation, we were always sure
of allies, because it was we alone who
could give effective help to those who
were in danger of aggression. Thus the
compulsion of national security drove
us literally to make a virtue of necessity.
It became our role to stand for liberty
and right-dealing on the continent.
In the very nature of things, there-
fore, we could not follow our destiny
without being a great sea-power, and
our greatness at sea made us the arbiter
and the judge among our« neighbors in
Europe. But this does not exhaust the
advantages that sea-power gave us.
From the earliest times sea-war has
been the only form of war that has
been regulated by international law.
This, of course, is a very large subject,
which I cannot pursue. Let it suffice
to remind the reader that right into
the nineteenth century the progress of
armies was still marked by unchecked
looting and the rape, murder, and tor-
ture of the non-combatant population.
But, for a century before that, sea-war
had been governed by the most rigid
rules ; and anyone — even an enemy —
who suffered in his property or in his
person, had access to an Admiralty
court, where, if he had right on his side,
he was sure of justice. The thing follow-
ed inevitably, of course, from the fact
that the sea is a common highway, on
which, except that they may not help
an enemy, neutrals have equal rights
with the combatants. But the point
is that men fighting at sea, having first
to respect the rights of noncombat-
ant neutrals, — who, of course, did not
figure in land-war at all, — were then
compelled to recognize the personal
rights of a noncombatant enemy. It is,
826
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
I think, an interesting historical fact
that the English, necessarily the great
exponents of maritime law, and those
best trained in its spirit, were almost the
first to insist on a similarly disciplined
humanity on land. It was the Duke
of Wellington, in the Crimea, and after-
ward in France, who, by his practice,
laid the foundation of all these rules for
the protection of noncombatants, which
much later on were embodied in the
agreements of Geneva and The Hague.
Thus sea-war had a double influence
on the national character. It made the
English the protagonists of political
justice and right dealing, and it trained
the nation in the higher humanity that
insists that the horrors of war shall be
limited by the observance of civilized
regulations. Nor was either influence
limited to the European sphere. To my
mind there is nothing fanciful in the idea
that the successive abolitions, first of
the slave-trade all over the world, and
next of slave-owning in British posses-
sions, were very largely due to the com-
pulsory education that the British people
received from seamen. I need hardly
remind American readers of the in-
fluence of this example on the conduct
of their forebears. And it is certainly
an historical fact that when, after the
Congress of Vienna, the old monarchies
of Europe exhibited a deplorable re-
action toward absolutism, — against
which the popular elements in the
South American colonies of Spain and
Portugal rebelled, — it was at the in-
stance of the British Prime Minister
that President Monroe announced the
famous doctrine ever since associated
with his name. And it was certainly be-
cause of British sea-power that, at that
most critical time, the doctrine was
respected.
All these things are vaguely in the
Englishman's mind when he looks at
the present naval situation and sees
how lamentably Great Britain has fall-
en from her great estate. But he will be
wholly wrong to blame his government
for allowing this thing to be. The deep-
er and saner interpretation of our sea-
supremacy, while it lasted, is not that
it corresponded with some such innate
national pride as is echoed in ' Britannia
rules the waves'; not that it was a lux-
ury which our old overwhelming wealth
gave us, and our present poverty can-
not afford; not that it was a natural
outcome of our merchant-shipping,
which, when all is said and done, is as
dominant to-day as it was before the
war: Great Britain maintained a sea-
force superior to that of all other combi-
nations of sea-force for just so long as
her security as a nation made it impera-
tive and — this is the point — for no
longer. If our navy lasted long enough
to defeat the German effort, and if that
defeat left us without an enemy or a
threat against us in any part of the
world, then the British Navy had done
its work. Whether America or Japan or
any other country with whom we had
cooperated to win had a larger fleet
than that which we had inherited from
pre-war conditions was, so to speak, a
matter of indifference. Surprising as
the man in the street has found the
present naval situation to be, it has, of
course, been no surprise at all to those
who follow public events closely and
who have attempted to understand the
causes behind them.
That the American and Japanese
fleets do not threaten Great Britain —
and here I drop the technical argument
and confine myself to the political situa-
tion — is certainly clear enough to-day.
We have no differences that we know of
with either country. We have an offen-
sive and defensive alliance with Japan,
against the world, except the United
States; and we have a treaty of arbi-
tration with the United States which,
as both nations respect their plighted
word, is no scrap of paper, but a bond.
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
827
It has happened in the history of
nations that an unsuspected conflict of
economic interests, an outburst of local •
passion, in which foreign nations suffer,
or a sudden conflict of national interest
in a third country has induced such
violent words and feelings, that govern-
ments have been powerless to stem
them. Any tension of this sort between
Great Britain and the United States is,
of course, very improbable. But should
it arise, the treaty safeguards the posi-
tion. Most of us think — and we are
certainly right in so thinking — that
the real reason why the treaty exists is
because it is wholly unnecessary. There
could, of course, be no better explana-
tion of a written agreement. The Amer-
icans and the British would arbitrate
in any event. Be this as it may, the
treaty is there; and other things being
as they are now. I repeat, neither the
American nor the Japanese fleet seems
to us a menace to any vital interest.
It, therefore, summarizes my argu-
ment to this point to say that the rea-
son why Great Britain maintained a
supreme fleet in former days is so ob-
vious, that all who run may read. The
mother nation and that league of free
nations which is called the British
Empire would have been at the mercy
of aggression had it not been so. It
bears repeating, that this is the sole and
only reason why our fleet was main-
tained at its old relative strength. It is
not so maintained to-day — again, for
one reason only: the Empirje is not
threatened by aggression.
A final point must be made clear be-
fore I leave this part of the argument.
If the British Navy, while it was su-
preme, was not a natural outgrowth of
British wealth, while that also was
supreme, so, too, the fact that, in the
costlier and more powerful units, the
British fleet has fallen to the third
place is not in the least attributable to
the fact that our wealth is not absolute-
ly or relatively what it was. If I am
right in saying that the supreme fleet
arose from a supreme national emer-
gency, — because without it the nation
could not be secure in its possessions,
or in its destiny, — then, certainly, I
am right in going further and say-
ing that, were these possessions or
this destiny again threatened, the fleet
would be made supreme again. There
is no conceivable sacrifice that would
limit it. We have a heavy war-debt,
a legacy of heavy post-war extrava-
gances. But from the day when the late
hostilities began to the day they ended,
it never occurred to a soul in these
islands to say that we could not afford
the sacrifices involved. No one did
suggest, nor could anyone suggest, that
five thousand millions, or eight or ten
thousand millions, was the limit we
could spend. So long as the war lasted,
the nation was in peril. The rate of
sacrifice had to be maintained until that
peril was removed. The principle on
which we acted was the principle on
which we should act again, if, in time of
peace, the threat of war reappeared.
Itjs important that this truth should
be fully grasped, for otherwise we shall
not get the Conference issues clearly
in our minds. The Conference is com-
monly spoken of as if its immediate pur-
pose were to bring about a tripartite
agreement for the limitation of naval
armaments. In other criticisms of mine
I have given my reasons for saying that
I do not think an agreement on this
point is feasible. This doubt is a corol-
lary of the theory I have just put for-
ward. Armaments of all kinds, whether
naval or military, either are a necessity
of national safety or they manifest an
intention to commit some unprovoked
aggression on others. Or, of course, they
may be the outcome of mere megalo-
828
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
mania and vanity. If a nation fears no
other nations, and yet maintains great
armies or fleets, then, unquestionably,
that nation's conduct is inconsequent —
unless it has itself a plan of conquest
in mind. And if it fears aggression, it
will assuredly maintain its force at the
safety limit. No example of, and no
pressure from, other nations — short of
successful war — will be regarded as
binding, if that nation believes that the
circumstances in which the agreement
was made have changed to its disadvan-
tage. The law of preservation clearly
admits no exception, and no nation can
contract itself out of its obligations.
Even should such perfect accord be
reached as to make each of our three
countries willing to execute a contract
by which none should build or maintain
a navy above a stated strength, there
would surely be very great difficulties in
drawing up the schedule. Naval force
is about the most unsettled thing there
is. No one can say to-day how a navy
will be composed ten years hence. And
even to-day you really want a different
navy for different wars. It is to me very
hard to picture any unanimity, if each
country is to have so many battleships,
so many cruisers, so many destroyers,
and so on. No type is of constant value ;
the ratio of types will vary as values
vary; new types will come into being.
Nor is the money limitation a much
happier expedient. We can, after all,
see and count ships; but once there is an
obligation not to spend above a certain
sum, be sure the busybodies and spy-
hunters will be at work — and that one
or the other of us is spending more than
we avow will be a constant rumor. I
may be wrong. But I see no hope of a
binding treaty that shall specify either
the scale and kind of navy that is permit-
ted or the amount that may be spent.
Let us not forget how Stein defeated
Napoleon on the limitation of Prussia's
army after Jena.
It seems to me, therefore, that we
cannot look to the Washington Con-
ference to result in an immediate agree-
ment for disarmament. But there is no
reason at all why immediate disarma-
ment should not be the result of the Con-
ference. For if armament is the out-
come of fear, and the Conference can
remove that fear, the end we have in
view is automatically attained. While
I submit that it is no use 'to tell Japan
that she cannot afford, being a poor
country, to spend a fabulous proportion
of her revenue on her navy, it is of the
utmost use that, in an open and public
Conference, we should all be able to tell
Japan that her possessions and the
destinies of her people are in no danger.
If we can convince her of this, her peo-
ple will see to it that they are not taxed
for unnecessary armaments.
VI
The work before the Conference,
then, is simple. I do not mean that to
succeed in getting the work done will
prove to be a simple affair. For it is
far from easy for the spokesman of a
country to be perfectly candid in a
statement of national aims; and even if
that were easy, it is not a simple busi-
ness to make that candor intelligible
and convincing to others. But, if the
Conference is to succeed, it is precise-
ly this that each country, through its
delegates, must do.
The Senate has paid me the compli-
ment of including in the report of its
proceedings an article on the Amer-
ican Navy, written when the 1916 pro-
gramme was under discussion; and if I
refer to it now, it is because I can appeal
to a question asked six years ago as one
upon the reply to which the success of
the November meeting depends. I had
discussed the composition of the pro-
posed new American fleet, and had
pointed out that the ratio of battleships
ENGLAND'S NAVY AND DISARMAMENT
829
to cruisers and destroyers differed ma-
terially from the British ratio before
the war, and suggested that war had
shown the English ratio to be too high.
From this I passed on to the question,
what the strength of the American
fleet should be. It was obviously not
a point to which I could suggest the
answer, and I had to be content with
saying that the answer was to be found
when the Americans had found a reply
to the further question: from which
country did they expect trouble? Now,
if the proceedings at Washington
could begin with frank statements from
Japan and the United States and Great
Britain as to what their world-poli-
cies are, we should, I submit, attain a
definite result with very little delay.
Either it will be found that each country
can agree that the policies of the others
are harmless to it, or we shall be faced
by a certainty of conflict which no de-
bate can remove.
To an Englishman it seems inconceiv-
able that this historic meeting can
break up without achieving its desired
end. One simply cannot believe that
the United States of America really
fears any people, or can have so depart-
ed from the traditions of its past history
as to plan the conquest of any territory,
or the defeat of any nation, for the sake
of glory. If the 'open door' in Asia
is a principle of policy as fundamental
as is the Monroe Doctrine to America,
then it is a principle to which all Europe
and Japan are already pledged; for it
figures among the provisions of the
Treaty of Versailles. And, again, it is
inconceivable that Japan can have any
avowed policy which America is pledged
to thwart ; for the problems involved in
the desire of Asiatics to settle in coun-
tries predominantly European are ob-
viously not such as to lead to war.
Measured, then, by the true test of ar-
maments, — national security, — there
seems no reason at all why, after a can-
did interchange of views, America and
Japan should not find it easy, if not to
abandon the completion of their present
programme, at least not to add to their
forces for some years to come; nor, dur-
ing those years, to maintain those for-
ces fully armed, manned, and ready for
action. After all, should they so agree,
they will only be acting on a principle
that Great Britain has already ac-
cepted as a guide to conduct. If we
have built but one fighting ship of the
first class in the last six years, and no
ship of any class in the last three years,
we have forborne for one reason and
one reason only — there is no enemy
for such ships to meet. If Great Britain
can sanely abandon a doctrine she has
held sacred for more than twice as long
as America has held the Monroe Doc-
trine sacred, and has done so because
the occasion for maintaining it no lon-
ger exists, then there is at least one oc-
casion less for other nations to crave
great strength at sea.
BY SISLEY HUDDLESTON
NEVER would I consent to write
about France's present-day politicians
without making it clear that the poli-
ticians are not the French people. For
it is impossible, with the utmost indul-
gence, for anyone who has honestly re-
garded them at work to refrain from
some criticism of them. Unfortunately,
there has grown up a fallacy that, in
speaking without flattery of a country's
accidental and temporary leaders, one
is in some way attacking the country.
It is not so : for my part, I think France
is relatively sound. The French people
.have superb qualities; they deserve all
the eulogies that have been or could be
written of them, though naturally they
have not escaped the contagion of the
world-sickness. They have shown a solid
sense, a rooted stability, a laborious-
ness, that are beyond praise. If France
has ever shown signs of revolutionary
tendencies, — as she did during one
period at least, — it has been because
she was misguided; and she quickly re-
covered herself. No country in the
world is less likely to break loose, to
run into excesses, whether of Militarism
or of Socialism. Always does the re-
straining force of the people keep the
wilder spirits — whether those wilder
spirits are Nationalist ministers or
Communist agitators — in check.
Whenever I wish to know the true
sentiments of ordinary folk, I make a
little tour of the cabarets of Paris. In
the revues there presented I am per-
830
petually surprised at the healthy reac-
tion against Bolshevism on the one
hand and against flamboyant and fire-
eating patriotism on the other hand
(though it must be confessed that every
chansonnier has his couplet against
England). Anyone who supposes that
the people liked the call-up of Class 19
of the army, the demobilization, the
remobilization, and the demobilization
again of young Frenchmen; anyone who
supposes that the French people love
to indulge in flourishes and menaces
.toward Germany, threats of occupa-
tion, of dislocation, vauntings of vic-
tory and vainglorious strutting, need
only listen intelligently to the skits on
drum-beating in the spirituel shows of
Paris, which are applauded vociferous-
ly. Ministers and Muscovites are good
game: they are not angrily railed at,
they are wittily satirized; they are for
the most part tolerated as inevitable
and not particularly important. I have
heard nearly every politician of note
twitted, with the full approbation of the
audience. To tell the truth, through-
out the history of the Republic, Par-
liament and Cabinet have been held
in little esteem, while President after
President has been mercilessly mocked.
There is, in short, a curious separation
of people and rulers; and the rulers do
not always adequately represent the
sentiments of the people. For my part,
I do not know any country in which this
division is more marked.
FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
831
Nor, oddly enough, do the journals
which are read by everybody reflect, in
their politics, the spirit of the people:
they reflect the particular view of the
Quai d'Orsay and of other government
offices, from which, by an elaborate
system, they receive the mot d'ordre.
Less and less am I inclined to form my
appreciation of public opinion from a
reading of the French newspapers.
Public opinion, in the sense in which the
term is now employed, is merely the
passing opinion of a passing minister,
transmitted through ' inspired ' journal-
ists. Many misconceptions attout the
French may be avoided if it is remem-
bered how deliberate is the present
method of doping the journals. As for
the foreign pressmen, it is unhappily
true that the red ribbon which indicates
the Legion of Honor exercises a hypnotic
effect on many of them. I know some
who lose no opportunity of writing com-
fortable things, of placing themselves
at the disposition of the propaganda
service which has been openly set up —
and of submitting their claims to be
decorated at due intervals.
The very word propaganda, since the
war, has become obnoxious. It is not,
of course, a peculiarly French institu-
tion: all governments now advertise,
like automobile manufacturers or soap-
makers, and have brought the art of
suppression, of distortion, of extrava-
gant praise, to a point where it slops
over into the grotesque. American
visitors to France, of any degree of note,
are particularly feted, and columns of
the newspapers are devoted to the tours
of American associations. It is probably
the French rather than the American
organization which is responsible for
this fantastic fanfaronnade. I submit
that, while we should try to know each
other, the present methods of propa-
ganda do not help us to know each
other. On the contrary, they serve to
rouse suspicion; and extravagant lauda-
tion and obviously official representa-
tions of facts provoke only a smile, or
even an exclamation of disgust. As an
organ for propaganda the press is be-
coming played out: it has been over-
worked.
This is not, of course, to suggest that
the present French politicians do not
possess admirable qualities. They are
nearly all intensely patriotic; though
patriotism is a virtue that may easily
become a vice if pushed to extremes.
They have considerable parliamentary
ability; though this again is a merit
that was better suited to the pre-war
days, when the problems were not of
a vast, universal character. It is when
one judges them by the great interna-
tional standard of world needs that
one regrets to see no truly big figure
emerging.
But, then, in what country does the
world-man emerge? Where is the states-
man who sees, what so many thinkers
now see, that what the times call for is
someone who can lift himself above
frontiers, who can escape the limiting
moment, whose vision can embrace the
future and go round the globe? It is
heartbreaking, when superior intellect,
superior emotion, are needed as never
before, to subordinate the smaller craft
of national parliamentarianism to the
bigger task of announcing and realizing
the interdependence of the peoples,
that more than ever we should be all
working in our watertight compart-
ments, doing our partial, uncoordinated
jobs. It may be that the machinery of
civilization has outgrown the capacity
of its mechanicians. What was good
enough before the war is not good
enough now; and the pre-war mind is
incapable of grappling with post-war
problems. The terms of those problems
have changed: they are not affairs of
State, but affairs of the world. It is ex-
traordinary that the peace has thrown
up no new men. This is true of all
countries (excepting Russia, where the
new men nave indulged in a disastrous
experiment). It is particularly true of
France, where practically all the men
worth mentioning are the old, tried men.
As I write, I cannot forecast what
will be done at Washington; I can
only anticipate that the American dele-
gates will be purely American, the Brit-
ish purely British, and the French pure-
ly French; each concerned to defend the
narrow interests of his own country,
when it is a generous cooperation of all
countries that is called for. There are
some questions, such as general disarm-
ament, such as a general economic and
financial settlement, that nobody seems
big enough to tackle seriously and hon-
estly; nobody seems big enough even to
approach them, except with the desire
to show that his own nation is in an ex-
ceptional position and cannot conform
to any suggested world-order. Most of
the ills from which we suffer are not
national : they cannot be settled by na-
tional statesmen, but only by men with
the international mind, men with an
outlook as broad as mankind. There
are no sectional cures: there are only
radical remedies.
H. G. Wells, in his Outline of History,
says of the politicians of a certain
Roman epoch that they only demon-
strate how clever and cunning men
may be, how subtle in contention, how
brilliant in pretense, and how utterly
wanting in wisdom and grace of spirit.
It seems to me, as it seems to Mr. Wells,
that this is a true description of most
of the politicians of all countries to-day.
It must not be supposed that France is
in this respect different from other na-
tions. I am bound to say this much; but,
having said it, I must take another
measure and paint the French politi-
cians for what they are. They do not,
any more than do the men in power in
other countries, reach ideal dimensions:
they must be judged on their plane.
II
It is a somewhat extraordinary fact
that three, at least, of the little group
of men who are most conspicuous in
French politics, who have climbed to
the heights of power, began their career
as Socialists. Robert Louis Stevenson,
I remember, suggests somewhere that
most of us begin as revolutionaries and
end up, somewhere about middle age,
as conservatives. Certainly it would
be difficult to find better examples of
this inevitable evolution in the human
spirit tjian are furnished by that trio,
Alexandre Millerand, Aristide Briand,
and Rene Viviani. Of course, it is fool-
ish to make a charge of inconsistency.
No man can be judged by his youth. It
is to their credit that, before they
acquired the reticences of later years,
before they learned that progress is
slow and must be orderly, these distin-
guished Frenchmen were aflame with
the passion of putting the world to
rights. However violently, in certain
cases, aspirations toward a better order
of things were expressed; however in-
candescent were their sympathies with
the downtrodden; however excessive
were sometimes their remedies, it does
honor to them that they were moved by
essentially noble impulses. He is, in-
deed, a poor man who has never felt
wild yearnings, has never been guided
rather by the heart than by the head.
When I look round the political field
in France, I am invariably surprised
with the recurring discovery that not
only these three, but nearly all prom-
inent publicists and politicians, have
passed through this stage of ardent, if
unruly, enthusiasm. They have not en-
tered the arena coldly, calculatingly.
They became gladiators because of
their generous emotions. They have
been shaped into what they are to-day
by experience. This is excellent, and is
entirely in their favor. It may be that
FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
833
instances could be discovered where the
ensuing disillusionment has induced
cynicism. But, on the whole, such a
beginning is a proof of sincerity.
On the other hand, they are naturally
open to the attacks of the Communists
of to-day, who frequently quote against
them their speeches of other days and
show that they now oppose that which
they aforetime promoted. For example,
M. Millerand, in 1896, in a famous dis-
course, proclaimed the right to strike;
and in 1920, following a strike, he insti-
tuted proceedings against the Confe-
deration Generale du Travail, which
have helped to bring this association of
trade-unions to its present position of
impotence. He was, again, a foremost
figure in anti-clerical movements and
liquidated the congregations, while dur-
ing his premiership last year he com-
menced the negotiations for reestab-
lishing relations with Rome. It is, how-
ever, a peculiarly little mind that would
make these apparent reversals of policy
a reproach. There was a moment when
it was important, above all, to assert
the right to strike. There was another
moment when the superior interests of
the country demanded the suppression
of dangerous agitation. There was a
moment when the priesthood had be-
come mischievous in France and men-
aced the Republic. And there was
another moment when diplomatic rea-
sons urged the appeasement of the old
religious quarrel. Those abstract poli-
ticians who forget that circumstances
are of more importance than doctrines
are open to criticism. Whatever M.
Millerand has done, it should never be
forgotten that, when he entered the cab-
inet of Waldeck-Rousseau as the first
Socialist minister, he initiated many
remarkable social reforms. To him are
due pensions, a weekly rest-day for
workers, and the shortening of hours
for women and children employed in
industry.
VOL. 128 — NO. 6
E
Most of his ministerial work has
been in connection with internal affairs.
He has been an able organizer; he is a
hard worker of the dogged rather than
the brilliant kind. Certainly he is
tenacious. When he became Prime
Minister after the defeat of M. Clemen-
ceau, who had expected to become
President of the Republic, French opin-
ion was just beginning to turn against
the authors of the treaty, and was be-
ginning to proclaim that England (to
employ a French expression) had taken
most of the blanket for herself. Mr.
Lloyd George, regarded as too clever
by half, was beginning to be cordially
detested in France; and it was not long
before M. Clemenceau was accused of
having given way on almost every
point to the British Premier. The old
Tiger, who had been placed upon a
higher pedestal than any statesman of
the Third Republic, now discovered
that the Tarpeian Rock was near to the
Capitol. There were even clamors for
his trial in the High Court of Justice,
for having sacrificed French interests in
favor of his friends, the English.
The task of M. Millerand, following
this amazing fall of M. Clemenceau
from the heights of popularity to the
depths of unpopularity, was difficult.
It was his function to resist Mr. Lloyd
George. With his shrewd sense, how-
ever, he was aware that a compromise
with Germany was inevitable and de-
sirable. But behind him was the clam-
orous Bloc National, refusing, even in
the name of a policy of realism, any
further concessions to Germany in re-
spect of reparations, and declining to
take any practical step which might be
construed as a concession to British
views. There began a long-drawn-out
fight between France and England.
The attempt to get away from the
sentimentalism of the Versailles Treaty,
with its grotesquely impossible de-
mands on Germany, was rendered hard
834 FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
by the suspicions of Parliament. While
dislike of England grew, anger against
Germany grew; and every time that
Germany's debt was defined (still in un-
reasonable terms), M. Millerand was in
danger of being overthrown.
More time was needed for the truth
to dawn on the politicians, not only of
France, but of the Allies generally —
the truth that there are limits, easily
reached, to the transfer of wealth from
one country to another; that, speaking
broadly, wealth can be transferred
only in the shape of goods which it is
against the industrial and commercial
interests of the receiving country to
accept. This truth has also its applica-
tion to America, who can be paid what
is owing to her by the Allies only in the
form of goods which she puts up tariff
barriers to keep out.
Gradually the world is awakening to
the fact that the only rational policy is
one which consists in canceling, not of
necessity nominally, but virtually, the
bulk of international debts, German
or Allied, and in resuming as quickly
as possible normal trade-relations.
This does not mean, of course, that
Germany should make no reparations.
She should be made to pay all that it
is possible for her to pay; but chiefly
she should be obliged to help in the re-
building of the ruined North, as now,
at long last, she promises to do under
the Loucheur-Rathenau accord, which
makes hay of the treaty and of the
London Agreement, and of the prin-
ciple of collective negotiations and
action against Germany. France has, I
think, reached a point where the more
or less willing cooperation of victor and
vanquished is seen to be necessary.
But when M. Millerand was in power,
he was unable to carry out such a
policy. At Spa, where he consented to
meet the Germans, matters only be-
came worse. It was assuredly not his
fault. Events could not be hurried. It
will still take some years before Europe
can get far on the right lines. But it
must be said of M. Millerand that he
did at Spa adumbrate the possibility of
voluntary arrangements.
M. Millerand would not be human
if he did not sometimes give way to
sudden impulses. There was in this
atmosphere of opposition between
France and England every excuse for
his desire to demonstrate the indepen-
dence of France — not to be forever
subordinate to England. There were
several incidents that appeared to be
inspired by a determination to break
the supposed hegemony of England.
The Entente is not to be lightly thrown
away; but some of the consequences
of the Entente, when they run coun-
ter to French policy, must be destroyed.
M. Millerand may be looked upon as a
friend of the Entente, but an enemy of
British domination. Thus, he revolted
against the British tolerance of Ger-
many's non-fulfillment of her obliga-
tions, by marching on Frankfort. Then,
against the express advice of England,
he recognized Wrangel, that anti-Bol-
shevist adventurer whose moment of
glory soon passed. Then he took Po-
land's part when Poland had foolishly
provoked a war with Russia, and Eng-
land counseled conciliation — sending
General Weygand to save Warsaw. It
was precisely this lucky stroke which
secured for him the Presidency of the
Republic. It seemed hopeless to think
of beating back the Bolsheviki from
before Warsaw — but the miracle hap-
pened. He soared into popularity, and
as, at that time, M. Deschanel, the
President, had fallen ill and was com-
pelled to resign, he was carried triumph-
antly to the filysee.
It may be taken that, as President,
M. Millerand exercises more authority
than most of his predecessors have ex-
ercised. He is extremely strong-willed,
and on his acceptance of his seven-year
FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
835
post, declared that he intended that the
premiers he would call should carry out
his policy. In France it is not as in
America: the President has, constitu-
tionally, little power. The executive
chief is the Premier, who is respon-
sible to Parliament and whom Parlia-
ment can make or break. Nevertheless,
a man like M. Millerand, if he is
surrounded by influential supporters
and has really the favor of Parliament,
can become supreme. It is only when
he is faced by a Premier who is backed
up by Parliament, and whose policy
is in opposition to that of the Presi-
dent, that he must submit, on pain of
being broken, as was President Mac-
Mahon. M. Poincare has recently
shown that against M. Clemenceau —
then at the height of the power derived
from Parliament and people — he could
do nothing, even though he was stren-
uously against the provisions of the
treaty. The president may be indeed
nothing in France, and the filysee may
be a prison. There are those who assert
that M. Poincare, who now enjoys
much backing, would have been earlier
called to the premiership had not M.
Millerand passed him over, just as M.
Poincare for a long time passed over
M. Clemenceau. However that may be,
M. Leygues, who succeeded M. Mille-
rand as Premier, was little more than
the nominee of M. Millerand, carrying
out his instructions. M. Briand present-
ly succeeded M. Leygues, and although
M. Briand is far from being colorless,
Premier and President have worked
amicably together, and M. Millerand
may be considered to be still in the as-
cendant, still the supreme authority
in France, in fact as in name.
m
M. Aristide Briand, more than any
other French politician, has won the
reputation of being shrewd and skillful
in emergencies. If one wishes for con-
firmation of this opinion, it is necessary
to see him in a tight corner. He knows
how to get out of tight corners better
than anyone. It may sometimes be
thought that he might have avoided
getting into tight corners.
Now M. Briand is a fine manoeuvrer:
it is exhilarating to watch him placing
his opponents, when they are most
cocksure, in an impossible situation.
His method of speech-making is a lesson
in Parliamentary strategy. It is odd
that, in a country so renowned for its
eloquence, the written speech is so
common. Often have I seen an ora-
tor who has gained great fame take
out of his pocket his typewritten reply
to a simple expression of thanks for
attending a luncheon, and proceed to
read formal or flowery phrases. It is
somewhat disconcerting to the Anglo-
Saxon, who is used to impromptu
speeches — the substance of which is
doubtless well prepared, but of which
the words are left largely to the inspira-
tion of the moment. It is with us re-
garded as a confession of weakness, a
sign of artificiality, to hold in one's
hands the evidence of careful study.
We have at least to pretend to spon-
taneity. The form is thus sacrificed,
but the appearance of sincerity is saved.
But with the French the form counts
for much. Out comes the written docu-
ment, and only its forceful delivery
preserves for it its effect of directness.
But M. Briand is not one of those
French orators who not only rehearse
but write their speeches. On the con-
trary, his efforts are nearly always im-
promptu. This is essentially character-
istic of the man. He is the improviser
par excellence. He is an amazing
virtuoso. In France they say that he
'plays the violoncello.' He plays it
without the music before him. He
plays it precisely as the occasion sug-
gests. He would, perhaps, be singularly
836 FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
embarrassed were he called upon to
play a set piece. He loves to embroider,
to compose as he goes along, to await
the inspiration of the moment and the
call of circumstance. This is true of his
speeches — but it is also true, in a
larger sense, of his politics.
It may indeed be taken as a parable
and illustration of the man — this
habit of his to search in his audience
the words, the ideas, which he utters.
There are times when one might
pardonably suppose M. Briand to be
tired, indifferent; not to put too fine a
point upon it — lazy. But this impres-
sion is altogether wrong. M. Briand is
like Mr. Lloyd George inasmuch as he
relies largely on his intuition, his im-
mediate judgments, his ever-ready
resources. He comes into the Chamber
apparently without anything particu-
lar to say. He reads an official state-
ment in a dull voice. He seems to be
bored, and so does the Chamber. There
is an atmosphere of hostility. One won-
ders what will be his fate.
And then, discarding the official state-
ment, without notes, without (so far as
one knows) any preparation, he begins
one of his wonderful discourses. At first
he feels his way cautiously. His voice
takes on a new animation. There is an
interruption. Somebody in the Cham-
ber reveals the ground of antagonism.
This is what M. Briand is waiting for.
He applies himself to that point; he
develops his theme. He vanquishes this
particular opposition, only, perhaps, to
arouse opposition from the other side
of the house. This gives him a fresh
start. He seems to seek to penetrate
the minds of his opponents in order to
demolish their objections. Now he pits
the Right against the Left, and now he
rouses the Left to enthusiasm. It is the
most beautiful balancing of views it is
possible to conceive.
Speeches, it is sometimes said, never
change a vote in parliamentary assem-
blies. This may be true of parliaments
like the British, where two, or, at the
most, three parties sit on their benches
with their minds made up, ready to
obey their party whip. But it is not
true of M. Briand in the French Parlia-
ment, where there are many groups and
where the possibilities of combination
are as numerous as the combinations of
a pack of cards. He knows, as few men
know, how to shuffle them — how to
lead this card and then that. In his
way he is certainly the most masterly
parliamentarian who has ever been
known in France. If proof were neces-
sary, it would be found in the fact that
seven times has he been called upon to
govern; and this year, in spite of his
reputation of belonging to the Left, he
has performed the extraordinary feat
of governing largely with the support of
the Right. For that matter, he belongs,
in the formal sense, neither to the Right
nor to the Left. He has no party. He
has, strictly speaking, no following. He
remains, when he is not in office, alone
and apart. Well does he know that,
when the situation becomes unmanage-
able, when the Parliamentary team is
difficult to drive, his day will again
come.
Most of the French politicians —
M. Poincare and M. Viviani are notable
instances — combine their role of poli-
tician with the role of journalist, and,
when they are not responsible for the
government, become the most powerful
critics of the government in the press.
Such has been the life of M. Clemen-
ceau. Sometimes he has been premier,
and at other times he has been a formid-
able antagonist of the premier, thun-
dering against him, not from the tribune,
but from the newspaper that he di-
rected. Now, although M. Briand, like
most other French politicians, began
his career as journalist, he never takes up
the pen in the intervals of office. He
does hardly any lobbying; he rarely
FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
837
commits himself in any way. He sits
silent until his hour shall again strike.
Always is he something of an enigma.
Always does he allow the Left to sup-
pose he is their man, and the Right to
believe that he is not against them. In
the clash and confusion of rival ambi-
tions, it is Briand, the man who makes
no useless efforts, the man who knows
how to keep a still tongue although he
possesses a winning tongue, who is
chosen. The speeches that he makes
when he is assailed, and the position
has become difficult, are the most per-
suasive speeches that may be heard;
but when I read them at length the
next day, I generally find that they are
full of repetitions and even of contra-
dictions. That is because he addresses
himself, now to this side, then to that
side. To know the true Briand, it is not
sufficient to hear or to read his speeches.
One has to remember whom he is ad-
dressing, and what is his immediate
purpose. One has to be able to distin-
guish between what is meant for one
party, what for another party; what is
meant for France and what is meant for
Germany; what is meant for England
and what is meant for other countries.
I trust that this portrait does not
suggest a mere opportunist, in the
worst sense of the term. M. Briand
certainly is an opportunist, in that he
makes use of the varying views of his
auditors, in that he stresses now one
point and then another point. It was
M. Briand who spoke of the occupa-
tion of the Ruhr, and it was M. Briand
who condemned such a policy as inept.
The occasion has always to be consid-
ered. But he is an opportunist only as
a sailor is an opportunist. When the
wind blows from the west, he must
spread his sails accordingly; but when
the wind veers to the north, he must
trim his sails anew. But the sailor
knows where he is going and keeps his
course. M. Briand has a policy, and he
sticks to his policy in spite of apparent
and momentary contradictions. He
has to reconcile many opinions, and he
has to bring the Ship of State safely
toward the land that he sees ahead.
There are, of course, different kinds
of opportunists, and to use the word
without discrimination as a term of op-
probrium is altogether wrong. In my
opinion, for example, Mr. Lloyd George,
who is undoubtedly the greatest oppor-
tunist of our century, has, in spite of
all kinds of concessions, all kinds of
seeming stultifications of his judgment,
kept along exactly the same path in
international affairs that he indicated
to me and to others in March, 1919.
When he has seen rocks in the way, he
has gone round them. It is so with M.
Briand, whose points of resemblance
with him could be multiplied. Perhaps
it is only the fool who steers straight
ahead. One of the chief grievances of a
certain section of French politicians is
that M. Briand, in calling up Class 19
for the occupation of the Ruhr, did so
to discredit that policy and to make its
repetition impossible. As to this I will
express no opinion; but it will readily
be conceived that a politician may ap-
pear to do the opposite of that which
he intends to do. M. Briand is not
a native of Brittany for nothing. It is
from Brittany that France recruits
most of her sailors. M. Briand is an
expert sailor.
The truth is that M. Briand is es-
sentially a man of liberal views. I do
not purpose either to defend or to at-
tack him: I wish merely wish to state
the facts as I see them; and it is in this
spirit that I record my impression,
which is corroborated by conversations
of a more or less private character that
have come to me from friends — con-
versations in which he has expressed
himself with surprising moderation. He
is far from being the implacable task-
master of Germany that he has been
838 FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
represented to be on account of certain
episodes. No one knows better than
does M. Briand the true need of France
— the need of a policy that will recon-
cile old enemies and establish some
measure of economic cooperation in
Europe. No one realizes more the need
for a reduction of armaments, which is
possible only if better relations exist in
Europe.
France at this moment has an army
that is big enough to conquer the Con-
tinent. France is not, strictly speaking,
obliged to take heed of the opinion of
anyone. She can adopt any coercive
methods she pleases, and there is no
country that can effectively say her
nay. But that would be a fatal course.
Not only would it be folly to fly in the
face of the world's opinion, but France
would certainly not obtain any satisfac-
tion in the shape of additional repara-
tions. The army, whether it is put at
800,000 men or at 700,000, is a tremen-
dous burden for a country in economic
difficulties, and all sensible men must
desire its reduction. It is a burden on
the finances of the country, but it is also
a burden on the individual Frenchman,
who has to spend what should be the
most vital preparatory years of his life
in idleness and the demoralizing milieu
of the barracks. There are those who
urge, with justice, that, in the economic
struggle, Germany will enjoy a great
advantage over France by reason of the
fact that she is compelled to keep her
army at a negligible number, while
France has to support a huge body of
non-producers. How could any sane
person wish to maintain the army at
anything like its present level?
But, on the other hand, so long as
national safety is secured, no matter
what sacrifice must be made, no matter
what handicap must be borne, M. Bri-
and, I believe, is all in favor of making
such amicable arrangements with Ger-
many as will enable France to forget this
terrible preoccupation of her security.
Doubtless he, like all other French
statesmen, would prefer that America
and England, as promised at the Peace
Conference, should come into a tripar-
tite military pact. But he is not, as
I understand, an advocate of what
amounts to perpetual occupation, or of
detachment of the Rhineland from the
Reich, as are M. Poincare, M. Tardieu,
and M. Maurice Barres. The most sig-
nificant thing that was done under his
ministry was the signing of the Lou-
cheur-Rathenau accord, which envis-
ages the collaboration of France and
Germany, which (provided Germany re-
mains a non-militaristic republic) pres-
ages some sort of friendship between
the two countries that, in spite of their
hereditary hatreds, intensified since the
Armistice, have to live side by side.
They can be blood-foes with the cer-
tainty of another war, or they can com-
pose their age-long differences. There
is no middle course.
rv
This brings me to M. Louis Loucheur
— easily, in my opinion, the most re-
markable figure in French political life.
I said just now that there were no new
men. I must modify that statement.
M. Loucheur is a new man. He has
new methods. He is not a politician, al-
though he is in politics. He is the busi-
ness man. In France the politicians
have become what might, not disre-
spectfully, be called an 'old gang.' M.
Loucheur was not even a deputy when
he became minister. He brings a fresh
mind to the public problems. He has no
prejudices, no traditions, no long train-
ing along political lines. He is accus-
tomed to see things as they are. He
does not idealize them; he is not a senti-
mentalist, dealing in abstractions, hyp-
notized by catch-phrases, as are poli-
ticians generally. For me he represents
FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
839
an immense force. He towers over all
the rest.
It would be foolish to prophecy, and
therefore I shall not assert dogmatically
that M. Loucheur will, for the next ten
— if not twenty — years, be the real
power behind French politics. All I will
venture to say is that, at the present
moment, he is the man who matters
most, and that he should be looked
upon, not in his ministerial capacity,
but as a man. That is to say, that he
will probably continue to occupy a
nominally subordinate post. It is ex-
tremely unlikely, in my judgment, that
he will form a cabinet and put himself
at the head of French politics. He is
far more likely to remain in the back-
ground. But it would be folly to regard
him as a supernumerary. He has brains;
he has ability; he has energy; he is used
to dealing in realities, and he thinks
in terms of realities. I do not know
whether it has been remarked how un-
real politics tend to become, and in
what an imaginary world politicians
walk. Into this unreal world came M.
Loucheur; but he was not corrupted by
his environment. He had the advan-
tage of not serving an apprenticeship to
politics. He passed through none of the
intermediary stages. During the war he
controlled numerous companies, and is
reputed to be extremely rich, to have
made a vast fortune.
It was M. Clemenceau who appealed
to him to lend a hand. It was felt that
the practical man was the kind of man
who was needed to help in the winning
of the war and the elaboration of the
peace. Only rarely does a non-politi-
cian, who has not been elected by the
people, find himself called to take up
a ministerial office; but in the case of
M. Loucheur the experiment was amply
justified. I am not blind to the possible
disadvantages of thus bringing rich
business men into the government. The
door is obviously opened to certain
abuses. Nor do I consider that the good
business man will necessarily make a
good minister. Probably the chances are
that he will not. But exceptional times
call for exceptional men, and M. Lou-
cheur is unquestionably an exceptional
man. Afterward, of course, his situa-
tion was regularized by his election.
He has remained minister through sev-
eral administrations, and in one capac-
ity or another his services will continue
to be enlisted.
It was M. Loucheur who initiated the
policy of direct negotiations with Ger-
many, and who oriented France toward
the idea of reparations in kind. Had it
been possible to impose upon Germany,
three years ago, the essential task of
repairing the ruined regions of France,
there is little doubt that by this time
France would have been largely restor-
ed; and the speedy restoration would
have been worth far more than the
nebulous milliards. The two countries
would already have settled down on
terms of decent neighborliness. Un-
happily, everybody was mesmerized by
the glittering promise of immense sums
hitherto unheard of — sums that could
be expressed only in astronomical fig-
ures. The consequences might have
been foreseen — but they were not, ex-
cept by the economists. The conse-
quences are the collapse of Germany
and the collapse of the treaty. Every-
body now realizes that, unless something
is done in time, Germany is doomed to
bankruptcy. Now, Germany is neces-
sary to Europe, just as Carthage was
necessary to ancient Rome. The foolish
destruction of Carthage by the Romans
deprived them of a base for the Eastern
Mediterranean sea-routes. It is easy to
look back and make these criticisms.
What is of more importance is to look
forward, and to appreciate the fact that,
if Germany did not exist, it would be
necessary to invent her. Nothing more
stupid than that policy which would
FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
840
erase Germany from the map of Europe
could, I think, be conceived.
Presently, in view of the impending
bankruptcy of Germany, it will be nec-
essary to decide between her destruc-
tion and her salvation. Should this
nation be broken up into fragments;
should there be dislocation, economic
anarchy, political chaos? Or should
there be an abandonment of the system
of coercion, of financial squeezing, and
such a collaboration be substituted as
would enable all countries to draw spe-
cific advantages from the continued
existence of a Germany that may work
with hope? This is the terrific question
that must soon be answered in one
sense or another. The decision will be
determined by the stress that French
opinion lays upon certain things. So-
called security would seem to suggest
the break-up of Germany, politically
and economically. This security, how-
ever, would be fallacious. In a military
sense, France would undoubtedly be
secure; but there are also economic con-
siderations. One bankruptcy will en-
train another, and no man can foresee
the end of the happenings in Europe.
On the other hand, it is dreadfully
hard to reconcile one's self to foregoing
claims that have been made and prom-
ises that have been held out. The
choice is, or would appear to be, be-
tween two evils. But perhaps the sec-
ond would turn out to be not an evil at
all. I must content myself with posing
the problem in an objective manner.
Now, the Loucheur-Rathenau accord
is of tremendous import. It is pretend-
ed that it supplements, and does not
supplant, the London Agreement for
the payment by Germany of 132,000,-
000,000 gold marks, made in virtue of
the treaty. In reality, however long the
pretense is kept up, it must be taken as
an entirely new system. The London
Agreement asks for impossible sums
spread over an impossible period of
years, and is already breaking down,
since Germany simply cannot go on
meeting her obligations. The Loucheur
Agreement stipulates that Germany
shall pay in goods, in materiel, a limited
amount for the next five years, not to
the Allies in general, but to France in
particular. This means that common
bargaining is abandoned. It means
that France, preparing for the crash, is
endeavoring to secure for herself, as she
has in equity an undoubted right to do,
a certain portion of her credits on Ger-
many, and is anxious at least to have
the North repaired. It is possible that,
when Germany ceases to pay everyone
else, she will continue to pay France in
kind. She can hardly do both, and it
seems to me that France is contracting
out of the London Agreement. France
is coming to a voluntary arrangement
with Germany. As France for the next
five years may be paid more than is due
to her under the London Agreement, she
might be satisfied, and might not resort,
in exasperation, to methods of coercion
and of sanctions. France, be it noted, is
the only country which could or would
resort to serious coercion and sanctions.
This policy of M. Loucheur, then, is
intensely realist, and denotes a com-
plete change in the manner of regarding
the Franco-German problem. It fore*-
shadows a very much wider system of
cooperation. It may be the turning-
point in European affairs. Its bearing
upon the possibility of land-disarma-
ment is obvious.
It would be foolish to be too optimis-
tic. Not all French statesmen think on
these lines. There is M. Raymond Poin-
care, the ex-President of the Republic,
who will, in all probability, be called at
an early date to the premiership, con-
trolling the destinies of France. I think
I am betraying no secret when I say
that the ultimate policy of M. Poincar£
FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
841
is to move toward the same system of
collaboration with Germany. But he
reserves that policy for the future. For
the present, to judge him by his writing,
— and he is the most prolific journalist
in France, contributing regularly to the
Revue des Deux Mondes, the Temps, and
the Matin, — he believes in turning the
screw on Germany as tightly as it may
be turned. He was thrust aside by M.
Clemenceau in the peacemaking. Al-
though President, he was reduced to
silence. He had no effective way of pro-
testing, but he has put on record, in a
memorandum addressed to M. Clemen-
ceau, his strong opinion that the limi-
tation of the period of occupation of
Germany to fifteen years was disastrous
for France. He would have the occupa-
tion extended to such time as it will
take Germany to fulfill all the mone-
tary obligations of the treaty — which,
being interpreted, means forever.
M. Tardieu, the chief assistant of M.
Clemenceau, argues that this right is
actually conferred, by the treaty itself;
but M. Tardieu's arguments will not
bear examination.
M. Poincare, in addition, has always
shown himself to be one of those ardent,
patriotic Frenchmen who believe that
the contemporaneous existence of a
strong Germany and a prosperous, se-
cure France is impossible. After he re-
tired from the Presidency, he was made
Chairman of the Reparations Commis-
sion. He resigned because the Repara-
tions Commission showed a tendency
to reduce the German debt to more
manageable proportions. At each suc-
cessive abandonment of some French
right, he has fulminated against the
Premier in office. One can only suppose
that, when he becomes Premier himself,
he will carry out his policy of no conces-
sions. No concessions, now that the
original demands are shown to be, how-
ever justified, inexecutable, spells the
final ruin of Germany, and, as most
people think, the greater embarrass-
ment of France. It is perhaps wrong to
suppose that a statesman in office will
behave as a statesman out of office
writes. He is bound to modify his con-
ceptions in accordance with changing
circumstances and proved facts. Never-
theless, one must take M. Poincare to
be what he paints himself to be.
I should certainly describe him as
the most formidable of the politicians
proper in France. He has a tremendous
force. He has been peculiarly consist-
ent in his attitude toward Germany,
from the days when he was raised, as a
bon Lorrain, to the Presidency in the
year before the war. His prestige is
enormous. There are living at this
moment no fewer than four former
Presidents of the Republic. As the
term of office is seven years, this is a
somewhat remarkable fact. But who-
ever hears of Emile Loubet, or of Ar-
mand Fallieres? They have gone to
trim their vines or to live quietly in
complete obscurity. After their occu-
pation of the Elysee, there was no place
for them in public life. M. Deschanel,
it is true, is a member of the Senate,
but he is only nominally in politics.
M. Poincare is made in another mould.
Still comparatively young, with an alert
mind, full of ambition unsatiated, be-
lieving that he is the strong man that
his country needs, he declines to be bur-
ied alive, and is taking a notable re-
venge for his impotence during the latter
years at the Elysee. He is the indefat-
igable critic.
VI
I regret that my space will not per-
mit me to treat of other French politi-
cians so fully, but these men are, after
all, the really representative men of
French politics. M. Rene Viviani is a
highly successful lawyer, gifted with
the most amazing flow of language that
it has ever been my lot to listen to. The
842 FRANCE AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
words simply pour out. He has been
Premier, and during the early part of
the war performed good service. He
has been sent to America on missions
not clearly defined — the vague kind of
mission that is meant to awaken sym-
pathy, and, indeed, does so. It was
hoped that he might influence Wash-
ington with regard to the cancellation
of debts; but as it was afterward found
an inopportune moment to broach this
delicate subject, he came out with a de-
nunciation of those who made such
proposals, on the ground that Germany
might also ask for the cancellation of
her debts.
M. Barthou is an impetuous patriot,
a somewhat fiery man, conspicuous as
a supporter of the Three Years' Mili-
tary Service Law. He has written, with
rather more intimacy than some of us
think justifiable, of the private affairs
of Sainte-Beuve and Victor Hugo.
My own favorite French statesman
— a man whom I consider to be the
finest, the noblest, of our time — is M.
Leon Bourgeois, the colleague of M.
Viviani on the French delegation to the
League of Nations. His has been a well-
filled life, singularly free from intrigue,
singularly free from ambition (he might
have aspired to any post, including the
Presidency), devoted solely to the
furtherance of the idea of the League.
Before Mr. Wilson had ever made the
suggestion of such an organization, he
was already old in its service. He took
the leading part in the deliberations of
The Hague. I know him well and am
happy to pay a tribute to his kindliness,
his simplicity, his unselfishness, and his
generous thought for humanity. There
are not many Bourgeois in the world,
so hard-working, so self-sacrificing, so
single-minded.
Among the younger men, M. Andre
Tardieu is undoubtedly the ablest,
with the best-stored mind. He is in-
clined to a sort of priggishness, of supe-
riority, that makes him unpopular, but
he will probably come into his own again.
There are two officials who will, un-
less something unexpected happens,
play extremely important parts, wheth-
er at Washington or at Paris.
Of M. Jules Jusserand it is necessary
to say only that he is respected as the
most adequate ambassador that France
possesses. He is too well known in
America to need my eulogy. England
has long envied America his possession.
He is tactful, active, and has a unique
knowledge — an altogether indispensa-
ble man. He occupies far too strong a
position ever to be displaced. If he is
left in charge of part of the proceedings
at Washington, France will be repre-
sented by a judicious, sagacious, likable
man, not likely to make any mistake
from the diplomatic standpoint.
At the head of the permanent staff
at the Quai d'Orsay is Philippe Ber-
thelot. Berthelot has a memory that
is an encyclopaedia of foreign affairs.
There are archives at the Quai d'Orsay,
but the real archives are under the
cranium of Philippe Berthelot. In
France ministries change frequently.
Often no record — or an insufficient
record — is kept of negotiations engaged
in by the predecessors of the ministries
in power. But Philippe Berthelot
knows. He can supply the information.
He is sometimes the only man who can
supply it. It may be urged that it is
bad business to give one man the extra-
ordinary power that is thus given to M.
Berthelot ; but he is sound and shrewd,
and whenever he is directly responsible
for policy, his judgments are excellent.
He is the son of the famous chemist who
instituted and developed research work
in the properties of coal. M. Berthelot
in his early days explored and studied
China, and is an authority on Asiatic
matters. Ministers may come and min-
isters may go, but Philippe Berthelot
remains.
THE DISSOLUTION OF PETROGRAD
BY JEAN SOKOLOFF
DEAR MARGARET, —
Cut off, as I have been since the spring
of 1918, from all my friends in England
and Scotland, I must seem to you now
as one who has returned from the Land
of the Dead. And truly I feel, since my
release from the terrors of Soviet Russia,
that I have escaped from an existence
hardly better than death. Of all my
dreadful experiences in Petrograd I
cannot write, but I must tell you of
some which, here in far-off America,
still haunt me like awful nightmares.
After the Revolution of February,
1917, and particularly after the fall of
Kerensky, eight or nine months later,
the position of the moneyed classes be-
came rapidly desperate, and I soon
found myself in a precarious situation.
What a change had come over my for-
tunes! Here I was, the elderly widow
of a Russian naval officer, British by
birth but Russian by marriage. My
husband had left me at his death with
an ample income from several invest-
ments which seemed perfectly secure.
In my long years of residence in Petro-
grad I had come to love the beautiful
city, and I had no intention of leaving
it. Why should I? In Petrograd I had
friends, possessions, money, servants,
and heart's ease but for my husband's
death. I could look forward to declin-
ing years of comfortable leisure.
Then came the Revolution and Bol-
shevist rule, and my prospects melted
like mist in the sun. My investments
became worthless, my chattels were na-
1 This letter recounts, of course, authentic
personal experiences. — THE EDITORS.
tionalized. I dismissed my last serv-
ant, and soon I was suffering privations
and hardships I had never dreamed
of, and living amid horrors that I had
never seen in my wildest delirium.
Of the political and social changes
that took place in Russia, and of
the ruin into which the poor country
rapidly sank, you have read much in
recent months, for the Bolsheviki could
not conceal these changes forever. I will
tell you, therefore, of only some of the
things I saw and some of the hard-
ships I suffered in Petrograd. This ac-
count I have taken pains to make simple
and unvarnished. As I look back now
upon my experiences, I do so without
spite or resentment against the mis-
guided people who were the cause of so
much sorrow. Perhaps my sufferings
have made me apathetic; but it seems
to me now as if I and the Jean Sokoloff
of the last two or three years in Russia
were not the same person.
At the beginning everybody spoke of
the Revolution as bloodless, and so it
was — at first; but, later, dreadful trag-
edies were enacted. All police officers
and government officials who showed
loyalty to the Tsar were immediately
shot. Not far from my house nine were
executed on the second day of the Revo-
lution. For a long time it was quite
unsafe to go out into the streets, as
there was a great deal of shooting;
quick-firing guns were mounted on high
buildings, and no one knew when there
might be a rain of bullets. In the Nev-
sky Prospect and other principal streets
motor-lorries, bristling with rifles and
843
844
THE DISSOLUTION OF PETROGRAD
quick-firing guns and packed with stu-
dents and other revolutionists, caused
excitement and terrorized the people.
The opening of the prisons and the
release of all criminals made both life
and property very unsafe, especially
since there were no police officers. Rob-
beries were frequent, and after dark
pedestrians were often stripped of their
boots and their upper garments. One
lady whom I knew was coming home
one evening wearing a long coat of
black Persian lamb. Two men stopped
her and asked her if she wished to buy a
fur coat. She replied that she did not
require to, as she had the one she was
wearing. 'Why,' they said, 'that is the
very one we mean'; and as she did not
have the money to redeem it, they took
it from her. At length the people took
matters into their own hands, and when
they caught a robber, they lynched him
straight away, and threw his body into
a canal. A decree was issued that every-
body over sixteen was to take his turn
as night-watchman. That is, if a house
was rented in seven flats, let us say,
each flat had to provide a watch for one
night in the week.
I shall never forget my first expe-
rience as watchman. Imagine me, an
elderly lady with no bloodthirsty ideas
whatever, sitting at the great gate which
led to the inner court, with a loaded gun
across my knees ! My watch was from 1 1
P.M. to 4 A.M., and I was under instruc-
tions to shoot if anybody refused to give
his name or to tell why he wished ad-
mission. I was far more afraid of the
gun than I was of any robber who might
appear; and taking pity on me, our old
house-porter hung up a battered tea-
tray near me, and, giving me a stick,
told me to bang on the tray if I needed
help. Fortunately, I did not have to
make use of either the gun or the tray.
On another occasion, the good old
porter did me an even more valuable
service. A decree was issued that no one
renting a house could claim for himself
more than two rooms at most; the
rest of the house, furnished and with
the use of the kitchen, must be given to
whoever from the working class might
want to use it. Soon there appeared at
my door a workingwoman, dirty and
unkempt, but arrogant, who demanded
that I give up a certain number of rooms
to her. The house- porter told the
woman and the Bolshevist official who
supported her in her demand, that I
had a male lodger; I showed them some
of my husband's clothes and a man's
hat and walking-stick which I had laid
out in one of the rooms, and the porter
exhibited a false entry which he had
made in the house-book. The invaders
were satisfied and departed.
Some time after this experience I was
obliged to give up my home and rent a
room in the dwelling of a friend. As my
investments had become worthless, I
had applied, many months before my
removal, for permission to sell my furni-
ture; as all property had become na-
tionalized, I could not sell my own
chattels without a permit. This was
finally granted to me on the ground
that I was a widow. Shortly after I had
moved to my friend's house, we expe-
rienced our first armed raid. We were
roused from our beds at about two in
the morning by five armed men and
two women, who said they had come to
search for firearms. They nosed into
every corner and examined all photo-
graphs. My husband's photograph in
naval uniform they left, after I had told
them that he was dead; but the photo-
graphs of King George and King Ed-
ward and the Tsar they tore into bits
and stamped under foot. Some money
and jewelry I had hidden behind pic-
tures and among the tea in the tea-
caddy. These valuables they did not
discover, and, strange to say, they ex-
amined all my boxes excepting the one
in which I had packed what table silver
THE DISSOLUTION OF PETROGRAD
845
I had not yet sold. After an hour and a
half they left. Everything was turned
upside-down: bedding, pillows, books,
clothing — all were heaped in the mid-
dle of the floor.
In a few weeks we had a second mid-
night raid; but this time they were
searching for incriminating documents
and did not disturb any of our person-
al belongings. In November, 1919, we
experienced the worst raid of all. Every
letter or scrap of written matter my
friend and I possessed was taken from
us, and we were also relieved of what-
ever personal effects appealed to the
invaders. From me they took all my
husband's medals and decorations. I
begged them to allow me to keep the
crosses of Saint Anna and of Stanislav
as a remembrance of him, but they re-
fused saying, 'No one has orders now,
and we need the gold.' After searching
for nearly two hours, they ordered my
friend to get on some clothes, as she
must go with them. They took her
away at four o'clock in the morning,
and she was kept in prison for three
months. At the end of that time she
was released; but she was never given
the satisfaction of knowing why she
was arrested.
I was most fortunate, as I was arrest-
ed only once and was not then sent to
prison. When I came home one day,
a soldier arrested me at my door and
marched me off to a hall where there
were several other prisoners. There we
were detained for eight hours, and then
released without any explanation as to
the cause of our arrest.
One did not have to be in prison to
know what hunger means. Those of us
who were not imprisoned learned the
lesson only too well. Lack of food be-
came more and more acute, and the
prices were such that it was impossible
to earn enough in one day to buy even a
pound of black bread. Milk cost 250
rubles a bottle, and was well watered at
that. Potatoes were 200 rubles a pound,
and were often half-frozen. Tea and
coffee cost thousands of rubles the
pound. For a time I drank an infusion
of black-currant leaves and also of cran-
berry leaves, which would have been
quite pleasant if I could have had any
sugar. The Bolsheviki opened soup-
kitchens, for which each person received
a monthly ticket on application to a
certain department of the Soviet. Often
I have stood for a long, long time in a
queue, waiting with a pitcher to receive
a portion of soup, which was simply wa-
ter, with some cabbage-leaves or pieces
of frozen potato floating in it. For this
the charge was eight rubles. Hunger
made me glad to eat this soup, but
there were days when it smelled so bad,
especially when they had added herring
heads to it, that I gave it to someone in
the queue, or poured it out.
The members of the working class re-
ceived a special ticket and got a second
dish, perhaps some potatoes or a salt
herring; but these extras were denied
to the Intelligentsia, who suffered far
more than did the workers. Sometimes,
when it was impossible to procure bread,
many of us used to buy turnips and eat
them raw as a substitute. You will be
surprised that we did not boil them,
but we found them more satisfying
when raw. As they were very dear, we
could not afford to buy more than a
few. Some who were hungry even made
soup of fresh green grass. This I never
tried, but soup made of rhubarb leaves
I found could be eaten. At first, when
we still had coffee, we used to mix a
little flour with the coffee-grounds, and
make cookies; but I must say that I
could eat these only when I was very
hungry. The Intelligentsia could re-
ceive on their bread-cards only two
ounces per day; and when it was possi-
ble to buy any extra, the price was
exorbitant. The working class was
allowed much more. Anv extra bread
846
THE DISSOLUTION OF PETROGRAD
could be bought only by chance on the
street, from peasants, or in the open mar-
ket, and often there was more sawdust
and minced straw in it than flour. Fre-
quently, when the Bolsheviki ran out
of flour, so that they were unable to give
us bread on our bread-cards, they sub-
stituted oats; but the amount was so
meagre that, when we ground it down,
very little flour came out.
All stores and shops were closed, and
one could buy only in the open markets.
Butter in 1919 sold at 2800 rubles per
pound, and bacon at 3000. Peasants
brought in milk and produce from the
country and bartered it for clothing.
They did not want money, as they said
there was nothing to buy with it. It
was sad to see ladies standing in the
market, bartering or selling their beau-
tiful dresses and linen to get money for
food. As long as they had things to sell,
they got good prices; but what was to
be done, once they had parted with all
their belongings? It was no uncommon
thing to see peasant women wearing
beautiful fur coats and exquisite eve-
ning dresses and also jewelry, probably
received in exchange for food.
Some ladies, friends of mine, who were
formerly well to do, had to sell flowers
and newspapers in the street, to earn a
livelihood. All women under fifty years
of age had to take their turn at sweep-
ing the snow on the streets, breaking up
the ice, and emptying the dust-bins.
There were so many sick that the
hospitals were over-crowded. The lack
of even the most necessary medicines
was great. In former times Germany
provided great quantities of the medic-
aments used. Doctors were scarce, as
so many had been sent to the front.
Typhus, of course, was raging and
claimed many victims. A friend of mine,
who went to one of the hospitals to
identify a relative who had died, told
me that, in the mortuary, the bodies
were stacked from floor to ceiling, like
logs of wood, and many of them much
decomposed. The difficulty was to get
a sufficient supply of coffins. Two bod-
ies were placed in each coffin, which
was merely a few boards of wood rough-
ly nailed together. One could often see
carts piled up with these coffins, which
were taken outside of the city, where
the bodies were put into a pit and the
coffins brought back to be used for the
bodies of other victims. Those whose
friends died at home had to convey
the coffins themselves to the cemetery,
either on a sledge or otherwise.
The funeral of a Bolshevik was a
very grand affair. The coffin was al-
ways covered with bright-red cloth,
the hearse also being draped in red,
and with wreaths from which scarlet
ribbons were suspended. There was
always a band, and a procession with
many red banners flying. Processions
bearing red banners, eulogizing Com-
munism or Bolshevism and denouncing
the old regime, were a common sight.
The suffering of poor animals was
also terrible, and horses dropped dead
on the street from starvation. The fod-
der was so bad that horses that were
starving would turn away from it. Be-
hind the house where I lived the Bolshe-
viki had a number of horses stabled.
Every week I saw several dead ones
carried out; and one of the soldiers who
cared for the animals told me that there
was not a scrap of woodwork left within
reach of the horses, because they had
gnawed it all away in their hunger. If
a dead horse were left in the street at
night, by the next day nothing would be
left of it but the ribs and perhaps the
head, upon which some gaunt dog
would be gnawing. People had come in
the night and taken away all other
parts of the carcass for food. Many ate
cats and dogs, and said the flesh tasted
good.
Many a night I was not able to sleep
for hunger. But lack of food was not my
THE DISSOLUTION OF PETROGRAD
847
only privation. Before the Revolution
I had never known what it was to be
cold indoors; wood, which was used for
fuel in Petrograd, was plentiful and
cheap. During my last two winters
there, there was great suffering caused
by lack of fuel. In Finland and parts of
Russia there was plenty of wood, cut
and ready to be sent to the cities; but
the transportation system had broken
down completely. This want of wood
became more and more acute; many
wooden dwelling-houses were pulled
down, and all wooden fencing around
gardens and wooden walks was utilized
for fuel. More than once I was thank-
ful wrhen I could buy an old beam, tie a
rope around my waist, and drag it home
to be sawed up into short pieces. We
were permitted to buy only a small
quantity each month and had to show
the paper with the date of the preceding
purchase, which was compared with the
entry in the official books. Often I have
left the house in pitch darkness (no
lights in the streets), at four o'clock on
a winter's morning, to get my place in
the queue at the wood-store, so as to be
one of the first to be attended to when
the office opened at ten o'clock. It was
no joke to wait six hours with the tem-
perature below zero. Sometimes the
soldiers who were on duty would admit
us to a room they had and permit us to
warm ourselves for a few minutes. By
ten o'clock there were hundreds in line,
and when you reached the window you
were given only a piece of paper which
entitled you to receive the wood on a
specified day. Think of what this meant
to poor mothers who had to leave young
children at home for hours! One poor
woman in the queue one morning had a
sick baby which she could not leave at
home; it died in her arms before she
reached the window.
The shortage of food and the other
privations all helped to make us more
sympathetic toward one another, and
we did all in our power to help one an-
other. One of my pupils (for I was try-
ing to keep body and soul together by
teaching English) was a Russian naval
officer; he used to bring me occasionally
a small piece of bread which he had left
over. He was serving under the Bolshe-
viki — under compulsion, like so many
others. It was his plan to learn to speak
English and then to try to escape from
Russia. To my great sorrow, for he
was my favorite pupil and could con-
verse fairly well in English, he was ar-
rested by his masters and sent away to
Cologda. I never could find out the
reason for his arrest or hear anything
further about him. He once told me
that, if he were arrested, he would take
his own life; and I often wonder if he is
still alive.
I was deeply touched one day by a
workingwoman's bringing me a tea-
spoonful of dry tea. This was a wonder-
ful present, as she had only a very small
quantity, which had been given to her,
and tea was at a premium. I did not
wish to accept it, but she insisted, be-
cause sometimes I had helped her and
her children with a little food, and had
once procured a situation for her.
So in such ways we tried to cheer
one another. Often, when one did show
a little kindness, one was repaid four-
fold or more. I remember that once,
when crossing the Nicholas Bridge, I
came upon an elderly lady struggling to
carry a very heavy bag. I asked her in
what direction she was going, and as it
was not very far from my own destina-
tion, I carried the bag home for her.
When she thanked me at parting, she
said, 'I hope that, if ever you have to
carry something that is too heavy for
you, you also will meet some kind per-
son to help you.' A few days later I had
to bring to my home some wood which
was very heavy. I tried to carry it on
my back, but found it beyond my
strength to do so, as my house was quite
848
THE DISSOLUTION OF PETROGRAD
a good distance away. Just as I was sit-
ting on a doorstep wondering whatever
I should do, a soldier came along, and I
summoned up my courage to ask if he
would help me, even for a short distance.
He immediately picked up the wood,
slung it on his back, and asked me
where I lived. When I told him, he
said, ' I can easily go by that street.' He
took me right to the door of my house,
and when I offered him money, he re-
fused. ' I was only too glad to helpyou,'
he said; 'I should not like to see my
mother carry such a load.' The old
lady's wish for me was not long in
being realized.
On the streets one seldom encounter-
ed an old person, all having died from
malnutrition. Some elderly people, un-
able to work and add to their small in-
comes, suffered terribly, as food prices
were impossible. In the homes for old
men and women, where, under the old
regime, they were well fed, many deaths
from starvation took place every week.
One thing the Bolsheviki tried to do
was to feed the children. They had no
use for old people and even said openly
that they ought to die; but they had to
think of the rising generation, for the
future of the country. At the schools,
children received a free dinner, which
consisted of soup and a good piece of
black bread, or often some cooked ce-
real. Of course, there was no fat in the
food and little nourishment for growing
children. Then the Bolsheviki tried to
nationalize the children, asking the
parents to give them up at a certain age,
that they might be brought up and
educated in colonies and trained in all
the principles of Bolshevism. When I
left, in 1920, they were trying to carry
this out; but the parents objected, so I
do not know what success they met
with later. One mother said to me,
'Where is the joy of motherhood if I
must give up my child whenever his in-
fancy is over?'
With all my suffering I cannot but
feel that God dealt mercifully with me.
I will give you one instance of this. On
Christmas Eve, 1918, I was alone and
without a scrap of food in the house.
As I thought back over my past happy
life and the loved ones who had gone
from me, I naturally felt much depress-
ed. How I could manage to live to the
New Year, I could not imagine. Before
retiring to rest that night, I asked God
to send me some food. The next morn-
ing, at eight o'clock, the back-door bell
rang; and when I opened the door, I
saw standing there an old servant who
had served me faithfully for seventeen
years, but whom I had had to dismiss
several months previously because of
my inability to feed her. Her people
were farmers in Poland. She said that
she had come to spend Christmas with
me and that she had brought with her
some provisions, such as black bread,
flour, and a little bacon, and some sugar
and potatoes. Truly, this was an answer
to prayer. In those trying times we
learned to live by the day and to rest
on the promise, 'As thy days, so shall
thy strength be.'
Many whom I knew, who were serv-
ing under the Bolsheviki, were merely
doing so to earn a livelihood, and it was
indeed hard for them to serve such mas-
ters. In fact, many were at the point of
starvation when they accepted positions
under the Soviet. As one put it, 'To all
appearances we are Red, but we are just
like red radishes; scratch us but a little
and we are white underneath.'
Of course, you know that in Russia
the custom of giving tips (or, as it is call-
ed there, tea-money) was carried to
great lengths. If you dined with friends,
or paid a call, you were expected to tip
the servant who removed your over-
coat or wrap. At Christmas and Easter
the dvoriks, postmen, chimney-sweeps,
and men who polished your floors, all
called upon you, to receive their tea-
THE DISSOLUTION OF PETROGRAD
849
money. I heard a very good story rela-
tive to this habit of tipping. After the
Revolution, everyone was supposed to
be on the same level — no distinction
of class. The working class was de-
lighted with this equality. An officer
who frequently visited at the house of
some friends, had been in the habit of
giving the house-porter a liberal tip
each time. On his first visit after the
Revolution, the porter met him with the
greeting, ' Well, comrade, how are you?'
and shook him by the hand. The officer,
returning the handshake, answered,
'Thank you, comrade, I am well.' At
the conclusion of the visit, when the
porter opened the door for the officer,
the latter held out his hand and said,
' Good-bye. Of course, now we are com-
rades, it is impossible for me to offer
you a tip.' The man was so taken aback
that his hand dropped to his side and
his jaw fell with astonishment. In this
case, he did not appreciate the equality.
In 1919 quite a number of British and
other subjects escaped without passes
from the Bolsheviki, who had forbidden
anyone to leave Petrograd. Those who
escaped did so by the back door, as it
was called in Russia, that is, illegal-
ly, through Finland. There was a secret
society which, for large sums of money,
arranged these escapes, taking the fugi-
tives across the ice. It was a hazardous
journey, and no one could undertake it
with children, as they had long distances
to walk, and often had to crawl on their
hands and knees, or lie flat in a bog,
while the Bolsheviki were throwing
searchlights on the frontier. All fugi-
tives had to wear some covering of
white over their clothes, so as to be less
liable to be seen on the white snow. I
met one lady in Finland who had thus
escaped. Her experiences had been so
terrible that her eyeballs stuck out,
from the nervous strain she had under-
gone.
Many and strange were the subter-
VOL. 128 — NO. 6
fuges employed to get out of Russia. A
Scotch friend of mine, who had married
a Russian and thus become a Russian
subject, got permission to leave with
her three little children, by going before
the Soviet with her husband. There
they asked to be divorced. A few ques-
tions were asked them, one of which
was, if the mother wished the children.
She answered 'Yes,' and a paper was
written out, for which they paid the small
sum of ten rubles, according them the
divorce, and giving back to my friend
her British nationality, so that she was
able to leave the country with her
three little ones in April, 1920. The hus-
band, of course, had to remain behind ;
but it was easier for a man to get along
alone, than if he had a wife and child-
ren to feed.
In the early part of 1920, when I saw
different parties of British refugees final-
ly being permitted to leave Russia while
I was detained as a Russian subject be-
cause of my marriage, I lost all hope of
ever getting away. By this time my
health was much impaired; my feet and
legs, and often my face, were badly
swollen, and at times I felt so giddy
that it was hard for me to get along.
Owing to physical weakness, I suppose,
I became quite apathetic and did not
seem to care what became of me, al-
though I realized that I could not live
through another such winter as the last,
since I had already parted with nearly
all my belongings and would have noth-
ing to supplement my earnings. Early
in April we were told that the Bolshe-
viki were considering the advisability
of allowing the British-born widows of
Russian subjects to leave the country,
and a few days later a decree was
published according this permission. In
five days we must leave with some other
refugees. Permits and passes had to be
obtained. No books or written matter
of any kind could be taken with us, and
I even had to get the Soviet stamp put
850
THE DISSOLUTION OF PETROGRAD
on my Bible, and on some photographs
that I wished to take with me.
I cannot tell you all the details of my
journey out of Russia, for it is a long
story. About two in the afternoon of
April 13, we finally approached the
point near the frontier where persons
and luggage were to be examined. The
examination was very thorough: all the
women were undressed, their shoes and
stockings taken off, and even their hair
taken down. Even so, many managed
to smuggle their diamonds through, and
I was able to slip into my box an old
glove containing a pair of large solitaire
diamond earrings belonging to a friend.
I was fortunate in being one of the last
to be examined, and so I was allowed to
pass more easily.
After the examination we were taken
by a train a little farther, to the frontier
line, which is determined by a swift and
narrow running stream. It is utterly
impossible to describe our feelings as
we stepped from the bridge on the other
side and stood once again on free soil.
Many hearts were full of thankfulness
to God, who had delivered us from the
power and tyranny of the Bolsheviki.
It was difficult to realize the fact that
now they could no longer harm us, and
we need have no more fears, or nights of
terror when sleep forsook our eyes from
the dread of arrest. When we crossed
the frontier, we were greeted by mem-
bers of the British Red Cross, who con-
gratulated us warmly on our escape.
With them were some British and Irish
officers who had just been released from
prisons in Moscow. One of their num-
ber, belonging to a Highland regiment,
wore tartan; and when I saw this bit of
transplanted Scotland, my eyes filled
with tears and my weak knees grew
weaker with emotion. I doubt if the
pipes of Lucknow created greater emo-
tion in any breast than did that plaid
in mine.
I turned to Janet MacDonald, who
had come out of Russia with me after
much suffering and imprisonment. The
tears were rolling down her cheeks.
She buried her face on my shoulder
and sobbed out in a transport of joy,
'O Jean, Jean, the tartan breeks, the
tartan breeks!'
There is little more to tell. From the
frontier we were taken to Terioki on the
Gulf of Finland, where we were all
examined by a doctor and detained in
quarantine for a month. At the end of
the month we were taken to Helsingfors,
the seaport of Finland, and there em-
barked on the transport Dongola for
Southampton.
Just outside of London was a home
for Russian refugees. To this home we
were all taken, and here I remained for
some weeks until I could inquire about
my Scottish relatives and friends. I
had not heard from them for years, and
undoubtedly some of the letters they
wrote to me were among the thousands
that were stacked in a huge pile in the
courtyard of the General Post Office in
Petrograd and eventually burned. A
small box contained all my earthly
possessions, and, as I looked at it, I came
more and more to realize the uncer-
tainty of riches and the need of setting
our affections on things above. After
several months I finally received my
naturalization papers and was again a
British subject; and in January, 1921, 1
left England for America, to visit my
only brother in far-off Montana.
Here, amid the changing majesty of
these mountains, my mind often turns
back to dear Russia, and the tears fill
my eyes. I spent many years there in a
happy home; and the soil in which I
laid my loved ones to rest will ever be
sacred. Now the newspapers are bring-
ing tales of more suffering and more
famine in that unhappy country. May
the good God save Russia, and guide
the hearts and hands that would rescue
her and bring her out of her distress !
A SUGGESTION ON COAL
BY WALTER L. BALLOU
IN his article 'What Shall We Do
About Coal?' in the September Atlan-
tic, Arthur E. Suffern has suggested a
remedy through gradual extension of
government control over the waste in
natural resources and man-power which
present mining methods entail. It is to
be doubted whether many who are con-
versant with the industry will quarrel
with his premise; there is every reason
to know that there are many who, hav-
ing the best interest of the industry at
heart, will quarrel with his suggested
remedy. Nor is the quarrel prompted
exclusively by selfish motives — past
experience has convinced many of the
inadequate costliness of the Govern-
ment's attempt to control the industry.
It is a truism that the history of
American development has been the
history of wasted natural resources.
Man seldom thinks of conservation
until the approach of total consump-
tion of a natural resource prompts him
to do so. This is true of forests, agri-
cultural resources, and mines. It is
true of man-power and the potential
possibilities of man-power, to such an
extent, that it has been said that in its
treatment of men America is to-day
wasting her greatest natural resource.
Conservation is out of the question
without the moral support of the public
that consumes the product to be con-
served. As long as an industry dealing
with a natural resource is operated on a
competitive basis, so long must waste
be the key-note of operation. One
mine-operator is forced, for instance, to
mine the cream of his potential output,
in order to meet the competition from
another operator who is doing the same
thing. He cannot mine 'clean,' because
the cost of such mining will not permit
him to meet the competition of the pro-
ducer who does not mine clean.
The result is to be found in England,
where to-day the pits have been worked
far back, and each year sees an added
cost of production, making more diffi-
cult the competition that the British
producer has to meet. It is true that, if
present mining methods continue in this
country unchecked, America will event-
ually have to face the same problem.
There is no question as to the over-
production of coal in the country,
caused by an over-development of
mines. That, too, is the result of the
basis of open competition that obtains.
Good years in the industry call forth
the opening of new mines, or the re-
opening of old ones that have been idle
during dull years. What control, other
than through government ownership,
can the Government exercise, which
will check the natural effort of one man
to make money in a market where oth-
ers are making it?
Admitting the evil, we believe there
is a solution which, while at the further
end of the social pole, will come nearer
to being a solution than that proposed
by Mr. Suffern. Let us first consider
some of the evils which might- be ex-
pected to accompany government con-
trol, and then state the suggestion.
During the 'tight' coal market of the
summer of 1920, various attempts at
control were made by the Government,
851
852
A SUGGESTION ON COAL
directed chiefly toward forcing lower
prices. These were attempted through
regulation of the car-supply by priority
orders favoring coal-movements. One
priority order alone, however, which in
effect permitted the abrogation of con-
tracts with dock operators in the north-
west, — if, in fact, it did not force that
abrogation, — resulted in adding ap-
proximately $13,000,000 to the fuel-
bill of that section, without getting a
pound more coal moved into the terri-
tory than would have moved without
the orders. Other priority orders, in-
tended to make possible greater pro-
duction, resulted in a dispersion of
available equipment to an extent which
militated against the object in view.
As to control by the Government in
other industries, the railroads and the
merchant marine are eloquent of what
waste is possible and actual under such
direction. Not only was there an actual
loss of millions of dollars during federal
operation of the roads, but the loyalty
of the railroad men was squandered to
an almost irremediable extent. Re-
cent figures given out by the present
head of the Shipping Board show that
the loss in that venture alone ran high-
er than $1,000,000 daily during the last
fiscal year of operation.
Nor is this condition one that is due
to questionable motives or willful in-
tent. Government control lacks that
personal interest which nature has
decreed must underlie conservation.
There is a lack of centralization of re-
sponsibility that no idealism of good in-
tent can offset. Delegation of authority
and responsibility carries with it a cost
which prohibits conservation as it fos-
ters waste. In New Zealand, where
government operation of mining in the
coal-industry has been tried, it has been
found that production costs were high-
er and labor troubles greater and more
frequent than under private operation.
The experiment has resulted in less,
rather than more, conservation of both
money and good-will.
That control is necessary before con-
servation can be accomplished is evi-
dent, since conservation means control.
May we suggest that that control can
best be effected by increasing industry
control, rather than lessening it through
the introduction of government control?
Railroad heads to-day are confront-
ed by the evils of divided authority as
the result of a paternalistic attitude
on the part of Government. They are
much in the state in which Brown-
ing's Saul found himself, — 'death
gone, life not come,' — unable to put
into effect those economies that are es-
sential if railroad transportation is to
recover from its present chaotic condi-
tion. Is it not reasonable to believe
that an extension of control over coal to
government agencies would have a sim-
ilar result in this industry?
The history of what is commonly
called 'big business' has been marked
by a degree of conservation that has not
been found in other forms of industrial
arrangement. Whether we take the
packing industry, the steel industry, or
the petroleum industry, the gathering
of control into a few hands has made
possible a saving and elimination of
waste that never could have existed, and
did not exist, under open competition
between hundreds and thousands of
small firms and individuals. ' Big busi-
ness' not only has adopted modern
methods of production, accounting,
marketing, and 'labor-adjusting,' but
has developed raw natural resources
to the highest degree, bringing forth
by-products in profusion out of what
under former management had been
waste. Through maximum production,
which this control fostered, prices have
been frequently lowered as compared
with prices under competitive condi-
tions. Monopoly, with all it is frequent-
ly said to imply, has been a benefactor
A SUGGESTION ON COAL
853
to the public as well as to the industry
in which it is born.
In the coal-mining industry such a
monopoly would have even greater pos-
sibilities for good than in most other in-
dustries. Present overdevelopment in
coal lands has resulted in wasteful dis-
persion of railroad equipment, increas-
ing the cost of transportation of fuel,
and, in times of emergency, cutting
down the potential haulage of the
roads. Were the coal lands of the coun-
try in the hands of a comparatively few
well-financed corporations, new lands
would be held in reserve while old ones
were being developed along modern
scientific lines. Without the struggle
that now is frequently necessary in the
attempt to meet necessary overhead
expenses, it would be possible to in-
stall permanent equipment needed for
economic mining; the operator would
know that he could depreciate that
equipment on a producing-time, rather
than on a largely idle-time, basis, and
would not feel the necessity to recover
his investment in a year or two.
Such control would also tend to
minimize the waste in man-power that
accompanies present methods. Intro-
duction of modern machinery would be
one factor; but the elimination of hun-
dreds of mines from operation would in
itself release thousands of men from
the industry for other employment, and
at the same time tend to increase the
annual working time of those who re-
mained. Conservation would be accom-
plished also in the selling end of the
industry, since duplication of merchan-
dizing forces would be unnecessary.
It is true that, as in other industries,
such concentration in a small circle of
control of the vast coal resources of the
country would carry with it possibili-
ties of evils and dangers; but it is to be
doubted whether these would be as
great, from the public's standpoint, as
would the waste and inadequacy of
government control. The public has
not forgotten that heatless days and
lightless nights were never known out-
side of federal control of coal, and that
they happened then even after war-
inconveniences were past. It may have
forgotten that it was government inter-
ference that gave the union miners a
wage-rate which is largely responsible for
the present high price of fuel ; and that it
was government operation of the rail-
roads which brought about freight-
rates on coal that are the other real fac-
tor in present coal prices. It finds it
possible under monopolistic conditions
in the petroleum field to buy gasoline at
a satisfactory price and with satisfac-
tory service. It has voiced its senti-
ments in favor of private control of pri-
vate business, and it stands ready, we
believe, to back that expression, if need
be, by revoking its presidential choice
of 1920 if the present administration
fails to deliver on its pledge.
The Government has been far more
successful in coping with the evils of
private monopolistic tendencies than it
has been in attempts at direct control
of an industry. In those fields where a
few well-financed firms have gained
control of the output, — as in Frank-
lin County, Illinois, for instance, — a
stability of policy tending toward effi-
ciency is to be noted, as well as a sta-
bility of price in what may be called
runaway markets. Is it not reasonable
to suggest that an expansion of this
control, rather than that of Govern-
ment, may in the end prove the solu-
tion of the problem, and result in a real
conservation of coal?
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
MY WIFE'S ADDRESS-BOOK
I WONDER whether other women's
address-books are like Cynthia's. Hers
defies definition: it cannot be indexed or
codified, but must be interpreted by its
amazing creator. To give an idea of the
system by which it has been compiled
I must quote a specific instance.
The other day a lady who was calling
on my wife inquired whether she could
recommend a good laundress.
'Oh, certainly!' cried the practical
Cynthia, ' I always keep the names and
addresses of everyone who can possibly
be useful to anyone. Algernon/ she
called out to me as I was trying to read
the paper in the next room, 'just look in
my book of Social and Domestic Emer-
gencies and tell me Nora Mahoney's
address. It is something River Street.'
Obediently I took up the little red
book with its alphabetical pages, and
turning to the M's, ran my finger down
the list, encountering on the way an
alien group of P's who had somehow
strayed into the wrong fold. There was
no Mahoney among them. But I knew
some of my wife's mental processes,
and, nothing daunted, I turned to the
N's, remembering that Cynthia had
once dropped the remark that very few
of the people she had ever employed
seemed to have last names. There was
no Nora among the Nightwatchmen,
the Nurses, the Nellys, and the Neds.
' Is your name M or N? ' I murmured as
I abandoned both initials and turned to
L for Laundress. Again I was thwarted,
but my hunting-blood was stirred, and
I feverishly, but vainly, sought the
needle of a Nora in the haystack of
Hired Help.
854
'Don't you find it, dear?' inquired
Cynthia with a note of gentle surprise.
'Perhaps you had better let me look.
You can never seem to learn my system
of registration.'
When the mystic volume was in her
hands, she appeared to go into a trance,
and with eyes closed muttered, 'Let me
see now, would it be under W for
Washerwoman? No. Perhaps it might
be under G for General Housework —
don't you remember, Algernon, how
cleverly Nora was always able to do
things that we did n't want her to do?
Here are the G's, — let me see, — Gas-
man, Gymnasium teacher, Mrs. Gor-
don, Glove Cleansing, Miss Grant, Oh,
here we are! General Housework! Oh,
no, that is n't Housework, it's General
Houston — don't you remember that
delightful man with the military mous-
tache we met in Virginia? He gave me
his card, and I just jotted his name
down in my address-book. I put him
among the G's because I knew that
though I might forget his name, I
should never forget that he was a Gen-
eral; so here he is, just where he belongs
— only, where is Nora?'
She knit her brow for an instant and
then unraveled it hastily. 'Now I re-
member! How stupid of me to forget
the workings of my own mind ! I always
used to think that Nora's name was
Agnes, — it's so exactly the same kind
of a name, — and I probably put her
down under A, thinking that is where
I should look for her. Oh, yes, here she
is ! ' she called to her patiently waiting
friend. ' She leads off the A's, like Abou
Ben Adhem. Nora Mahoney, 18 Brook
Street — just what I told you, except
that I thought it was River Street.'
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
855
A few days after this episode I tried
to get Cynthia really to explain her
address-book to me so that I might be
able to assist others, or myself, in some
domestic crisis, if she were away or ill;
but she found me very literal and thick-
witted.
'You see,' she interpreted, 'if a per-
son has a very marked characteristic
that distinguishes him more than his
name, of course I put him down under
the initial of his idiosyncrasy. For in-
stance, there 's that deaf old upholsterer
that Aunt Eliza told me about, who
comes to the house and does n't hear
the awful noise he makes when he ham-
mers. He is entered under D for Deaf
Upholsterer, because the image that is
flashed into my mind when the chairs
need recovering is of a deaf man — the
fact that his name is Rosenburg is of
minor importance.'
' But you have such a confusing way
of mixing names and profession,' I ob-
jected. 'For instance, those delightful
English people who were so good to us
in London, Sir James and Lady Taylor,
would be flattered if they could see that
right on the heels of Lady Taylor fol-
lows, " Ladies ' Tailor, seventy-five dol-
lars and not very good!" Then here
under M is Mason, A. P., such and such
a street. That of course is our old friend
Miss Anna, but right under her name is
Mason, A, with some business address
following.'
'Oh, but A is n't an initial in that
case,' cried Cynthia. 'A is just A, you
know, a mason whose name I don't re-
member but who was highly recom-
mended by the carpenter that time
when the bricks fell out of the chimney!
Really, Algernon, you don't seem to be
using your mind.'
I was still doggedly turning over the
pages, and hardly listened to her. 'Now
look here,' I triumphantly exclaimed,
'can you give me any logical reason
why under the letter F, I should find
Mrs. Charles B. Redmond, 32 Pineland
Road?'
'Why, of course I can!' Cynthia in-
formed me without an instant's hesi-
tation. 'Mrs. Charles Redmond was
Fanny Flemming before she was mar-
ried, and people always speak of her by
her maiden name, on account of the al-
literation, so I put her down under the
initial that brings her to my mind, but
of course using the names she is called
by. Don't you see?'
I saw, but there were still unplumbed
depths of mystery.
'Can you tell me, please,' I asked
humbly, 'why there should be flowery
beds of E's among the O's, and why a
little oasis of blossoms beginning with B
should be blooming among the weedy
Ws? I'm sure there is some perfectly
good feminine reason, but — '
'Ah, there there is some excuse for
you ! ' Cynthia acknowledged ; ' but sure-
ly even you must always associate cer-
tain letters together for no apparent
reason. For instance, perhaps you may
have forgotten a name, but you are cer-
tain that it begins with a T. Later you
remember the name and find that it
does n't begin with a T at all, but with
an L. Of course, there is some psycho-
logical reason why those two letters are
associated together in your mind. Now
to me, B and W are practically inter-
changeable, so I have put Mrs. Blake
and the Burlingtons and old Miss Bos-
worth in with the W's, and the Wilkin-
sons and the Warners are among the
B's. It really helps me very much to
have them like that, but I can see that
it would be confusing to people who had
different group associations.'
I closed the little red volume abruptly.
' Oh, well, if your address-book is sim-
ply an Intelligence Test — 'I began.
But Cynthia interrupted me. ' It is n't
an Intelligence Test, it's an Intelligence
Office,' she gently explained.
'Well, it's no use, I can't understand
856
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
it,' I confessed. 'Your addresses are
as safe from me as if they were written
in Sanscrit instead of ciphers, and were
locked into a safety deposit vault. I
have no key that fits, and I don't know
the combination.'
'That 's because you 're a man,' my
wife pityingly explained. ' There is n't a
woman of my acquaintance who does
n't do her address-book-keeping on this
general plan, but the word that opens
the combination is one that no man will
ever understand.'
'Thank Heaven there are still the
Telephone Book and the Social Regis-
ter,' I cried, stung by the tone of supe-
riority in Cynthia's voice.
But her last word was yet to bje
spoken. 'If ever you want to look up
your own name in my address-book,'
she said very sweetly, 'remember the
Parable of the Deaf Upholsterer, and
look under S.'
FAMILY PRAYERS
If, as one of the younger generation
has remarked, 'Religion is the spiritual
stream in which we are all floating or
swimming or struggling or sinking,' I
can only observe that the temperature
of the stream is pleasantly tepid in
these days, and that it wanders lan-
guidly through a flat and uneventful
country. It has come a long way from
the icy mountain streams and blue
lakes that were its source. Back in my
boyhood days, in Brierly, it flowed
more swiftly, and the water was colder.
Some courage was required to plunge
into it, and some agility and skill to
keep one's head above the current.
I am reminded of a recent statement
made, one Sunday morning, by my
sister Tryphena, to the effect that in
her youth little boys did not play mar-
bles on the Sabbath; and of the crisp
note in the voice of my brother Ed-
ward's youngest son — aged seven — as
he stood on tiptoe to reach his bag of
marbles from the playroom shelf, and
answered: 'Well, Aunt Tryphena, you
see things have changed.'
True. Things have changed. Edward
is a good, Christian father, and he goes
to church every Sunday morning, when
it is too warm or too cold or too wet on
the links. He does his duty by his child-
ren, but I can't imagine him kneeling
down by Jack and praying, with tears
in his eyes, for light and strength and
guidance for them both, and then sup-
plementing prayer with a hickory
switch, the way father did when John,
who was twelve at the time, and a mem-
ber of the church, profaned the Sabbath
and outraged all Brierly traditions by
wearing his new baseball suit on Sun-
day morning.
Of course, it was a particularly vivid
suit. The trousers were red-and-white
striped, and the jacket blue with white
stars. And John, who knew only too
well the result if he were caught in such
a costume on the seventh day, climbed
out of the window of his room and down
over the woodshed roof, to show him-
self to Frances and Caroline, who were
washing breakfast dishes in the kitchen.
But one of the neighbors saw him, and
strolled over to the front gate to chat
with father; and father appeared at the
woodshed door — an avenging Nem-
esis, with the hickory switch in his
hand —
Yes, things have changed. There is
still plenty of religion abroad in the
land, but the faith that most of us hold
nowadays is a milder, more comfortable
variety than the sort that permeated
Brierly when we were growing up. It
seems to consist mainly of a vague
optimism, combined with a gentle tol-
erance of all differing creeds that might
be mistaken, by a skeptic, for indiffer-
ence.
We were n't gently tolerant of other
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
857
creeds in Brierly. The details of salva-
tion were desperately vital. Baptism
and confirmation were ordeals of tre-
mendous significance. Frances ran
away when she was seven years old,
to attend a Methodist revival, and was
converted. On reaching home, she lay
awake all night, from joy that her sins
were forgiven; and though the older
boys and girls, who had just joined our
church, felt this to be an unparalleled
piece of uppishness on her part, and fa-
ther and mother insisted on her attend-
ing worship with her own family, no
one questioned the depth or reality of
her experience.
Things have changed, indeed; and
who can doubt that they are changing
for the better? Yet there was much
beauty and sweetness in the religious
life of those days, and many memories
dear to us older ones that the present
generation will never know. Edward's
children are being brought up much as
we were, with this difference: then- bad-
ness is transformed into goodness be-
cause they love their parents and fear
punishment, while our lives were regu-
lated by the fact that we loved God and
feared the devil — a very different
thing in reality, although it seems to
bring about much the same result.
Not that we had any lack of love for
our parents. They stood as a firm bul-
wark between us and the devil, and as
intermediaries between us and God.
Father made public intercession for us
with the Almighty every morning at
prayers, and three times daily at grace
before meals; and I know that mother's
private devotions were unceasing. I
never heard her pray aloud except
once, when a visiting minister called
on her unexpectedly to lead the Wednes-
day evening service, in prayer. That
night she rose, said simply, ' God bless
this meeting,' and quietly resumed her
seat. I always felt that her silent peti-
tions went fully as far as father's; but
he was the nominal head of the family
in matters religious. Every morning,
directly after breakfast, he gathered us
together in the parlor for family prayers,
We came from the laughter and fun
of the breakfast-table into another at-
mosphere. Father, usually the merriest
of us all, was suddenly grave and silent
as he took the big family Bible in his
hands. The hush that fell over us was
accentuated by our being in the parlor;
for we lived and played and studied in
the 'sitting-room,' and the parlor was
reserved for occasions of state. There
was, moreover, a constraint born of our
uncertainty whether our record for the
past twenty-four hours would bear the
sight of heaven and the family.
First, each child had to repeat a
verse from the Bible. Next, father read
aloud from the Scriptures, and then led
us in prayer, each of us kneeling before
the chair he had previously occupied.
Mine was a small carved rosewood one,
with a hard haircloth seat. I shut my
eyes tight and laid my cheek against it,
and tried not to see Edward snuggling
into his green tufted cushion.
Father's prayers were really wonder-
ful. In all the time we lived at Brierly,
I am sure I never heard him say the
same thing twice. And there was more
to recommend them than their ver-
satility. They were simple, direct, elo-
quent. He began by thanking God for
the blessings of the day and night that
had passed. Next he prayed for the
conversion of the Jews, and for the ten
tribes of Israel. These duties disposed
of, he entered upon the real business of
the day. One by one, he took his child-
ren by the hand, and Jed them before
the throne of Grace. Our little tri-
umphs were mentioned and our virtues
extolled, — though this was always done
guardedly, and accompanied by a peti-
tion that we might remain free from
pride; — and our secret shortcomings
were brought unflinchingly to the light.
858
Frances once told me that she knew
the Bible meant father when it said,
'There is nothing hidden that shall not
be revealed'; and I remember thinking
that she was the only one of us who
would have dared to say it. But it was
with mingled emotions of reverence
and relief that we rose from our knees
at the close of father's long prayer, and
gathered around mother at the piano.
The music was best of all — partly
because we all loved it, and partly be-
cause it came as a relaxation to minds
and muscles after the prayer. On
week-days we were limited to one hymn,
on account of time; but on Sundays we
frequently stood around the piano for
an hour, while one 'Gospel Carol' fol-
lowed another. Sometimes we selected
our hymns from mixed motives. Once,
after John had been sent upstairs to
make his hands fit to be seen, Caroline
chose to sing 'Wash me, and I shall be
whiter than snow '; and on the morning
after the twins were born, my irrepres-
sible Frances suggested: 'More and
more, More and more, Still there's
more to follow'; but was silenced, for
once, by a look from father. Each of us
had his favorite, and to this day certain
tunes bring back those Sunday morn-
ings with startling clearness, and the
singing faces of those boys and girls.
'Pull for the shore, Sailor,' — and I
see Gerald and Charlie, one on each
side of the piano-stool. ' Stand up, stand
up, for Jesus!' — John and Arthur,
with their heads close together, singing
bass and doing their best to ignore the
other parts. 'Rock of Ages,' and Try-
phena's face shines out of my memory,
sweetly serious, and framed in smooth
brown braids. 'Count your blessings'
means Caroline's laughing blue eyes
and clear soprano, with Edward trying
to sing alto and not quite doing it; and
whenever, in a Methodist church, I
hear 'There is a fountain filled with
blood,' I see Frances, true to the creed
of her adoption, singing with all her
might. 'Onward, Christian Soldiers' is
father, with the baby on his left arm,
beating time with his right hand; and
whenever I hear
*O happy band of pilgrims, if onward ye would
tread,
With Jesus as your fellow, to Jesus as your head,'
I see the light shining through the east
window, across the old square piano,
upon mother's face.
The more I think of it, the surer I
am that Edward's children are missing
something.
THE CHRISTMAS SPIRIT
We talk glibly about the greed of
profiteers; but there is a sheep-like
streak in the human race, which makes
us rather enjoy being exploited. How
otherwise can one account for the rap-
idly increasing commercialization of
every phase of human affection and
sentiment? For instance, the artful and
seductive advertiser has so trained us,
that the first thing we think on hearing
of a friend's engagement is: 'Good
Heavens! What shall I give them for a
wedding present?' Half-a-dozen wed-
dings in a family are a serious tax on all
but its most opulent members; and
though something may be said in favor
of the habit of receiving wedding pres-
ents, the middle-aged bachelor of either
sex can find but few kind words for the
custom of giving them.
And when the most beautiful festi-
vals of the Church are exploited by the
manufacturers and shopkeepers, it is
time to call a halt. What idea of the
Christian religion would the hypothet-
ical visitor from Mars gain by strolling
through the shopping district of any
American town shortly before Easter?
Easter bonnets, Easter bunnies, Easter
eggs are bad enough; but by the time
he came to 'Easter corsets,' it would be
hard to convince him that Easter was
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
859
not as secular and frivolous a date as
April Fool's Day.
Christmas has been even more thor-
oughly commercialized and desecrated,
the better to fill money-bags that are
already bursting open. Unfortunately,
the money-bags have as their firmest
allies the well-meaning folk who in-
dulge in orgies of sentiment over what
they sobbingly speak of as the * Christ-
mas spirit.' The scoffers who go on
about sun-myths and Druid ceremonies
and such-like entertainments will never
hurt the spirit of Christmas; it is so
human a quality that, like the rest of
us, it can be hurt only by its friends.
They who bring the Christmas spirit
into disrepute are those admirable mon-
sters of forethought who start during
the January sales laying in the stock of
their nefarious trade; who during De-
cember fill the house with reams of white
tissue-paper and miles of red ribbon;
who positively exude Christmas stick-
ers and seals and tags and labels; who
'remember' everyone with at least a
Christmas card; and whose deepest
humiliation it is to be remembered by
someone they had themselves forgotten.
Their preparations endure up to Christ-
mas Eve, their frenzy increasing as the
hour approaches. Yet, when the long-
expected day dawns at last, does any-
one suppose that these virtuous souls
can sit back and enjoy life? Far from
it! By that time they are completely
submerged in the return avalanche; for,
to paraphrase the words of Scripture,
to him that giveth shall be given; so
the rest of the month is spent in writ-
ing and receiving unmeaning letters of
hollow thanks.
What a horrid parody of what Christ-
mas should be, might still be, if the
admirable self-restraint and self-abne-
gation and sense of humor of my New
Year's friend were more widely followed !
I can see my New Year's friend in my
mind's eye; not her features, — they
are unfortunately rather vague and un-
defined, — but her delightfully whimsi-
cal and kindly expression, her look of
gentle seriousness breaking into a deli-
cious twinkle. She is generous, sensitive,
reserved, humorous, and romantic, and
it shows in her face. Though I know
her so well, I fear that, in a court of law,
this description of her would not be
admitted as evidence. To tell the truth,
all I actually know of my New Year's
friend is that for the past four years I
have received on that propitious date,
either by an unknown messenger or by
the minions of the late Mr. Burleson,
a New Year's card accompanying a
golden eagle or its paper equivalent, to-
gether with an admonition that it is to
be spent solely on myself. The envelope
is addressed in an unfamiliar hand and
bears no stationer's stamp, nor is there
any other clue to follow up. I spend the
enclosure religiously on some useless and
beguiling article, which I should other-
wise never think of indulging in.
No other present has ever afforded
me the pleasure, amusement, and inter-
est of this anonymous gift; and I am
convinced that the giver gets almost as
much fun out of it as I do. She cannot
fail to do so; for, though her gift does
not coincide with Christmas, she has
the real Christmas spirit, giving with no
possibility of thanks, no hope of return.
I am glad at last to be abje to tell her
a little of the pleasure she has given me.
Luckily there is no doubt that she will
see this, for a person of her unusual
qualities of head and heart must be a
confirmed reader of the Atlantic!
Now, having won the war, and made
the world safe for democracy and the
cider-mill and unsafe for the League of
Nations and the purchaser of wood-
alcohol, why cannot we turn to with a
will and save Christmas for our de-
scendants by following the methods of
my New Year's friend? Our gifts need
not take the form of hard cash, and
860
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
some of them might even be given at
Christmas; but at least let them be
anonymous and appropriate, let none
be given to get rid of an obligation, or,
still worse, of a last year's white ele-
phant. We should give and receive few-
er presents, but they would come ra-
diant with the sheer joy of giving. We
should be spared the agony of writ-
ing mendacious notes of thanks, and
the horrible and demoralizing phrase,
'Suitable for Christmas gifts,' would
disappear forever from the advertising
columns of the daily press.
It is high time we remembered that
the Christmas spirit has nothing in
common with the gains of profiteers or
with crowded shops and overworked
saleswomen; still less with the giving
of perfunctory and awkward thanks for
perfunctory and undesired ' remembran-
ces.' It should be as free as air, as spon-
taneous as a child's smile; and the gifts
it inspires should be as anonymous as
the other good things of life.
While we are about it, we might
also rescue Easter from the clutches of
the milliner, florist, and stationer, the
Fourth of July from the exploitation of
the gunpowder and fireworks manu-
facturer. These may seem very minor
reforms, but a moment's reflection will
show us that the commercialization of
our pleasures and social instincts is one
of the dangers of the world to-day, and
that the reaction to this dimly perceived
peril was a strong factor in the passing
of the Eighteenth Amendment. Let us
leave the Constitution alone in future,
and reform ourselves. It can be done : my
New Year's friend has shown the way.
WINTER MORNING
In winter- time we go to school;
And every day the motor-bus
Stops at the gate, and waits for us,
All full of children that we know,
Sitting inside, row after row.
It stops and gets them, one by one,
And brings them home when school is
done.
Then there is ice upon the pool
Where lilies grow. The leafless trees
Stand shivering in the winter breeze,
Except where here and there is seen
A cheerful, warm-clad evergreen.
There 's one I always like to see.
It stands alone upon a hill
Just like some giant's Christmas tree.
I 'd like to see the giant fill
It full of giant toys and light
Big candles on it Christmas night.
But when the world is deep in snow
That sparkles coldly in the sun,
And motor-buses cannot run;
They send a pung with runners wide
And two long seats for us inside.
That is the way I like to go.
The horses prance, and ting-a-ling
The bells upon their harness ring.
The driver cracks his whip, and blows
Steam, like a dragon, through his nose.
The birds look lonely as they fly
Across the solemn winter sky.
I wish they were just half as gay
As happy children in a sleigh.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
A. Glutton-Brock, critic of art and lover of
gardens, has at the Atlantic's request con-
tributed a number of papers on modern
dangers and difficulties, varied in their sub-
ject, but alike hi ascribing to religion the
real hope of the future. The secret which
brought her consolation at a tune of an-
guish many years ago, and which has ever
since been the constant companion of her
thoughts, Mrs. Albion Fellows Bacon now
feels it right to share with others. The rec-
ord is, of course, faithful to the last detail.
The writer of ' Shell-Shocked — and After,'
for manifest reasons, prefers to remain un-
known. After many actual pilgrimages to
the Orient, L. Adams Beck now makes an
imaginary one into the heart of the Chinese
Empire of other days.
* * *
Margaret Widdemer is a well-known poet
of the younger generation. Anne C.E.Allin-
son, author of 'Roads from Rome' and
(with her husband) ' Greek Lands and Let-
ters,' was formerly dean of the Women's
College in Brown University. From her
girlhood experiences upon her father's
Southern plantation, Eleanor C. Gibbs re-
calls these memories of old-time slaves.
Her forebears were kinsmen of another Vir-
ginia planter, George Washington. Bert-
rand Russell, long famous as a mathemati-
cian and philosopher, is a grandson of Lord
John Russell, the eminent British states-
man. Mr. Russell has just returned to Lon-
don from a winter's stay in China, where he
has been teaching at the Government Uni-
versity in Peking.
* * *
This interpretative reading of Shake-
speare's letters brings Miss Ellen Terry back
for one more curtain call. It is characteristic
of her discrimination to find in the Shake-
spearean field a topic quite unworn. During
the war Arthur Pound edited a confidential
weekly bulletin of trade and commodity in-
formation, issued by the Chief Cable Censor,
U.S.N., for the guidance of American naval
censors in handling business cable and radio
messages. Traces of this training in interna-
tional trade-practices are evident now and
then in the 'Iron Man' papers. Margaret
Wilson Lees is a Canadian essayist.
* * *
We wonder how many readers will re-
member Agnes Repplier's first two contri-
butions to the Atlantic, on 'Children, Past
and Present,' and 'On the Benefits of Super-
stition.' They marked the beginning of the
long and delightful series, different in qual-
ity and kind from anything else America
has to show. Christopher Morley, whose
'Bowling Green' is the sportive element of
the New York Evening Post, advocates
newspaper work because it 'keeps one in
such a ferment of annoyance, haste, inter-
ruption, and misery, that, occasionally, one
gets jolted far enough from the normal to
commit something worth while.' William
Beebe's new book, ' Edge of the Jungle,' is re-
viewed in this month's Atlantic. Harrison
Collins, at present a member of the faculty
hi one of the Imperial Normal Colleges in Ja-
pan, bases his story on an actual experience
with Japanese goldfish and fishermen.
* * *
Sir Arthur H. Pollen is, perhaps, the best-
known naval critic hi the United Kingdom.
Our attention was originally called to Sisley
Huddleston through the warm recommen-
dation of Mr. Arnold Bennett. Throughout
the Paris Conference, his journalistic work
seemed to us of the highest importance.
Since then Atlantic readers have had oppor-
tunities to judge it through a number of ar-
ticles which, once read, are not easily for-
gotten. Jean Sokoloff, the Scotch widow of
a Russian officer, after her recent escape
from Petrograd, made a flying visit to
American cousins, and has returned to her
home in Glasgow. Walter L. Ballou is
the associate editor of The Black Diamond,
the official organ of the Coal Industry.
* * *
At Mr. Pound's request, we are glad to
publish the following acknowledgment.
DEAR ATLANTIC, — •
The receipt of the October number, containing
the first of my articles on ' The Iron Man,' brought
forcibly to my mind the absorption with which I
must have been vacationing when you wrote me
861
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
in August of your decision to run the 'Education'
and 'International Polities' articles ahead of the
'War.' Otherwise, I am sure I should not have
failed, at the outset, to acknowledge gratefully
my indebtedness to an unusual man for valuable
material.
Mutual friends, knowing my absorption in in-
dustrial problems, brought me into touch a year
ago with Ernest F. Lloyd of Ann Arbor, Michi-
gan. After some thirty years as a manufacturer
of gas-making machinery, and as a public-utility
operator supplying gas to several towns, Mr.
Lloyd had acquired, as he says philosophically,
'sufficient worldly credit to forego business with
decency untainted by affluence.' He took up his
residence at Ann Arbor, entering the University
of Michigan as a special student in economics.
Thereby he reversed the usual educational pro-
cess, and was able to check theory by practice,
and vice versa. Starting from the firm base of
experience, he studied acutely the problems of
capital and labor, especially those underlying
economic principles affecting the organization of
employers and wage-workers, their bargaining
powers and limitations of reward, the historical
development of these relations, the influences of
modern machinery thereon, and the status of the
corporation as the modern industrial employer.
These researches ultimately may be published for
textbook use in colleges; some have already ap-
peared in academic journals.
Meanwhile Mr. Lloyd kindly gave me free use
of his manuscripts, and I have based the eco-
nomic aspects of 'The Iron Man' largely upon
them. On the political, psychological, biological,
and educational aspects of the case, my friend
will admit no more than a friendly interest,
though his keen criticism has been invaluable
even there. However, in his special field our ar-
ticles are really collaborations, in which my ob-
servations in the field have been tested in the
Lloyd crucible before being passed on to the pub-
lic via the Atlantic. Sincerely yours,
ARTHUR POUND.
* * *
Mrs. Cannon's frank expression of mis-
giving regarding the organization of pres-
ent-day charity has been seriously debated
all over the United States. The Associated
Charities of several cities have made it the
subject of discussion at stated meetings;
and letters from charitable workers, both
in support and in attack, have poured in on
us. We are sorry to find room for only a few.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Mrs. Cannon's article contains many wise and
helpful suggestions, but contains also a pretty
serious indictment against the philanthrophy of
the past thirty years. The author characterizes
it as short-sighted and unintelligent, reluctant to
cooperate, and apt to be too superficial and self-
ish to seek the real good of the community, when
that implies self-effacement.
He would be a bold man who should affirm
that there are no so-called philanthropists whose
work is open to these charges, but are they the
representative men and women of this calling?
If you have charges to make against the medical
profession, for instance, you would not select the
tyros, the quacks, or the practitioners before the
time of Lister, to illustrate your point. A profes-
sion has a right to be judged by its best — its
great men and the humble but earnest followers
who are striving to live up to their ideals.
The philanthrophy of the last thirty years
means Jane Addams, Josephine Shaw Lowell,
and the thousands of men and women who are
spending their lives, like them, in the struggle to
bring scientific methods and the profoundest
teachings of modern philosophy into the study of
human betterment. To private philanthropy we
owe to-day most of the public work in that direc-
tion. Evening schools, vacation schools, super-
vised play, the fight against tuberculosis — all
these movements and many others were tried out
in philanthropic laboratories, and handed over to
the city or state after their value and practicabil-
ity had been proved. Surely 'tenderness and
pity' are not incompatible with 'reasoning intel-
ligence'! Sincerely yours,
HELEN CABOT ALMY.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Please permit one of your readers to pay his re-
spects to ' Philanthropic Doubts,' the leading ar-
ticle in your September number. Naturally, as
the work of an accomplished thinker and writer,
it is delightful reading; probably no less delight-
ful that one finds, instead of 'doubts,' a confi-
dent argument in support of quite definite views.
This, perhaps, opens the way to an expression of
some doubts touching those views. For example:
1. How will this strike the philanthropists?
2. Are reformed philanthropists the key to im-
proved government and the ideal social condition?
3. Assuming that, when shown the error of
their ways, they will refrain from further con-
tributions and aid to charitable undertakings,
will the philanthropists pour their charity funds
into the coffers of the State, and devote to the
State their energies hitherto given to philan-
thropic undertakings?
4. How does it stand with sound principles of
government to attempt to make of the State —
the community in its corporate, governmental
capacity — a universal providence? N.B. Russia
under Bolshevism.
5. Can there be an ideal social condition with-
out ideal human beings?
6. Does democratic government seem to be in a
fair way to become the perfect, final form of gov-
ernment, and a hopeful agency for bringing the
millennium? RUTHERFORD H. PLATT.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Social workers have no quarrel with the person
who wishes to lift himself by his boot-straps and
who refuses a friendly boost by the philanthropist.
Such people rarely sit in a Charity office, and if
they do, their visit is only an occasional one.
Social workers merely supply the knowledge and
incentive for self -fulfillment to those people who,
through poverty, have grown stolid, hopeless,
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
863
and indifferent. Rarely is pressure brought to
bear upon a man in order to make him docile to
the wishes or caprice of the philanthropist.
Health decisions are practically the only ones
ever forced, and these, for the most part, only
when the welfare of a child is at stake. As to the
philanthropist's influence upon the people with
whom he deals, that is impossible to measure.
Perhaps, as Mrs. Cannon says, the majority of
our clients 'act upon our advice if they must,
they disregard it if they can, but they preserve
untouched the inner citadel of their personality.'
This, however, is no indictment against the phil-
anthropist, but against human nature. God for-
bid that any of us should fling wide to all comers
the inner gates of our personality!
Yours sincerely,
FLORENCE STTZ.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Perhaps I may be permitted to speak a word
for the Settlements, which are included in the al-
leged 'perfect orgy of charitable activity' in
which philanthropists are said to have indulged
for the past thirty years. The Settlements have
consistently endeavored to avoid the dangers of
philanthropic work against which the author
rightly inveighs. From the very first they have
tried to become an integral part of their neigh-
borhood. An attitude of condescension is as ab-
horrent to them as to Mrs. Cannon. A cardinal
principle of settlement work has been to seek the
cooperation of their neighbors in improving local
conditions. Their aim, as it was put long ago, I
believe by Jane Addams, has been to work with
and not for people. I think it can safely be said
that they are not hampered by the 'philanthro-
pists' first handicap' — that of making their ' hu-
man contacts on the basis of infirmities, poverty,
ignorance, sin, never on the basis of any mutual
interest or responsibility.' It is precisely on the
basis of mutual interest and responsibility that
they seek to make their contacts with their neigh-
bors. Again, the Settlements have all along been
trying to pass over to the tax-payers such of their
experiments in the promotion of social welfare as
have proved of permanent value. Mrs. Cannon
concedes that certain 'social pioneers' have done
essential work, and that, ' in so far as charitable
societies catch the spirit of these adventures and
hold the ideal of their own labor as pioneering, they
do a vital work, and in the future as in the past,
will be essential to social progress.' Without, I
trust, assuming too much, Settlement residents
may take heart from this admission, for they have
thought (modestly, I hope) that such pioneering
was an important part of their work, and they be-
lieve that the time is not yet come for them to shut
up shop. As a matter of fact, modern social work-
ers, like the members of the medical profession,
are really intent upon putting themselves out of
business, but, like the doctors again, they have
not yet achieved this desirable end. Let us not
neglect the extension and improvement of public-
welfare agencies, while, for the present at least,
we maintain such private philanthropies as are
serving the community. Very truly yours,
GAYLORD S. WHITE.
Oh, the crimes of the Intellect!
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
The popularity of the Atlantic with wide-rang-
ing peoples was demonstrated recently, when our
house was entered in the night-time, and, along
with food-stuffs, safety-razor, flash-light, and
sundry kitchen vessels, the August and Septem-
ber Atlantics were taken, with a reading-glass.
Respectfully yours, HENRY A. BLAKE.
Our readers seem to think, since there is a
woman in the case, that twelve hundred, and
not twelve, is the requisite number for a
jury. From the full panel we have selected
one for the body of the magazine, and here
is another for the Column.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Your story ' The Jury ' intrigues me. It recalls by
its unannounced verdict The Lady or the Tiger ?
It is not easy to determine the exact nature of
the plea. There is no prosecution and there is not
a suggestion of a defense. It is not quite a peti-
tion for pardon with restoration of civil rights.
The guilty person — I beg her pardon, the hero-
ine— is not a petitioner of any sort; only, as
always, a recipient of unrequited favors. The ques-
tion seems to be: shah1 other benefactors rush in
to fill a temporary vacancy, her late 'protector'
having been removed by death?
The principal speaker's status is not quite
clear. Is it that of the amicus curias of the civil, or
of the advocatus diaboli of the ecclesiastical court,
or just 'your orator' of the old court of equity?
She herself is, however, sufficiently convincing.
And how admirable are her accessories! The first
cigarette that she lights seems to dispel all illu-
sions as to old-fashioned social conventions. The
second seems to symbolize the weakened will-
power that over-indulgence produces. And then
the bridge table! It seems symbolic of the ennui
of the unoccupied time of the 'idle rich.'
Surely there can be no question as to the ver-
dict. One seems to hear the unanimous cry: 'Tell
Violet Osborne to return. The seventh com-
mandment is out of date. No one can expect a
rich woman to care for her children. We take no
stock in this talk about "much being required
from those to whom much has been given." '
But might not the whole company be persua-
ded to join Violet Osborne 'abroad,' and make
room here for a few more who want to vindicate
for America a moral supremacy in meeting the
needs of a world wrecked by selfishness and self-
indulgence? Very truly yours,
ETHELBERT D. WARFIELD.
The clergy of the old school kept their
sermons in barrels. But now — ?
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
You are always glad, I know, to hear how use-
ful you are. Even your wrappers are of use — for
sermon-covers. I'm sure the sermons acquire a
literary quality they might not otherwise possess.
864
THE CONTRIBUTORS' COLUMN
Practical, too; for each manuscript bears my
name and address; you can appreciate the im-
portance of that. One, which I had left by mis-
take in a strange pulpit, I had returned to me the
other day by mail. Sincerely yours.
A. D. SWIVELY.
* * *
In the September number of the Atlantic,
Mr. Newton, discussing his delightful Old
Lady, London, made something of a whip-
ping-post of old Thomas Carlyle. The ed-
itor, who has loved the cantankerousness of
Teufelsdroch for forty years, gladly prints
this letter from an indignant disciple.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
In the September Atlantic the author of the
Amenities of Book-Collecting slipped from ameni-
ties in interrupting his tale of love for 'My Old
Lady, London' to express some misinformation
about Carlyle.
Our amenitor was treading in Carlyle's foot-
steps in searching out the Gough Square house:
and if he proceeds, he may find other points of
agreement. His specific charge is this: 'Carlyle!
who never had a good or kindly word to say of
any man or thing.' Carlyle has lain in his grave
for forty years. When Johnson had lain in his
grave for forty-seven years, Carlyle wrote of him:
'Johnson does not whine over his existence, but
manfully makes the most and best of it. ... He
is animated by the spirit of the true workman,
resolute to do his work well; and he does his work
well; all his work, that of writing, that of living.
. . . Loving friends are there! Listeners, even
Answerers: the fruit of his long labors lies round
him in fair legible writings, of Philosophy, Elo-
quence, Morality, Philology: some excellent, all
worthy and genuine Works: for which too, a
deep, earnest murmur of thanks reaches him
from all ends of his Fatherland. Nay, there are
works of Goodness, of undying Mercy, which
even he has possessed the power to do: "What I
gave I have; what I spent I had!" . . . How to
hold firm to the last the fragments of old Belief,
and with earnest eye still discern some glimpses
of a true path, and go forward thereon, " in a
world where there is much to be done and little
to be known"! This is what Samuel Johnson, by
act and word, taught his Nation; what his Nation
received and learned of him, more than of any oth-
er. ... If England has escaped the blood-bath
of a French Revolution, and may yet, in virtue of
this delay and of the experience it has given,
work out her deliverance calmly into a new Era,
let Samuel Johnson, beyond all contemporary or
succeeding men, have the praise of it. . . . Since
the time of John Milton, no braver heart had
beat in any English bosom than Samuel Johnson
now bore.'
Better or kindlier words concerning Sam John-
son it will tax the Amenities of Book-Collecting to
discover.
But enough. Good and kindly words- great
affectionate thoughts Carlyle had for Scott, for
Sterling, for Irving, for Elliott, the Corn-Law
Rhymer, for Allan Cunningham, for Dickens, for
Tennyson, for Emerson, and had their sincere
and lasting love — contemporaries all ; and the
list might be extended indefinitely.
MERRITT STARR.
Into each life some rain must fall. The
poems penned in wet weather have not infre-
quently a certain melancholy appeal.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
I submit herewith an 'II Penseroso' for that
'L' Allegro' entitled 'Joy' in the October number
of your revered publication. Shall we call it
SADNESS
When I am sad
There seems to be
A big Dreadnaught
Inside of me.
It sags, and drags
Down to my feet;
And yet I lose
No chance to eat.
From my sub-con-
Scious mind doth come
(Down in my ep-
I-gas-tri-um)
A 'What care I,
Though there should be
A fleet of woe
Inside of me?
For may I not
Of such a toy
At once disarm,
And so find joy?
Very truly yours,
KATE E. PARKER.
We always did like a pessimist. He has a
way of looking the world right in the eye. But
the editor's family is too considerable to ad-
mit of his accepting the following proposal.
DEAR ATLANTIC, —
Am wondering whether you will be interested
in a 3000-word article on ' Must Human Propa-
gation Continue ? ' In a thorough discussion of
the subject I suggest the thought that the nu-
merous troubles in the world will cease, and its
great problems be solved, only by a cessation of
multiplication, sorrow7 and death be at an end,
and the earth itself be better off without human
beings. Very truly yours, .
The same mail brings us a contribution
entitled 'The Horrors of Matrimony'; but
that — as we might have guessed, even if
the note-paper had not told us so — is by a
member of the League for the Preservation
of Wild Life.
AP The Atlantic
2
A8
v.128
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY