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Full text of "The attempt to steal the bicentennial--the Peoples Bicentennial Commission : hearings before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Ninety-fourth Congress, second session, March 17 and 18, 1976"

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The Peoples Bicentennial Commission 










MARCH 17 AND IS, 1976 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 



' 69-239 WASHINGTON : 1976 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 
Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $2.45 


Concord, New Han--^'^''^ ^130] 

ON DPP*^^"' 


The Peoples Bicentennial Commission 










MARCH 17 AND IS, 1976 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 


69-239 WASHINGTON : 1976 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Goverument Printing Office 
Washington, B.C. 20402 - Price $2.45 


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Boston PvMq Libfaiy 

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JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

PHILIP A. HART, Michigan HIRAM L. FONG, Hawaii 

EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts HUGH SCOTT, Pennsylvania 

BIRCH BAYH, Indiana STROM THURMOND, South Carolina 


ROBERT C. BYRD, West Virginia WILLIAM L. SCOTT, Virginia 
JOHN V. TUNNEY, California 

Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal 
Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 



Richard L. Schultz. Chitf Counsel 

Caroline M. Courbois, Assistanl to the Chief Counsel 

' Alfonso L. Tarabochia, Chief Investigator 

Robert J. Short, Senior Investigator 

Mary E. Dooley, Research Director 

David Martin, Senior Analyst 


Resolved, by the Internal Security Subcommittee of the Senate 
Committee on the Judiciaiy, that the testimony of Francis M. Watson, 
Jr., taken in executive session on March 17, 1976, and Mary O. 
Walton, taken in executive session on March 18, 1976, be released 
from the injunction of secrecy, be printed and made public. 

James O. Eastland, 
' .yi^f Chairman. 

Approved : June 1, 1976. 



Wednesday, March 17, 1976 1 

Francis M. Watson, Jr., testimony of 2 

Thursday, March 18, 1976 37 

Mary 0. Walton, testimony of 37 

Appendix A 75 

Appendix B 127 




U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws 
of the Committee on the Jucidiary, 

Washington, D.C. 

The subcoiiimittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:07 o'clock a.m., 
in the Russell Senate Office Building, Senator James O. Eastland, 
chairman, presiding. 

Also present: Richard L. Schultz, chief counsel; Alfonso L. Tarabo- 
chia, chief investigator; Robert J. Short, senior investigator; and 
David Martin, senior analyst. 

The Chairman. The subcommittee will come to order. 

In the discharge of our mandated responsibilities, the Internal 
Security Subcommittee has, over the years, responded to the expres- 
sion of congressional and pubUc interest in the activities of emerging 
revolutionary organizations. A review of our publications will disclose 
that the Internal Security Subcommittee has conducted continuing 
study relevant to the activities of both those organizations dominated 
and controlled by the Soviet Union, as well as those apart from such 
dominance. In the absence of a duly constituted agency or commission 
of the Government, the Internal Security Subconmiittee has, and will 
continue to develop a body of evidence concerning revolutionaiy 
organizations which cannot be made available to the Congress or to 
the public through such customary means as a criminal investigation 
by the FBI. There is no other legally constituted body available to do 
the job. 

The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee is well aware that there 
are individuals and groups who view our Bicentennial celebration as 
a historic opportunity to test the strength of our fiber by engaging 
in acts of terrorism or through actions designed solely for the purpose 
of bringing about disruption. 

We are also aware that there are those who would test the strength 
of our fiber through insidious means. 

It is important that the Congress and the public be aware of the 
existence of organizations of the revolutionar}' left, which seek to per- 
vert tlie legitimate meaning of the American Revolution, and who 
with the tacit connivance of front organizations, have engaged in a 
massive campaign to try to "capture" the Bicentennial celebration for 
themselves. The subcommittee meets today for the purpose of receiv- 
ing testimony and evidence from witnesses who have made a study of 


revolutionary organizations. Through their testimony, today and in 
subsequent hearings, we pLan to peel back the patriotic veneer of the 
name the Peoples Bicentennial Commission for the purpose of ex- 
amining and lading before the Congress and the public, facts, bj' which 
the legitimacy of this organization's publicly stated goals and ob- 
jectives and the integrity of their spokesmen may be objectively 

Our \\'itness today is Mr. Francis M. Watson, Jr., director of Media 
Kesearch, Dunn Loring, Va. Would you stand and be sworn? Do 3"ou 
solemnly swear that the testimony joii are about to give is the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Watson. I do, sir. 

The Chairman. Counsel, would you please proceed with the 



Mr. ScHULTz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Watson, would 
you state your full name and address for the record, please? 

Mr. Watson. Francis M. Watson, Jr. Business address? 

Mr. ScHULTz. That wih be fine. 

Mr. Watson. Box 51, Dunn Loring, Va. 22027. 

Mr. ScHULTz. What is your occupation? 

Mr. Watson. I am a researcher and wiiter. 

Mr. ScHULTz. And what t3^pe of materials do you research and 
write about? 

Air. Watson. My specialty field is media analysis and propaganda 
analvr>is, and I am usuallv concerned with revolutionarv organizations 
and their tactics and propaganda. 

Air. ScHULTz. How long have you been so associated? 

Air. Watson. About 12 or 13 jears. 

Al^r. ScHULTz. Can you briefly describe your background for us? 

Air. Watson. I have a bachelor's degree in education and a master's 
degree in journalism, with a specialty in public opinion. I am a retired 
Army officer, and in my last A^ears in the military service, I was 
involved in i-esearch in counterinsurgencA^ and propaganda. I left the 
military service in 1966. 1 went to work for a civilian research organiza- 
tion that did this same type of work, and when I left them I went to 
work for an organization that did media anal3'sis for public opinion 
poll type information, and while I worked for them I conducted a 
year long research project into what underground newspapers in the 
United States were saying at that time. 

We actually" analyzed a sample of underground papers taken from 
across the country and published our results in monthly reports called 
Tupart Monthly Reports on the Underground Press. I think those 
are on file in the Library of Congress. 

Air. Schultz. Thank vou. From what school did vou graduate? 

Air. Watson. University of Georgia. 

Air. Schultz. And what was your specialty? 

Air. Watson. Public opinion. I did my graduate work in journalism. 

Air. Schultz. Thank you. Have you published any books ^n con- 
nection with your work? 

Mr. Watson. Well, since I left National Media Analysis, for the 
last 4 or 5 j^ears I have been independent and have written a number 
of reports and published booklets on the subject of propaganda and 
terrorism. I have just finished a book — it will be published next 
month — on terrorism. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you, Mr. Watson. 

I note that you have a prepared statement and I would suggest 
that you proceed at your OAvn pace at tliis time. 

Mr. Watson. This statement is designed to try to set the Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission in some sort of understandable context. It 
gives a little bit of the background of it, and what I think are the 
reasons for being concerned about it. 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission which I will call PBC here- 
after, poses itself as a "nation\^dde citizens' organization dedicated to 
restoring the democratic principles that shaped the birth of this 
republic." Here I am quoting PBC. In actual fact, it is a propaganda 
and organizing tool of a small group of New Left political extremists 
who seek to use the Bicentennial to further their own goals. 

This is not something about which we need speculate. We can 
find statements of this intent in their own words. For example, in 
1972, when Jeremy Rifkin, the rising young frontrunner for PBC, 
was trying to interest fellow members of the newly formed radical 
New American Movement in sponsoring the PBC idea, he wrote in 
that organization's monthly newspaper: 

It makes no sense for the New Left to allow the defenders of the system, the 
advantage of presenting themselves as the true heirs and defenders of the Amer- 
ican revolutionary tradition. Instead, the revolutionary heritage must be used as a 
tactical weapon to isolate the existing institutions and those in power. 

I, incidentally, have that newspaper with me so that you can copy 
it and enter it into the record. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mr. Watson, we will mark this as exhibit No. 1, and 
I hand it to you and ask that you identify this document for the 

}*Ir. Watson. I will. This is the November-December 1971 edition 
of an organizational newspaper called New American Movement, 
published in Cleveland, Ohio. 

Mr. Schultz. ]Mr. Chairman, may I suggest that this and all other 
documents offered by the witness in the course of this hearing be 
accepted and the final decision as to inclusion in the record be reserved 
until the documents can be reviewed and an appropriate decision 

The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered. Carry on. 

[The document referred to was marked exliibit No. 1 and will be 
found in appendix A, p. 75.] 

iMr. Schultz. And how did you come into possession of that 
newspaper, Mr. Watson? 

Mr. Watson. Well, it happens to be one of the newspapers that 
we picked up in the course of the project I described having conducted 
several years ago of analyzing underground newspapers, and this 
qualifies as an underground newspaper. 

Mr. Schultz. Thank you. Please proceed. 

Mr. Watson. Further, in the same article in this paper, Rifkin 
explained that b}^ establishing the Peoples Bicentennial Commissions 
on the State or local level, the New American Movement could attract 
citizens from communities, unions, civil organizations, grade schools, 
high schools, and colleges for eventual recruitment into local chapters 
of the New American Movement itself. He pointed out that people 
who would not feel comfortable in a radical political organization 
initially could be led into the New American Movement through 
radical-directed Bicentennial activities. 

In the concluding paragraphs of his article, Rifkin said: 

Aside from engaging large numbers of people for the first time, who might not 
feel comfortal)le relating directly to the New American Movement, the Peoples 
Commissions would provide a unique forum for mass media exposure over the 
next four j-ears. This mechanism could be used to raise political awareness and 
to promote New American Movement and other radical activities and demands. 

Subsequent developments show that Rifkin knew precisely whereof 
he spoke, for almost every line in this paragraph has come true in the 4 
years he specified and probably to an extent beyond his fondest dreams. 
The media, the conservatives, as well as those usually considered 
liberal, have fallen all over themselves providing Rifkin and his self- 
appointed Peoples Bicentennial Commission time and space. News- 
papers, news magazines, and radio and television outlets have taken 
things at face value and in the process have simply made themselves 
conveyor belts for anything the PBC wants to pinnp out to the 
American public. To say that PBC has gotten more time and space 
than the official Bicentennial Administration is an understatement. It 
has happened right within the pages of given editions of papers and 
magazines, again, even in those of traditionally conservative tones. 

For example, before the kickoff of the official Bicentennial celebra- 
tion period, the observance in Lexington-Concord in April of 1975, 
Rifkin went around the country saying PBC was going to send a 
message to Wall Street. It is doubtfid that even he thought he could 
use the Wall Street Journal to do so, but he did. I, incidental!}^, have a 
copy here of such a Wall Street Journal article. 

Mr. ScHULTz. We will identify that as exhibit No. 2 and would you 
identifv the date and edition? 

Mr. "Watson. This is the Wall Street Journal, April 15, 1975, an 
article entitled, "The Spirit of 1976 — Is It a Bicentennial or a Buy- 

[The docimient referred to was marked exhibit No. 2, and will be 
found in appendix A, p. 81.] 

Mr. ScHULTZ. And what is the substance — what's the focus of the 

Mr. Watson. Well, ''Buj^centennial," spelled b-u-y, is a catch- " 
w^ord that was coined by the Peoples Bicentennial Commission so the 
Wall wStreet Journal is picking it up here, and within the article it says : 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission, a private activist group, eschews com- 
mercial products altogether. Through groups like the National Campfire Girls and 
the National Council of Churches it distributes literature aimed at reacciuainting 
Americans with social, political, and economic issues in the revolutionary era that 
still exist, today. The Peoples Bicentennial Commission seems motivated by an • 
old-fashioned egalitarian ism. 


I don't think the Peoples Bicentennial literature backs up that state- 
ment in the Wall Street Journal. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. All right, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Back to the situation at Lexington-Concord. With 
Rifkin and his cohorts shouting, "Abohsh the corporations," he was 
still written up in the Wall Street Journal as an altruistic alternative 
to the Government's Bicentennial agenc}'. Even his bad press would be 
a public relations man's dream. For example, when the PBC-mspu-ed 
rowdies tried to make a mess of the ceremonies at Concord, Mass., on 
April 19, 1975, about the worst that was said about them in the press 
was that they were "a bunch of juvenile delinquents out for a good 
time," and this from U.S. News & World Report, again, a traditionally 
conservative publication. 

We, incidentally, have an article here that we might suggest enter- 
ing, showing the coverage given in U.S. News & World Report, for 
PBC and Jeremy Rifkin. In this article in U.S. News & World Report, 
Rifkin is spoken of as an economist. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We will identify that as exhibit No. 3, and it will be 
accepted in accordance with the chairman's order. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 3, and will be 
found in appendix A, p. 82.] 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Perhaps we can inquire more about these as we get 
into your testimony. 

Mr. Watsox. Yes. As to attracting large numbers of people who 
might not feel comfortable relating directly to a radical organization, 
PBC has set some new sort of record. Indeed, there is hardly a ques- 
tion that if PBC's true origin and ancestry were known, many of the 
current participants, supporters, and endorsers would not have 
touched it with the proverbial "10-foot pole." 

Say what he might, Rifkin knows this. At the very moment he was 
writing the article proposing the PBC idea as a radical organizing tool 
he was not only a groimd floor member of the New American Move- 
ment, fully aware of its socialist revolutionary aims, but he was one 
of a committee of seven appointed to sanitize the organization's litera- 
ture and eliminate telltale rhetoric that would frighten away the 
ordinary citizen it hoped to reach. Amazingly enough, all of this is 
spelled out in clear langiuige in the selfsame edition of the New 
American Movement newspaper in which Rifkin is proposing to dupe 
the American public with PBC. That is in the same item we intro- 
duced as exhibit No. 1 — in the same edition of the paper. 

Incidentally, an original of this entire newspaper is on file at the 
Wilbur L. Cross Library of the University of Connecticut at Storrs, 
as a matter of establishing the record for the paper. 

PBC was built on this sort of duplicity from the ground up, and it 
continues to build with very little challenge from anyone. For in- 
stance, to read the daily press you would get the idea that Jeremy 
Rifkin is probably going to form a new anti-Communist league as a 
side effort. He tells reporters that he was in the antiwar movement, 
but says that he "had a hard time identifying with some of it." He was 
against the war, he claims, but "never understood things like cpioting 
Mao." His writeups frequently include such lines as these, taken from 
the Washington Star-News: "When he calls himself and his colleagues 
revolutionary" — the newspaper is talking about Rifkin here— "he 
says he is not thinking about Lenin and Karl Marx, he is thinking 
about Paul Revere and Nathan Hale. Thomas Paine, Thomas Jeffer- 
son, and John Adams are the revolutionaries he likes to quote." 


Mr. ScHULTZ. What was the date of this article, Mr. Watson? 

Mr. Watson. November 24, 1974. 

Yet, as you can see in this underground press article that we cited 
earlier, the same Jeremy Rifkin wrote to his fellow leftists, and I quote : 
"A genuine understanding of revolutionary ideals is what links Thomas 
Paine, Sam Adams, and Benjamin Rush, and the American people 
with Lenin, Mao, Che" — -Che Guevara, that is — '''and the struggles 
of all oppressed peoples in the world." 

Mr. ScHULTZ. And this statement appeared where? 

Mr. Watson. This statement was in the November-December 1971 
edition of New American Movement, which was introduced as ex- 
hibit No. 1. 

Air. ScHULTZ. Thank you. 

Mr. Watson. Then, back in the literary sanitizer role that he was 
serving in with the New American Movement, he cleaned the "Lenin," 
the "Mao," and the "Che" and so forth out of that paragraph and 
plopped it otherwise word for word in an introduction to what PBC 
now advertises as its first book, "America's Birthday," published in 
late 1974 by Simon & Schuster. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Do you have an example there that you can put in 
the record? 

Mr. Watson. I do. This is a copy of the book, "America's Birth- 
day," and there are a number of paragraphs in this book that you 
can do this wdth. I will read you first the paragraph from the under- 
ground newspaper and then I will read you the same paragraph 
sanitized and put into "America's Birthday." 

The underground press article reads: 

A genuine understanding of revolutionary ideals is what links Thomas Paine, 
Sam Adams, and Benjamin Rush, and the American people with Lenin, Mao, 
Che, and the struggles of all oppressed peoples of the world. Not until the masses 
of Americans begin to reidentify with these principles and develop their own 
revolutionary struggle will they be able to form a real bond of fraternalism and 
solidarit y with the struggles of all oppressed people. 

Now, turning to the book "America's Birthday," published by 
Simon & Schuster 

Mr. ScHULTz. Wliat page is that? 

Mr. Watson. Page 13. "A genuine understanding of American demo- 
cratic ideals." — Notice he has changed the word "revolutionary" to 
"democratic" — '"is what links the American people with the struggles of 
all oppressed people in the world." 

You will notice that he's left out some names there, including Lenin 
and Mao. 

Indeed, the American Revolution has stood as an example of revolutions of 
the Third World. Not until the majority of Americans begin to reidentify with 
our democratic principles and develop our own revolutionary struggle will we be 
able to form a real bond of fraternalism and solidaritj^ with the struggles of all 
oppressed people. 

So, he has taken the same paragraph and eliminated words which 
might upset the ordinary citizen and put it in the book. There are a 
number of such paragraphs that we can come back and look at later,. 

Not only has Rifkin covered up his o^vn New Left objectives in 
turning out PBC literature and in meeting the press, he has masked 
the Old Left origin of the very idea of PBC and, as a matter of fact, 
much of its literature. There is hardly a week that goes b}' without 

some newspaper or magazine piiblishino; an introductory paragraph 
or two explaining how Rifkin alone conceived of the Peoples Bicenten- 
nial Commission as an alternative to the commercialized tinsel of the 
Government's official Revolutionary Bicentennial Administration. As 
a matter of easily documented fact, Rifkin inherited the basic set of 
ideas, rhetoric, revolutionary quotations, graphic designs and so 
forth, from an aging old-leftist and fellow Chicagoan, John Rossen. 
Rifkin, a more generall}^ acceptable 30 years of age, versus Rossen's 
age, between 65 and 70, simply took the blueprints for PBC and moved 
the locus of the operation from Chicago to Washington. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Where are the}^ located in Washington? 

Mr. Watson. 1346 Connecticut Avenue. 

Rossen stays in the background, his hand still obviously in the game; 
but associates himself mainly with the Chicago PBC office. 

Not only does Rifkin mask this connection, but Rossen himself 
denies even having had a hand in the founding of PBC. In fact, one 
of the few articles to air some of PBC's murkiness, quotes Rossen as 
angrily dismissing as "fairy tales of the Right," statements tha,t he 
originated the PBC concept in Chicago in 1969 with pamphlets calling 
for a new revolution based on Marxism and American nationalism. 

That article in which he is quoted as dismissing his connection with 
founding of PBC as a fairy tale of the Right, was an article by a 
columnist in Chicago named Bob Wiedrich. I can locate that article 
and we can enter it in the record, if you like, because part of it is 
based on an interview with Rossen, where he denies his connection 
^^'ith the idea. 

Mr. ScHULTz. The article you have just mentioned we have 
mai'ked as exhibit No. 4. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 4 and ^^'ill be 
found in appendix A, p. 84.] 

Mr. vScHULTz. Would you identify the date and paper from which 
this article was taken? 

Mr. Watson. From the August 24, 1975, edition of the Chicago 

The pamphlets upon which these "fairy tales" were based included 
such items as a pocket-sized booklet of "Revolutionary Quotations 
from the Thoughts of Uncle Sam," and a series of tabloid-size periodi- 
cals entitled the New Patriot. The latter was edited by "Johnny 
Appleseed" Rossen, and both items were described in radical publica- 
tions and catalogs in such terms as these, and here I'm quoting from a 
publication called Source Catalogue, produced by the Source Collec- 
tive, an outgrowth of the Education Liberation Front in Washington, 
D.C. This is one of the entries in that catalog, and it says — 

Johnny Appleseed Patriotic Publications, ... is best known for "Pi,evolutionary 
Quotations from the Thoughts of Uncle Sam." An energized 61-j^ear-old man runs 
the operation, writing tracts to "radicalize Americans by Americanizing radical- 
ism." He also does the New Patriot paper and is trying to start a radical party 
called Sons of Liljerty. Distribution is mostlj^ local in Chicago. He can use help 
Contact Johnnj^ Appleseed Patriotic Pubhcations, Post Office Box 40393, Cicero 
111. 6060.5. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. To your knowledge, does Rossen still operate from 
this address and under the name of the Johnny Appleseed Patriotic 


^Ir. Watsox. I don't know about the address, but he still uses this 
Johnny Appleseed name. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you. 

Mr. Watsox. In 1969 the "Revolutionary Quotations" booklet, 
said in its foreword to have been inspired by the "Little Red Book" of 
quotations from Mao Tse-tung, was offered as a subscription bonus 
with some of the more volatile underground papers in the Midwest, 
such as Rising Up Angry, in Chicago, and Kaleidoscope, out of 
Milwaukee. It was also advertised in the nationally circulated Marxist- 
Leninist-Maoist weekly, Guardian, and I have an example of that. 
This is the May 3, 1969, edition of Guardian, and there is a half-page 
ad for Johnny Appleseed Patriotic Publications. Featured in the 
picture is "Revolutionary Quotations From the Thoughts of Uncle 
Sam," and this has the same address on it that we just read from the 
Source Catalogue. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We'll designate that as exhibit No. 5. 

[Tlie document referred to was marked exhibit No. 5 and will be 
found in appendix A, p. 86.] 

Mr. Watsox. This advertisement draws a comparison between 
this little book and the "Little Red Book" of Mao. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. What's the color of this book that's advertised? 

Mr. Watsox. It's red, white, and blue. This is 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Obviously patriotic. 

Mr. Watson. Yes. Rossen is offering this same booklet under a 
little different cover in the back of his publication the New Patriot; 
here he calls it the "Little Red, White, and Blue Book — Revolutionarj^ 
Quotations by Great Americans." If yon compare the table of contents 
between tliis book and the one in the Guardian ad, you see that 
you're really dealing with the same book with a little different cover 
to it. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. What's the date of the advertisement, in the 

Mr. Watson. The New Patriot? 

Mr. ScHULTZ. The New Patriot. 

Mr. Watson. This is March- April 1971. You can pick up the 
similaritj^ here between what Rossen is doing and what Rifkin was 
cited as doing earlier. When offering his little booklet of carefully 
selected quotations from both 1776 figures and modern leftists to the 
seasoned readers of a hard-line radical publication, he let the allusion 
to Mao's book shine through. In other words, when he advertised 
it in Guardian he let the allusion to Mao's "Little Red Book" shine 
quite clearly through, but when he put it out in the New Patriot, 
in which he was trying to reach more of the ordinary citizenry he 
changed the name to "Little Red, White, and Blue Book of Revolu- 
tionary Quotations by Great Americans" and avoided the reference 
to Mao's book. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Did he also sanitize it by leaving out the names that 
were found in 

Mr. Watson. Yes; he did. In the Guardian article he says that it 
contains r|uotations from Tom Paine to Tom Hayden, from Sitting^ 
Bull to Eldridge Cleaver and Iluey Newton, from Gene Debs and 
Bill Haywood to Helen Keller and C. Wright Mills, and from Richard 
Daley to Rennie Davis. He doesn't say that sort of thing in the New 
Patriot ad. 


In the New Patriot he was seeking a broader, less radical audience,, 
and he sanitized it and eliminated the blatancy of his propaganda' 
operation. If you look at a packet of the PBC materials being sent out' 
around the country, von will see a continuation of this Rossen gimmicks 
That is, in this packet of materials PBC has a little 33^2 by "53^ inch 
booklet, entitled "First Principles." It has man}^ of the same table of 
contents — entries that we have seen in both of these two versions of 
Rossen's "Revolutionary Quotations" book, but it's been further 
sanitized to eliminate the obvious traces of modern revolutionaries. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. And when you say modern leftists you're referring to 

Mr. Watson. Such people as Eldridge Cleaver, Rennie Davis, 
Gene Debs, Bill Haj^wood, Huey Newton, Tom Ha3-den, and so on, 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Right; thank vou. 

Mr. Watson. Also in the New Patriot the "Don't Tread On Me" 
button Rossen is offering to his readers is identical in artwork to the 
buttons PBC is now distributing. He's offering here on page 30 "Don't 
Tread On Me" buttons, 25 cents each, 10 for $1.50, so on. The artwork 
is identical to the artwork which PBC now uses. 

And still on this, in this New Patriot he lists several ways to "Use 
the New Patriot To Organize Your Community." We're still on page 
30. These, almost every one of these ideas is a part of the present PBC 
program. Now, if you look at the back cover of this edition of the New 
Patriot v/e see a miniature poster here, "Kent State, May, 1970." 
This is, again, identical to a poster that PBC now uses. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. 1 don't believe we've previously identified that by 

Mr. Watson. The New Patriot? 

Mr. ScHULTZ. The New Patriot. We will designate that as exhibit 
No. 6. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 6 and will be 
found in appendix A, p. 87.] 

Mr. Watson. This is the New Patriot, March-April 1971, volume 1, 
No. 4. 

John Rossen can angrily dismiss his having had a hand in the found- 
ing of PBC as fairy tales of the right, if he so chooses, but the evidence 
is that he designed the whole thing. He has a sky blue van bearing his 
"Johim}^ Applesecd" signs on one side and the PBC indicia on the 
other. Somehovv^ his van symbolizes the two faces of John Rossen. 

I might digress for a moment. When I first read about him, I found 
John Rossen to be a little hard to believe, running around in a black 
beret and a turtleneck black shirt, and a black suit, but I attended a 
meeting at Champaign-Urbana in January 1975, a regional PBC 
meeting, and I saw John Rossen there at the meeting dressed in pre- 
cisely that fashion, and saw his little van with the "Johnny Appleseed 
Spirit of '76" painted on the side of it, the "Sons of Liberty" and the 
"American Revolutionary Bicentennial 1776-1976." I have a picture 
of that out on the campus of the University of Illinois. 

JMr. Schultz. Would you be willing to furnish that picture to the 
subcommittee for inclusion in the record? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. We also have a picture of Rossen and Rifkin 
sitting together in the conduct of a meeting. 

Mr. Schultz. And these pictures were personally taken by you? 


Mr, Watson. They were taken by a young woman who was work- 
ing with me. My assignment on that particular occasion was to attend 
the meeting and with her and a young man's help, to see if we could 
find out what PBC was all about. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. But you can attest to the fact that these pictures 
truly represent what you observed while attending this meeting? 

Mr. Watson. Absolutely. 

Mr, ScHULTZ. For purposes of clarification, is the meeting that you 
refer to a Peoples Bicentennial Commission regional conference held 
in Urbana, 111., on January 10 and 12, 1975? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We will mark the pictures as exhibit No. 7. Thank you. 
Please proceed. 

[The pictures referred to were marked exhibit No. 7 and Anil be found 
in appendix A, p. 92.] 

Mr. Watson. Another piece of evidence in the relationship between 
these two is the Benjamin Rush quotation vmder the banner of the 
New Patriot, Rossen's publication here. It is a c^uotation attributed 
to Benjamin Rush that says: 

The American war is over but this is far from being the case with the American 
Revokition; on the contrary, nothing but the first act of this great drama is 

Mr. ScHULTZ. And, again, you are referring to exliibit No. 6. 

Mr. Watson. Right. Not only is the general PBC idea of using 
1776 quotations to legitunatize modern revolutionary activities, trace- 
able to Rossen's little booklet of 1969 — and it's in that original Little 
Red Book of Quotations — this particular quotation is a key passage 
quoted in PBC literature. It appears many times in the PBC book 
"America's Birthday" and other literature and just as it is used to 
introduce the New Patriot, it is used to introduce the PBC's New 
Patriot Handbook the syllabus and study guide in their basic packet. 

Incidentally, on this Patriot's Handbook, the syllabus and study 
guide which is sent out with a packet to schools and community orga- 
nizations and libraries and so forth, to ^'help them study about the 
American Revolution," the lead entry under the section on the Amer- 
ican Revolution, per se, is a book called "American Revolution," by 
Herbert Aptheker, who, as you know, is the head theoretician of the 
Communist Party, U.S.A. 

Basic to the PBC idea, though, is a concept called revolutionary 
nationalism. This is the absolute core of the whole PBC idea: the 
propaganda strategy of trying to transfer the patriotic attachment for 
the revolutionary figures, events and spirit of 1776 to an endorsement 
of leftist revolutionary aims in the 1970's. More needs to be said about 
that, but for the moment note Rossen's references to this concept in 
the New Patriot. First, on the inside cover he refers to his article, 
"Revolutionary Nationalism and the American Left," in the radical 
avant-garde magazine Evergreen Review. 

Mr. Schultz. Again, we are referring to exhibit No. 6. Is that 

Mr. Watson. Correct. 

Here, we must note that one of the fairy tales Rossen so angrily 
dismissed was that he originated the concept of PBC in pamphlets 
calling for a new revolution based on Marxism and American national- 
ism. It should also be noted that Rossen's revolutionary nationalism 


wiitings in his tabloid, the New Patriot, were indeed expanded into 
his article in Evergreen Review and that, in turn, became verbatim 
a full chapter in the first book-size publication PBC put out: "How 
To Commit Revolution American Style," by Jeremy Rifkin and John 
Rossen, a volume, incidentally, both men now choose to ignore and, 
apparently, hope everyone else will do likewise. 

I have a copy of that book here "How To Commit Revolution 
American Style," by Jeremy Rifkin and John Rossen, the Bicentennial 

Mr. ScHULTz. For purposes of reference, we will identify that as 
exhibit No. 8. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 8, and may 
be found in the files of the subcommittee. A photocopy of the jacket 
will be found in appendix A, p. 93.] 

Mr. Watsox. It's not difficult to understand why Rifkin and Rossen 
choose to ignore this publication and hope everyone will forget it, for 
between Rossen's earlier pamphlets and this book, the grandiose 
duplicity of the whole PBC idea is revealed — the manipulative 
strategy called revolutionary nationalism is it. That is the concept 
upon which Rossen developed the basic design of PBC. If you could 
pull that single concept out of the PBC program, as you might pull a 
piece of tunber from a structure, the whole affair, including every 
piece of its literature, would collapse into a pile of unrelated quotations 
and drawings. 

Thus, an understanding of what these people mean by revolutionary 
nationalism is essential to an appreciation of the size of the hoax they 
are pulling. Rossen devotes considerable space to this concept in his 
publication, the New Patriot. He quotes Regis Debray, the French 
Marxist wiiter who accompanied the Castroite revolutionary Che 
Guevara on his guerrilla forays into Bolivia. Debray is credited by 
Rossen with perceiving this particular practice of Marxist-Leninist 
strategy for revolution. Rossen cites only a loose fragment from Debray 
in the New Patriot. In that book which PBC seems to wish did not 
exist, he cites a larger excerpt from Debray's Bolivian prison writings. 
The closing lines from that larger citation carr}' the real kicker: 

There will never be an authentic nation on this continent without revolutionary 
socialism, just as there will never be socialism without revolutionary nationalism. 

And here lies Rossen's mark on PBC: agitation for a socialist 
revolution through propaganda with a nationalist flavor. 

Remember how the radical catalog spoke of the idea behind 
Rossen's Johnm^ Appleseed Patriotic Publications, that is to "Radi- 
calize Americans by Americanizing radicalism." This runs through all 
of Rossen's pamphlets and writings, then Rifkins, and it is the 
mainstay of the PBC program and literature. The rationale which 
led to this, and the thesis of the more formal term "revolutionary 
nationalism," is that if nationalism, or patriotism as we usually 
think of it, is the stuft' which holds the people together in the resistance 
to a revolution, the clever revolutionary will not fight it; he will seek 
to gain control of it. 

That is what Rifkin was saying in his article in the New American 
]\Iovement, speaking to fellow new leftists fresh from the antiwar 
struggles, and this is what Rossen was saying before Rifkin came 
along. There in 1971 they were talking to the same audience. Both of 


them were on hand for the founding of the New American Movement, 
Rifkin as one of the New Left antiwarriors himself, and Rossen as the 
old leftist who had been moving in and out of radical youth circles for 
several years. Look, they were saying to the New Left radicals, joii 
have been trying to bring a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist revolution to the 
United States by using opposition to the Vietnam war as an issue, 
and we agree with you on this goal, but you're going at it wrong. 
People in this country are not going to buy off from the turgid writings 
of Marx, the easily identifiable polemics of Lenin, or quotations from 
the "Thoughts of Chairman Mao." You have tried that and it has 
not worked. Here, give them the "Revolutionary Quotations from 
the Thoughts of Uncle Sam." We are completely committed to bring- 
ing a Cuban or Chinese-type regime to the United States just as you 
are, but it simply cannot be done the way you are trying to do it. 

Of course, this is the sort of generalization that Rossen labels as 
one of those "fairy tales of the right," so let's look at it in his own 
words from the PBC book he and Rifkin put together in 1973, but 
now seem to want to hide. On page 149 of that PBC book, and this 
is exhibit — — 

Mr. ScHULTz. Exhibit No. 8. 

Mr. Watson [continuing]. Exhibit No. 8, Rossen is talking about 
"revolutionary nationalism" as the new movement in our hemisphere. 
In Cuba, he says, "Fidel was an early revolutionary nationalist" and 
is "clearly aware of this powerful new current and its effect on world 
revolutionary strategy." 

Then Rossen says — - 

In the Caribbean islands, new Black liberation movements are popping up 
all over. In Canada, the Quebecois Liberation Front has brought the fires of 
revolutionary nationalism right up to the U.S. frontier. 

On the European continent, similar fires are scorching the hides of imperialists. 
In Spain, Franco's fascist empire, kept afloat for nearly three decades with the 
aid of the U.S. imperialist establishment, may well be smashed on the rocks of 
Bascjue and Catalan revolutionary new patriots within Castile itself. In northern 
Ireland, the Catholic minority represents a form of revolutionary nationalism; 
and closer to home for the British imperialists, the resistance of Scottish and 
Welsh nationalism forebodes new headaches for No. 10 Downing Street. 

In the Middle East the Palestinian Liberation Movement and in Africa 
the struggle to free Angola stand out as the revolutionary nationalist bastions 
of the anti-imperialist front. In the Philippines, the resurgent anti-U.S. -im- 
perialism movement is clearly another manifestation of the new revolutionary 

In Asia the entire continent seethes with the movement. The victory of the 
first stage of the Chinese Revolution can be said to have struck the sparks that 
set off the whole world-wide phenomenon of revolutionary nationalism. 

Thus, one has to conclude that Rossen is trying to promote in the 
United States what has already taken place in Cuba and China, and 
"revolutionary nationalism" amounts to a means for Communist 
takeover — or we are misunderstanding what he is saying. One has 
also to conclude that Rossen condones terrorism as a means to advance 
"revolutionary nationalism." Note that he includes several terrorist 
organizations as exemplary of this movement. For example, the 
Quebecois Liberation Front, which he said had brought the fires oi 
revolutionary nationalism right up to the U.S. frontier, had, indeed, 
burned its name into the headlines the year before with the spectacular 
kidnaping of a Britisli diplomat and a Canadian official; the latter 
they strangled and left in the trunk of an abandoned automobile. 


Back to Rossen's own words. We turn to page 157 in the Rossen- 
Rifkin book, again, exhibit 8, and get additional help as to what he 
means, vis-a-vis, the United States. There he says "the American 
version of the concept of revolutionary nationalism will be anti- 
capitalist and socialist in content, and national in form and rhetoric." 
Indeed, this is what Rossen means by his patriotism. A little further 
in the book he chides American radicals for feeling that patriotism 
and nationalism are antipathetic. He quotes a Marxist scholar as 
sa3'mg that either word may refer merely to "the most suitable police'' 
to advance the welfare of one's own group." Further, Rossen claims 
revolutionary nationalism is the new patriotism, and we know from 
his previously cited explanations that he considers revolutionary 
nationalism to be exemplified in the revolution conducted in China 
by Mao. 

All of this, mind you, is offered by the man who angrily dismisses 
statements that he is calling for a new revolution based on Marxism 
and American nationalism. Journalist Bob Wiedrich, in whose Chicago 
Tribune article this angry dismissal was reported, talked with Rossen. 
Rossen said — 

I reject Marxism and Stalinism and Maoism. I have abandoned any ideas 
that were purely Marxist. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Where did this appear, Mr. Watson? 

Mr. Watson. We have it as an exhibit. That is the article from the 
Chicago Tribune. 

Mr. ScHULTz. That is exhibit No. 4. 

Mr. Watson. Yes. 

Pay careful attention to Rossen's phraseolog}^ He said he has 
abandoned anything that is "purely Marxist." This calls to mind an 
editorial that he wrote in his little tabloid, the New Patriot, which is 

Mr. Short. Six. 

Mr. Watson [continuing]. Six. And here I am quoting Rossen — 

I would say that for a revolutionary socialist in the 20l1i century to label himself 
a jNIarxist or a Marxist-Leninist is as ridiculous as for a modern phj'sicist to call 
himself a Newtonian or for a modern biologist to call himself a Darwinian. Marx 
laid the sturdy foundations for the scientific revolutionary-socialist methodology, 
and for any modern revolutionary to ignore these foundations would be as stupid 
as for a physicist to ignore the findings of Isaac Newton. But neither can the 
modern revolutionary limit himself to the findings of Marx. That is why I use the 
expression "scientific revolutionary methodology" rather than the expression 

The problem with most of those who call themselves Marxists today is that 
they accept Marxism as a dogma and not as a scientific tool, a revolutionary 
methodology which is constantly being refined, added to, improved on on the basis 
of the revolutionary experience of the last century and a quarter. 

It seems that what Rossen is really saying in that interview with 
Wiedrich is that neither pure Marxism nor Maoism, nor Stalinism, 
will sell in the United States. It has to be cut with some carefully 
selected Americanism first — preferably out of context. That is what 
PBC is all about. 

Rossen's denial of being anything but a member of PBC must 
similarly be examined. Apparently, he was not satisfied with this 
<lenial as it came out of the Wiedrich colinnn. So, about 10 days later, 
a letter from Rossen appeared in the Tribune's "Voice of the People," 
rebutting Wiedrich further. There Rossen wrote — 

69-239—76 2 


I support the Peoples Bicentennial Commission because I find it substantially 
in agreement with my definition of patriotism. 

We have that letter from the Chicago Tribune if you would like 
to have that as an exhibit. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Well, I think if you merely identify the date that it 
appeared, that that would be sufficient. 

Mr. Watson. All right. It was in the Chicago Tribune, September 3, 

Even if the traces of Rossen's hand could not be seen in the basic 
framework of PBC, his imparting his own definition of patriotism 
from its pamphlets, it would still have to be noted that he wrote 15 
pages defining patriotism in the first book that the Peoples Bicenten- 
nial Commission ever put out. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. The title of that book is 

Mr. Watson. "How to Commit Revolution American Style." 
Exhibit No. 8. 

Mr. Short. Right. 

Mr. Watson. Rossen simply chooses now to obscure the facts of 
the past. No one has to point out this sort of thing to columnist 
Wiedrich, however. He includes a couple of paragraphs in his article 
on Rossen's long record as a leftist organizer and propagandist. He 
notes, for example, the remarks on Rossen and the PBC made by 
Congressman Ichord on the floor of the House of Representatives. 
We have a copy of those remarks, if you want them entered. They are 
December 1973 remarks by Mr. Ichord.' 

Mr. ScHULTz. Well, I think Congressman Ichord's remarks are on 
the record, and the record will speak for itself. 

Mr. Watson. All right. Actually, Rossen's name has frequently 
appeared in reports of organizing and propaganda activities. Back in 
the 1940's and 1950's he was reported as being highly commended 
by the U.S. Communist Party newspaper for his work. In the 1960's 
he was constantly being reported on the fringes of the New Left, 
expecially the Students for a Democratic Society. He seems often to 
have been involved in helping with funding that organization, and 
he was apparently privileged to their national meetings even Vvdien the 
press was barred. He was specifically placed as speaking from the 
floor in some of the more volatile sessions in which the organization 
was splintered into the various pro-Maoist sects which erupt into 
violence even today. 

In the progression of such affairs, the New American Movement, to 
which Jeremy Rifkin belonged when he first began writing about 
PBC, is a product of this splintering. In fact, if you were to draw up* 
a family tree of the splintering and combining of the Communist 
factions in the United States over the past 5 or 6 years, you would 
probably have to consider the New American Movement something 
of a second cousin to such terrorist organizations as the Weathermen 
and the Symbionese Liberation Army. 

And there you could probably etch in the background of the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission, itself a splinter from this cousinry. 
Certainly the organization comes out of the niurkine^s of hard-line, 
far-left organizational entanglements. And it is headed up by a j^oung 
man who claims to have had more to do with its conception than the 
evidence supports, and supported by an older man who claims to 
have had less to do with its conception than the evidence indicates. 


Botli of them have expressed intentions to use the Bicentennial for 
manipulative purposes — 'separately and jointly — and both of them 
appear anxious to conceal some of their past political associations and 
activities, including their own mutual association. 

The odds are that much of this coverup attitude came from a 
degree of success with the PBC idea that none of those involved in 
its launching had predicted. PBC did catch on quite rapidly, and, as 
we have pointed out earlier, with people who would not have had 
anything to do with the goals and strategy Rossen and Rifkin were 
expressing in their initial writings. In fact, it may have been a com- 
Innation of this unforeseen success wdth nonradical elements of the 
press and public, and the easily documented statements that Con- 
gressman Ichord made about Rossen, that caused PBC to shove the 
Rossen-Rifkin book into the closet. The book came out in 1973, just 
before Mr. Ichord's remarks came out in the Congressional Record. 

Whatever the reasons, Rifkin and Rossen have now plaj'ed down 
their association, and Rifkin has disappeared from the literature of 
the New American Movement. After the aborted launching from the 
New American Movement, Rifkin has stopped writing about Lenin 
and ]VIao, never mentions his affiliation with New American Move- 
ment, and has gone into high gear putting out material quite different 
from the radical literature we have been discussing. He has devoted 
his time to speaking primaril}^ to the general public, and in doing so, 
he and his colleagues have prepared a packet of excellent propaganda 
material. In fact, as one who has had considerable experience in exam- 
ining propaganda, I have to say it is as skillfully done as any I have 

I would like to add one thing to tliis statement in terms of the 
reception that the PBC idea has been given because it is quite current. 
The April 1976 selection of the Book-of-the-Month Club is authored 
by the staff historian of the Peoples Bicentennial Commission. The 
title of that book is "A New Age Begins"; the subtitle reads "A 
Peoples History of the American Revolution." It is written by Page 
Smith. There is an interview with Page Smith inside the Book-of-the- 
ISlonth Club News for April. Nowheie in this interview does Smith 
discuss the fact that he is on the staff of the Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission, although the Peoples Bicentennial Commission literature 
cites him as its staff member and as "a prize-winning historian, cur- 
rently traveling in Western States, appearing before the Kiwanis, 
RotarA-s, and other civic groups to discuss the democratic principles 
of the American Revolution." 

I am quoting from a little tabloid entitled, "An Introduction to the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission," which was published by that 

That's the end of my statement. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We will designate the Book-of-the-Month Club News 
identified by Mr. Watson under the date of April 1976 as exhibit No. 9. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 9 and will be 
found in appendix A, p. 97.] 

Mr. Watson, in your opening statement you made a point of the fact 
that the conception of the PBC is, in fact, attributable to John 
Rossen, and that both Mr. Rossen and Mr. Rifkin have taken great 
pains to disassociate themselves in their endeavor. For the record, 1 will 
note that Mr. Rossen has appeared before both the House and the 


Senate in testimony and, without further comment, the record of his 
testimony will stand on its own. 

However, can you give us a little more information of what you know 
about Mr. Rossen's background? 

Mr. Watson. Well, it's rather widely written that he had been a Com- 
munist Party organizer in Illinois for a number of years, and that he 
served with the Abraham Lincoln Brigade in Spain, and that he ran for 
the mayor of St. Louis on the Communist Party ticket. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Do you know of any connection that he had with the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee? 

Mr. Watson. I have read that he staged a rally for the Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee, and apparently was the head of a branch of that 
committee in Chicago. 

Of course, in his literature, he cites North Vietnam and Cuba as ex- 
amples of the continuing revolution that starts with "national libera- 
tion and continues through and beyond a Socialist revolution." He 
had ties with the SDS, and in 1969 he was the owner of a building that 
housed the SDS national office in Chicago. He apparently had some- 
thing to do with their finances, was instrumental in their acquiring a 
printing press, and was apparently a speaker on the floor of that closed 
meeting of SDS in June 1969, when the organization was splintered by 
an attempt to take it over by the Progressive Labor Party. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Is there anything within your knowledge and study 
that would indicate to you that Mr. Jeremy Rifkin is simply more than 
a progressive, and perhaps may be characterized as a true revolu- 

Mr. Watson. Well, I think that the comparison of his writings 
when he was speaking to his own leftist comrades versus those that 
he puts out to the American public suggests a duplicity typical of the 
revolutionary propagandist, and then when he resorts to citing Mao 
and Lenin and Che Guevara as the type of sources for the revolution 
he is trying to run, I have to take him at face value on that. This is 
the sort of thing that he says under the table to his leftist comrades 
and that he v\on't say to the American public. As we have seen, in an 
interview with an ordinary newspaper man he says that he doesn't 
like to quote Lenin and Mao and he doesn't understand this waving 
the Vietcong flag, yet, he does the same sort of thing in his own 
Avritings under his own byline in that New American Movement 
article we have introduced as an exhibit. 

Mr. Schultz. Lenin, of course, explained how the party can be 
presented to the masses and outlined two methods, mainly, propaganda 
or agitation, and he suggested that the party must be presented with 
many ideas, so many ideas that they will be understood as a whole only 
by a few persons, and he identified propaganda as a good method for 
recruiting party members. Then, as far as agitation went, Lenin 
advocated that by directing their efforts to presenting a single idea to 
the masses by which they coidd strive to arouse discontent and 
indignation among the masses, this would serve to promote the party 
cause, and Lenin said, and I quote, "Our task is to utilize every 
manifestation of discontent, to collect and utilize every grain of even 
rudimentary protest." 

I am wondermg whether or not you might characterize PBC 
as following the Lenin doctrine in manifesting their program^ — the- 
revolutionary ideas that they are advancing. 


Mr. Watsox. I can't really think of a better general description of 
the PBC literature than that what you have just read there from 
Lenin. The PBC packet that they send out for $10 around the country 
to schools and civic organizations and communities and so forth is, in 
itself, a do-it-yourself kit for creating dissatisfaction and agitating 
people, and it doesn't leave anything to chance. It is a most detailed 
recipe for going in and locating and exploiting dissatisfactions that 
I have run across. 

In a student-teacher guide, which is one of the tabloids of the PBC 
pamphlet, they have a whole series of exercises with detailed instruc- 
tions, sending you, the reader, out to do this in your community. In 
each case, they give you loaded questions, guaranteed to provide 
dissatisfying information, rather than satisfying information, about 
your conmiunity. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Let me ask a few background questions, and then 
maybe we could pursue that in detail. 

You mentioned that the packets are sent out. Are these packets 
paid for? 

Mr. Watsox. They are offered for sale for $10. But, PBC staff has 
said in some of their verbal comments, that to anyone who doesn't 
have the $10, they will send it free. One of their minor money-raising 
schemes, though, has got to be the fact that they get a lot of $10 bills 
for these packets sent out. And they are advertised for that for sale. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Are these packets sent only on request, or are they 
disseminated by shotgun method across the country? 

Mr. Watsox. W^ell, I have asked a question quite similar to that in 
the PBC offices on Connecticut Avenue, and the reply that I received 
is that they 'will send them out on request only. It amounts to that, 
because we are talking about a hefty packet, it costs better than a 
dollar to send this stufT through the mail, but they will send a flyer 
out advertising this material — it's something like the introduction to 
the Peoples Bicentennial Commission that I held up a few minutes 
ago — to any address they can get, that they have any reason to think 
might be a possible market for the packet. 

They also have said that they send out teaser material blind. 
People get a blank envelope, you know, a no return address envelope, 
^\^th a PBC teaser in it to get them interested in the PBC idea. 

Mr. ScHULTz. They are, of course, capitalizing on our Bicentennial 
year. Do j^ou have any reason to believe that the material they 
send out, even in teaser form, would mislead the public into thinking 
what they might get by responding to this material? 

Mr. Watsox. There isn't any question in my mind, but what the 
public has been misled by this in many instances. No longer ago than 
^Monday of this week, in addressing an audience out in Ohio, I had a 
mature businessman come up to me at the end of a talk and say, "You 
know% I would not have recognized that this was a phony operation 
from the looks of the hterature; explain it to me again." I, incidentally, 
get correspondence and telephone calls from people around the coun- 
try, trying to clear up this confusion from time to time. 

Mr. ScHULTz. I would like to explore the publicly stated objectives 
of this organization and take a look at what they are actually doing, 
and contrast the theory and practice. Maybe we could do that by 
starting with the schools, packets that you mentioned that are sent 
to the schools. 


Do yon have concrete examples there of what it is they are sendino; 
to the schools, what they are asking the students or recipients to do?' 

Mr. Watson. Yes. I think it's significant to note what they say in 
their introductions to the Peoples Bicentennial Commission. This 
little flyer that they send out, or hand out when they can, what they 
say their objectives are there. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Let's identify that as exhibit No. 10. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 10 and will be 
found in appendix A, p. 98.] 

Mr. Watson. We talked about this earlier when we were talking 
about Page Smith and the Book-of-the-Month Club. The same 
document. In this document they say, 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission is a nonprofit, public foundation 
founded in the belief that it is time to reaffirm the democratic principles of the 
Declaration of Independence and of the American Revolution. Today we face 
economic and political crises as great as those of 1776. Like our ancestors, we must 
meet the challenge to our democratic birthrights. We must dedicate ourselves to 
a new patriotism, one that calls for allegiance to the revolutionary democratic- 
principles that launched our first national rebellion to tyranny. 

And, of course, we have the stated objective in Rifkin's own words 
that the purpose that the Peoples Bicentennial should have is to 
use the Bicentennial as a tactical weapon to isolate the existing 
institutions and those in power b}^ constantly focusing public attention 
on their inability to translate our revolutionary dreams into realit3^ 

Now, what much of the literature that is in the packet really does is 
to try to hold up a revolutionary ideal, frequently one that could 
never be met by anyone, but one that you could sa}^ is a dream, and 
then design a set of questions or a set of activities to send people 
out to prove that the system has been unable to translate it into 

To give you an example, in this student teacher guide, they have 
mmibered activities 1 through 16, each of them with a set of instruc- 
tions as to how to go out in your community and find out how the 
existing conditions balance against the revolutionary ideals. 

Mr. ScHULTz. As they perceive them? 

Air. Watson. As they perceive them. The first activity is called 
"Consent of Who." It is typical of PBC literature, not resorting to the 
Constitution as the document which describes the system our Republic 
runs on, but plucking a line out of the Declaration of Independence. 
This exercise purports to explore the concept of government by 
the consent of the governed. It takes those words out and hangs them 
up as the revolutionary ideal, and sends the reader out to interview 
individuals whose daily lives put them in such pairings as teachers 
and students, store managers and clerks, military officers and enlisted 
men, landlords and tenants. Instructions provide that everyone 
fitting in the first categor}^ of each of these pairings is to be confronted 
with the question as to whether or not they govern by the consent 
of those they govern. In other words, ask the store manager, are you^ 
ordering this clerk about in your store on the basis that he has con- 
sented to be governed by you; asking the private soldier, are you 
taking orders from that officer over there on the basis that you have 
consented to be governed by him. 

Everyone fitting in the second half of the category is asked if they 
feel they have consented to be governed by the other person. I would: 


argue that that is a propaganda gimmick guaranteed to produce an 
amount of dissatisfaction, and an unrealistic application of the 
meaning of our founding documents. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Do they provide the individual with a portion of the 
Declaration of Independence, and do they add to it any words that 
are not in the original Declaration of Independence? 

Mr. Watson. No, they don't add anything to it in this literature. 
Now, Rifkin has written an economic declaration of independence 
that, incidentally, has been published in the New York Times, in 
which he has taken the basic wording of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and rewritten it, to declare independence from the corpora- 
tions of the United States. 

This has been published in the New York Times under his byline, 
entitled "Economic Freedom," but within the PBC literature they 
don't generally. I don't know of any instances where they tamper with 
the — well, let me correct myself. They provide a format for a declara- 
tion of independence from the school systems, for students. This is a 
little blank setup where they introduce the general wording of the 
Declaration of Independence and leave a blank in there for "We, the 
students of John Doe School," or whatever it might be, do declare our 
independence, and so on. The students are supposed to fill out the 
grievances in that. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Will you pro\ade to the committee a copy of this 
material that you have just described? 

Mr. Watson. Sure. 

[The document referred to is exhibit No. 11 and will be found in 
appendix A, p. 98.] 

Mr. Watson. One thing that they do is they frequently use a 
truncated form of the Declaration of Independence. They pluck out 
the part that talks about rebelling, the actual act of revolution; they 
leave out the lines in the Declaration of Independence that sa}^ this 
should not be done for light and transient reasons. They frequently 
do that. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Such as the statement, "prudence indeed, will dictate 
that governments long-established should not be changed for light and 
transient causes?" 

Mr. Watson. That's right. They will. The only time they use that 
is when they are quoting the whole Declaration of Independence, and 
frequently it's in facsimile form, a little difficult to read, if you know 
what I mean. 

But, when they are quoting from the Declaration of Independence, 
they usually only quote the part that says that people have the right 
to overthrow the system when it no longer pleases them, and so on. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Has the PBC engaged in or fostered the technique 
of having people on the street read the Declaration of Independence 
and getting them to sign it? 

Mr. Watson. Yes; that is one of the exercises that they have. It's 
to send people around with a copy of that portion, that truncated 
portion, of the Declaration of Independence on a little piece of paper 
with signature blanks on it, and they 

Mr. Schultz. For purposes of the record and clarit}'' of the record, 
let's put in exactly what their language is and, with the chairman's 
permission, I would also like to immediately follow that with the 


complete Declaration of Independence, which would provide an 
interesting comparison. 

The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered. 

[The document referred to is exhibit No. 12, and will be found 
in appendix A, p. 99.] 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Responding to that previous question, then, concern- 
ing the manner and method in which PBC uses a portion of the 
Declaration of Independence, would you go ahead and respond? 

Mr. Watson. I would like to give you that in some detail because 
I have done a study of that particular part of the literature and have 
written it up. 

It is striking to me that the overriding emphasis of the packet of 
PBC is on the Declaration of Independence and the events leading 
up to it, not on the building of the republic on which the Founding 
Fathers immediately set to work after signing the declaration, but 
even within that Declaration of Independence the emphasis of the 
PBC is selective. 

The entire document is printed once or twice, but more often the 
Declaration of Independence is printed only in the extracted first 
half of the second paragraph of the Declaration printed in a bold, 
modern type, with a rhetorical finger always pointing at that portion 
of the phraseology, which reads "Whenever any form of government 
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter 
or abolish it, and to institute new government." 

One of the devices the PBC packet uses for pushing this idea is 
extracting that portion of the declaration in which these lines appear 
and reproducing them onto full pages of cutouts, small cutouts. The 
recipient of the packet is then instructed to clip these cutouts and 
paste them on 3x5 cards to be sent though the mail, unlabeled and out 
of context, to community, government, and business leaders for their 

In similar fashion, this same extract is printed at the top of a page 
on which blanks are provided so that it can be taken from door to door 
for signatures — or offered for signature at card tables set up in shop- 
ping centers. 

The entire mechanism of manipulation for the signature collecting 
is especially well worked out. 

The piece of literature in which it appears is an 8-page tabloid, the 
front of which is decorated with a facsimile of the entire, original 
handwritten Declaration of Independence. 

The signature collecting is to be done, however, on a specially pre- 
l^ared back jiage at the top of which is clearly written or printed the 
w^ord "petition," not "Declaration of Independence." Underneath this, 
except for the signature blanks, only the following appears: 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among 
these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, 
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive 
of these ends, it is the right of the i^eople to alter or abolish it, and to institute 
new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its 
powers in such form, as to them seem most likely to effect their safety and 

That's all that is on the page. 


This, of course, is extracted directly from the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. Indeed, the first half of this extract contains an expression 
of some of our basic ideals on the equality of men and their rights to 
be free. 

The second half of the quotation, though, is the keystone to our 
forefathers' rationale for declaring themselves to be so opposed to the 
existing form of government as to be determined to alter it or abolish 
it and set up another. 

Taken together, the implication here is that the ideas expressed in 
the first half are not being met. Therefore, the determination expressed 
in the second half is to be actualized. 

In fact, it is the second half, the statement of an intent on over- 
throwing the existing system, that is the meat of the passage. The 
first half is merely preparatory to it. The passage as a whole is not a 
celebration of the ideals of freedom; it is a declaration to fight for 
them. Put back into the only context in which it can be properly 
seen, it commits its signers to changing their political situation by 
going to war. This is precisely what it was intended to do in 1776, 
when the colonists agonized so long and seriously over taking such a 
drastic step. Indeed, even though deciding to overthrow their system, 
they issued a caution that the PBC writers chose to omit, although it 
appears in the same paragraph, in fact, in the sentence immediately 
following the lines they did extract. But, note, it does not serve PBC 
purposes, for it begins: "Prudence, indeed, will dictate that govern- 
ment long established should not be changed for light and transient 
causes." And, accordingly, the authors of thp original document ex- 
amined the long train of abuses painstakingly, and detailed them in 
succeeding paragraphs, before they presumed to ask people to sign 
anything. Historical accounts of the line-by-line debates over that 
original document suggest that none of its 56 eventual signers would 
have put his name to the lone, partial paragraph the Peoples Bicen- 
tennial is trotting around for Americans to sign. 

If this were merely a party game, it would be crude enough. It is 
not, though. It is a devious means for creating divisions among people 
and for enticing the unsuspecting into making a revolutionary com- 
mitment for whatever purposes the collectors of the signatures may 
eventually decide to put them. For it is one thing to quote this passage, 
as is often done, as one of the most resounding handful of lines in our 
heritage. It is quite another, though, to use it as a propaganda tool for 
tricking people into endorsing an unstated change in the present system 
in favor of an also unstated alternative. 

Certainly, holding this out of context passage out for people to sign 
is taking the old fine print on the contract gimmick to an outrageous 
extreme ; the fine print is just not there. It is kept off in the behind-the- 
scenes writings and the discussions of the leftists who designed the 
gimmick. Thus, no one should feel any qualms, or tolerate any criticism 
of his patriotism over refusing to sign such a blank check. He should 
not be intimidated by such taunts as, "Won't you sign something 
from your own Declaration of Independence?" He should give that no 
more serious consideration than someone's challenging his faith in 
banking because he would refuse to sign a sheet of paper on which were 
written only the words "pay to the order of," even though he has a 
bundle of checks in his pocket bearing those self-same words. 


Large numbers of people will be duped, though. One edition of the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission's periodical Common Sense claims 
the ruse has already been run successfully in a high school in South 
Dakota, a college in Pennsylvania, and a community in New York. 
I should point out that this was written 2 or 3 years ago. How many 
times the ruse has been run since then, I don't know. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mr. Watson, do you know, or are you aware of how 
these signatures are used by the PBC? Or is it merely an exercise? 

Mr. Watson. No; but it appears to be merely an exercise as far as 
I can see it. It's an exercise turned over to the local radical to create 
dissatisfaction. It's the sort of thing that can get people into a fist 
fight. Someone comes to your door and asks you to sign this document, 
and you say no, I won't sign this. Then, they challenge your patriotism 
and say what's wrong with you. So, getting citizens up to fight with each 
other, is w^hat they are doing with this type of ruse. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. A very insidious method to focus on rebellion and 
cause dissent. 

Mr. Watson. That's quite correct. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mr. Watson, we have taken a brief look at the focus 
of the PBC directed toward schools and the community. Let me ask 
if the PBC has directed any activities toward business or matters 
relating to the economy of the United States, and do you have any 
public documentation of their efforts? 

Mr. Watson. Well, the main thrust of PBC talks and rallies has 
been antibusiness sentiment. If you remember in the statement 
that I made initially, they went up to Concord to "send a message 
to Wall Street." The^^ are planning a rally here in Washington on 
the Fourth of July, an antibusiness rally, so a great deal of their 
material is antibusiness. 

They are trying to promote the idea of an economic democracy, 
and they are trying to do this from several different angles. One of the 
things that they did last year is quite interesting. They commis- 
sioned Peter Hart Associates, a pollster, to take a poll of a sample 
of the American public to find out how the public stood on the eco- 
nomic system. ' V' 

The Washington Post carried an article on August .31, 1975, 
describing the results of this poll, which the PBC had made. The 
PBC paid $14,000 to have this poll taken by Peter Hart Associates. 
Now, the headline of this article in the Washington Post is "37 
Percent Think the L^nitod States is in Decline." This is a quick 
headline summary of it. It was rather significant to me, though. 

Mr. Schultz. Now, this relates to economic decline? 

Mr. Watson. Yes, and a decline of faith in the system. 

Mr. Schultz. Thank you. 

Mr. Watson. It is rather interesting to me, though, that it was in 
the Wall Street Journal. As I said earlier, Rifkin had been sa\ing he 
was going to take a message to Wall Street, but I'm sure he didn't 
think that he would get it in the Wall Street Journal. 

On August the 22d on the front page of the Wall Street Journal 
there is a little small paragraph that says, "Antibusiness Feelings." 
That is the headline of the paragraph. 

Mr. Schultz. Would you read it, please? 

Mr. Watson. This is the entire paragraph. 


Antibusiness feelings run high, pollster Peter Hart finds. He says 61 percent 
•of Americans believe there is a big business conspirac}^ to keep prices high. Only 

17 percent favor the present economic system; 41 percent want major changes. 

By 66 percent to 25 percent margin, Americans favor employees owning most of 
■their companies' stock. 

Now, this is the self-same poll that the Washino;ton Post is reporting 
on August 31, but, of course, the Washington Post story reveals the 
fact that this poll was commissioned by the Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission. It set out to find the type of information that they 
wanted to use, and they refer to it in their literature and, undoubtedly,- 
in their public speaking engagements, saying that this is what the 
American people think: "Only 17 percent of the American people 
favor the present economic system." 

I have to believe that the American people should know a little bit 
more about where this information came from and what the objectives 
were for acciuiring it. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Does the Peoples Bicentennial Cornmission packet 
also contain business-oriented materials and a questionnaire similar 
to that used for the community and high schools? 

Mr. Watson. Some of the exeicises outlined in the packet will send 
the reader to a corporation's pubhc relations department with a set of 
loaded questions to find out what the corporation's attitude is about 
the community and why it hasn't done this and what it's doing about 
working conditions. It's a list of questions that probably would amaze 
most public relations people, and, when someone comes running in 
\nth this — bear in mind that the people they are setting up to do this 
are people from the community; these are not PBC staffers. This is 
the agitation propagandist getting the local citizen to do his job for 
him. It's an ingenuous device. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Are you suggesting that most participating citizens 
are doing this in an honest but misguided manner — that they are not 
aware of what they are participating in? 

Mr. Watson. I feel sure that this is usually the case. I don't know 
whether it is pertinent to what we are talking about now, but as I 
said earlier, I have gotten a number of letters and telephone calls 
from citizens around the country who have run into PBC literature, 
the book, "America's Birthday," for example, and become suspicious of 
it. They want to find out what it's all about, but usually not being 
trained' analysts of propaganda, they can't quite pinpoint anything 
to raise a complaint on, but they are suspicious that this is not a 
legitimate organization. 

I have responded to letters from schoolteachers who said that their 
school board had adopted the PBC book with these exercises that we 
were talking about, for use in an elementary or high school. The 
schoolteacher was concerned that something was wrong here, and 
having run across my name in som.e of the articles I have wi'itten on 
the subject, asked me for specific information with which to go to the 
school board and complain about using PBC materials. 

And that, incidentally, is why I am sitting here today. Frankl}^ I 
feel that what your subcommittee is doing in terms of telling the 
American public what this thing is all about is of great service. The 
media has, for the most part, dropped its responsibility to dig into 
this thing and report it so people can then make up their own minds. 


Someone needs to lay the truth out. Then, if people want to play these 
little games with the PBC, they are free to do so. But we are sending- 
schoolchildren out to play a propagandist's game without the com- 
mimity having the opportunity of knowing that this is what is really 
going on. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Has the press — ^if it's not too great a generalization — 
generally supported the PBC activities, either in a witting or 
unwitting fashion? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Can you tell us how this has come about? 

Mr. Watson. Yes; I can. It is built into the size of the packet. You 
have a hefty propaganda packet here. It's more than the average 
workingman has time to look through carefully, and he just flips 
through it and, my heavens, these are authentic looking pictures in 
here of colonial America, and some rather good art work, and there is 
a quotation from Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine, and Samuel 
Adams, and so forth. 

If one of your kids brought it home and you just leafed through it 
you would think, well, this is great, and look at the cover on it. It 
looks like something American Heritage might have done. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Describe the cover for us, if you will. 

Mr. Watson. Well, it's a very handsome cover. This is the 8/2 by 11 
format, with a very good shade of gray on it, blue and red letters, 
printed in colonial style type, with the Liberty Bell and Paul Revere 
on his horse near the top of it, and the "Don't Tread on Me" snake 
flag above that. 

It says it's a planning and activity guide for citizen participation 
during the Bicentennial years. This paperback version of it sells for 
$3.95. There is a hardback version, with exactly the same contents, 
that sells for $8.95. I bought this particular copy in a bookstore in 
Tyson's Corner in Northern Virginia. It is sold in regular bookstores, 
not just in underground newspaper shops or anything like that. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Well, this book and some of the other documents, the 
packets are expensive to manufacture and disseminate. What is the 
principal source of PBC's financing, if you know? 

Mr. Watson. PBC has gotten its monev from several sources. They 
quote the figure either $200,000 a year or $800,000 a year as their 
operating expenses, depending on when you happen to catch them, 
regardless of the j^ear. I think that we have to bear in mind that this 
is a lot more money than it might be to you and me because they use 
a lot of voluntary labor. Rifkin says that nobody on his staff makes 
more than $85 a week. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Do you know the size of his staff? 

Mr. Watson. It hovers around a dozen here in Washington. It 
varies from time to time, but it's usually around 12 to 15. We know, 
also, that when they travel around the country — and they do quite 
a bit of traveling and speaking — that they are frequently housed by 
people in the communities so that their lodging and food doesn't 
cost them anything. Their transportation is about the only expense 
they have, so I think you must realize that expenses to them are a lot 
less than they might be if I went out to try to do the same thing and 
had to pay my own way. 


Sometimes, when Rifkin is asked this question — and he is frequently 
asked the question — he will simply say that they receive donations 
from a lot of concerned citizens, plus the fact that they sell these 
packets for $10 apiece. At other times, and especially wdien he thinks 
that he is off the record in his remarks, he will laugh and sa}", "Hell, I 
go to rich liberals and tell them that there is a new McCarthy era 
pressing down on us and if we don't do something about it, we are all 
going to be in trouble, and they jerk out their checkbooks. They just 
lap up what I am saying and wiite me a check." 

It has been reported that certain foundations, such as the Stern 
Foundation, have given them money, and, of course, it's irritating to 
many taxpayers tluit the first few thousand dollars PBC got was a 
grant of $7,210 from the National Endowment for the Humanities. 
This was made because Rifkin presented himself and his cohorts as a 
group of young people who wanted to do some research on the working- 
man's position in the American Revolution. I chased this down in 
talking to the National Endowment for the Humanities on the 
telephone, and they admitted that this had happened, but said that 
it had happened because they did not imderstand what PBC was all 
about, and that they had gotten a concurrence in this grant from the 
then-American Revolutionary Bicentennial Administration, or Com- 
mission, I think, it was called at that point. It's been reorganized since 

The Chair-Max. Did you have a question, Mr. Short? 

Mr. Short. Thank 3'ou, Mr. Chairman. I would just like to point 
out that the subcommittee has documents which were provided by 
ARBA that reflect some of the circumstances surrounding the $7,210 
grant given to the PBC by the National Endowment for the 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Would you describe those documents, Mr. Short? 

Mr. Short. First we have a memo dated July 24, 1972, to Mr. 
George Lang from Martha Jane Shay, program officer (ARBC). In 
this memo, Ms. Shay brings out the point that many questions have 
been raised about the Peoples American Revolution Bicentennial 
Commission (PARBC), wdiich, of course, is now known as the Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission, and she wanted to explain her involvement 
svith them. 

Second, is a letter dated Julv 11, 1972, to Ms. Deborah W. Lawrence 
of the PARBC from Alartha Jane Shay, explaining the purpose and 
use of the program criteria and oft'ering assistance in preparing 
materials to be submitted to ARBC if they wish to seek official 

Next is a letter dated May 31 from Nancy Moses of the National 
Endowment for the Humanities to "Janie" — Martha Jane Shay. This 
letter refers to a proposal from the PBC. The proposal is not attached 
to this document. How^ever, I do have a copy of an application which 
was submitted to the National Endowment for the Humanities, from 
The Youth Project Peoples Bicentennial Commission, requesting 
$7,210 for a 8-nionth period, June 1, 1972, to September 1, 1972. Now 
attached to this application is a proposal of what the PBC intends to 
do; also attached is a resume of the project director, Jerem^^ Rifkin. 

In addition to these documents, I have a copy of a letter dated 
June 30, 1972, from Martha Jane Shay to Mr. Armen Tashdinian, 


National Endowment for the Humanities stating the proposal froni' 
the PBC had been reviewed, and recommending support for the 
project. I would submit these documents for inclusion in the record. 

Mr. ScHULTz. We will mark them as exhibit Nos. 13, 14, 15, 16, and 
17 respectively. 

[The documents referred to were marked exhibit Nos. 13-17 and 
will be found in appendix A, pp. 101-111.] 

Mr. Short. You will note that on Mr. Rifkin's resume, he states 
that during the period 1970-71, he was with the, and I quote : "Citizens 
Commission of Inquiry. A public interest research group concerned 
with American policy in Asia. Staff Coordinator." What Rifkin did 
not say was that the full name of that organization was the National 
Committee for a Citizens Commission of Inquiry on U.S. War Crimes 
in Vietnam. It is of interest to note that listed among the sponsors and 
National Coordinating Committee of this organization were such 
people as Sylvia Kushner, a member of the Communist Party of the 
U.S.A. and known Marxists such as Ossie Davis, Douglas Dowd,. 
Eugene D. Genovese, Noam Chomsky, Eric vSeitz, Executive vSecre- 
tary of the National Lawyers' Guild. In support of this, I w^ould like 
to offer a paper with the letterhead reading National Committee for a 
Citizens' Commission of Inquiry on U.S. War Crimes in Vietnam. There 
is no date on this piece of correspondence, but it is the 3"earend report 
of the committee. In addition, I would also offer for inclusion into the 
record, a press release dated November 20, 1970, and bearing the same 
letterhead as the yearend report. The staff, sponsors, and national 
coordinating committee are listed on both documents. 

Mr. ScHULTz. We will mark the yearend report as exhibit No. 18 
and the press release as exhibit No. 19. Apparently, neither the 
ARBC nor the National Endowment for the Humanities made much 
of an investigation before appro\dng the grant. 

[The documents were marked exhibit Nos. 18 and 19 and will be^ 
found in appendix A, pp. 112 and 113.] 

Mr. Watson. In other words, some people at the top did not know 
what they were authorizing the taxpayers' money to be used for. 
This is the same sort of thing that happened when you asked me earlier 
about people approving this literature. People just look at it, you 
know, and go along with it. We've had some rather conservative 
newspapermen that have endorsed PBC materials. I have talked to 
some of these people who have subsequently reversed themselves, 
and they said, well, I didn't read it very carefully the first time. 

Mr. ScHULTz. In that regard, I am sure that pollists many times 
take things at purely face value. What suggestions, if any, do you 
have as an expert as to how an individual might recognize documents 
that are not whole cloth? 

Mr. Watson. Well, in the first place, the practice of endorsing any- 
thing that you don't look carefully into is a grave error. Anyone in 
government or in the media or purely as a private citizen, who gives 
his approval to anything as massive as the PBC literature, without 
finding out more about it, is making a mistake. And I think that we 
are all shovv^ng a great naivety when we read some of the things that 
are printed in the public press about PBC and don't question them. 
You know, Rifkin comes along with a big banner up at Concord, a 
banner about 20 feet long, saying "Economic Democracy." Nobody 
asks him what economic democracy is, and, as a matter of fact, if 


yoii pick up the telephone and call the PBC headquarters and ask 
them to explam economic democracy to you, get yourself ready for 
a runaround because they can't explain it. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Have you done this? 

Mr. Watsox. Yes; I've done that. 

And, of course , as I've said earlier, I feel that the Congress of the 
Unted State i especially in this time when we are trying to celebrate 
the Bicentennial, the founding of the oldest Republic in the world, I 
believe that the Congress should inform itself about any organization 
such as the Peoples Bicentennial Commission, which obviously seeks 
to mislead and deceive people, and make that information available 
to the public. This would seem to me to be especially imperative since 
a grant from a Federal agency was instrumental in getting this thing 
started. I am, of course, referring to the grant of some $7,000 from the 
National Endowment for the Humanities. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. How did they respond to your inquiry concerning a 
definition of economic democracy? 

Mr. Watson. Well, they said economic democracy means worker 
ownership and management of the corporation. This is about all that 
you get out of them. I heard this question asked on the floor up in Ann 
Arbor, Mich., at a meeting of PBC that I attended last year, and 

Mr. ScHULTZ. When did that occur, if you remember? 

Mr. Watson. May 23 and 25, 1975. And after a big harangue had 
been made on the subject of economic democracy, of course, PBC 
always make a point of the good press it has gotten when it talks to 
a group of citizens. You know, we are really legitimate, you find us in 
U.S. News & World Report, and some lady got up and said, "Aren't 
you really talking about socialism and communism?" Her question was 
passed off with no real answer and that's about the sort of thing that 
you get when you call the office and ask them this. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Was there an out and out denial that they were 
fostering socialism or communism? 

Mr. Watson. No; it's fuzzed up, usually. I have a reported discus- 
sion in here in one of my sets of notes wherein, I believe it was Bill 
Peltz who was hit with this sort of question, and he said, we have to 
come up with a new language in this time. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. You just made reference to Bill Peltz. You meant to 
say Rifkin? 

Mr. Watson. I meant to say Rifkin. I was thinking of the wrong 
experience. This was a meeting at Champaign-Urbana, Illinois, on 
January 10 and 12, and the speaker at that point, dealing with the sub- 
ject of economic democracy, was Jeremy Rifkin, himself, and when 
this sort of questioning came up, he said, "We have to develop a new 
language that will unite us with the ordinary citizenry of all types. 
Our job is propaganda, and we, therefore, don't want to get into that 
sort of discussion." 

A similar thing came up at Ann Arbor when Bill Peltz was the 
speaker. Peltz is a staff member of PBC, who is located at Champaign- 
Urbana, but he was leading the meeting up at Ann Arbor, Mich., in 
May of 1975. 

Bill Peltz is also the Midwest regional coordinator for the Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission. He advertises himself as a lay minister and 
is involved in teaching Bible studies to religious organizations in the 
Champaign-Urbana area. 


When he was on the floor at Ann Arbor, a young woman inter^ 
rupted him to ask if he were not talking about sociahsm or communism, 
and he said to her and to the group : 

I don't think we are talking about socialism and communism. There is a tricky 
thing about all of this. PBC contends the rhetoric has to be examined and the 
various labels that we are accustomed to using for things have to be reconsidered. 

So, "economic democracy" is not necessarily socialism or communism, 
because that's not the way PBC likes to have it interpreted. 

He says, when they talk about socialism they can talk about return- 
ing to basic principles, and they can talk about economic democracy; 
we don't have to talk about socialism or communism. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Is there any documentary evidence that the New 
American Movement played a major role in the launching of the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission? 

Mr. Watson. Yes; there is documentary evidence of that. In the 
first place, Rifkin was a member of the New American Movement 
at the time that he proposed the idea for the Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission, and he proposed it as a member of the New American 

There is also a report on the founding conference of the New 
American Movement in a December 1971 edition of Guardian, 
which provides evidence on this point. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We will designate that as exhibit No. 20. 

[The document referred to was nuiiked exhibit No. 20, and will 
be found in appendix A, p. 114.] 

Mr. Watson. This is an article in the December 15, 1971, edition of 
Guardian. It is describing a meeting at Davenport, Iowa, the Thanks- 
giving weekend meeting, during which they were tr3ing to agree on a 
national program for this new organization, the New American 

This Thanksgiving conference — I am quoting from the article 
now : 

This Thanksgiving conference was intended tft unify chapters of the New 
American Movement, not just around the document, the basic document, which 
was written last spring by three Seattle conspiracy members, that spread the idea 
of forming a mass organization to put socialism on the agenda, in the 1970's, but 
also around a common national program. 

Skipping down the article: 

There was an older libertarian left representation at the conference, as well as a 
strong Americanist contingent that wants to emphasize the American Revolu- 
tionary tradition to the exclusion of all things foreign, such as Marxism, or 
solidarity with the third world struggle. 

And still further down in the article: 

One of the proposals that was made during the weekend was for a Peoples 
Revolutionary Bicentennial. 

Mr. ScHULTz. May I look at the exhibit, please? 

Mr. Watson. Sure. 

And if we can revert back to our first exhibit, Rifkin's article from 
the New American Movement publication itself, there is a paragraph 
in that article, I think, that is germane to what we are talking about. 
I will read it. 


He is talking about setting up Peoples Bicentennial Commissions 
and saying that: 

Each State has estabUshed an official Bicentennial Commission to coordinate 
activities and programs between now and 1976. New American Movement 
chapters could research the methods for selection of the commissions and expose 
the patronage and nonrepresentative nature of the boards, that is, too few youths, 
blacks, women, native Americans on the comniission. The New American Move- 
ment could also petition for appointments to the commission and present detailed 
proposals for statewide Bicentennial activities. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Do you know how many regional chapters are now 
in existence? 

Mr. Watson. I do not, and I doubt that anyone knows. 

When you sit in on a regional meeting, such as I have sat in on 
twice, you hear the proposition being made to people that they have 
attracted to these meetings to go back home and form their own 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission. And the first priority is to get them 
to go back home and form an organization called the Peoples Bicen- 
tennial Commission in their home towns, but if that doesn't work, 
then they are to get the Peoples Bicentennial literature in any other 
organization that is handling Bicentennial activites, whether it's 
the official organization or not. And, if there is already a radical 
Bicentennial group in the community, then they don't have to change 
the name of it, or anything, just use the Peoples Bicentennial material. 
That's the requirement. 

So, it's very, very difficult to keep up with how many chapters 
the}^ might have around the country. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. How many people attended the meeting that you 
attended? The one you attended in Michigan. 

Mr. Watsox. I went to one in Urbana, and I also went to one in 
Ann Arbor, and I would have to check ni}' notes to feel comfortable 
about answering that. In both cases, we are talking about a relatively 
small group of people. We are talking about 30, 40, or 50 people in 
each case. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Did you gain the impression that these individuals 
were from the 50 States, or at least a regional representation? 

Mr. Watson. They were a regional representation. You would run 
into people at either one of these places from Wisconsin, Ohio, Indiana. 
I took down a notation of the staff people that were at the Ann Arbor 
conference, and one was from each of the following States: Nebraska, 
Missouri, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Ohio, Illinois, Iowa, and Michigan. 
That's about the geographical spread that the attendees represented, 
too, from talking to them during the breaks. The attendees were a mix 
of people rvmning from rather radical-looking students on the campus 
to middle-aged and middle-class businessmen and housewives, small 
businessmen and housewives, librarians, teachers, people like that. 

In both cases, the conferences were held at least partly on campus. 
At the Champaign-Urbana conference, the entire thing was held on 
the campus. For some reason, I never did figure out why, the one at 
Ann Arbor was held onlj^ in part on the campus. Some of the meetings 
were held on the campus and some were held downtown in the public 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Were these meetings held under the auspices of the 



Mr. Watson. Well, to the extent that thej^ were advertised on the 
the student union boards. You know, you put up a flyer on the student 
union board, and you say there will be a meeting of all those concerned 
with the Bicentennial, and the Peoples Bicentennial Commission is 
going to speak, and there will be coffee and beer. And, of course. 
Bill Peltz, who is a Midwest regional coordinator and was very much 
in evidence at both of the meetings I went to, is apparently a faculty 
member of the University of Illinois. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Does the PBC attempt to associate itself with the 
official Bicentennial Commission? The American Revokitionary Bicen- 
tennial Administration? 

Mr. Watson. They advertise themselves as an alternative to the 
official Bicentennial Administration. Of course, the national office is 
where they make the big thing out of this. It's the American Revolu- 
tionary Bicentennial Administration in Washmgton that they are 
always throwing rocks at. They don't throw as many rocks at the 
State commissions and the local commissions aroimd the country. 
They are frequently trying to cooperate with them. They want to work 
with them. They want to get people in there. 

I've sat at these meetings and I've listened to them tell people to go 
back home and, if you can't start a PBC of your own, get yourself a 
job in the official Bicentennial Commission and see that this literature 
gets used. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. It's interesting. You've identified both Rossen and 
Rifkin as founders of the New American Movement. Your testimony 
certainly suggests that you regard the New American Movement as a 
revolutionar}^ organization, rather than one committed to peaceful 
change. Doesn't the New American Movement claim in some of its 
propaganda that it is a democratic socialist movement? Doesn't this 
suggest that they may be close to the Western European socialists in 

Mr. Watson. I have a couple of reports on the first NAM — the first 
New American Movement conference, that I think might be entered 
for the record, that will somewhat clarify this question. 

One of them is in that same edition of the New American Movement 
newspaper that we introduced as exhibit 1. It's in an earlier page than 
the PBC article. This report does use the expression "democratic 
socialism," but then a few passages later they make it clear that they 
have nothing but contempt for the British and Scandinavian socialism, 
which they describe as welfare capitalism. 

I think there is ample evidence that the New American Movement 
belongs to the far left end of the political spectrum, rather than to the 
progressive or reform sector. 

For example, in December of last year, there was in Puerto Rico, the 
second conference of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, which as testi- 
mony given before your subcommittee demonstrates, is not really a 
Socialist party in the Euiopean sense, but a Castro Communist Party. 
The New American Movement had fraternal observers present at this 
conference. Other organizations which had fraternal observers there 
included the American Indian Movement, the Puerto Rican Solidarity 
Committee, the Prairie Fire Oiganizing Committee, the Filipino 
Communist Party, and the Guardian. The Puerto Rico Solidarity 
Committee, as testimony given before your subcommittee establishes^ 


is a support organization of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and 
operates under the complete control of the Cuban Secret Police, the 

The Guardian, as you know, is essentially a Maoist Communist 
movement. The Prairie Fire Organizing Committee is a support 
organization for the Weather Underground. 

To give you an idea of the tenor of the conference, I have here the 
Guardian of December 17, 1975; I would like to quote two paragraphs 
describing the speech of Juan Mari Bras, the secretary general of the 
PSP. At the rally he directly confronted the question of electoral 
strategy. "Does the electoral strateg}' mean that we set aside the armed 
struggle?" he asked. "We answer, definitely not. Quoting from Cuban 
Premier Fidel Castro, Mari Bras brought the crowd to its feet with a 
thundering ovation as he declared, 'There can be no victorious revolu- 
tion if you have the arms and you do not have the masses, but there 
camiot be a victorious revolution vsdthout arms. We will never renounce 
our right to armed struggle, not until the day that imperalism gives up 
its last gun.' " 

I think that when the New American Movement participates in 
conferences such as that, then it is pretty clear what their colors are. 

Air. ScHULTz. What successes do you see that the PBC has had? 

Mr. Watson. What successes? 

Mr. ScHULTz. Yes. 

Mr. Watson. Well, I think it has to be regarded as somewhat suc- 
cessful that the April 1976 Book-of-the-Month Club Selection on the 
American Revolution itself, was written by the staff historian of the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission, and sells for $12, $15, $20 — I've 
forgotten exactly the price of it, it's a rather expensive book. I think 
that has to be recorded as a success. 

The press coverage that they have received has been phenomenal. 

Mr. ScHULTz. You mentioned they've been quoted and listed in 
Newsweek. What other major publications? 

Mr. Watson. Well, U.S. News & World Report gave them better 
billing than it did the Official Revolutionary Bicentennial Administra- 
tion, and you can pick up a handful of newsclippings from almost any- 
where in the country and read a favorable review. 

Here is a piece of a Girl Scout newsletter that one of my neighbors in 
northern Virginia brought to me because she was aware of some of the 
things that I had written on the Peoples Bicentennial Commission. 
She is a Girl Scout leader, and her council, her Girl Scout council, put 
out this recommendation: 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission has materials available for groups. The 
introductory packet of materials is free. A kit of Bicentennial materials, including 
a subscription to "Common Sense," costs $10. Their most recent publication is 
"America's Birthday," a planning and activity guide for citizens participation 
during the Bicentennial. 

That's the book that we described looking like the American Heri- 
tage cover. The book is published by Simon & Schuster. The PBC ad- 
dress is 12346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C. 

Mr. Schultz. Would you identify the document from which you just 

Mr. Watson. This is a newsletter from the Capitol Area Council of 
the Girl Scouts. 


]Mr. ScHULTz. You can provide that to the committee? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 21 and will be 
found in appendix A, p. 116.] 

Mr. Watson. Anywhere you want to pick up a newspaper, you find 
coverage of the PBC. The Washington Post, the Washington Star, 
newspapers from the west coast, from the South, the National Ob- 
server, Playbo3^ We cited earlier the Wall Street Journal. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Have any of the newspapers or magazines identified the 
PBC for what they are? 

Mr. Watson. Yes, they have, in very few cases. The Chicago Tri- 
bune has done two anti-PBC pieces after they had run several pro- 
PBC pieces. Back in 1974, was the first time I noticed the Chicago 
Tribune had given a rather favorable coverage. It was not until the 
article cited earlier by columnist Bob Wiedrich, in which he cited Ros- 
sen's background and so forth — an expose of PBC published by the 
Chicago Tribune — that the record was set straight. 

Then, last December, December 20, 1975, the Chicago Tribune 
published a lead editorial which they entitled "Hijacking the Bicenten- 
nial." It said much of the same sort of thing that we have been saying 
here, including referring to Chairman Ichord's remarks in Congress. 
They mentioned Rifkin and Rossen; gave a little brief description of 
the literature and so on. 

But, hard on the heels of that, here is a piece from the New York 
Times taking the PBC quite seriously, "Radical Group Presses for 
New Bicentennial View." 

Mr. ScHULTz. What's the date? 

Mr. Watson. January 18. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. The title of that article? 

Mr. Watson. January 18, 1976, the New York Times, "Radical 
Group Presses New Bicentennial View." 

In the same edition of the New York Times, the PBC had nearly 
a full-page advertisement for which they paid $10,000. It's covered in 
this article here. PBC has been favored by a variety of magazines 
around the country. The newspapers have generall}^ done likewise. If 
we tried to come up with some sort of percentage on good press versus 
bad press — and I would have to do this off the top of my head — I 
would say that they probably have somewhere between 5 and 10 per- 
cent bad press, in other words, anti-PBC stuff, and the rest of it is 
pro, and some of it is so lavish that it's absolutely amazing. 

For example, I have to contend that this byline article by Jeremy 
Rifkin on economic freedom in the New York Times 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Which appeared when? 

Mr. Watson. May 26, 1975. This is the one in which he re"\vrites 
the Declaration of Independence along economic lines. The New York 
Times credits Jeremy Rifkin as an economist and codirector of the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission, an author of "Common Sense II." 
That's all the American public is told about what PBC is all about. 

That, generalh^, is the sort of press that they have gotten around 
the country, and, as I say, you cannot tag it to what people frequently 
speak of as the ultraliberal press versus the conservative press. 

Lloyd Jenkins Jones, out in Tulsa, Okla., has written a couple of 
very good PBC pieces that tell it like it is, but these are rather rare. 


When I introduced the book, "How to Commit Revolution Amer- 
ican Style," by Jeremy Rifkin and Jolui Rossen, I should have cited 
its publisher, which I didn't do at the time. The publisher is Lyle 
Stuart, Inc., of Secaucus, N.J. This is, perhaps, one of the reasons 
that Rossen and Rifkin don't like to advertise the book too much, 
because Lyle Stuart's reputation as a publisher includes mostly quasi- 
pornographic material and revolutionary material, including the 
Anarchists' Cookbook," which he published. 

It also is significant, perhaps, that L3de Stuart was a treasurer of 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, according to testimony before 
the committee. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. I will finish my questions and then with the chairman's 
permission we will go around for your additional questions, gentlemen; 

The Chairman. That will be fine, go right ahead. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mr. Watson, you have mentioned that the PBC is 
planning a mass rally in Washington on July 4. Do you have any 
information about the plans that have been made for this rally and 
about those who will participate in the rally? 

Mr. Watsox. Well, the}^ have been talking for — at both the meetings 
I attended in the ^Midwest, the subject of the Fourth of July came up, 
and they mentioned in theu' Common Sense from time to time since 
then that they wanted to have a massive rally on the Fourth of July, 
and apparently recently the}* have applied for a permit to have a rally 
here in Washington on the Fourth of July. The Washington Post has 
published a story on January 21, 1976, in which they say the PBC 
says it expects to attract 250,000 people to a protest rally in Washing- 
ton on July 4. I would like to insert tliis into the record if I may. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Without objection, this article will be identified as 
exhibit No. 22. 

[The article referred to was marked exhibit No. 22 and will be found 
in appendix A, p. 116.1 

^Ir. ScHULTZ. Do 3 ou know if this request for a permit has been 

Mr. Watson. I don't really know that. I have no information 
as to whether it has nor not. The article certainly sounded like it 
would be granted. Of course, when they put on the demonstration at 
Concord the}^ did get a permit for that affair, and they estimated 
about four times the number of people that they actually got there. 
They alwa^'s inflate the figures as to how many they really expect 
to have, but if they set out to put on a rally here in Wasliington, I 
would sa}' that they could certainly get 25,000 or 30,000 people. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Do j'Ou know whether the anticipated rally will be a 
single issue or one organization rall^^, or whether the PBC will serve 
as an umbrella for man}' groups to come in under the permit? 

Mr. Watson. I would not think that they would encourage a lot 
of other groups to come in and take their thunder, but as far as the 
multi-issue approach is concerned, it is almost guaranteed that it 
will be a multi-issue approach. They will have PBC literature and 

Mr. ScHULTZ. But with the focus of rebellion? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. But they will take in anyone who is of like mind, 
but they want it to be a PBC affair. 


Mr. ScHULTZ. And as a matter of fact, so that they would make a 
good showing, just the number of bodies, whether committed to their 
particular cause or not, would help them? 

Mr. Watson. Oh, absolutely. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. One final question from me before I ask for other 
questions by the members of the staff. What response is the official 
Bicentennial group giving when they receive inquiries concerning the 
PBC, if you know? 

Mr. Watson. I don't really have much of an answer to that, other 
than the fact that I have made a couple of calls myself over the last 
2 years, several calls for one reason or other, to the American Revo- 
lutionary Bicentennial Administration, and most people that you 
talk to there don't have much to say on the subject. They will not 
give you much of a clarification of what the PBC is all about, and I 
have referred citizens to them on occasion, and the citizens are 
seldom satisfied with finding out much about the PBC. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Can 3^ou evaluate the response? Is it because they 
don't know, or are the}^ reluctant to characterize the PBC? 

Mr. Watson. Well, I have been told b}^ one or two of the people 
that I have talked to that they don't see it within their charter to 
say anything derogatory about any other organization. I can under- 
stand that sentiment. I am also pretty well convinced that some people 
I have talked to don't really know. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Of course, I would assume that they clearly dispel 
any association between the two organizations to those individuals 
that call and ask? 

Mr. Watson. Sometimes it's the lack of clarity there. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. I understand. Mr. .Martin, do you have any questions? 

Mr. Martin. Just one question. You gave the subcommittee 
several examples of what you called the duplicity of the PBC. Rifkin 
and Rossen are writing for the movement, for the cadres of the move- 
ment — you have some frankly revolutionary prose which you quoted. 
And you pointed out that they will use much the same paragraphs in 
writings intended for the general public, but they will delete certain 
names or certain words that might give offense to people who are not 
revolutionary in their personal orientation. 

For example, they would delete references to Lenin and Che 
Guevara and Castro, and so on. In order to demonstrate that this 
isn't something that has just happened occasionally in then- wi'itings, 
but that it is part of a consistent pattern of duplicity on their part, 
do you have a number of other examples which you could offer for 
the record? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. This has been such a common occurrence in 
looking at their literature, rimning across this sort of thing that I 
developed a little comparative sheet here that has four paragraphs on 
it, wherem on one side of the page Rifkin is wi'itmg in the under- 
ground press to fellow leftists and on the other side of the page he is 
writing in "America's Birthday," the Simon & Shuster book, and 
you are looking at the same paragraphs, but they have been doctored 
to get the scare words and the scare names out of them. Actually, the 
introduction to "America's Birthday," is, b}^ and large, a cut and paste 
job of Rif kin's underground press articles with these words and names 
taken out. You can go down through there page-by-page and just find 
whole paragraphs have been picked up and plopped over there with 
the scare words and scare names taken out. 


Mr. ScHULTZ. Of the analysis that you prepared, is each paragraph 
documented as to source? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. 

Mr. ScHULTz. All right. We will mark your analysis as exhibit 
No. 23, for inclusion in the record. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 23 and will be 
found in appendix A, p. 118.] 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mr. Martin, do you have anything further? 

Mr. Martin. That's all. 

Mr, ScHULTz. Mr. Tarabochia. 

Mr. Tarabochia. A group of revolutionary organizations such as 
the PSP, the American Indian Movement, the Prairie Fire Organizing 
Committee, are sponsoring a massive rally under the name of the 
July 4th Coalition to coincide with the official celebrations in Phila- 
delphia. Do you have any knowledge whether the PBC is going to 
participate or sponsor this rally? 

Mr. Watson. No; I don't. I would suggest that it is worth looking 
into further though because, as I remember it, the PBC in Philadelphia 
is not called the PBC; it has some other name. It's one of those, as I 
remember, that did want to change its name, but it has a heavy PBC 
influence. I would think from their method of operation that they will 
certainly have an oar in it, but I don't really have any particular 
knowledge of that. 

Mr. Tarabochia. Because I notice that the New American Move- 
ment is one of the endorsers of this. The National Committee of the 
New American Movement is an endorser of this rally. 

Mr. Watson. I would say this, that there is a very good chance that 
PBC would be involved. 

Mr. Tarabochia. I have no other questions. Thank you. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mr. Short, do you have any questions? 

Mr. Short. Yes. Mr. Rifkin, at the regional PBC conference in 
Urbana, stated that he wanted to establish an organization which 
would be capable of replacing the Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion, the DAR, as it is commonly known, as representative of Ameri- 
cans with revolutionary lineage. How does he propose to do this? 

Mr. Watson. Well, he said at that meeting, that they were seeking 
people whose ancestors took part in the American Revolution, and he 
said they already had some, to sign up with PBC under the banner of 
''Sons and Daughters of Liberty," or "Sons and Daughters of the 
Revolution." He said they wanted to get 500 such people to announce 
the formation of this organization and call for a second American 
revolution to create economic democracy, and he was encouraging the 
local PBC's and the people that he was trying to get to go back home 
and start their own PBC's to do the same thing — find people in their 
communities with revolutionary lineage and sign them up as part of 
this new organization. 

Mr. Short. I believe, also, that the PBC claims that there are three 
basic documents which are essential to a proper interpretation of the 
revolution 200 years ago. They are the Declaration of Independence, 
the Bill of Rights, and the Bible. 

Now, you mentioned earlier a William Peltz, the PBC Midwest 
regional coordinating chairman. Could you tell me briefly what he 
stated at the Ann Arbor, Mich., conference concerning recruitment of 
Christians for the PBC? 


Mr. Watson. Well, as I mentioned earlier, Peltz, presents himself 
as a lay minister and says that he regards teaching of Bible studies as 
one of the ways that you can get across revolutionary information. 

He says that, of course, there are several conservative branches of 
Christianity to be concerned with — the fundamentalists, and they have 
not been so ready to step into the social action activities, the leftist 
activities, as some of the other denominations might have done, and 
they might be a little leery of some of the activities that PBC advo- 
cates; but if they can be reached, he says, they can be the most powerful 
influence possible because of the high level of dedication fundamentalist 
Christians have. 

He said, they believe in the Bible and if you can show them how the 
Bible backs up the idea of revolution, their dedication and evangelistic 
spirit can literally work miracles for you, and he says that you are 
then using that third document that's essential to the operation. 

He says that PBC is reall}^ a religious movement, as well as a 
political one, and he looks at it that way. He says the ideas about 
sharing the wealth and caring for your neighbor didn't originate with 
Marx. You can back them up with scripture from the Bible. He says 
that the Founding Fathers, whatever their individual convictions 
might have been, were steeped in the Scripture and this gives you a 
bridge for talking to these fundamentalist Christians. 

He says it's simple to go back into the Bible and recapture some of 
the ideas that you can use in expounding on the Founding Fathers 
and their religious beliefs, as, for example, the Bible tells us God is 
supreme, not government. The Bible also tells us we are only so- 
journers here, and he cites Leviticus, chapter 25, to back this up. And 
he sa3'^s, we have no right to own land because we are only sojourners 
here, that the land belongs to God and everybody. 

He says the Bible also makes it clear, as does the Declaration of 
Independence, that government should be done away wdth when it 
no longer serves the needs of the people; that the Bible even makes it 
clear that there should be a periodic sharing of the wealth. He says, 
look at the jubilee year that is talked about there in Leviticus 25, and 
that there is nothing in the Bible to support the existence of 

Mr. Short. So, when he uses terms concerning the Bible, he is 
really not getting away from the Marxist theory at all? 

Mr. Watson. No; he is not. He is using it to do the same sort of 
thing that PBC has done with the revolutionary 1776 quotations and 
art work. He is simply using it to cover up what he is really trying to 
do. He says the point is that if you can get the fundamentalists turned 
on to the PBC concept of econonjic democracy and show it is sup- 
ported in the Bible, you will have tapped a major power source m 
moving the thing forward. 

Mr. Short. That's all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Mr. Watson, we appreciate your appearing before 
the subcommittee this morning. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you, Senator Eastland, it was my pleasure. 

The Chairman. If there is nothing further, the subcommittee is 

[Whereupon, at 1 :20 p.m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject 
to the call of the Chair.] 



U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee to Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws 

OF the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D.C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:12 o'clock a.m., 
in the Kussell Senate Office Building, Senator James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, presiding. 

Also present: Richard L. Schultz, chief counsel; Alfonso L. Tara- 
bochia, chief investigator; Robert J. Short, senior investigator; and 
David Martin, senior analyst. 

The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are 
about to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God? 

Mrs. Walton. I do. 

The Chairivian. Thank you. Now, counsel, would you proceed 
with the questions? 

Mr. Schultz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mrs. Walton, would 
you state your full name for the record, please? 


Mrs. Walton. Mary O. Walton. 

Mr. Schultz. What is vour address, Mrs. Walton? 

Airs. Walton. I live in the State of Illinois. 

Mr. Schultz. Mrs. Walton, have you made a study of revolu- 
tionary groups and organizations over the past several years? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes; I have. 

Mr. Schultz. Approximately how long have you made such 

Mrs. Walton. For the past 15 years. 

Mr. Schultz. In the course of your studies have you collected 
many materials relating to revolutionary organizations, writings, 
and documents? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes; I have. 

Mr. Schultz. You are here this morning to furnish information 
and testimony in connection with the Peoples Bicentennial 

Mrs. Walton. That's correct. 

Mr. Schultz. All right. I know you have a prepared statement 
to make. Would you proceed? 



Mrs. Walton. Yes, sir. 

Gentlemen, my presence here today has been brought about due 
to a concern we have in common. Namely, the radical left forces that 
are using the guise of our Bicentennial to further their aims of a 
social revolution to bring about a restructuring of our free enterprise 
system, and of our democratic republic system of government which 
derives from it. I do hope that my testimony will shed some light 
on this potentially serious situation. 

I would like to preface this testimon}^ with some of nw qualifica- 
tions. First, I am a mother of two sons and through them, close to 
many young adults. Therefore, I am concerned about the world they 
and their future generations will inherit. 

Second, I am an Ameiican who believes, in spite of its inadecmacies, 
in the United States of America. With this I believe in our democracy 
within a republican form of government and the free enterprise system 
of economics. 

I have lived in several areas of Europe in all sorts of conditions; 
lived iny-not as a tourist. When I have come home, I thank God I 
am privileged to live in this great land, for nowhere on Earth is there 
the freedom and opportunities that our Nation affords her citizens. 

I wore an American flag pin and everA^where I went people would 
come up to me and tell me how desperately they wanted to come to 
this country to live. 

George Washington, in his farewell address said, "The name 
American which belongs to 3^ou, in your national capacity, must 
always exalt the just pride of patriotism." 

Twelve years ago, I became concerned when I detected some — 
may I just stop briefly? 

Mr. ScHULTz. Yes. 

Mrs. Walton. My studv did start 14 years ago, but I became more 
deeply concerned about it 12 years ago. 

Twelve years ago, I became concerned when I detected some of the 
elements behind the so-called "Free-Speech Movement" at the 
University of California, at Berkeley; namely, Bettina Aptheker, 
daughter of Dr. Herbert Aptheker, head theoretician of the Com- 
munist Part}^, U.S.A. 

In 1965, my husband's company sent us to Scotland. There I 
witnessed Communist Party verbal attacks against the United States 
and the stirring up of British youth with the identical rhetoric that 
was and is being employed to attempt to gain the control of American 

Lenin stated, "Youth will decide the issue of the entire struggle — 
both the student jouth and, more still, the working class youth." 

Gus Hall, General Secretary of the Communist Party, U.S.A., at 
the founding of the Young Workers' Liberation League in 1970, 
said, "In all struggles for social progress especially during explosive 
events — the youth are the shock troops. The}^ provide the ranks with 
boldness, militancy, and enthusiasm." 

He went on to state that youth needed leadership with "advanced 
ideas" and that the Communist Party was establishing that leadership. 

Upon my return from Scotland, I saw that the "radical student 
movement" had groAvn considerably and that the "shock troops" 
were on the march against the Pentagon and campuses. 


Realizing that our wonderful American A^outh with their tremendous 
concern for the world and mankind, their enthubiastic though some- 
what naive idealism were being manipulated and maneuvered, I felt 
it necessary to get to the root of this manipulation. 

In order to understand better what was happening and to know 
how to deal with the situation, I launched upon an intensive, in-depth 
research which I am still actively pursuing. 

I have become a student of communism and all forms of totalitarian 
socialism which includes Nazism and Fascism. Along with this I am 
studying the Old and New Left plus the radical right organizations in 
the United States. 

This study has consisted primarily of publications of hundreds of 
radical organizations, from left to right, and government documents 
and books. This knowledge has been developed further by my attend- 
ing "peace" meetings, demonstrations and listening to lecturers 
ranging from Dr. Herbert Aptheker, with many in between, to Mr. 
William Kunstler. 

I do not set myself up as a totally qualified authority and as one who 
has all the answers as, indeed, mj^ study continues every day. However, 
I do feel I have gained enough knowledge from closely monitoring 
"the movement" to see the pattern of what is occurring in the United 

I do not represent any organization in this research, just myself — 
a concerned mother and an American who is far from being ashamed of 
love of country. 

I also do not look for a Communist behind every bush. I ac- 
knowledge that the vast majority of people, both students and adults, 
that are or have been caught up in the "movement" are sincerely 
concerned about many issues and are far from being Marxists dedi- 
cated to the destruction of the capitalist system of economics. 

The leaders and manipulators of the radical "movement" know 
exactl}^ what their goal is and are pursuing it with total dedication. 

Several j^ears ago, I took to the lecture platform and have authored 
many newspaper articles and appeared on talk shows. This led to 
Governor Ogilvie appointing me to the Governor's Advisory Council. 
I have worked with many educators on the problems of student radi- 
calism and drug abuse. 

Seemingly, the "radical student movement" has slowed down. The 
students may have been turned off by the "movement" leaders and 
manipulators. However, these masters of deceit are at it again. They 
never for one moment give up. 

We are now in the midst of celebrating our Nation's Bicentennial 
and again, I turn to Washington's Farewell Address when he w^arned 
us "Much pains will be taken, many artifices emploj^ed" and that 
"The batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly 
and actively — though often covertly and insidiously — dii'ected" to 
weaken in Americans minds belief in our form of government. 

He concluded by warning us against "The mischiefs of foreign 
intrigue and to'guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism." 

This warning is particularly appropriate in modern terms when 
applied to the PBC. Let me say a few words about how the "Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission" got started. 


In 1969 a document entitled "An Open Letter to the American 
Left" was published by the Johnny Appleseed Press of Cicero, 111. 
This is owned by John Rossen, a one-time organizer for the Communist 
Party in Illinois and Missouri. In the article, Rossen stated that an 
urgent question for the American Left will be "How to get started on 
the American road to socialism." 

It then told of a meeting of American radicals in Bratislava, Czecho- 
slovakia Avith the DRV (North Vietnamese) and the NLF (Vietcong) 
where they were told; "The problem with you American friends is that 
you have not yet found your identity; you do not identify with the 
American people." 

Tliis letter continues: 

If one accepts the proposition that there is an American road to socialism, that 
no social revolution can be "transplanted" or "grafted" onto American society, 
then it is clear that the humanist-socialist transformation of society in the United 
States can come only as an unfolding of the unique history and the unique ex- 
periences of the American Nation, as a further development and flowering of the 
Great American Revolution of 1776. 

Is it possible that there is only one American Revolution, that it began in 1776, 
and that in 1969, Americans have the revolutionary task of bringing that revolu- 
tion up to date? 

American Radicals, who are really American and really radical, must accept the 
proposition that Twentieth Century Americanism is humanist-socialism. 

A revival and up-dating of the "Spirit of '76" by the American left and a re- 
vamping of left theory and practice in terms of that spirit would not only defeat the 
Fascist danger, but would create the conditions for an offensive by the left that 
would speed the day of the arrival of the American people at the next milestone in 
their history— a humanist-socialist society. 

Thus was launched the Johnny Appleseed movement; and this new 
"patriotic movement," using American nationalism to put across 
Marxist doctrine was furthered with the publishing of a paper called 
the New Patriot. 

This was all the brainchild of John Rossen and in the summer of 
1971, it appears that the Johnny Appleseed movement was handed 
over lock, stock and barrel to one Jeremy Rifkin and renamed the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission. 

I believe it was called the Peoples Revolutionary Bicentennial 
Commission and then the name "Revolutionary" was dropped at a 
later period. 

This is typical of the Old and New Left structures, to regroup and 
change names in order to confuse. In my opinion, this was a clever 
move as Rifkin's left wing record was not well known like Rossen's. 
John Rossen has obviously remained as mentor, guiding light, very 
active and the voice of the Chicago Peoples Bicentennial Commission. 

I feel the most revealing aspect of the Peoples Bicentennial Com- 
mission is their "Student Teacher Programs for a Peoples Bicentennial" 
and all their educational tools. 

They state that "educational reform today is meaningless without a 
general reorientation of our society * * * students and teachers can 
never really take control of the educational process from administra- 
tors, boards of education and the needs of big business and demogogic 
politicians until the people of America have taken control of our society 
from the neotories who run our Government and economic system." 

I would like to go into more detail on the Peoples Bicentennial 
educational plans when we review their publications. 


The Peoples Bicentennial Commission states that their program is 
designed to reawaken the radical student movement of the 1960's. 

The radical Old and New Left, cloaked with patriotic trappings, 
diabolically using the commemoration of our Nation's birth with which 
to ensnare Americans and lead them down the path to a Soviet or 
Castro style socialism are finding a widespread acceptance of their 
new patriotic rhetoric. 

They have, indeed, found a fresh way to identify with the American 
people as internationalist Marxists advised them to do. 

As John Rossen wi'ote in his pamphlet '^Toward a New Patriotism," 
''The New Patriotism would be socialist-humanist and internationalist 
in substance and content and nationalist in form and rhetoric." 

Gentlemen, I would like to conclude my opening statement with a 
quote from Samuel Adams. "The liberties of our country, the freedom 
of our civil constitution, are worth defending at all hazards; and it is 
our duty to defend them against all attacks. We have received them as 
a fair inheritance from our worthy ancestors; they purchased them for 
us with toil and danger, and expense of treasure and blood, and trans- 
mitted them to us with care and diligence. It will be an everlasting 
mark of infamy on the present generation, enlightened as it is, if we 
should suffer them to be wrested from us by violence without a struggle 
or be cheated out of them by the artifices of false and designing men." 

Gentlemen, I would now like to go over the documents and publica- 
tions of the Peoples Bicentennial Commission and related materials 
with you. I have furnished the subcommittee with copies of many of 
these documents. In doing this you will be able to comprehend more 
fully what the Peoples Bicentennial Commission is, their history, and 
aims. This hopefully will lead to discussing what can be done to neu- 
tralize this Bicentennial hoax. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Thank you, Mrs. Walton. Just a few questions in 
connection with jour opening statement. You mentioned that your 
studies are not connected with any organization. That they have been 
done wholly on your own. Have you been paid by any organization? 

Mrs. Walton. I have received a few honorariums when I have gone 
out and lectured. I have not received any fvmds from any organiza- 
tion, per se. 

Mr. ScHULTz. You are not on a continuing 

Mrs. Walton. No; and I am not a member of a speakers* bureau or 
anything like that. My lecturing has been done purely by word-of- 

Mr. ScHULTz. Where is the Peoples Bicentennial Commission's 
Headquarters in the Chicago area? 

Mrs. Walton. It is at 2440 North Lincoln Avenue, in a building 
called Liberty Hall, that is owned by John Rossen. 

Mr. Schultz. Are there any other organizations within that? 

Mrs. Walton. There are other organizations. I am not aware of 
all of them. Rev. Iberus Hacker, who works with John Rossen, in the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission, has an Open Pantry for the Poor, 
in the same building. 

1 am aware of a few other organizations listed in the telephone 
directory at the Liberty Hall, 2440 N. Lincoln address. They are: 

City Colleges of Chicago — Uptown Education Programs — Iberus 
Hacker, Tel. 271-1737. Rainbow Coahtion— Lincoln Park Office, 
Tel. 271-1737. Chicago Tomorrow— Social Service, Tel. 528-0191. 


Women For Peace, Tel. 929-6690. The Old Country Church, Tel. 271- 

I also have many documents shomng that various organizations 
hold meetings at the 2440 N. Lincoln address such as: Citizens Alert/ 
Alliance to End Repression, Venceremos Brigade, Iranian Student 
Association, Benefit for Chicago Workers School, "Class Struggle" — 
October League, Consumer Counteraction, United Farm Workers, 
Institute For Social Studies, New American Movement, National 
Caucus of Labor Committees, and others. 

I want to make it clear that the mere fact that an organization or 
operation has its offices in Liberty Hall does not necessarily mean it is 
revolutionary. But I think it would be quite accurate to state that with 
few exceptions, the organizations who have their offices in Liberty 
Hall or Mdio have used Liberty Hall for meetings and rallies are either 
actively involved in lef twing politics or else are welfare organizations — ■ 
or what passes as welfare organizations — operated by a variety of 
leftwdng organizations. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Have you ever been to this building? 

Mrs. Walton. I have not. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Who is the Peoples Bicentennial Commission 
spokesman in Chicago? 

Mrs. Walton. Mainly John Rossen. Sometimes Rev. Iberus 
Hacker, Sister Joan Baustian or Susan Rockwell. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Is it not true that John Rossen disassociates him- 
self from Rifkin? 

Mrs. Walton. He disassociates himself from Rifkin. They are 
very careful about that. As a matter of fact Jeremy Rifkin in a Chicago 
Sun Times article dated October 5, 1975, stated that the beginning 
of the PBC all started with a discussion in 1971 ^vith a friend who 
publishes the Progressive in Madison, Wis., and no mention of John 
Rossen. Although Jeremy Rifkin is in and out of the PBC's Chicago 
office from time to time John Rossen is very obviously in command. 
One instance that I know of, he went to New Trier West High School 
in Northfield, where he gave an adult seminar on bicentennial plan- 
ning. He spoke as representing the Peoples Bicenteimial Commission. 
Sister Baustian accompanied Rossen to this meeting. 

His associates mth the Chicago Bicentennial Commission are 
Sister Joan Baustian and Rev. Iberus Hacker. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. When did the Northfield, 111., appearance occur? 

Mrs. Walton. The meeting took place on the evening of February 
27, 1975. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Wlien did you first become aware of the Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission? 

Mrs. Walton. Shortly after they were formed in 1971, I became 
aware of them. My documents go back to the Jolinn}^ Appleseed 
movement which I put away in a file and then when I heard about 
the Peoples Bicentennial Commission, it was very clear, in my 
opinion, that this was what had developed out of the Johnny Apple- 
seed movement. Many of the PBC documents that I secured at a 
later date bear out this opinion. 

Mr. Schultz. Describe for us, if you will, how you first contacted 
the Peoples Bicentennial Commission, and what you gained through 
your contact with them. 


Mrs. Walton. I first wrote to them in April 1974, and at that 
time, I wrote to — no, March — I am sorry. March 28, 1974, and I 
wrote to them at their Liberty Hall address. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. How did you obtam tliis address? 

Mrs. Walton. I obtained it from the Chicago Peace Council, 
as a matter of fact. I take that back, it was not March 28, because 
I wrote to them 3 weeks prior to that and I did not have an answer. 
So then I followed it up with a letter to them on March 28, and I 
received a letter back from Sister Joan Baustian, on April 9, 1974, 
stating that the}* had never received my first letter and that they 
were glad that I had written again, but I did not include my phone 
number and that she had spent nearh^ .3 weeks in a hospital and she 
sent me a few publications of the PBC and hoped that I would join 
and receive all the materials. 

She informed me that on April 23, 1974, at 7:30 p.m., they were 
holding a meetmg of people interested in the PBC and that Jeremy 
Rifkin, from Washington, D.C. would be there. She invited me to 
come down to that meeting and to talk about their ongoing activities. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mr. Chanman, I would like to suggest that any 
documents offered by Airs. Walton during the course of this hearing 
be accepted and the final decision as to inclusion in the record be 
reserved until thej^ nia}' be reviewed. 

The Chairman. That's fine. Without objection so ordered. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. If you are willing to provide a copy of that to the 
subcommittee, we will mark that as exliibit No. 1. 

Mrs. Walton. Yes, sir. 

[The documents referred to were marked as exhibit Nos. 1 and lA 
and vnW be found on pp. 127 and 128, app. B.] 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Did you have subsequent correspondence? 

Mrs. Walton. In some of the publications, they sent me, there 
was a form to fill in to receive the Peoples Bicentennial kit. I sent $10 
to the Connecticut Avenue address and I have furnished the original 
documents of the kit to the subcommittee. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mrs. Walton, when you say the Connecticut Avenue 
address, are you talking about an address in Washington, D.C? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes, I am. That is the PBC headquarters. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Could 3^ou give us that specific address? 

Mrs. Walton. It is 1346 Connecticut Avenue, Suite 1010. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Would you describe for us the origin of the Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission and the connection which you have found 
between that organization and the Johnny Appleseed movement? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes, sir. This began in 1969, with an "Open Letter 
to the American Left," which was printed by the Johnny Appleseed 
Press — they are located in Cicero, 111. The Johnny Appleseed publisher 
is John Rossen. 

In this "Open Letter to the American Left" it was proposed that 
a new patriotic movement be developed. I did quote from this in my 
opening statement. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. As documentation for your remarks in your opening 
statement, we will mark that as exhibit No. 2. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 2 and 
will be found on p. 129, app. B.] 


Mrs. Walton. This, plus another document called "One, Two> 
Three . . . Man}^ SDS's." This was also distributed b}'' tlie Johnny 
Appleseed Patriotic Publications at the same time. This was an 
excerpt from Ramparts magazine, copyright 1969. This also describes 
some of the new ideas for the "Old Left." 

These were picked vip at the same time and I might explain where 
these documents came from. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. If you would, please. We will mark that as exhibit 
No. 3. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 3 and will be 
found on p. 133, app. B.] 

Mrs. Walton. These documents were distributed at a convocation 
at the Bellarmine School of Theology, 230 South Lincoln Way, 
Aurora, 111. on October 4, 1969. The Bellarmine School of Theology 
was a branch of Loyola Universit}^, in Chicago, and it has since ceased 
to exist at that address. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Were these documents obtained by you? 

Mrs. Walton. They were obtained by a friend of mine that I sent 
to this meeting. She brought back many documents. These were just 
among them. 

Another document that was brought back was a document ex- 
plaining the John Rossen "Little Red, White and Blue Book" called 
"Revolutionary Quotations from the Thoughts of Uncle Sam." On 
the back of this there is a reprint, second in a series, from Johnny 
Appleseed. It is an advertisement actually, seeking the development 
of a new political party called A Revolutionary Mass Party. 

These three documents were secured at the same time. 

Mr. Schultz. Mark the advertisement as exhibit No. 4. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 4, and will be 
found on p. 141, app. B.l 

Mrs. Walton. Now going along with that exhibit there was in the 
Chicago Tribune, on February 24, 1970, a write-up about that meeting 
in Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, that is referred to in the Open Letter 
to the American Left. 

Mr. Schultz. The Chicago Tribune article dated February 24, 
1970 will be exhibit No. 5. 

[The docum.ent referred to was marked as exliibit No. 5 and will be 
found on p. 143, app. B.l 

Mrs. Walton. Now to tie the Peoples Bicentennial Commission 
in — shortly after the Open Letter to the American Left went out, 
a publication called the New Patriot was printed by the Johnny 
Appleseed Press and recently, I secured from the PBC a cop}^ of this 
original publication in which the}^ very convenientl}" stamped the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission in the corner linking the Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission in with the original publication of the New 

Mr. Schultz. Will you identif}^ that document by date and perhaps. 
by volume number? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes. September, volume No. 1 — volume 1, excuse- 
me. No. 2, September-October, 1970. 

Mr. Schultz. You obtained that 

Mrs. Walton. From the Peoples Bicentennial Commission. 

Mr. Schultz. Fine. Thank you. This will be exhibit No. 6. 


[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 6 and will be 
found on p. 144, app. B.] 

Mrs. Walton. Further to that, last year the Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission, in Chicago, began to issue a monthly newsletter called 
the Cliicago Patriot, and in their volume 1, number 4, which was 
December 1975, January 1976, they state, "The New Patriot, the 
newspaper formerly put out by the Johnny Appleseed Patriotic 
Publications will be resumed by the Peoples Bicentennial Commission 
of Chicago and Johnny Appleseed. The Chicago Patriot is hereby 
discontinued. Subscribers will receive instead the New Patriot with 
its large colorful format of 20 to 30 pages; $3.50 is our special rate for 
early subscribers to the New Patriot, in January." 

This further links the New Patriot with the Chicago People* 
Bicentennial Commission. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. What is the date on this pamphlet? 

Mrs. Walton. December 1975, January 1976. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you. 

We will mark that as exhibit No. 7. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 7 and will be 
found on p. 145, app. B.] 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Do you have any other documents that you would 
like to furnish the subcommittee which would show the relationshij) 
between the Peoples Bicentennial Commission and the Johnny Ap- 
pleseed movement? 

Mrs. Walton. I believe that scattered through some of the Johnny 
Appleseed publications are things that are identical to the PBC such 
as statements, pictures, logos, an ad for "Don't Tread On Me" 
buttons identical to those sold by the PBC, and the listing of such 
organizations as: Committees of Correspondence, DAR II and Daugh- 
ters and Sons of Liberty. These can be found in the New Patriot 
volume 1 — No. 2/September-October 1970 and the New Patriot 
volume 1 — No. 4/March-April 1971. Also a letter dated July 14, 1975 
from Susan Rockwell of the Chicago PBC office containing informa- 
tion on the redevelopment of the New Patriot by the PBC, 

May we backtrack? 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Absolutely. 

Mrs. Walton. In my opening statement I referred to the Gus Hall 
statement on using American youth as shock troops, at the founding 
of the Young Workers' Liberation League. This statement was made 
in Chicago, February 8, 1970, and it was the opening speech by Gus 
Hall, at the Founding Convention which was held in the Sherman 
House Hotel, in Chicago. 

I would like to enter this in evidence. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. This is documented 

Mrs. Walton. The date, February 28, 1970. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. What is the name of the paper? 

Mrs. Walton. This is from the Daily World. 

Mr. Schultz. That would be exhibit No. 8. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 8 and will 
be found on p. 146, app. B.] 

Mr. Schultz. Mrs. Walton, what are the publicly stated goals and 
objectives of the Peoples Bicentennial Commission? 



Mrs. Walton. I think their goals are stated very clearly in all 
iheir publications. 

The PBC publication entitled 'The Bicentennial Era 1972-76" gives 
four aspects for a sound program for revolutionary change in corporate 
America: a set of princi]:)les, an analysis of the system, a set of blue- 
prints, and a program of attack or a program for taking power. This 
is followed by a Peo])les Bicentennial Declaration in which is stated 
"the new American Revolution must not be a revolution in rhetoric 
but rather a revolution in fact." 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission has what they call the 
Declaration of Economic Independence, and if I may I would like to 
read a few paragraphs from it. 

When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to 
dissolve the economic bonds which have tied them to another, a decent respect 
for the opinions of humankind requires that they should declare the causes which 
compel them to separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all people are created equal, that 
they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, that among 
these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness — that to secure these rights 
economic institutions are instituted among people, deriving just poM-er from the 
consent of the citizens, that whenever an economic system becomes destructive of 
these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it and to institute a new 
economic system laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers 
in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to affect their safety and happiness. 

* * * The history of the present giant corporations is a history of repeated injuries 
and usurpations; all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute 
tyranny over these states. To prove this, let the facts be submitted to a candid 

America's giant corporations have seized control over the great land and re- 
sources of our country. 

They have forced millions of Americans into unemployment lines by systemat- 
ically closing down their American plants and moving their business operations 
abroad so they can hire cheaper labor and reap still greater profits for their 

They go on and explain more of why they are against the corporate 
structure in the United States, and then at the end they conclude: 

We therefore, the citizens of the United States of America, hereby call for the 
abolition of these giant institutions of tyranny and the establishment of new 
economic enterprises with new laws and safeguards to provide for the equal and 
democratic participation of all American citizens in the economic decisions that 
affect the well-being of our families, our communities and our nation. In further- 
ance of our joint hopes and aspirations and mindful of the lessons of history, we 
steadfastly adhere to the general principle that a Democratic Republic can only 
exist to the extent that economic decisionmaking power is broadly exercised by 
the people and not delegated to a few. Such is the necessity which compels us to act 
in support of decentralized economic enterprises with ownership and control being 
shared jointly by the workers in the plants and by the local communities in which 
they operate, with similar patterns of shared rejiresentative control being exercised 
on a regional and national level to insure the smooth and efficient coordination of all 
economic operations. For the support of this declaration with a firm reliance on the 
protection of divine providence, we mutually pledge our lives, our fortunes and our 
sacred honor. 

[The complete text will be found on p. 155, Appendix B as part of 
exhibit No. 9.] 

Listed under that is the Peoples Bicentennial Commission, Washing- 
ton, D.C., 20036. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Is there a date or a volume number on the publication? 

Mrs. Walton. Volume 4, No. 1 of Common Sense. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Is this one of the documents which you obtained 
through the mail? 


Mrs. Walton. Yes; I am on what thoy call their committee of 
correspondence. This is lifted from Our Founding Fathers who had 
a committee of correspondence. You receive periodically their pubUca- 
tion Common Sense as well as other documents, 

I would like to add that this particular copy of Common Sense 
was mailed to all the State legislators in the State of Illinois and the 
opening statement on it is "1976, The Year for Revolution." 

There is another interesting— well, there are two interestnig thmgs 
I would like to point out in this document. The announcement of 
the demonstration on July 4, in Washington, D.C. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. What page does that appear on? 

Mrs. Walton. It appears on page 11. 

The PBC states that they \viU have 250,000 new patnots for the 
largest economic rally in American history. 

The 200th anniversary of the American Revolution, a time to begin the second 
American Revolution. Declare vour economic independence from ITT, GM and 
EXXON. Send a message to Wall Street. Rededicate yourself to the democratic 
principles of 1776. Join the Movement for Economic Democracy. Join the Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission at the Capitol, in Washington, D.C. 

Join prominent speakers and entertainers in pledging your life, fortune and 
sacred honor to a new America. Make some history of your own. Be there. 

The Chairman. I would like to ask the subcommittee chief in- 
vestigator if he has any information concerning the proposed demon- 
stration for Washington, D.C. • n 

Mr. Tarabochia. Yes, Mr. Art Lamb, Chief of the Division of 
Special Events of the U.S. National Park Service informed me this 
morning that a permit for a demonstration on July 4th, by the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission has been apphed for but not 

granted vet. 

A meeting with Jeremy Rifkin is scheduled for 10 a.m., March 29, 
1976, to work out the details of his demonstration. 

There are two permits that are required for these demonstrations 
because the gathering is going to take place in front of the Capitol 
and also spill over on the mall from First to Fifth and Seventh Streets. 

It is of interest to note that on the same date the follomng events 
are to take place in Washington, D.C. An event at the Kennedy 
Stadium where about 50,000 people are going to be involved; the 
opening of the Air and Space Museum at the Smithsonian Institution; 
the opening of the Visitors Center at Union Station; the fireworks 
at the monument grounds; the Folklike Festival around the Lincoln 
Memorial and the opening of the new Bicentennial Gardens on the 
site of the old Navy Annex on Constitution Avenue. 

The Chairman. Thank you. Mr. Schultz, will you carry on? 

Mr. Schultz. Mrs. Walton, did you have any other items? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes; I would like to show one item in this particular 
publication of Common Sense. There is a picture of all of the Presiden- 
tial candidates including Senator Birch Bayh and former Senator 
Fred Harris— who have been generally regarded a-^ the most liberal of 
the Democratic candidates^and conservative candidate Governor 
Ronald Reagan. 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission rejects all of these candidates 
as being of the same cut. Common Sense says, "After 200 years, is 
this the best we can do? Look at these men. All of them want to be 
President of the United States. Each of them wants your vote." 


Then they conclude, ''We think it's time to put the candidates on 
notice, we're fed up with worn out chches and endless chatter from a 
cast of Twiddledee and Twiddledum candidates. We want some action." 

Then they state, "We're the Common Sense Campaign for a Demo- 
cratic Economy." The Common Sense Campaign for a Democratic 
Economy is forming groups across the country to heckle all of the 
Presidential candidates. 

When President Ford was in the Champaign-Urbana area of Illinois, 
I believe it was 10 days ago. Bill Peltz who heads up the Midwest 
section of the Peoples Bicentennial Commission led a group of hecklers 
against the President. 

When Governor Reagan was in Oshkosh, Wis., recently, a group of 
500 students demonstrated in the name of the Common Sense Cam- 
paign for a Democratic Economy. They are proposing to do this all 
across the Nation. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Historically, of course, we think of Thomas Paine 
when we think of a group or a label of Common Sense. 

Mrs. Walton. Yes; of course. 

This is why they very cleverlv took the name "Common Sense," for 
their publication and for their Campaign for a Democratic Economy. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you. 

This is exhibit No. 9. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 9, and will be 
found on p. 150, app. B.] 

Mr, ScHULTZ. You have given us some idea from the writings of the 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission what their goals and objectives 
are as publicly stated. 

How does the PBC plan to carry out the activities they are advocat- 

Mrs. Walton. They have various programs. They have a program 
called "Community Programs for Peoples Bicentennial" in which they 
present to individuals and organizations in every community in the 
country the opportunity to participate in a "new social movement." 
It is suggested that a Communit}^ Research be undertaken by forming 
a new group on a campus or in a town called the People's Research 
Operation for the Bicentennial Era (PROBE). It is further suggested 
that students do this research as they have the time and are anxious 
to contribute to movements for social change. In fact, they say PROBE 
can be used as a continuing aspect of the student revolt of the 1960's. 
They state PROBE should go into the community and ask such ques- 
tions as: 

"What do the people of your community know about the ideals of the American 

"Do the institutions that affect the community operate in accordance with 
those ideals?" 

"The Russians have the Communist Manifesto; the Chinese have the Quotations 
of Chairman Mao. Do Americans have a political document to lean on for 

"When the Founding Fathers signed the Declaration of Independence they 
pledged their lives and fortunes . . . Do you think modern politicians are that 
dedicated to the people they represent?" 

"The Declaration says that whenever any form of government turns against 
our rights and tries to destroy them, it is our duty to change or abolish that form 
of government. Do you agree with that?" 

"The colonists complained that they had no voice in making decisions. Do you 
feel that you have a voice in local decisions? In state deci!?ioDS? In national 


These are just a few of the questions to be asked to plant a seed of 
discontent and then the acceptance of the restructuring of our society 
in people's minds. 

They outUne how to effect change by exerting pressure on the power 
base in every community. 

They are to organize around community issues such as child care. 
There is a 4-year PBC program for the largest day-care organization 
in the Nation — 'the National Day Care and Child Development Coun- 
cil of America. The PBC's grassroots door to door campaign ''Birth- 
day Parties For Kids" aims at enlisting 10 million parents into a day- 
care lobby to press for qualit}", community-controlled day care by 
1976. Other issues are education; recreation; jobs; senior citizens; 
service systems — transportation, sanitation, police, courts, health, 
welfare, and so on. There are other numerous plans for community 
organizing. I think it is worthy of note that Students for a Democratic 
Society had a similar plan for communit}' organizing. 

They have the "Light in the Steeple," which is a retigious program 
for the Peoples Bicentennial Commission. It is published by the 
"Ecumenical Task Force on the Religious Observance of the Nation's 
Bicentennial." The PBC under contract to the Task Force contributed 
the general concept, much of the content, the layout and printing 
of this publication. It is contained in the PBC kit but additional 
copies may be ordered from the Ecumenical Institute, Riverside 
Drive, N.Y. Copies of this work have been sent to denominations around 
the country, where they serve as sermon suggestions for ministers 
and discussion for church groups. 

They also have a Student Teacher Program for the Peoples 

Mr. ScHULTZ. I would like to ask just a few general questions 
about the community programs and also the religious programs. 

Are you aware or do you know whether or not such programs 
have been implemented in Illinois or specificall}^ in the counties 
surrounding Chicago? 

Mrs. Walton. A few instances have come to my attention but I 
do not know how many communities or churches are using the 
PBC materials. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Are you aware or do you have any knowledge con- 
cerning the proliferation of this material and its availability to the 
people in the area? 

Mrs. Walton. In most instances the PBC materials have to be 
subscribed to individually^ I do know of cases where introductory 
materials have been sent to young people without their requesting it. 
As I stated "The Light in the Steeple" has been distributed b}^ the 
"Ecumenical Task Force" to churches throughout the country. 
Publications have been sent to legislators. The PBC books are sold 
in reliable bookstores throughout the United States. 

Most of their materials cannot be purchased from an}" other source 
than the PBC. I do not believe you can even bu}' them in the stores 
that deal in radical underground publications.' The PBC is very 
much above ground. 

I would have no way of knowing how many individuals have sub- 
scribed to this material. I know of one historical society in one of the 
suburbs on the North Shore that wrote and requested this material. 


It has been brought to my attention that some teachers are using 
PBC materials in school. 

I know that many public libraries across the Nation have the 
PBC books. For instance, some Chicago suburban public libraries 
have several of the publications put out by the Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission, "America's Birthday," "Common Sense II," et cetera. 

In the Committees of Correspondence Column of the Common 
Sense publications are listed letters from teachers and students- 
reciuesting PBC materials. 

The PBC claims the^^ are selling to Girl Guides, National Council 
of Churches, American Bar Association, et cetera. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you. Let us focus then on the educational 
programs. What are the goals and objectives with respect to the 
educational programs? 

Mrs. Walton. I did state in my opening statement — I quoted from 
the "Student Teacher Programs for People's Bicentennial" where 
they stated that "educational reform today is meaningless without 
general reorientation of our society"; that "students and teachers 
can never really take control of the educational process from admin- 
istrators, boards of education and the needs of big business and dema- 
gogic politicians until the people of America have taken control of 
our society from the neo-Tories who run our Government and 
economic system." 

They susrgest their program is to be used at the high school levels 
and thev also state that tiiis program can be adopted for elementary 
and junior high schools. 

To begin with, they suggest that a PBC chapter be formed by 
student activists. They state, "Building a campus Bicentennial 
Commission will give a sense of movement, energy and growth. 
Imagine how powerful an entire network of campus PBC's could make 
students feel by 1976." 

They tell the students to organize around what the PBC calls 
oppressive issues and then bring about student freedom and self- 

One of their principal organizing activities is a "Declaration of 
Student Independence." 

W^ould you like me to read from this? 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Could you give us some details on that? Not only 
their objectives, but how the}^ plan to implement. 

Mrs. Walton. They start out: 

As the 200th Anniversary of the American Revolution nears, we, the students- 

of high school pledge ourselves to reaffirm and live the revolutionary 

principles of the ideals that founded this country. 

It is clear to us students that education today is run on the same basis on which 
King George III ran his empire — inequality, arbitrary regulations and lack of 
personal freedom. 

They go on to repeat, with clever modifications, some of the seman- 
tics of the original Declaration of Independence. 

They go on to state that students are forbidden the basic rights of 
the fundamentals of this country, among these, "freedom of speech,, 
press, assembly and thought"; that they are denied meaningful 
decisionmaking as to what their education and classes will be like; 
that students are at the mercy of whims of teachers and administrators;, 
that they have no part in hiring or firing faculty. 


Tliey state they are divided and segregated according to artificial 
categories, that they are forced to compete. And then they say, 

Therefore, we the students of high school endorse and present this 

declaration to the school and our community and declare that students are and. 
of right ought to be, free and independent human beings fully participating in 
shaping their education. 

We pledge to one another that having stated and endorsed these grievances, we 
commit ourselves as the Founders of America did, to right these wrongs, to take 
control of our lives and our education and as the patriots proclaimed in 1776, tO' 
use every method in our power to secure our rights. 

Then they provide instructions for the implementation of this pro- 
gram. They say, after printing up this "Declaration of Student Inde- 
pendence," present it to the principal putting him on notice that 
students feel the need for change. Then they say to make large copies 
and paste them up as broadsides not onlv around school but student 
hangouts, stores and so on. And, once 70 percent of the students 
have endorsed the declaration they should hold a public festival to- 
celebrate the student independence. 

Then their next step is to be the "Student Bill of Rights." I would 
have to go back and explain the "High School Bill of Rights," which 
has a long and lengthy history. It was originally developed by the 
Student Mobilization Committee in 1970. The history of the Student 
Mobilization Committee is contained in a House Committee on Un- 
American Activities report entitled "Communist Origin and Manipu- 
lation of Vietnam Week (April 8-15, 1967)." 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Let us take the time to do that now. You are going to 
give us some background material on the "Student Bill of Rights." 

Mrs. Walton. Yes; in a copy of the Militant — and the Militant 
is the Socialist Workers Party publication — dated Friday, Februarv 27, 
1970, there is a description of a meeting held by the Student Mobiliza- 
tion Committee in Cleveland, Ohio, at the Case Western Reserve 

It was at this meeting that there was a development of the "High 
School Bill of Rights." In fact, it was a major meeting of organizing 
high schools. 

I have quite a lot of documentation on it. This goes back a ways. 
This is the "High School Bill of Rights," as put out by the Student 
Mobilization Committee. 

I did quite a bit of lecturing in Illinois on this organization. This 
was from the Student Mobilizer, volume 11, dated November 20, 
1970. Part of this is "Freedom of Political Activity," "Freedom of 
Speech and Press," "Due Process," "Free Elections," and "No War 

After that meeting at Case Western Reserve University they held 
meetings at Roosevelt Universit}^ in Chicago, the Student Mobiliza- 
tion Committee did, in coaching students how to develop this "High 
School Bill of Rights." 

I personally became involved in this becattse a group of radical 
students at a large high school in the Chicago suburbs brought this 
Student Mobilizer "High School Bill of Rights" to the school and 
presented it to the school board and this was the way they did it. 

If I may go back. This is from m}^ memory. I do have the documents- 
to back it up, but it is from my memory. 


The boy that brought this out, John Ayers, was Bill A5^ers' brother. 
Bill Ayers was one of the leaders of the SDS Weathermen. He is still 
wanted by the FBI. He is still hiding in the Weather Underground. 

John Ayers brought the "High School Bill of Rights" to the subur- 
ban high school. He encouraged the president of the student body — 
this is how they were told to do this — he encouraged the president 
of the student body who was a boy that had received an appointment 
to West Point, to present this "High School Bill of Rights" to the 
board of education. 

I was notified about this. Wlien the board of education had that 
meeting, there were 1,500 people at the meeting, a small handful of 
radicals and a great many irate parents because in the meantime, five 
newspapers in the suburbs had asked me to write articles describing 
the organizations behind this "High School Bill of Rights" and what 
the purpose of the "High School Bill of Rights" was. 

In one of the articles we printed the entire text of the "High School 
Bill of Rights." So, this meeting was quite a meeting. 

Mr. ScHULTz. What resulted from this meeting? 

Mrs. Walton. Wliat resulted from this meeting was that I worked 
with the school board in the district on this, and they hired a law firm 
in Chicago. I do have the name of the law firm. They have a law firm in 
Chicago which is an authority on students' rights and school law. The 
name of the law firm is Norman and Billick. 

As a result of this, the school district published, and I do have a copy 
of that — I can get it for you later — they published a document of 
student's rights which completely shut out the radical students 
rights bill. 

At the meeting where this statement of student rights was proposed 
and adopted, there were the group of students there that had presented 
the "High School Bill of Rights." They immediately got to their feet 
and screamed that they were being denied their civil and constitutional 
rights and that the school was going to be sorry for it, that there would 
be demonstrations, et cetera. 

At that time too, they said to a reporter of one of the papers who 
was covering the meeting, that they were going to a party, a pot party, 
and asked the reporter to join him. 

As a result, this "High School Bill of Rights" did not succeed. 

Now this "High School Bill of Rights" was presented to school dis- 
tricts all across the entire countr}^ Most of the school districts did the 
same thing. They did not accept this at all. Some of the schools ac- 
cepted part of the High School Bill of Rights. 

Because the school districts turned it down, the Student Mobiliza- 
tion Committee went to the American Civil Liberties Union, and pre- 
sented it to them. As a result this little booklet was printed from the 
New York Civil Ijiberties Union and this was distributed to students 
all across the Nation telling them what their rights are and the rights 
in this book are identical to the "Student Mobilization High School 
Bill of Rights." 

Mr. ScHULTZ, May we mark the Student Mobilizer as previously 
described by Mrs. Walton as exhibit Number 10. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 10 and will 
be foimd on p. 156, app. B.] 

The article from the Militant ^nll be exhibit No. 11 and the cover 
from the "Student Rights Handbook" No. 11 A. 


[The documents referred to were marked as exhibit Nos. 11 and 11 A 
and will be found on pp. 157 and 159, app. B.] 

Now tie in, if you will, the information which you have just described 
concerning the "Student Bill of Rights" with the Peoples Bicenten- 
nial Commission and their focus on the educational program. 

Mrs. Walton. These are the "Bill of Rights" that have been put 
out by the PBC. They state that the school shall make no rules, regula- 
tions or policies restricting a student right to freedom of speech or of 
the press, right to assemble and right of free thought. 

Now in reading these and when a^ou read the "Student Mobilization 
Committee High School Bill of Rights," you will see the similarity 
between the two. The Student Bill of Rights said : 

"Students shall be free from cruel and unusual punishment including 
corporal punishment and punitive use of grades. All students have a 
right to participate in the full educational process, extracurricular 
activities and school-sponsored program.s and shall not be discrimi- 
nated against on the basis of race, sex, creed, political beliefs, appear- 
ance, marital status, pregnancy, grades or other unreasonable 

"Every student has the right to participate in planning his or her 
education and in the democratic process of establishing rules and 
regulations both in the school as a whole and in the classroom. 

"A student who is to be suspended or expelled must be given the 
right of due process and receive a trial by a jury of his or her peers." 

Then they tell the implementation. There is a lot more to this which 
I will go into, but they tell the implementation of this "Bill of Rights." 

Petitions put the administration on notice that students are dissatis- 
fied. The petition as an initial tool shows that you are reasonable and 
that you tried moderate methods to effect change. 

A petition helps build drama. A petition drive puts organizers in 
touch with the students. It is stated the "Declaration of Student Inde- 
pendence" is an exercise in psychic guerrilla warfare while the "Bill of 
Rights" is the student body program to end their oppression and assert 
their rights. 

Now the paper goes on to explain that one of the rights claimed is 
the freedom of the press. The students are told that the official school 
papers are controlled by the administration and censored, so therefore, 
they must attempt to take control of the official paper and if this fails, 
then student activists should start their own underground paper. 

They are advised to write to EPS, Youth Liberation, 2007 Wash- 
tenaw Avenue, Ann Arbor, Mich., for its 25-cent pamphlet "How to 
Start a High School Underground Newspaper." A sample packet of 
10 high school underground newspapers for $1.00, and a booklet re- 
printing of 10 FPS articles from past issues, 50 cents. 

I do have all those documents. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Have jou written and obtained those documents? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes. Here they advise to rip off the paper from the 
school to print the underground paper. This is also an introduction to 
the Youth Liberation. 

Now I do not know if there is a connection, but SDS had their 
publications put out, the Revolutionary Education Project, from Ann 
Arbor, Mich. I have not found proof that this is tied in with it. I believe 


it is. I believe it is a continuation because John Rossen stated at that 
meeting at New Trier West High School — we have discussed this, 
haven't we. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Yes. 

Mrs. Walton. That some of the SDS went into the Weathermen 
Underground and the rest of these wonderfully patriotic kids joined 
liis Johnny Appleseed movement. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. This was a statement by Mr. Rossen? 

Mrs. Walton. A statement by Mr. Rossen. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We can mark these exhibits as 12 and 13, for identi- 

[The documents referred to were marked as exhibit Nos. 12 and 
13 and will be found on pp. 160 and 162, app. B.] 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Describe the cover sheet of "Selected Reprints." 

Mrs. Walton. Tliis is the clenched fist of the SDS symbol. 

It contains a pen, also. These are reprints. The logo is, "FPS 
YOUTH LIBERATION— but they won't tell you what FPS stands 
for. The clenched fist is used as an international Marxist salute. It 
was adopted b}'' the Students for a Democratic Society. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mark it as exhibit No. 14. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 14, and will 
be found on p. 169, app. B.] 

Mrs. Walton. One of the underground papers that the}^ send is 
called High School Action. This is volume 1, No. 3, December 1973; 
January 1974, jjut out by the High School Youth Against War and 
Facsism which is a Marxist organization. ^ 

Mr. ScHULTZ. From whom did you obtain this? 

Mrs. Walton. I obtained this'^ from Youth Liberation and this 
was in the group of underground newspapers that I obtained from the 
Youth Liberation organization that the PBC tells the students to 
write to. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. In Michigan? 

Mrs. Walton. In Michigan. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Can j^ou tell us how the student receives the "Bill 
of Rights" and the general educational program put out by PBC? Is 
it mailed out indiscriminately or must they pay for it and write for it? 

Mrs. Walton. They have to write for it. It comes out in the kit. It 
can be bought separately, but it is sent to you automatically in the 
kit that the PBC puts out. As I stated I do know of some young people 
who have received, without requesting, some of the PBC introductory 
material. Then they can wi'ite for all the materials. Also the complete 
text of "Student Teacher Programs for a Peoples Bicentennial" can be 
found in "America's Birthday" written by the PBC and published by 
Simon and Schuster. 

As I stated "America's Birthday" is obtamable in book stores all 
across the Nation and is to be found in many pubhc libraries. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Exhibit 15. I am not sure you identified the name 
and date on it, if 3^ou would please. 

Mrs. Walton. Yes; it is volume 1, No. 3, December 1973, January 
1974. It was put out by "High School Youth Against War and 

Mr. ScHULTZ. It is titled? 

Mrs. Walton. "High School Action," again with a clenched fist. 


[The document referred to was marked exliibit No. 15, and will be 
found on p. 170, app. B.] 

Mrs. Walton. It can be obtained from the PBC, the student and 
teacher programs for the PBC. But all of the kit that the PBC puts 
out is contained in this book, "America's Birthday," which is pub- 
lished by Simon and Schuster. This is obtainable in bookstores all 
across the Nation and it is in many public libraries. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Would you read the description on "America's 

Mrs. Walton. "A Planning and Activity Guide for Citizens 
Participation during the Bicentennial Years." 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Have you read this book? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes, I have. 

Mr. ScHtTLTZ. Tell us something about it. 

Mrs. Walton. The book on the surface is absolutely beautiful. 
It looks so patriotic. All red, white and blue, and beautiful wood cut 
prints which they acknowledge come from the Library of Congress and 
the National Archives — they put in their graphics sources. John 
Rossen's words describing his New Patriotism very aptly describe this 
book, "Socialist-humanist and internationalist in substance and 
content and nationalist in form and rhetoric." 

By the way "America's Birthday" was reviewed in March 27, 1975 
■on the Today show by Gene Shalit. It as well as another PBC book 
were reviewed as Bicentennial books. 

The book contains, as I said, all of the documents that are sent out 
by the PBC in their kit which they will send to you for $10. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Are there byline articles in this book or does the book 
identify contributors to the material therein? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes, it does. Major writers and contributors to the 
book. Ted Howard — Ted Howard is located here in the PBC, on 
Connecticut Avenue. He does travel throughout the country. He 
has been in Chicago doing j^ublic relations for the PBC. 

Charley Jones, I am not aware of him. 

General contributors are Bill Callahan for the Tea Party, Kathy 
Johnson, Bob Leonard, Cecilly Nichols, Lou Redden, Jeremy Rifkin, 
Shelia Rollins, James Showl, and Ed Schwartz. 

Of those last-named, Jeremy Rifkin and Shelia Rollins are two 
Tiames that are — come to mind as running the PBC in Washington — 
as in fact, Jeremy Rifkin is the head of Peoples Bicentennial Commis- 

Shelia Rollins testified recently to a subcommittee on small business. 
There was a committee hearing. I do have the documents. She was 
called in as a witness on what has happened to small business in this 
country. She was called in as a reliable witness. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. You have read the book. Are there any inconsistencies 
or things which you could i)oint out which do not truly represent 
the history that this book appears to portray? 

Mrs. Walton. You mean pertaining to our American history? 

Mr. ScHULTz. Yes. 

Mrs. Walton. Well, it is very subtle. It is cleverly done. They 
quote constantly from our Founding Fathers, but they quote out of 
context so that they attempt to draw a parallel between conditions 
in 1775/6 and today. They refer to "radical heroes" like Jefferson, 


Paine, and Adams, and "radical events" such as the Boston Tea 

They say the modern day Tories — all in authority — will attempt to 
present themselves as the true heirs of the first American revolu- 
tionaries. Throughout all their publications the PBC say they are 
the true heirs of the Founding Fathers as they are today's "New 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Can you find an example? 

Mrs. Walton. I will see if I can find an example. I have marked 
so many things. The entire book is so full of these cleverly taken out of 
context quotes that it is difficult to single any one out. 

Air. ScHULTZ. Perhaps something wliich might mislead the un- 
sophisticated reader? 

Mrs. Walton. They state in "America's Birthday," "Revolutionary 
principles must be used to challenge existing institutions and those in 
power by constantly focusing pubhc attention on the new Tories' 
inability to translate our revolutionary dreams into reality. 

"The Peoples Bicentennial can inspire new social, energetic com- 
mitment for millions of disillusioned Americans." 

Now, when the PBC refers to the new Tories they mean anyone in 
authority, as they say demogogic poHticians, school administrators, 
corporate heads, anyone that they feel, in their opinion, is oppressive 
of the masses of the people in this country. 

Mr. ScHULTz. This interpretation you have just given you have 
gained through viewing their community programs, their religious 
programs, and their school programs? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes; that call for revolution is brought out in all of 
the PBC publications. In "The Light in the Steeple," as in the other 
documents, various questions are asked which would tend to build up 
in people's minds a total disillusionment with our form of government 
and economic system. 

"The Light in the Steeple," which is the religious publication of the 
PBC working with the Ecumenical Task Force on Religious Observ- 
ance, calls to my mind Dr. Herbert Aptheker who is the head theo- 
retician of the Communist Party in the United States, and his visit 
to Elmhurst College, Elmhurst, 111., in April 1969. 

His speech was entitled, "Marxism, Religion and Revolution" and in 
this he drew a parallel between Marxism and Christianity stating 
that a red thread runs through all Christian teachings. 

He also stated that true Christianity cannot survive in a capitalist 
society, that survival depends on a socialist society. 

At this meeting at Elmhurst College there were many students. 
I was there as an observer. There were many students and, of course 
they hung on to every word that Dr. Aptheker said. You could see 
how he was putting over to them the thought that there was this red 
thread running through Christian teachings. I realized at that time 
how a clever propagandist could exploit religion for Marxist purposes. 

I have also been challenged by various members of churches at 
times when I have been out to lecture and they have stated to me that 
there is this parallel between Marxism and Christianity, that Marx 
and Christ preached the identical philosophy. 

Of course, I have challenged them very strongly on that by telling 
them what the Marxist philosophy truly is and also Karl Marx's 
biographical background, personality and so on. 


I have had several people say to me, well, I am sorry, I can't 
argue mth you further because I have not read the life of Marx or 
the Marxist philosophy. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. That is interesting. 

How were the remarks of Dr. Aptheker received by the students? 

Mrs. Walton. They were received just terrifically — as if they had 
found a new form of religion through Dr. Aptheker. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. I wonder if we might return to some of the other 
students' rights that are suggested as goals for implementation. 

Mrs. Walton. Two particular ones that I am very concerned 
about — they encourage students to assess their text books and when 
they have decided which text books are worthless, students should or- 
ganize to have the books assigned to the trash bin. Then to dramatize 
their objections, students are to rewrite them chapter by chapter and 
the student written books will be called "People's Textbooks." 

Then under cin-riculum change the students should push for a "Free 
Week," a time when all kinds of classes are taught by whoever wants to 
teach them. They give an example such as the History of the Peace 
Movement can be taught with students doing the bulk of teaching and 
teachers learning. 

Students should have the choice of curriculum and how subjects will 
be taught with the teacher serving only as an adviser. 

Once curriculum barriers are broken down by student activists, then 
so will exams, grades and homework be arising issues. 

Other issues to be taken up during the Bicentennial years will be 
comjjulsory school attendance, access to school resources — such as 
buildings, audio visual equipment, et cetera — for organizing, dress 
codes, mandatory physical education and ad infinitum. 

As a service to the teacher there has been a whole realm of multi- 
media tools to be used in the schools. All of these have the theme that 
ours is an oppressive Tory society and that the}^ — students, teachers, 
PBC people — are today's "New Patriots," and it is their duty to 
overthrow their oppressors. 

One tool is the "Patriot's Handbook," a syllabus and study guide 
to the American Revolution with such recommended books as Herbert 
Aptheker's "The Colonial Era of the American Revolution" and 
"The Negro in the American Revolution." 

I was lecturing a few months ago, in a Chicago suburb, and one of 
the women at the lecture said to me she did not know who Dr. Herbert 
Aptheker was until she had heard me speak of him, but she was con- 
cerned. Her daughter had brought home Dr. Aptheker's book on the 
American Revolution from their high school and they were using this 
as a Bicentennial educational book. 

Needless to saj^, she went to the high school and raised a little bit 
of — well, I won't say what, but she was very distui'bed by it and as a 
result of that they did remove the book as a Bicentennial educational 

Mr. ScHULTZ. I take it that the aim of the educational program 
advanced by PBC is not directed entirely toward high schools. 

Mrs. Walton. No. 

Mr. Schultz. There are some practical limitations to having 
students take over the duties of the teachers. While it might happen 
in college, high schools are a lower level, certainly, of the practical 


Mrs. Walton. It would be impractical at a lower level but then> 
none of the PBC's program is really practical. Rather it is impractical. 
That I will agree. 

Their program at the university level is on a much broader scope' 
but it is also impractical. That is also contained in their student-teacher 
programs for the PBC. 

Air. ScHULTz. Do they orient their materials for the various levels — 
college, high school? 

Mrs. Walton. They don't seem to. They seem to have the same 
educational tools for all levels of education which probably would be 
left to the determination of the teacher of how to use these tools. 

One thing that I think we could note at this time, Dr. Page Smith, 
who is a retii-ed professor of history from the University of California, 
Santa Cruz, is the staff historian of the PBC. 

Dr. Smith is the author of a prize-winning, two-volume work on 
John Adams. His new book on the American Revolution is this month's 
Book-of-the-Month Club selection. It's title is "A New Age Begins, A. 
Peoi)les History of the American Revolution." Dr. Page Smith has a 
reputation as a respected historian in this country. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We will mark the "Patriot's Handbook" as exhibit 
No. 16. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 16 and will' 
be found on p. 174, app. B] 

Mrs. Walton. Now, in furtherance of their program for education 
for the Bicentennial, the PBC, working wdth Bantam Books, Inc.,. 
has put out a flyer directed at teachers and schools. 

Bantam Books has what they call a Learning Ventures Section, 
which puts out educational publications. There has been set up a PBC 
publications program within the Learning Ventures Section. 

This flyer has" been widely distributed. It is called Create Your 
Own Birthday Package. It is a complete educational program for 
the Bicentennial, based primarily on the Peoples Bicentennial Com- 
mission documents, using this |)articular one, "Common Sense II," 
which was authored by Jeremy Rifkin. 

If I may say at this time, I am disturbed b}^ the fact that no one- 
else has seemed to come up with an educational program for the schools- 
on the Bicentennial. 

I feel very strongl}^ that ARBA should have done so — this should 
have fallen \\ithin the realm of ARBA's activities. 

Mr. ScHULTz. ARBA is? 

Mrs. Walton. The American Revolution Bicentennial Adminis- 
tration, the official Government Bicentennial organization. They 
have not come up with an educational program for the schools. 

To the best of my knowledge, the PBC is the only organization 
that has done this. 

In speaking to educators when I go around and lecture, they are 
very disappointed that the Government has not come up with an educa- 
tional program for the Bicentennial, because they are looking for 
that and many of them have said they have put their outl program 
together because they have received nothing. It is likely the Bantam 
Books PBC program department has, in many instances, filled this, 
void, as have other PBC educational materials. 


Mr. ScHULTZ. Have yon found in anj^ of the schools that j^ou visited,, 
any of the PBC works or documents are actual!}^ being used? 

JMrs. Walton. I know the}^ are in New Trier West High School. 
There have been people who have been trying to get me into New 
Trier West High School to lecture for years and have not been success- 
ful. These people, parents of students, have told me a teacher there is 
using PBC materials. 

In our own count3^ and I might point out because this is rather 
interesting, the head librarian at our high school, in seeking his mas- 
ter's degree, was doing his thesis on the Bicentennial. In the process of 
that he'sent for "America's Birthday," put out by the PBC, believing 
that this was a very patriotic book. 

When he received it, he couldn't believe it. The first thing that oc- 
curred to him immediatel}^ was, Students for a Democratic Society,. 
in reading it. 

He took it into the superintendent of schools in the county who was. 
a personal friend of mine, who told him that he knew about "America's 
Birthday" because I had brought it to his attention and we are not 
going to have this in the schools in our county, unless an individual 
teacher brings it in, unkno\\m to us. 

The librarian then had copies made of all my documents. He put 
a presentation together and he invited all of the librarians from the 
schools in the count}^ to the meeting and explained this entu-e thing to- 

So, we will not, hopefully, have it in our schools in our county. 

Now, as I travel throughout Illinois — I was in Barrington, last 
month, which is a suburb of Chicago. At the end of my lecture a 
gentleman stood up and he introduced himself as the new superintend- 
ent of the high school district in Barrington. 

He stated that he was going to call a meeting of all of the school 
administrators in Barrington the followdng week and present the fact& 
about the PBC to them. He assured me that the PBC material would 
not be used in the schools in the Barrington area. 

I cannot go everywhere, obviously. I am traveling and lecturing^ 
constant]}^ on this and going into every area that I possibly can to 
try to stop it in the schools. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. I would assume from what you are saying that j^ou 
would not like to see the book in the schools unless it is identified for 
what it is. 

Mrs. Walton. Correct. This brings to mind m}^ dealings with 
Kroch's and Brentano's. Kroch's and Brentano's is a chain of book 
stores in Chicago, perhaps the leading chain of book stores in Chicago. 
I purchased "America's Birthday," for $8.95 there, as a matter of fact, 

When I brought it home I knew what it was. I called doAvn and 
asked for the purchasing manager. 

The gentleman I contacted at Kroch's and Brentano's was their 
executive vice president. I explained to him that I had purchased 
"America's Birthday" believing that it was a Bicentennial book and 
when I got it home and looked at it. read it, I was quite astounded by 
the many proposals pointing to a Marxist type revolution. 

He asked me to wait a moment. He came back and he read to me 
the Simon and Schuster's release on the book which stated something- 
like this, that "America's Birthda}"" was published of course, by 


Simon and Schuster, and that it was written by the PBC, a patriotic 
citizen's organization which was developed to offset the commercial 
aspects of the Bicentennial, and to offer an alternative. 

Then it went on to describe the beautiful woodcut prints et cetera 
in the book. That was why he purchased the book. He purchased it 
believing that it was a Bicentennial book. 

Now I explained to him that I was not a book burner; that I 
certainlj^ did not suggest that they get rid of the books, but I did 
suggest that they put it under a different category. I suggested that 
that category be political-activitist and that it be taken from the 
Bicentennial books. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Did they do so? 

Mrs. Walton. The executive vice president asked me to send him 
information on the PBC. I have a five page very brief document which 
I have written giving some of the history of the PBC. 

I sent this to liim and I also pointed out things in it I thought he 
should read. I told him to read the book. I received this letter in 
return from him dated ^Slarch 27, 1975. 

Dear Mrs. Walton. Thank you for your letter of JNIarch 21st, 1975, and my 
particular thanks to you for taking the time to outline carefully, in letter form, 
your viewpoints about America's Birthday bj' the PBC. 

I am forwarding your original letter to the Director of Marketing of Simon and 
Schuster, in New York. I am sending a copy of your letter to Mr. William Casey, 
who heads up Kroch's and Brent ano's Branch stores. 

I have asked Mr. Casey to determine a more appropriate category within our 
stores for these books wherever it is possible. 

Since that date I have spoken to the gentleman at Kroch's on the 
11th of November, 1975, because the Chicago Tribune printed an 
article stating that the PBC calendar could be purchased at Kroch's 
and Brentano's store. 

He called me back and said that was not true, that the calendar 
could not be purchased there and that since we had had our corre- 
spondence his mfe had discovered "America's Birthday." His wife is 
a librarian. She was very horrified by it. 

Pie said that he had spoken to other people who backed up all I 
said about the PBC. He informed me that the Kroch's and Brentano's 
Stores no longer carried any of the PBC publications. 

We did the same thing wdtli Marshall Field & Co. A friend of 
mine went in and found the books there. We got the information to 
them. Marshall Field & Co. also returned the books to Simon & 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank a^ou. 

Let us identify the Learning Ventures, which is an order form for 
the Bicentennial materials of the PBC, as exhibit No. 17. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 17 and will 
be found on p. 199, app. B.] 

Mrs. Walton. There are other publications in there which are 
really harmless publications such as "Guns Along the Mohawk." This 
is typical of the tactics of the leftist organizations. Just add a few 
valid books or publications to throw the unwary or uninformed off the 
track of the true intent. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. For reference purposes we would identify the book 
"Common Sense II," as Exhibit 18. 


{The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 18 and a 
photocopy of the cover will be found on p. 200, app. B. The book 
itself may be found in the files of the subcommittee.] 

Mr. ScHULTZ. What provisions does PBC make? What do they 
advocate the students and or the teachers do if they do not subscribe 
to the educational program or they are not allowed to carry it out? 

Is there some more revolutionar}- aspect? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes, the}" say that if students are told that the admin- 
istration opposes their underground paper, pass it out anyway, even 
if you have to sue the school for your First Amendment rights. 

They state this, that these are student rights. They are the rights 
as outlined by Supreme Court rulings. 

I did make this statement that it said that it is stated that the 
Declaration of Student Independence is an exercise in psychic guerrilla 
warfare, while the Bill of Rights is a student body's program to end 
all oppression and assert their rights. 

In the Declaration of Student Independence — in the conclusion 
they say that "We commit ourselves as the Founders of America did, 
to right these wrongs and to take control of our lives and our educa- 
tion and as patriots proclaimed in 1776, to use every method in our 
power to secure our rights." 

Now they do not go into detail of the methods. They do talk about 
the implementation of the high school bill of rights. They do not go 
into detail about what methods they would use. They speak of using 
ever}^ method in their power. 

They specify in one instance where they said if you cannot put out 
the underground newspaper then sue the school for your first amend- 
ments rights. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you. 

Mrs. Walton. One conclusion the PBC makes in the student 
teacher programs for the PBC is, "Revolutionizing individual institu- 
tions and society without a societal revolution is meaningless. We 
can begin by laying the basis for a revolutionary education, but we 
cannot genuinely change it until we have revolutionized society." 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Do you have the documentation for that? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes. 

That is contained in the Student Teacher Programs for People's 
Bicentennial. I have given you an original copy of it. I gave the sub- 
committee a complete packet of the original copy from the PBC. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you. 

Before we leave this area, Mr. Martin, do you have an}^ questions? 

Mr. Maktin. Yes; I have one question relating to exliibit No. 4. 
Exhibit No. 4, on the reverse side, reproduced an advertisement 
printed by Johnny Appleseed and it was headed for the Party of the 
Permanent American Revolution. 

The words "Permanent Revolution," as you may be aware, is 
just about a Trotskyist logo. Trotsky wrote a book called "The 
Permanent Revolution," when he was one of the leaders of the 
Russian Revolution. The official Communist Movement has been 
bitterly critical of Trotskj^'s theory of the "Permanent Revolution." 
The Maoists do not use it. The left wing Social Democrats don't 
use it. The Anarchists don't use it. In the entire Far Left radical 
spectrum, the onl}- ones who use the expression "Permanent Revolu- 

69-239—76 5 


tion" are the Trotskyists and individuals who have a lot of ideological 
sympathy for the Trotskyists. I was wondering whether you were 
aware of that? 

Mrs. Walton. No; I wasn't aware of that. 

Mr. Martin. I don't say that any firm conclusion can be reached 
or drawn from this, but I think that anyone who is familiar with the 
literature of the Far Left would agree with the characterization I 
have just made. That is the only point that I wanted to make. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mr. Tarabochia, do you have any questions? 

Mr. Tarabochia. No. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Mr. Short? 

Mr. Short. I have no questions. 

Mrs. Walton. Before we leave the educational program, may I 
just bring this to your attention. The Organization of American 
Historians, which is a recognized group of American history professors 
at the university level, in their publication called Organization of 
American Historians Newsletter, dated January 1975, state that 
the PBC has produced a complete Bicentennial display package of 
books on the American Revolution entitled, "In the Minds and 
Hearts of the People," and that this display is especially suited to 
library and school use. "It contains 8 large posters based on quotes from 
the Founding Fathers and Mothers, 30 reproductions of the Revolu- 
tionary Era, engravings, captions, and headlines describing the major 
events and themes of the American Revolution, and a syllabus and 
study guide developed by Dr. Page Smith, senior staff historian and 
Bancroft av/ard winning author. The display package can be ordered 
from PBC, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C., for 

I wrote to the Organization of American Historians and requested 
that they send me this newsletter, which they did. So this is recom- 
mended, the PBC materials are recommended, at the university level. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We will mark these as exhibit Nos. 19 and 19A. 

[The documents referred to were marked exhibit Nos. 19 and 19A, 
and will be found on pp. 201 and 202, app. B.l 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Do you have any additional material relating to the 
educational program before we move on to another area of the PBC? 

Mrs. Walton. I think that basically outlines the PBC educational 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We have talked about some of the publicly stated 
objectives and goals and how they propose to implement them. Tell 
us something about the actions of the PBC, particularly as it relates 
to demonstrations connected with legitimate or other Bicentennial 

Mrs. Walton. Yes. This is Common Sense, volume 2, No. 1, Janu- 
ary 1974, PBC, in which they have pictures of an event that took place 
in Boston, at the commemoration of the Boston Tea Party. "Twenty 
thousand rebels rise up at Boston Party, dump King Exxon." They 
met in Faneuil Hall, in Boston — by the way the PBC's headquarters 
in Chicago's Liberty Hall, was once called Faneuil Hall — and 1,000 
people filled the hall and its large balcony to discuss impeachment 
and the oil crisis. Speakers included Congressman Robert Drinan; 
Harvard economist Arthur McKeuu; Thomas Adams, a direct 
descendant of Sam Adams ; and Carl Hill — all of whom talked about the 
necessity for impeachment. 


When they left Faneuil Hall they went down to the Boston Harbor 
where they conducted a guerrilla street theater. They had rented a 
sailing vessel and they dumped oil drums into the harbor and they 
had hanging in effigy President Nixon and what they stated were 
the oil barons and said the people of the United States were being 
oppressed by the oil barons and instead of dumping the tea they were 
dumping oil drums. This was in 1974. 

In 1975 — I will have to go through some of the documents to get 
it — but I will briefly explain here. They had the same type of meeting 
and this time they tlii'ew off the sailing vessel boxes which they said 
contained sugar and they hung in effigy Earl Butz, Secretary of 
Agriculture, stating that the people in the United States were now 
being oppressed by the sugar industry. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. The events which you just related are paraphrasing 
articles found in Common Sense? 

Mrs. Waltox. Yes, in Common Sense. 

I also have pictures taken from different newspapers — namely 
the Chicago Tribune. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Describing the activities? 

Mrs. Waltox. Yes. 

I can supply the subcommittee with those documents as well. 

]Mr. ScHULTZ. We will mark Common Sense, volume 2, No. 1, as 
exhibit No. 20. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 20 and will 
be found on p. 203, app. B.] 

]\Irs. Waltox. Then Common Sense, volume .3, No. 2, has a picture 
on the front ''Concord, Mass., April 19, 1975" — this was the 200th 
commemoration of the Battle of Concord — "Why aren't these men 

In the same publication they had "Join the Midnight Ride to the 
200th Anniversary^ of Concord" — the shot heard round the world. 
"Send a Message to Wall Street." "Peoples Bicentennial Com- 
mission," April 19, 1975. 

This entire publication is a call to that meeting at Lexington and 
Concord. I was not there, but I was in Concord a couple of weeks 
after tliis event took place. I do have further documentation on this. 
The people in Concord said there were between 40,000 and 45,000 
people, not all members of PBC, but this was conducted by the PBC. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Participants? 

Mrs. Waltox. Participants — mainly young. They did receive a 
permit from the park district in Concord to camp out on Punkatasset 
Hill which is on the side of the Concord Bridge where the embattled 
farmers stood, therefore forcing President Ford and the official 
committee to hold the commemoration service on the side where 
the British stood. 

The}' made a big play on that, saying that today's Tories were 
standing exactly where the Tories stood in 1775. 

This publication was also in the center of Common Sense. This 
has pictures and I think you will probably like to have a copy of this. 
It has all the pictures of what took place at the PBC demonstration 
at Concord. 

It was an enclosure in Common Sense. I can put it together with the 
Common Sense that it belongs to so that 3^ou will have the date on it. 

Mr. Schultz. These are materials that were provided to you? 


' Mrs. Walton. They were provided to me by the PBC. 

Also, the Boston Globe. I picked up this publication — the Boston 
Globe, dated April 13, 1975— when I was in Boston just after that 
meeting. Inside there is a featured article entitled "What Dare We 
Dream," by Jeremy Rifkin. It was inside a special magazine insert 
captioned "The Unfinished Revolution." 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We will mark the previous exhibit entitled "Common 
Sense" and the enclosures thereto as exhibit No. 21, and the Jeremy 
Rifkin article as exhibit No. 22. 

[The documents referred to were marked exhibit Nos. 21 and 22 
and will be found on pp. 204 and 209 app. B.] 

Are you aware of any other demonstrations that participants of the 
PBC engaged in? 

Mrs. Walton. They have had various small demonstrations, yes. 
Common Sense publications are full of pictures of demonstrations and 
activities of the PBC across the Nation. In Chicago — again com- 
memorating the Boston Tea Party — I have newspaper clippings of the 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Did any of these demonstrations result in property 
damage or personal injur}? 

Mrs. Walton. There was property damage in Concord, a great 
deal of it. They left Punkatasset Hill in the worst kind of a mess. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Is there any PBC literature which would indicate 
that they are fostering or encouraging this type of activity? 

Mrs. Walton. They are very careful in their rhetoric to seem to 
not foster this, because one of the things that they were told by 
international Marxists was that they were too militant in their 
actions and too obviously Marxist in their rhetoric. That is why they 
would have to develop this new patriotic movement in order to 
identify with the American people. 

Now they tell ])eople in the demonstrations to wear costumes of 
that period, to use lots of red, white, and blue bunting, to not be overly 
militant or overly Marxist in their rhetoric, and to be very careful 
about this. 

But to young people, ideahstically inclined and enthusiastic, as 
Gus Hall said with their enthusiasm 'and their militancy, they could 
very easily take this rhetoric and interpret it as meaning to create a 
more violent atmosphere in a demonstration. The potential of a violent 
demonstration is there. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. As we know from the 1960's the militant action of 
some of the groups actually deterred the recruiting of members. 
There is a diminishing return. 

Mrs. Walton. Yes, sir. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. I am just wondering if they subliminally advocate 
or allow or countenance aggressive revolutionary activities, or whether 
they really shy away from them. Or do they make no comment about 
them but tolerate tliem? 

Mrs. Walton. I think the latter. I think that they will shy away 
from it, but will tolerate it. If it develops they will tolerate it. 

Mr. Schultz. Mr. Martin. 

Mr. Martin. Mrs. Walton, you said that the PBC was told by 
international Marxists that they were being too miUtant and that 
they didn't identify sufficiently with the American people. 


Mrs. Walton. Yes. 

Mr. Martin. I think it would be helpful if you could be a bit more 
specific. What international Marxists told what people? 

Mrs. Walton. That is brought out in the first exhibits, in the open 
letter to the American Left and the article in the Chicago Tribune lists 
some of the people that were at that meeting in 1969. According to 
John Rossen, he and the other Americans were told by the Vietcong 
and North Vietnamese delegates that they fail to identify with the 
national traditions of the American people. 

Mr. Short. Mrs. Walton, do you have any additional information 
concerning demonstrations participated in or fostered by the Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes; there was one in Chicago in 1974 and I am going 
to quote from the Chicago Daily News, an article from Monday, 
December 16, 1974, wherein they stated the 201st anniversary of the 
Boston Tea Partv was observed Mondav in Lincoln Park bv members 

They^ had this commemoration at the gravesite of David Kenni- 
son who was the last survivor of the Boston Tea Party. The stone 
had a dedication on it from the Daughters of the American Revolution. 
The bronze plaque was stolen and the PBC — it was John Rossen — • 
contacted the regent of the David Kennison Chapter of DAR, in 
Oak Park and asked if they would work with the PBC and restore this 
plaque and join with them in a celebration. 

I found out about this, fortunately, in time to stop the DAR from 
working ^vith the Peoples Bicentennial Commission. 

They quote in liere, John Rossen — they refer to him as a Westside 
businessman and member of the PBC — said the Chicago Park District 
has been notified of the vandalism, but has done nothing to replace 
the plaque. 

Then in the Sunday Booster, which is a Lerner Newspaper serving 
the Lincoln-Belmont and various areas in Chicago, Saturday and 
Sunday December 21, 22, 1974, there is a picture of Rev. Iberus 
Hacker and a handful of other members of the PBC, headquartered at 
Liberty Hall, 2440 North Lincoln, marking the 201st anniversary of 
the Boston Tea Party, Monday, December 16. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Can you further identify Rev. Iberus Hacker? 

Mrs. Walton. Reverend Iberus Hacker is head of a Chicago Con- 
ference on Hunger and Malnutrition. He is the chairman. He has what 
he calls an Open Pantry, located in Liberty Hall at 2440 Lincoln Way. 
This is the building owTied by John Rossen. 

Rev. Iberus Hacker has been identified as a member of the PBC and 
has been identified as working with John Rossen. 

I have been told that he has applied for Federal funds for his Open 
Pantry. I do not know whether these Federal funds have been received. 

Mr. ScHULTz. His Open Pantr}'^ function is not connected directly 
with the Peoples Bicentennial? 

Mrs. Walton. No; it is not connected directly wdth that. It is 
housed in the same building as the PBC, the building owned by 
John Rossen. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you. 


Mrs. Walton. A Hard Times Picnic was held Monday Sept. 1, 1975,. 
at Bughouse Square in Chicago. Two of the principal speakers ancl 
leaders of this affair were John Rossen and Rev. Iberus Hacker. The 
cosponsors of the Hard Times Picnic were the American Issues Forum, 
the Chicago Conference on Hunger and Malnutrition, Chicago Welfare 
Rights Organization, the Peoples Bicentennial Commission, and the 
Rainbow Coalition. 

I am going to identify the Rainbow Coalition as a branch of SDS. 
SDS split up and they split into several branches — groups — the 
Weathermen, RYM-2, and Rainbow CoaUtion was another. 

This is a document from Elmhurst College, October 4 — I do not 
have the year on it. I believe it was about 1970. The Rainbow CoaUtion 
has been kept going apparently by the PBC and Rev. Iberus Hacker. 

Those were the groups that sponsored this Hard Times Labor Day 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We will identifj^ the Rainbow Coalition advertisement 
as exhibit No. 23. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 23 and will 
be found on p. 214, app. B.] 

The article from the Sunday Booster will be marked as exhibit No. 
24, for identification. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 24 and will 
be found on p. 215, app. B.] 

Mrs. Walton. The PBC also had a demonstration the 2d and 3d 
of August, 1975, when the Freedom Train visited Chicago. I do have — 
these are documents that were put out by the PBC and they state, 
"Protest the Freedom Train Ripoff — General Motors invested $1 
million while laying off workers. Kraft Foods invested $1 million 
while raising their prices at the supermarket. Pepsi Cola also came off 
with a $1 million tax writeoff to bring you the Freedom Train. Another 
great corporate ripoff, coming to Navy Pier from July 28 to August 3." 

"The PBC will protest this commercialization of our 200th an- 
niversary, this 'Buy Centennial.' Join us at a planning meeting 
Thursday, July 24, 7:30 p.m." 

I do know someone who attended that meeting and it 
was conducted by John Rossen at 2440 North Lincoln. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Are these documents identified on their face as being 
from the PBC? 

Mrs. Walton. Yes, they are. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Thank you. 

We will mark those Exhibits 25 and 26. 

[The documents referred to weie marked exhibit Nos. 25 and 26 
and will be found on pp. 215 and 216, app. B.] u' 

Mrs. Walton. This is another demonstration that was held in 
Chicago. Tliis is taken from the Chicago Daily News dated Friday, 
October 31, 1975. Vet-Amnesty Vigil, November 11. 

Veterans for Peace [Veterans for Peace has been cited as a Communist Party 
front] will hold an all daj^ vigil outside the Federal Building, 219 South Dearborn, 
on Veteran's Day, Noveml^er 11, to urge amnesty for Vietnam War Resistors. 

Joining in the effort will be the Chicago PBC, the Chicago Peace Council 
[which has been cited in a House Internal Security Committee Report as being a 
Communist Party front] and Women for Peace. 

On the WBBM, 10 p.m. news, on October 6, 1975, I heard Leroy 
Wollins, who is head of Veterans for Peace state that they were co- 
sponsoring this Vietnam Amnesty Vigil with the PBC. 


Mr. ScHULTZ. We will mark that document as exhibit No. 27. 

[The document referred to was marked exhibit No. 27, and will 
be found on p. 216, app. B.] 

Has the PBC developed any other organizations under their auspices 
that were originally suggested by the Johnny Appleseed Movement? 

Mrs, Walton. Indeed they have. Three that were proposed by the 
Johnny Appleseed Movement have been developed by the PBC. One 
is the Committees of Correspondence. Another is Daughters and Sons 
of Liberty. The third is their DAK, (II), Descendants of the American 
Revolution, wdiicli was formed on July 4, 1975. The PBC states that 
this organization is to offset the Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion who wrongfully, in their words, "masquerade as the ideological 
heirs to the Revolutionary firebrands that fought the American 
Revolution." They claim their DAR will be dedicated to revolu- 
tionary change in our lifetime (Common Sense vol. 3, No. 1). As an 
amusing sidelight the telephone number for the PBC in Chicago is 
DAR 1976. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. What other methods or tools does the PBC utilize 
to get across their message? 

Mrs. Walton. According to the PBC, they have at least 52 PBC 
chapters across the country. They have a TV series with actors such 
as George Burns and Jon Voight. This series is produced for the PBC 
by the Public Advertising Council, 1516 Westwood Boulevard, Los 
Angeles, Calif., and it is called The Voices of 1976. It is aired by 145 
TV stations. Their radio series, by the same name, is aired by 980 

The PBC has a speakers bureau and I know they have sent speakers 
out in Ilhnois. 

They state they have a feature service that supplies to 14,000 
general and specialized media pubhcations and journals. 

Then, of course, they have all the commercial books, published by 
Simon & Schuster and Bantam Books. As I said these are sold in 
leading book stores nationwide and are in many public libraries. 
(Common Sense vol. 2, No. 4, September-October 1974, p. 7, and a 
flyer recently distributed by the PBC, Washington, D.C.) 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Are you aware or do you have any knowledge of 
any difficulties which confronted the Peoples Bicentennial Commission 
with regard to other groups or organizations who planned or, in fact, 
engaged in Bicentennial activities? 

Airs. Walton. Yes, the Communist Party of the United States 
on Sunday, June 29, 1975, proposed holding what they called a 
Peoples Bicentennial Festival to be held in the International Amphi- 
theatre in Chicago. 

The first letter that I have in regard to this meeting was dated 
May 22, 1975, and it was an invitation to attend this Peoples 
Bicentennial Festival. 

I had a further letter dated June IS, 1975, from the Communist 
Party, giving me what they said was exciting developments of the 
Peoples Bicentennial Festival. 

Mr. Schultz. When you identify the letter as being from the 
Communist Party, does the letterhead actually state that? 

Mrs. Walton. It states on the top of the letter, "Communist 
Party, USA. The Communist Party Peoples Bicentennial Festival 
Committee. Jack Kling, cochairman. Ishmael Flory, cochairman." It is 
signed by both of them. 


Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you. Proceed. 

Mrs. Walton. On May 17, 1975, I had further communication 
from the Communist Party stating that the Chicago Transit Authority 
rejected their advertisements for the huge Peoples Bicentennial 
Festival and they refused to have these posters put up in the Chicago 
Transit buses. 

They were picketed. The Chicago Transit Authority was picketed 
by the Peoples Bicentennial Festival Committee. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. The PBC picketed in favor of the Chicago Transit 
Authority allowing 

Mrs. Walton. Not the PBC. It was the Communist Party Bicen- 
tennial Festival Committee, not the PBC. They picketed the Chicago 
Transit Authority because they did not allow them to have their 
posters announcing this Peoples Bicentennial Festival put on the buses 
in the Chicago area. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. What resulted from this picketing? 

Mrs. Walton. They were not allowed to put signs up in the buses. 

The Communist Party delegates, led by Ishmael Flory, who is the 
chairman of the Illinois Communist Party, met with Tom Buck, the 
public affairs manager for the Chicago Transit Authority. I don't have 
the date of that meeting. They were told by Mr. Buck that the CTA 
was free to accept or reject whatever advertising it wanted regardless of 
what the 1st and 14th amendments to the U.S. Constitution might 
say about free speech and equal protection of the law. 

The CTA is a publicly owned corporation although most of its 
multimillion dollar debt is owed to the First National Bank. 

This is the Communist Party putting out this information of the 
meeting with Mr. Buck. 

Ishmael Flory then declared, following an attempted meeting with 
Chicago Transit Commission administrative assistant Bernie Ford, 
that the committee was looking into legal action to secure its rights. 

A quote from Ishmael FlorA': "Several attornevs are eager to take this 
case and force the CTA to respect the U.S. Bill of Rights." 

The next communication that I have from the Communist Party is 
dated June 16, 1975, in which they enclosed information on the 
Peoples Bicentennial Festival and it was mailed to me from Sylvia 
Kushner, who is the executive director of the Chicago Peace Council 
and identified as a CPUSA member, and stamped from her apart- 
ment address which is 4240 North Clarendon Avenue, Apartment 91, 
Chicago, 111. 

It was also signed by Richard Criley and Father William Hogan 
of the Alliance to End Repression in Chicago. Criley has also been 
identified as a Communist. 

Now in the Chicago Tribune dated Thursday, June 26, 1975, there 
is an article titled "Suit Forces Name Change of Communist Rally." 
"The Communist Party, USA, changed the name Wednesday, of its 
national convention windup rally here on Sunday from Peoples 
Bicentennial Festival to Mass Celebration of the Bicentennial." 

On the Tuesday prior to that the Peoples Bicentennial Commission, 
a nonprofit group based in Washington, filed suit in Federal District 

Court in Washington, seeking to stop the Part}' from using the name 
Peoples Bicentennial. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. We will mark the Cliicago Tribune article as exhibit 
No. 27A. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 27A and will 
be found on p. 216, app. B.j 

What result came out of the lawsuit that was filed? 

Mrs. Walton. The result that came out of the lawsuit was that 
the Communist Party, on the Wednesday prior to their Sunday 
festival dropped the name The Peoples Bicentennial Festival and 
changed it to read "A Mass Celebration of the Bicentennial." 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Mrs. Walton, based on your studies of revolutionary 
organizations and the documents, many of which you have provided 
here, do you come to some conclusion as to the nature of this action? 

Mrs. Walton. The conclusion that I have come to, and this is 
my conclusion based on my study, is that this was a smokescreen 
thrown up by John Rossen and the PBC to clear the PBC of any 
Communist Party ties. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Subsequent to that time do you have any additional 
information or are you aware of any ties which discount and in fact 
support your conclusions? 

Mrs. Walton, The Communist Party in September, the Com- 
munist Party through their youth arm, the Young Workers Libera- 
tion League, developed last September 1975, an organization called 
the Illinois Coalition for Youth, Jobs and Education and they sent me 
a letter pertaining to this and calling for a massive demonstration in 
Springfield, a lobby and rally for youth — jobs and education. 

That rally did take place in Springfield. 

Mr. Schultz. Springfield, 111.? 

Mrs. Walton. Springfield, 111. ; yes. 

The letter was signed by a member of the Young Workers Libera- 
tion League and also a member of the student government of North- 
ern Illinois University, a member of the student government, presi- 
dent of Eastern Illinois University, and a member of — someone 
representing the Central YMCA College in Chicago. 

On January 26, 1976, I received a letter from the Youth Rights 
Bicentennial Festival, National Committee, which is part of this 
Coalition for Youth Jobs and Education. 

In this they state that there will be festivals, 3'outh festivals, de- 
manding that youth have the right "to earn, learn, and live" that this 
is the revolutionary heritage that we must continue today. 

The}' state these festivals will be an integral part of making 1976 a 
Peoples Bicentennial Year. Again, the Communist Party is using the 
word "People's Bicentennial." 

The first of these Youth Rights Bicentennial Festival meetings 
was held at the Pick Congress Hotel, in Chicago, on wSaturday, Febru- 
ary 7. There will be additional meetings. One of the principal speakers 
at that meeting was Henry Winston who is the national chairman 
of the Communist Party, USA. 

Mr. Schultz. So it is your conclusion then that the Communist 
Party itself or front groups associated with it, such as the YWLL, 
is not entirely divorced from the activities of the PBC? 


Mrs. Walton. That is my conclusion. I am basing part of that 
conclusion on John Rossen's background and long-time activit}^ with 
the Communist Party. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Mr. Short, do you have some questions? 

Mr. Short. Yes, thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mrs. Walton, do you have any knowledge that the PBC has been 
accepted as the official Bicentennial adviser to the National Council 
of Churches? 

Mrs. Walton. I don't have any official evidence of this, with the 
exception of the publication that is put out by the Peoples Bicen- 
tennial Commission entitled "The Light in the Steeple." It is pub- 
lished by the Ecumenical Task Force on the Religious Observance 
of the Nation's Bicentennial. 

On the front page it lists the men who comprise this ecumenical 
task force. The chairman is Everett Francis, who is the public aflau's 
officer for the executive council of the Episcopal Church. 

The secretary of the task force is Dean M. Kelly, Religious and 
Civil Liberty, National Council of Churches. He is also the editor of 
this publication. 

The editorial committee consists of Dieter Hessell who is the editor 
of Trends magazine, United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. 

J. Elliott Corbett, church government relations, board of church 
and society. United Methodist Church, and Isaac Rottenberg, pro- 
gram interpretation. Reformed Church in America. 

I have been informed that this has been distributed to the churches, 
to ministers and priests, and is being used as a guideline to Bicen- 
tennial observances in the churches. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Let us identif}" that as exhibit No. 28. Continue 
please ]\Ir. Short. 

[The document referred to was marked as exhibit No. 28, and will 
be found on p. 217, app. B.] 

Mr. Short. Mrs. Walton, when a concerned citizen has questions 
that tlie}^ would like answered about the PBC, and they contact the 
official American Revolution Bicentennial Administration, what 
type of response do they get? Is it a correct and fully informative 
response? Give us your opinion. 

Mrs. Walton. Not only in my opmion, but I am going to take a 
personal instance because I wrote to Mr. John Warner, who is Chair- 
man of the American Revolution Bicentennial Administration. The 
reply I received was completely neutral and lacking in information. 

I had been mformed that he had invited Jeremy Rifkin, who heads 
up the PBC, to a planning session for the Bicentennial. I sent him 
background information on the PBC, and I received a letter from 
him dated May 7, 1975, providing me with some of the background 
of the American Revokition Bicentennial Administration. 

Then he makes this statement: 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission which was established long before this 
new administration, is one of many organizations springing up across the United 
States in response to the particular needs and desires of our diverse peoples. 

Under Public Law 93-179, Congress authorized the administration to pass 
judgment on Bicentennial programs which are submitted to us for official 


Since the Peoples Bicentennial Commission has not made any such request, 
we have not officially reviewed any of their activities. 

In general, this organization, as well as all others participating in the 
Bicentennial, may publicly express their views freely, consistent with the Con- 
stitutional guarantees provided all of us. 

In the end, the people of the United States, quite properly will make the ultimate 
choice from among the many Bicentennial themes being advanced. 

I feel that this is almost an endorsement of the PBC, and I also 
feel that if the American Revolution Bicentennial Administration 
had been screening the PBC material, they would have realized that 
they were developing their educational program and ARBA could 
have developed a counteraction, a counterprogram for the schools to 
study our Bicentennial. 

I feel that they have failed very miserably in this area. 

Mr. Short. I think it is of interest to note that in Mr. Warner's 
reply to you, the statement was made that ARBA was authorized 
by Congress to pass judgment on Bicentennial programs which are 
submitted to them for official recognition. He goes on to say that 
since the PBC has not made a request of that nature, ARBA has not 
officiall}'' reviewed any of their activities. 

I would like to point out that the subcommittee has documents 
which were provided by ARBA which show that though technicall}^ 
speaking there may not have been a request for official recognition, 
ARBA was more than aware of the PBC at least as far back as the 
first part of 1972. 

In support of this I would ofl:'er the following documents. First a 
letter dated April 23, 1972, from Deborah Lawrence of the PBC to 
David Mahoney of the American Revolution Bicenteimial Commis- 
sion requesting^ under the Freedom of Information Act, copies of 
transcripts of meetings held by the American Revolution Bicentennial 
Commission beginning in October 1971. 

Next a memorandum dated March 31, 1972, to the Director from 
the General Counsel of ARBC outlining the considerations of the 
request and recommending among other things, that the transcripts 
be reviewed in order to isolate questionable material or as he states, 
"That which could be embarrassing or that which comes withia any 
of the exemptions of the Act." 

A letter from Mr. Leonard Garment of the White House dated 
April 3, 1972, to Jack LeVant, urging ARBC to be as forthcoming as 
possible with respect to the request by PBC and further advising 
enforcement of the law respecting the use of the Bicenteimial logo. 
The PBC had apparently been using the logo without proper 

A letter dated April 4, 1972, from, ARBC to the PBC requesting 
discontinuance of the logo. 

A letter dated April 6, 1972, from the PBC to ARBC requesting 
formal criteria and application forms for use of the logo and also 
requesting a list of all groups having received approval to use the logo. 

A letter in response dated April 19, 1972, advising PBC of authorized 
logo users. 

A letter dated April 18, 1972, to PBC advising them of the availa- 
bility of transcripts. 

And a copy of a letter dated Jime 7, 1972, from PBC to ARBC. 
This letter is in response to the National Bicentennial Program 


Criteria concerniiio; the use of the Bicentennial logo. The PBC launched 
an attack on ARBC and criticized them in such manner as saying 
^'your criteria is confusing and poorly defined, and we have been com- 
pletely at a loss as to how to go about compl3'ing with it. We would 
appreciate your response to our questions as soon as possible so that 
we may completely understand what we have to do." 

The correspondence continues in this manner at least until the 
latter part of 1972, It would, therefore, seem rather unrealistic that 
ARBA continues to respond to inquires concerning the PBC by 
stating that ARBA has not officially reviewed any of their activities. 
I think the word "officially" has been taken a bit too far in this 
particular case. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Thank you. We will mark those as exhibits — let's 
see, what was the last number, 28? These will be exhibit Nos. 29 to 36, 

[The documents referred to were marked exliibits Nos. 29 to 36 and 
will be found on pp. 219-228, app. B.] 

Mr. Short. Let me ask this, Mrs. Walton. Do you feel it is too late? 
Is 1976 the only year that is going to be available to the PBC to 
promote their activity? 

Mrs. Walton. No, it isn't. The PBC states, as do other Bicenten- 
nial organizations, that they are celebrating the Bicentennial for a 10- 
year period up to the Bicentennial observance of when our Constitution 
was signed into law which would be 1987. That would be the 200th 
Commemoration of the signing of our Constitution. 

Mr. Short. In view of that, what recommendations do you have 
to make? 

Mrs. Walton. I would recommend that the American Revolution 
Bicentennial Administration, if they can put the staff together, very 
quicklv come up with a good educational program on the Bicen- 
tennial and distribute this to all schools. 

I have a list of books for recommended reading which were given 
to me. 

Mr. ScHULTz. Mr. Martin, do you have a question? 

Mr, Martin. Have organizations like the American Historical 
Association wliicli are concerned in a general way, with the observance 
of the Bicentennial — have they taken any stand on the PBC material? 

Mrs. Walton. I don't know what stand the American Historical 
Association has taken, but the National Trust for Historic Preseiva- 
tion recommends the material of the PBC. I wrote to them, because 
in their Preservation News, as a matter of fact, they recommend 
that 3'ou buv "America's Birthday" and thev tell vou where to buy 
it, from the PBC, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C. 

Also, in their official publication dated July 19, 1974, they recom- 
mend that for more information you contact not only ARBA, but the 
PBC, again the address, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washing- 
ton, D.C. 

In response to my letter dated Alarch 4, 1975, they said "Thank 
you for your letter concerning the Bicentennial and the efforts of the 
PBC. Indeed, there was material about the PBC in the July and 
November issues of Preservation News which are enclosed. I have 
marked the appropriate stories, including the address of the group." 

It is signed Carlton Knight III, assistant editor, Preservation News. 

yir. Short. I might add that in some cases the American Revolu- 
tion Bicentennial Administration, in responding to requests for infor- 


mation about the PBC, has advised people that they could obtain 
PBC literature by writing to the national office, whose address they 
then provided. 

Mrs. Walton. Yes, they have. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. What is the basis for your statement, Mr. Short? 

Mr. Short. Again, the subcommittee has documents to this effect, 
and as I previously stated, these documents were obtained from 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Would you describe those documents? 

Mr. Short. Yes. In reference to the point I just made, I would like 
to offer a letter dated October 25, 1974, from Ms. Darlene C. Ziol- 
kowski, in wdiich she requested advice on how she could obtain a copy 
of "America's Birthday" by the Peoples Bicentennial Commission. 
Attached to this letter is the reply from Mr. Ted Lopatkiewicz , 
Office of Communications, American Revolution Bicentennial Ad- 
ministration. In this reply Mr. Lopatkiewicz states, "As per your 
request for America's Birthday, the Peoples Bicentennial Commission 
is one of the many private Bicentennial organizations. You may find 
the book in question in any bookstore. However, if you have problems 
locating a copy, contact the PBC at the address below and they ma}' 
be able to send you one. 

Peoples Bicentennial Commission 
1346 Connecticut Ave. NW. 
Room 1025 
Washington, D.C., 20036." 

You will note, this letter is dated 1974, so, again ARBA is still 
refusing to say anything that might indicate that it had any reserva- 
tions, let alone serious doubts, about the PBC. In fact, their failure to 
indicate any reservations plus their cooperative attitude in providing 
information on how to obtain PBC literature, might well lead an 
unsuspecting correspondent to believe that ARBA actually approves 
of PBC. 

Mr. ScHULTZ. They will be marked as exhibit Nos. 37 and 38. 

[The documents referred to were marked exhibit Nos. 37 and 38 and 
will be found on pp. 229 and 230, app. B.] 

The Chairman. Any additional questions? 

Mr. ScHULTZ. Thank you Mr. Chairman, I have no further 

Mr. Martin. I have none, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Short. No questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tarabochia. None, Sir. 

The Chairman. In my o])ening remarks, in describing the pur})ose of 
the subcommittee's hearings, I stated we planned to peel back the 
patriotic veneer of the Peojiles Bicentennial Commission for the i)ur- 
l)ose of examining and laying before the Congress and the public facts 
by which the legitimacy of the organization's ]niblicly stated goals and 
objectives and the integrity of their spokesmen might be evaluated. 

We do appreciate your appearance here today. I think that a'ou 
have made a valuable contribution to our efforts to present to the 
])ublic, and the Congress, facts by which such an evaluation can be 
objectively made. If that's all, we will adjourn. 

[Whereupon, at 1:08 p.m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject 
to the call of the Chair.] 

69-239 O — 76 6 


Exhibit No. 1 

(Referred to on p. 3) 

[From New American Movement, Nov.-Dec. 1971] 


(By Jeremy Rifkin) 

(Jeremy Rifkin founded the Citizens Committee of Inquiry which sponsored war 
crimes tribunals in Washington, D.C. and is now working on the People's 

The New Left must be willing to meet people where they are at rather than 
where they would like them to be. Millions of Americans are aware, for the first 
time, of the fact that many of America's economic, social, and political institutions 
are performing in ways that undermine the revolutionary ideals and principles to 
which the nation purports to be dedicated. But for many Americans the principles — 
if not the language enunciated in the Port Huron statement of 1962 and the 
Berkeley Free Speech Movement of 1963 and the Russell War Crimes Tribunal of 
1967 are only now just beginning to make sense. If the New Left hopes to engage 
this new consciousness and give it positive direction through political struggle, it 
must first take a long hard look at itself and what it represents. 

The left movement's character has become increasingly strange and at times 
even frightening to many Americans. Most people perceive little or nothing in 
common with the New Left. At present, the New Left has found no way of dealing 
with this fear and misunderstanding, since it has abandoned or rejected much of 
the heritage and most of the symbols to which the great majority of American 
people can respond. 

The left's rejection of the American experience is due, in part, to its failure to 
understand that the American legacy is at once both reactionary and revolutionary. 

Our revolutionary beliefs — popularized through the words and deeds of such 
great Americans as Thomas Paine, Benjamin Rush, Sam Adams, Henry Thoreau, 
William Lloyd Garrison, John Brown, Lucy Stone, Sojourner Truth, Eugene V. 
Debs, W. E. B. DuBois, Mark Twain, and A. J. Muste, and the movements they 
inspired or led — derive from the principle of the inherent unity and fraternity of 
all mankind. 

These aspirations have led to a set of beliefs that forms the revolutionary aspect 
of the American experience — human equality; respect for the judgement of the 
common man; distrust of those who command positions of power and privilege; 
allegiance to freedom of expression and the right of self-determination; cooperative 
enterprise; government of the people, by the people, for the people; conscience 
aboveproperty and institutions; sympathetic interest in the new, the untried, the 
unexplored; equality of opportunity, confidence in the ability of the people to 
create a more just and humane world; faith in the brotherhood of all mankind. 

Our reactionary beliefs — popularized through the words and deeds of such 
Americans as Alexander Hamilton, John Adams, and John D. Rockefeller — 
come from the principle that hostility and war, the survival of the fittest and to 
hell with the rest — the public be damned — constitute the natural condition of man. 
This principle is the basis of a set of beliefs that forms the reactionary aspect of the 
American experience — the sacred value of private property; the ruthlessly com- 
petitive spirit as the motivating force for self -fulfillment; the authoritarian 
family; material accumulation as a measure of man's achievement on earth. 

The crisis of American beliefs lies in the increasing polarization of both the 
revolutionary and reactionary elements in the American legacy. 

The escalating political and economic crisis does not alter the basic positive 
truths of the American heritage. On the contrary, it would be impossible to 
point out the contradictions in the American system — to expose the exploitation 



and dehumanization at all levels of American life — without in some way appealing 
to the revolutionary beliefs and ideals with which so many Americans identify. 

The growing crisis has brought into question the more reactionary aspects of 
the American tradition. Those beliefs which reinforce our economic system and 
which have, for so long, provided a rationalization for the individual's role 
within that system are under unprecedented attack. 

The new awareness that this country is in the midst of a grave crisis — a realiza- 
tion which millions of Americans have acquired in recent years — can lead to a mass- 
based revolutionary struggle if the movement will discard its self-imposed ideologi- 
cal isolation and begin to reidentify with the revolutionary principles and beliefs 
of the American heritage. 

At this critical stage in American history, it makes no sense for the New left 
to allow the defenders of the system the advantage of presenting themselves as 
the true heirs and defenders of the American revolutionary tradition. Instead, 
the revolutionary heritage must be used as a tactical weapon to isolate the existing 
institutions and those in power by constantly focusing public attention on their 
inability to translate our revolutionary dreams into reality. 


The Federal government and the nation's business community has launched 
a five-year multi-million dollar campaign leading up to the "Spirit of '76" and to 
promote the words and deeds of the Founding Fathers. The left must take this 
up as a challenge and turn it into a campaign designed to create a mass revolution- 
ary consciousness in tune with the revolutionary legacy of 1776. 

Understanding the revolutionary currents and movements that have influenced 
American life can also help those of us already involved in political struggle in 
developing a revolutionary perspective that is germane for America. Past struggles 
in America, such as the abolitionist and women's suffrage movements, and the 
farmer and labor ins\irgencies, cannot be expected to provide a blue-print for 
revolution in the 1970's, but they can tell us much about American behavior and 
the American character. We cannot build a contemporary revolution without an 
acute awareness of ourselves as a people, as citizens of a nation born in revolution. 

A genuine understanding of revolutionary ideals is what links Thomas Paine, 
Sam Adams, and Benjamin Rush, and the American people, with Lenin, Mao, 
Che, and the struggles of all oppressed people in the world. Not until the masses 
of Americans begin to re-identify with these principles and develop their own 
revolutionary struggle will they be able to form a real bond of fraternalism and 
solidarity with the struggles of all oppressed people. Solidarity comes from under- 
standing the collective nature of our separate struggles and the cry for humanity 
that is shared by all. 

Without confidence in our revolutionary heritage, deteriorating economic and 
social conditions are liable to lead to an increased sense of hopelessness and fear, 
and a defense of the most reactionary aspects of the American ideology — with 
appeals to national honor, duty, courage, and vigilance in protection of the mother 
country — as the American people make a desperate, attempt to hold onto what is 
familiar in their everyday life. 

Our first step must be to find out who we are and how to build on the base 
erected in the revolution of 1 776 and refurbished in the successive dramas of change 
that characterize the most affirmative periods of American history. 

The black movement had to rediscover the positive aspects of its own heritage 
in order to build an identity that would give it confidence in its ability to initiate 
action, sustain discipline, and win support from the black comnnmity. The white 
movement must do the same. Confidence in our ability to maintain discipline and 
to develop a long range revolutionary perspective that is neither rigid nor au- 
thoritarian must come from an understanding of who we are; and most of what 
we are has to do with our unique American heritage. Such an understanding will 
bring together the existing factions and groupings within the New Left community 
itself and help us reach out to the great mass of American people. 


Each state has established an official Bicentennial Commission to coordinate 
activities and programs between now and 1976. NAM chapters could research the 
methods for selection of the commissions and expose the patronage and non- 
representative nature of the boards; ie. too few youths, blacks, women, native 
Americans on the commissions. 


NAM could also petition for appointments to the commissions and present 
detailed proposals for state wide bicentennial activities. 

Before or after the exposes and petitioning NAM chapters could establish a 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission on the state or local level and engage community 
l^eople, unions, civic organizations, academic and professional people, grade 
school, high school, and college students, in Bicentennial programs and activities. 
Peoples Bicentennial Commissions can offer a focus for involving large numbers 
of people, publicizing NAM programs, and recruiting people into local chapters. 


NAM chapters could put out a state or local Bicentennial newsletter or paper 
which would examine the American experience within the contest of radical pro- 
grams and demands. Regional histories of farmer, labor, and women's struggles 
could be used to forge community identification with NAM programs and goals. 

NAIM chapters could put together a radical calendar and journal depicting 
historic moments in peoples struggles in the state and include within it an outline 
of NAM programs and goals. These publications could be distributed free and on 
a daily basis at county and state fairs, state parks, monuments, the state capitol, 
and other sites where people tour and vacation. This offers a good opportunity 
to reach thousands of people — especially grade school and high school students — 
with NAM programs and peojiles Bicentennial activities. Peoples Bicentennial 
posters, buttons, bumper stickers, etc. could also be used in a similar fashion. 

NAM chapters could present detailed proposals for Peoples Bicentennial study 
programs in the grade and high schools. Emphasis should be placed on the contra- 
diction between revolutionary and reactionary beliefs of the American legac.y 
and on the contemporary examination of those contradictions within the local 
community — to learn first hand about capitalist exploitation. Students could 
also integrate revolutionary study programs with field trips into the community 
and discussion sessions with NAM and other radical communitj' projects on the 
theme of revolutionary parallels 1776-1976. 

nam's Peoples Bicentennial could commission plays on revolutionary moments 
in American history to tour schools, civic organizations, unions, community 
groups, and GI projects. Again this offers an opixirtunity to reach new audiences. 
Plays could be followed by discussion sessions on community and national prob- 
lems and NAM programs for change. 

Peoples Bicentennial Commissions could sponsor art exhibits, poetry readings, 
essay contests, and music festivals with a peoples Bicentennial motif. 

Resolutions could be introduced in city councils and in state legislatures on 
setting aside days for observance of historic moments in regional struggles; 
legislation calling for the renaming of streets, buildings, and parks can also be 
introduced. This is a good way to open up controversy and do political education 
in the community and the state around the true meaning of the American radical 

Aside from engaging large numbers of people for the first time — who might 
not feel comfortable relating directly to NAM, the People's Commissions provide 
a unique forum for mass media exposure over the next four years. This mechanism 
could be used to raise political awareness and to promote NAM and other radical 
activities and demands. 


The thing to remember is this. The Government and big business community 
are going ahead with the most massive propaganda campaign in this countrj-'s 
history over the next four years. Their Bicentennial campaign will attempt to 
ignore the revolutionary ideals and programs that have inspired periodic grass 
roots struggles and rather concentrate on the reactionary beliefs that reinforce the 
capitalist system and its political institutions. If we do not respond, we might 
find ourselves, increasingly isolated and ultimately a target for their chauvinist 
appeals. If we take the offensive, as outlined here, we can move millions of people 
in a revolutionary direction during the Bicentennial era by continuing to focus 
attention on the un-American character of our economic and political leaders and 
the institutions they represent. 


First National NAM Meeting 
[From New American Movement, Nov.-Dec. 1971] 


The first national meeting of the New American Movement was held in Chicago 
October 9-11. Up to 75 delegates and observers from 25 cities participated. The 
meeting laid the basis for a Thanksgiving conference on program in Chicago. The 
political principles, program, and structure of the organization were discussed; 
and although many things were left unresolved and differences remained on a num- 
ber of issues, the general spirit was one of cooperation and seeking to find solutions 
acceptable to all. The following summarizes the results of the meeting: 


Debate centered on what sort of organization NAM was to be, including its 
relation to the women's and non-white movements. It was the consensus of the 
group that NAM will attempt to become a mass organization as opposed to a cadre 
or sect group. In addition, it was agreed that we should focus on organizing working 
people, broadly defined. We will encourage work in a variety of ways, including 
community, institutional, and factory work, and will not at this time favor one 
area over another. It was also generally agreed that programs, rather than highly 
developed political lines, would be the distinguishing characteristic of NAM. 

It was felt that certain minimum principles were necessary which would include 
a large number of people while at the same time distinguishing NAM from liberal 
reform groups. The body passed a six point motion which attempted to set down 
these guidelines. In summary, the motion stated that: 

1. We recognize the existence of a ruling class which runs America for its own 

2. NAM is committed to democratic socialism, which was defined as a society 
characterized by economic, racial, and sexual equality; by collective ownership 
and democratic control of the means of production; by the right to organize 
independent political parties and independent trade unions, and by the freedom 
to strike; bv freedom of speech, freedom to demonstrate, and freedom of press. 

3. We distinguish a sociaUst society, defined in this way, from both welfare 
capitalism in England and Scandinavia, and from existing societies that call 
themselves socialist. 

4. The transition to socialism will require struggle. 

5. Working people will be central to that struggle. 

6. The liberation of women and non-white groups must be incorporated into 
every programmatic area. 

These principles were felt both to summarize the existing document and to 
guide the drafting of a shorter, more simply worded version. 

There was strong sentiment on both sides of the question of whether NAM 
should say, in effect, "This is a socialist organization," or should describe what 
it means by socialism and then say, "Some of us use the word 'socialism' for 
the society just described." Those arguing for the first approach felt that unless 
NAM was up front about socialism, it wovild become little more than a reform 
group. Those opposed, while generally considering themselves socialists, felt 
that using the word would make it much more difficult to reach the kinds of 
constituencies NAM is attempting to organize. People both for and against the 
use of the word "socialism" felt that we should state the content of our political 
belief. Everyone agreed that, whether explicitly socialist or not, NAM programs, 
literature and general organizational style must avoid, wherever possible, rhetoric 
which would isolate us or be unintelligible to the average person. To this end, the 
body mandated a committee to write a shorter version of the original NAM 
document in a style adapted to mass distribution. People elected to this com- 
mittee were: 

Diana Adams (Cleveland, Ohio), Jeremy Rifkin (Washington, D.C.), Jane 
Slaughter of the national staff, Karen Whitman (Baltimore, Md.), Michael 
Lerner (Berkelev, Calif.), Alice Lvnd (Chicago, 111.), Harrv Boyte (Chapel Hill, 

This committee plans to have the basic document written by October 23. 



The relationship of NAM to women and the women's movement was discussed 
at a women's caucus and by the general body. It was felt that the position of 
women should be considered in relation to every programmatic area, as opposed 
to dealing with women's issues in isolation. Thus, instead of having a program 
area "on women", NAM will attempt to take into account the special position 
of women in regards to any program area such as health the economy, etc. In 
addition, the meeting made' clear that NAM, in no way, wanted to be placed in 
competition with the independent women's movement. Where the women's 
movement is weak or nonexistent, NAM may be more involved in women's 
issues than in cities like Chicago where the Women's Union is in a better position 
to confront issues which primarily affect women. The following resolution was 

"NAM recognizes the necessity of autonomous women's organizations and 
will encourage programs which can form alliances with such groups in a conscious 
effort to relate socialism and feminism, realizing that one cannot exist without 
the other." 

Internally, the meeting voted that until a permanent structure is adopted, 
at least 50% of all leadership bodies should be composed of women. This decision 
was implemented in the election of the committee to draft a basic document and 
of the National Interim Committee. 

The relation of NAM to non-white groups was discussed at some length and 
it was decided that NAM would, in the long run, seek to become a multi-racial 
organization. At the same time, we were aware that for the time being, most non- 
white people would relate to NAM through our programs and through coalitions 
NAM would seek with non-white groups. The following resolution was passed: 

"NAM, is an organization of working people, consciously projects itself as multi- 
racial in character. It recognizes white racism as a key obstacle to unity and hence 
places programmatic and educational priority on developing in a multi-racial 
direction. It also will actively seek alliances with, and recognizes the necessity of, 
existing non-white organizations." 

Marjorie Fields, a member of the National Interim Committee, was asked to 
make contact with women's organizations and non-white groups on a national 
level, and NAM chapters and pre-chapters were asked to do the same thing locally. 


Almost half of the meeting time was devoted to discussion of possible NAM 
programs, which will be the central focus of the organization. Presentations were 
made for programs in the following areas : 

— response to Nixon's new economic policy 

— taxation 

— industrial health and safety 

— prisons 

— the Bicentennial 

It was decided to set up task forces in these and other areas. In addition to the 
areas just listed, members of the meeeting volunteered for task forces in the areas 

— community organizing 

— campus organizing 

— elections 

— the military 

— war and imperialism 

— farmers and food 

— child care 

— anti-corporate organizing such as the Honeywell Project 

— ecology and environment 

— media 

— transportation 

— housing 

The responsibility of these task forces is to prepare detailed program proposals 
for workshops at the Thanksgiving conference. Martha Williams, a member of 
the National Interim Committee, was asked to coordinate and consoHdate pro- 
grams and task forces. 


The meeting selected five areas which it thought most hkely to become NAM 
national priority programs. These were: 

— response to Nixon's new economic policy including taxation 

— industrial health and safety 

— ecology and environment 

— child care 

— law and order, including prisons and courts 

It should be noted that these choices are subject to the will of the conference 
and that there will be workshops in all the areas mentioned above. 


The structural discussion centered on how to make NAM a democratic and re- 
sponsible organization, as well as a more general exploration of the forms most 
likely to attract working people to the organization. It was decided that chapters 
should be the basis of the organization and that chapters determine their member- 
ship as they see fit within the general principles of NAM. Chapters can be based 
on locale, place of work, or on common interest, and it should be understood that a 
number of NAM chapters can develop in a city (as opposed to one large city-wide 
grouping). To achieve full chapter status, a group should have a minimum of 10 
members, although this will be somewhat flexible during these early stages of 
NAM when the distinction laetween chapter people and people intending to form 
chapters is still fluid. The National Interim Committee was empowered to approve 
the credentials of chapters and pre-chapters wishing to be represented at the 
Thanksgiving conference. It was also em])owered to remove from chapter status a 
chajiter which comes to be dominated by a group whose conduct is inconsistent 
with the principles and programs of NAM, or with democratic norms of behavior 
within NAM. 


On the question of national leadership, it was generally felt that NAM should 
try to include a large proportion of people who were involved in local organizing 
as well as good regional representation. In addition, the concept of general mem- 
bership referendums on crucial questions was discussed as a way of avoiding over- 
reliance on conferences, and as a way to make the organization more open to 
participants who work and are tied to a specific locale. 

A temporary National Interim Committee was elected to carry on business 
between now and the Thanksgiving conference. Those elected were: 

Lynn North (Ann Arbor, Mich!), Harry Boyte (Chapel Hill, N.C.), Martha 
Williams (Washington D.C.), Harold Henderson (Peoria, 111.), Marjorie Fields 
(New York City), Staughten Lynd (Chicago, 111.), Diana Adams (Cleveland, 
Ohio), Frank Speltz (Davenport, Iowa). 

The National Interim Committee was empowered to hire a field staff coordinator, 
a national staff, a convention coordinator, and travelers. Chip Marshall of Seattle 
was chosen field staff coordinator, and Frank Speltz will l)e one of the coordina- 
tors of the conference. At present, travelers in the field and the approximate 
area they will be covering are: 

Frank Blumer, Northwest, Michael Lerner, California, Randy Bregman, 
Midwest, Lynn North and Jane Slaughter, South, Jeremy Rifkin, Northeast, 
Chip Marshall, Southwest, Mountain and Plains States. 

The meeting also designated Cleveland as the site for a temporary national 
office, and picked Cicely Nichols of New York Citj' and her chapter to edit a 
periodic internal education bulletin. The NAM newspaper will continue to be 
put out from Berkeley with Theirrie Cook as editor. 

NAM will hold a national program conference in Chicago (this may be changed — 
see conference announcement in the neswpaper) Nov. 2.5-19. The function of 
the conference will be to develop several national NAM programs, as well as 
providing a place where people, doing similar types of organizing around the coun- 
try, can come in contact with one another. This conference will be a program 
conference. Any structure set up will be temporary. Permanent structure and 
adoption of a constitution and documents will not be decided finally until the 
spring when NAM will have its founding convention. 

The heart of the conference will be the workshojjs from whose reports several 
national priorities will be selected by vote of the delegates. 

Admission to the conference will be by application or invitation. Those wishing 
to attend should write the national office in Cleveland prior to the conference 
asking for either delegate or observer status. Anyone presently in a NAM chapter, 
or anyone in a pro-chapter organizing group, is eligible for delegate status. 


Any member of a chapter or pre-chapter organizing group may attend the con- 
ference or chapters may delegate up to five votes to an individual on behalf of 
chapter members imable to attend. 

Individuals who are in general agreement with NAM are also welcome to attend, 
but if they want delegate status, they must apply in advance. The National 
Interim Committee will determine whether an individual receives delegate or 
observer status. 

The National Interim Committee will meet in Cleveland on Nov. 7. A tentative 
agenda for the conference will be developed at that meeting and circulated in 
advance to all NAM chapters, pre-chapters, and interested individuals. Pro- 
grammatic proposals will appear in the internal discussion bulletin and be cir- 
culated in the same wav. 

Exhibit No. 2 

(Referred to on p. 4) 

[From the Wall Street Journal, Apr. 15, 1975] 

The Spirit of (19)76; Is it a Bicentennial or a Buy-Centennial? 


the pursuit or happiness may lead to a $925 sword or to an "uncle 


(By Gail Bronson) 

The buy-centennial has begun. 

Penn Dairies of Lancaster, Pa., is churning out ice-cream goodies like "Paul 
Revere's Rounds," "Red Coats" and an "Uncle Samwich." Springs Mills in 
South Carolina is weaving linens with Revolutionary graphics. Advance Manu- 
facturing, Orlando, Fla., is selling red, white and blue lawn chairs. Lenox Inc., 
the chinaware firm, is marketing commemorative plates. Mitche Co., LaJolla, 
Calif., is hustling place mats with American designs. 

For .$1.5, if you turn up on its "Who's Who" mailing list, the American Bicen- 
tennial Research Institute of Dallas ("not affiliated with the U.S. government") 
will send you a "beautiful parchment certificate" authenticating your inclusion 
in its "Library of Human Resources." 

Furniture makers are awash in early American, private mints in endless streams 
of commemorative medals, and publishers in books about colonial America. 

The deluge of bicentennial products has been encouraged partly by official 
commissions, including the U.S.'s American Revolution Bicentennial Admin- 
istration (ARBA). Such groups are supplementing their limited budgets by licens- 
ing businessmen to market "official" bicentennial items. For 4% to 5% of sales, 
ARBA gives licensees the use of its star-shaped logotj-pe. By the end of the sum- 
mer, ARBA expects to have raised about $3 million in fees from some 100 

Not surprisingly, such commercialism has produced a backlash. "Commercial- 
ism will turn the bicentennial celebration into a farce." says a state bicentennial 

"It's only natural that businessmen are pursuing free enterprise in the course 
of celebrating the bicentennial," says Richard Wagner, executive director of 
the Wisconsin bicentennial commission. "Some of the founding fathers, like John 
Hancock, were the biggest smugglers around. The question is whether the govern- 
ment should give special benediction through licensing of products which gives 
the items an inflated value in the public view." 

Other officials defend licensing. "The American public expects to be able to buy 
products commemorating the bicentennial," says John Warner, director of ARBA. 
A Georgia official says, "We were worried about a buy-centennial at first, but now 
we're stuck for funds. If someone is going to make a buck on this, it's worthwhile 
for us to be part of it, too." 

Many corporate bicentennial efforts appear to be aimed at promoting goodwill 
instead of profits. General Motors, Kraft Foods, Arco, Prudential Insurance and 
PepsiCo each have contributed $1 million to underwrite the capital costs of 
an "American Freedom Train" that will visit more than 80 cities over the next 
21 months. It will carrj- and exhibit more than .500 documents and artifacts 
ranging from Paul Revere's saddle bags to Joe DiMaggio's bat. The train has 
attracted some criticism for its alleged historic irrelevance and its $2 admission 
fee. Revenues are expected to finance S13 million in operating costs. 


J.C. Penny Co., whose chairman, Donald Seibert, is a music buff, is paying 
$1.5 million to distribute sheet music of early American songs to high school and 
college bands. Henry Nave, chairman of Mack Truck and a veteran Boy Scout 
official, is financing a recording of patriotic songs for coinmercial distribution. 
Profits will go to the Boy Scouts. "The songs are really stirring," Mr. Nave says. 
"It should really be a hit record." 

American Express Co. is sponsoring a head-to-toe cleanup of the Statue of 
Liberty. IBM gave $500,000 to the Metropolitan Museum of Art for an exhibit 
on "The World of Franklin and Jefferson," which got favorable reviews when it 
was previewed abroad. Raytheon is orchestrating a $1 million multimedia exhibit 
in Boston dealing with the Battle of Bunker Hill. 

Some bicentennial officials would like big companies to do more. New York 
has a long list of projects that need business backing, but a bicentennial official 
says, "Everybody wants to do something visible like clean the Statue of Liberty." 

Television is giving some corporate l)icentennial celebrants visibility. Shell Oil is 
shelling out $9.3 million for 732 "bicentennial minutes," one-minute vignettes 
from American history, on CBS-TV. Xerox, 3M and Gulf Oil, among others, are 
sponsoring historical specials. The American Bankers Association is co-sponsoring 
a $l-million bicentennial series to get the ABA's "institutional image across to the 
upper demographic people." 

Individual notions about taste and quality seem to motivate some buy-centen- 
nial criticism. Consumer products are frowned on most. "Red, white and blue 
lawn chairs are just another means of commercialism," saj^s Edward McColgan, 
executive director of the Massachusetts commission. "Red, white and blue chairs 
are totally irrelevant to 1976, and I doubt that the founding fathers would have 
considered them relevant." 

The U.S. Bicentennial Society in Richmond, Va., was organized to counter what 
it considers tasteless commercialism by turning out high-quality reproductions of 
early American goods. The society's trustees include Harvard historian Samuel 
Eliot Morrison and Alistair Cooke of public television's "America" series. The 
society's offerings hardly seem aimed at the typical descendant of colonial Amer- 
ica's sturdy yeomanry. They range from a reproduction of George Washington's 
sword at $925 to an early- American Royal Copenhagen tea service at $5,000. 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission, a private activist group, eschews com- 
mercial jjroducts altogether. Through groups like the the National Campfire 
Girls and the National Council of Churches, it distributes literature aimed at 
reacquainting Americans with social, economic and political issues in the Rev- 
olutionary era that still exist today. 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission seems motivated by an old-fashioned 
egalitarianism. It urges high school students, for example, to organize to eliminate 
school "tracking" — placing fast-learning and slower-learning students in different 
programs — and even to restructure ROTC classes according to Revolutionary 
military principles. Some Revolutionary units elected their own officers. 

Exhibit No. 3 

(Referred to on p. 5) 

[From U.S. News & World Report, Mar. 24, 1975] 

"The Government Bicentennial Is Very Shallow" 

(Interview with Jeremy Rifkin, Co-Director, People's Bicentennial Com- 
mi.ssion. Mr. Rifkin, 30, has been associated with the People's Bicentennial 
Commission in Washington, D.C., since the Commission's founding. An econ- 
omist, he is the author of a new book, "Common Sense 11".) 

Question: Mr. Rifkin, what's right and what's wrong with the Bicentennial 
as it is proceeding now? 

Answer. There are. really two Bicentennials going on in the country, and I 
think one of them has the right approach and one of them has the wrong approach. 

On the one side, there's the Bicentennial which is reflected by the American 
Revolution Bicentennial Administration and the major corporations that are 
working with it. It's a Bicentennial with a form, but without any substance 
whatsoever. The Government Bicentennial is a very shallow, superficial kind 
of approach to what our Bicentennial era could be all about. 


I keep going back to the original congressional legislation that established 
the Bicentennial, and that legislation was very clear. It, in effect, said the Bi- 
centennial was to be a time to reaffirm the revolutionary principles that founded 
this nation, and a time to apply those principles to American life. 

The White House Bicentennial Administration is neither reaffirming nor 
applying those principles, because, in reality, to reaffirm and apply those principles 
today would be to act in the same kind of revolutionary spirit as our founding 
fathers and mothers did 200 years ago when they faced issues as severe in import 
to their lives as we face today. 

The White House and the major corporations are unwilling to do that. I 
think their Bicentennial is very much a Tory — conservative — Bicentennial. 

There's another whole Bicentennial going on, and it doesn't always take the 
label "Bicentennial." It's a movement, a psychology. There's a real desire to 
find out what this country is all about, to look back at our history at the founding 
of this republic. There's a real need on the part of people to recommit themselves 
to the revolutionary principles that we started off with 200 years ago. W'e need 
these principles as a guide for our lives in the third century of the republic. 

The Bicentennial we're talking about is a new social force in this country 
that will take up the banner that Sam Adams and Patrick Henrj^ led into battle 
200 years ago — a movement that will challenge unwarranted concentrations of 
financial and political power and restore the dignity of the individual. 

Question. Exactly what is the People's Bicentennial Commission? 

Answer. The People's Bicentennial Commission was formed three and a half 
years ago. We're a nonprofit organization. We felt there had to be a positive, 
constructive alternative to the White House Bicentennial on a national level that 
could help develop programs and ideas for a meaningful Bicentennial. W"e have 
a very specific goal in mind — helping to shape a new patriotic movement in this 

We are involved in educational and social-action programs. On the educational 
side, we provide material development for many major institutions. For example, 
we developed, with the National Council of Churches, the first church guide to 
Bicentennial observance. There are 65,000 churches using that guide right now. 

We jiut out our own materials, such as organizing guides — everything from the 
history of the American Revolution to how to organize an oral-visual project in 
your high school. Those guides and materials and programs are being used by 
thousands of school boards in the country as well as local Kiwanis Clubs, auxiliaries 
of the VFW [Veterans of Foreign Wars], activist groups, P-TA's and libraries. 

There are also 984 commercial radio stations and 145 TV stations using our 

Furthermore, we have seven commercial books coming out this year — ranging 
from shcolarly books on the Revolution to a book called "Common Sense II," 
which compares today's giant corporations to King George III and the monarchy. 

We have a theater company full time, centered out of Johnson City, Tenn. 
We also have local People's Bicentennial Commissions that are affiilaited with 
us in 25 States. 

Question. How do j-ou finance all this? 

Answer. We have a very limited budget. Our budget last year was $200,000. 
All of our staff here is on subsistence salaries of $85 a week before taxes. 

We finance it through $10 memberships. People join the People's Bicentennial 
Commission. They write to us in Washington, D.C., and they receive a full kit 
of our materials and a j-ear's subscription to our magazine, Common Sense. They 
use these materials in their own community organizations and in their families 
and schools. It's a membership organization. We also get revenue from the sale 
of our materials and royalties. 

Question. What would you like to have the Government do that it's not doing 
in its official Bicentennial programing? 

Answer. I don't think the Government Bicentennial Administration can do 
what we think has to he done in the country, because we're celebrating a revolution. 

We're celebrating a period of time 200 years ago that has many parallels 
today. If you look at the issues of 200 years "ago, it reads like the front pages of 
today's newspapers — the issues of rising unemployment, galloping inflation and 
a rich, entrenched aristocracy that was frustrating the average working people 
in this country. There was a multinational corporation, the East India Company, 
which was pillaging the continent and abusing people's rights. There were corrupt 
politicians in the highest offices of the land. 


The Government Bicentennial Administration in many ways represents the 
same kind of political and financial aristocracy that we fought a revolution against 
200 years ago. 

Question. Some critics say the People's Bicentennial Commission is too radical. 
Are some of your programs too extreme for general acceptance? 

Answer. Some of our programs are too extreme for the bureaucrats and poli- 
ticians at the White House and here in Washington, and they're certainly too 
extreme for some of American's wealthiest families and giant corporations. 

But as to whether they're too extreme for the rest of the population, I let our 
own record stand for itself. We have supi^ort from all over the country by the 
once-silent majority. We have support from many, many levels — including small 
businessmen, labor, lower-management people, students and others. 

Thousands of schools, churches, fraternal organizations, Bicentennial commis- 
sions and city councils all over the United States are using our material. That 
shows how widespread our support is. 

Question. Is there anything significant coming out of the Bicentennial? 

Answer. Yes. It's making peoj^le realize that every individual has to make an 
active commitment to working for demoncratic participation at the workplace 
as well as in government — as our forefathers and mothers did 200 years ago. 

Today our job as we go across the country is to encourage hundreds and 
thousands of new leaders — people who have the guts to stand up for their country 
and the principles this country was founded on. People are learning to challenge 
corruption, abuses of power and concentrations of wealth as i)eople did in the 

By 1976, we would like to see leaders emerging on the "10-most-admired list" 
who are in the mold of Sam Adams or Patrick Henry. That would make the 
Bicentennial truly worthwhile. 

Exhibit No. 4 

(Referred to on p. 7) 

[From the Chicago Tribune, Aug. 24, 1975] 

Seeing Only Red for the Bicentennial 

(By Bob Wiedrich) 

John Rossen, the former downstate Communist organizer who now denies 
party membership, is doing his best to see to it that Americans see onlj' red during 
their red, white and blue Bicentennial celebration. 

Rossen, now 65 years old, is keeping a low profile with the Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission [P. B.C.], a non-profit, tax-exempt organization of the radical Left 
that appears dedicated to throwing the nation's 200th anniversary up for grabs. 

The over-the-hill Leftist, who once promoted Josef Stalin's fortunes in the 
LTnited States during the 1950s, but now says he has rejected Stalinism, Marxism, 
and Maoism, picketed the American Freedom Train on its opening day here 
while belting antiestablishment slogans over a bullhorn from beneath a tricornered 

Rossen's efforts would have been ludicrous were it not for the background of 
radicalism against which they were staged. For to date, the P. B.C. and its retread 
activist leadership of the turbulent 1960s have mostly devoted their efforts to 
disrupting legitimately conceived patriotic Bicentennial observances. 

So Rossen's sophomoric attack on the Freedom Train and its priceless lode of 
500 historic artifacts, while ignored by most spectators, carried a message more 
omninous than was evident. 

Altho organized in Washington, D.C., in 1971, the P.B.C. didn't take the field 
with overt disruptive acts until last April when a hooligan brigade of its supporters 
tossed a juvenile beer party on the banks of the Concord River in an attempt to 
drown out President Ford's address with catcalls and obscenities. 

For the most part, the crowd was composed of teen-agers reenacting the now 
hackneyed "guerrilla theater" of the Students for a Democratic Society- Weather- 
man days in the guise of red, white, and blue bunting. 

But liheir infringement on the right of free speech was an insult to the brave 
and embattled Americans who stood their ground against British redcoats on 
that same sacred spot 200 years earlier so that the adolescent jerks of the P.B.C. 
could do their thing. 


Rossen denies having had a hand in founding the P. B.C. and its strident 
demands for a revolution to aboUsh corporations during the Bicentennial year. 

He says he signed up with the P.B.C. in 1971, but describes himself as "just a 
member." He admits, tho, he is a steering committee member of the Illinois 
P.B.C. which has filed incorporation papers in Springfield to also qualify as a 
tax-exempt, non-profit group. 

Rossen angrily dismisses as "fairy tales of the Right" statements by Rep. 
Richard Ichord [D., Mo.], House Internal Security Committee chairman, that 
Rossen originated the concept of P.B.C. here in 1969 with pamphlets calling for a 
new revolution based on Marxism and American nationalism. 

"I reject Marxism and Stalinism and Maoism," Rossen declared in an inter- 
view. "I've abandoned any ideas that were purely Marxist." 

Then he telephoned us a few minutes later to suggest that a check with the 
Communist Party, U.S.A., would definitely cleanse him of any red taint. 

"They're calling me a bourgeoise nationalist and a nationalist chauvinist be- 
cause I am promoting the Bicentennial," Rossen reported. He reminded us the 
P.B.C. had filed a law suit against the Communist Party during its recent con- 
vention here for trying to use the label, "Peoples Bicentennial," in connection 
with its convention. 

But he conveniently neglected to point out the P.B.C. has panicked for fear the 
hint of such an affihation might drive off some of the foundations supporting 
the group. 

Jeremy Rifkin, a P.B.C. founder and former Chicagoan allied with antiwar 
causes during the Viet Nam era, reports the group is sustained by grants and 
profits it makes from selling its Bicentennial materials to such organizations 
as the National Council of Churches, the Campfire Girls, and the National VMCA. 

For the record, Rossen has been executive director of the Chicago Coun- 
cil for American Soviet Friendship; chairman of the pro-Castro Fair Play for 
Cuba Committee in Chicago when Fidel was first proclaiming Communism 
in the Caribbean; and has invoked the nth Amendment before congressional 
subcommittees probing internal security. In 1950, the Communist publication 
Illinois Worker identified Rossen as a "downstate organizer for the Communist 
Party, who works out of East St. Louis." 

These are labels Rossen now ducks as he quietly goes about promoting his ver- 
sion of America's 200th birthday, wrapped in the flag of a self-proclaimed cru- 
sade against the inequities that he blames on big business. 

However, for an aging activist child of the Bicentennial, he sure loves that tax- 
exempt status not even the oppressed workingman enjoys, much less the capi- 
talist corporations he attacks. 


Exhibit No. 5 
(Referred to on p. 8) 

[From Guardian, May 3, 1969] 


Exhibit No. 6 
(Referred to on p. 9) 

[From the New Patriot, Mar.-Apr. 1971] 

THE cj^EW^iT^dT 

Vol. 1 No.. U 

March — Apr . 19 Tl contrary, nothing but the first act of the great drama is closed." 

"The American war is over, but this is far from being the case with the American rrvDlutton. On the 

^BBBBenjamin Rush, I7S7 







4,000 Sq. Miles Each 



Our Apologies 

Dear Readers: 

This issue of the NEW PATRIOT is two months late. The delay was due 
to changes of staff and format. All subscriptions will be extended. 
f The current issue of the Evergreen Review has an article on "Revolution- 
ary Nationalism a.nd the American Left," by Johnny (Appleseed) Rossen. It 
should be of great interest to NEW PATRIOT readers. / 

editorial: PAY'TRIOT POWEiJl 

Several million dollars in loot accumulated by Illinois' s late Secretary of 
State, Paul Powell, has been discovered in cash hidden away in shoe boxes, in 
certificates of deposit, and in other highly - negotiable forms; insiders say tmat 
additional millions in hard cash were made off with by his cronies during the 
24 hours in which his death was kept secret while mysterious figures removed 
boxes and files from his offices. 

Powell enjoyed a reputation as one of the biggest crooks in the history of 
Illinois politics (and that is no mean distinction). Though his connections with 
racketeering and race-track interests were widely publicized, he was shrewd 
and slippery enough to stay out of jail and in "public office" for several decades. 

But Powell's most- remarkable characteristic was his $uper-pay-triotisrn. 
A super- hawk on Vietnam, a fire- spouting, flag-waving, red-baiting American 
Legionnaire, he was a close buddy of fellow Democrat Richard J. Daley, ahd 
a pay-triotic darling of the Chicago Tribune, who along with others shed red, 
white, and blue tears at the passing of this super-crook. 

But Powell is not the only proof of the old adage that the flag is the last 
refuge of a scoundrel. American history of the last half- century is replete with 
crooks who have wrapped themselves in the flag. (Remember J. Parnell Thomas, 
one-time head of HUAC ?) This is true desecration of the flag and high treason 
to the American people, and this is why decent Americans must fight to restore 
the true meaning to the word "patriotism" and to the words "public service". 


ILOlS'Bia'M'V (f®fA(®I2 EXIiSiJtS 

m^'^ tisisaib) ®w nc 


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2/ March-April 1971/ New Patriot 


For Revolutionary 
Inspiration and 

This short book of quotations from 
Americans, past and present, is aimed 
at accelerating the battle to reclaim 
America and restore its revolutionary 
spirit as the nation's dominant force. 
—From the Foreword 


Right of Revolution 

Property and the Class Struggle 

The Working Class 

Black Liberation 

War, Militarism and 

Women's Liberation 
Students and Schools 
The Press 
On Voting 

Liberals and Liberalism 
Law and Order 
Self Defense and Violence 
Dare to Struggle 

Available at most bookstores , or mail $1. 25 
(includes postage and handling) to: 

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[From the New Patriot, Mar. -Apr. 1971] 

The Editor Responds — Marxism, Its Limitations 

(By John Rossen) 

Many of my radical friends have raised the same point you have: that "analogies 
(with 1776) can be pushed too far, because many (of the 1776 revolutionaries) 
compromised on the slavery issue. . . ." One could add to this that they also 
failed on the issue of genocide against American Indians. Or that they failed to 
raise the question of a classless society (socialism). But as revolutionary socialists 
committed to the scientific revolutionary methodology, we have to look at the 
early American revolutionaries in the context of the times they lived in. Tom 
Paine, Sam Adams, Ben Rush, and the rest of the radical wing of 1776 were the 
most-advanced revolutionaries of their time, formulating revolutionary ideas 
which have remained potent to this day. They laid down a revolutionary tradition 
which we can and must use as the basis for a restructuring of American society 
in wavs they could not envision. 

Unfortunately mv radical friends who would not tolerate the slightest departure 
from revolutionarv 'virtue on the part of Tom Paine or Tom Jefferson are not as 
demanding of Karl Marx, who on occasion used formulations that would today be 
labeled racist, sexist, imperialist, and national-chauvinist. 

I note that you use the terms "Marxist" and "Marxist analysis . I would say 
that for a revolutionarv socialist in the Twentieth Century to label himself a 
"Marxist" or "Marxist-Leninist" is as ridiculous as for a modern physicist to call 
himself a Newtonian or for a modern biologist to call himself a Darwinian. Marx 
laid the sturdy foundations for the scientific revolutionary-socialist methodology, 
and for any modern revolutionary to ignore those foundations would be as stupid 
as for a physicist to ignore the findings of Isaac Newton. But neither can a modern 
revolutionary limit himself to the findings of Marx. That is why I use the ex- 
pression "scientific revolutionary methodology" rather than the expression 

"Marxism". ,^ . , . ^, , ^u 

The problem with most of those who call themselves Marxists today is that they 
accept Marxism as a dogma and not as a scientific tool, a revolutionary method- 
ology which is constantly being refined, added to, improved on the basis of the 
revolutionarv experience" of the last century and a quarter. 

Marx made his analvsis of capitalism on the basis of a first-hand study of the 
Western European capi'tahst systems. And he constantly warned his critics (and his 
followers) that the conclusions he reached as a result of his analysis must never 
be used "as a super-historical model universally applicable to every and all social 
systems. . . ." He continually exhorted revolutionaries to "look at the world 
with new-born eyes", to be audacious and innovative in their theory and practice. 
The traditional Marxist groupings in the United States have for nearly a century 
ignored these exhortations of Marx; instead of applying the revolutionary method- 
ology to the unique realities of American society, they have agonized over an 
impossible task: trying to fit American reality into what they call Marxist 
analysis". And so thev end up with economism (gotta work only in the trade 
unions), or tailism and defeatism (can't even think about a revolution until the 
working class becomes fully class conscious and the unions becom.e revolutionary— 
and we have to be patient because that may take another forty or fifty years) . 


Exhibit No. 7 
(Referred to on p. 10) 

Bill Peltz, 3d from the left; Jeremv Rifkin, 4th from the left; John Rossen, 5th from the 


Rossen's van. 



Exhibit No. 8 
(Referred to on p. 11) 


A Unique Anthology Selected 





A Unique Anthology Selected 

On July 4, 1976 — two hundred years 
after the Declaration of Independence 
by a "ragtag and bobtail" band of revolu- 
tionaries — the United States of America 
will climax its "American Revolution Bi- 
centennial Observance." 

How to Commit Revolution American 
Style carries an urgent warning of elab- 
orate blueprints for perverted uses of 
the Bicentennial celebration. To mark 
that event, Jeremy Rifkin reports, there 
is "a plan conceived by the White House 
and Big Business and already under 
way, to marshal and direct the greatest 
concentrated mass propaganda cam- 
paign ever conceived in the United 
States of America." 

In stark clarity, Rifkin outlines that 
plan, as documented by The People's Bi- 
centennial Commission — a body whose 
avowed goal is "to recapture our rev- 
olutionary heritage and to build on it a 
society worthy of our legacy." 

How to Commit Revolution American 
Style is a unique anthology selected by 

(continued on back flap) 


(continued from front flap) 

Jeremy Rifkin and John Rossen to "pro- 
vide inspiration to spark a revolution." 

• In his examination of the American 
heritage, "The Right of Revolution," 
Staughton Lynd unearths long-buried 
roots of radical tradition in the United 
States with an account of the unbroken 
chain of vigorous and sometimes violent 
dissent from 1776 to today in America. 

• In "The Search for Justice," Edward 
Schwartz sifts through American history 
and finds that religious justice was the 
central demand of virtually every major 
social movement. 

•To build a revolutionary identity, 
Jeremy Rifkin in "The Red, White and 
Blue Left" calls for a new home-grown 
revolutionary orientation "sensitive to 
the unique American legacy and com- 
mitted to the fulfillment of the American 

• In "Revolutionary Nationalism and 
the American Left," John Rossen urges 
that a successful movement for change 
in America must take place within the 
context of revolutionary nationalism. 

• In "How to Commit Revolution in 
Corporate America," G.William Domhoff 
outlines a series of practical proposals 
for American revolutionaries. 

How to Commit Revolution American 
Style is not a manual for countering the 
Bicentennial campaign. It is an extraor- 
dinary "how-to" book for a period that 
may include dissent, repression, crisis, 
violence, a mass revolutionary move- 
ment, and "the greatest single peace- 
time public-opinion mobilization effort 
in our nation's history." 

Jacket Design by Nick Frank 


JEREMY RIFKIN grew up in a working-class neigh- 
borhood in the South Side of Chicago. He attended the 
Wharton School of Finance at the University of Penn- 
sylvania, where he was president of his graduating class 
in 1967, and he received a Master's Degree in Inter- 
national Affairs from the Fletcher School of Law and 
Diplomacy, Tufts University, in 1968. 

He has been active in New Left politics since 1966, 
when he helped organize student opposition to germ- 
war research projects at the University of Pennsylvania. 

He is presently a national coordinator with the Peo- 
ple's Bicentennial Commission. 

JOHN ROSSEN has been active in left-wing politics 
for over thirty years. He is the author of The Little Red, 
White, and Blue Book: Revolutionary Quotations by Great 



Exhibit No. 9 

(Referred to on p. 15) 

[From Book-of-the-Month Club News, April 1976] 


(By Jack Fincher) 

A hulking, hawk-faced figure in fleece-trimmed corduroy coat and cap, Page 
Smith materializes out of a foggy Santa Cruz, California, morning trailing the 
gobble of turkeys. Gentleman farmer? Most certainly. Also maverick writer pur- 
suing his own revolution against the academic tradition that says you can't take a 
scholarly step without leaving a footnote. 

He led me into his study, a rustic wood outbuilding choked with books and 
hung with the paintings, sculptures, tie-dyes, and fur-and-feather fetishes of his 
artist wife, Eloise, and their four grown children. They are the creators in the 
family, he says. "I think the creative level of the historian is actually very low." 
He laughs. "When my son was young he brought a friend in, pointed to the shelves 
and said, 'These are the books my father writes his books from.' " 

There is truth in his son's words. Smith says that he has never taken as much as 
one card of notes. He writes "books, not chapters," from start to finish, typing 
long quotes directly from the voluminous reading that attracts him, setting down 
digressions as they occur and later gluing everything together where it seems to 
belong. His enjoj'ment of such unbuttoned sentiments as his son's must be all the 
more galling to academic historians because Smith's scholastic credentials are 
impeccably eggheaded. He took his undergraduate degree at Dartmouth, got his 
Ph.D. at Harvard under Samuel Eliot Morison, taught history at UCLA, and 
was the very first provost at the University of California's visionary Santa Cruz 
campus. It "was a post he later resigned in ])rotest against the publish-or-perish 
demands of modern academe. Smith himself, happily, has never been plagued with 
that problem. He has written ten volumes in twice as many years, on everj-thing 
from the history of history and women to the nature of towns and chickens. 

Eloise Smith" left us with coffee, English muffins and honey, and our conversa- 
tion began. 

JF; What's the critical difference between your narrative approach and the academic? 

PS: All my work is discovery, not recording. I don't believe in objectivity. You 
bring your preconceptions. I believe in sympathy and compassion and under- 
standing, in attachment rather than detachment. To me discipline is pas^sion, car- 
ing enough about the thing to discover the order in it. 

Most academics are obsessed with the analytical, the interpretive, the exposi- 
tory. They've gone wrong in thinking their mission is to explain things, in believ- 
ing that if you collect all the data the data will speak to you. Which is obviously 
ridiculous. It's predicated on the premise that all these little monographic experi- 
ments arc going to add up to truth some day. They're not. They're going to add 
up to a lot of little monographs. 

JF: Doesn't the academic concept of historical distance lend, if not enchantment, 

PS: That's another snobbery. The best history of the American Revolution 
was written by people who were in it. That's why I like to use the analogy of time 
as a mountain. When you're up on top — 200 years away — the academic historian 
says you can look back down the years and see things as they really were. I say 
the situation is more like an archaeological dig. The past lies buried under the 
mountain; the accumulation of intervening experience distorts your view. You 
have to sink a shaft down to the stratum you want to study and reconstruct 
what happened out of the remnants and shards. 

JF: A?id once you get to that point, what? 

PS: Contrary to popular misconception, there is an absolutely staggering 
amount of material from the Revolution. John Adams said if you read a lifetime 
you couldn't cover it. But I believe it's a fallacy to assume you have to read 
everything in order to understand something. You could still misunderstand it. 
Some one thing an obscure person says can outweigh masses of "important" 

Often the power of the original fact is so great you're awed by it. As Charles 
Francis Adams said when his grandfather, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson 
both died on the same day— the Fourth of July, 1826— there is nothing so eloquent 
as fact. Incidentally, my editor called to ask if I knew how many pages my book 


runs in final form. I whimsically guessed 1776. She said, no, 1976. I'm a believer in 
synchronicity, serendipity, chance. History is full of those. They should play as 
important a role in research as they seem to play in life. 

Exhibit No. 10 

(Referred to on p. 18) 

[From An Introduction to the Peoples Bicentennial Commission] 

A Nationwide Citizen Organization Dedicated to Restoring the Democratic 
Principles that Shaped the Birth of this Republic 

From now until 1983, we Americans will celebrate the Bicentennial of the 
greatest event of our history — the American Revolution. How we choose to 
commemmorate the founding of our nation will shape the lives of generations 
yet to come. Will we be content with fireworks and plastic liberty bells? Or will 
we use the anniversary of the Revolution as a time to rededicate ourselves and 
our country to the sacred ideals our ancestors fought for 200 years ago? 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission is a non-profit, public foundation 
founded in the belief that it is time to reaffirm the democratic principles of the 
Declaration of Independence and of the American Revolution. Today, we face 
economic and political crises as great as those of 1776. Like our ancestors, we 
must meet the challenge to our democratic birthrights. We must dedicate our- 
selves to a new patriotism — one that calls for allegiance to the revolutionary, 
democratic principles that launched our first national rebellion to tyranny. 
PBCs around the country are actively working toward this new patriotism 
by taking direct action on issues of local and national importance. 

'The Peoples Bicentennial Commission in Washington, D.C., as the only active 
nationwide bicentennial commission, is working with a number of major institu- 
tions in providing constructive, citizen-involvement programs for our 200th 
birthday. Working under contract with the National Council of Churches, fhe 
Peoples Bicentennial Commission developed a guide to the religious principles 
of the American Revolution. Over 40,000 copies of this pamphlet — "The Light 
in the Steeple" — have been sent to denominations around the country, where 
they serve both as sermon suggestions for ministers and discussion topics for 
church groups. 

PBC has also developed a four-year program for the largest day-care organiza- 
tion in the nation — The National Day Care and Child Development Council 
of America. The grass-roots, door-to-door campaign, "Birthday Parties are for 
Kids," aims at enlisting 10,000,000 parents into a day-care lobby to press for 
quality, community-controlled day-care by 1976. 

PBC is currently consulting with the Campfire Girls, YMCA, and other 
national youth organizations in developing meaningful programs for young 
people during he Bicentennial years. 

Exhibit No. 11 

(Referred to on p. 19) 

[From Student and Teacher Programs for a Peoples Bicentennial] 

As the 200th anniversary of the American Revolution nears, we the students 

of High School jjledge ourselves to reaffirm and live the revolutionary 

princii^les and ideals that founded this country. As students, it is clear to us that 
our education today is run on the same basis as King George ran his emjiire — 
inequality, arbitrary regulations and lack of personal freedom. Therefore: 

We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all peoi^le are created Equal, 
that they are entitled to an education, and the that jourjiose of this education is 
to secure for them the inalienable rights of Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Ha])- 
piness; to secure these rights, education must be designed with the full partici- 
l^ation of students; and that when education no longer meets these requirements, 
students have a right, and a duty, to jiarticipate in changing the educational sys- 
tem, so that it will meet these needs and adhere to the principles that founded 
this country. 


The history of our present education is a history of repeated injuries and abuses 
of our rights, all having the object of making students conform, pitting one stu- 
dent against another, separating the teacher from the student, and channelling 
us into pre-determined slots in society. To prove this, let Facts be listed in our 

As students, we are forbidden the basic rights that are fundamental to this 
country — among these, freedom of press, speech, assembly and thought. 

As students, we are denied any meaningful decision making as to what our 
education and classes will be like. 

As students, we are at the mercy of the whims of teachers and administrators, 
none of whom we have had any part in hiring, and none of whom we are allowed 
to call for dismissal when there is good cause. 

As students, we are at the mercy of arbitrary rules and regulations, none of 
which we have a part in forming. 

As students, we are divided and segregated according to artificial categories 
we do not believe in. Women are separated from men when they are forced to 
take home economics classes and men are required to take shop. Students of 
non-middle class background are tracked into non-college preparatory courses 
because they score poorly on I.Q. tests that are based on the values of the middle 

As students, we are forced to compete, rather than allowed to participate 
cooperatively and in the spirit of the common good. Students are told they are 
"cheating" and "only hurting themselves" when they help each other; students 
are told they are "model pupils" and "good citizens" when they participate in 
a cut-throat manner. 

Therefore, we, the Students of High School, endorse and present 

this Declaration to the school and our community, and declare that students are, 
and of right ought to be, Free and Independent human beings, fully participating 
in and shaping their education. We pledge to each other that, having stated and 
endorsed these grievances, we commit ourselves, as the founders of America did, 
to right these wrongs, to take control of our lives and our education, and, as 
patriots proclaimed in 1776, to "use every method in our power to secure our 

Exhibit No. 12 

(Referred to on p. 20) 

Declaration of Independence, in Congress July 4, 1776 


When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to 
dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to 
assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which 
the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the 
opinions of mankind reciuires that they should declare the causes which impel 
them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among 
these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, 
Governments are instituted among iSIen, deriving their just powers from the 
consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes 
destructive of these ends, it is the Right of tlie People to alter or to abolish it, 
and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and 
organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likeh' to effect 
their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments 
long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and ac- 
cordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, 
while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to 
which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, 
pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under ab- 
solute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, 
and to provide new Guards for their future security. Such has been the patient 
sufferance of these Colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains them 


to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of 
Great Britain i;^ a history of rej^eated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct 
object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove 
this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world. 

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the 
public good. 

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing im- 
portance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; 
and when so sus])ended he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of 
people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the 
Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants onlJ^ 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, 
and distant from the depository of their pul)lic Records, for the sole purposes of 
fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly 
firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. 

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be 
elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned 
to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time 
exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. 

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose 
obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to 
encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropria- 
tions of Lands. 

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to 
Laws for establishing Judiciary powers. 

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, 
and the amount and payment of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers 
to harass our people, and eat out their substance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent 
of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil 

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our 
constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts 
of pretended Legislation: 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: 

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which 
they should commit on the Liha])itants of these States: 

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world: 

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent: 

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jurj^: 

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences: 

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, 
establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as 
to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same ab- 
solute rule into these Colonies: 

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering 
fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: 

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring 
on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known 
role of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. 

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most 
humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated 
injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define 
a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. W'e have 
warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an 
unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances 
of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice 
and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred 
to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections 
and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of con- 


sanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our 
Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in 
Peace Friends. 

WE, THEREFORE, the Representatives of the United States of 
America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge 
of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by authority 
of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare. That these 
United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; 
that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all 
political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to 
be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full 
Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and 
to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. 
And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of 
divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes 
and our sacred Honor. 

Exhibit No. 13 

(Referred to on p. 26) 

Jubj 24, 1972. 
To: Mr. George E. Lang. 
Subject: People's American Revolution Bicentennial Commission. 

Because there seems to be so many questions being asked various members of 
the Commission about the People's American Revolution Bicentennial Commis- 
sion, I wanted you to be aware of my involvement with them. 

Some time ago, a young woman who had worked here about two years ago and 
is now with the Youth Grants Division of the National Endowment for the 
Humanities called and asked me if I would mind looking at a Bicentennial pro- 
posal which they had received. I said I would be glad to and when it arrived 
discovered that it was a grant application submitted by the People's ARBC to 
the National Endowment. I reviewed it, found it a solid package and discussed it 
with Bill Butler and Lynn Carroll. The latter discussed it with IVIr. LeVant and 
the final result was a letter of support. (The letter from me was addressed to 
Mr. Tashdinian and a copy is enclosed, as is a copy of their grant application.) 

About the same time we received a letter from Debby Lawrence of the People's 
ARBC raising questions about the National Bicentennial Program Criteria and 
saying that they were having difficulties filling it out. It was decided that I should 
answer the lettW which was cleared of course by Bill Butler, Lynn Carroll and 
Gene Skora. The letter says that we stand ready to assist them in filling out the 
Criteria, as indeed we are" ready to assist anyone. It also explains some of the 
basic principles about the Criteria. 

All of this material has been forwarded on to the Heritage section which will 
review their proposal should they decide to seek Commission recognition for 
their project. However, because of my initial involvement in the project I wanted 
you to be fully aware of it and to have the opportunity to review both my letters 
and their grant application. I do believe that they are going to get the grant also. 

Martha Jane Sh.ay, 

Program Officer. 


Exhibit No. 14 

(Referred to on p. 26) 

Juhj 11, 1972. 

Ms. Deborah W. Lawrence, 

Peoples American Revolutionary Bi-Centennial Commission, 

J\ ashingto7i, D.C. 

Dear Ms. Lawrence: I am most apologetic for the delay in responding to your 
letter. I am sorry too that you are having difficulty with the Program Criteria. 
While I hope that I can answer some of vour questions and allay your concerns, 
part of the responsibilitv of the Program Development Staff of the Commission 
is to assist groups in filling out the Program Criteria. We would certainly be glad 
to help you in any way we can and I hope you will feel free to call on us. 


Since we received your letter, we have also had the opportunity to review your 
preliminary grant request to the National Endowment for the Humanities. 
Basically, the kind of information which the Humanities requests in its forms is the 
same as that which we look for. We are concerned about the relationship of the 
project to the goals of the Bicentennial, about the need for the activity, about the 
organizational capability, and the capacity of the organization to achieve its 
objectives. In an effort to reduce the correspondence that inevitably seems to 
result in a process of this kind, we attempted to formulate more specific questions 
about each of these general categories to insure that the data we needed was sub- 
mitted and that the sponsor did not expend extra efforts in assembling information 
which was not of concern to us. Because the Program Criteria are intended to 
apply across the board to all kinds of programs, we are aware that some of the 
questions are less pertinent to some kinds of projects but we do attempt to assess 
each program based on a common set of data. In addition, some of the questions 
are designed to help us monitor the general development of the Bicentennial so 
that we can adjust our efforts to see to it that all citizens, in every state and locale, 
and activities under each of the three Bicentennial themes are included in a bal- 
anced, thoughtful, national program. 

The questions we raise are, in fact, similar to those listed on page #5 of Youth 
grants information brochure and, in my view, the data you submitted for that 
grant request is in general sufficient to respond to our Program Criteria. I would 
add too that we do not care what form the information comes in so long as the per- 
tinent information is provided. Therefore, if you wish to seek Commission recog- 
nition for your Revolutionary War Research project, a copy of the materials you 
submitted to the Endowment would probably satisfy our basic information needs. 
We would have to go over it more carefully to see if any additional data was needed 
and will be happy to do so if you wish to seek Official Recognition for this project. 

One final point, like the National Endowment for the Humanities, we are con- 
cerned about projects. We do not accord Official Recognition to organizations or 
individuals; rather we take action only on the projects themselves. Our aim is to 
make objective not subjective assessments. In response to your immediate ques- 
tion, your intended plan and procedures and the capability of the personnel to 
carry out the project as described in your preliminary grant application convey 
no apparent reason to question the integrity of the project leadership, adherence 
to professional standards, or seriousness of purpose. Decisions concerning the 
merits of an individual project, however, are made by an advisory panel, when 
appropriate, and by a Commission committee. The above describes the general 
parameter within which we make such determinations and the staff stands ready 
to assist any interested individual, group, or organization in preparing its material 
for submission for appropriate Commission action. If you are interested in seeking 
Official Recognition, please let us know how we can assist you. In the meantime, 
I again apologize for the tardiness of this response and hope that I have been able 
to answer some of your questions. 

Martha Jane Shay, 
Senior Program Officer. 

Exhibit No. 15 

(Referred to on p. 26) 

National Endowment for the Humanities, 

Washington, D.C., May 31. 
Dear Janie: Enclosed is the proposal from the People's Bicentennial Commis- 
sion. I greatly appreciate your doing me this favor and telling us if this is the sort 
of activity ARBC would like to see young people engaged in. The Endowment is 
very interested in Bicentennial projects and we in Youthgrants are attempting 
to define our activities in this area. 

I've also put in our Youthgrant brochure and poster in case you run into any 
zippy youths with good ideas. 

Thanks again, I'll call next week, and maybe you'll let me take you to lunch. 
It would be really nice to see you again. 

Nancy Moses. 


Exhibit No. 16 

(Referred to on p. 26) 


rorm approvi-d M n No l?linO030 

National Endov/mcnl for tho Humanilies 
Washington, D.C. 20500 

Telephone (202) 302-S99S 


KJSTITUTIOII (name & address) 

The Youth Project/Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission 
IJkS Connecticut Ave, NV/, 
Room 1021 
Washington, D.C. 30036 


James Goodell, Director 
The Youth Project 

Telephone: ( 202) 338-5721 
(Person named here must sign Item 11) 

4. PAYEE (name a {Me ol person) 

The Youth i:'ro3ecT:/Peoplea 
Bicentennial Coramission 
1000 Wisconsin Avenue, N.W. 
V/aehington, D.C- 2000? 

Telephone: ( 202) 338-5721 







H- 7'.",. 


Jeremy H. Eifkin 

Current address: 

13^6 Connecticut Ave, NW, 

Room 1021 

Washington, D.C. 20036 

Dales: all year 

Telephone: ( 202) 833-9121 
Permanent address: 

Telephone: ( 

Requested ol NEH - 

(1) Outright 

(2) Gills plus Matching 

(3) TOTAL requested 



s 7,210 

From: June 1, 1972 

To: September 1, 1972 


Revolutionary War Research Project 


\ c? ^ 


P)/.Uucl, / ga 


■ fJLII/OPA-72-l 

I (llin .IplilUvi (I W I.I il 111) l/il n.jlj !■, 

. FACE SHEl^T— Pago 2 (Project Summery) 


Youth Project/Peoples 
Bicentennial Commission 


13. PROJECT DlliCCTOR (namo): 

Jeremy R. Rifkin 

Dale ol biilh: 1/26/^5 



Revolutionary War Research Project 


Requested ol NEH 

(1) Outriuht 

(2) Gi;;; Plus Matching 

t 7,21 
s -.^i — 

(3) TOTAL rcqueslcd ol NEH $_J2.<.2i^ 

Cosl-sharing or other funding J r;: 

TOTAL Project cost $. 7|i^lQ- 


From: June 1, 1972 

To: September 1, 1972 

^•,^T.o"p rn d si^ifica nce; To research, assemble, and dessera- 
S itc tS^^o^kS ^d-itudents , historical information on the 
S?es'and roles of v;orkin,^ people during the Revolutionary 
War period v:ith emphasis on the ideas and events that shaped 
t\Z formation of the early republic. Plan of Wor k: A proaect 
coordinator and 5 researchers v;ill read, study and take notes 
o-fitS 101 volumes of "Eyewitness Accomits of the American 
Revolution" published by the Ai-no Publishing Company, a 
^SSld ary o? the New York Times,^ and ot^er source materia in 
nrd'^r to researcn the roxe oi ,,^^xi^^^^^^ ^^^^±, -.. '■•'^- ".>-vw.i.iaw 
arv War Per-iod. The material will be compiled into articles, 
primary essays and bibliographies and disseminated to 
University, high school and unlof. publications. U se of Ftmd _ s . 
sSrnmer Salaries (^5.760). off-^ce ecjuipment (^9^0), Travel 

! (Reserved lor NEH Use) 



I. The Need 

The activist youth movement in the 1960s concentrated 
much of its energy on attempting to get American institutions 
to live up to the humanist aspects of American ideology. Nov/, 
ten years later, this movement has been fragmented into a 
constellation of factions whose ideological perspectives, 
slogans, tactical formats, and heroes are borrovjed largely 
from European and Asian revolutionary struggles. 

Why have so many young people rejected their ovm American 
heritage? The emerging activist youth movement of the 1960s 
was not prepared for the overwhelming succession of events 
that v.'as to sweep the nation during that turbulent decade. ' 
The black revolution, race riots, /political assassinations, 
Vietnam, pollution, campus confr>ontations, drugs, and a host 
of other developments intensified the youth coramimity's 
sense of urgency in dealing v;ith American institutions. 
Impatience and frustration mounted as young people foujid 
themselves more often reacting to, rather than initiating, 
the course of political events. The contradiction betvjeen 
American ideals and practice became more visible and pronounced 
for young people with each successive political confrontation. 

Many young people became overwhelmed by the disparity' 
between what Americans professed to believe in on the one 
hand, and socjal reality on the other. Outraged by this 
dichotomy, youiig people began to conclude that the gap 
betv;een performance and principle was attributable to the 
hypocritical, deceitful, dishonest, and evil character of 
parents, political leaders, the American people, and, by 
association, American history and ideology. 

A great many young people broke entirely with their 
American heritage because they failed to grasp a basic 
historical contradiction — that American ideology is at once 
both positive and negative. Consequently, what started as 
a movement to make institutions live up to the humanist part 
of the American dream transformed itself into a rejection 
of the drcara itself. 

. The Youth Project/People's Bicentennial Commission 

69-239 O - 76 - 8 


Revolutionary V/ar Research proposal is dcsifpicd to rekindle 
the positive humanist traditions of America among young 
people. Reinforcing humanist ideals is essential because it 
provides continuity vjith the heritage of the past. This 
identification is necessary to create an atmosphere of 
confidence among young people in their ability to shape the 
future, to ex.plore and enter into linfamiliar areas of experience. 

Understanding the humanist currents and movements of our 
Revolutionary War Period can help young people to develop a 
future perspective that is germane for Americans. 

Confidence in our ability to develop a long-range 
humanist perspective must come from an understanding of who 
v/e are; and much of what we are has to do v/ith the humanist 
ideals to which our Founding Fathers dedicated their lives. 

II. Goal 

To provide historical information on the lives and roles 
of vjorking people during the Revolutionary V/ar Period, v;ith 
emphasis on the ideas and events that shaped the formation of 
the early Republic. A knov7ledge of the ideas and attitudes of 
worlcing people during the founding of our country can help us 
better understand the formation of American values and their 

:A"!--f-.> .-•-."V,^r^ i-Q i-y,^_ problems facing us today. 


III. Objectives 

A. To use the 101 volumes of "Eyewitness Accounts of ths 
American Revolution" published by the Arno Publishing Company, 
a subsidiary of the New York Times, and other source material, 
in order to research the role of working people in the 
Revolutionary Period. 

B. To compile packets of important quotations, articles, 
primary essays, and bibliographies from the Arno series. 

C. To disseminate information and materials through the 
People's Bicentennial Feature Service to university, high 
school, and union publications. 

IV. Procedures 
A, Research 

1. Select five researchers. 

2. Select persons v/ho are familiar with the subject , 
area to act ac consultants to the researchers. 


3« Have researchers read, study, and take notes on the 
101 volumes of the Revolutionary V/ar Period with emphasis 
on the formation, of political, economic, and social 

B, Compilation of Information 

1. Compile primary essays, quotations, articles, and 
bibliographies which reflect the experiences of working 
people during the American Revolution. 

2. Utilize the Bicentennial staff for the mechanics of 

C, Dissemination 

Distribute information through the People's Bicentennial 
Feature Service to high school and college newspapers, 
trade vtnion publications, newspapers (establislimcnt and 
Underground), TV and radio stations, and professional 
publications. The service will be free to subscribers. 

V. Staff 

A, A Project Director 

B, ■ Five researchers — all will be under age 30 and will havw 
an academic background in the area they are studying. 

C. A miniraura of two consultants — these v;ill be people who 
have an academic background in the Revolutionary V/ar Period. 
Consultants will work closely with researchers and will meet 
with them on a regular basis to go over notes, discuss topics 
and check accuracy. 

VI. Responsibilities of Pro.ject Director 

A, See that finances are handled correctly. 

B, Select consultants and researchers. 

C, Check on progress of researchers. 


_VII. Responsibilities of ncpcnrchers .. . 

A, Become familiar with area of research. 

B, • Compile all relevant material. 


C. Check on accuracy of research with consultants and other 
exports in the field. 

D. Boil doi\m material for use in articles, essays, and 
bi bl i ographi e s . 

VIII. Responsibilities of Consultants 

A. Provide names to researchers of other experts in their 
field of study. 

B. Meet v/ith researchers regularly to discuss information 
and other problems they may face in the process of research. 

C. Review drafts of essays and boiled down material for 

IX. Responsibilities of Bicentennial Staff 

A, Do layout work and editing for material dissemination, 

B, Check on accuracy of final drafts. 

C, Make arrangements for printing. 

D, Disseminate- through People^'s Bicentennial Feature Service. 

E, Setup arrangements at historical sites for distribution. 

X. T irao Line for Research 

Research — reading and taking notes — and compilation of the 
material for articles, essays, and bibliographies, will take 
approximately three months. 

XI. Time Line for Distribution 

Distribution of material vull begin two v;eeks after the 
completion of research and compilation. Packets v;ill be sent 
out through the feature service on a bi-monthly basis for 6 
months. .... . . . — . 


BeoucGtcd Project 
' of NEU Total 

1 • Salnrlen : 

Pro feet Director, Jeremy 

Bifkin, 12 weeks @ $80/v.'k $9^0 $ 9^0 

Five RcGcarchers 

12 v;eekG @ $80/wk . A-,860 • U-,F<00 


2. Office Enuipm ept. 

3 typev/r iters ^ 06o/ir.o. — 

3 typevjriters for 12 v;eeks 180 180 

12 weeks office rent 9 

$120 per month 360 3^0 

Office Supplies l60 l60 

Telephone @ §30/nio. -90 90 

Xeroxing @ ,<^50/i:io. 150 ->X^ 


2. Travol Exn-nses • . 
Betvfeen .i.ioraries in 
Philadelphia, Boston, 

New York City, -and ' r, . • 
V/ashington to cross- ^ • • . 
check Arno material ■ . . 
with other primary 
source material * ■ , 510; $10 

Grand Totals $7,210 $7,210 



Jeremy Rifkin Born: 1/26A5 

13'^6 Connecticut Avenue, N.W. Denver, Colorado 

Room 1021 
Washington, D.C. 20036 

(202) 833-9121 

1967 B.S., Economics, VJharton School of Finance & Commerce, 
University of Pennsylvania 

1, President of Graduating Class 

2, Selected by Administration and Trustees as 
Outstanding Male Undergraduate for I967 

1968 M.A.', International Affairs, Fletcher School of Law 
and Diplomacy, Tufts University 

1969 VISTA Volunteer, Bedford Stuyvesant and East Harlem, 
Kev; York 


.1971 Citizens Commission of Inquiry: A public interest 
research group concerned with American policy in 
Asia, Staff Coordinator 


1972 Peoples Bicentennial Commission: Staff Coordinator 

As a staff coordinator of the People's Bicentennial 
Commission, Mr. Rifkin has spent over four months talking 
with groups ranging from the American Studies Association, 
to tovmhall meetings in New England on the topic of the 
f oimding of our nation and the development of humanist 
values in American society. His academic background and 
work experieaicc are varied and relate closely to the project 
outlined. • . 



Mary Wilson 

High School Inforraation Service ' 
1010 UiGconsin Avenue, N.W. 
. V/ashington D.C. 

Debby Lav/rence 
6509 Marjory Lane 
Bethesda, Maryland 2003i^ 
(301) 229-2362 

Erv:jn Knoll 
^20."; River Road, H.V/. 
Washington, D.C. 20016 
(202) 966-0977 

Exhibit No. 17 
(Referred to on p. 26) 

June 30, 1972. 
Mr. Armen Tashdinian, 
National Endowment for the Humanities, 
Washington, D.C. 

Dear Mr. Tashdinian: The Director has had the opportunity to review the 
proposed RevoUitionarv War Research Project of the People's Bicentennial 
Commission and I would like to pass along to you our hope that you will be able 
to support the project. We find it to be in time with the basic goals of the Bi- 
centennial commemoration and of particular interest to us in view of the Com- 
mission's long standing interest in encouraging young people to become involved 
in the planning, the development and the operation of Bicentennial activities. 

As you undoubtedly know, one of our major guidelines calls for the Bicentennial 
to be used as a time to review and reaffirm the basic principles on which the 
country was founded and to explore our two hundred years of growth and de- 
velopment. Certainly an exploration of the "Lives and roles of working people 
during the Revolutionary' War period with emphasis on the ideas and events 
that shaped the formation of the early republic" constitutes an important aspect 
and a major contribution to a fidl and thoughtful review. 

We are most pleased, therefore, to have the opportvmity to command this 
project and its potential for forwarding the goals of the Bicentennial 

I hope too that the Youthgrants Division of the National Endowment will be 
able to encourage more young people to undertake thoughtful and meaningful 
Bicentennial projects. 

With all good wishes. 

Martha Jane Shav, 
Senior Program Officer, 


Exhibit No. 18 
(Referred to on p. 26) 

Sal ion a I Co ft, >i it tee for a 


on US, War Crimea in Vietnam 

15b Fifth Avenue • Rm. 1005 • New York. N, Y. 10010 • {'2\2) 533 2734 


Tod E nsign, A/ar/ Coord-nator 

Mkr Uhl, Vet Coordinator. A{ Large 

PfifT Mjrtinsen, Vet Coord" ji or _ West Coast 

BuIj Johnson, Vet Coordinator, Esit Coast 

Jef'V Samuels, Vc! Coordinatur, Canada 


Seniamm opdck 

Pichard Falk 

Tony Randall 

Ric'^afiJ Fernandez 

Ossip Oavis 

Robi.-ri J. Lilton 

Hon Ernest Grueninq 

S...w3ri Meacham A YEAR-END REPORT 


Vanessa Redgrave 
BaHour B'lckner 

Over two and one-half million Gls have returned home 
from the Vietnam war. They are going back to their jobs, 
their studies and their families. Yet, for twelve months 
of their lives, many have been compelled to be execution- 
era of inhuman policies in Indo-Chlna. To know this trutli, 
one need only ask a combat veteran his opinion of the My 
Lai massacre. His tendency to defend the men of the Galley 
platoon stems from his knowledge that policies and strat- 
egies employed by the military leaders in Vietnam inevit- 
ably lead to massacres. 

Since its formation following the disclosure of the 
My Lai massacre in November, 1969, the Citizens' Commis- 
sion has conducted hearings with Vietnam veterans in 13 
cities. We are now presenting a National Veterans' Inquiry 
into War Crimes at the Dupont Plaza Hotel, Embassy Room, 
Dupont Circle, Washington, D. C, on December 1, 2, 3, 1970. 
This inquiry will be conducted in defense of all Indo-China 
war veterans I those who died there and those who returned 
home injured — physically and mentally. 

All of the veterans testifying are honorably dis- 
charged and will provide detailed, eye-witness accounts 
of war crimes committed by their units — listing dates, 
locations and units involved. The testimony of over 100 
veterans will be presented during the three days of hear- 
ings. More than 50 of these veterans will present their 
testimony in person. Some of this testimony has been prev- 
iously disclosed at Commissions in 13 U. S, cities. The 
presentation will coincide with the trial of Lt, Calley 
at Fort Banning, Georgia. 

0«nnitMora. t-oft Hooa Thrpe vei orqanjzef Howard Levy. M.D u S. Servicen^ei^'s Fund ( ij SSF I Andy Stapp, Ameriran Servicemen > Union Donald Duncan, 
JSSr W. ■ r"oni tor d nernncrriiir M.iiidry Jan Crumb, Viftnarri vets Agjinst ihe War Susan Schnall, USSF Ron Wolin. Veterans tnr Peace m Vietn,!-!) (New 
Vfirv Cm' Noam Chomsky, Pro'e'.snr u! Lin,-)..iM,. - MIT Fred Cohn. Lawyer Bill Davidon, Protessor nt Phvsifs Havertord Co'i--,i.' \e.v \jationr,i ^^ t i.,M1i-. 
^it I'rniii C' inrMitlei? Douglas Dowd, IVvTlessor nt I niimics Cornell New Naiion,il Mutnlijalion Committee Don Fra«d Piavv\rHirT Eugene D. Genovese. Criaii 
ii,in l;p;ii , • Hi^tnry li . >f Rm n.-f-r Dick Gregory - Phil Hutchings. Wti inr Mary Kaufman. U S Nuremberg Tnbun.ti Sl.i" NVnnni 9?««HKU**'^^W|* 
^iMimAMHW Helen Lamont, C n . i,|.Tirv C.vil I ■[.rin', Ccnrmitcn Paul Lauter. ResiM New Ijn.versitv Cnnfernn^ n Julius Lester A,,trw>i Conrad Lynn > .1 

■ I ;ii1 .'.n , Herbert Magidson, Business ( •<■- i-lui-s tnr Pen .• Ch.iinnan. Indivi(ln,ils Against the Crime nl Siln'M i- Floyd McKislick - Joanna Misnil. \atiGr 

Mil, St.. I. I ' • l.iliMiinii Ci'inin.tli'o John Moran 'V. .Ii-'mh i-f Philtisnphv M.inh, College J. B. Neilands, Mr,. f nl Hi,-,i lien.- try t -rn .- .tv ..' C . ■ ' .. 

,1 Hi-rk' I- •. Cure Paley . r.nn--., h .'iiLm.- c-'nt. r Max Pnmack, New N,ili(rn,il fv*..l .ii,' ilinn Stenf.fir) Com.tiiti.n Mark Sacaroff. P- .l.-ss,.i ..I I ■Mli-f' I- i i- 

' ' ." R.ili<h Schoenman i iri-, I I '\miii,,,.p 1 >,<iul,lti'>'i fur Smi i,il lusti. i- ' e, i.-l.irv Inlein.ilin.. il ■," ir^^r.- \'rih,* .1 Jerry Schwinn E '' 

■ 1 ■ . I i-, • ,in, il ■; T G G Wilson. M I 1 I v.vhIk.- niri. tor M.-.lii .liC .mirritli c H m H, lhl^ Melvin L tAtull ' t, i 

- ..' .s.i,. 11, 111 c ivil 1 .:.i tti.-. t M Eric Seitz, I tr.-' V'rrit.irv N,ili.mal Lawyers Ouilrl Maxwell Getimar. Aiiihi.i Rabbi Abraham Feinberg 


Exhibit No. 19 
(Referred to on p. 26) 

Sdliuiia! ( '())!! til nice for a 


oil lis. Wardriiitcx in VichKUii 

UiG l-iiih AvL':ii.> • Rni. laO'j • New York, N. Y. lOO'if) • \:'\2) ;i33-273'l 


lo.f I n5gn,,'.j(i Ci:n:ri. <-.,:•■ 

t^iV.,- Uhl, Wr Conrd<n.>:o- At /..irgt' 

PcMT Manirsi-i. Vet Cn<".: ".tor. West Ctost 

Bob JoJinsnn. fer CO'ircl. ■,r.'f, f,?jf COdST 

.ii!,(vSjmo.-«. ffr Coo/-</"iiior. Cjr.jda November <iO, 19 70 

SPOkisons For Ilonday a.m. release: 

Djvki oeiimgc. Furtlier info contact: 

Bcnjdin.-^ S,)ock 

janv^on..^ JereT-v Rifkin at (202) 737-8600 

Richard F.Jk Vor) 

Tony Roi.iijii Tod )^iisiqn '_ Frinandyi 
Os^H Uav.5 


Hon. trnt^sl C.fuening -^—^ ___^_— _^__^_^__^_^_^_— ^^_™____________^^^__ 

Si.-.v,,M N-c.-.rh.,.n NATIONAL WAR CRIMES Hil/iRIHGS 

Vjrcsw Rtrtnr.ive ' 

Balfour BiiCWnef 

On Monday, Nov. 23, 1970 at 12:15 p.m at the Statler-Hilton , 
Pan American Room, 16th & K St., 1st Lieutenant Louis P. Font, 
First U.S. Army (West Point graduate) and other active-duty 
Officers will announce their endorsement of, and intention to 
attend the National Veterans Inquiry into U.S. War Crimes on 
December 1,2,3, 1970 in V/ashington, D. C. to ascertain whether 
they will prefer charges against U.S. Generals for their use of 
war crimes policy in Vietnam. 

Lt. Font and the other officers will make public their 
plans to attend the three-day hearing as part of the formal 
interrogation panel. 

Upon completion of the three-day inquiry, these active - 
Officer^s plan to announce their conclusions regarding Icjai 
responsibility for war crimes policy. 

Dennis Mora. ' ix: m.,i d 1 1.,.-.- .. ; .jKLinii-.r HOA-ard Levy. M ;) . 11 S. S.-iv.i i-imi-m', F u-uI m '''/jI I Andy Slapp. Ai;v -i. ,im $or,„ , m.i n s IJnu.n Donald Duncan, 

I'SSF , \-, .■.-■. '11 1 .. ;:.-r- ., r,;,i M.I.I.irv Jan Crumb, \ i ViM-, A'l.-i'.l Ih. .V,.f Suwn S'-hn.lll. .'■'.';. Ron Wol;n. V-' -t,.' - I -i T. ..; -■ in Vi.ln.ini IN. v. 

York Cilvl Noam Chomsky, • ' t. ■- r ol Li'io .. .:i. -., r." I, T Tred Cobn. I Bill Dawidon, r. l.--,. r .1 f't. , ... .. M.u- n .rri I ,ii' i.-, ■...-, • ,i >.\,\M,.'.,u, ■ 

Sllrn.xi rv.niiM.:;.- Douglas Dowd, rrc.l, .-r .,i I , ,... ...;. v i .i.-ll .': .-, *.' ,i,o;>,ii ^^ .Ij.i..- iium C nin-n.'.K '■ Don fn-fii f'l. >■,••■ -mm Euiieni; D G'-noyLse, Ln.i i 

I. Ion. I )..(>I. ('**■■■: I . . ■' ■ ■ ;■ r Dick Grcijory - Ph. I Hulching^. .". Ml, t Mary Kaudnan. U 3. rv.i-.-"-t> -i i 1 1. 1 ... ,1 ''.l.i.t ,' l. T r.. i SylvM Kushnor. C".. . ; . 

f'c.itc Con.;, il Hel.:n Lamonl. ■ ■ ■ , n. v C'vil I .1 rt.. , C-- '.•■'■ Paul Lauter, i.. .ist. \—.; Un..crMlv t.-ii .. Juhus I cslcr, .^..1r.. .. Coi.iad Lynn, flvil 

Hiflhls ."vll.-r. , Heibcrt Magidson, -> .•...ii- s L il.v I- .- ■ |. .-. Cl'.i.f' .'.. Ir:r).-. ,rl i.iK A-;,iin'.I II i. C irn. ■' ■; i- f-loyd M^Ki'.stck - Joanna Misnik. Nal.O" 

Sc.ill $;u;v : ■.• : .:•, ..... i ■ .-..i:.... ''i i . • ..l i'liiU. . . ■ v ' ^r l.!!Mn Ciil.'.!.' J. B. Nnljnds. !■■ .1 ..I M..» i .•... ,:r. In... . Iv . I C" ,li( .lu... 

.it U.'rV.I. \ Grac I'jiey. . •■.... i \ .H.i.].. ( .■ MaK Primack. .\.vv ? i.ii.--. . I M. .t'll.^dl. an Sl.i-f.r.| L. ...'..':■•. Walk SacafoH, Ir. . I. ■'.•..t ' " -■ il. .!■ Icinp..' 

Uun-.-iMlv Ralph Schotininan. i r. . ; r ■'i'l. .n i .•ii' uw S'l. i.ii !..■ i.. ..-. Pr' Ti.-i . r.:i. Ini-.i. ^ ■: ■.V.ii i .i.-n ■. I .,1 ,■ ,il J.-riy Scliwinn, ! '.•■-*' U".,. ..1 1..; ... . ! \..i .1 •.,.. T. G G Wilson,'.! i' ! -...-.ilivi. [l.r.-. '..i, V....|.(..ll C<.".ii ■-■ !.•' H.' .:■ H..;l.l' Mi-lvin 1.. Willi, Hi -.' i .1 I .-1.1 i). l.ii. I- 

: .nt. Aint-.i. in ( . ,1 I .; .-ri.. ^ ■, . .. Lnc SfH/, 1 -.. .il.-..- f»...-r-i..ry. r,.i|. .-..ii L.iv/vr^ ( Manwcll Grism.ii, .'...|....i Ral/bi Aui.ili.iin Feinberg 


Exhibit No. 20 

(Referred to on p. 28) 

[From the Guardian, Dec. l.j. 1971] 

NAM Sets New Left Progr.'\.m 

(By Patty Lee Parmalee) 

Davenport, Iowa. 

In this "middle America" small town some 3.50 self-styled socialists of several 
varieties met over Thanksgiving weekend to agree on a national program for an 
organization that does not yet officially exist. 

The New American Movement (NAM) will not have its founding convention 
until June, but it already has chapters in most major cities and in many small 
towns and appears to be growing rapidly. The Thanksgiving conference was 
intended to unify the chapters not just around the document (written last spring 
by three Seattle Conspiracy members) that spread the idea of forming a mass or- 
ganization to "put socialism on the agenda in the '70s," but also around a com- 
mon national program. The hope is that work on this program would — in the 
next six months — help to transform the class makeup of participants so that the 
founding conference would have fewer ex-student radicals and more workers. 
Who are the workers? 

Though the necessity of organizing primarily among the working class was a 
foregone conclusion for everyone present, there was much discussion of who com- 
prises the working class. Some felt it presumptuous to advise workers from the 
side, others insisted they were themselves workers now, though they had until 
recently been students. 

In fact, if delegates at the conference are typical of chapter makeup, NAM does 
seem to be primarily an off-campus, grown-up SDS, most of whose members 
are in fact working people though their origins are in the intelligentsia. Perhaps 
the one area of total agreement among NAM members is that they want to or- 
ganize around issues which affect the majority of Americans including them- 
selves, rather than conceiving of themselves as "outside" agitators. 

Beyond the consensus that they want to build a majority movement of working 
people that will project socialism as the alternative to the present American sys- 
tem, there is little unanimity on questions of ideology among the present NAM 
constituency. It seems unlikely that all the people gathered in Davenport could 
remain the same group very long unless it is consciously a united front organization. 

Probably the prevailing politics and tone of the conference were set by old 
SDSers who never felt at home in the sects and splinters that SDS dissolved into. 
But there were also many younger people, new to the movement and very anti- 
authoritarian. There was an older libertarian left representation, as well as a 
strong "Americanist" contingent that wants to emphasize the American revolu- 
tionary tradition to the exclusion of all things "foreign" (such as Marxism, or 
solidarity with third-world liberation struggles). 

Some delegates came from radical pacifist, resistance and religious backgrounds. 
Some, such as the International Socialists (IS), who sent many delegates and 
observers to try to influence the fledgling mass organization's politics, the Sojourner 
Truth Organization, a Marxist-Leninist collective from Chicago, and the National 
Caucus of Labor Committees, brought extensive political position papers and 
organizing experience. The Progressive Labor Party (PL) was excluded, on the 
basis of what was termed the past destructive effects of its attempts to recruit from 
mass organizations. 

Just as varied as their backgrounds were the delegates' definitions of socialism. 
In fact, at a previous smaller meeting in Chicago there had been a serious debate 
on whether to use the word at all since workers, it was asserted, might react nega- 
tively to it at first. At the Davenport conference there was clearly no more ques- 
tion about the use of the word socialism, but its definition will be a thorny prob- 
lem for some time to come, possibly eventually leading to self-exclusion by some 

There is a strong tendency (including the authors of the original NAM docu- 
ment) to define socialism as a utopia which no country has yet been able to achieve, 
but which it is assumed the U.S. will achieve because of its more advanced eco- 
nomic base. Terms like "decentralization," "humanism," "libertarian," and "dem- 
ocratic control" dominated what theoretical discussion there was. But since 
this was a program conference, potentially divisive questions of theory were tabled. 


It was clear, however, from the votes on priority programs that the majority 
of delegates had perhaps no theoretical understanding but at least sympathies to 
the left of nam's originators. One of the three national priority programs chosen 
was on war and imperialism. It came out of a workshop of some 40-50 people 
who sharply criticized an "anti-anti-imperialist" bias in previous NAM documents, 
viewing the tendency in correcting mistakes of the past (such as tailism to third 
world struggles) to go too far in the opposite direction, such as verging on national 
chauvinism. The program on war and imperialism, approved as a priority by a 
large majority of the whole conference, includes support for national liberation 
struggles and socialist countries, promotion of the PRG 7-point program as the 
basis for ending the Vietnam war and a mandate to chapters to include the war 
in their organizing efforts. 

Major program on economics 

The other two priority programs chosen reflect the seriousness of delegates 
about doing nuts and bolts organizing among workers. One is an 8-point response 
to "Nixonomics" — clearly expected by everyone present to be the major NAM 
program nationwide — and the other outlines methods of anti-corporate activity 
and occupational health and safety organizing. 

Most of the conference was spent in workshops hammering out programs, 
and the economy workshop attracted by far the most participants. After defeating 
an IS proposal that NAM attempt to coordinate rank-and-file work groups 
nationwide (criticized by others as both overambitious and arrogant), the work- 
shop approved a program including the following points: education on Marxist 
economics, support for strikes, opposition to economic discrimination against 
women, struggles against tax, rent and price increases, campaigns against cut- 
backs in social services, struggle for daycare centers and a plan to form "people's 
councils" for working people to demand the right to control the economy. 

The idea behind this extensive economic program is that NAM will project 
itself as the national mass organization that is doing something about Nixon's 
attack on working people, and will simultaneously raise the issue of the socialist 
alternative with groups it works with. Whether in fact chapters of an as yet 
unorganized organization have the wherewithal to implement even a tiny part of 
the program in the next six months remains to be seen. 

Less ambitious and more concrete is the third priority — anticorporate organizing 
and occupational health and safety. Occupational safety was recommended as a 
way for radicals to relate directly to the workplace while linking up struggles at 
the national level. Anti-corporate organizing includes propaganda activities such 
as war crimes tribunals against corporations. 

In addition to these three programs that are recommended for all chapters to 
work on, program suggestions came out of workshops on an impressive variety 
of other subjects: community organizing, campus organizing, elections, a "people's 
revolutionary bicentennial," health, justice and law, labor, media, youth libera- 
tion and farmers. Again it is questionable whether an organization representing 
so many diverse interests can hold together. 

Fuzzy strategies 

NAM is, at the moment, composed of people whose exact strategy for the 
revolution is either fuzzy or conflicting. But they seem to know what their tactics 
are for today: the overwhelming impression they give is one of having left all 
desire to shock or confront the people back in the last decade somewhere. They 
seem to be willing to work where the people are to bring about a kind of respecta- 
bility for their ideas of socialism. 

It remains to be seen whether contradictions arising out of its original manifesto 
can be settled. For instance, although the document criticizes the cult of anti- 
leadership as a mistake of the past, it projects a vision of totally anti-authoritarian 
sociahsm which tends to encourage just those anarchistic elements who resist the 
slightest centralization or authority in an organization. 

White chauvinism indicated 

Although the document pays lip-service to coordination with minority move- 
ments in the U.S., it speaks consistently from the point of view of a white move- 
ment, which the Davenport meeting showed it overwhelmingly to be. A more 
concerted effort will have to be made to relate with black, Chicano, Puerto Rican, 
Asian and Indian movements as well as with workers if the inherent possibility 
of white chauvinism in the "love America's revolutionary traditions" position^is 
to be avoided. 


The question of exactly what role women will play within NAM was left 
undecided: they got 7 out of 13 members of the national interim committee, but 
they did not decide whether to have a national women's caucus or caucuses 
within each program and chapter. 

Eventually, the new organization will have to confront the contradictions in 
its present position that "democratic socialism" means the right to strike and the 
right to form opposition parties and that no country has achieved what NAM 
would call "socialism." (The meeting implied that existing socialist countries 
are run by bureaucracies that expluit the workers rather than allowing workers' 

Exhibit No. 21 

(Referred to on p. 32) 

[From Capitalk (Girl Scout Council of the Nation's Capital), Apr. 1975] 

Bicentennial Notes 

(1) The people's Bicentennial Commission has materials available for groups. 
Their introductory packet of materials is free. A kit of Bicentennial materials, 
including a subscription to Common Sense costs $10.00. Their most recent publica- 
tion is Americas Birthday: A Planning and Activity Guide for Citizens' Participa- 
tion During the Bicentennial Year. The book is published by Simon & Shuster for 
$3.95. The PBC address is 1346 Connecticut Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036. 

Exhibit No. 22 

(Referred to on p. 33) 

[From the Washington Post, Jan. 21, 1976] 

Busy Independence D.\y Projected for the Mall 

(By Margot Hornblower) 

The People's Bicentennial Commission, a Washington-based group that calls 
for a second American revolution to overthrow big business, says it expects to 
attract 250,000 people to a protest rally here July 4. 

The rally, billed in a PBC newsletter as "the largest economic rally in American 
history," is scheduled to take place between 10 a.m. and 6 p.m. on the West lawn 
of the Capitol and on the Mall between 1st and 7th Streets NW. 


"We're going to have one busy, busy day," said Art Lamb, special events chief 
at the National Park Service. Lamb said he would give PBC a permit for the 
Mall area. The permit for the Capitol is pending before Congress' Joint Committee 
on the Bicentennial. 

Also scheduled for the Mall on July 4 is the opening of the Smithsonian Institu- 
tion's Air and Space Museum at 7th Street and the annual Folklife Festival 
around the Reflecting Pool. 

PBC says its rally will feature "prominent speakers and entertainers protesting 
the giant corporations and demanding fundamental changes in our economic 

"Two hundred years ago, King George was the target," said PBC spokesman 
Jeremy Rifkin. "This time it is the multinational corporations." He predicted the 
rally would be "a real spiritual experience." 

The group is engaged in a 650,000-piece mail campaign soliciting funds and 
inviting people to join the "movement for economic democracy," ac/vocating 
emploj'ee control of American companies and a redistribution of wealth. 

The" mailing invites Americans to come to the Capitol on July 4 "to begin the 
Second American Revolution . . . Declare your economic independence from 
ITT, GM and Exxon . . . Send a message to Wall Street . . . Rededicate 
yourself to the democratic principles of 1776." 

The invitation is almost identical to that issued to the PBC rally of April 18 in 
Concord, Mass. which attracted a youthful crowd of about 30,000. While it was 
billed as an all-night political demonstration, most of those who attended spent the 
time drinking beer, smoking marijuana and listening to music rather than 

After the rally, when President Ford spoke at ceremonies commemorating "the 
shot heard round the world" several hundred rowdy youths heckled him, shouting 
obscenities. There were no arrests, however. 

Lamb said yesterday that PBC organizer Ted Howard had assured him the 
July 4 rally would be "a peaceful demonstration." 

"They seem like a pretty reasonable group," Lamb said, adding that "the 
police will be prepared for the worst, but we hope everything goes all right." 

In their permit application to the Park Service PBC said there would be folk 
music, not rock music like that of last year's Human Kindness Day here in which 
600 people complained of assaults and robberies by roving bands of black youths. 

The speakers will be "nationally known representatives of the labor movement, 
the consumer and environmental movements," the application said. PBC will 
provide 500 marshals for the event and its own sound equipment and clean-up 
crew, Lamb said. 

Smithsonian officials said they do not expect the rally to interfere with the Air 
and Space Museum opening or the Folklife Festival, which attracted more than 
100,000 people last July 4. 

Happv Birthday USA, a group sponsored by Washington business leaders, 
plans to'begin its July 4 fireworks display at 9 p.m. between the Lincoln Memorial 
and the Washington Monumeht. 


Exhibit No. 23 

(Referred to on p. 35) 
The "Peoples Bicentennial Commission" Speaks 

. . . to the American public 
pub. by Simon & Schuster, 1974) 

A genuine understanding of American 
democratic ideals is what links the 
American people with the struggles of 
all oppressed people in the world. In- 
deed, the American Revolution has 
stood as an example for the revolutions 
of the Third World. Not until the 
majority of Americans begin to re- 
identify with our democratic principles 
and develop our own revolutionary 
struggle will we be able to form a real 
bond of fraternalism and solidarity with 
the struggles of all oppressed people. 
Solidarity comes from understanding the 
collective nature of our separate strug- 
gles and the cry for humanity that is 
shared by all. 

An accurate analysis of the American 
spirit must take into account the fact 
that the American legacy is at once both 
authoritarian and democratic. 

Our democratic beliefs — popularized 
through the words and deeds of such 
great Americans as Thomas Paine, 
Samuel Adams, Benjamin Franklin, 
Thomas Jefferson, Henry Thoreau, 
Abraham Lincoln, William Lloyd Gar- 
rison, Davy Crockett, John Brown, 
Sojourner Truth, Horace Mann, Lucy 
Stone, Mark Twain, Eugene V. Debs, 
W. E. B. Du Bois and A. J. Muste— 
derive from the principle of the inherent 
unity and amity of all mankind. These 
aspirations have led to a set of beliefs 
that forms the democratic aspect of the 
American experience: human equality; 
respect for the judgment of the common 
people; distrust of those who occupy 
positions of power and privilege. 

Our authoritarian beliefs — popular- 
ized through the words and deeds of 
such Americans as Alexander Hamilton, 
Jay Gould, John D. Rockefeller and 
H. L. Hunt — come from the principle 
that hostility and war and the survival 
of the fittest constitute the natural con- 
dition of man. This principle is the basis 
of a set of beliefs that forms the au- 
thoritarian aspect of the American 
experience; that promotes private prop- 
erty as a value more sacred than human 
rights, a ruthlessly competitive spirit 
as the means for self-fulfillment and 
material accumulation as a measure of 
man's achievement on earth. 

. . . to fellow leftists 

(In article, "Bicentennial," pub. in un- 
derground newspaper NEW AMER- 
ICAN MOVEMENT, Nov., 1971) 
A genuine understanding of revolu- 
tionary ideals is what links Thomas 
Paine, Sam Adams, and Benjamin Rush, 
and the American people, with Lenin, 
Mao, Che, and the struggles of all 
oppressed people in the world. Not 
until the masses of Americans begin to 
re-identify with these principles and 
develop their own revolutionary struggle 
will they be able to form a real bond of 
fraternalism and solidarity with the 
struggles of all oppressed people. Solidar- 
ity comes from understanding the col- 
lective nature of our separate struggles 
and the cry for humanity that is shared 
by all. 

The left's rejection of the American 
experience is due, in part, to its failure 
to understand that the American legacy 
is at once both reactionary and 

Our revolutionary beliefs — popular- 
ized through the words and deeds of 
such great Americans as Thomas Paine, 
Benjamin Rush, Sam Adams, Henry 
Thoreau, William Lloyd Garrison, John 
Brown, Lucy Stone, Sojourner Truth, 
Eugene V. Debs, W. E. B. DuBoise, 
Mark Twain, and A. J. Muste, and the 
movements they inspired or led — derive 
from the principle of the inherent unity 
and fraternity of all mankind. 

These aspirations have led to a set of 
beliefs that forms the revolutionary 
aspect of the American experience — 
human equality; respect for the judg- 
ment of the common man; distrust of 
those who command positions of power 
and privilege. 

Our reactionary beliefs — popularized 
through the words and deeds of such 
Americans as Alexander Hamilton, 
John Adams, and John D. Rockefeller — 
come from the principle that hostility 
and war, the survival of the fittest and 
to hell with the rest — the public be. 
damned — constitute the natural con- 
dition of man. This principle is the 
basis of a set of beliefs that forms the 
reactionary aspect of the American 
experience — the sacred value of private 
property; the ruthlessly competitive 
spirit as the motivating force for self- 
fulfillment; the authoritarian family; 
material accumulation as a measure of 
man's achievement on earth. 


[The following exhibits relating to PBC's July 4 demonstra- 
tions in Washington, were submitted by Mr. Watson subsequent 
to his testimony. They were ordered into the record by the 




COMMISSION To Mark. The 200th Anniversary of Capitalism : 

1346 Connecticut Avenue. NW 




To mark the 200th Anniversary of capitalism (Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations was 
published 200 years ago this month), PBC is launching "Campaign Corporate Ex- 
posure" which will reach directly into the living rooms of America's top 8,000 
corporate families. 

Over the next 40 days each of America's most prominent corporate families will be 
receiving a series of personal tape recorded communiques and letters detailing 
their involvement in big business policies that are threatening the economic sur- 
vival of millions of hardworking Americans and undermining the democratic foun- 
dations of our Republic. 

Our first communication, a tape recorded message concerning the recent wave of 
corporate scandals and criminal activity, has already been sent out to the private 
home addresses of American's most prominent business families (see enclosed trans- 
cript of the messages). 

This unprecedented communication effort is aimed directly at the families of 
America's top business leaders because we believe that the family itself is the 
basic social unit that must take on the responsibility of confronting and dealing 
with the criminal and abusive policies that our Nation's business leaders are in- 
volved in. 

We are calling on the wives and children of America's top business leaders to begin 
a frank and open discussion, in their own homes, of the Immoral and amoral behavior 
of America's financial leaders. V 

For too long America's corporate elite has been shellded from^^public exposure and 
scrutiny even though they often exercise greater control over ^fc^ affairs of our 
communities and Nation than elected officials. While the "free" press continues 
to treat politicians as public figures whose lives can be openly examined, it 
virtually ignores the lives of .America's financial rulers. There is no reason to 
allow this double standard to exist. 




The PBC believes that if corporate leaders can come directly into the homes of 
millions of Americans each day through their TV and Radio advertising and program- 
ming and in a thousand and one other ways Invade our personal lives, then we have 
every right, under the First Amendment, to communicate directly with their homes 
and families as well. 

Jeremy Rifkln 
Ted Howard 
(202) 833-9121 





1346 Connecticut Avenue. NW 
Washington. DC 20036 
(202) 833-91 .;1 

Dear Friend: 

We are communicating with you because your husband Is one of the top 
business leaders in the country. For that reason, we think you should 
listen carefully to what we have to say. 

No doubt you are aware of the recent revelations of widespread corruption 
and criminality in the corporate boardrooms. It started with the Water- 
gate Investigations when 17 major American corporations were forced to 
admit illegal campaign contributions and payoffs. But that was merely 
the tip of the iceberg. During the past three years, corporate scandals 
have reached epic proportions. ITT was discovered to have worked for the 
overthrow of the democratically elected government in Chile. Scores of 
American multinational corporations have been implicated by the Justice 
Department, the SEC and the Treasury Department in scandals involving 
hundreds of millions of dollars in bribes, kickbacks and payoffs in this 
country and abroad. Lockheed has already admitted paying out $202 million; 
Northrop, $30 million; Exxon, $27 million; Tenneco, $12 million. In- 
vestigators maintain that before the scandals subside, hundreds of Ameri- 
can corporations will be exposed for similar practices. 

This unprecedented crime epidemic has led one SEC official to remark, "We 
now see corporate misdeeds being carried on in business to an extent that 
Is sickening." 

We think these corporate scandals put a special responsibility on your 
family to ask some probing questions of your husband because its no longer 
possible to argue that the rampant corporate criminality represents merely 
isolated incidents or the aberrational behavior of a few perverted indi- 
viduals. In fact, a recent survey by the prestigious Conference Board 
found that half the executives surveyed said they would not hesitate to 
make the same kind of payoffs if they felt it would help their company 
make a sale. 

Have you ever asked your husband which half of the survey he falls In? 
Have you ever asked him if he or his colleagues or his firm have been in- 
volved in criminal activity? Would your husband inform the authorities if 
he was aware of illegal conduct among his friends and associates? Would 
you inform the authorities if you uncovered such information? 

Revolulionary AUtrnaHv<s for the Bictntenniat Ytart 


For too long our Nation has applied a double standard of Justice on questions 
of corporate crime vs. street crime. The American people should no longer 
allow business leaders to hide under the veil of the corporation when it 
comes to the proper administration of Justice. 

We are deeply concerned over the criminal rampage that major corporate 
leaders have embarked on. The new ethic of business immorality is poison- 
ing the social fabric of our country and it must be stopped before it per- 
vades every aspect of our life and turns us into a Nation of cutthroats and 

The Government is doing little or nothing to prosecute criminality in the 
corporate boardrooms. The politicians are virtually silent about the matter. 
The courts show little inclination to do more than slap a few wrists at best, 
or, at worst, turn away from the problem altogether. 

This leaves the responsibility up to you. Why? Because moral conduct starts 
with the family unit. You and your family should be taking the necessary 
steps now to make sure your own house is in order, spiritually and morally. 

Isn't it time to start discussing the issues we've raised in this communi- 
cation openly with your husband and family? What better time to begin then 
v/hen your husband comes home this evening for dinner? 

In the Spirit of '76, 

Peoples Bicentennial Commission 


[Transcript (excerpt) of tape recording sent by PBC to wives of corporate 


Dear Friend: We are communicating with you because your husband is one 
of the top business leaders in the Country. For that reason we think you should 
listen carefully to what we have to say. No doubt you are aware of the recent 
revelations of large spread corruption and criminality in the corporate board 
rooms. It started with the Watergate investigations when 17 major American 
corporations were forced to admit illegal campaign contributions and payoffs. 
But, that was merely the tip of the iceberg. During the past three years, corporate 
scandals have reached epic proportions. ITT was discovered to have worked for 
the overthrow of the democratic re-elected government in Chile. Scores of American 
multi-National corporations have been implicated by the Justice Department, 
the FCC, and the Treasury Department, in scandals involving hundreds of millions 
of dollars in bribes, kickbacks and payoffs in this countrv and abroad. Lockheed 
has already admitted paving out $202,000,000.00, Northrop $30,000,000.00. 
Exxon $27,'000,000.00, and Tenaco $12,000,000.00. Investigators maintain that 
before the scandals subside, hundreds of American corporations will be exposed 
for similar practices. This unprecedented crime epidemic has led one FCC official 
to remark, "We now see corporate misdeeds being carried on in business to an 
extent that it is sickening." We say these corporate scandals put a special responsi- 
bility on your family to ask some probing questions of your husband because it 
is no longer possible to argue that the rapid corporate criminality represents merely 
isolated incidents for the aberrational behavior of a few perverted individuals 
In fact, a recent survey by the prestigious Conference Board found that over half 
the executive survey said that they would not hestitate to make the same kind of 
payoff if they felt it would help their company make a sale. Have you ever asked 
your husband which half of that survey he falls in? Have you ever asked him if 
he or his colleagues or his firm have ever been involved in criminal activity? 
Would your husband inform the authorities if he was aware of the illegal conduct 
among his own friends and associates? Would you inform the authorities if you 
uncovered such information? For too long our Nation has applied a double 
standard of justice on questions of corporate crime versus street crime. The 
American people should no longer allow business leaders to hide under the veil of 
the corporation when it comes to the proper administration of justice. We are 
deeply concerned over the criminal rampage that major corporation leaders have 
embarked on. The new ethic of business immorality is poisoning the social fabric 
of our country and it must be stopped before it pervades every aspect of our life 
and turns us into a nation of cut throats and thieves. The government is doing 
little or nothing to prosecute criminality in the corporate board rooms. The 
politicians are virtually silent about the matter. The courts show little inclination 
to do more than slap a few wrists at best, or at worst, turn away from the problem 
altogether. This leaves the responsibility up to you. Why? Because moral conduct 
starts with the family imit. You and your family should be taking the necessary 
steps now to make sure that your own house is in order, spiritually and morally. 
Isn't it time to start discussing the issues we raised in this communication openly 
with your husband and your family? What better time to begin than when your 
husband comes home this evening for dinner? In the spirit of 76, we are 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission. 



BICENTENNIAL April 9. i976 


1346 Connecticut Avenue, NW 
Washington, DC 20036 
(202) 633-9121 

Dear Mrs. 

The PBC is offering $25,000 in cash to anyone who can provide us 
with concrete information that leads directly to the arrest, prose- 
cution, conviction and imprisonment of a chief executive officer of one 
of America's Fortune 500 corporations for criminal activity relating to 
corporate operations.. 

In addition, this week, we have sent personal letters to over 10,000 
secretaries who work for major corporate executives and 13,000 Journal- 
ists across the country, extending the same offer of $25,000 in cash. 
This offer will extend through July 4, 1976. 

If you have any further questions, or would like to provide ua with 
information that you think is relevant, please drop us a line at PBC, 
1346 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036. 

In the spirit of '76, 

The Peoples Bicentennial 

Rtvelulionary Alltrnativti for ihi Bictnttnnial Ytari 







1346 Connecticut Avenue, NW " CAMPAIGN CORPORATE EXPOSURE". PART 2 ; 

Washington. DC 20036 



Over 8,000 leading corporate families received the second In a series of personal 
communications at their home addresses this week. Following up on the first message 
that dealt with corporate scandals, criminal activity, and family responsibility, 
this newest communique discusses tax loopholes for the rich, the great disparity in 
wealth in America and the effects of industrial pollution on the lives of millions 
of Americans. (See enclosed facsimile of the letters sent.) 

Again, we have called upon the wives and children of America's business leaders to 
begin discussing the issues raised in the letter with their husbands and friends. 
We believe that questions of morality and good citizenship begin with the basic 
family unit. Therefore, we are urging the families of America's business leaders 
to focus their attention on some of the fundamental economic issues that effect their 
own position, status and relationship with that of the rest of the families living in 

We are also once again calling upon the working press to exercise their responsibility 
to the public by applying the same standards of rigorous investigation and public 
reporting to corporate leaders as they do with elected officials and other prominent 

Certainly, enough evidence has been amassed over recent years to suggest that our 
Nation's business leaders help shape, and often determine, basic decisions that 
effect the general public. From the front cover stories in TIME and NEWSWEEK de- 
tailing corporate scandals and criminality, to hearings before major Congressional 
Committees concerning the power exercised by corporate leaders and wealthy families, 
to the investigations by the Treasury Department, Justice Department and the SEC on 
influence-peddling by major corporate lobbyists, it is no longer possible to argue, 
with a straight face, that America's business leaders are still not to be treated 
as public figures. They are public figures because what they do effects the general 

Therefore, the "free" press has an obligation to hold these people up to the same 
light of public scrutiny and accountability as they do with other public figures. 


As we stated in the first release on "Campaign Corporate Exposure," PBC believes 
that if corporate leaders can come directly into the homes of millions of Americans 
each day through their TV and Radio advertising and programming and in a thousand 
and one other ways invade our personal lives, then we have every right, under the 
First Amendment, to communicate directly with their homes and families as well. 

Jeremy Rifkin 
Ted Howard 

Call Toll Free 800-424-1130 


March 30, 1976 




1346 Connecticut Avenue, NW 
Washington, DC 20036 

Dear Mrs. 

We hope your family has begun to discuss some of the questions regarding corporate 
immorality that we raised in our last communication to you. 

As you probably know, the extent of corporate abuse of power goes well beyond the 
question of strictly illegal activity. 

Today, 200 giant corporations already own over two-thirds of the manufacturing assets 
of the country. Heading up these corporate empires are a small group of nameless, 
faceless men who have amassed enough power to virtually dominate American life, 
from the aisles of the supermarket to the halls of Congress. 

Your husband is a part of this small privileged business elite. That puts a special 
responsibility on you and your family to speak up against corporate policies that 
result in price-fixing, induced unemployment, environmental destruction, excessive 
profiteering, unfair distribution of wealth and other abuses. 

After all, you should remember that families like yours, benefit the most from the 
policies pursued by America's giant corporations. At the same time millions of 
other hardworking /\merlcang are the tragic victims of such policies. Just stop for 
a moment to consider the facts. 

Most Americans spend two and a half hours of their eight hour working day Just 
to pay taxes, while 160,000 of America's wealthiest business families escaped 
paying an average of $45,662 each in taxes last year (according to a recent 
Treasury Department study) by taking advantage of special loopholes written 
into the law for their benefit. Why don't you ask your husband whether he benefits 
from such loopholes? 

^sliile one per cent of the families in this country own A3% of the private wealth 
of the nation, 60% of the working families are forced to live on under $10,700 a 
year for a family of four with both parents working. Take a look around your home 
and think about how luxuriously you live and then compare it with how the avemc c 
family in America must live. According to a recent survey, the average family will 
own a toaster that will last for 33 years, a refrigerator and range that will I.t.C 
for 17 years, a vacuum cleaner that will last for lA years, and a TV set that wi'l 
last for 10 years. On this typical family budget, the husband will buy a two year 
old car and keep it for four years. He will buy one year-round suit every four V-^^" 
and one top coat every eight and a half years. On his budget, he can afford to take hln 
wife out to a movie four times a year. His two children are each allowed one movlo 
per month. A total of $2.5A per person, per month is allowed for admission to all 
other events, from football and baseball games to plays or concerts. The family b.xlRct 


allows nothing whatsoever for savings. How would you like your family to have to get 
along on that kind of budget? 

Then there is the question of the healthy environment that families like yours can 
. afford to live and vacation in, compared to the unsanitary and dangerous conditions 
that many inner city working families are subjected to. Many Americans are exposed 
to environraontal pollutants that can cause prolonged or terminal illness and a short 
ening of life expectancy merely because the giant corporations refuse to spend the 
additional funds necessary to stop their own industrial pollution of the environment. 
When Cop business leaders consciously refuse to initiate such safeguards becnuae of 
the expense involved, their greed and concern for profit directly benefit families 
like yours, while directly injuring the health and safety of millions of others. 

Industrial pollution doesn't just happen. It's a result of policies initiated by cor- 
poratii loaders who control the basic decisions concerning manufacturing and production 
in tliis country. Have your considered asking your husband (or finding out for yourself) 
if his firm or those with whom he does business, are in any way involved with policies 
that result in health hazards to the community? 

'We hope you and your family will question your husband on these issues we have raised 
as well as do your own investigating into some of the concerns that we have presented. 

All of us are responsible for our fellow human beings. But an even greater responsi- 
bility applies to families who are among the "privileged" financial elite of our coun 
try. For you benefit most from the present economic policies that govern our society. 


We hope you will think about all of this very carefully, and that you will continue 
to discuss it with your family. If you would like some additional information relating 
to the issues we have raised or would just like to chat, please drop us a line. We'd 
be glad to Calk with you. 

In the spirit of '76, 

Peoples Bicentennial Commission 


Exhibit No. 1 

(Referred to on p. 43) 

March 28, 197 J^. 
People's Bicentennial Commission, 
cio Liberty Hall, 
Chicago, III. 

Dear Friends: Some weeks ago I wrote and told you I was interested in 
your commission and wanted more information as to how one can become more 
involved in Bicentennial activities. 

Also, as I plan to be in Washington In the not too distant future how do I get 
in touch with your people there? 

Hope I get an answer from this letter and I thank you in advance for sending 
me information. 



Exhibit No. lA 

(Referred to on p. 48) 





1 30? S. Wiib^sh iIlljiul Slh. Fl. 

Chicago, Illinois. 606^ ^^^ O A^. L,^C.O\,N 

(3 12) Hi li3C \ — li. 






/tA-^ f/f?*' 


,^;^^--M*' /cZtcAj ^ /*» A^ ^Z4L.jL ^f'^-^^ «--t>--&^ ^<5£,^-e.-^-^ 

^^*»^ £4i^*<Uj. /rrU4X^ ^^^--rrjt. 

Revolutionary Alltrnativcs for the Bicentennial Yean 


Exhibit No. 2 
(Referred to on p. 43) 


open letter 

to the 



For the next few years, two most urgent questions for the American Left will 
be: 1) how to parry the thrust of the fascist danger and 2) how to get started on 
the AMERICAN road to socialism. 

Some three decades ago, Sinclair Lewis, in "IT CAN'T HAPPEN HERE!" 
warned that not only CAN fascism happen, but when it does it will come wrapped 
in the American flag and the trappings of patriotism. Incipient fascism uses this 
approach everywhere with varying measures of success. 

In the United States the new thrust of fascism is of course in part a response 

to the rising tide of struggle and resistance by growing numbers of Americans — 

in the first instance the rebellion of Black America and the growing militancy 

of the student and anti-war movements. But it is also attributable in no small 

part to mistakes and shortcomings of the American Left over a period of four 

or five decades. 

For nearly half a century (since the passing of Eugene Victor Debs) American 

radicals have permitted the fascists and the reactionaries to pre-empt the mantle 

of patriotism, the trappings and terminology of nationalism; to hide and distort 

revolutionary American history and tradition; to paint false pictures of American 

heroes. Meanwhile radicals preached social change and revolution to our people 

in terms and tongues alien to America. For a long time it was Russian; then 

more recently Chinese; and most recently Cuban Spanish! Result: the fascists 

and reactionaries were handed the brush with which to smear revolutionary 

ideas of social change as foreign, alien, vm-American. Worse still, it put radicals 

on the defensive and made them feel alien to their own land and people. Littl . e 

wonder that a year or so ago whena delegation of American radicals met with 

representatives of the DRV and NLFln Bratislava, they were told: "The problem 

with you American friends is that you have not yet found your identity; you do not 

identify with the American people^: .."! 


In the Twenties and Thirties, theoreticians of the world radical movement 
performed a heroic service in defining and analyzing nationalism and its role 
as a revolutionary force in this century. Nationalism has since proved itself to be 
an immensely powerful, nay, irresistible force in the formerly colonial countries. 

But what of nationalism in older nations, in capitalist- imperialist countries ? 
Must it of necessity be chauvinist and reactionary ? Or is there still a national 
interest in these countries that cuts across class lines; that unites large sectors 
of two or more classes; and that is consistently ignored, or threatened and 
subverted, by the international-minded imperialists who have no flag but the 
dollar sign and no loyalties except to their bank accounts ? 

In view of what is happening now in Africa, Scotland, Wales, Quebec, 
Czechoslovakia (!), and — above all for us — Puerto Rico and Black America, 
the least one can say is that the problem of nationalism certainly deserves much 
further study and attention from radicals. 

Yet the average American radical winces when he hears the term "nationalism", 
because he has come to accept the imperialist establishment's DEFINITION 
of that term; and he is apt to dismiss the fiery political documents of 
the American Revolution as "written by the bourgeoisie (or by slave-owners)" 
(which of course misses the point completely!). 



If one accepts the proposition that there is an A MERIC AN road to socialism , 
that no social revolution can be "tr an splanted" or "grafted" onto American 
society, then it is clear that the humanist- socialist trans formation of snclpty_ 
in the United States can -come only a s an_unfoldingj f the iinique history and the 
unique experiences j )f the Am erican nation, as a further development a nd_ 
flowering of the gre at Ameri can Revol ution of 1776. 1 776 WAS NOT simply an 
event begun and ended in the Eighteenth Century. The sparks struck 193 years ago 
are to this very day lighting revolutionary fires, as national liberation movements 
around the world take 1776 as their model. And the Democratic Republic of 
Vietnam incorporated most of the Preamble to the Declaration of Independence 
in its Constitution, Isn't it time those sparks struck a few fires in the thinking 
of American radicals ? Surely the slogan "A Hundred, Two Hundred BOSTON 
TEA PARTIES!" should have more meaning for us than parroting "Two, Three 

If American radicals need examples, they can look to two of the world's most 
revolutionary regimes, those of North Vietnam and Cuba, both of which preach 
the IDENTITY of their present socialist revolutions with their struggles for 
independence. In October 1968, celebrating the 100th anniversary of the first 
uprising against Spain, Fidel Castro declared: "There is only ONE Cuban 
Revolution, and it began in 1868, and we are carrying it on today!" 

I s it possible tha t there is only ONE American Revolution , that it began in 177 6. 
and that, in 1969_Americans have the revolutionary task of . bringing^HAT 
revolution up to date ? American radicals, who^re reallxJ^merJc.^ juid^really 
radical,^ MUST accep t the propositi on that Twentieth Century: Americanism IS 
humanist- socialisqi-1 And that as An i erican radicals, thev are the sons and 
daughters not of Marx, Engels. Lenin. ^lao^ Fidel^ or Che, but of Paine. Adams. 
Attiicks, Je fferson,^ Wedemeyer. Turne r, Lincoln, D ebs, H aywood. Hill. Einstein, 
Steinmetz. the Rosenbergs, and Malcolm ^, 


If there IS a national interest in the United States that must be defended against 
betrayal by the imperialist establishment, then of course the WORKING CLASS 
and poor farmers must of necessity be the best defenders of that national interest 
— just as the workers and peasants are the best defenders of the national interest 
in the formerly colonial countries fighting for their independence. 

And in the U,S,, the Black people who constitute a nation within our nation, 
the Puerto Rican people who are our colonials, Mexican-Americans and American 
Indians, and large sectors of the alienated intellectuals, students, professionals, 
and even small entrepreneurs, ..all are natural allies of the working class and 
poor farmers. 



Black America has found its road to liberation in revolutionary Black 
Nationalism. It has correctly rejected the slogan of integration now, recognizing 
that there can be no integration between entities as unequal as Black America and 
white America, that eventual integration can come only when the Black Nation 
has achieved the full flowering of its culture, its nationhood and dignity. Here too, 
the Black working class is becoming more and more aware of the special role 
it must play in the movement for Black Liberation. 

Similarly, the (white) American nation can merge with and become part of 
a liberated world community only when it has cast off its own oppressors and 
gone through the period of the flowering of its own revolutionary nationalism 
that parallels that chosen by its Black brothers. 

A revival and up-dating of the "Spirit of '16" by the American Left and a 
revamping of Left theory and practice in terms of that spirit would not only 
defeat the fascist danger, but would create the conditions for an OFFENSIVE 
by the Left that woyld speed the dav of the arrival of the American people at the 
next milestone in their history. ..a humanist- socialist society. 

And far from being chauvinist, or even narrowly nat i onalist, this revived 
Ame rican spirit would identify with the great humanist rebellion now shaking the 
world both Com munist and capitalist... the great rebellion of students, clergym en, 
intellectuals^ workers, and great mas ses of others ag ain st dehumanized and" 
oppressive institutions. ' 

Tfy> ab ove ideas presented for your consideration in suc h rambling, 
f ragmented, and unscholarly fashion are not the product of a socialist scholar, 
but of one whose only claim for consideration is an abiding faith in r evolutionary 

ideas and in the American people, and some forty years of radical activity, 

mosily as an agitator. If with this effort he has turned to agitating the Left 

instead of non-Left Americans , it is out of the terrible sense of frustration 
many nf i^p have experienced in the past ten or fifteen years. Maybe the only 
merit to the presentation of these ideas is that they badly need to be demolished. 
Anynnp intpr ested enough to do t he demolition, or to participate in discussions 
of the possible usefulness of such ideas, or possible organization of a bulletin or 
periodical to promote them, is invited to communicate with Johnny Appleseed, 



Exhibit No. 3 
(Referred to on p. 44) 


. . . MANY SDS's 

(A Symposium) 

"Meetings also should not go on too long:' —Chairman Mao 

I MoreMaoTlianihou 

— PaulGhisman 

n Hand-Me-Down Marxism 

AndThe New Left 

— David Horowitz 

IHNewLeft : OldTraps 

— ToddGitlin 



THE CHICAGO COLISEUM IS what the creator of the 
word "dank" had in mind. A cave in the soot brick 
of South Wabash Avenue, its bare cement walls 
enclose a constantly unpleasant, humid atmosphere 
appropriate to the roller derbies and wrestling matches which 
the coliseum normally hosts. Naked Ught bulbs suspended from 
a high ceiling reveal cracked paint, rusted pipes and a once 
painted frieze hanging from a dark, encompassing balcony. 

Here, the o nly place in the Midwest that would have them , 
del egates trom hundreds of chapters of Students for a Demo- 
cratic S ociety (SDS) met for the orgamzalion's ninth annual 
convention. When i t was over and the smoke had cleared, there 
were two groups of equal size, each denouncing the other and 
cl aiming to be the " r^al" sns. 

Since the uprising at Columbia University in April of last 
year, SDS has gained prominence as the largest and most 
militant nationally-based left student group in the country. In 
the last year, the hottest in history for the nation's campuses, 
the 70,000-member organization has played a major and highly 
visible role in campus protests against complicity with the war 
in Viet-Nam and in actions aimed at opening universities to 
excluded third world youth. 

Yet SDS was not the entire movement. In fact it wasn't 
even the largest part of the movement. Blacks, chicanos, and 
other third world groups have played much larger and riskier 
roles than has SDS. In many parts of the country the whites 
who were involved in the anti-war and draft resistance move- 
ments were in no way affihated with SDS. The demonstrations 
around the Democratic Party Convention last year were 
organized without the participation of SDS, although some 
members did join in at the last minute. 

But SDS is a prime targ et of the reaction. Senator McCle l- 
lan's P ermanent Investigations Subcommittee conducted a 
pu bhc investigation of the orgamzation and identitied "leading " 
m embers around the nation; Attorney General Mitchell 
has announced his own investigation. All over the country 
SDS members face jail sentences tor political actions. In 
Chicago, the National Office (NO) was raided on the pretense 
of a fire alarm. When no fire was found, police ransacked the 
place and arrested everyone there on charges of "interfering 
with an officer." The convention itself had to be postponed 
tyfo w eeks when campus after campus turned down request s 
fpr the us e of thetf facilitie? '^'^'j n p" 'hr n"''"n''i ihil Ih li 

Finally, the National Utiice was able to rent the Chicago 
Coliseum, five blocks away from last summer's battle in front 
of the Hilton. There, faced with all kinds of questions and 
problems concerning repression and the direction SDS would 
take for the next year, the various factions got together and 
threw Red Books at each other. 

What wasn't discussed in Chicago was much more relevant 
than what was. N o one spoke to the realities. No one tried to 
analyze the crisis of American imperialism, currently threat- 
ened b y liberation struggles abroad and by its own deft 
destruction o f the American Dream at home. The increasing 
"mih tarization of the country was ignored. No one presented a 
perspective on how the movement would function in a polic e 
state. The economic condition of the nation— inHation, tight 

money and a surtax falling on those least able to afford it— 
was never discussed. 

Finally, mundane questions like: "How can SDS keep from 
isolatin g itself on the nation's campuses?" "How can it relate 
to returning Viet-Nam war veteraps?" and "How should i t 
app roach resistance people, pacifists and other less militant 
movement pe ople?" were not only unanswered^ Jaut- ungakcd. 
Women's Liberatio n, the role of students, the role of workers, 
the Black Panther Party, and the a nti-war movemen t, when 
discussed, were used as weapons in the final ideological show- 
down between the two main factions— the Progr essive Labor 
Par ty and the National Office— o r as afterthoughts. 

FROM rrs BIRTH. SDS HAS BEEN 3 widc-open organization, 
excluding no one. holding to no fixed ideology or 
"line." and not binding local chapters to a national 
policy. SDS' s openness has led to its free-swinging 
image. It burst on the scene in 1960 — bright, new and full of 
hope. Left, but not saddled with the sterile Stalinism of the 
Old Lef t, SDS projected the qualities of an organization which 
would fr ame its revolutionary theory according to American 
experience and would be much more Ukely to succeed in 
America than would a left run from the Kremhn. 

After nine years, though, things have become much more 
serious, and the left needs more than just looseness. SDS has 
become engaged in some major fights, and members are taking 
considerable risks in a country where building a park is a 
capital offense. Members want an organization behind them 
with disciphne and an idea of where it is going. SDS has not 
provided this; in some areas it has served as Uttle more than 
a debating society. 

The Prog ressive Labor Party (PL), on the other hand, is a 
Hig>-ipiir ied_Max xi^l=Leni"iLt organization run on democrat ic- 
centralist principl es. PLers claim to be Mao ists and revolution- 
ary communists. In 1966, after its attempt to build a mass 
anti-war organization (the May 2nd Movement) was called 
off, PL began to work within already existing SDS chapters. 
To facilitate this, they set up a front group, the Wor kpr-Siudeni 
A lliance (WSA) . Their purpose was to influence SDS policy 
a nd to recruit cadre for the party. 

For a variety of reasons, the WSA appealed to a number of 
SDSers. To students who were looking for a militant, dis- 
ciplined organization, who were tired of hassling and squab- 
bling with fellow leftists, who generally saw a need to relate 
to the working class or who wanted all questions of ideology 
answered for them at the outset, PL was a welcome influence. 
As a result, WSA drew many SDSers from places like Harvar d, 
Boston, Yale, New York, Berkeley and San Francisco State. 

PL consi ders itself to be the most advanced revolutionary 
co' mmunist party anywhere in the world. Th is means they've 
got all of the answers, and anyone who has even a slight dis- 
agreement with them is either a "racist" or an "anti-com- 
munist." The NLF is "selling out" the Vietnamese people and 
the U.S. anti-war movement by negotiating with the U.S. All 
nationalism is reactionary. The Black Panther Party is 
nationalist ; therefore, it is reactionary. The Panthers' breakfast 
for children program is bourgeois reformism because the food 
IS "donated" by capitalists. Open admission demands of third 


world groups should be opposed because going to college will 
make third world people less revolutionary. Most PLers, how- 
ever, go to college themselves. 

The "line" on nationalism came down only a few months 
ago. At San Francisco State, PL had labeled anyone who 
dared criticize the Third World Liberation Front strike de- 
mands in any way as "racist." But when the word came that 
the line had changed, PL turned around and denounced more 
than half the TWLF demands. PL has bitterly attacked SDS 
support for third world actions at Queens College, CCNY and 
Columbia. At Berkeley, PL denounced the People's Park 
effort as a bourgeois grab for privilege, stealing free parking 
space from the workers. 

PL did bring the question of the working class into SDS, an 
addition which the SDS National Office at first welcomed. 
PL's perspective sharpened debate. But as PL's strength 
grew, and as it interfered with SDS's actions around the 
country, the NO began to view it as a real threat. Instead of 
attacking PL on the basis of its practice, however, the National 
Officers tried to prove that ihey were the real leftists. The NO 
became more Maoist than PL. In two years SDS went from 
discussions of anti-draft unions to pseudo-Maoist debates on 
the right of the black colony to secede after the revolution ! 

So THE NATIONAL OFFICE formed the Revolutionary Youth 
Movement (RYM), which promptly split into two 
RYMs an d presented the convention with two instant 
theories, mostly taken from thin air. Although the two 
positions got at bits of reality here and there, their main pur- 
pose was to engage and defeat PL in fierce ideological combat. 
RYM 1, led by Inter-organizational Secretary Bernadin e 
D ohrn, Mark Rudd, Bill Ayers and several others, presented 
a resolution entitled, "You don't need a weatherman to kn ow 
which way the wind blows." (They didn't credit Bob Dylan.) 
You didn't need a weatherman, but you needed super-human 
stamina to read through the ten thousand words of left-cliche 
prose, and you still wouldn't know which way the wind was 
blowing unless you left the cohseum to check. Then you'd have 
to stand in line to be searched on your way back in. 

The "weatherman" proposal begins with a quote from Lin 
Piao which states that the main contradiction in the world 
i s between imperialism and the national liberation struggles 
against it. The main battles, the proposal argues, will be 
outside our borders. We, as revolutionaries, should see 
ourselves as part of the world proletariat, their representatives, 
a fifth column within the U.S. The older white workers are too 
bought-off to play a vanguard role. (Besides, they are only 
a drop in the bucket in the world scheme.) The youth are less 
bought-off, and should be organized in support of third world 
movements. Much of the proposal is an answer to PL; much 
is infantile Marxism. Some, however, is good in that it relates 
to young people; but even then it speaks only of youth acting 
in support of, or "taihng" behind, movements of others. 
PIr The RYM 2 proposal immediately appeals to the reade r 
b ecause it is shorter than "weatherman." Backed by SDS 
National Secretary Michael Klonsky and Marv Treiger of the 
Revolutionary Union (RU), a Bay Area Maoist group, it also 
^has the advantage of speaking to praclice.,^I t proposes a 
revitalization of the anti-war movement, new efforts to reach 
the industrial proletariat, and a new level of militancy in the 
movement. But RYM 2, like "weatherman" and PL, sees only 

an auxiliary role for young people. 

The proposals themselves, although hardly works of revo- 
lutionary art, were on a much higher level than was the floor 
debate. Most of the interchange was grim chanting, as if 
invoking the patron saint of one's faction would serve to win 
over the other faction. 

PL would chant: "Mao, Mao, Mao-tse Tung," to which the 
RYM people would grimly reply: "Ho, Ho, Ho Chi Minh." 
It was deadly serious business, with both sides waving Red 
Books in the air and pounding chairs on the cement floor to 
accent the chants. When not chanting "Mao, " PL was always 
smashing something. "Smash Racism," "Smash Revisionism," 
and "Smash Opportunism" were among their favorites. 

One of the first crucial votes was on the question of the 
agenda. It was important only in that it showed the relative 
strength of the PL-WSA faction in the convention. The NO 
didn't limit its efforts against PL to ideological struggle. It also 
tried manipulation, which is not so horrible in itself, but the 
manipulation attempted was so blatant that it drove people 
into PL's arms. PL responded by charging that it was "per- 
secuted" and denied free speech. (PL usually opposes free 
speech, which is "liberal.") The convention turned out only 
a little less democratic than the 1968 Democratic Convention. 
The NO denied PL the use of New Left Notes to publish 
its resolutions, and denied them the use of the SDS mimeo to 
put out leaflets. The chairman and security squad were both 
loyal to the National Office. 

The NO's agenda proposed that most of the time be taken 
up by panels— a plan which would enable them to put forth 
a coherent RYM line, while limiting the PL speakers. PL 
proposed a counter-agenda with fewer panels and more 
workshops. (Workshops were more democratic.) Klonsky 
replied that workshops gave each of 80 different sects a chance 
at the innocent new members who couldn't look after them- 
selves and was booed. The PL agenda won. Panic set in. 
Suddenly the differences between "weatherman" and RYM 2 
vanished. PL, the arch-enemy, had won its first vote. 

Later the NO won a vote (by nine people out of 1100) to 
let a RYM member who had worked with the Red Guard ii 
China speak to the body. At this point, John Levin, a 6' 5' 
250-pound PLer from S.F. State , got up to the mike and 
accused the RYM 2 speaker of having been kicked out of the 
Red Guard for cowardice. RYM people stood up, waved the 
Red Book , banged chairs on the ground and chanted: "Ho, 
Ho, Ho Chi Minh, Dare to struggle. Dare to win." A comrade 
walked up to Levin and whispered, "Do the one about the 
red flag against the red flag, John." Levin waited until the 
noise level dropped; then, dramatically pointing at the Ohio- 
Michigan group which had led the chanting, stated solemnly, 
" Chairman Mao teaches that there are those among us wh o 
would wave the Red Book to oppose the Red Book I" Cheers 
of "Mao" went up from the PL section. 

This sort of thing took up three days— the shouting, the 
rhetoric, a few near fist fights and the bitter, nearly equal 
division of SDS into two groups which clearly hated each 
other so much that they could not work together. 

Once I walked outside to get something to eat at a nearby 
snack bar. A worker (a real worker!), potentially sympathetic 
to the movement, sal down next to me and asked me what 
was going on in the convention. He had read about the fight 
in the newspapers, but couldn't understand it. What could I 


«(:^cx^ Axr-eo^ ^AJu. Cb€i«, S<!e^ ^C^f ^-^S 


say? I mumbled something, and managed to change the sub- 
ject. It was a different world— the real one outside— from the 
one SDS had constructed inside the coliseum, blocked off by 
cement and security guards. 



INALLY, AFTER THREE DAYS, the Split Came. It was 
during a debate over a resolution on racism. Illinois 
Panther Defense Mmister Bobby Ru^b-h nl ml i il fw 
and received permr i nn In rpniil . He denounced PC 
in a somewhat arrogant intrusion into the aitairs oi 

SDS, practically demanded its expulsion. (Earher a Panther 
had been booed when he made some remarks about "pussy 
power" and said that women had a strategic position in the 
revolution— on their backs.) Rush was booed; PLer Jeff 
Gordon took the mike and denounced the NO for manipulat- 
ing the Panthers into coming on stage. That was hardly likely; 
the manipulation had been the other way around. 

The chanting then grew to a frenzied level. Mark Rudd 
stood up and asked for an adjournment. "We've degenerated 
to faction fighting, shouting slogans, and chanting. No one's 
mind is being changed and no real discussion can take place. 
We [the NO] have approached the situation badly and made 
many mistakes. We need time to talk things over among 
ourselves." But the crowd was out for blood and voted down 
the adjournment, two to one. 

Then Bernadine Dohrn led a confused walk-out. At first 
perhaps a quarter of the crowd followed her. Then it became 
clear that one had to choose sides and that to remain was to 
side with PL. Eventually, half the people went into another 
wing of the coliseum. Though nobody knew it yet, SDS wa s 
"ousting" PL. Jusl like Trotsky ousted Stalin . 

The splitters met as a group and in caucuses for 24 hours. 
Freed from the necessity of unity-in-the-face-of-PL, the fac- 
tions flowered. Some independents didn't like the NO or 
RYMs any better than PL. This included the Independent 
Socialist Club which can't relate to Mao (or any successfu l 
r evolutionary), and SDS groups such as Boston. Brooklyn, 
Madison, S. F. State Joe Hill Caucus, Berkeley and Stanford. 
All had been involved in significant actions during the year 
and didn't see how any of the theories being expounded 
related to the real world. AU but Stanford faced strong PL 
chapters in their areas and were in favor of dealing with PL 
on the basis of its practice, and not its adherence to abstract 
principles. But this was only a quarter of the splitters. The 
majority was in the "weatherman" group, whose nucleus was 
i n the Ohio and Michigan regions, geographically close to the 
convention and the National Office. 

On Saturday night the body passed a motion b y Bill Ayers n " 
of Michigan that PL be excluded because it didn't support 
th e NLF, North Viet-Nam, Nonh Korea, Cuba. China, and 
(yes I) Albani a— also because it didn't support black and 
t hird world movements in the U.S. T he motion expelled 
PL, not because of its actual sabotaging of local SDS projects, 
but because of its positions on what, to Americans, are largely 
abstract questions. Now anyone who doesn't support Albania 
is out of SDS! Some people in the convention undoubtedly 
had never even heard of Albania. 

Later that night, the convention met as a unit for the last 
time. The splitters stood up in the aisles, separated by the 
security squad from the PL-WSAers. Bernadine Dohrn read 
the resolution expelling PL and was booed by the PLers. 
"Shame, Shame, Shame," they chanted, pointing at Bernadine. 
No one took the obvious cue to identify the source of PL's 
politics and chant, "Guilt! Guilt! Guilt!" at them. 

The RYM people then walked out, to find that their tires 
had been slashed (by the workers?). Meanwhile Jeff Gordon 
announced to the PL-WSA crowd, "We've just taken over 
the most important organization in America!" This might be 
true, but the only ones left to be taken over were themselves. 
They then walked out to find that the vandals hadn't appre- 
ciated the subtlety of the debate and had slashed their tires too. 

On Sunday, the splitters again met separately. A statement 
of principles was submitted which, while agreeable to both 
RYMs, w as totally unreadable. It supported revolutionary 
movements a nd armed struggle within and outside the U.S .. 
condemned male chauvinism and anti-communism, and called 
for socialism. It didn't have the excuse of being an internal 
document; phrased in Maoist jargon, it would have gone out 
as the official statement of SDS. In one of the most hopeful 
actions of the convention the delegates refused to pass the 
resolution with only two hours debate. 

Finally, as delegates were already leaving, something real 
was discussed— but almost as an afterthought.^DS^which 
had too long ignored the anti-war movement (after practically 
starting it with the 1965 march on Washington), called for an 
anti-war, pro-NLF demonstration to coincide with the Chicag o 
Fieht trial. It was the first national action called by SDS in 
four years . Mark Rud d (who describes himself as a "symbol 
of the movement") was elected National Secretary, Jeff Jones 
is t he new Inter-organizational Secretary and Bill Ayers is 
educational secretary, completing a "weatherman" sweep of 
national office s. 

T HERE ARE THINGS HAPPENING in the U"'tgd States in 
" 1969 that Marx didn't foresee in 1869, that Lem n 
didn't>tleal with in 1917 and that Mao didn't predic t 
in 1949. So why are their works the ultimate and final 

aiithnrilY in rn|[- rfyp'"""" '' 

As the pressure mounts in the movement and people seek 
the easiest path, there is a tendency to slip into dogma- 
abstract, unintelligible, and obscure— as opposed to theory 
deduced from concrete conditions and applicable in real 
programs. Theory should serve to expand the base of th e 
movement, to make it more relevant, militant and effective in 
actual practice. I t should not be formed to score points off 
someone less "pure." Such internal faction fights can derail 
the movement and insulate it in a false world. 

SDS-all of it: PL and both RYMs-left out any mention 
of white youth as a revolutionary force for themselves. Yet, 
among whites, that is what is happening. Why should they be 
only a tail on someone else's movement, a white auxiliary 
to the Black Panthers? One would think the Panthers would 
prefer allies who are in it for themselves and not guilt-ridden 
successors to the civil rights liberals who left when things got 
hot. Moreover, if I want to suffer for my guilt, I'll join the 
Catholic Church. Most young people in the movement are 
in it for themselves; otherwise they wouldn't be risking long 
jail terms and— as in the People's Park struggle— getting shot. 

RYM may have some potential n ow that it no longer needs 
to~be artificially banded together around a forced ideology 
in order to defeat PL. T here i^a chance that a genuine youth 
movement can be built. It w6n't be if RYM continues in the 
direction it recently took in an NYU post-convention battle 
with PL (rocks thrown, a fire hose used, ten wounded, police 
called in to restore order). Such actions, if they become the 
n orm in left politics, will only isolate the left in a shell of its 
o wn creation, and will never succeed"tfi building a movemen t 
whose militancy is directed against the real enemy. 



ceased to reverberate with the chants of the rival 
factions, when the ghost of Karl Marx was being 
heaped with blame for the SDS debacle. "Alas." 
mourned establishment pundits in ill-concealed triumph, "the 
New Left has finally gone the primrose way of the Old. Marx- 
ism has at last cursed it with factional wars and historical 
irrelevance. The apostles of ultra-democratic revolution and 
'ftower to the people' (the most incendiary notion in the 
modern world) have shown themselves ready, if inept, practi- 
tioners of the art of political manipulation. The idol-smashing 
revolutionary vanguard has again been revealed as a latter-day 
religious cult prostrating itself before patron sajnts and over- 
seas meccas, while suppressing the heresy of thought with 
mind-gluing incantations from holy scriptures. R.I. P." 

But the smug obituaries are, to say the least, premature. The 
"movement" is first of all larger than any of its organization s. 
The virility of the New Left, the sheer vitahty of its actions and 
the deep, deep roots of its culture of rebellion will surely 
bypass the martinets of any bible-toting, icon-worshiping 
elite, should such a group seek to impose its Law— whether 
from the closeted cells of a Maoist sect or through the once 
open forum of SDS. For the time being at least, this is still 
the revolution that can't be taken over. 

Nonetheless, the still unfolding fate of SDS— until now the 
central organization of (white) student struggle— cannot 
remain a matter of indifference to the radical movement from 
which It draws its strength and which it, in turn, inspires. Too 
much of the tried and tested leadership, too much of the best 
and most militant energies of the left are caught up in the 
current enthrallment of SDS for the outcome not to have 
significance for the movement as a whole. 

What IS at the source of SDS's descent into a politics at 
once so claustrophobic and incomprehensible as to virtually 
insure the isolation and defeat of those who adopt it? A 
politics so antagonistic to the imaginative, open spirit and 
creative action that has informed and powered the New Left 
since its emergence from the ashes of the Old a decade ago? 
(The present vanguard seems to have forgotten that the New 
Left had to midwife its own birth precisely because the old 
line toeing, Lemn/Stalin/Mao-quoting vanguard had finally 
encased itself in a sectarian, sterile solitude where it had only 
its own self-righteousness for company.) 

One can readily appreciate why liberals would rush to 
attribute the difficulties of America's New Left (and the demise 
of the Old) to "Marxism." Liberalism's Great American 
Celebration of the Fifties has all but disappeared in the Great 
American Disintegration of the Sixties. The bankruptcy of 
the liberal world view has become more and more self-evident 
with each new stage of the social crisis. Who can still put 
credence in the basic tenets of the postwar liberal faith : the 
essential harmony and pluralistic democracy of America's 
"affluent" society, the alleged solution of the fundamental 
problems of the industrial revolution, the end of class-based 
struggle and its revolutionary ideologies? If the new generation 
has absorbed one lesson, it has been that of the vacuity of 
liberal analysis, the hypocrisy of liberal preachment and the 

collusion of liberal practice in the imperialist and racist world 
system of U.S. corporate capital. 

How lucid Marxism— with its focus on the inequities and 
irrationalities of the status quo— now looks in comparison to 
the soothing obfuscations of the liberal mind. For what is 
Marxism but the recognition of the class pi vot of history and 
t he class basis of social oppression, coupled with a "clear 
c ommitment to one side of the social struggle: the side of the 
o ppressed against their oppressors? Far from being a handicap, 
t he discovery of Marxism by the movemen t has put within its' 
g rasp the possibility ol becoming a serious rev olutionary lorce" 
for the first tim e. A long-range perspective on real social 
forces (not illusory promises, superficial harmonies and surface 
stabilities) is essential to the development and success of any 
movement for social change and transformation, and it is 
Marxism above all other ideologies that has shown itself 
capable of providing such a perspective for the capitalist era. 

But there is Marxism and there is Marxism. A Marxism 
which is developed in a concrete social context; which is 
fl exible, open, and unafraid to re-think its revolutionary 
perspectives according to specific conditions; and which 
fashions its language as a means of communication, analysis 
and mobilization rather than employing it merely as rituahstic 
invocation, can be just the powerf ul instrument that a revo- 
l utionary movement requ ires! 

But there is also Marxism of the hand-me-down variety, 
where an ideological perspective and vocabulary developed 
in a different epoch or a different political-cultural environ- 
ment is transposed whole and adopted as an all-embracing 
wisdom. This attempt to don the ideological cloth of the 
victims of imperialism and their vanguard may satisfy many 
egos and asiuage much guilt, but it doesn't help to build 
radical constituencies and revolutionary forces in the United 
States. Yet such a direction appears to be developing in SDS, 
where both major factions at the Chicago convention spoke 
in the language of Maoism and put forth a Maoist model of 
the world revolutionary process as their own. 

The self-styled Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of SDS would do 
well to remember that the New Left grew out of two bank- 
ruptcies—not just Uberalism, but old-line Marxism as well. 
The failure of Marxist (or Marxist-Leninist, or Marxist- 
Trotskyist) vanguard parties to build revolutionary movements 
in the advanced capitahst countries is an hisioric fact that no 
revolutionary can afford to ignore. The "Marxist-Leninist" 
groups which exist in these countries have either isolated 
themselves as sterile sects, or transformed themselves into 
basically reformist organizations like the Italian and French 
Communist parties. A careful analysis of these failures will 
show that hand-me-down Marxism and overseas mecca- 
watching played a significant role in each. 

CAN MAOISM, THE NEW VOGUE IN SDS ideology, itself 
provide a reliable guide to the causes of the impasse 
in Western revolutionary Marxism? There is httle 
reason to think so. According to Maoist theory, the 
key to all contemporary developments in the international 
revolutionary movement is Khrushchev's denunciation of 

69-239 O - 76 - 10 


Stalin in 1956, which marks the emergenc e of "modern revi- 
M'onism" and its doctrmes of "peacetul coex i^jfrn'!-' ""^ 
"neaceful trans ition" to socialil^Mm certain " favorable' cir- 
cumstances). But the historical record shows tnat the relormism 
of the Western Communist parties (not to mention most of 
those in the Third World) predates Khrushchev's denuncia- 
tion of SlaUn by at least two and probably three decades, as 
does the promulgation of the so-called "modern revisiomst" 
docuine of peaceful coexistence between the systems. 

Of course, this is not merely a case of error in historical 
interpretation on the part of the Chinese. The fact is that the 
Chinese Communist Party, in order to pursue its ideological 
struggle with the Kremlin, has deliberately re-written the 
history of even its own movement to obscure the role of Stalin 
both in obstructing the Chinese Revolution and in transform- 
ing the Communist parties in Europe and elsewhere into 
reformist organizations. 

A .hporv such as Maoism, in which the answers to key 
n.iestions are based on the r e-writing of history, can hardly , 
nrnvide a sonnd guide to r pvnii.imnarv practice m the lontj, 
run Sooner or later the manipulation of facts will lead to a 
gap which cannot be bridged by administrative measures and 
historical legerdemain. I'erhaps the gap will not be as large as 
that which developed in the Stalin era and which discredited 
and disoriented a whole revolutionary generation in the 
West However, the very existence of the gap will prove 
crippling to a party which tries to build a revolutionary pro- 
gram across it, for truth is a basic weapon in the revolutionary 
arsenal just as the abiUty to grasp real social relationships and 
forces IS its greatest ctr^ngih A revolutionary movement 
. hr.v^.. nn truth iust as surely as a ruling clas s lives by deception. 
The penchant for ideological manipulation is not peculiarly 
Chinese To some extent, any revolutionary party which 
achieves power in an underdeveloped country must itself 
become a ruling stratum. The problems of industriahzation. 
education and democratization (including the liberation of 
internal nationalities) still lie before it, and it must deal with 
these problems in the face of encirclement and armed hostility 
from imperialist forces. Moreover, the urban proletariat in 
such a country is itself so underdeveloped as to be incapable 
of providing the leadership prescribed for it in the classic 
Marxist conception. Historically, therefore, the revolutionary 
party has tended to substitute itself for the revolutionary 
classes and, as a consequence, to resort to the techniques of 
manipulation and deception reminiscent of (but by no means 
equivalent to) the techniques used by the ruling classes of 
old (The practice tends to vary; in some revolutionary 
countries, like Cuba, the level of revolutionary candor has 
been extraordinarily high ; in others such as Russia, the reverse 
has been true.) In any event, because of these distortions, the 
attempt to transplant uncritically such revolutionary ideol- 
ogies into the revolutionary movement in the United States 
serves to weaken the movement in a profound way. 

A further element of distortion in the official ideologies of 
underdeveloped revolutionary regimes is introduced by the 
contradictions arising from the conservative character of the 
nation-state itself, a factor which has received little attention 
from Marxist theoreticians to date. Thus China's support for 
the reactionary military dictatorship m Pakistan (and its 
cilence during the repression of working-class strikes and 
student demonstrations after the fall of Ayub Khan) may be 
understandable from the point of view of the state interests 
of China and the diplomatic support it received from the 
Ayub regime; but from the point of view of the international 

revolutionary movement, which Peking aspires to lead, it can 
only be seen in a very different light. 

These are not academic points. The "weath erman" state- 
ment of the majority faction in the new SDS leadership 
rnn n-PI .) is built afound the strateg ic concept of "people's 
w ar" as laid down by China's Lin Piao. Th e concept envisages 
a united people's front of third world hberation forces 
encircling the principal metropolis of imperialism-the United 
States. The concept is derived from China's own revolution, 
which was fought as a national war of liberation against the 
Japanese and progressed from its peasant base in the country- 
side to the towns. 

The inadequacy of such a concept for a world characterized 
by uneven levels of development in which nationalism and its 
offspring, the nation-state, are still vital historical factors needs 
no emphasis. One has only to look at the contradiction between 
China's policy and Pakistan's revolution, or even more 
obviously at the Sino-Soviet split (neither the Soviet Union 
nor the Sino-Soviet split receives any mention in the 15,000- 
word global analysis called "weatherman") to see how abstract 
and unrealistic such a projection can be. 

No doubt, a consistent perspective in the Maoist vein can 
still be constructed by ignoring the tensions between revolu- 
tionary policy and raison tT^tat, and by assigning the Soviet 
Union to the imperialist camp (a ploy which makes a mirage 
both of the arms race between Russia and the U.S. and 
of their military support for opposing sides in revolutionary 
struggles such as in Viet-Nam and Cuba). There are obviously 
more things on revolutionary earth than are dreamt of in 
Maoist and "weatherman" philosophy; things, moreover, 
which a revolutionary movement ignores at its peril. 

The main consequence so far of SDS's new-found orienta- 
tion is its essentially fifth-column mentality and its largely 
negative vision of revolution in its home environment. It is 
not surprising that Lin Piao and the Chinese should see the 
struggle against U.S. imperialism in negative terms (get off 
our backs), but the transposition of this attitude to the sup- 
posed revolutionary vanguard inside the imperialist powers 
renders it self-defeating, not to say absurd. Thus the "weather- 
man" program in effect proposes approaching American 
workers with the argument that everything they possess is 
plundered from the Third World (a false proposition in any 
case: it is the imperialists and not the workers who benefit 
from imperialism), and that a revolution should be made in 
this country so that they can give it back. 

No revolution was ever built on a n egative vision. M oreover, 
there is no reason even to attempt to build the American 
revolution as a negative act, a program of social demolition. At 
a time when the industrial engine has reached a point in its 
development where it opens up a vista of material plenty and 
free time (i.e., freedom) for all, America's imperialist system 
saddles its people and all mankind with militarism, war, poUu- 
tion, deprivation, exploitation, racism and repression. Amgnsa. 
now possesses the means to a humane, liv^hlp, dpmncratic 
fiiti.rp for all its citizens hut onlv if thev are readv to SPl7f, the 
means of production and overth row the svs'rr -^^'^^ ^""t- 
nates their lives just as surely as it dom inates the lives of 
ihn^P ,n the Third World ff^Q suffer under its aPPrfS-jinP aPtl. 
rule. That is the revolutionary foundat ion and the interna- 
tionalist bond as well. It is certainly true that the liberation 
of the Third World will hasten die liberation of the U.S. But it 
is no less true that the American revoluti on is the kev to the 
liberation of mankind. T his is the insight that was missing in 
Chicago;let us hope that it returns to SDS before long.^^ 



THE NEW LEFT OF THE SIXTIES Was Specifically of the 
American Sixties. It was born in action and vision- 
action to create a decently responsible life in the 20th 
century; vision to recover the nation's soul from the 
bankrupt imitative leftism and the end-of-ideology liberalism 
of the gray Fifties. Instead of the soapbox harangue, patient 
everyday work kvVA people; instead of frozen hierarchy or- 
ganization by real contributions, participation, democracy 
"Put your body on the line" and "let the people decide" were 
rallying cries from the Mississippi Delta to Berkeley and the 
Newark ghetto. New generations, born into affluence and 
cynicism, rattling around in the hollowness of the American 
Century, learned that the world was m revolution and that 
American power was finaUy the enemy of all dreams discov- 
ered that blacks wanted out of their chains and felt unself- 
conscious in demanding that the society conform to their 
vision of a civilization beyond scarcity and in beginning to 
be that vision (traces of it at least), themselves. 

The Good Old Days weren't all that good, although people 
did seem to care more about each other then. The New Uft 

was eUtist, narrowly built on the education acquired in the 
hated but elite educational factory itself. It was self-righteous 
and vague enough in its rhetoric to see the slogans of fort 
Huron and the Free Speech Movement co-opted by the Peace 
Corps and the university pacification programs ; it was tentative 
at a time when everything began to cry for clear explanations 

The New Left had to discard its lingering illusions of 
American flexibihty with every broken black body, butchered 
Vietnamese and broken white head. The radical disappoint- 
ment with which we began the decade, the bitter discovery 
that America had defaulte d on her own liberal Drom^e^ h;.H 
to yield to something that felt like a revnlutionarv imn«Tj,|iYf 
Suddenly, in the middle of the decade there was a mass 
resistance- resistance against the war, against the war un i- 
versity, against white supremacy. Finally, whether in so 
many words or not, against capitalism n^^lf against class 
society and the empire which are its logical outgrowths. The 
very success of that mass resistance-a dead end against its 
own hmits-has thrown the movement for a loop. The young 
radicals, increasingly the radical young, driven from all 

the institutions 
of control and management, had to 
make a new life, necessarily a life of 
political opposition, out there in the 
space between institutions. 

The interface between "hippies" and 
"politicals" melted into a new creature: 
the hairy, anarchic, activist, implacable, 
creatively desperate "street person" 
whose life conditions admit no chance of 
reform solutions, who says with his 
actions: "'Vour schools, your offices, 
your shops, your Army have vomited 
me up, and now your cops come to mop 
me up. but you can't take from me the 
only place you have left me. the place 
where I live and breathe my being, the 
base from which I launch my assault on 
your barbarism ; / willfighi" He is a new 
creature living in a new political culture; 
he feels like a nigger and the coercive 
powers-that-be treat him like one. 

Through all this, from Stop the Draft 
Week to Chicago, the movement felt its 
strength in the streets. But precisely at 
the moment it discovered its strength, it 
also comprehended its weakness. Al- 
though it grew numerically as a social 
force, including high school kids and 
soldiers as well as "students" and "drop- 
outs," and became recognizable, even to 
the universal sign of the flashed "V," it 
was stiU painfully far from even the 
shadow of revolutionary change. Not 
only that ; at the peak of its energy it was 

more brutally attacked by the police, the 
courts, the entire repressive apparatus, 
than ever before. Moreover, first-hand 
encounters with Vietnamese ana Cubans 
made imperialism and its Third World 
opposition concrete. The stakes of suc- 
cess or failure had never seemed so fate- 
fully present. 

In this sequence, most sharply at the 
time of the Chicago battles, an inescapa- 
ble choice presented itself: Either the 
post-scarcity left would comprehend its 
own unprecedented identity as a social 
force, elaborate that identity into a vision 
and program for the campus and the 
youth ghettoes, and use its reality as a 
strength from which to encounter anti- 
colonial and working-class energy and 
to devise common approaches— or it 
would turn from its identity, throw the 
vision out with the narrowness of the 
class base, and seek an historically pre- 
packaged version of revolution in which 
students and declasse intellectuals are 
strictly appendages or tutors to the 
"real" social forces. Either it would take 
Itself seriously as a visionary force, con- 
scious of post-scarcity potentials with 
revolutionary and democratic goals, or 
it would buy clarity on the cheap, taking 
refuge in mirror-models of the under- 
developed socialisms of Russia and the 
Third World. Either it would accept the 
awesome risk of finding new paths— or 
it would walk the beaten trails, pugna- 

cious and sad. A grave choice where the 
stakes are immense; but the pounding 
pressure of the state leaves no time for 
placid reflection. 

Since Chicago, there has been a fun- 
damental failure of nerve throughout 
t he white movement which is too wide- 
s pread to be pinned on any agency, indi- 
vidual, or faction, W e could obsess our- 
selves infinitely with the horror stories of 
this collective failure: assuming you are 
the revolution if you say so; getting to 
like the taste of the word "dictatorship" 
(of the proletariat, over the proletariat, 
over anyone); getting so pleased with 
being correct that you don't like being 
corrected ; substituting rhetoric and slo- 
gans for analysis and appeals; kicking 
your friends as practice for your enemies. 
Il IS easier to ohsmrp t he real arh.Pv^- 
ments of the past year (and it is a^ain 
progress which is the property of no 
faction): the dozens of militant campus 
movements; the broaching of questio ns 
of (^ lass within ihe movemen t itsel f: 

the self-direction nf a Women's 1 ihi;r - 
ation movement which refuses to be 
■ Pigeonhole d; the development of the 
.movement's own institutions, includin g- 
the underground press, Newsreel. com- 
munes; the explosion of energy in the 
high scho ols and the stirrings in the 
working-class junior colleges; the identi- 

fication of the enemy as the global i m 
perialist system. But make no mistake 



Most of that growth, numerical and 
political, is an enormous tribute to what 
Marxists call the objective conditions; 
much of the rest, like the weight of a 
tumor, is canceled out by the attending 
Fortunately, this impossible societ 

c reates the left faster than the organi 
left can destroy itself. L ittle questio 
about it— regardless of the fate of the 
left, all signs are that the monster will 
continue to sap itself of its own strength 
keep itself off-balance. It will lose the 
l oyalty 

of students, blacks and other 

c olonized minorities by failing to meet 

t heir most elemental needs. Soldiers wi ll 
continue to desert, blacks to revolt, white 

students to reject the withermg carro t 
an d fight the big stick, millions of others 

to look, at least, for ways to make sense 

of the madness. Even deprived of it s 
r evolutionary scapegoats, this society 

will disrupt itself . 

At the sam6 time, the society digs th e 
f oundations of the police state. Not only 

»,troops(for a desperate system. Wh ether 
the left can survive is finally a question 
of whether it can inject its dreams so 
deeply into the lifestream of the society 
that millions of people across class and 
race lines will fight to vindicate the revo- 
lutionary promise. Right now it is a 
question of whether the living conscious- 
ness that a new world is possible— free 
of material misery, hierarchy, useless 
work— can encounter the more tradi- 
tional needs of the rest of the American 
people and the rest of the world, without 
abandoning its integrity. For underneath 
the new pre-packaged, clenched-teeth 
optimism complete with symbols, lan- 
guage, heroes, and unquestioning al- 
legiances is a fundamental despair about 
this country, whether it can make or even 
deserves its own revolution. 

But that revolution, if fou eht with an 
international sensibility, wo uld be the 
best contribution we could make to the 

t he police, but all the skilled and privi - 
l eged whites who are squeezed to finance 

the failures of capitalism, all those forced 

t o occupy the front lines of racism while 

rest of the world. If the wealth that 
America loots from the Third World and 
wastes (on arms, packaging, trivial work, 
etc.) were hberated, how much of the 
economic pressure could be taken off the 
Third World, whose own best energies 
th e Rockefellers and Cliffords are secuT e I are now absorbed in the struggle for 
i n their bunkers- they are thelfshock'* "' brute industrialization? How might the 

continents now entering history be 

G.v^'^ V^V. 



spared the agonies of primitive capital 
accumulation? There are no answers yet 
because we have not asked urgently, be- 
cause we have been satisfied to try to tie 
down American troops on domestic 
battlefronts-to break ihe will of the 
Leviathan by depriving it of the loyalty 

of its work force, its managerial ap- 
prentices, its reluctant soldiers and its 
l iteral children . Good, but not enough. 
The left must be conscious of its vision- 
ary prerogative as well as its privilege ; it 
must find ways of working on the other 
side of both hope and despair because 
there is no other way to live and because 
Americans must be confronted with the 
practicality of a new way of hfe. It must 
make models of that Ufe, like People's 
Park, while at the same time explaining 
itself and constantly probing outward 
from its roots in the middle classes. It 
must be patient while urgent, and it must 
do all this without transforming itself 
into a scatter of "vanguards," each de- 
fined by its imperious distance from the 
Americans for whom at least one piece of 
the world revolution is to be made. 

Plainly there is much more to be said. 
But the old civil rights song said the 
important thing: "Keep your eyes on 
the prize. Hold on." ^ 

PAUL GLUSMAN is an activist at the University of California at Berkeley 
and was a leader in the recent People's Park struggle. 

DAVID HOROWITZ is the author of Empire and Revolution, Random House, 

TODD GITLIN was president of SDS in 1963 - 64. His book (with Nanci Hol- 
lander), Uptown: Poor Whites in Chicago , will be published by Harper and 
Row this winter. 




Johnny Appleseed Patriotic Publications 
P. O. Box 50393 
Cicero, Illinois 60650 


t?Lov>^\\5 3c^o Kp'CK^eri 


Reprinted By Permission 

Copyright 1969, Ramparts Magazine 


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Exhibit No. 5 

(Referred to on p. 44) 

[From the Chicago Tribune, Feb. 24, 1970] 

U.S. Study Head Linked to Viet Cong 

(By Ronald Koziol) 

A federal grant of $193,313 has been made to an educational project directed by 
a man who attended a communist-sponsored conference of Viet Cong sympathizers 
in Czechoslovakia in 1967. 

The Tribune has learned that the director, Christopher Jencks of Cambridge 
Mass., was among 41 persons who attended the conference in September 196?' 
and later publicly criticized the United States government. ' ' 

Others who attended the conference in Bratislava, Czechoslovakia were 
David Bellinger and Tom Hayden, both convicted last week by a federal jury 
for their roles in the Democratic national convention week disorders here. 

Testimony Is Told 

In testimony last June before the House permanent investigations subcom- 
mittee, an undercover agent reported that, "The Americans were hand picked 
by Dave Dellinger and one of the requirements was that thev be sympathetic 
toward the National Liberation Front [Viet Cong]." 

Jencks will direct a nine-month study of the feasibility of the government 
giving vouchers to poor parents to help finance the education of their children 

The government grant was made to the Center for the Study of Public Policy 
in Cambridge, Mass., by the office of economic opportunity. 

In December, The Tribune disclosed that the Student Health organization 
which has supported communist efforts in Viet Nam, received more than a million 
dollars in federal funds to conduct health surveys for the department of health 
education, and welfare. ' 

The disclosures touched off congressional demands for a thoro, probe of HEW 
grants. The inquiry, ordered by Robert Finch, HEW secretar}', is still under way. 

Hoover Takes Roles 

The meeting in Bratislava attended by Jencks has drawn the attention of 
J. Edgar Hoover, director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Hoover said 
that the delegates to the meetings were furnished free lodging and meals but were 
required to pay their own transportation expenses. 

Hoover's report notes: 

''They were thoroly briefed by Dellinger well in advance of their departure 
and were instructed to be prepared to give reports and participate in discussions 
°"«^^',°^'''^ *°P*^-^' including the anti-war, student, and civil rights movements. 

DeUinger told the delegates that the purpose of the conference was to create 
solidarity and mutual understanding between revolutionaries from Viet Nam 
and their supporters in the United States, and that the delegates were chosen on 
the basis of their experience in radical activity." 

Articles Are Written 

The FBI director said that Jencks wrote articles on the conference which 
appeared in issues of the New Republic magazine. 

"Jencks asserted that the majority of those from the United States at the con- 
ference were young and in the New Left," Hoover said. He said that they all saw 
the war as an inevitable by-product of a sickness in the American system which 
could only be cured by radical political remedies. 

"According to Jencks, the common bond between the new left and the N. L. F. 
IS not a common dream or a common experience, but a common enemy: the United 
btate^s government, the system, the establishment. The young radicals admiration 
for the N. L. F. stems from the feeling that the N. L.'F. is resisting the enemy 
successfully, whereas they arc not." 

The Center for the Study of Public Policy in Cambridge is an offshoot of the 
Institute for Policy Studies in Washington and was launched last year with the 
lielp of Jencks. Among those on the staff for the Institute for Policy Studies is 
Arthur Waskow, a member of the steering committee of the New MobiUzation 
Committee to End the War in Viet Nam. 


"New Mobe" has been responsible for planning demonstrations at the Chicago 
Democratic convention, President Nixon's inauguration, and the Nov. 14 mora- 
torium in Washington. 

Jencks also was a committee member active in the organization of The New 
Party. The group was formed in 1968 in Washington to build a "new political 
base for all those alienated by the political status quo." 

Exhibit No. 6 
(Referred to on p. 45) 


Vol. I -No: 


"Tlic American W3i h over, but this is far from bcin>; the case with the American nr^olution. On the 
COTitrary. rwithing but the first ^ct of the great drama is closed." Benjamin Rush. I787 

Not Nixon's "Law & Order' 

But "Life, Liberty, &the 
pursuit of Happiness 



Jtrfumy Ai^Teseed Patriotic Publications 

Post ofaie »fti ij03^rt 

CWcajpi. lUiools Boe.'.n 




P.™llN» 8017 


Exhibit No. 7 
(Referred to on p. 45) 

The Chicago Patriot 


IliT Am' TK-an war is over, but this is far irom be mp the caif with the American revolution On the 

Dec, 1975-Jan. 1976 contrary, nothing but the first act of the great drama is closed." 

Benjamin Rush. I787 






Join the folks at Liberty Hall this New Year's Eve 
at 9:30 P.M. for a friendly party with live music 
and dancing, free snacks, cheap food and 
drinks, old-time movies, etc. Donation: $3,00 






January 13 1:00 PM 

January 23 7:30 PM 

First meeting of a new Study 3roup to be 
held every Sunday at 1:00 PM. V/e'lI be 
reading and discussing books about the 
American economic system. Call Laddie 
Lushin for more information: 342-4905. 
He needs to order the required number of 
books immediately. 

"Will Vfe Celebrate the Bicentennial by 
Repealing the Bill of Rights?" Hear about 
Nixon's Criminal Code: Senate Bill One, 
Richard Crtley , Executive Director of the 
Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of 
Rights and Midwest Director of the National 
Committee Against Repressive Legislation 
will speak at Liberty Hall. 


New Patriot . the newspaper formerly put 
by Johnny Ap pie seed Patriotic Publication s , 


will be resumed by the Peoples Bicentennial 
C ommission of Chicago and Johnny Appleseed . 
The Chicago Patriot is hereby discontinued. 
Subscribers will receive instead The New Patriot 
with Its large colorful format of 20-30 pages. 
$3,50 Is our special rate for early subscribers 
to The New Patriot in January. 


Exhibit No. 8 

(Referred to on p. 45) 

[From World Magazine, Feb. 2S, 1970] 

(This is the Speech made by Gus Hall, general Secretary of the Communist 
Party at the founding convention of the Young Workers Liberation League, 
in Chicago, Feb. 8, 1970) 

Chicago needs no defense, as the industrial heartland of these United States. 
But I would not want you to get a wrong impression. The smoke, smog and fog 
is generally bad in Chicago. But during the past days it has been at its worst. 
The reason for this especially foul condition is that the air has not yet cleared up 
from the two-day visit by tlie worst polluter of our environment, the dispenser ot 
political trash from Washington. x ^ i- f v +^,.,r 

This founding convention is truly a great event. One gets a feeling of history 
being made. It is an occasion of revolutionary renewal. The composition of the 
delegates is iust great. There fs no organization on the left, right or the middle 
that could gather this kind of a convention. Therefore, it is indeed a real privilege 
to be here and take part in vour deliberations. 

I have the honor to extend to you our Party's congratulations, warm greetings 
and our pledge of full support. Comrade Winston wanted very much to be here— 
but because of pressing matters he could not make it— so he asked me to extend to 
you his verv warm and enthusiastic greetings and congratulations. 
^ I think Comrade (Jarvis) Tvner in his report has placed the questions very well. 
The discussion has further deepened and clarified many questions. All in all, this 
is the beginning of something big. . u a «;,„,■,, 

The most powerful physical force known to science is the controlled, chain 
reaction, release of nuclear energy. The initial spark that sets off the chain reaction 
is not the biggest, but it is a most crucial explosion. Your convention has been 
such a blast. You have set off a chain reaction, releasing an all-powerful revolu- 
tionary force. This social thermonuclear force will grow and intensify. It is tne 
only force that can. It is the only force that will cleanse the human environment 
of the corruption and pollution of capitalist exploitation, racism and wars. 

You are making history— revolutionary history. There are many kinds ot 
historic events. Some explode on to the scene and disappear. You have made 
history because you have set off a chain reaction that will change the course of 
human events, to control nuclear power one must know the laws of motion ot tnis 
power. To direct and to develop a revolutionary soQial power one must know tne 
laws of motion of human society. One must have a science of revolution. Marxism- 
Leninism is such a science. It i.s the science, it is the truth that opens up the path 
to freedom: freedom from want, freedom from fear, freedom from oppression, 
exploitation, racism and wars. . , 

In all struggles for social progress— especially during explosive events— tne 
youth are the shock troops. They provide the ranks with boldness, militancy and 
enthusiasm. But like all sectors", they need leadership with advanced ideas bo 
you have now established an advanced leadership headquarters post for these 

shock troops. ^ ., ,. .^ j i *■ v,„„a 

Not Karl Marx or Lenin, but history, the laws of capitalist development, have 

assigned the working class the major task of being the main force in raising 

civilization to the next rung on the ladder of progress. It is the gravedigger ot 

capitalism. , , • , j • • i 

In any struggle the link between the shock troops and the main body is crucial. 
Here in Chicago you have now established the guarantees for such a link— a 
link between the youth movement and the working class. \ our organization will 
recruit into your ranks the best of the workingclass youth— black and white— tne 
best of the students, the best of the farm youth. You have set your course on a 
workingclass orientation, vou have set up a workingclass leadership for the stiocK 
troops. You are making an indispensable contribution to the class struggle, to 
human progress. .. ■, 

Capitalist oppression and exploitation is universal. But in each country capital- 
ism creates some special national forms. U.S. capitalism is no exception. Besides 
exploiting some 80 million as wage slaves, there are some 40 million— mostly 
workers— who are victims of a special system of oppression and exploitation. 
They are 25 million black Americans, 8 million Chicanos, the millions ot Puerto 
Ricans, American Indians and other minorities. This system of racist oppression 


is rooted in the oppression of black Americans. The oppression is a many-sided 
system — it is economic, political, physical and social. It is police terror, it is 
planned murder and assassination, as is the case in the nationally directed plan 
to murder the leaders of the Black Panther Party. But the glue that keeps this 
special system of oppression together is the ideology of racism, based on concepts 
of white superiority. 

It is clear, the unity between the victims of class exploitation and the victims 
of this special oppression is a decisive matter. We cannot win against either 
oppression without such a unity, without which the chain reaction will also 

You hav^e accepted the challenge of creating such unity amongst the youth. 
You have accepted the task of burning out the influence, of racism in the white 
sector of the shock troops. This will be a major contribution to our quality of life. 
It is a difficult struggle — but we can — we will win. 

No man or struggle is an island unto itself. You have here created the instru- 
ment that will bridge the gap between the movement and struggles of our youth 
and the youth of other lands. Your socialist aims, your science of Marxism- 
Leninism creates a unique ideological and class brotherhood with the Communist- 
revolutionary youth of the world. Your basic anti imperialist outlook creates a 
bond of kinship with the fighting anti imperialist youth the world over. You will 
bring out the sense of oneness with the youth of America, Asia, and Africa. Your 
workingclass internationalism is going to add a new dimension to the youth 
movement in the U.S.A. 

It's a two-way street. You will give and you will get from such global rela- 
tionships. The people of Vietnam judge our internationalism not on the basis of 
what we say, but what we do about ending U.S. aggression there. This is the acid 
test of our workingclass internationalism. 

We can win. We can earn our friendship with the people of the world by our 
deeds in fighting against the oppressive, exploiting poUcy and practices of U.S. 
imperialism. We are with those in the world who say, "Yankee Oppressors, Go 

You have established more than another youth organization. For the youth of 
the United States you have established a new point of reference. They now have 
a workingclass, revolutionary, Marxist-Leninist point of reference. Thousands 
will join your ranks, but millions will compute their political course by relating 
it to the Marxist-Leninist point of reference. You will create a workingclass 
youth field of gravity around you. You will lift the ceiling of revolutionary visi- 
bility. You have been able to set off an explosive chain reaction because 3^ou 
have adopted a science of revolution as your guiding principle. Marxism-Lenin- 
ism is the only tested and proven science of revolution. It is a hard fact of life 
that anyone who seriously wants to fight capitalism must study this science. 

In a basic sense, science is a study of what makes things tick — the laws of 
motion. Science studies the laws of motion in order to use its objective power to 
change reality. Marxism-Leninism is a study of what makes human society tick 
in order to use society's objective motion, its laws, its inherent power, to change 
reality. It is a study of the laws that give rise to economic and political currents 
and processes and contradictions within capitalism in order to use them to 
strengthen the revolutionary current. 

This study is not an academic matter. Its sole purpose is to initiate actions, to 
improve on actions, to increase the weight of the blows against capitalism. In 
Marxism-Leninism — science and practice — theory and action are not separate 
components. Each Marxist-Leninist is a thinker and an activist. 

Let us see how this comes out in life. 

We, like many others, are fighters for reforms — higher wages, against all prac- 
tices of discrimination and segregation, electoral reforms, voting rights, housing, 
day care centers, etc. But we are the most effective fighters for reforms because 
we are revolutionaries — not reformists. Reformists tend to ask — to ask for 
something they believe belongs to the holder. Revolutionaries demand because 
they believe it all belongs to those who produced it. Under capitalism the holders 
are the non-producers. Reformists tend to compromise and unnecessarily con- 
ciliate. Revolutionaries believe that concessions — even the biggest — are only 
the beginning. Reformists seek for "justice," "fairness" or "rights" on the side 
of the exploiters. 

Revolutionaries see no "justice," "fairness" or "rights" on the side of exploita- 
tion for profits. 


When reformists win a concession they take a breather. A i^volutioriary must 
have the next action planned out before a concession is won. The capitalist class 
takes no "breathers." The working class has no choice but to f^ght without let up. 

A reformist will use the concession to smooth over class relations. A Marxist- 
Leninist will point out: we won the concession because of our strength. It does 
not do awav with the class struggle. A reformist sees "good employers and bad 
employers. "A revolutionary only sees the class that oppresses and exploits. 

This revolutionary concept of reforms flows from our understanding ot the 
laws of a class society. It is a class struggle approach to reforms. 

We like many other Americans, are against racism. Many see the moral 
uniustness of racist practices. We welcome this— it is helpful, but it is not enough 
From times before the Bible, people have spoken about the brotherhood of 
man— as a moral precept. It obviously has not been enough. Marxisni- Leninism 
exposes the roots of racism. It does not accept the concept that^ racism, chauvimsni 
is an inherent, inborn, hapless characteristic of sections of human society, it 
exposes its class roots— that it is an instrument of exploitation— a system tor 

The moral, intellectual understanding of racism by white workers will be on 
firmer soil when thev understand that it is a weapon of their class enemy, it is a 
weapon against themselves. This is the path to convincing white workers that 
their self-interest— their class interests— demand a struggle against all forms ot 
racism. What we do to give this concept life is the test of our sincerity, of our 
understanding of the centrality of black and white unity— the historic crucialness 

of the black liberation movement. tt i. ^ + Ur.,.^ ,.^„ 

Tactics is closely related to the question of science. How to get to where you 
are going is influenced bv whether you know where you want to go. An outlook 
for a revolutionary change influences one's tactical orientation. In Marxist- 
Leninist terms, tactics is a word meaning how to move people into struggle 
based on their understanding of their own self-interests. How to move the struggles 
to the next stage. That must be the test of all tactics— how do they move people 

It'the?e1ore determines the relationship between an advanced revolutionary 
sector and the masses to whom you are giving leadership. If your tactics do not 
measure up, you are left by the wayside. You are separated from the main body. 
You are not "leading. If your tactics are such that the people are not ready tor 
them vou are also separated. You cannot lead if you are separated— whether 
vou are ahead or behind. A tactic that breaks the bond be^tween the -^dvanced 
detachment and the masses is not revolutionary no matter how it sounds. Une s 
revolutionariness is measured bv one's abiUty to organize and mobflize masses. 

While in struggle one must keep a sharp eye on the tactics of the enemy. ±' or 
ten months last vear the F.B.I, was directly involved in dynamiting public 
buildings. This included the bombing of a Federal building in New York Oity. ine 
man on the F.B.I, payroll was the key man in the small group arrested He was 
arrested while he and another man were on their way to bomb some U .b. army 
trucks. Thus for 10 months the F.B.I, not only knew about but was involved m 
getting the dvnamite and picking the buildings to be bombed. They knew days 
in advance which building was to be bombed. Their man was doing it. \ney let 
these bombings go on till a few days before the November 15th peace march, ihey 
dropped "leads" to the press and T.V. that it was the peace movement that was 
bombing the buildings. One must ask— why? Is it not clear that the reason was 
provocation? The reason was to ahenate people from the movement to end the 
aggression in Vietnam. The plan was to alienate people with tactics they were 

"°TheF".B.I. agent pleaded guilty, but was not indicted. He is back on the street. 
He has gone back to the ultra-right fascist organizations who are responsible tor 
bombing workers' and peoples organizations offices and meeting halls, mats 
where the F.B.I, recruited him in the first place! -i • i ' 

There are other laws of tactics. One must never unnecessarily signal orie s 
punches to the enemy. One must never boast to the enemy of what one is going 
to do. One must never threaten to use tactics whose time has not come, it re- 
sults only in one thing: that masses who are not ready to back up such tactics 
become alienated. There is a time and a place for all tactical seasons. 

The most dangerous foe is one that can smile while he is readying himseii to 

give you a haymaker. . . t. i -n v.i„^o +v.pir 

Leadership means winning the confidence of masses. People will place their 

confidence in organizations and leaders they feel consider their best interests 

paramount. They will place their confidence in leaders they feel will hnd a path 


to victory, who will not panic or be co-opted, who will meet any crises but who 
will not lead them like the 600 into the Valley of Death. " ' 

In the class struggle the lives and livelihood of people are on the line. From 
their leaders they want militancy and responsibility. 

In the movement there has been some discussion'about the use of guns and the 
willingness to use guns. I agree with those who say it is a tactical question'. Like all 
tactical questions it must be measured by how it affects masses in struggle. It 
seems to me that whether the people have guns in their homes is not the issue I 
think most Americans do. Also, the right of self defense is not the issue here. As 
pohce brutahty increases the right of self defense will grow in importance. But 
the advocacy of the slogan "Picking up the gun" is another matter. 

At this stage of struggle what would be the result of such a tactical slogan? 
\\ hat would be the effect on the masses? Would it get a response from the j^eople? 
I don't think so. \\ ould it in fact result in a self defense? I do not think so It 
would result only in individual actions, if any. 

Would it be a tactic that would alienate those who are moving into struggle*^ 
I think it would. ^^ 

In an explosive period like this, this reality could change, and so tactics would 
change. But for all those reasons it is not a correct tactical concept for today's 
^^'^'.^•^': ^* would not advance the struggle. It would not result in a self defense. 
Timing is a critical factor in any action. I want to congratulate you on your 
timing in calling this founding convention. Your initiative shows you have 
grasped an important element of Marxism-Leninism. You studied present-day 
reality. You drew the right conclusions. This is the time for a Marxist-Leninist 
youth organization. Millions of youth are questioning and rejecting the values and 
sets of priorities created by U.S. capitalism. They are not yet rejecting capital- 
ism, however, because they do not yet clearly see the connection between the 
values they reject and capitahsm. But it is of great importance that the values 
they reject are not general human values, but those related to exploitation for pri- 
vate profit. They are rebelling against priorities that have no room for human 
considerations. They are rejecting wars of imperiahst aggression, thev are reject- 
ing racism for their moral ugliness, but increasingly they are turned off because 
wars and racism are instruments of exploitation. This is the base for the grow- 
ing source of anti-imperialism. 

These are important shifts in the mass patterns of thought. So, more than the 
genius of any one of us, it is this new objective reality that has given birth to this 
historic founding convention. We are using the power that arises from the contra- 
dictions of capitalism to build revolutionary power. 

There are dabblers and there are professionals in every field of science. Your 
commitment will be measured by how professional you become as Marxist- 
Leninists. You have given birth to a revolutionary instrument. The mettle of this 
organization will be tested in the struggles of today. You will be ready for the 
revolutionary events of tomorrow only if you are aii active element in the strug- 
gles of today. You must become a factor in every area of struggle. You must give 
direction, you must give a class content to all struggle. And you must bring into 
the youth movement a revolutionary spirit. You must be the activator, the ener- 
gizer within the youth movement. 

In today's reahty a Marxist-Leninist youth organization need not be narrow or 
small. Don't be selfish. Don't keep this science of sciences to yourselves. Share 
it with the millions. 

Social progress is being propelled by a worldwide revolutionary process. It is 
sweeping capitalism before it — root and branch. The question before mankind is 
not whether socialism. In a basic sense it is not even how socialism. The only un- 
answered question is how soon. 

This founding convention has helped with the answer to this question. We can 
tell the Fords, Rockefellers, Morgans, Hoovers and Nixons, it is sooner than you 


Exhibit No. 9 
(Referred to on pp. 46 and 48) 

^^-^ >^^ our price: 25* 

_^ . — ,,.^.-iM-.-r-iviMi ni or>l\/IMICQinM NO. 1 
















— The 200th anniversary of the 
American Revolution 

— A time to begin the Second 
American Revolution 

— Declare your economic independ- 
ence from ITT, GM & Exxon 

— Send a message to Wall Street 

— Rededicate youi-self to the demo- 
cratic principles of 1776 

1 1' '~- 

- Join the movement for economic 

JULY 4 — Join the Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission at the Capitol in 
Washington, D.C. 

JULY 4 — Join prominent speakere and 

entertainers in pledging your "life, 
fortune and saci-ed honor" to a 
new America 

JULY 4 — Join 250,000 new patriots for the 
largest economic rally In Amer- 
ican history 

JULY 4 — Make some history of your own 

JULY 4 — Be there! 



The Common Sense Campaign 
for a Democratic Economy 




Hie Peoples Bicentennial Commission 
Washington,D.C 200036 


69-239 O - 76 - 11 


After 200 years, 
is this the best we can do? 

Look at these men. All of them want to be President of the United 
States. Each of them wants your vote. 

Between now and election day, each of them will pour a fortune 
into high-powered public relations campaigns to convince us that he's 
the man for the job. They'll be kissing our babies, shaking our hands 
and making us promises. 

Each one says that he's the friend of the workmg man and woman. 

Baloney! , • i p^o 

Do any of these candidates know what it feels like to be laid oft.'' 
Or to be unable to meet next month's mortgage payment? 

Do they know what it's like to work 40 hours a week in a boring 
and degrading job and still not have enough money to buy groceries 
for their families, or new clothes for the kids? 

The plain truth is that we're being played for suckers again. 
Every four years, the candidates trot out with their promises. Once 
they're elected, they only deliver headaches. 

This year, the "promises are about the economy. Every candidate 
has a pet solution to end the current crisis. Everything from a dose 
of trustbusting and closing a few loopholes to more subsidies for Big 
Business and less government regulation. 

If those ideas sound familiar, they should. They're pulled from 
the same bag of tricks that brought this nation to the brink of eco- 
nomic ruin in the first place. 

They haven't worked in the past and they won't work in the 

You don't have to be an expert to know that there's something 
fundamentally wrong with our economic system today. Over eight 
million of us are unemployed. Inflation continues to skyrocket because 
muscle-bound monopolies set prices as high as they want. Our nation's 
great cities are being turned into industrial ghost towns as multi- 
national corporations flee America for cheaper labor and higher 
profits abroad. Corporations and wealthy families pcty token taxes 
while the rest of us get soaked. 

Still, the Presidential candidates offer bandaid reforms for our 
gaping economic wounds. 

We think it's time to apply some Common Sense to the problems 
facing the American economy. 

We think it's time to put the candidates on notice. We're fed up 
with worn out cliches and endless chatter from a cast of Tweedledee 
ajid Tweedledum candidates. We want some action. 

If youVe f InallyTearhM your lesson about candidates who speak 
up for the little guy on election day, and then sign up on the Big 
Boys' team after the votes are counted, join us. 

We're the Common Sense Campaign for a Democratic Economy. 



The Declaration of 

Economic Independence 

When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the economic 
bonds which have tied them to another, a decent respect for the opinions of humankind requires that they 
should declare the causes which impel them to the separation 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all people are created equal, that they are endowed by 
their Creator with certain malienable rights, that among these are life. liberty, and the pursuit of happiness- 
that to secure these rights, economic institutions are instituted among people, deriving their just power from the 
consent of the citizens; that whenever any economic system becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of 
the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new economic system, laying its foundation on such principles, 
and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to affect their safety and happiness. 

Prudence, indeed. \^'ill diciate that economic systems long es- 
whlishcd should not be chanycd for liyht and iransient causes, and accord- 
inyly nil experience has shown thai people are more disposed to suffer, 
while evils arc suffcrable. ihan to riyht themselves by abolishing the forms 
to which they arc accustomed 

But when a long tram of abuses and usurpations, pursuing mvariably 
the same object, cvincc-s a desiK" to reduce them under absolute despotism. 
It IS their rinht. ii is their duty, to throw off such economic institutions and 
U> provide new guards for their future security Such has been the patient 
sukcnnn of the American People, and such 15 n<iw the necessity which 
aimpcis us to alter our former economic systcrrji The History of the present 
'(jiant corporations is a History of repeated iniunts and usurp;itions; all 
havinnin direct ohjt;ct the establishment of an absolute tvranny over these 
States To prove this, let the f-tcts be submitted to .n c.indid World 

Americas Giant G>fpi>raiions have seized control over the great land 
and testiurces of our country 

— Thvy have systematically deNtroycd thous.inds of small businesses and 
forced millions of Americans to become w.ige serfs for the wealthy owners 

They have formed shared monop«>liC5 in virtually every major retail 
and wholesale industry, forcinu millions of consumers to pay higher and 
higher prices forgCHKls and services they cannot do without -these mon- 
opoly practices hcing the primary cause of runaway inflation 

They have forced millions of Americans into unemployment lines by 
sysiematicaHy cltKing down their American plants and moving their busi- 
ness operations abroad so they can hire cheaper labtir and reap still greater 
profits for their owners 

In the name of profit, they have expropriated billions of dollars of 
wealth produced by the working women and men of (his country 

The Giant G>rpt>fations have 

Pursiu:Xa^>licv of industrial negligence which kills 14.000 worker? 
.nnj permanently disables 900.000 more ever^- year 

They have manufactured unsafe products that kill 10,000 and per- 
m.inently disable 110,000 Americans each year 

Thev have used the energy crisis in order to double the price of fuel 
and make n-cord gams in profit 

They have sold American wheat to the Russian Government, forcing 
a sharp nse in the cost of bread and other wheat prtxJucts to the American 

They have turned our Nation into a weapons f.nctory, wasting valuable 
laKir and resources that could be utilized for basic human needs 

They have fostered tension's and conflicts between races sexes and 
ethnic groups in their arbitrary and discri minatory employmem practices 

They have pillaged the resources, exploited the peoples, and system- 
atically intervened in the domestic affairs of other nations in order to profit 
their corporate treasuries 

The Giant Corporations have subverted the Constitution of the United 

We. therefore, the Citizens of the United States of America. hereby_call for the abolition of these giant 
institutions of tyranny and the establishment of new economic enterprises with new laws and safeguards to pro- 
vide for the equal and democratic participation of all American Citizens in the economic decisions that effect 
the well-being of our families, our communities, and our Nation. In furtherance of our joint hopes and aspira- 
tions, and mindful of the lessons of History, we steadfasdy adhere to the general principle that a democratic 
Republic can only exist to the extent that economic decision-making power is broadly exercised by the people 
and not delegated to a few. Such is the necessity which compels us to act in support of decentralized economic 
enterprises, with ownership and control being shared jointly by the workers in the plants and by the local com- 
munities in which they operate -with similar patterns of shared representative control being exercised on a re- 
gional and National level to insure the smooth and efftpient coordination of all economic operations. For the 
support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on jhe protection of Divme Providence, we mutually pledge 
our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. 

States and the principle of Government of, by. and for the people 
By illegally financing their own candidates for local, state and national 
office - 

By placing their own supporters in key government commissions and 
regulatory agencies 

By using massive lobbying operations to vinually dictate the legisla- 
tive direction of the State and Federal Governments, including the deci- 
sions on how our tax money is to be allocated 
It IS these same corporate giants 

That profess the strongest attachment to self-reliance, while pocketing 
billions of dollars of our tax money in the form of Government subsidies 
and special favors 

That profess their commitment to preserving their country's future, 
while systematically destroying our natural environment 

That herald the virtues of personal responsibility and accountability, 
while engaging in wholesale crime under the protection of their corporate 

America s giant corporations have issued a death sentence against the 
individual human spirit 

By forcing millions of Americans to perform mindless functions eight 
hours per day mside the corporate machine 

By rewarding obedience, conformity, and dependency-and penalii- 
ing creative thinking, criticism, and independent judgment 

The Corporate Cianrs have violated our sacred rights to life, liberty 
and the pursuit of happiness 

By denying us adequate access to the means to sustain life 
By severely limiting our opportunities to choose the kind of work life 
we would like to lead 

By denying us a range of workchoices that are potentially self-fulfilling 
and rewarding ,__ — 

The corporations have created and perpetuated a small hereditary 
aristocracy, with wealth and power unrivaled in the annals of recorded 

The Corporate System has proven itself to be grossly inefficient and 
wasteful, while the Corporate owners and managers have proven them- 
selves to be incompetent to make prudent decisions that effect the eco- 
nomic well-being of the American people 

In their obsession with profits, their lust for absolute dominion over 
the life of this Nation, and their total disregard for the American people. 
Corporate owners and managers have plunged our country into its present 
state of economic chaos, destroyed the lives of millions of families, and 
threatened the ver\' survival of the Republic 

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in 
the most humble terms: Our repeated petitions have been answered only 
by repeated injury An economic system, whose character is thus marked 
by every act which may define an absolute tyranny, is unfit to claim the 
Ioyalt>- and allegiance of a free and democratic people 

Itoples Bicaiteiiiiial G^rnrmssion,\\^diington, OC 20036 


Exhibit No. 10 
(Referred to on p. 52) 



Volume 3. No. 11 
November 20, 1970 


ftgtf ^t^aai ItU nf Itglita 


¥nsham jif 


StuffWs' may form political and social 
Ofganizations m 4he.»chool, tflc4uding -these -wbieh 
champiQir i^im)^^r)HM«and ik^dlj||ss\qf tlie 
pQditical AtfsJt^Niewsqlthe orAftaflpa) . 

StAdents VveftlAi^talo full %se of schocd 
facilities- bulletin boards, auditoriums, public 

foruftis. assemblies, seminars and other sc^i 
proj4iTis_ i Ofc. o rder 

T" Students have the rights to distribute any Jeafleta 
parnphlets. and political^at^^fcrey i^fle ana| 
ouiydg^e school an(SKh(ntauoiSdJl|thout'~ 
^M^Bnzation of the pSg^a^^^njgicmy^f the 
^Riool administration or the Board of EdiMiatiJh.^ 

5. Slud^fe have'rlWTigTit to wear any syir 
their p^Uic^ belief 
and style ( 

6. Students 
method of 
from salutm] 
assemblies w; 

7. Students have 

15 E. 17thS T^iiNflfee^ 003. 

iPr^^bmn of 





6. Students have^^ght to help determine their 
curriculum and evaluate their teachers. 

7. There shall be n« 

8. The trackiag sy 

, "Student p^blfca^n* flnw be coutroTlttl by the 
students anft^riay In no way be ctnsored by tfi« 
admlpistration or faculty. Editmg wil^e done bVj , 
^dent editoife-^ny student organization hn 
£S;;l|bt to have aCebUk^to the school newspaper 
* rci^se its ideas and tctivlties. 

lation on the basis of 
be abobshed. 









photo by howard petrick 

nt.iNlbtications (newspapers and magaziot;) 

rt "ofTicial" xhool publications aij tp 

vife the Mine riglits as (I) above " 

11^ oL'School facilities to product' 

ibute them. 



ROCES^^-T' r 

Students B^e tiw: ri^t to a fair healing: whfeA 
includes re^i(E«ntation by counsel, with the rifljt 

to quesii.'ii'.witneBes pnor to any dijf iplmart 
aciioni The fearing shall conform to al^presi^nt 
laws pertjiniiTftyip court procedure. 

Students may not % any way be 
administration or faculty for any pi 
moral beliefs which they have oruporLi 

Students have the right to receive annui 
the opening of school-a publication sei 
all the rules and regulations to which stui 
subject. This publicatto*i shall contain a sfti*ij 
of student rights. ^ 

Students and parents h^ Uie right IS^^F iheir 
personal files at any time: Vii- 

. Students have the right taappeal wy^flecision on 
a disciplinary action with 3 tT3n5cripf of the trial 
provided by the school administration 

I. Thesttidenf Tiudy h'fe the right to be free from the 
:■ _^ presence ci j^fionBence of federal agencies not 
' directly involved ffl.'fte educational process. 

i -T^ieie shall be an endjo all mihtaiy programs like 
T^ KL>TC in tie schooFs Jbd to all military recruitmg 
trij r%high sbools. 

1 be an end to the use of police to settle 
• disputeywithin the sAo^ls. 


Exhibit No. 1 1 

(Referred to on p. 53) 

[From the Militant, Fob. 27, 1970] 

Thf, SMC National Conff.rknck 

(By Harry Ring) 

CLEVELAND. — A spring program of intensive antiwar activity culminating in 
massive demonstrations April 15 was approved by the Student MoV)ilization 
Committee conference here Feb. 14-15. 

It was the biggest, broadest most democratic gathering of the antiwar move- 
ment yet and support for a program of mass action to win immediate U.S. with- 
drawal from Vietnam was decisive. 

There were 3,469 people who formally registered for the conference, and 
committee representatives estimate there were actually close to 4,000 present. 
They converged on Case Western Reserve University from 39 states and the 
District of Columbia. There was representation from some 300 college and uni- 
versity campuses and a hundred high schools. 

Every shading of antiwar and radical opinion was represented and just about 
every known radical jjolitical grouping was in attendance. Decisions were arrived 
at after extensive discussion marked by the fullest observance of the rules of 

". . . despite the emotional fervor with which most of the students embraced 
their ideas," the Feb. 16 Cleveland Press reported, "an almost overwhelming de- 
mocracy prevailed. Nearly everone who wished got a chance to speak." 

The conference had before it a mass of differing proposals, some of which stood 
in clear counterposition to one another, and others whose nuances were rather 
murky. Yet the single issue on which the conference focused was the continuing 
need for mass action in the streets to mobilize the broadest number of Americans 
in opi)osition to the war. Offered a variety of alternatives to this, the delegates in 
their great majority opted decisively for the course of mass action. 

The turnout for the conference "definitively established that the SMC is the 
student wing of the antiwar movement. This was attested to as well In' the ex- 
tensive media coverage, the messages received from around the world, and by the 
greetings delivered at the conference by other sections of the movement. 

Among those who brought greetings to the conference were Jerry Gordon, 
chairman of the Cleveland Area Peace Action Council; Sid Peck, cochairman of 
the New Mobe; David Hawk of the Moratorium; and Jeff Shero of the Con- 
spiracy. Pvt. Joe Miles, a founder of GFs United who has been exiled by the 
brass to a base in Alaska, was able to make the trip to Cleveland and was among 
those greeting the conference. 

There was also a rousing speech of greeting by Dick Gregory who participated 
in the conference's i:)lenary session and Third World workshop. 

The central action proposal before the body was i^resented by SMC executive 
secretary Carol Lipman. She proposed that the SMC tie in with the slated 
April 13-19 week of antiwar activitiy projected by both the Moratorium and 
New Mobe, as well as with their previously selected date of April 15 for mass 
demonstrations throughout the country. 

This ijroposal was presented as part of an integrated program of SMC campus 
activity around such key issues as opposition to the draft and an end to campus 
complicitv with the war, coupled with a major high school organizing drive and 
a systematic effort to relate to GIs, Third World and women's liberation forces 
so as to involve them in the fight against the war. 

A heterogeneous grouping of individuals and political tendencies sought to 
establish a common front to defeat or significantly amend this proposal, a caucus 
variously referred to as the "Independent" caucus, the "Independent Radical" 
caucus and the "Independent and Radical" caucus sought to establish itself 
as the rallying center of the opposition to the Lipman proposal. It was diflficult 
to ascertain precisely what groups the caucus embraced as allegiances shifted 
throughout the conference. The largest turnout for a meeting of the caucus was 
about 400. 

Among the groups considering themselves in opposition were the Revolu- 
tionary Youth Movement, the International Socialists, the Workers League, 
Youth Against War and Fascism, the National Caucus of Labor Committees, 


and the recently created Communist Party youth group, the Young Workers 
UberaSon League. Also present were the American Servicemen's Lmon, Gay 
Liberation FroSt, Youth International Party, and the John Brown caucus, an 

^"Somf of'thSe groups sought to relate to the Radical Caucus but found it 
difficult to agree on a common program or conference strategy. The central 
issue that seemed to bind them together was opposition to the Young boc alist 
Alliance the largest of the organized tendencies present and a vigorous partisan 

^^i'p^SirSjpCrtrthe pressure of the strong conference sentin.ent for the 
mass action approach, the various opposition groups sought finally to present 
Their p^Sicula? propos'als as supplementary to it, although some of their programs 
were natently inconsistent with this. . . ,. 

Tn^example was the opposition's generally common emphasis on civil dis- 
obedience as a means of opposing the draft as counterposed to mass action to 

''^'(The conference rejected the proposal to commit the SMC to civil disobedience 
Instead it reaffirmed SMC's previous position of favoring mass action to abolish 
the dr?ft with local groups free to conduct antidraft activity of their choosing.) 
Throp,rosi^ionlts^found themselves in additional difficulty in that while they 
tended to agree on a multi-issue approach for the antiwar movement, they could 
not See .Snong themselves on what the issues should be. Some favored proposals 

which they felt would give SMC activity a g-f -, -^^-™PXt\hey"deem 
while others favored escalating the rhetoric to make the SMC what they deem 
To be an anti-imperialist organization. Others favored ^^tion o an undei^ned 
nature to end what they see as white and/or male supremacy i" the antiv^ar 
movement. Still others said the key is to get the organized l^^^or movement not 
to support the antiwar movement but to lead it. One group felt SMC should 

^X"aVitUeI\'ilt-iSrnute effort to block the Carol Lipman mass action proposal 
at the moment of voting a number of these groups announced they were combining 

their various proposals. t-, j- i /^ «,, t?vat vaaa/f 

Those who participated in this gambit were the Radical Caucus R^ M ) AVV t 
and a group 'calling itself the Grass Roots Community Coali yon. Whi^^^ their 
combined proposal was presented as a countermotion to Carol Lipman s, they 
were literally unable to explain to the body what the combined Vl^Plf\y;'^^%^^, 
For many, it was quite an education in unprincipled politics to see the disni^a 
outcome of an attempt to subordinate political differences for the sake of an 
organizational bloc against another political grouping. ,^«nrtpd 

Lacking a thought-out program, a number of the oppositionists also resorted 
to a conclrted campaign of ridbaiting against the YSA and attempted to rally 
opposition to the mass action motion on the basis that it was a 1 bA proposal. 


Exhibit No. IIA 
(Referred to on p. 53) 



Stucfent Rights Project 


84 Fifth Avenue. New York, N.Y. 10011 
Phone: 924-7800 


Exhibit No. 12 
(Referred to on p. 54) 






— 1 ^R^^/I/^^W 



A Youth Liberation 


Mini -posters (9'* xl2") in three colors; put them 
up everywhere. One says ''Sahool is not healthy 
for ohildren and other living things,*^ The 
other has a short parable. Indiaate how many 
of each. Two for 25 cents or 10 for $1.00 


High qualit ii-shJTts ^Ilk-screened to 
resemble, ^he ^>chool '^oie - Wa:ck 0-jt fq-y= 

Chi ldren_ji:^jAs±j.ns. Hat instead of rwr . 
children Ic 0.^,1 uk both ways. there|? a ^ 
si lhouette of a youth a iminK a ritle. 
tnliicate size; Small, Medium, Large or 
Extra Large. Indicate color preferencei 
Gold, It. blue, turquoise or It. purple. 


To Order 

Send check, money order, stamps, cash, etc. to: 

2fi''7 '»?aohlcpaw Ave. 
Ann Arbor, MI 48104 

Make yh^ '"Ks payable to Youth Liberation 


"Whatever the adver- 

f ^ R 

•Ity we should protect 
our mimeographs and 
other printing equip- 


ment and materials even 

tt the risk of life..." 

^ _^5L 



SUNG, the leader of the 


40 million Korean peo- 



1 KIM 11 SUN6 


Exhibit No. 13 
(Referred to on p. 54) 


Why Have 
Youth Liberation? 

If you're under 18, you probably already have 
a good idea what Youth Liberation is about. It 
was started, in 1971, because we wanted to work 
toward solutions to the special problems that 
young people face simply because of their age. 
At the same time, we want to see our entire 
society restructured into a more humane arrange- 
ment, so that young people will want to be a 
part of it. 

The legal discrimination facing young people 
is the most clear-cut. State laws vary slightly, 
but generally if you are below a certain age you 

* Leave home without your parents' 
permission, or live on your own even 
with your parents' permission; 

* Decide how you want to spend your time — 
in every state except Mississippi you must 
go to school until a certain age; 

* See certain movies; 

* Stay out past certain "curfew" hours; 

* Drive a car, no matter how qualified you 

* Be assured of a jury trial, even if you face 
the possibility of several years of imprison- 

* Get a job and be economically independent; 

* Vote for the people who make all these laws 
that affect you, or run for public office. 

Less obvious than legal oppression, but just 
as frustrating, is the general attitude that we 
call ageism. It means many adults feel they're 
smarter, wiser, and more capable than young 
people, and that therefore they should tell you 
what to do — "for your own good." If you're 
young, it means that your ideas and your 
feelings are likely to be ignored or not taken 
seriously — "Oh, she'll grow out of it," or 


"It's just puppy love, isn't it cute?" Your 
parents, having "better judgement," can tell 
you not to see certain friends, forbid you to 
get certain mail, and generally run your life, 
as they think they ought to. 

Out of all this grows forced dependence. 
Because you can't work, you have to depend 
on your parents for housing, food, and 
spending money. Because you can't ditive 
(and public transportation is usually a mess) 
you have to badger your parents for a ride. 
You may like things that way. But maybe 
you're fed up with it; if so, we want to work 
with you to get it changed. 

Understanding the 
Overall Problem 

Young people, though, aren't the only 
ones who face special problems in this 
society. Old people, stereotyped as senile 
and worthless, face many similar diffi- 
culties. So do women, gays, third world 
people, the poor, those who are handicapped, 
and many others. The solution, we believe, 


lies in first studying the present system so 
that we can understand the roots of dis- 
crimination and oppression, and why so 
many people feel purposeless. Then, we 
need to redesign that structure. 

In fact, we are convinced that our society 
will have to be restructured before the problems 
that we've discussed can be solved. To work 
only for equal rights with adults, within the 
present social structure, would be both unsatis- 
factory and unrealistic. Unsatisfactory, because 
a 14-year-old on a hierarchically-controlled, 
dehumanizing assembly line is as bad off as a 
44-year-old working there. Unrealistic, because 
in the present society, where the young must be 
prepared for dull and alienating jobs, there is no 
room for the idea of free, equal, inquiring young 
people to become a reality. 

How We Can 
Help You 

To work for these changes. Youth Liberation 
was formed. We have done organizing locally 
and also have several activities to help young ' 
people in other areas who are working for the 
same goals. 


One of our programs is publishing FPS-a 
magazine of young people's liberation. It comes 
out every month with articles about aspects of 
organizing young people, young people's 
struggles across the country, and other important 
issues, as well as articles trying to analyze the 
oppression facing young people. Four issues 
each year are devoted specifically to schooling 
and education in America. General subscriptions 
cost $10 a year, or $18 for two years, but for 
people under 18 it's only $6 per year. 


CHIPS, the Cooperative Highschool Inde- 
pendent Press Syndicate, is a service we provide 


for independent and underground youth news- 
papers It's goal is to let you see copies of papers 
that other young people are putting out, from 
which you can reprint articles, get ideas 
for stories and layout, and find general encourage- 
noent. To participate, just send us 50 copies of 
each issue of your paper (fewer if you can't 
afford that many). When we get them, we'll send 
you a packet of papers from other areas. 


To help young people who are trying to do 
organizing, we've put some of our materials to 
together in a Youth Liberation Organizing Kit. 
It contains four of our pamphlets (including 
Student and Youth Organizing and How to 
Start a High School Underground Paper), five 
sample high school underground papers, three 
mini-posters, and two sample copies of FPS— 
a magazine of young people's liberation. It's a 
available from us for $3. (Our prices are guides: 
if you are young or on a limited income, send 
what you can; if you are employed, we hope you 
can send extra.) 

For a complete literature list (if one isn't enclosed) 
or information, write to: Youth Liberation 

2007 Washtenaw Ave. 

Ann Arbor, Mich. 48104 

kids... I Soijft 

catch any 
of you 




"Youth Liberation" (three colors) $0.25 
"Power to Young People" 

(three colors) 25 


Mini-posters (8^2 by 11) in three colors on 
heavy stock. No. 1 says "School is not 
healthy for children and other living 
things"' No. 2 has a short parable about 
how authorities (principals, school boards, 
etc.) manipulate their subjects. No. 3 is a 
poem about how the honesty of children 
is exploited and then destroyed by adults 
who have long since lost theirs. It is illus- 
trated with a beautiful and appropriate 
drawing. Be sure to specify how many of 
each. Three for 25 cents or 10 for $1 


Silk-screened to resemble the "School 
Zone — Watch Out for Children" road 
signs. But instead of two little darlings 
looking both ways, there's a silhouette of 
a youth aiming a rifle. Indicate size: Small 
Small, Medium, Large or Ex. Large. $2.50 


Send check, money order, stamps, cash, 
etc. to: 

Youth Liberation 
2007 Washtenaw Ave. 
Ann Arbor, Mich. 48104 

Make checks payable to Youth Liberation. 
Any donation above the listed cost is 
greatly appreciated. 



A subscription to FPS: a magazine of 
young people's liberation (12 issues 
per year) 

One year $10 

Two years 18 

Three years 24 

(Special rate for people under 18 years 
of age: $6 per year) 


Student and Youth Organizing 

(92 pages) $.65 

Major Court Decisions 

Young People and the Law (formerly 
Major Court Decisions Regarding 
the Rights of Students and Youth', 
32 pages) 50 

How to Start a High School 

Underground Newspaper (16 pp) . .35 

Teaching and Rebellion at Union 

Springs (26 pages) 35 

White House Conference on 

Youth (42 pages) 50 

Selected Reprints (about 10 articles 

from old issues of FPS) 50 

How to Research the Power Structure 
of Your Secondary School . . .1.00 

Youth Liberation - News, Politics 
and Survival Information (written 
by Ann Arbor Youth Liberation; 
published by Times Change Press) 1.35 


of twelve high school underground 

papers $1.50 


Exhibit No. 14 
(Referred to on p. 54) 



69-239 0—76 12 


ExfflBiT No. 15 

(Referred to on p. 55) 




VOL. 1 NO. 3 

DEC. 1973 JAN., 1974 ^^^ 


High School Students: 

Support Striking Farmwoilters 

By Milwaukee High School YAWF 
The United Farmworkers Union (UFWA) is 

striking the grape and lettuce fields in California. They 

want job security, better wages, and control of deadly 

pesticides which kill and cripple so many of them. All 

they want is the right to decent living conditions for 

themselves and their children. 

During our high school year, many of us work for 

minimum wages. You can imagine what it is like for 

farmworkers who have to feed their families on this for 

a lifetime. Usually, the pay is so lousy and living costs 

are so high, that the children are forced to quit school 

to work to supplement family incomes. Many youth of 

poor and working families right here in Milwaukee are 

faced with that same necessity--to help put food on 
their family's table. We must show our outrage at the 
conditions that farmworkers and poor people acrossthe 
country are forced to live in. 

Sentry, a Milwaukee food store, laughed at the 
UFWA's reasonable request; that Sentry pledge to 
carry only lettuce and grapes with the UFWA label. 
These greedy chain store owners think nothing of 
raising prices and robbing us of our hard-earned 
money. They don't see anything wrong with people 
starving, as long as they don't speak out. But poor and 
working people across the country have spoken! 

Don'f Let Uncle Sam Get YOU! 

By Ken Oxtoby New York City H.S. YAWF 

"Today's Army. A meaningful alternative for jaltemative it is; but meaningful to High School 

„ ,„ „ ".students it is not. 

young people. . •,. . . j o -w 

Or so goes the title of a 46 page, color photographed : It tries to show happy, smilmg, contented High 

brochure, put out by the United States Army's Ad- jschool students turning into happy, smiling, contented 

vertising and Information Dept. It is directed to High '.GI's, that both school and the Army are pleasant. 

School Seniors as a tacUc for recuiting in the most '.actually quite a lot of fun, and therefore, that the one 

fascist arm of the American Imperalist machine. An : continued on page 2 


Page 2 



should follow the other. Now, 
think to yourselves, though; have 
you ever been happy, smiley, or 
content at school? And if you 
know anybody who was ever in 
the Army, ask him if the Army 
was ever any fun for him. He will 
probably tell you that they, the 
officers, attempted to turn him 
into a killing animal and slave, 
willing to do their bidding and go 
out and kill anybody they wanted 
to have killed, including fellow 

The officers and DIs (Drill 

Instructors) either turn the men 
into slaves; or, if the person 
refuses to go along with this 
senseless brutality, ruin his 
chances in civilian life to live any 
kind of decent life. And while the 
troops are not being sent to kill in 
places like Vietnam and Cam- 
bodia, the brass hats in the 
Pentagon are thinking of loads of 
other ways to use young men as 
cannon fodder. 

We are even being 
threatened with a resumption of 
the draft if there aren't enough 
enlistees into the armed forces. 
But High School youth, who will 
be the ones facing the prospect of 

and kill innocent people 1000 or 
10,000 miles away so Standard Oil 
or some other company can make 
loads of profits off our blood. We 

y End the use of Youth as 

Imperalist Tools! 

the draft, do not want to go outl 

Detroit Teachers Strike 

By Keith Pavlik & Anita Cowan 
On Sept 5th, the Detroit 
Federation of Teachers decided to 
strike; primarily for a cost of living 
increase, besides other demands. If 
a victory was clinched, they stood 
to win their first raise in 3 years. 

School was started as 
scheduled on Sept 5th, but was 
dismissed after just one hour. It 
was intresting the way different 
people responded to the strike in 
different cities. In Highland Park, a 
very working class and poor city, 
the parents barricaded in the 
negotiators, supporting the strike 
and pressuring the school board. In 
Madison Hgts., a well off suburb, 
the parents picketted the union hall 
against the teachers. 

This points up the class nature 
of the strike, and the rising 
solidarity of working and oppressed 
people to struggle and win against 
many odds. 

The Detroit Board of 
Education brough suit, against the 
DFT and their preidnt, Mary 

Detroit H.S. YAWF 
Riordan, in Detroit Circuit Court. 
Judge William Foley ordered the 
teachers back in the classrooms, 
but the teachers refused to do so. As 
a result, Foley found them in 
contempt of court, fined the union 
$11,000 per day the strike continued, 
and fined Ms. Riordan $4,000 per 
day. Eventually, the fined totaled 
over 1 million dollars. 

After a six week strike, the 
teachers went back to work, but 
with mixed emotions, some feeling 
they had been sold out on a com- 
promise dropping alldemands 
except the raise and that the board 
not collect the fines. Others were 
overwhelmed. The teachers have 
been back to work, but they still 
haven't seen their pay hike. Not 
only are they being forced to work 
on Saturdays, but the board 
whelched on the bargain and is 
fineing each teacher $300. 
Defend the Rights of all Working 




"■ w 


Letters to 
cAction ! 

Brothers and Sisters, 

Down here in the damn hole 
called Grace High, the system is 
fucked up. It would be ok if they got 
|rid of certain teachers. So far this 
Aear I have been kicked out of one 
class; the class was algebra. I went 
down to the principal's office and 
I'lad a little discussion with him 
about the teacher. 

Well, after an hour we worked it 
out so I wouldn't lose a credit. 
[Things went good until last Friday. 
Two of my friends, Smokey and 
Joe; we got caught sluffing. Man, 
the Student Counsellor was pissed 
off at us. He said, "God, Beckstead, 
if I hear of you sluffing again, I'll 
Jscrew you up good." Those were his 
exact words. 

Now they are trying to get me 
for having cigarettes on school 
property. They are watching me 
Iclose, but i'm not worrying. 

Ken Beckstead 
Grace High, Grace, Idaho 
'Nov 12, 1973 


Free the 
Houston 12 

On Oct. 9, the Houston branch of 
Youth Against War & Fascism, held 
a demonstration against the Mideast 
War against the Arab people; which 
was brutally attacked by the 
Houston cops. 

Twelve people were arrested; 4 
Anglos and 8 Chicanos; all of whom 
were badly beaten by the cops-at the 
demo site.on the way to the station, 
at the station and at a warehouse 
All had to be hospitalized. All 12 
were charged with "aggravated 
assault on police officers", while 5 
were charged with "assualt on a 
police officer with attempt to kill" 
And this on a demo that was 
numerically small , unarmed, and 
preparing to leave! 

In a city that is not only racistly 
anti-Black and anti-Chicano, but 
also anti-Jewish and anti- 
progressive, the assault on the 
demonstration has much wider 
implications than would at first 
seem. It is an attempt to wipe out the 
entire progressive movement in 
Houston, which is spearheaded by 

When asked why they par-; 
ticapated in a demonstration against : 
a war in the Mideast on the show- 
"Mexican-American Dialogue",: 
Alex Rodriguez, one of the defen-: 
dants, explained the work done by: 
him and YAWF in the Chicano: 
community in support of the Farah ; 
pants boycott, the Farmworkers: 
boycott on lettuce and grapes, and 
against police brutality. Only a week 
before, a demo was held against 
police harra sment in the Chicano 
community, at which the cops were 
able to do anything against. It is felt 
this is one reason why the beatings 
were so brutal. 

eminism : 

and I 



D orotViy 

.Boll an 

• Woman in n istory i 

> Wky Women'a 

Order From; 
46 W. 21 St. 
N.Y., N.Y. 10010 

^^ _ "soca 

All twelve, now known as 
Houston 12, are out on bail. The firsti 
trials start on Feb. 25, when the 5' 
charged with "attempted murder" 
:go on trial. But the case is so weak; 
:and the support of a broad base of| 
:the Houston community and' 
[nationwide, has forced the DA to 
igive in on many points. The Houston 
";12 are innocent and will be freed. 
: The case is helping to build 
: solidarity and togetherness in the 
istruggle against U.S. imperialism 
: among workers and students. For 
•more information, contact: The 
: Houston 12 Defense Committee at 
• 3520 Moore St., Houston, Texas 77009. 

Page 3 

"Funny they should 
teach that here. They don't 
let us talk together, gather 
n the halls, or say anything 
against the ad- 

ooooooiOi oocKX>oo ooeo& 

Long Live The Heroic 
Struggles of The 
Vietnamese, Loatian, 
8, Cambodian 



What Every Student 
I Should Know 



I By Robert Pauls 

I^FAP FQC^M YOliz High school goes back 

llk^-tf^ lf\V^/ri IX^VItothe earliest days of schools intended for working 

HIGH SCHOOL YOUTH AGAINST WAR* ^^'^^^ children. In the early I9th century, public schools 

& FASCISM is an organization which has |^^^'"^'"°'"^P'"^^®'^"''''^"^ve'' before, but were still 

actively struggled around such issues as the! °"' °^ '■^^'=*', °^ T^^ °\^^^ P^P'^ ^'^ thats probably 

Vietnam war, cops in our schools, support of iE„^',r! ^'■P«"l P""'fh'Tient was used quite 

Q. „. ,.. '.. ^ . , '. *^*^ "I frequently;as a matter of fact,almost always, even for 

miv.h/ w ' P"^°" /^belhons, andfthe simpliest offense (so called offense,thatl)T?e 

many others. We were the first organization T corporal punishment would sometimes take very 

to demonstrate against the Vietnam War in! severe forms, such as whippings and beatings. 

^^2. f But today, the school system is more subtle. Instead 

ACTION is the national publication of|of beating you themselves, they will send a letter home 

H.S. YAWF. We want ACTION to become the| 'o your parents and let them do it for them. That, or 

voice of students. r they will try to make you stay after school. Although all 

If you would like more information about I ^^^^^ ""'^ '"*^''^ ^""^ '"^^"' 'he meanest of all is to fail 

H.S. YAWF, or would like to distribute i y°" ^""^ ^"'"^"''"^ y°" ^^'""^^ ^^^^ Passed. There is 

I very little that can be done about something like that, 

I because your parents will probably believe the school 

land the teacher involved and not you. Even if they 

■ believe you were failed for other than academic 

X reasons, they'll probably say that you deserve it for 

j speaking out against the school. And when they do 

I believe you and want to do something about it, they will 

be told by the school that the teacher involved knows 

best about such things, and in any case, that there is 

nothing that can be done about it and that it will 

I straighten itself out next year. But don't worry about it, 

I it won't. 

I wrote this to tell that the school system does not 

deal with you in a fair and honest way and never has. So 

there is no reason why you should deal fairly with it. It's 

jj important to work together in student action com- 

I mittees. They can hurt one student, but they can't bust 

ACTION at your school, contact us at; 

National Headquarters 46 West 21 Street 
H.S. YAWF New York. New York 


150 East Juneau Ave. 
Milwaukee, Wisconson 

542 S. Dearborn Rm. 3 
y^icago, Illinois 

171 State St. 
Rochester. New York 

824 Washington Ave 
Wilmington, Delaware 

P.O. Box 08141 
Detroit, Mich. 

P.O. Box 2576 
Cleveland, Ohio 








me more 

Please send 

I would like copies 

ACTION to distribute. 


i copies of I 

distrihiita x 

. VK «^U. (JUk, ^A«t t^^ 

""^ oduAitM y*^^'' t^^"^ 


Exhibit No. 16 
(Referred to on p. 58) 


A Syllabus 

Cr'Study Gmde 

to tne American 



A Syllabus and Study Guide 
to the American Revolution 


I. What Are We Celebrating During the Bicentennial Years? 
II. Some New Approaches to Looking at American History 
III. Books on the American Revolution 

1. 8 Basic Books on the American Revolution 

2. Books for Young Readers 

3. The Colonial Background of the American Revolution 

4. The British Background 

5. Developing the Revolutionary Movement, 1760 - 1776 

6. Our Founding Radicals — Their Strategy and Philosophy 

7. The American Tory 

8. Economic Democracy and the American Revolution 

9. The American Revolution and the Military 

10. Blacks and the American Revolution 

11. Women and the American Revolution 

12. The American Indian and the American Revolution 

13. Diplomacy and Foreign Affairs 

14. Debate: Was the American Revolution a Social Movement? 

Peoples Bicentennial Commission 
Washington, D.C. 20036 


^"^^^^^s .... 




The American War is over, but this is far from the case with 
the American Revolution. On the contrary, only the first act 
of the great drama is at a close. 

Benjamin Rush, 1787 

On July 4, 1776, the Continental Congress unanimously approved 
the Declaration of Independence, and with that vote, the American 
Revolution began. It was into the Declaration that our founders placed, for 
all the world to see, their vision of the principles upon which a democratic 
government must be founded: 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are 
created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with 
certain inalienable rights. That among these are life, liberty 
and the pursuit of happiness, that to secure these rights, 
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just 
powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any 
form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is 
the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to in- 
stitute new government, laying its foundation on such prin- 
ciples and organizing its powers in such form as to them 
shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. 

To our ancestors, the Declaration of Independence was much more 
than a mere philosophical statement set down on parchment. The patriots of 
1776 saw the Declaration as a prescription for action — action aimed 
ultimately at establishing a system of true economic, soc ial and political 
democracy in this nation. In the name of the Dec laration, American rebels 
not only waged war against King George III and the British em pire, but also 
against wealthy aristocrats in this country who preferred monarchs an d 
riches to government of. bv an d for the people. 


It is the Declaration of Independence, and the democratic principles 
of the American Revolution, that we Americans are commemorating during 
the Bicentennial years. Yet, how many of us are even familiar enough wit h 
our founding document to endorse its radical democratic philosophy? No t 
many, according to a recent survey conducted by a reporter for the Asso- 
ciated Pres s: 

MIAMI (July 4, AP) — Only one person out of fifty approach ed on 
Miami Streets by a reporter agreed to sign a typed copy of the Declaration o f 

Two called it "Commie junk," one threatened to call the police, and 
another warned: "Be careful who you show that kind of anti-governmen t 
s tuff to. buddv." 

Comments from those who took the trouble to read the first three 

" This is the work of a raver." 

" Somebody ought to tell the FBI about this sort of rubbish." 

" Meaningless ." 

" The boss'll have to read this before I can let you put it in the shop 
window. But politically. I can tell you he don't lean that way. He's a 

Two centuries ago, Americans committed their "lives, fortunes and 
sacred honors" to the ideals of the Declaration. Today, we scarcely know 
anything about our founding document, or the people, events and principles 
that shaped the birth of this nation. 

This Syllabus and Study Guide is designed to help reacquaint 
Americans with the principles that launched our first national rebellion to 
economic and political injustice. Only by re-examining and reaffirming the 
democratic vision that founded this nation, can we observe a meaningful 
Bicentennial. And only by seeking our own roots can we arm ourselves, as our 
ancestors did, with the only sure weapon against the tyrants of our own day 
— the power and strength that a knowledge of fundamental democratic prin- 
ciples gives. 

As Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, wrote almost two hundred years ago: 

History, by apprizing us of the past, will enable us to judge 
of the future; it will avail us of the experiences of other 
times; it will enable us to know ambition under every dis- 
guise it may assume; and knowing it, to defeat its views. 



Nearly a half century after he signed the Declaration of In- 
dependence, an aged John Adams wrote Thomas Jefferson, "Who shall write 
the history of the American Revolution? Who can write it? Who will ever be 
able to write it?" 

Were Adams alive today, he might look around him at the thou- 
sands upon thousands of accounts of the Revolution — the textbooks, the 
biographies, the scholarly monographs and the collections of correspond- 
ence, the military, social and narrative histories — and ask a different ques- 
tion. "Who," he might wonder, "shall read the history of the American 
Revolution? Who can read it? Who will ever be able to read it?" 

The truth is, that in the last two centuries, the events of ^the 
American Revolution have been hashed and rehashed, analyzed, synthesized 
and sanitized to no end. And after all of it, what do most of us know about 
the Revolution that founded this nation? How have the millions upon 
millions of words served to help us — the proverbial man and woman in the 
street — to better understand the original purpose and vision of America? 
The answer, of course, is that all of the words and books have done very little 
to give us a better sense of ourselves and our country. With libraries full of 
historical scholarship at our disposal, few of us know anything of substance 
about our past. 


The fault, of course, lies partly at our own feet. But more im- 
portantly, blame must be affixed to the professional historical community. 
Simply put, most of us know so little about the American past because very 
little history is written with us, the non-academics, in mind. In 200 years, his- 
tory has moved from a subject of popular concern and debate to the jealously 
guarded pursuit of scholars, theoreticians and professionals. 

These academic historians have preempted the past, the American 
Revolution along with the rest of it; they have locked it up in monographs 
and scholarly treatises and made it inaccessible to the ordinary citizen. They 
have performed a kind of prefontal lobotomy on the general public and 
removed a substantial part of our historical awareness. In short, historians, 
with their plodding and endless pursuit of "objective" facts to fit into their 
neatly defined "scientific" framework, have killed history. Dead as a door- 

But now with the Bicentennial of the American Revolution upon us, 
we have, in a sense, one last chance to resurrect history and return it to the 
average citizen of America. And that, fortunately, is exactly what is begin- 
ning to happen across the country, as "amateur historians" — those of us 
with no formal historical training or professional scholarship under our belts 
— work to reclaim the American past and put its lessons back to work in our 
own lifetimes. 

In Santa Barbara, California, in Champaign-Urbana, Illinois, in 
Oneonta, New York, and in dozens of other communities across the country, 
small, informal groups meet weekly to discuss the Revolutionary Era. These 
people are not professional historians. Some attend high school or college. 
Others are members of church groups who meet to socialize and trace the 
history of religious thought in America. Many are men and women who hold 
down jobs during the day, and get together on occasional evenings to re- 
examine the American past and present. They all share in common an in- 
terest in the lessons of other times, and a commitment to put those lessons to 
work today. 

These amateurs are developing a new approach to looking into our 
heritage that is considerably removed from both the boring superficiality of 
most school-taught, textbook history and the scholarly mumbo-jumbo of the 
Ivy League PhDs. The new sense of history they are forging is important for 
us all. 

Amateur historians believe that there is no reason for history to be a 
dry and boring subject. In fact, there is a richness and power to the workings 
of history that can rival any novel or movie. Just think how the events of 
Watergate, one of the most important moments in our own lifetime, will look 
to future generations — the sleuthing and probing of Woodward and Bern- 
stein; the tales of deceit and intrigue the Nixon tapes contain; the battles be- 
tween the Executive and the Legislative and Judicial branches of government. 
Is there any reason to believe that equally fascinating events didn't take place 
200 years ago when Americans were moving toward Revolution, the greatest 
break from the established order that a people can make? 


Amateur historians believe that amateurs can interpret history as 
well as professionals, if not better. The American Revolution wasn't fought 
by professionals, but by hundreds of thousands of common citizens who were 
fed up with the undemocratic power wielded by King George. Why then 
shouldn't the common citizen of our day be fully qualified to study and in- 
terpret that history? 

Amateur historians believe that history can teach us about the 
present. Professional historians try to limit the impact of historical events to 
the time they took place, but the world as we know it is the sum total of all 
past historical occurrences. The fact that Americans fought a Revolution 
against economic and political power concentrated into the hands of a few, 
has as much meaning to the America of the 1970s as it had to the America of 

the 1770s. 

Amateur historians realize that our founding fathers and mothers 
were not gods, neither were they perfect human beings. Like all of us, the 
Americans of the 18th century had their flaws and inconsistencies. The im- 
portant thing for our generation is to recognize the relevance of the ideals 
and democratic vision of our founders for our country today. If they failed to 
accomplish all that we would have liked, then it is our duty to take up the 
task of completing their unfinished business. 

Amateur historians believe that "history" is not confined to the 
events of the past. None of us who lived through two years of Watergate scan- 
dals can doubt that historic events occur in our own lives. What we often 
forget is that we are not neutral observers in the history of our own time. 
History is not a football game where we have the luxury of sitting on the 
sidelines and watching two teams slug it out. Our choice is simple — to be 
dragged along by events, or to work to shape and change them in ways that 
seem most in keeping with the democratic hopes of our ancestors. That is 
really the lesson of the American Revolution. 

Amateur historians are not afraid to draw parallels between the 
events and concerns of another age and those of our own. Professional 
historians stay away from making any kind of comparisons because they are 
worried that their "academic credentials" will suffer if they make history 
relevant to our time. Of course, drawing parallels should not be done lightly. 
But can anyone doubt that when Sam Adams, looking around him at the rich 
and powerful of his day, said "Let us disappoint the men who are raising 
themselves upon the ruin of this country," he was speaking as much to our 
generation as to his own? 

These are just some of the lessons that amateur historians all over 
the country are beginning to learn. Beneath it all, is a belief that the study of 
history should mean a deepening and extension of our understanding of the 
contemporary world. And there is no better place, no more appropriate event 
in modem history, with which to begin this resurrection of American history 
than with the American Revolution. 




With thousands upon thousands of books written on the American 
Revolution, the natural first question for the amateur historian is, "Where do 
I start?" 

To help point a direction, we've selected eight books that serve as a 
jumping off point for a look into the Revolution. We suggest that you begin 
with these eight, and then go on to the more specialized areas of interest that 
are contained in this syllabus. 

THE SPIRIT OF '76, ed. by Henry Steele Commager and Richard B. Morris, 
Harper & Row, 1967. 

"Primary sources" — the documents, letters, pamphlets, speeches, 
newspapers and broadsides actually written during the 1760s and '70s — are 
a historian's most valuable materials. Uninterpreted by the biases and views 
of later historians, primary sources allow the participants in the Revolution 
to speak for themselves. The Spirit of '76, a collection of hundreds of these 
valuable original documents, is an essential work on the American 
Revolution. Included in this well-indexed and easy-to-use book are items 
both cultural and political — Tory and Patriot ballads; observations on the 
impact of the Revolution on medicine; comments by leading patriots on 
profits and profiteering policies of wealthy merchants; proclamations by 
King George III, and much more. The book is nearly 1300 pages long, but 
don't let it scare you off. 

VOLUTION, et/. by Samuel Eliot Morison, Oxford University Press, 1965. 

Like the Commager and Morris collection, this is primary material 
from the Revolution, but it is far heavier fare. Contained in this volume are 
the basic political and philosophical documents of the Revolutionary years — 
the Declaration of Independence, the Virginia Bill of Rights, the State Con- 
stitution of Pennsylvania, etc. The early years of the Republic immediately 
following the Revolution are also represented in excerpts of the most im- 
portant debates of the Constitutional Convention, the Constitution itself, and 
materials relating to Shay's Rebellion. Some of these documents aren't easy 
reading by today's standards, but they deserve study and discussion as 
representatives of the radical philosophy that founded the United States. 


PRIVATE YANKEE DOODLE, being a narrative of some of the adventures, 
dangers, and sufferings of a Revolutionary soldier, Joseph Plumb Martin, ed. 
by George F. Scheer. Little Brown, 1962. 

Private Yankee Doodle, another primary source, is one of the most 
entertaining and informative accounts penned by a participant in the 
American Revolution. Joseph Martin joined the American Revolutionary Ar- 
my at the age of 16, right after the first outbreak of fighting at Lexington and 
Concord, and like many American patriots, he stuck it through for seven long 
years. His story, written many years after the war when he was an old man in 
his 90s, is the finest first-hand account of the military side of the Revolution 
from a private soldier's point of view. In his simple, moving (and often times 
humorous) fashion, Martin reveals all of the human emotions of a young man 
in battle, and in passages like the following, shows us that the American 
Revolution was no party for the common man who fought it: 

"How many times have I had to lie down like a dumb 
animal in the field, and bear 'the pelting of the pitiless 
storm,' cruel enough in warm weather, but how much more 
so in the heart of winter. Could I have had the benefit of a 
little fire, it would have been deemed a luxury. But when 
snow or rain would fall so heavy that it was impossible to 
keep a spark of fire alive, to have to weather out along, wet, 
cold tedious night in the depth of winter, with scarcely 
clothes enough to keep one from freezing instantly, how 
discouraging it must be, I leave to my reader to judge." 

THE SPIRIT OF '76, Carl Becker. A.M. Kelly. 1966. 

In 1926, on the 150th anniversary of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, historian Carl Becker was asked to deliver a lecture on "The 
Spirit of '76." Turning his back on the orthodox style of lecture, Becker in- 
stead developed a semi-fictional, but totally believable tale of a New York 
family, the Wynkoops. who lived through the important events of the 1760s 
and '70s. In just 50 pages, Becker, through the use of this family, shows that 
"The Spirit of '76" is really nothing more than the story of plain, ordinary 
people caught up in history-making times, trying to come to grips with new 
principles and events that may change their lives and the world around them. 
As the Wynkoop family shows, the decisions in a revolutionary age are sel- 
dom easy, but a choice must eventually be made. 

Stanford University Press, 1957. 

If you want one single work by a contemporary historian that gives 
an overview of the American Revolution, this is it. Miller traces the develop- 
ment of the Revolution from its uncertain beginnings in the 1760s to its 
culmination in the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Particularly 
interesting is the last chapter, "The American Revolution as a Democratic 


Movement," which details the domestic conflict between conservative and 
radical patriots around the issues of economic, political and social 

MOVEMENT,/. Franklin Jameson, Princeton University Press. 1967. 

In the early 1920s, historians generally regarded the American 
Revolution as simply an independence movement; few saw it as a democratic 
social movement that transformed and revolutionized society within 
America. Then in 1925, Professor J. Franklin Jameson, one of America's 
eminent historians, delivered a series of four lectures at Princeton University 
that changed the course of historical interpretation. In the lectures, Jameson 
argued persuasively that, 

'The stream of revolution, once started, could not be con- 
fined within narrow banks, but spread abroad upon the 
land. Many economic desires, many social aspirations were 
set free by the political struggle, many aspects of colonial 
society profoundly altered by the forces thus set loose. The 
relations of social classes to each other, the institution of 
slavery, the system of land-holding, the course of business, 
the forms and spirit of the intellectual and religious life, all 
felt the transforming hand of revolution . . ." 

THE STAMP ACT CRISIS, Edmund Morgan and Helen Morgan, Collier 
Books, 1963. 

Although the Stamp Act was approved by Parliament more than a 
decade before the American Revolution began, the protests and outrage that 
greeted it in the colonies set the stage for the events of later years. This vivid 
account of those protests, the first inter-colonial demonstrations in our 
history, is fast-reading and entertaining. Of special interest is the story of the 
smoldering conflict within the patriot ranks as leaders and demonstrators 
clashed over political and tactical questions in their efforts to force repeal of 
the tax. 

mission. Bantam Books, 1974. ~ ' ' 

Voices of the American Revolution is just that; a collection of over 
500 quotations from our founding fathers and mothers. Here the founders 
speak out for themselves on the major issues of importance in a democracy — 
banks and corporations, women's rights, foreign affairs, freedom of the 
press, taxes, education, and over tv^^enty other subjects. Preceding the quotes 
is a brief essay on the Declaration of Independence — how it came to be writ- 
ten down, what it has to say about basic human rights and the relationship of 
government to the individual, and how its radical principles were put to use, 
both here and abroad. 



The books in this section come highly recommended to us from 
young and old alike as of particular value to young readers of American 

There is a wide variety of books on the Revolution in this list — 
novels, first-hand accounts, biographies, tales of spies, soldiers, working 
men and women, statesmen — virtually everything but that bane of history, 
the textbook. 

And by the way, if you don't consider yourself a "young person" 
anymore, don't get scared off by this section. Many of the books are in 
other parts of the syllabus, and besides, you're only as old, or as young, as 
you think. 

Women in Eighteenth-Century America, Mary S. Benson, Kennikat Press, 

John Adams and the American Revolution. Catherine Drinker Bowen, Little 

Brown, 1950. 
Look to the Mountain. Le Grand Cannon, H. Holt & Co., 1942. 
The Spirit of 76. Henry Steele Commager and Richard B. Morris, Harper & 

Row, 1967. 


Drums Along the Mohawk, Walter Edmonds, Little Brown, 1937. 

Paul Revere and the World He Lived In, Esther Forbes, Houghton Mifflin 

Co., 1942. 
Johnny Tremaine, Esther Forbes, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1945. 
The Adventures of Christopher Hawkins, Christopher Hawkins, New York 

Times, 1968. 
Private Yankee Doodle; being a narrative of some of the adventures, dangers, 

and sufferings of a Revolutionary soldier, Joseph Plumb Martin, ed. 

by George F. Scheer, Little Brown, 1962. 
Rag, Tag and Bobtail: The Story of the Continental Army, Lynn Montross, 

Barnes and Noble, 1967. 
The Negro in the American Revolution, Benjamin Quarles, University of 

North Carolina Press, 1961. 
Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 

Abbot Smith, University of North Carolina Press, 1947. 
The American Revolution, George Otto Trevelyan, D. McKay Co., 1964. 
The Secret History of the American Revolution, Carl Van Doren, A.M. 

Kelly, 1973. 
The Great Rehearsal: the story of the making and ratifying of the Consti- 
tution, Carl Van Doren, Viking Press, 1948. 
Mutiny in January, Carl Van Doren, A.M. Kelly, 1973. 
Sally Wister's Journal, Sarah Wister, New York Times, 1969. 

69-239 O - 76 - 13 




From their first days in the "New World" in the early 1600s, 
European colonists began to slowly change from their relatives on the other 
side of the Atlantic. Separated by 3000 miles of water from the Old World — 
a considerable distance in those days — the colonists who came here were 
forced to modify old institutions and values to meet the needs of their lives in 
America. In addition, many of these early settlers were the outcasts of Europe 
— radicals, religious dissenters, the poor and criminals. This section explores 
the early development of what one observer of the 1700s called, "This new 
man, this American." 

Errand into the Wilderness, Perry Miller, Belknap Press, 1956. 

The Puritans, Perry Miller, Doubleday, 1956. 

The Intellectual Life of Colonial New England, Samuel Eliot Morison, New 

York University Press, 1956. 
Colonists in Bondage; White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 

Abbot Smith, University of North Carolina Press, 1947. 
Gentleman Freeholders; Political Practices in Washington's Virginia, 

Charles S. Sydnor, University of North Carolina Press, 1952. 
The Peaceable Kingdom; New England Towns in the Eighteenth-Century, 

Michael Zuckerman, Knopf, 1970. 
The Colonial Era, Herbert Aptheker, International Publishers, 1966. 


uTkOKGE the m^ KIN<J of Gkkat BRITAIN.&c 


As Americans came to grips with the issues that launched the Re- 
volution, their relatives in England were debating among themselves the 
merits of the American case. British society was torn. Wealthy aristocrats 
and government officials, for the most part, supported the King and his 
policies. Others, notably John Wilkes, the Mayor of London, and his poor 
constituents, resorted to extreme measures in favor of the Americans. This 
section explores these conflicts. 

British Opinion and the American Revolution, Dora Mae Clark, Yale Uni- 
versity Press, 1930. 

Preliminaries of the American Revolution as Seen in the English Press, 
Fred J. Hinkhouse, Octagon Books, 1969. 

A History of England in the Eighteenth-Century, William Lecky, AMS 
Press, 1%8. 

Origins of the American Revolution, John C. Miller, Stanford University 
Press, 1957. 



/i/cA ^^AfTtAy/^ 

U^Ja^n. ^ Jfu^^^^j^ 


The names of Thomas Jefferson, Abigail Adams, Tom Paine, Ben 
Franklin, Mercy Warren and others are well known to our generation. 
Today, we call these men and women the "Founding Fathers and Mothers," 
but who were these people, and what did they stand for? This section ex- 
plores these questions by examining the radical philosophy that propelled 
America into Revolution, as well as the strategy and tactics that the founders 
used to turn their philosophy into a program for action and change. 

Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, Bernard Bailyn, Belknap 

Press, 1967. 
Pamphlets of the American Revolution, Bernard Bailyn, Balknap Press, 

The Lamp of Experience, Trevor Colburn, University of North Carolina 

Press, 1965. 
The American Revolution: A Constitutional Interpretation, Charles 

Mcllwain, Macmillan, 1923. 
Sam Adams, John C. Miller, Belknap Press, 1936. 
Chronicles of the American Revolution, Hezekiah Niles, University Press, 

Tracts of the American Revolution, Merrill Jensen, Bobbs-Merrill, 1967. 
The Declaration of Independence, Carl Becker, P. Smith, 1933. 
Common Sense and other Political Writings, Thomas Paine, Bobbs-Merrill, 




In 1760, George III was proclaimed King of England and Ruler of 
the British Empire, an empire that included the thirteen colonies in 
America. Within 15 years of his accession to the throne. King George had 
managed to so thoroughly antagonize Americans that a full-fledged 
Revolutionary movement had taken root throughout the colonies. 

From its earliest demands that Americans should enjoy the same 
rights and liberties as Englishmen, the revolutionary movement climaxed in 
the establishment of the United States as a new nation dedicated to dem- 
ocratic government, equality of all people, and Revolution throughout the 
world. This section traces that 15 year development, and the milestone 
events along the way. 

The Coming of the Revolution, Lawrence Gipson, Harpers, 1954. 

From Resistance to Revolution, Pauline Maier, Knopf, 1972. 

Founding of a Nation, Merrill Jensen, Oxford University Press, 1968. 

The History of the American Revolution, David Ramsay, Russell & 

Russell, 1968. 
Toward Lexington, John Sly, Princeton University, 1965. 
The Eve of the Revolution, Carl Becker, Yale University Press, 1921. 
The Boston Tea Party, Benjamin Labaree, Oxford University Press, 1964. 
The Stamp Act Crisis, Edmund Morgan and Helen Morgan, Collier Books, 

Seedtime of the Republic, Clinton Rossiter, Harcourt Brace, 1953. 
The Boston Massacre, Hiller Zobel, W.W. Norton, 1970. 



Not all Americans in 1776 were patriots. Far from it. Tens of 
thousands of Americans considered themselves loyal subjects of King 
George, and did everything in their power to stop the coming Revolution. 
Because of their support for the monarchy, and their hatred for democracy, 
these Tories lost much in the Revolution. The large land-holdings of many 
were confiscated, broken up and distributed among the patriots. Thousands 
were forced into exile. Others were tarred and feathered, boycotted and jailed 
for their activity. 

Who were the Tories? What did they believe in? How well organized 
were they? And what made them side with King George instead of the rebels? 
These questions are explored in this section. 

Democratic-Republican Societies, Eugene Link, Columbia University Press, 

The American Tory, William H. Nelson, Oxford University Press, 1961. 

Origin and Progress of the American Rebellion, Peter Oliver, Stanford Uni- 
versity Press, 1961. 

The Loyalists in the American Revolution, C.H. Van Tyne, P. Smith, 1929. 


TK« TIMES are 

9olorons> ana 



There were two major thrusts to the American Revolution. One, of 
course, was the struggle for independence that was waged against King 
George and the British Empire, The other was what Benjamin Rush, a signer 
of the Declaration of Independence, had in mind when he wrote in 1787, 
"The American War is over, but this is far from the case with the American 
Revolution. On the contrary, only the first act of the great drama is at a 

Rush, Thomas Jefferson, Tom Paine and many other Americans 
were determined that the Revolution would not stop with the separation of 
the United States from England. They demanded that the democratic prin- 
ciples of the Revolutionary years be applied with equal force here at home. 
Concentrations of power and wealth, these patriots argued, was un- 
democratic whether in the hands of the King of England or the wealthy land- 
holders and merchants of America. This section explores the issues of 
Economic Democracy and political power. 

Th e American Revolution, Herbert Aptheker, International Publishers, 

The Sons of Liberty in New York, H.B. Dawson, Arno Press, 1969. 
Laboring and Dependent Classes in America, Marcus Jernegan, Ungar, 

Government and Labor in Early America, Richard B. Morris, Harpers 

Torchbook, 1965. 
The Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution, Arthur Schlesinger, 

Columbia University Press, 1918. 



For over seven years, Americans shouldered arms against the troops 
of King George III. This army, under the command of General George 
Washington, was the first ever established by Americans, and the task was 
one of the most difficult and crucial the patriots faced. 

This section looks into the early views of Americans toward the ar- 
my, a subject of great controversy in the 18th century when any professional 
military force was distrusted by private citizens and seen as a danger to the 
civil authority. Also explored are the military strategies, battles and cam- 
paigns of the Revolution. 

The American Rebellion, Sir Henry Clinton, Yale University Press, 1954. 

George Washington in the American Revolution. James Flexner, Little 
Brown, 1968. 

The Campaign of 1781 in the Carolinas. Henry Lee, Quadrangle Books 

Rag, Tag and Bobtail: The Story of the Continental Army, Lynn Montross, 

Barnes and Noble, 1967. 
The History of the Origin, Progress and Termination of the American War, 

Charles Stedman, New York Times. 1969. 
The American Revolution, George Otto Trevelyan, D. McKay Co., 1964. 
The Voices of 76, Richard B. Wheeler, Harper and Row, 1972. 
Battles of the American Revolution, Henry Beebe Carrington, New York 

Times, 1968. 
Soldiers and Civilians: The Martial Spirit in America, 1775-1865, Marcus 

Cunliffe, Little Brown, 1968. 



Much of the history of the American Revolution, like other periods 
out of our past, has been neglected, forgotten, or lost. The role of Black 
people during the Revolution is such a case. For black men and women, most 
of whom were enslaved during the Revolution, the key issues at stake were 
freedom and the end of slavery. Many blacks, taking the words of the 
Declaration of Independence to heart — "We hold these truths to be self- 
evident, that all men are created equal ..." — fought on the side of the 
patriots. Other blacks fought in the King's army, hoping that if the Redcoats 
won, they would be freed in gratitude. This section examines the role of Black 
Americans during the Revolution — as soldiers, writers, spies, clergy, free 
men and women and slaves. 

T he Nesro in the American Revolution, Herbert Aptheker, Internationa l 

Publishers, 1940. 
The Negro in Colonial New England, L.J, Greene, Kennikat Press, 1966. 
The Negro in the American Revolution, Benjamin Quarles, University of 

North Carolina Press, 1961. 
The Black Presence in the Era of the American Revolution, Sidney Kaplan 

& the Smithsonian Institution, New York Graphic Society Ltd., 




Though seldom given credit, women played as active a role in the 
waging of the Revolution as did men. Before the outbreak of fighting, women 
formed Daughters of Liberty organizations to promote boycotts of taxed 
British goods. During the war, some women were spies, others took up arms, 
and many more successfully managed farms and businesses while their hus- 
bands served in the army. 

At the same time, there was a growing awareness among women of 
issues we today call "women's liberation." Abigail Adams for instance, wrote 
her husband John (then a delegate to the Continental Congress), that "If par- 
ticular care and attention are not paid to the ladies, we are determined to 
foment a rebellion and will not hold ourselves bound to obey any laws in 
which we have no voice or representation." This section explores the lives of 
colonial women, the participation of women in the patriot cause, and the im- 
plications of the Revolutionary philosophy to the role of women in society. 

Women's Life and Work in the Southern Colonies, Julia Cherry Spruill, 

Norton, 1972. 
Colonial Dames and Good Wives, Alice Morse Earle, Ungar, 1962. 
Customs and Fashions in Old New England, Alice Morse Earle, Corner 

House Publishers, 1969. 
Familiar Letters of John Adams and Abigail Adams, during the American 

Revolution, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Books for Libraries Press, 

Correspondence Between John Adams and Mercy Warren, ed. C.F. Adams, 

Arno Press, 1972. 
Sally Wister's Journal, Sarah Wister, New York Times, 1969. 
The Women of '76, Sally Smith Booth, Hastings House Publishers, 1973. 




Long before white people came to America from Europe, Indian 
tribes inhabited North America. From the first, colonists viewed and treated 
these Native Americans paradoxically. Impressed with the Indians' outlook 
toward property, life, nature and spiritual matters, colonists came to see the 
Indian as a "noble savage" more in tune with the world than the "civilized" 
European. At the same time, Europeans demanded that the Indians change 
their ways, adopt the Christian God, and in general become more like them- 
selves. These conflicts inevitably led to mutual distrust and misun- 
derstanding, and eventually to the breaking of treaties and armed attacks. 
This section explores these antagonisms, as well as the role played by In- 
dians, both on the side of the British and the Americans, during the 

History of the American Indian, James Adair, Johnson Reprint Corp., 1968. 
The Indian and the White Man, Wilcomb Washburn, NY U. Press, 1964. 
The Iroquois in the American Revolution, Barbara Graymont, Syracuse 

University Press, 1972. 
The Southern Indian during the American Revolution, James H. O'Donnell, 

U. of Tennessee Press, 1973. 
The Colonial Legacy, ed. by Lawrence Leder, Harper and Row, 1973. Vol. 3, 

an Introduction to James Adair, by Washburn, pgs. 91-120. 


The Mtf/iS£ A M 21 R I C A . //vw/z/c //r Jf^rr 


During the Revolution, the Continental Congress sought financial 
and military aid from France and other European countries in the battle 
against the massive British Empire. As the fighting came to a close, 
American diplomats conducted lengthy negotiations with English represen- 
tatives in an effort to reach a peace settlement. After the Revolution, America 
was heralded as the leader of the world-wide democratic movement, and 
American representatives actively attempted to spread the Revolution out- 
side of the United States. All three aspects of our early diplomatic and 
foreign policy efforts are explored here. 

The Diplomacy of the American Revolution, Samuel Bemis, D. Appleton- 
Century, 1935. 

English Whiggism and the American Revolution, George H. Guttridge, Uni- 
versity of California Press, 1942. 

The Peacemakers, Richard B. Morris, Harper and Row, 1965. 

John Adams, V. II, Page Smith. Doubledav. 1962. 

The Life and Major Writings of Thomas Paine, ed. by Philip S. Foner, 
Citadel Press, 1974. 




Since 1776, there have been nearly as many interpretations of the 
American Revolution as there were historians to v^^rite them. Some historians 
claim that the American Revolution wasn't a "real" revolution like those of 
France, Russia or China. These historians argue that our Revolution was 
primarily an "independence" movement that transferred power from an elite 
in England to an elite in the United States. Another school of historians point 
to the social and economic reforms that were launched in the 1770s to prove 
that the American Revolution was the real thing. 

This section explores these, and other, interpretations of the 
American Revolution. 

The American Revolution Considered as a Social Movement, J. Franklin 

Jameson, Princeton University Press, 1926. 
The American Revolution: Two Centuries of Interpretation, Edmund 

Morgan, ed., Prentice-Hall, 1965. 
Causes and Consequences of the American Revolution, Esmond Wright, ed., 

Quadrangle Books, 1966. 
Voices of the American Revolution, Peoples Bicentennial Commission . 

Bantam Books, 1974. 


The Peoples Bicentennial Commission publishes material on the 
American Revolution and the Bicentennial. PBC publications include guides 
to: "Community Programs for a Peoples Bicentennial;" "Student and 
Teacher Programs for a Peoples Bicentennial;" religious participation in the 
Bicentennial; and a special youth activity guide for the Bicentennial. All 
four guides contain scores of program ideas, activities, suggestions, as well 
as historical material about the Revolution and its implications for today. 
Also included in the kit are study guides, a quote book from the founding 
mothers and fathers, an American History magazine, and posters and but- 
tons. The complete PBC kit, along with a one year's subscription to the PBC 
magazine, "Common Sense," costs $10.00. Write to the Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission, Washington, D.C. 20036. 


Exhibit No. 17 
(Referred to on p. 60) 

PO « 

Order Form 


Bicentennial Materials 

(PleJse attach school puichast' older 
and enter niimber here 1 

Order any combination you want. All orders under $25,00 
must be paid in advance. On orders over $25.00. please 
include purchase order number if payment is not enclosed. 
If your order includes 25 books or more, you will receive an 
educational discount of 20% on your total order 
FREE BONUSES. For any prepaid order over $25.00, you 
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Teacher, edited by PH Tedesco, and Teaching /or a Change 
by J.A.Scott, 

Please send 

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order, shipping and handling are prepaid by the publisher 
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Student Guides (set of 10) 




Set of 5 Documents 



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Exhibit No. 18 
(Referred to on p. 61) 












Exhibit No. 19 
(Referred to on p. 62) 



TKI.. NO. 813 — ^37-7311 

March 12, 1975 

Mrs. William C. Walton 
1105 North Irving Avenue 
Wheaton, Illinois 60187 

Dear Mrs. Walton: 

I enclose a recent issue of our Newsletter w hich includes 
tvi70 announcements about materials that are available on 
the bicentennial. These are the film on George III and 
the items that can be obtained from the Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission. I assume that you are writing to the Bicenten- 
nial Administration in Washington. 

Let me suggest that you also contact Professor Richard Morris 
who is chairman of the Committee on the Bicentennial of the 
American Historical Association. Professor Morris' address 
is 605 Fayerweather Hall, Columbia University, New York 
City 10027. 

Sin cerely yours , 

Richard S. Kirkendall 
Executive Secretary 

En c los ure 

Indiana 1'n'i\ersit^' 

69-239 O— 76- 



Exhibit No. 19A 

(Referred to on p. 62) 

[From Organization of American Historians Newsletter, January 1975) 


The Peoples Bicentennial Commission has produced a complete Bicentennial 
display package of books on the American Revolution, "In the Minds and Hearts 
of the People." The display is especially suited to library and school use. It 
contains eight large posters based on quotes from the founding fathers and mothers, 
30 reproductions of the Revolutionary era, engravings, captions, and headlines 
describing the major events and themes of the American Revolution, and a 
syllabus and study guide developed by Dr. Page Smith, Senior Staff Historian 
and a Bancroft A\vard-winning author. The display package can be ordered from 
the Peoples Bicentennial Commissicn, 1346 Connecticut Avenue N.W., Wash- 
ington, D.C. 20036 for $20. 


Exhibit No. 20 
(Referred to on p. 63) 


VOL 2, No. 1 


JANUARY, 1974 

photo DV UNS 

INSIDE: Boston Oil Party; Patriots vs Tories 


Exhibit No. 21 
(Referred to on p. 64) 

^^•^ ^^~N our price: 25' 

VOL. 3, 


NO. 2 


mo^ ^ ^ THK 200th i^\lf T:R^iiRl OF ^^ ^^3 ^ ^^a 








^ PEOPiii^:^ Rii e\tk: \\i Ai^ c on YiiN!mo\ 

(017^ :^y-l^.>l, 400 BBI4C 0\ >^T., BO?»»TO\, ILkHH. 





*>hoiiifl never rise 

uilhoul iloinj£ ^nmrdiini: 

1(1 Im- rtnirinl>*rc(i. 

.Itlllll Vlllllllo. 

^.^^. r . 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission 


Exhibit No. 22 
(Referred to on p. 64) 



Allegiance to whom? 
Can we be equal and free? 
Is more better? 
What dare we .dream? 

Boston Globe . Aprrl 13, '975^^, A prologue to Ihe nations bicentennial celebration including a complete 1975 calendar of Boston and slate events 

[From the Boston Globe, Apr. 13, 1975] 

What Dare We Dream? 

(By Jeremy Rifkin) 

We always paid our taxes, supported our families and stood by our country 
m good tunes and bad. We always believed that hard work would pay off. We 
never took charity. If we didn't have everything we wanted, at least we had every- 
thing we needed to make ends meet. 

Now we watch helpless as our hard-earned savings are devoured by skyrocket- 
1?^ {!?°^ ^^^^'^ ^^'^ medical costs. We sit up late at night wondering if we will 
be able to meet our next mortgage payment. We look on in disbelief as our friends 
and neighbors lose their jobs and are forced into unemplovment lines. 


We sense an eerie mood of desperation as those around us are moved from hope 
to cynicism, from self-reliance to dependency, from commitment to escape, from 
moral purpose to expediency. 

We are no longer sure of what to believe in and who to trust. VV e know that some- 
thing very wrong is happening in our country, but aren't quite sure what it is. 
We feel as" if a conspiracy has eaten its way into the soul of America and is threaten- 
ing to destroy the spiritual life of our nation. We are afraid and angry and want 
desperately to act ... .,..,., 

Ironically, the mood of America on the eve of our bicentennial is strilvingly 
similar to the mood felt throughout the 13 colonies in 1775. Like us, the colonists 
were ensnared in an unfolding series of crises that had already spanned nearly a 

If the patriots of the 1770s could take a look at America in the 1970s, they'd 
be stunned. The burning issues of 200 years ago read like the front page of today s 
newspapers. Back then, a handful of troul)le-makers we now call patriots pointed 
an accusing finger at the monarchy. Today, millions of Americans are beginning 
to turn an accusing finger once again — this time at the giant corporations. Like 
the monarchy, these corporate giants have succeeded in concentrating an extraor- 
dinary amount of economic and political power in the hands of a few and have 
undermined out basic rights as workers, consumers and citizens. Consider the 

Today's giant business corporations claim possession of vast amounts of eco- 
nomic wealth far in excess of anv monarchv that ever existed. The 200 largest 
business corporations, alone, control two-thirds of all of the manufacturing assets 
in the United States. As a matter of fact, 36 out of the 100 largest money powers 
(measured by GNP or gross sales) in the world today are no longer even countries. 
Thev are American corporations. 

The great majority of us work for these corporate institutions. Even so, the 
American worker is not the primary beneficiary of corporate productivity. The 
main objective of the corporation is to make profit for its stockholders. Yet, only 
1 percent of the population of this country own 72 percent of all the stock. Over 
85 percent of the American people don't even own a single share of stock— we 

simply can't afford it. . r i ■ j 

It's no wonder that seven out of every 10 working Americans feel increased 
corporate productivity would benefit wealthy stockholders and management more 
than themselves. Their feelings are justified. America's super-rich now owri 43 
percent of the private wealth of the nation and they are getting richer by the day. 
Given the nature of the corporate institutions, there is simply no way the American 
worker can ever come out on top because that privileged position is held by a 
small stockholding aristocracy. j r 

Meanwhile, America's corporate giants have forced hundreds of thousands ot 
small businesses out of the marketplace and have formed "shared" monopolies m 
virtually every major wholesale and retail market. These monopolies fix prices at 
arbitrarily high levels, reaping windfall profits, while the American consumer is 
being taken for a ride to the poor house. 

F.ven while millions of Americans face the prospect of indefinite layotts and 
months or even years of unemployment, the big business moguls feel perfectly 
justified in moving their plant operations abroad so that they can hire cheaper 
foreign labor and reap still greater i^rofits for their wealthy stockholders. 

These same giant corporations dominate the political decision-making process 
by placing their executives and supporters in key electoral and appointed govern- 
mental positions. Through massive lobbies and the support of hand-picked legisla- 
tors, the corporations divide up our tax money through government subsidies 
contracts and other special favors. According to a 1972 Hams poll, 69 percent ot 
the people agree with the statement that large corporations have a great deal ot 
influence in Washington. Only 7 percent believe that the average citizen has com- 
parable access to government decision-making. 

The giant corporation is the most important governing institution in our lives. 
We spend half of our waking hours under its rules and jurisdiction. For most of us, 
it is the "only" government that we will be initimately associated with on a daily 
basis for the "majority of our life. Yet, it is a government where democratic prin- 
ciples and God-given rights have no place whatsoever. The corporation is not de- 
signed to maximize rights, but rather to maximize profits. We never think of GAl, 
Exxon or ITT as institutions whose basic purpose is to i^romote human values, in 
the cori)orate world there are no considerations of heart and soul, of God, and 
conscience, but only of expansion and contraction, victory and defeat, profit and 


Anyone that works inside the giant business corporation knows that it is an 
authoritarian environment designed to domesticate the hmnan mind and anes- 
thetize personal initiative, creative thinking and independent judgment — qualities 
essential to the preservation of our God-given rights. 

Every day these giant Ijureaucratic prisons drain us of that special and unique 
energy that was to be our trademark and destiny as a people. We used to lielieve 
that we were each captains of our fate and masters of our souls. We are now foot 
soldiers in the corporate armies. We used to believe that great concentrations of 
w^ealth and power were subversive to the proper functioning of the democratic 
process and general welfare of society. Now we accept a government and an econ- 
omy dominated by a powerful legion of corporate monarchs. 

Why do we Americans allow ourselves to remain silent in the face of this 
obvious and humiliating reality? We know the truth of our situation. We sense 
that something is fundamentally wrong with the way our economy is organized. 
We realize that all of the piecemeal proposals presently being debated are but 
temporary stopgaps and offer no clearcut solution for the future survival of our 
country. We know that time is running out for America but we are simply unable 
to imagine a workable alternative to the present corporate system. 

How many times have we heard it said: the giant corporations will alwavs be 
here. They are a fact of life and we must accept it. This was the same psvchological 
problem that faced the colonists 200 years ago. Many of them could riot imagine 
a world without a monarchy. In their minds, monarchy was a fact of life, something 
beyond their control that was always there and could never be challenged, much 
less replaced. It took a simple corset maker named Thomas Paine to'point out 
what centuries of blind obedience to the crown had covered up ; the simple truth 
that monarchy was not divinely inspired. It was merely a set of rules which people 
had made to govern social relationships. People make institutions, and people can 
change them. Sounds fairly self-evident, doesn't it? But is it as self-evident in 
relation to the giant business corporation. Although we don't really believe that 
GM, Exxon and ITT are divinely inspired, we nonetheless ascribe to them a 
certain mystic bigger-than-life quality. The simple fact is that the corporate 
system is just a set of rules for bringing people and resources together to make and 
distribute goods and services. 

What is becoming more obvious is that these rules are controlled l)y a few (top 
management) to benefit a few (the wealthy stockholders). Meanwhile, 99 percent 
of the American people are shortchanged every day, as workers and consumers 
are treated like second-class citizens at the workplace, in the communitv and in 
the halls of government. 

Two hundred years ago our founders were faced with the choice of continuing 
to live under a set of rules (the monarchy) that was unfair and oppressive, or 
replacing it with a new order. They chose to abolish monarchv and to establish a 
representative democracy. 

Their intent was simple and direct. Citizens from each community would be 
elected to ofhce by their neighbors. These officials would be called "public ser- 
vants" for the simple reason that they were to carry out the will of those who 
elected them. These public servants were given authority to make decisions and 
shape policies in those areas where such authority was granted bv the citizenry. 
The Constitution and the Bill of Rights prescribed the limits of "such authority 
and the Courts interpreted any violation of those limits. 

This same democratic approach can just as easily be applied to the economic life 
of our nation today. There is no reason why the citizenry can't democratically 
participate in the very offices and factories in which we work. There is no reason 
why the citizenry can't determine broad economic policy decisions and prescribe 
the i)riorities of goods and services to be produced. There is no reason why the 
citizenry can't replace corporate management that is accountable to the stock- 
holders with elected management that is accountable to the people. There is no 
reason why the citizenry can't replace profit that now goes to a small minoritv of 
privileged stockholders with profit that goes to the workers and consumers in"the 
form of higher wages and lower prices. There is no reason why we can't use the 
technological know-how at our disposal to begin decentralizing giant economic 
institutions into local and regional units small enough to promote real democratic 
control as well as real economic efficiency. 

Some, no doubt, will consider all of this a laughable suggestion. On the contrarv, 
it IS the present circumstances that we find ourselves in that is trulv laughable. 
For, is there any other word that can better illustrate the absurd fact that millions 
of us are herded through life like mindless sheep by a minute handful of people 
and institutions. 


Is it laughable to inquire why David Rockefeller makes a greater income in one 
day than the average worker makes in 12 months? 

Is it laughable to inquire why, if we are all created equal, a very few babies 
are born into fantastic wealth and splendor complete with the power and privileges 
extended to royal nobility? 

Is it laughable to inquire why the vast property of America belongs to a few 
individuals and institutions and not to the people? 

Is it laughable to inquire why the average employee must work two and a half 
hours of an eight-hour work day just to pay government taxes, while multimil- 
lionaires like David Rockefeller j^ay almost NO taxes at all? 

Is it laughable to inquire why "our" government rewards large corporations and 
wealthy individuals with $51.5 billion annually in the form of tax loopholes, 
credits and incentives while providing only $10 billion per year in public assistance 
to the poor? 

It's laughable alright and the joke's on us for remaining passive in the midst of 
the abuses we are forced to endure under the present corporate system. 

Of course, the apologists for the corporate system will argue that a democratic 
economy is an unworkable Utopian jiipe dream, and that would destroy the 
individual's incentive to be productive, that it would result in administrative 
inefficiency, and that it would place power in the hands of incompetent decision 
makers. Yet, they conveniently forget to mention two things. First, that all 
three of these arguments best sum up the present state of the corjiorate system 
itself. And second, that economic democracy has proven successful time and time 
again in actual practice. 

Democratically owned and controlled economic institutions already exist in 
scattered communities across the nation. Municipally controlled utilities, dem- 
ocratically controlled factories, consumer controlled cooperatives and citizen 
controlled community development corporations are functioning right now as 
succes.sful and effective institutions and their numbers are growing rapidly every 
year. These democratic institutions exist because plain ordinary people have 
believed in the democratic process and had the will and resolve to put those 
beliefs into practice. 

Even some of America's largest corporations, including Procter and Gamble, 
General Foods, Corning Glass, Texas Instruments, Monsanto and Pittsburgh 
Plate Glass have, in some plants, abandoned classic bureaucratic techniques of 
organization in favor of direct democratic control of production by employees. 
This radical departure from authoritarian top down management of workers 
control has been instituted not out of any sense of unrestrained idealism, but 
rather out of practical necessity. Very simply, the owners and managers of these 
corporations have found that after an initial i)eriod of job retraining and confi- 
dence building, workers are often more competent to make basic decisions on how 
goods and services are to be produced, and that democratic decision-making 
promotes worker incentives and increased efficiency. 

In case after case where employees have been allowed to take over basic deci- 
sion-making operations previously exercised by management and owners, the 
results have been startling. Yet, these model experiments continue to remain the 
best kept secret in American life today. Corporati-ons, while pleased with the 
increased financial V^enefits accruing from worker control, are, at the same time, 
alarmed about its implications. They are justified in their concerns. The hard, 
cold statistical results of these experiments in economic democracy threaten the 
very basis of our corporate economy. After all, what would hapj^en if millions of 
working Americans became aware of the phenomenal success of these experiments 
in economic democracy'? It wouldn't 'take much time for people to put two and 
two together; i.e., if workers are better equipped than top management and 
owners to make decisions on how goods and services are to be produced, then why 
aren't we just as equipped to decide what should be produced and who should 

The first step in democratizing the economy is to bring the question out of the 
basement and into the full light of pul^lic discussion and debate. 

The people have a right to know the statistical results of experiments in democ- 
ratizing economic institutions here in the United States as well as in Western 
Europe. As more and more Americans i)ecome aware of the success of these 
experiments in advancing productivity and individual incentive, it is virtually 
certain that a public clamor for increased implementation will develop among 
workers in every industrial sector of the country, especially when such experi- 
ments are contrasted with the present corporate system, riddled with unemploy- 
ment, runaway inflation and seemingly uncontrollable fiscal dislocations and 


In Aniprica, nothing succeeds like success. Informing the pubh'c that, in case 
after case, corporate management has been simplj^ unable to compete successfully 
with democratic management will, undoubtedly, hasten the pressure for greater 

Moving beyond this point to full democratization will require the passage and 
implementation of new laws to complete the transition from a corporate to a 
democratic economy. 

In pursuing new economic legislation, it is important to remember that there 
is no magic or mj^sterj' to economic democracy. Economic systems are nothing 
more than man-made rules to organize people and resources to produce and dis- 
tribute goods and services. There are, however, real problems and issues that 
have to be dealt with in making a transition from a corporate economy to a 
democratic one. 

The important thing is that we not be frightened into inaction simply because 
we do not already hold all the specific answers to all the specific questions that 
will have to be dealt with. There simply is no way to charter the specific details 
of our economic future in advance. Those who demand a complete picture of the 
future will never be the ones to shape it. Tomorrow will belong to those of us 
who arc willing to follow an instinct, to express a feeling, to pursue a dream and 
to choose a course. Commitment is ultimately based on faith in a vision one has 
for oneself and societj' and not on dispassionate calculations and reams of facts 
and figures. How much do we need to know, to know what we want? We want to 
participate in decisions that affect our life. We want to live without fear. We 
want to feel that what we do and who we are has meaning for ourselves and those 
we care for. We want to count for something and we want to know that there is 
a reason for our being alive. 

We should remember that delegates to our second Continental Congress in 
1776 brought with them many more questions than solutions. During the course 
of that convention and the years that followed, a host of specific proposals were 
presented for debate and there were occasional doubts as to whether a workable 
plan for American Nationhood cc-uld be adopted at all. Even at the close of the 
historic Constitutional Convention of 1787 many questions were still left un- 
answered. Yet, in the course of several years of careful deliberation and experi- 
mentation, a future course was chartered that provided a sound road map for 
nearly 200 years of Nationhood. 

Our generation of Americans is faced with the same opportunity and challenge. 
We need to charter a revised road map that adheres to the same general principle 
that our founders pursued: the principle that decisionmaking power must be 
broadly exercised by the people, and not be delegated to a few. Most important, 
we must insure that the present centralized and authoritative control exercised by 
corporate money men is not simply replaced with an equally centralized and 
authoritative control exercised by bureaucrats and elected officials in Washington, 

Many of us have yet to come to grips with the hard reality of our situation: that 
our economic salvation depends on our joining together to challenge the strangle- 
hold that the giant corporations now exert over the affairs of our nation. 

If we are to save our families from economic ruin and our country from a 
complete collapse, we must begin now to build a new movement for the demo- 
cratic restructuring of the economy of the United States of America. 

Certain moments in history call for extraordinary energj', strength and com- 
mitment. In such periods average people burst forth from the obscurity of every- 
day life to imprint an indelible stamp on the pages of history. John Adams was a 
lawyer, Tom Paine was a corset maker, Ben Franklin a printer, Abigail Adams a 
housewife. Our founders lived in perilous times that called for great deeds and 
great people. They answered the call and they succeeded. 

Now we are l^eing called forth to resurrect that same democratic spirit that 
propelled our founders to greatness. 

Let the skeptics side with Goliath in this contest. Let the theoreticians chatter 
on about every nuance and detail of the matter at hand. Let the cowards wrap 
themselves up in feeble diversions. And let the defenders and apologists of the 
corporate system remain smug and contemptuous on their plastic thrones. 

The Challenge is clear, the moment is now. 

A thousand voices from our past call us to act for our future and the future of 
our country. 

Who will take up the banner of liberty and freedom that Adams, Paine and 
Jefferson led into battle nearly 200 years ago? 


If Sam Adams were alive today, he would say to our generation: "I believe that 
no people ever groaned under the yoke of slavery but what they deserved it . . . 
the truth is, all might be free if they valued freedom and defended it as they ought. 
Is it possible that millions could be enslaved by a few, which is a notorious fact, if 
all possessed an independent spirit?" 

That spirit is ours to grab hold of and live by. All of the power and authority 
of the corporate empire is of little consequence when matched against the will 
and resolve of a patriotic movement dedicated to restoring the dignity of the 
human family. 

The words of Ben Franklin ring out loud and clear as our nation embarks on 
the 200th birthday of the opening of the American Revolution: 

"We must all hang together or most assuredly we will all hang separately." 

Exhibit No. 23 
(Referred to on p. 66) 



The oppressed Black, drown. Red, Yellow and 
White Deople have Joined together ao one in 

a RAIN.30V CCALITICiJ, in the common cause of 
liberation from the power structure that 
controls the 'so called United States of Aaericao 



Exhibit No. 24 

(Referred to on p. 66) 

[From The Sunday Booster, Aug. 30-31, 1975] 

Activist Groups to Hold Picnic 

A Labor Day picnic sponsored by a coalition of social action groups will be held 
Mt Washington Square, Clark and Walton, from 2 to 6 p.m. Monday, Sept. 1. 

According to the Rev. Iberus Hacker, the picnic's co-chairman 'and president 
of the Rainbow Coalition, 2440 N. Lincoln, the program will include "speeches 
music, fried chicken and watermelon." ' 

Heading the list of speakers. Hacker added, will be news]japer columnist Mike 
Lavelle, Gary Mayor Richard Hatcher, WBBM-TV's Bill Kurtis Chicago Po- 
lice Dept. Sgt. Charles Glass, Aid. Dick Simpson (44th), State Rep. John Merlo 
(D-12th), Hilda Frontany of the Lake View Latin American Coahtion, and David 
Martinez of the United Farm Workers. 

Entertainment will be provided by folksingers Jo Mapes, Art Thieme and Mike 
Lieber and country-western singer John Barnctt who apijeared in the film 

Hacker said the public is encouraged to bring covered dishes to the picnic 
"but come anyway even if you don't have anyting to bring." ' 

Hacker said the Labor Day jjicnic was organized to help focus on the proljlems 
of unemployment and inflation and is being sponsored by the American Issues 
Forum, Chicago Conference on Hunger and Malnutrition, Chicago Welfare Rights 
Organization, Peoples Bicentennial Commission and the Rainbow Coalition. 

Exhibit No. 25 
(Referred to on p. 66) 


General Motors invested $1,000,000 (tax write-off) 
while laying off workers.... 

^ j? i Kraft Foods invested it1,000,000 (tax write-off) 

KRAFT I while raising their prices at the supermarket..,. 


Pepsi-cola also came up with S1, 000, 000 
(tax write-off)... . 

Coming to Navy Pier from July 28 to August 3 

They expect thousands of Chicagoans to pay .^2.00 each to see 
their own Declaration of Independence and spend the 15 minute 
tour listening to a saccharin version of 200 years o7~"progres8. " 

They expect you to spend your money buying T-shirts, pennanta, 
mugs and other trivia bearing the trade mark of the train. 

The PEOPLES BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION will protest this cpmmercial- 
Izatlon of our 200th anniversary. .. .this BUY-centennial. 

Join ua at a planning meeting: Thursday, July >0, 7:30 p.m. 
At: Liberty Hall 

2440 N. Lincoln Ave. 

Call: 327-1976 for information. 


Exhibit No. 26 
(Referred to on p. 66) 


UfG^Userzt:^ Gc bappmess 

fehe m^i 

li'§ gri@§ ghig fepgin 

The Freedom Train at Navy Pier is a Corporate Rip-off of our 
Revolutionary Heritage. Join the Peoples Bic ente nnial Commission 
Saturday and Sunday afternoon, the 2nd and 3rd of August in a 
demonstration. Call 327-1976, Peo ples Bicentennial Comm ission. 
Liber ty Hall, 2440 North Lincoln Ave ., C hicago, II. 60614* 

Exhibit No. 27 

(Referred to on p. 67) 

[From the Chicago Daily News, Oct. 31, 1975] 

Viet Amnesty Vigil November 1 1 

Veterans For Peace will hold an all-day vigil outside the Federal Building, 
219 S. DearV:)orn, on Veterans Day, Nov. 11, to urge amnesty for Vietnam War 

Joining the effort will be the Chicago People's Bicentennial Commission, 
Chicago Peace Council and Women for Peace. The groups also will urge amnesty 
for resisters with bad conduct military discharges. 

Exhibit No. 27A 

(Referred to on p. 69) 

[From the Chicago Tribune, June 26, 1975] 

Suit Forces Name Change of Communist Rally 

(By Alan Merridew) 

The Communist Party U.S.A. changed the name Wednesday of its national con- 
vention windup rally here on Sunday from "People's Bicentennial Festival" to 
"Mass Celebration of the Bicentennial." 

On Tuesday, the Peoi^le's Bicentennial Commission [P. B. C], a noni^rotit 
group based in Washington, filed suit in Federal District Court in Washington 
seeking to stoj) the laarty from using the name "People's Bicentennial Festival." 

Party and P. B. C. lawyers negotiated by telephone between New York, Wash- 
ington, and Chicago Tuesday night and Wednesday. 


Gus Hall, the party's general secretary, announced the name change at a press 
conference Wednesday afternoon in the Ambassador West Hotel. 

The party's 21st national convention will be held '-i the hotel Thursday thru 
Sunday with 700 delegates expected to attend. The rally is scheduled for the 
International Amphitheater. 

The 8,000-mcmber P. B. C. was founded in 1972 by former Chicago an Jeremy 
Rifkin. It has attacked big corporations and Wall Streeters — "today's Tories"— 
for commercializing the American Revolution Bicentennial; prepared school and 
college programs; and authored books from a populist point of view. 

Exhibit No. 28 
(Referred to on p. 70) 


Religion & The American Revolution 

Published by the Ecumenical Task Force on the Religious Observance of the 

Nation's Bicentennial 

69-239 O— 76 15 


The Bicentennial Anniversary of the American 
Revolution will occur in \^7b It is not loo soon to 
begin to consider how churches and church people can 
become involved in an appropriate observance of the 
nation's 200lh birthday 

Religion was a dynamic ingredient in the 
nation's beginnings Some of its contributions are well 
known. Others have been neglected in our elementary 
history books. This publication is designed to help 
people discover or recall the importance of religious 
convictions, experiences and institutions m the revolu- 
tionary era. 

The Peoples Bicentennial Commission suggested 
the need for this resource and under contract to the 
Task Force, contributed the general concepts and 
substantial portion of the content- Peoples Bicentennial 
Commission also prepared the layout and pnnted the 


This compilation has been developed by the 
Ecumenical Task Force on the Religious Observance of 

the Naiion's Bicentennial, w.hich is iromposed ol national 
denominational prot;ram executives and others and is 
staffed by the National Council ol" Churches. 

The Task Force has designed this resource to 
cover only a lew aspects of the American Revolution It 
does not portray even the religious aspect with scholarly 
precision, but sketches the mam trends with broad 

It IS the work of many hands and does not 
ne<;essarilY represent the official views of the National 
Council of Churches or the participating denominations, 
but IS published by the Editorial Committee of the Task 

Chairman of t he 
Ecumenical Task Forc e 
Secretary of the Task Force 
& Editor of this Publication. 
Editorial Commillee 

Everett Franci s Public Affairs QlTicer. Executive Council of the Epis- 

copal Church 

Dean M Kelle y Rehaous and Civil Liberty. National Council of Church- 


Dieter Hess el Editor. Trends Magazine. United Presbyterian Church in 

the USA 

J. Elliot Corbett Church-Government Relations. Board of Church & Soc- 

iety. United Methodist Church . 

Isaac Rotlenberg Program Interpretation, R eformed Church in America . 

Editorial Associates Alan Fisher and Robert C White 

Additional copies may be ordered from the 
^ Department of Publicatiori Services 

47S Riverside Drive 
New York. NY IQ027 
100 copies S8.60 prepaid. $9 60 billed. 
SO copies; S4.S0 prepaid; SS 50 billed; 
20 copies: $2. 75 prepaid; S4.00 billed 

T^ ^ c ow m€,y>\ Oo\ 'V r> €>^v\:v*=ce— 

Exhibit No. 29 

(Referred to on p. 72) 


prnplrs Anirriraii iSrimhitinuciry llli-QIrutnmial (Tnmmiiiiiimi 

1346 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Washington, D. C. 20036 - Room 1021 

(202) 833-9121 (212) 242-7440 

March 23, 1972 

Mr. David J. Hahoney 


American Revolution 

Bicentennial Commission 
736 Jackson Place, N.W. 
Washington, D.C. 20076 

Dear Mr. Mahoney: 

r> - 

In accordance with our privileges under the Freedom of Information 
Act (5USC 55r) requiring Federal Agencies to allow examination of 
government documents affecting the public and not kept secret for 
reasons of national security, we request the opportunity to examine 
the following documents : 

Transcripts of the American Revolution Bicentennial Commission 
Meetings held: October 7, 1971 

December 10, 1971 

February 21, 1972 

Transcripts of the American Revolution Bicentennial Commission 
Executive Committee Ileetings held: 

January 27, 1972 

March 21, 1972 

Transcripts of the American Revolution Bicentennial Commission 
Communication Committee Meetings held: 

December 11, 1971 

March 22, 1972 

We are aware that at each of these meetings so called "Public 
Members" participated. ARBC's enabling legislation states these 
members were appointed to represent the public. However, since no 
meetings of the ARBC or any of its committees are open to the public, 
we feel we are unable to properly perform our duties as citizens If 
we are unable to read the transcripts of the above meetings and 
thus begin to evaluate the performance of the members on the ARBC 
purporting to represent us. 

Under the Recommendation of The Administrative Conference of 
the United States, we look forward to receiving these records within 
ten (10) days of your receipt of this request. We appreciate your 
prompt attention to this matter. 

Sincerely, q 



Deborah Lawrence 

"Ufitinhillnnnrv A lli'nin/lvpt fnr till' ni-Ceiltcllllia} Years" 


Exhibit No. 30 
(Referred to on p. 72) 

March 31, 1972 



Kr. LoVArrr, Olrvttor 

Eugene J. Skora, General Counsel 

F'oquest for Transcripts of ARSC Comr.ission and Cormlttee 

lice tings 

As you krio\/, the Peoples American Hevolutionary Bi-Centcnnlal 
Connission has r:?qu2StGd the oppcrtunity to examine transcripts of the 
three rost recent full Corpiission roetinqs, the last t^/o Executive 
Cor,nittee raetincs, and the last tv/o rorTuini cations Cocnnttee 
neetlngs. This request was made pursuant to the Freedon of 
Infoniiation Act. 

I J'iCuao'jv.l LJicr i-r-fuvsL -.vlui "r". Kuuert Salosciiin of the Office or tns 
Leoal Counsel. Departf^nt of Justice (Pat Collins' office). !V. Salosc'nin 
is trie Chairman of an Attorney General's Corriittee whicli must be 
consulted by a Federal Aq^ncy prior to a final denial of docunents 
roquestad under the Act. 

The foil O'.vinq considerations evolved from our recti ng: 

1. APiJC is rost probably subject to the Act. Pift Act applies to all 
Executive Agencies. The only possible basis for cloinin'} exclusion 
would to the fact that thcra are Confjrossicnal and Judiciary repre- 
sentatives on the Comlssion. 

2. The iicrc fact that the reetings in question were closed to tha 
public does not r:-.o^:e the transcripts exempt froni disclosure. 

Under the Act, Ancncy records r;ust be available for examination 
and copying unl ess tiiey cone u-ithin one of nine specific exenptions. 

Insofar as the full Corrrlssion transcripts are concerned, there are 
portions '..•hicii do not fall v/itliin specific exorption of the Act and 
must be disclosed. 


; - 2 . - .. . 

fxv-nf-:-; r;r.j !^rov[d:d i.v ftn rd T-r tr.'ic s^c-ts cin;1 coT-rcial 
or w.i <ci;;i_i:;ro.;:-tio--: ••:LL:;:-;u f i\; ; any ; ;:.rc'.i r,-;^: Dr^ i I ^.J 
or confidential; Intc-r-a^oncy or intra-moncy fientorantia or l^-ttors 
whicn would not be avalla^.le hy law to a private party in litigation 
ivu?i tne /■.rc-:icy — i.e., int::;radl opirjions and corr^un'i cations; 
pprionr.el and radical files, and sir.ilar files the disclcsur^^ of 
•jlncT wo'jld constitute an invasion of privacy; mat'-rials spocificallv 
exo'-pted fror disclosun; by statute; certain internal procedures - 
t.f-\, instructicns for spot audita; and records r.pccifically r-^quired 
by Lxocutiv*^ trdor to bff kept secret in the interest of national 
cifjfcnss or foreign policy. 

ThosG portions of the full Corinisslon nesting transcripts not 
falling within the above must be made available for revie^^?. 

3. Probably muc'i of ths transcripts of the Executive Comittee r^eetinos 
may ua exernpted as internal cor:^uni cations, opinions and 



A l3rq.j part of the transcripts of tho Connuni cations Coirsnitteo are 
TOSt likely exempted under the act on tire safr.© basis as ;;un6er 3 
(above) — i,G., internal corsnunl cations, ooinions and 


5. Hotwithstandinq the above cof^^nts, there are court decisions which 
distinguish bfjtwcen docun^^nts v/hich ai^ internal opinions or 
roco;in:ndations and those vvhicfi are stcterents of fact. In some 
Instances, v.ncre the riaterial vas severable, factual dat^ was 
required to be severed fro-, internal opinions and reconirTondations and 
miQ available under the Act. 

6. l-'hile the Freedom of Infomation Act provides exemptions for certain 
cateriories of records, the intent of the Act and the attitude of th'* 
Copartr ;:;.it of Justice is in fr.vor of disclosure except where there 
are cogent reasons to the contrary. 

7. fjor.ially the Attorney General's Coral ttes is consulted only wh.-^n a 
fijuldemal of a re-ijuest is to be n.?de under a prior discussion. 

In tie case of An.3C, v/e have established no procedures for such steps 
a<: prelirninary denial, appeal, and final denial. Tho denial of any 
records represents a final rV"iinl ni tlui I'lriul ; '-r r-vi — d h / 
th o .C o ' - ^iftfer? "n^s Cor5:^ittoe can bo convened v^ithin a natter of days. 

- 3 - " 

I rocorxtend that we submit hn IntcHn response to the Peoples 
Aiiorlcan Revolutionary Bl-Ccntennlal Coiiinlsslon along the lines of 

the attached. 

I f'jrt>.or reco.-7ffind tliat tho seven transcripts be reviewed to 
IsolatG nu-ist1on.->.blG ratorial -- I.e., that \Mc'r\ could be 
■^crtarrassinfj or that v.-hich cores v/1thin any of the exemptions of the 

Such nstericl should than bo rcvicv.'i^d by the Director and/or the 
Chairman and a decision made on its availability to the applicants. 

If at that tine the Judqnent Is made to deny any portion of the 
requested material , It can be reviewed by the Attorney General's 


cc: Mr. Hall 

Dr. Carroll 
Mr. Coffoy 
Vt. Busor 
Capt. AUendorfer 

bcc: ARBC files / chron 
Skora files 

drafted: EJSkora: jam: 3/31/72 


Exhibit No. 31 
(Referred to on p. 72) 



April 3, 1972 

Dear Jack: 

In response to your memorandum of March 29 concerning the request of 
the People's American Revolutionary Bicentennial Commission, I have 
these comments: 

With respect to transcripts, I urge the Commission to be as forthcoming 
as the law will permit about making these available. Few things irritate 
the Congress or the public more than the denial -- or the appearance of 
denial --of information to the public when there is no very obvious 
reason why the information should be held back. I would hold back as 
little as possible, consistent only with advice from the responsible 
officials in the Department of Justice. In the future if you and Dave are 
concerned about the privilege of Commission meetings, you may want to 
operate without transcripts; they may be convenient to your staff but they 
are an invitation to the invasion of that privilege. 

Concerning the logo, I would be much more stringent. The law is so 
very clear on this point that you and Dave coulf^. well be criticized if you 
do not move to enforce it. Perhaps your first enforcement action should 
be a letter from your staff to Miss Lawrence pointing out the provisions 
of the law and asking for cease and desist, but if they persist, I think you 
owe it to the many other organizations which will abide by your rules to 
make the rules uniform. 



Leonard Garment 

Mr. Jack LeVANT 


American Revolution Bicentennial Commission 

736 Jackson Place NW. 

Washington, D. C. 20276 


Exhibit No. 32 
(Referred to on p. 72) 




April 4, 1972 

Ms. Deborah Lawrence 

Peoples American Revolutionary 

Bi -Centennial Commission 
1346 Connecticut Avenue, N.W. -Room 1021 
Washington, D.C. 20036 

Dear Ms. Lawrence: 

It has come to my attention that the letterhead of the Peoples 
American Revolutionary Bi -Centennial Commission bears the 
synt>ol adopted by the ARBC as the official symbol of the 

You may not be aware that exclusive rights in this symbol 
are vested in the ARBC pursuant to Public Law 91-528, 
approved December 7, 1970. On March 27, 1971, a notification 
of the adoption of this syntol was published in the Federal 
Register , as required by the above law. 

No one may use this symbol without the written authorization 
of the ARBC. Inasmuch as the Peoples American Revolutionary 
Bi-Centennial Commission does not have such authorization for 
use of this symbol, we request that you discontinue its use. 


Eugene J. Skora 
General Counsel 



Exhibit No. 33 
(Referred to on p. 72) 


^rnplrs Auirrirau Snuilutimtary iBi-(rrntrmual (Ennmiiiiiiinu 

1346 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Washington, D. C. 20036 - Room 1021 

(202) 833-9121 (212) 242-7440 

April 6, 1972 

Mr. Eugene J. Skora 

General Counsel 

American Revolution Bicentennial Commission 

736 Jackson Place, N.W. 

Washington, D.C. 20276 

Dear Mr. Skora: 

Thank you for your letter of April k, 1972 
referring to our use of the Bicentennial Logo. 

We would appreciate receiving from you the 
formal criteria and forms for application for use 
of the official Bicentennial Logo. 

We are requesting a list of those groups, 
projects, organizations, etc., having received 
permission to use said Logo, and those whose 
requests have been rejected. 

We look forward to hearing from you in the 
very near future. 

In the Spirit of '76, 

Deborah W. Lawrence for 

The People's Bicentennial Commission 

t :•: i: 

t' r- ' r.' 

! I 


' '•'' ;■■ r M 

i I ! 




Exhibit No. 34 
(Referred to on p. 72) 

April 19, 1972 

NOTE: Messrs. Dobal and 
Buser cleared letter by 

per amr 

Ms. Deborah W. Lawrence 
Peoples Anferican Revolutionary 

Bl-Centonnial Commission 
1346 Coiinecticut Avenue, N.W.-fNOom 1021 
Washington, D.C. 20036 

Dear Ms, Lawrence: 

I refer to your letter of April 6, 1972 regarding the 
ARBC logo. 

The only authorL^atlnn for use of the lof]o to date (other 
J.I J., ._ .... ij-\ I.-- I . . • i" . . 

biiuii ujv. Ill iiicuiu/ iiaa uccrii avvarucu tu {jruytciiiR> diiu 

activities "recognized" by ARUC as being in furtherance 
of the national Bicentennial program. These are the 
City of Niagara Falls, the Denver Olympics, Mount Rushmore 
and the sickle cell anemia program of the National Medical 
Association. A copy of the AR3C criteria, "The National 
Bicentennial Program Criteria," is enclosed. 


/$/ Eugene J. Skora 

Eugene J. Skora 
General Counsel 



Mr. Dobal 

Mr. Buser 

Capt. Allendorfer 

Mr. Skora 

ARBC file/chron 


ARBC:EJSkora:amr 4/18/72 


Exhibit No. 35 
(Referred to on p. 72) 

NOTE: "Contents of proposed 
letter OKed by Brad Patterson 
by phone." 


April 18, 1972 

Ms. Deborah Lawrence 

Peoples Ar.-.erican Revolutionary 

B1 -Centennial Coraiisslon 
134C Connecticut Avenue, N.W.-Room 1021 
Washington, D.C. 20036 

Dear Ms. Lawrence: 

This 1s In response to your request for an opportunity to review 
transcripts of certain hc"ar1nc;s of the American Revolution Bi- 
centennial Corxiission, Its Executive Committee, and Its 
Communications Coirmittee. 

Transcripts of the Comnlsslon mQetlncjs of Oct^'bc-r /, 1971, 
December 10, 1971, and February 21, 1972, will be available for 
vour review at AROC headquarters, 735 Jackson Place, N.W.. 


Monday through Friday. Please call Mr. Lamar Whitaker (254-8028) 

at least 24 hours 1n advance of any proposed review In order to 

peralt us to make arrangements for a room, the availability of 

transcripts, and stavf assistance. Costs to you will be determined 

1n accordance with appropriate 0;-'3 requirements (0M3 Circular A-25). 

In view of the fact that this material Is being made available to 

you as a matter of policy. It Is not necessary for us to determine 

v/hnther It Is exsiipt from compulsory disclosure under 5 U.S.C. 552. U'"' 

Transcripts of ARDC Executive Cornilttc-e Meetings and Cormini cations p^; .; 

Coiimittee n:e?;t1ncis which you requested are not available for rev1e\v. 
They are within tlie statutory oxerptlons of 5 U.S.C. 552, parti- 
cularly under subsection (b)(5). To a large extent the matters 
under ccnsifieration by these Committees are still in the process 
of developnent. These transcripts are records of deliberations of 
Co,Tin1ttee moinijers and staff and their disclosure would inhibit full 
and franl; discussion and exchange of Ideas by the meni)ers of the ..-p- 

Comiiittoes and would negate their advisory function to the full 

Sincerely yours, 

/s/ Jack LeVANT 

Jack LeVA.NT 

bcc: Mr. Mahoney 

Mr. LeVAI^IT Capt. Allendorfer v^RBC file/chron 

Mr. Coffey Mr. Whitaker 

Mr. Hall Mr. Skora ARBC:EJSkora:amr 4/17/72 

Mr. Nutter Mr. Buser 

»*.. n _ J. X _ /ill. .■4.- II. \ 


Exhibit No. .36 
(Referred to on p. 72) 

3?riiplrB Amrrirau iRrunliilinnani l^i-(!lriitrimial (EfliumisBinu 

1776-1 976-: I ^ 1246 Connecticut Avenue. NW. Washington. D. C. 20036 - Room 1021 

REC'O DmECrOR'S (202)833-9121 (212)242-7440 

JUN ^ 1972 

ornct &■ 

f Juue 7,^972 


FWO TO_L.M^^QAr]i»_ 

0-- t^c; 



Mr. Jack LeVANT i-V, C lo^ i' 


Director t^. ._ , 

American Revolution Bicentennial Commission 3^ ^ '^ic 

736 Jackson Place, N.W. «^ 

Washington, d.C. 20276 

Dear Mr. LeVANT: 


In reference to our use of the so-called ARBC Logo, we have several 
question pertaining to the official National Bicentennial Program Criteria 
which we received from your office. 

One section of your basic criteria states "DOES THE ACTIVITY CONTRIBUTE TO 
Your interpretation of this statement is "Has the activity been conceived in 
aul' to prcf;; ?*-'">A-i-rA<> and ficceotable interpret nttona of these 
principles and this new understanding?" You further define the two underlined 
phrases as "Professional standards relate to those established or adhered to by 
recognized associations or distinguished individual authorities or practioners. 
Acceptable interpretations are those which are originated by an individual of 
standing or recognized by a school of thought which, by virtue of the integrity 
of Its leadership or the numbers of Its followers, can be said to have Important 

What does all this mean? What, In fact, are professional standards? What 
or who are the recognized associations or distinguished Individual authorities 
or practioners? Who in your organization talces the responsibility for Judging 
"the Integrity of its ('an Individual of standing or a school of thought') 
leadership" or for deciding how many "followers" there must be before such an 
individual or school of thought "can be said to have Important backing?" Are 
you Sfiylnf> that because an individual does not have a following which is 
considered large enouRh, by the judgement of you or someone on your staff, his 
i-rojjrfims or plans will be rejected? 

Your criteria is confusing and poorly defined, and we have been completely 
at a loss as to how to go about complying with it. We would appreciate your 
response to our questions as soon as possible so that we may completely under- 
stiand what we have to do. 

In the Spirit of '76, 

Deborah W. Lawrence 


Exhibit No. 37 
(Referred to on p. 73) 

October 25, ig?** 
19975 Holiday Hd. 
Grosse Pte . Woods, 
Mloh. ^+8236 

Dear Slri 

I am writing to ask If I may be put on the AHBA's mailing 
list to receive the free monthly and weekly reports, "Bicenten- 
nial Bulletin", and "Bicentennial Times." 

I would also like to know where I may obtain a copy of 
Arneri ca's Birthday by the Peoples Bicentennial Comiulsslon. 

Thank you, 
(Ms.) Darlene C. Zlolkowskl 


Exhibit No. 38 

(Referred toon p. 73) 

December 5, 1974 

Darlene C. Ziolkowski 

19975 Holiday Road 

Grosse Poilnte Woods, Michigan 48236 

Dear Ms. Ziolkowski: 

Enclosed you will find general Information on the Bicentennial 
celebration. This Includes an application to be put on our mailing 
list. Once on the list, you will receive the Bicentennial Times 
monthly. There Is, of course, no charge. 

As per your request for America's Birthday ; the People's Bicentennial 
Commission Is one of many private Bicentennial organizations. You 
may find the book in question in any bookstore. However, if you have 
problems locating a copy, contact the PBC at the address below and 
they may be able to send you one. 

People's Bicentennial Commission 
1346 Connecticut Avenue, N.W. 
Room 1025 
Washington, D.C. 20036 

Thank you for Interest 1n our nation's Bicentennial. 


Ted Lopatkiewicz 
Office of Communications 


cc: ARBA Flle/Chron 



[The following exhibits relating to PBC's July 4 demonstra- 
tions in Washington, were submitted by Mrs. Walton sub- 
sequent to her testimony. They were ordered into the record 
by the Chairman.] 




BICENTENNIAL "independence from big business" 


1346Conn.c.,cu.Av«u,.NW ^O BE MAJOR THEMES 

Washington. DC 20036 

The PEOPLES BICENNTENNIAL COMMSSION. will hold a July 4th gathering 
on the steps of the Capitol - Washington, D.C. 

The rally will call for a rebirth of the democratic promise of 
social, political and economic justice set forth in the Declaration 
of Independence by challenging the power Of big business and special 
interests . 

The PBC celebration will begin at sunrise with a commemoration service 
honoring the men and women who for two hundred years have dedicated 
their lives to America's democratic principles - from the American 
Revolution through the Abolition, Women's and Peace Movements to the 
Civil Rights caunpaigns and Labor struggles. 

A march will be held after the service from the Jefferson Memorial 

to the Capitol Building where the major portion of the day's activities 

will be held. 

Nationally known spokespeople from each major interest and issue area - 
consumer, environmental, labor, women, third world, education, et al - 
will speak to the general economic theme from the perspective of their 
particular area of concern. We are inviting prominent actors, entertainers 
and others to join us in blending the economic theme into the historical 
context of America's Revolutionary traditions. 

Among the speakers who will be featured are: 

* DR BARRY COMMONER - leading environmentalist 

* ED SADLOWSKI - pres. of the largest steelworkers local in U.S. 
' CAROLE TUCKER-FOREMAN - director. Consumer Federation of America 

KARL HESS - community activist and organizer 

* FLO KENNEDY - founder of the Feminist Party 
JONATHAN KOZOL - author and revolutionary educator 
EQBAL AHMED - authority on Third World Revolution 
PHIL FONER - leading American Labor historian 

- NICK JOHNSON - former FCC commissioner 

* SID LENS - author, historian and labor organizer 

* SAM LOVEJOY - critic of nuclear power 

For More Information, Contact 

Jeremy Rifkin, Ted Howard (800) 424-1130 


ON JULY 1st, 2nd, AND Srd, OVER 150,000 


On July 4th, 150,000-250,000 patriots will gather at the U.S. 
Capitol Building to rededicate themselves to the founding 
principles, and raising the call for economic democracy. 

On the preceding days, July 1st, 2nd, and 3rd, literally tens 
of thousands of cars will set out for Washington, D.C. from 
every section of the country. 

PBC is encouraging groups of individuals, organizations, and 
the local PBCs to form car caravans to come to this historic 
event. You can do it too. Just get together with family, friends 
and area activists, and pool expenses and cars. Already, hundreds 
are being formed in virtually every section of the country. Not 
only is this helping get folks to the July 4th rally, it does so 
with a spirit of unity and purpose. * 

But even more can happen on the road. 

PBC is designating special Patriots Caravan Routes from every 
section of the country. These special routes (see map) will 
allow all the local caravans and individuals to feed into the 

main cross-country routes to Washington, D.C continually 

building larger and larger caravans as everyone rolls toward 

Formal coordination of these groupings will not be attempted - 
indeed, the idea will be to head out on the highway with your 
own group of cars, marked with home-made, bright yellow "Don t 
Tread on Me" antenna flags . These flags will be the identifiers 
for those heading for the D.C. rally 

All you have to do is keep your eyes open - and you'll see other 
cars and caravans as you drive along. JOIN THEM I I 


ON JULY 4th : : : 






69-239 O - 76 - 16 





n I can supply my^wn 

n I need a ride 

n lam driving a^^^take — pabJPliyers 

D Yes I want t<4|e part oi the trans-national 

caravan to Wg iji inoton 

D I have a 

D Please s 

my friends 

What add 
from [if di 


anize for the fourth in 

□ I want to h| 
my area. 

□ Postering 
Fund raising 

Setting up localmeetings 
Neighborhood carwass^g 
will send you all^upPsary material. 


Street Address 









Call Toll Free (800)424-1130 Or Write 
Vac. 1346 Conn. Ave. N.W.. \»fash., D.C. 20036j 







* J' 

I 4 ;C 


^# f m »- ^^■ 


-** S 

OMLTDUFRS (8001424-1130 
IN VWSHINGION, DC AR£^0\U 1202) 833-9121 

^m m s'm 


(In submitting this document Mrs. Walton pointed out that 
the July 4 Coalition in Chicago is operating with the same 
address and phone number as the Chicago PBC.) 

July 4ih 


TJie Cnlcagc Jaiy i 


2440 N. Lincoln Av* 

Chicj-c, 111. 6061' 


D«i;- Prlinc:, 

K .-W ■ *B»»* £ 

•r- a U^l Alt Uw^Wr. 

T»:ie i» l^'VOf the Ulcuivanniel ytsr of Uia U.S.A. ?Me 
official c»l»brkt.lon of viis BlcMtenni*! iriLlj be h-slil m 
Pnll9C»ij»hl« oi» wuly 401. It is orjer.iiea tr.c flnflnoic! by 
the govtnvkeut ei^ cor;»orfit« powet . It wU 1 be r>-e»ld«i ovar 
by }»r»eli*nt Fcrd, syBbolislng tae fact thet thla "celnbra.lon" 
is rt&liy en t ff irmi-tlon of e a/sl-sa thi't Lrs goi^ilstsntly 
piac»d frivite pro/l^u ov»r nu«an r^aeos. The I'heccrlo of 
«n^r Bicfcnt«>nni*l will taiiC of prosperity, equriity, and 
defflocrtey. But what la tn« reality behind buch words? 

k Ckt>alM| Omim J 

'••w^i »ifi^ >*r4> 

•- ^, ^m "ttn* llhW tW> Utf III 

■Upi<r««> ^ Mai CM (. r> T C 

tr iMM I -ryiu H 

• * «> J l ■ l u 

Instead of prosperity we f-ce unacployment, lioflatlon, 
and cutbaolts. Iristea;! oi justice and equal c/»port'jJiity for 
all peopl*! there is tne Mrpetuiiticn of racism agninst Black, 
Lstln, kbiBCi, tTti NbMva A.-Mrlcan people. Inetsad of equality 
for voaien, there is econoaie and social dJ. a crimination. And 
instead of dafenciljig d^oocracy around thp world, th.ia govem- 
Bent supportb racist And reoressivo regiaea liXe those in Chile 
.and Soutn Africa— wt.iifl the U.S. govemaent itself naintalns a 
direct colonial hold o'^or Puerto Rico, the Native Ameriaan 
nationa, and tr.a Panniaa C.'.ial Zone. 

We carinot allow thoite in power to cl&iui tho Bicentennial 
a* their own* It ie an ocoasior. that allows u« the unique 
opportunity to point ouw tn% diapari ty between tjio rhetoric 
and the jreality of AoBerlcan life today. The Ju-ly 4th Coalition 
la calllB^ for a aasalv« danonatration that nU.I brin^ together 
broad progressive foroaa around certain bcsic goals that we all 
•h«roi eoohoslc aecurity for all] an end to the op^B-eaoion of 
Binoritlea and wononj an end to colonlaliaa and foreign Intarv 

Chicago has a rich history of labor etrueglea, and many 
i«port«nt struggles continue here todjiy. Wc believe that Chloa 
go can sake a contribution to the strength . of the Ptaiadelphia 
deaonstratlon, and that the national aoblHaatioa can aid the 
local work that each of ua are Involved in. 'Aisre will be an 
organitatlonal aeeting for the Chicago July 4th Coalition on 
April 19, at the r^rat Con^egational Church, 40 N. Ashland, at 
6tOO p.m. This will be a dinner neetlng with Alfredo Lopez, 
National Coordinator of tne July 4th Coalition, and organieatlc 
•re aaked to send two repreaentativea. The cost of each dinner 
ticket is 15*00. At StOO p.a. there' will be a forum on the 
July 4th ■obilitatlon open to all interested persons. 

We urge you to attend or to have your organization aead 
a repreaantatlve. United we oan advance the concema of us al 

In Solidarity, The Chicago July 4th Coaliti 


The American 


Comes Alive 

with Publications 


Peoples Bicentennial 



Not Recommended 

America's BlrthiUr (Simon uid Schutter. S3.95) 

America's Bmhday may be the only book to coine 
along that is dedicated to Sam Adams and Tom Paine, and like 
these revolutionaries, the modern authors want to shake up their 
readers A readable, challenging and handsomely illustrated 
and designed book . . . 

Ney.' York Times 

•This volume is. 
first of all. a handsome 
piece of work, replete with 
inspinng. amusing, or in- 
structive graphics from the 
Revolutionary Era Bui it is 
much more a study guide, 
an organizing manual, a 
persuasive tract with many 
practical suggestions for 
community organizations, 
churches. schooK and col- 
lege — all designed to help 
create "a ikw movemeni 
to reclaim the democratic 
ideals upon which this na- 
tion was founded " Not 
recommended for Tories. 

The Progressive 



L^ A planning end 

The Spirit of '76: A CalciMUr (Simon mni ScbiuUr, S3.95) 

The Sptnt of ^6 A i. alrndar iv much more than juti » ^hjf 
(o tell the days of the week and month by It is a history of the American 
Revolution, its causes, the people who made it possible, its develop- 
ment and tts consummation It is rare indeed that a calendar is good 
for browsing in as this one is 

New Orieans. La. 

PBC QuUbook of the 
American Revolution 
(Bantam Books, Si. 25) 

A star spangled 
collection of tnvia, puzzles 
and word games about the 
Revolution An entertaining 
and enjoyable way to bone 
up on your history. In- 

• Hang a Tory 

• Know Your Patriots 

• Mi»ed-up Quotes 

• Revolutionary Faces 



^ EARLY \ 

PBC EaHy American 
Almanac (Bantam Booki, 

A collection of re- 
ceipts, humor, essays, po- 
ems, songs, stories and 
home and farm lips which 
captures the spirit and fla- 
vor of the Amencan Revo- 
lution. Lavishly illustrated 
with drawings, engravings 
and advertisements from 
the period. Including: 

• Month-by-monlh 
Bicentennial CaleT>dar 

• A Revolutionary 

• An Eye-witness 
Account of the Boston 
Tea Party 

■ Recipe for Raisin Wine 


The Red, White, and Blue LEFT 


The prevailing wisdom that radicalism in America, especially among the young, is moribund rests 
on appearance, not reality. The absence of televised confrontation, the waywardness of coverage 
by the news media, and the presence of factional strife among the Left— all these have created the 
impression that the Left has shrunk to ineffectual griping about the system and the establishment 
In our judgment this impression is false. The Left has entered a period of reflection and planning 
Une of the most significant developments is the emergence of a group of young radicals whose 
radicalism is home-grown. They find their inspiration in the radical idealism of the American 
Revolution. They reject classical Marxism and other importations in favor of social and economic 
analysis that fits the American scene. They are committed to a new democratic focus in these 
Bicentennial Years— the years between now and the 200th anniversary of the Declaration of Inde- 

Among the spokesmen for this movement is Jeremy Rifkin. He has been a coordinator of the 
Citizens Commission of Inquiry on U.S. War Crimes, which conducted veterans' hearings in cities 
throughout the United States, culminating in Congressional hearings last spring. He is now serving 
the Peoples American Revolutionary Bi-Centennial Commission and the New American Move- 
ment The Commission is working with individuals and groups to plan and carry out alternatives 
to the Government's official bicentennial observances. —The Editors 

The American war is over, but this is far from 
the case with the American Revolution. On the 
contrary, nothing but the first act of the great 
drama is closed. 

^Benjamin Rush (1787) 

As THE Revolution of 1776 was launched by the 
■'*• ringing language of grievances against the British 
Crown, expressed in the Dcrl.u.nion of Independence, 
so today unmet grievances against our governmental, 
economic, and social institutions compel us to launch 
a new struggle to recapture control over our lives: the 
next act in tlie drama of ilie American Revolution. 
Consider that today: 

• The hunger, misery, and despair of thirty million 
Americans are met with silence. 

• The frustration and bitterness of millions of work- 
ing people, who see the fruits of their exhaustive labor 
syphoned off into the coffers of the very rich, are ig- 


• Two hundred huge corporations dominate the 
American economy and the Government, manipulate 
the tax structure to their advantage, and engineer the 
very patterns of American life. 

• Our environment is being destroyed by these 
corporations and by the mass consumption they induce 
in the interest of profit and expediency. 

• Subtle, and not so subtle, forms of coc-ion and 
intimidation continue to mock our Bill of Rights and 
bar the way to the people's full expression of their opin- 
ions. These acts of suppression and coercion are em- 
ployed to deny the expression of unorthodox or creative 
thought, thus locking us into a condition of uniformity, 
obedience, and passivity. 

• The Government's policy of genocide in Southeast 
Asia and its economic, political, and military exploita- 
tion throughout the world go on in the face of over- 
whelming opposition by the American people. 

• The terrifying specter of nuclear holocaust hangs 



over all of us as our leaders play out military fantasies 
of another age. 

• The questions of racial and sexual exploitation, 
the neglect of old people, inadequate housing and 
health care, population congestion, chronic unemploy- 
ment, urban decay, rural poverty, rising crime rates, 
anachronistic educational institutions, cumbersome bu- 
reaucratic mismanagement, political corruption and 
incompetence, and a host of other urgent problems 
that threaten our very survival, go unanswered. 

• Our need as human beings to find meaning and 
value in our lives and to explore freely our relation- 
ship to all that is eternal and of the spirit is cruelly 
extinguished by the oppressive environment in which 
we live. 

These, in briefest outline, are among today's major 
assaults on the constitutional mandates conceived by 
the Founding Fathers to "promote the general 

During the past year. President Nixon, one eye 
cocked on the election of 1972 and the other on the 
political dividends to be harvested from the approach 
of the bicentennial celebration of the Declaration of 
Independence in 1976, proclaimed his new American 
Revolution. An examination of his "revolutionary pro- 
gram" revealed a bit of tinkering and a lot of patching 
— the whole wrapped up in a package of meaningless 
rhetoric. To be true to its revolutionary origins, the 
new American Revolution must not be a revolution 
in rhetoric, as President Nixon and the leaders of both 
political parties are advocating, but rather a revolution 
in fact. The new American Revolution must bring 
about fundamental changes in our social, economic, 
and political institutions. It must advocate and be pre- 
pared to implement solutions to the grievances that 
now go unredressed by our present American system. 

The clear need for revolution does not guarantee it 
will happen. As the political and economic crisis deep- 
ens in America, the present balance in numbers be- 
tween those who believe that the root cause of our 
growing crisis is institutional and those who still 
believe that it is the fault of "Communists" and other 
"alien" and "subversive" forces is likely to shift dramat- 
ically toward one pole or the other. Such a shift would 
bring with it either demands for fundamental change 
or vehement repression to uphold the status quo. 

For the American Left to develop a strategy that 
can win popular support for programs that answer 
present grievances, it must first gain a clear under- 
standing of the role which the American heritage plays 
in the formation of the American people's political 
attitudes and behavior. With such an understanding, 
our heritage can contribute to building consciousness 
and promote programs and demands in the spirit of 
the American revolutionary tradition. 

The American heritage embodies a set of principles 

or ideals which provides the great mass of people with 
a unique social identity. It is a statement of our beliefs 
— what we stand for and to what we dedicate our- 
selves as a people. We give our loyalty and allegiance 
to political and economic institutions which we re- 
gard as consistent with our collective beliefs and 
capable of translating promises into reality. An accu- 
rate analysis of the American spirit must take into 
account the fact that the American legacy is at once 
both reactionary and revolutionary. 

Our revolutionary beliefs — popularized through the 
words and deeds of such great Americans as Thomas 
Paine, Benjamin Rush, Sam Adams, Henry Thoreau, 
William Lloyd Garrison, John Brown, Lucy Stone, 
Sojourner Truth, Eugene V. Debs, W. E. B. DuBois, 
Mark Twain, and A. J. Muste, and the movements 
they inspired or led — derive from the principle of the 
inherent unity and fraternity of all mankind. These 
aspirations have led to a set of beliefs that forms the 
revolutionary aspect of the American experience — hu- 
man equality; respect for the judgment of the com- 
mon man ; distrust of those who command positions of 
power and privilege; allegiance to freedom of expres- 
sion and the right to self-determination; cooperative 
enterprise; government of the people, by the people, 
for the people; conscience above property and institu- 
tions; sympathetic interest in the new, the untried, the 
unexplored ; equality of opportunity ; confidence in the 

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Thi Big Hang-up 

November, 1 97 1 



ability of the people to create a more just and Iiumanc 
world; faith in the brotiicrliood of all mankind. 

Our reaolionnr>' beliefs — popularized through the 
words and deeds of such Americans as Alexander Ham- 
ilton, John Adams, and John D. Rockefeller — come 
from the principle that hostility and war, the survival 
of the fittest and to hell with the rest — the public be 
damned — constitute the natural condition of man. This 
principle is the basis of a set of beliefs that forms the 
reactionary aspect of the American experience — the 
sacred value of private property; the ruthlessly compet- 
itive spirit as the motivating force for self-fulfillment; 
the authoritarian family; material accumulation as a 
measure of man's achievement on earth. 

The crisis of American beliefs lies in the increasing 
polarization of both the revolutionary and reactionary 
elements in the American legacy. 

The escalating political and economic crisis does not 
alter the basic positive truths of the American heritage. 
On the contrary, it would be impossible to point out the 
contradictions in the American system — to expose the 
exploitation and dehumanization at all levels of Amer- 
ican life — without in some way appealing to the rev- 
olutionary beliefs and ideals with which so many Amer- 
icans identify. 

The growing crisis has brought into question the 
more reactionary aspects of the American tradition. 
Those beliefs which reinforce our economic system and 
which have, for so long, provided a rationalization for 
the individual's role within that system are under 
unprecedented attack. 

The bureaucracy and teclmology of our capitalist 
economy have increasingly forced the average worker 
into the role of a small and insignificant cog in a vast, 
dehumanized production cycle. In the past, this process 
was tolerated and even accepted with varying degrees 
of enthusiasm for several reasons, all embedded within 
the American ideology. Implicit in the process was ac- 
ceptance of the contradictory myth that one's economic 
and social role within the capitalist system was essen- 
tial to the common good, to the ultimate realization of 
the more revolutionary collective aspects of the Amer- 
ican ideology, which means, as George Orwell might 
have put it, that a man can be free only if he is a 
slave. This contradictory myth is now being challenged 
on several levels. For example: 


For many years, emphasis on material accumulation 
and economic security seemed to balance the negative 
effects and meaninglcssness of one's own role in the 
economy. Yet within the last decade the rise in the 
numbers of middle-class families lias — for many — been 
accompanied by a reduction in the psychic value of 
material accumulation as an end in itself. The decline 
in the psychic value of material possession has served 
to reinforce the feeling that one's automated position 
in the production process was largely insignificant and 


Though his economic position offered little in the 
way of recognition or status, the average working adult 
could, in the past, still take refuge in his position of 
unquestioned importance within the family. 

This is no longer the case, for a great many middle- 
class children and young adults have begun to reject 
the structure and authority of the family unit, as well 
as the role and values of their parents in the economic 
process. A significant portion of the youth community 
has come to attack and ridicule the entire set of as- 
sumptions upon which the average American adult has 
rationalized and justified his own existence within the 
family and society — including the concept of material 
accumulation, the notion of postponed gratification, 
the work ethic, competition, filial gratitude for paren- 
tal sacrifice, and pre-marital chastity. 


Political and economic events of the past decade 
have forced the middle class into a painful re-exam- 
ination of the work ethic — the concept that work is 
ennobling in itself, no matter what it produces and 
what toll it takes from the worker. By exposing the 
tragic state of affairs within America in recent years, 
the forces of change have seriously damaged the myth 
that all capitalist production is socially valuable, and, 
with it the individual's own justification for his eco- 
nomic contribution to society. 


Science and technology have been viewed, for the 
most part, as the means for man's salvation from the 
oppression of the physical world. The validity of tech- 
nological "progress" as our "most important product" 
is now being challenged. Loss of faith in technology 
as a practical means for attaining total fulfillment, 
fear of its increasing control over human life, and its 
dehumanizing effects on the human species and the 
natural environment — these have led to a resurgence 
of religious fanaticism, drug culture, and back-to-the- 
earth movements, especially among the sons and 
daughters of the middle and upper middle classes — 
the chief beneficiaries of the technological society. 


For Americans more than for most peoples, the 
nation state has always stood for greatness untarnished 
by the humiliation of military defeat or surrender. 
Never having suffered defeat at the hands of another 
nation, Americans have come to accept "greatness" 
as a way of life. It follows that defeat is unthinkable 
and un-American. We never lose, we have assured our- 
selves, because we are never wrong. Other nations 
might seek conquest and empire and, therefore, de- 




serve humiliation and defeat. The United States seeks 
only freedom and democracy for all nations and, there- 
fore, must always triumph. 

In the past, Americans have found personal signif- 
icance and self-confidence in identifying with the great- 
ness of the nation. Today, after seven years of bearing 
witness to America's genocidal policy in Southeast 
Asia, of knowing (but not accepting for some time) 
that our cause was without honor, and, finally, of 
realizing that the United States miglit be defeated by 
a small country fighting for its independence, most 
Americans feel bewildered and confused. Consequently, 
they are beginning to question the very values and 
institutions which for so long were regarded as in- 
vincible and sacred. 

For many Americans, this constitutes a grave crisis 
of confidence. The State, as the ultimate extension of 
their own being, has been stricken with impotence in 
the international arena at tlie very moment when its 
domestic institutions are proving themselves incapable 
of coping with the demands for change at home. 

The traumatic change in American attitude from 
one of hope and progress to one of pessimism and 
retrogression 'is analyzed in two recent polls conducted 
by the Gallup and Roper organizations. Typical of 
many surveys of public opinion was this finding of the 
Gallup Poll: "Forty-seven per cent of the American 
people believe that unrest is likely to lead to a real 
breakdown in this country. Traditional optimism about 
the nation's steady progress has faltered. The average 
American feels that the United States has slid back 
over the past few years." 

The average American feels stripped of his identity: 
He feels increasingly isolated and powerless in a world 
that seems to have lost all meaning and purpose. 


The New Left movement of the 1960s was born out 
of this "crisis in meaning." In its celebrated Port Huron 
Statement of 1962, Students for a Democratic Society 
put it this way: "A new Left must transform modern 
complexity into issues that can be understood and felt 
close-up by every human being. It must give form to 
the feelings of helplessness and indifference so that 
people may see the political, social, and economic 
sources of their private troubles and org-iniic to change 

The New Left started as a movement to force Amer- 
ican institutions to live up to the revolutionary aspects 
of American ideology. Now, ten years later, the niovc- 
ment has been fragmented into a constellation of 
factions whose ideological perspectives, slogans, tactical 
formats, and heroes are borrowed largely from Euro- 
pean and Asian revolutionary struggles. 

Why has the New Left rejected its own revolutionary 
American heritage? The emerging Left of the 1960s 
was not prepared for the overwhelming succession of 
events that was to sweep the nation during that turbu- 

"It was designed as a 
flag, bitddy — not as a blindfold" 

lent decade. The black revolution, race riots, political 
assassinations, Vietnam, pollution, campus confronta- 
tions, drugs, and a host of other developments intensi- 
fied the movement's sense of urgency in dealing with 
American institutions. Impatience and frustration 
mounted as the movement found itself more often 
reacting to rather than initiating the course of political 
events. The contradiction between American ideals and 
practice became more visible and pronounced for the 
New Left with each successive political confrontation. 

Conditioned by a Judeo-Christian sense of morality 
• — to believe that man is the master of his fate and 
the captain of his soul, that he makes conscious de- 
cisions between good and evil on the basis of some ab- 
solute moral premise— the New Left became over- 
whelmed by the disparity between what Americans pro- 
fessed to believe in on the one hand, and political real- 
ity on the other. Outraged by this dichotomy, the New 
Left began to conclude that the gap between perform- 
ance and principle was attributable to the hypocrit- 
ical, deceitful, dishonest, and evil character of parents, 
political leaders, the American (white) people, and, by 
association, American history and ideology. A feeling 
of powerlessness and isolation began to engulf the 

The New Left broke entirely with its American 

November, 1971 



heritage because it failed to giasp a basic liistorical 
contradiction — that American ideology' is at once both 
revolutionary and reactionary' and that the American 
people are at once both reactionary and revolutionary. 

Though it ignored this contradiction in its assess- 
ment of American history and tlie American (white) 
people, the New Left did apply simple logic in analyz- 
ing the condition of the poor and the blacks within 
the American system. Black behavior was defined in 
terms of the economic and social forces that acted upon 
the black community. If individual blacks participated 
in anti-social or inhumane actions, their behavior could 
be defended as the inevitable consequence of victimiza- 
tion by an exploitive and inhumane system. The New 
Left was unable, however, to apply this understanding 
to its own immediate environment — white, middle-class 
America. Within its own experience, white America, the 
left-looking movement continued to apply the Christian 
concept of individual moral choice and the judgment that 
there were good and evil people, especially within the im- 
mediate family and governmental structure. The mo- 
rality of the Left turned into a Christian sense of guilt 
for being associated with an ideology and history that 
exploits and colonizes racial and ethnic minorities at 
home and nonindustrialized peoples abroad. 

The emergence of Third World identity — the identity 
of underdeveloped peoples struggling for their fair share 
in the world, both here and abroad — overwhelmed 
the already shaky identity of the New Left, and hastened 
the process by which it separated itself from any identi- 
fication with its own American heritage — even with 
the revolutionary aspects of that heritage. What started 
as a movement to make institutions live up to the rev- 
olutionary part of the American dream transformed 
itself into a rejection of that dream itself. 

In divorcing itself from the American experience, 
the New Left has given those who seek the per- 
petuation of a reactionary system carte blanche to 
exploit those reactionary elements of our historic legacy 
that can be used to maintain allegiance to reactionary 
institutions and to disregard those revolutionary' ele- 
ments of the ideology that could seriously challenge 
institutional performance. 


Large numbers of Americans have become aware 
of the gap between institutional performance and be- 
liefs. This awareness could well lead to fascist reaction 
if tliose in power manage to convince people that the 

"If particular care and attention are not paid 
to the ladies, we are determined to foment a re- 
bellion and will not hold ourselves bound to obey 
any laws in which we have no voice or represen- 

— Abigail Adams to husband John, 1776 

gap is a fabrication: that the desperate human condi- 
tion is not the result of American institutions but rath- 
er of alien, sinister forces determined to undermine 
those institutions. The potential for a fascist reaction 
is enhanced by the kind of identification that the 
New Left has assumed. Its non-American style and 
rhetoric offer a perfect target for the forces of reaction. 

The Left movement's character has become increas- 
ingly strange and, at times, even frightening to many 
Americans. Most people perceive little or nothing that 
they have in common with the New Left. At present 
the New Left has found no way of dealing with this 
fear and misunderstanding, since it has abandoned or 
rejected much of the heritage and most of the symbols 
to which the great majority of the American people 
can respond. Through its rhetoric and actions, the 
movement has tried to force the American people to 
identify with Third World struggles at home and 
abroad before they have even identified with their 
own oppression and their own revolutionary struggle 
in this country. 

The new awareness that this country is in the 
midst of a grave crisis — a realization which millions of 
Americans have acquired in recent years — can lead to 
a mass-based revolutionary struggle if the movement 
will discard its self-imposed ideological isolation and 
begins to re-identify with the revolutionary principles 
and symbols of the American heritage. 

To do this, the New Left must be willing to meet 
people where they are at rather than where it would 
like them to be. Millions of Americans are aware, 
for the first time, of the fact that many of America's 
economic, social, and political institutions are perform- 
ing in ways that undermine the revolutionary ideals 
and principles to which the nation purports to be ded- 
icated. But for many Americans, the principles — if not 
the language — enunciated in the Port Huron Statement 
of 1962, and by the Berkeley Free Speech Movement 
of 1963 and the Russell War Crimes Tribunal of 1967 
are only now beginning to make sense. If the New Left 
hopes to engage this new consciousness and give it 
positive direction through political struggle, it must 
first take a long hard look at itself and what it 

Even now, much of the New Left continues to act 
as a liberal movement. Although its rhetoric is often 
revolutionary, its analysis and its actions reveal a deep 
sense of misguided moral outrage and collective guilt. 
On the one hand, the movement attacks the social 
and economic system for so dehumanizing and brutal- 
izing the American people that they have lost touch 
with their own humanity. On the other hand, it con- 
tinues to castigate and condemn the American people 
for being dehumanized by the system — as if people who 
have been indoctrinated and victimized by an ex- 
ploitive social environment are still totally free to 
maintain and act upon some higher moral premise 
that goes beyond their experience. A slave of any 
kind of system cannot be expected to choose among 




alternatives wlicii the o|3tion to clioosc has, in fact, 
been foreclosed. TIic freedom to act in accordance with 
human values requires that the individual be able to 
perceive the insanity that masquerades as the normal 
human condition and rise above it. 

By continuing to place primary emphasis on the 
"here and now" morality or immorality of each indi- 
vidual, the New Left reinforces the assumption that 
: the great majority of people are free to exercise their 
own will and to determine their own behavior within 
contemporary American society. The ultimate expres- 
sion of this approach is the New Left's attitude to- 
ward political and economic leaders. It tends to view 
decision-makers as free individuals exercising their 
' own will for their own evil ends, rather than as the 
most intensely indoctrinated victims of the system. 

To rise above social conditioning to a new sense of 
* values, people must come to understand how they are 
victimized by the American system as it operates today. 
By failing to help people recognize their social con- 
ditioning, by continuing to make moral judgments on 
the assumption that people are free to make meaning- 
ful choices, the Left thwarts the development of a 
revolutionary consciousness in America. 

If to be "liberal" means to identify with someone 
else's oppression before one's own, then the Left move- 
ment is still liberally oriented. The New Left still focuses 
much of its energy on aiding and defending the revolu- 
tionary struggles of the black and Third World com- 
munities. Its sense of guilt keeps it from developing a 
revolutionary identity of its own, since doing so would 
necessitate an identification with the revolutionary 
[ aspects of its own American heritage. The New Left 
: talks about the need for a revolution in this country, 
but its ideology threatens to exclude it — and most of 
white America — from the possibility of developing a 
■revolutionary identity. 

At best, the New Left offers white America the 
option of vicarious involvement as defenders and cheer- 
leaders for the black and Third World struggles. Some 
attempt is made to engage that section of the white 
work force that is employed in blue-collar and service 
jobs. But even here, little effort is made to remind 
people of the revolutionary history of their own strug- 
gle in this country. Rather, the strategy, ideology, and 
rhetoric are taken largely from the experience of work- 
ers' struggles in other countries. 

If the objective conditions for a revolutionary move- 
ment exist for white as well as black Americans — and 
I think they do — then it makes more sense for whites 
to identify with the revolutionary heroes, slogans, prin- 
ciples, and beliefs that make up the most positive 
aspects of the American heritage than to attempt to 
import a European or Asian ideological format. Tliat 
' does not mean that non-American revolutionary 
thought cannot serve as an important aspect of cul- 
tural, educational, and political direction; it docs 
mean that far greater emphasis must be placed on a 
tradition that most people already identify , with — the 
revolutionary aspects of the American experience. 

Declaration of Independence II 


At this critical stage in American history, it makes 
no sense for the New Left to allow the defenders of 
the system the advantage of presenting themselves and 
their institutions as the true heirs and defenders of the 
American revolutionary tradition. Instead, the revolu- 
tionary heritage must be used as a tactical weapon to 
isolate the existing institutions and those in power by 
constantly focusing public attention on their inability 
to translate our revolutionary dreams into reality. 

The Federal Government and the nation's business 
community have launched a five-year multi-million 
dollar campaign leading up to the celebration of Amer- 
ica's 200th birthday in 1976 — to rekindle the "Spirit 
of '76" and to promote the words and deeds of the 
Founding Fathers. The Left must take this up as a 
challenge and turn it into a campaign designed to cre- 
ate a mass revolutionary consciousness in tune with 
.the revolutionary legacy of 1776. 

Reinforcing the revolutionary beliefs is essential be- 
cause it provides continuity with the heritage of tlie 
past. This identification is necessary to create an atmos- 
phere of confidence among the people in their abil- 
ity to shape the future, to explore and enter unfamiliar 
areas of experience. 

Understanding the revolutionary currents and move- 
ments that have influenced American life can help 
those of us already involved in political struggle in 
developing a revolutionary perspective that is germane 
for America. Past struggles in America, such as the 
abolitionist and women's suffrage movements, and the 
farmer and labor insurgencies, cannot be expected to 
provide a blueprint for revolution in the 1970s, but 

November, 1971 



"The first step in the new revolution must be to 

find out who we arc and how to build on the base 

erected in the revolution of 1776 and 

refurbished in the successive dramas of 

change that characterize the most affirmative 

periods of American history." 

they can tell us much about American behavior and 
the American cliaractcr. We cannot build a contempo- 
rary revolution without an acute awareness of ourselves 
as a people, as citizens of a nation born in revolution. 

A genuine understanding of American revolutionary 
ideals is what links the American people with the 
struggles of all oppressed people in the world. Not un- 
til the masses of Americans begin to re-identify with 
these principles and develop their own revolutionary 
struggle will they be able to form a real bond of fra- 
ternalism and solidarity with the struggles of all op- 
pressed people. Solidarity comes from understanding 
the collective nature of our separate struggles and the 
cry for humanity that is shared by all. 

Without confidence in our revolutionary heritage, 
deteriorating economic and social conditions are liable 
to lead to an increased sense of hopelessness and fear, 
and a defense of the most reactionary aspects of the 
American ideology — with appeals to national honor, 
duty, courage, and vigilance in protection of the mother 
country — as the American people make a desperate at- 
tempt to hold onto what is familiar in their everyday 

The first step in the new revolution must be to 
find out who we are and how to build on the base 
erected in the revolution of 1776 and refurbished in 
the successive dramas of change that characterize the 
most affirmative periods of American history. 

The black movement had to rediscover the positive 
aspects of its own heritage in order to build an identity 
that would give it confidence in its ability to initiate 
action, sustain discipline, and win support from the 
black community. The white movement must do the 
same. Confidence in our ability to maintain discijiline 
and to develop a long-|fange revolutionary perspective 
that is neither rigid nor authoritarian must come from 
an understanding of who we arc; and most of what 
we are has to do with our unique American heritage. 
Such an understanding will help bring the existing fac- 
tions and groupings within the New Left community 


There now exist in most large conmiunitics several 
independent organizing projects and collectives cen- 
tered around experiments as diverse as consumer 
unions, free schools, health care .centers, abortion coun- 
seling services, alternative employment agencies, tenant 

unions, food cooperatives, alternative media, veterans' 
projects, draft services, and many others. 

Up to now, these projects have been viewed either 
as alternatives for only those immediately involved in 
them, or as organizing techniques for involving large 
numbers of people in political struggle. The first ap- 
proach leads to isolation and elitism and the second to 
despair as limited resources and societal constraints 
preclude the possibility of any meaningful participation 
by large numbers of people. A more realistic approach 
would be to reach out to the community in a limited 
way commensurate with the manpower and resources 
available, with emphasis on improving the quality 
rather than the quantity of social actions taken and 
services rendered. In this manner, projects and pro- 
grams are redefined as "models for political alterna- 
tives" and free themselves from the unrealizable goal 
of asserting to be the alternative itself. 

In a period of growing political alienation, when 
people no longer accept the tired old programs or the 
idle promises of new approaches that never materialize, 
these models can offer productive alternatives in which 
people can begin to believe and on which they can con- 
struct alternatives to the existing institutions, programs, 
and values. 

Those involved in the independent projects and col- 
lectives must begin to realize that disenchantment and 
alienation can appear on many levels, and that no one 
project or program can hope to answer all of the com- 
plex needs of the residents of a community. For this 
reason, these separate projects should begin to come 
together on the local level around some commonly 
agreed upon set of principles, demands, and goals. 

To stimulate revolutionary consciousness, the New 
Left must develop a strategy by which the American 
people can identify the movement's demands and pro- 
grams with the most noble and revolutionary principles 
of our common heritage. Without this positive identifi- 
cation those in power may succeed in isolating the 
movement from American society. 

In determining effective strategies, more critical at- 
tention must be focused on new ways of reaching 
people. Too often, the New Left continues to pursue a 
single strategy of confrontation, even when its con- 
tinued use is alienating and ineffective, merely because 
it has met with some measure of success in the past. 
To a large extent, this has been due to t'^e New Left's 
failure to develop a realistic analysis of the American 
system and to create a long-range revolutionary per- 
.spcctive. Lacking thoughtful analysis, strategy is often 
an aimless reflex reaction to momentary crisis. Strat- 
egies tend to become ends in themselves or substitutes 
for lack of ideology. Victories are so rare that any suc- 
cess is frequently elevated to the level of a sacred rev- 
olutionary principle. Those individuals and groups in- 
itially associated with a particular strategy tend to de- 
velop a vested interest in its continued use so as to 
rationalize their past position of influence within the 
movement. This results in a reluctance to experiment 




with new strategics for fear of being attacked as 

A serious re-thinking of the strategics of confronta- 
tion, engagement, and mobilization will have to begin 
to take into account as major weapons of change the 
use of electoral politics, especially in communities with 
large student populations, research operations on tiie 
local level patterned after Nader's Raiders, mass media 
as a means of reaching out beyond tlie student and 
radical communities, and entry into government and 
corporate bureaucracies in order to gain vital informa- 
tion and to influence attitudes and behavior. 

Re-identifying with the American revolutionary her- 
itage during the Bicentennial Years can provide the 
New Left groupings with the beginning of a new phil- 
osophical and political focus as well as a new spirit 
of enthusiasm and hope. This new focus and spirit 
are essential if we arc to overcome the isolation, fac- 
tionalism, and defeatism that now exist within the 


The goals of this new movement are as revolutionary 
for our time as were the goals of those who framed 
the Declaration of Independence. 

Today's revolution will be one in search of new 
human values and new institutional structures. It will 

"You chaps are looking a bit tired" 

bring together large sectors of the American population 
around common goals and aspirations. Whites, blacks, 
Latins, native Americans, middle class, workers, poor 
people, women, and men will forge a new unified 
identity around a common revolutionary heritage. 
This movement must be a revolution in which: 

• Human values are placed above property values. 

• Economic cooperation is substituted for competi- 
tion and corporate profit. 

• Personal interests can be identified with the collec- 
tive interest. 

• Health care for all people is defined as a human 
right rather than a market-place commodity going to 
the highest bidder. 

• Technology is brought under control to serve rath- 
er than exploit man and the environment. 

• Production for profit and war is replaced by pro- 
duction for human needs and peace. 

• Control of the economy is taken away from the 
very rich and very few and returned to the hands of 
the worker and consumer. 

• Economic, social, racial, and sexual barriers will 
give way to a new form of equality and opportunity 
for all. 

• The human aspirations we seek to fulfill at home 
will also guide our relations with other peoples of the 

• People regain control over decisions and institu- 
tions that affect their lives. 

• Orthodoxy is challenged and creativity is en- 

• The search for transcendence and ultimate aware- 
ness of ourselves and our environment is nourished as 
the highest aspiration of mankind. 

• We are dedicated to the proposition that "all men 
are created equal, that they are endowed by their 
Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among 
these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness." 

Above all, this must be a revolution built upon hope 
and alternatives for the future, rather than the fears 
and dismay of the present. 

Today's revolutionaries are not so naive, nor so be- 
mused with romantic adventurism, nor so unaware of 
the lessons of history that they believe in the overnight 
attainment of these goals through instant revolution. 
Their first steps may be modest, their first demands 
transitional, but they will achieve their ultimate goals, 
which are built upon nothing less than our own Amer- 
ican Dream. 

In 1976, we, the American people, will celebrate the 
two hundredth anniversary of the signing of our Dec- 
laration of Independence. It must be our goal, in the 
next five years of struggle, to recapture our revolution- 
ary heritage and to build on it a society worthy of our 

November, 1971 



NoTK.— The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to^the mere fact of the appearance of an individual or an organization in this 


"A New Age Begins" (book) _ ir 

"A Conversation With Page Smith" (article) 07 

A Mass Celebration of the Bicentennial . __ /_____/'/ gg 

"A New Age Begins, a Peoples History of the American" Re"volut[on" 

(book) ,r cj. 

Abraham Lincoln Brigade _ ' "T^ 

"Activist Groups to Hold Picnic" (article) 21^ 

Adams, Charles Francis " "" 07 

Adams, Abigail '_ iq4"2T^ 24-^ 

Adams, Diana 194, ^ici, ^4d 

Adams, John_ 5,'56,"58,'75,l7,l3i,"l78;213, 241 

Adams, Samuel 6, 24, 41, 62, 75, 76, 83, 84, 91, 118, 180 214 240 

Adams, Ihomas _ ' ro 

Advance Manufacturing _ __]^ llllllllll SI 

Africa ,2 A(i 

Ahmed, Eqbal 231 

Air and Space Museum _ ~ ' 47 if? 

Alaska :_" ^^' \\l 

Albania ' \'^'„ 

Alinsky, Saul I"]''^ 142 

Allendorfer, Capt ___ " ' ooo'ooa 097 

Alliance to End Repression. . . ' % io 

Ambassador West Hotel ^ kVS 

American Bar Association ~___ ~ tq 

American Bicentennial Research Institute. _I III"' ~" /'_"_ si 

American Civil Liberties Union . __ _' " ' ' "~ ro 

American Express '^i 

American Freedom Train ' rr 01 qa 

American Heritage llllllllll ' 24 31 

American Historical Association _~_ I ~" '72 

American Indian Movement (AIM) _._ _'"" '/_' "~ -m q-, 

American Indians _ . _ "" ""' _"" m 

American Issues Forum ... "' " '_' '_"_ rr 2ir 

American Nationalism ._ .... / _ _ ~ 7lhs'^ 

American Revolution '_'/_ ~_ ', lu, 00 

^'^}^'Ja''3 ^•^' ^^' 46-487 56,"57r62783," 97; 987l' 18," 130, 131^ 

178,179,183,191,198,202,239 ...,,, 

American Revolution" (book) 10 31 

American Revolution Bicentennial Administration (ARBA) ' 7 

A, • o 1 ■ T. 25, 26, 30, 34, 58, 70-73, 81, 82, 219, 23() 

American Kevolution Bicentennial Commission 220-226 228 229 

American Revolution Considered as a Social Movement, The" (book) ' ' 183 

American Servicemen's Union.. ..... ...... 1 iS 

"America's Birthday" (book) \//.l 6 

u . T , , . 10, 23, 31, 34, 50, 54-56, 58-66,"72,"73,'ii6,"ii8,'230, 231 

^^ An Introduction to the Peoples Bicentennial Commission" (article) . . 15, 98 

An Open Letter to the American Left" (document)... 40 

Anarchists' Cookbook"... 33 

Angola j2 

Aptheker, Bettina _ _ 35 




Aptheker, Dr. Herbert 10, 38, 39, 56, 57, 186 

ARBA. {See American Revolution Bicentennial Administration.) 

Arco 81 

Arno Publishing Co 106, 109 

Asia 1 2, 26, 1 1 

Attucks 131 

Ayers, Bill 52, 136 

Ayers, John 52 

Bantam Books, Inc 58, 67, 183, 197, 199, 238 

Learning Ventures Section 58, 60, 199 

Barnett, John 215 

Barrington, 111 59 

Baustian, Sister Joan 42, 43, 128 

Bayh, Senator Birch 47 

Becker, Carl 182 

Beckstead, Ken 171 

Bellarmine School of Theology 42, 132 

Benefit for Chicago Workers School 42 

Berkeley 80, 134, 136 

Bernstein 179 

Bible, The 35, 36 

"Bicentennial" (article) 75, 118 

"Bicentennial Bulletin" 229 

"Bicentennial Era 1972-76, The" (publication) 46 

Bicentennial Gardens 47 

Bicentennial materials, order form 199 

"Bicentennial Times" 292, 231 

Bill of Rights 35, 54, 61, 62, 68 

"Birthday Parties For Kids" 49 

Black Panther Party 134, 147 

Black Panthers 214 

Blumer, Frank 80 

Bolivia 11 

Book-of-the-Month Club 15, 58 

News 15,31,97 

Boston 82, 109, 134, 136 

Boston Globe (newspaper) 64, 209 

Boston Harbor 63 

Boston Tea Party 55, 62, 64, 65 

Boy Scouts 82 

Boyte, Harry 78, 80 

Bras, Juan Mari 31 

Bratislava, Czeckoslovakia 40, 44, 130, 143 

Bregman, Randy 80 

Brentano's (book store) 59, 60 

Brickner, Balfour 112, 113 

Bronson, Gail 81 

Brooklyn 136 

Brown; John 75, 118,240 

Buck, Tom 68 

Bughouse Square, Chicago 66 

Bunker Hill, Battle of 82 

Burck 244 

Burns, George 67 

Buser 222, 226, 227 

"Busy Independence Day Projected for the Mall" (article) 116 

Butler, Bill 101 

Butz, Earl 63 


California, University of 58, 97 

At Berkeley 38, 140 

At Santa Cruz 97 

Callahan, Bill 55 

Galley 112, 113 



Cambridge, Mass 143 

Campfire Girls 4, 82, 85, 98 

Canada 12 

Capitalk (publication) 116 

Carroll, Dr 222 

Carroll, Lynn 101 

Case Western Reserve University 157 

Casey, William 60 

Castro, Fidel 12, 31, 34, 41, 85, 131 

CBS-TV 82 

Center for the Study of Public Policy . 143 

Central YMCA College 69 

Champaign-Urbana 9, 27, 28, 48, 179 

Chicago 7,8, 16,41,45,50,52,57,64-67, 78,79,96, 138, 139, 146 

Chicago Coliseum 134, 136 

Chicago Conference on Hunger and Malnutrition 65, 66, 215 

Chicago Council for American Soviet Friendship 85 

Chicago Daily News 65, 66, 216 

Chicago Eight Trial 136 

Chicago Patriot (newsletter) 45, 145 

Chicago Peace Council 43, 66, 68, 216 

Chicago Sun Times (newspaper) 42, 244 

Chicago Tomorrow — Social Service 41 

Chicago Transit Authority (CTA) 68 

Chicago Tribune (newspaper) 7, 13, 14, 32, 44, 60, 65, 68, 69, 84, 143, 216 

Chicago Welfare Rights Organization 215 

Chile 120, 122 

China 12, 13, 136, 138, 197 

Chinese Revolution 12 

Chomsky, Noam 26, 112, 113 

Cicero 43 

Citizens Alert/ Alliance to End Repression 42 

Citizens Commission of Inquiry 26, 75, 110, 239 

City Colleges of Chicago-Uptown education programs 41 

Cleaver, Eldridge 8,9, 86, 141 

Cleveland Area Peace Action Council 157 

Cleveland, Ohio 3, 51,81, 157 

Cleveland Press 157 

Cohn, Fred 112, 113 

Coffey 222, 227 

Collins, Pat 220 

"Colonial Era, The" (book) 186 

"Colonial Era of the American Revolution, The" (book) 57 

Columbia University 134, 201 

Commager, Henry Steele 181 

Committees of Correspondence 45, 67, 89 

Common Sense (publication) 22, 

31, 33, 47, 48, 62-64, 67, 83, 116, 150, 198, 203, 204 

Common Sense for a Democratic Economy 48, 154 

"Common Sense 11" (book) 32, 50, 58, 60, 82, 83, 200 

Commoner, Dr. Barry 231 

Communist 39, 84 

Communist Manifesto 48 

Communist Party 16, 30, 38, 66, 69, 70, 146, 158 

, China ___-.....___.- 138 

Illinois 40, 68 

Missouri 50 

Philippines 30 

USA (CPUSA) 10, 14, 26, 38, 56, 67, 68, 85, 216 

Communist Party Bicentennial Festival Committee 68 

"Community Programs for a Peoples Bicentennial" (publication) 198 

Concord Bridge . 63 

Concord, Mass . 4,5,22,26,33,63,64,117 

Battle of 63 

69-239 O — 76 17 



Concord River 84 

Connecticut, University of _5 

Conspiracy 157 

Consumer Counteraction 42 

Consumer Federation of America 231 

Continental Congress 176 

Cook, Theirrie 80 

Cooke, Alistair 82 

Cooperative Highschool Independent Press Syndicate (CHIPS) 165 

Corbett, J. Elliott 70,218 

Corning Glass 212 

Cowan, Anita 171 

Create Your Own Birthday Package (flyer) 58 

Criley, Richard 68 

Crockett, Davy 118 

Crumb, Jan 112, 113 

Cuba 12, 16, 131, 136, 138 

Cuban Secret Police 31 

Czechoslovakia 40, 44, 130, 143 


Daily World ' 45 

Daley, Richard J 8, 86, 88 

DAR. (See Daughters of the American Revolution.) 

DAR II. (See Descendants of the American Revolution II.) 

Dartmouth College 97 

Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) 35, 65, 67 

David Kennison Chapter 65 

Daughters and Sons of Liberty 45, 67, 89 

Davenport, Iowa_ 28, 114 

Davidson, Bill 112, 113 

Davis, Ossie 26, 112, 113 

Davis, Rennie 8, 9, 86 

Debray, Regis H 

Debs, Eugene V 8,9,75,86, 118, 130,131,141,240 

Declaration of Economic Independence 46, 155 

Declaration of Independence 18-21, 

35, 48, 50, 99, 176-178, 181, 182, 239, 240, 246 

Declaration of Student Independence 50, 51, 53, 61 

Dellinger, David 112, 113 

Denver, Colo 1 1 

Descendants of the American Revolution II (DAR II) 45, 67, 89 

Detroit Federation of Teachers (DFT) 171 

DFT. (See Detroit Federation of Teachers.) 

DGI (Directorio General De Inteligencia) 31 

DiMaggio, Joe 81 

Dobal - 226 

Dohrn, Bernardine 13-^, 136 

Domhoff, G. WiUiams 95 

Dowd, Douglas 26, 112, 113 

Drinan, Congressman Robert 62 

DRV (North Vietnam) 40, 1 30 

DuBois, W. E. B 75, 118, 240 

Duncan, Donald 112, 113 

Dupont Plaza Hotel 112 

Dylan, Bob 13o 


East India Co 83 

East St. Louis 8o 

Eastern Illinois University 69 

Eastland, Senator James O ^lo 

Ecumenical Institute --.- 49 

Ecumenical Task Force on the Religious Observance of the Nation s Bi- 
centennial 49, 56, 70, 2 17 

"Editor Responds, The — Marxism, Its Limitations" (article) 91 


Education Liberation Front 7 

Einstein 131 

Elmhurst College 56, 66, 214 

"Empire and Revolution" (book) 140 

Engels 11, 131 

Ensign, Tod 112, 113 

Episcopal Church 70 

Europe 30 

Evergreen Review (magazine) 10, 11, 88 

Exxon 47, 117, 120, 122, 210, 211 

"Eyewitness Accounts of the American Revolution" (book series) 104-106 


Fair Play For Cuba Committee 16, 33, 85 

Falk, Richard 112, 113 

Faneuil, Hall 62, 63 

Far Left 61 

Farah 172 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 1, 52, 143, 148 

Federal Communications Cominission (FCC) 122 

Feinberg, Rabbi Abraham 112, 113 

Feminist Party 231 

Fernandez, Richard 112, 113 

Fields, Marjorie 79 

Finch, Robert 143 

Fincher, Jack 97 

First Congregational Church 236 

First National Bank 68 

"First Principles" (booklet) 9 

Fisher, Alan.' 218 

Florv, Ishmael 67,68 

Foner, Phil 231 

Folklike Festival 47, 117 

Fonda, Jane 112, 113 

Ford, Bernie 68 

Ford, President Gerald 48, 63, 84, 117 

Founding Fathers 20, 36, 47, 48, 55, 56, 76 

FPS 53 

Francis, Everett 70, 218 

Franco 12 

Franklin, Benjamin 118, 213, 214 

Free Speech Movement 38, 75, 139, 243 

Freed, Don 112, 113 

Freedom of Information Act 71 

Freedom Train. (See American Freedom Train.) 

Frontany, Hilda 215 


Gallup poll 242 

Garment, Leonard 71, 223 

Garrison, William Lloyd 75, 118, 240 

Gay Liberation Front 158 

Gei'smar, Maxwell 112, 113 

General Foods . _ _ 212 

General Motors (GM) 47, 66, 81, 117, 210, 211 

Genovese, Eugene D 26, 112, 113 

Georgia, University of 2 

GI's United I 157 

Girl Guides 50 

Girl Scouts 31 

Capitol Area Council 31 

Githn, Todd 133 

Glass, Sgt. Charles 215 

Glusman, Paul 133, 134, 140 

Goodell, James 103 

Gordon, JeflF 136 



Gordon, Jerry 157 

"Government Bicentennial Is Very Shallow, The" (article) 82 

Gould, Jay 118 

Governor's Advisory Council 39 

Grass Roots Community Coalition 158 

Gregory, Dick 112, 113, 157 

Great American Revolution of 1776 40 

Gruening, Hon. Ernest — 112, 113 

Guardian (organization) 30, 31 

Guardian (publication) 8, 28, 86, 114, 142 

Guevara, Che 6, 11, 16, 34, 76, 118, 131 

Gulf Oil 82 


Hacker, Rev. Iberus 41,42,65,66,215 

Hale, Nathan 5 

HalL 222,227 

Hall, Gus 38,45,64, 146,217 

Hamilton, Alexander 75, 1 18, 241 

Hancock, John 81 

"Hand-Me-Down Marxism and the New Left" (article) 133 

Happy Birthday USA (organization) 117 

Hard Times Labor Day Picnic 66 

Harris, Fred (former Senator) 47 

Harvard 97, 134 

Hatcher, Richard 215 

Hawk, David 157 

Hayden, Tom 8,86, 141 

Haywood, Bill 8,9,86, 131 

Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) 143 

Henderson, Harold 80 

Henry, Patrick 83,84 

Hess, Karl 231 

Hessell, Dieter 70,218 

High School Action (paper) 54, 170 

High School Bill of Rights 51-53, 156 

High School Information Service 111 

High School Youth Against War and Fascism 54 

"Hijacking the Bicentennial" (editorial) 32 

Hill 131 

Hill, Carl 62 

Hogan, Father William 68 

Hollander, Nanci 140 

Hoover, J. Edgar 143 

Hornblower, Margot 116 

Horowitz, David 133, 140 

House Committee on Un-American Activities 51 

House Internal Security Committee 66, 85 

Houston 172 

Houston 12 Defense Committee 172 

"How to Commit Revolution American Style" (book) 11, 14, 32, 93-95 

"How to Research the Power Structure of Your Secondary School" 

(pamphlet) 1 68 

"How to Start a High School Underground Newspaper" (pamphlet) 53, 

160, 165, 168 

Howard, Ted 55, 117, 119, 124,231 

Human Kindness Day 117 

Hunt, H. L 118 

Hutchings, Phil 112, 113 


Ichord, Congressman Richard 14, 15, 32, 85 

Illinois.,-- - 16,29,37,47 

Illinois Coalition for Youth, Jobs and Education 69 

Illinois, University of 9 

Illinois Worker (publication) 85 



"In the Minds and Hearts of the People" (display package of books) 62, 202 

Indiana 29 

International Amphitheatre 67 

International Business Machines (IBM) •_ 82 

International Publishers 186 

International Socialists (IS) 114, 115, 157 

International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT) ,.. 47, 117, 122,210,211 

Institute for Policy Studies 143 

Institute for Social Studies 42 

Iowa 29 

Iranian Student Association 42 


Jameson, J. Franklin 183 

J. C. Penney Co 82 

Jefferson, Thomas 5, 24, 55, 91, 97, 118, 131, 177, 178, 213 

Jencks, Christopher 143, 144 

Joe Hill Caucus 136 

John Brown Caucus 158 

Johnny Appleseed 7, 8, 9, 44, 61, 131, 142, 145 

Johnny Appleseed Movement 40, 42, 43, 54, 67 

Johnny Appleseed Patriotic Publications.. 7, 8, 11, 44, 45, 86, 88, 89, 140, 141, 145 

Johnny Appleseed Press 40, 43 

Johnson, Bob 112, 113 

Johnson, Kathy 55 

Johnson, Nick 231 

Joint Committee on the Bicentennial 117 

Jones, Charley 55 

Jones, Lloyd Jenkins 32 

July 4th Coalition 35, 236 

Justice Department 120, 124, 223 

Justus (cartoonist) 240, 246 


Kaleidoscope (underground paper) 8 

Kaufman, Mary 112, 113 

Keller, Helen 8, 86, 141 

Kelley, A. M 182 

Kelly, Dean M 70,218 

Kennedy, Flo 23 1 

Kennedy Stadium 47 

Kennison, David 65 

Kent State 9, 90 

Khan, Ayub 138 

Khrushchev, Nikita 138, 137 

Kim II Sung 161 

Kirkendall, Richard S 201 

Kiwanis 15, 83 

Khng, Jack 67 

Klonskv, Michael 135 

Knight, Carlton, III ._ 72 

Knoll, Erwin 111 

Kozol, Jonathan 213 

Kraft Foods 66, 81 

Kroch's (book store) 59, 60 

Kunstler, WiUiam _ .. . ._. 39 

Kurtis, Bill . 215 

Kushner, Sylvia 26, 68, 1 12, 1 13 


Lake View Latin American Coalition 215 

Lamb, Art 47, 117 

Lamont, Helen 112, 113 

Lancaster, Pa 81 

Lang, George 25, 101 



Lauter, Paul 112, 113 

Lavelle, Mike 215 

Lawrence, Deborah W 25,71, 101, 111,219,224-228 

Lenin 5, 

6, 12, 15, 16, 17, 34, 38, 76, 118, 131, 136, 146 

Lens, Sid 231 

Leonard, Bob 55 

Lerner, Michael 78, 80 

Lerner Newspapers 65 

Lester, Julius 112, 113 

LeVant, Jack 71, 101,220,223,227,228 

Levin, John 135 

Levy, Howard 112, 113 

Lewis, Hobart 224 

Lewis, Sinclair 130 

Lexington, Mass 4, 5, 63 

Liberty Bell 24 

Liberty Hall 41-43,62, 145 

Library of Congress 2, 55 

Library of Human Resources 81 

Lieberj Mike 215 

Lifton, Robert J 112, 113 

"Light in the Steeple, The" (pubhcation) 49,56,70,98,142,217 

Lin Piao 135, 138 

Lincoln, Abraham 118, 131 

Lincoln Memorial 47 

Lincoln Park 65 

Lipman, Carol 157, 158 

"Little Red Book" 8,86 

"Little Red Book of Quotations" 10 

"Little Red, White, and Blue Book — Revolutionary Quotations bv 

Great Americans" 8, 10, 44, 86, 89, 96, 141 

Lockheed 120, 122 

Lopatkiewicz, Ted 73, 230 

Lopaz, Alfredo 236 

Los Angeles 67 

Lovejoy, Sam 231 

Loyola University of Chicago 44 

Lyle Stuart, Inc. (publisher) ^ — 33, 96 

Lynd, Alice 78 

Lynd, Staughton 95 

Lynn, Conrad 112, 113 


McCarthy 25 

McColgan, Edward 82 

McKeun, Arthur 62 

McKissick, Floyd 112, 113 


Mack Truck Co 82 

Madison, Wis 42, 136 

Magidson, Herbert 112, 113 

Mahoney, David J 71,219,224 

Malcolm X 131 

Mao Tse-tung 5, 6, 8, 13, 15, 16, 76, 118, 131, 133, 135, 136 

Maoism 13,84,85, 138 

Maoist 14, 31 

Maoists 61 

Mapes, Jo 215 

Marshall, Chip 80 

Marshall Field & Co -"^O 

Martin, David 1-73 

Martin, Joseph Plumb 182 

Martinez, David 215 

^lartinsen, Peter _ ,,„ .^^f 

mSsS''' --------5:i3;36:56;§i:i3i,i36;u6 

"Marxism, Religion'and'Revolution'' "("speech)" ' ^^' ^^' ^^' ^^' ^''' ^^^' ^'-fi 

MarSf:Len.,sC:::::: '^''''''''''''''ll12l145^!i 

Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (weeklvKV ' ' ' ^'' ^^l 

Marxists ' _ " ko'dh A^ a- 

Mass Celebration of the Bicentennial ' ks 9?r 

Meachani, Stewart.. 110' Tio 

Merlo, John '_[ ""' J)'? 

Merridew, Alan '" ~^~"~ 91R 

Metropolitan Museum of Art __ " "o^ 

Michigan ?^ 

Middle East ^^' '^f, 

Miles, Pvt. Joe. .1^ 

Mihtant, The (publication).. -1 ;2l 

Mills, Wright c ::: -. f' ]i] 

Milwaukee ^'^6, 141 

Minneapolis Star (newspaper)... ^ah oar 

Misnik, Joanna ff S' ?f o 

Mitche Co ' ci 

Mitchell, John .°J 

Monsanto . _ ■ _ _ ^f* 

Mora, Dennis n^ f|^ 

Moran, John \\i' |J^ 

Moratorium. . . " '1^7 

"More Mao Than Thou" (article)". _" l ^.q 1 ?I 

Morgan, Edmund. __ ''''' 1 cq 

Morgan, Helen... |°^ 

Morison, Samuel Eliot- . . qo 07 

Morris, Richard B ?ci%m 

Moses, Nancy ... oJ' f^o 

Movement for Economic Democracy ' '" /i? 

Muste, A. J ■" - „ 47 

My Lai massacre ---------------.".".".."."."".".":.".": 112 113 

Nader's Raiders 24.R 

NAM. (5ee New American Movement ) " " " 

"NAM Sets New Left Program" (article).. 114 

Nashville (film) ! _ i\i 

National Archives 3 

National Caucus of Labor Committees ] 42" "l 44 1 V? 

National Committee for a Citizens Commission of Inquiry" "o"n""u"s" wkr ' 

Crimes _ _■_ " ■2c 119 iiq 

National Council of Churches. 4."^n"7n"s9"s'^ sk qs' 91s 

National Day Care and Child De"velopm"e"n"t"Co"u"ncn" of America, The ' 49 98 
National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) 25-27 101-103 111 

louth Grants Division ' im'ni 

National Interim Committee... 79 SO SI 

National Interim Committee for a Mass Partv 149 

National Lawyers Guild ' . " 26 

Naf Innnl ^''^^'' ,^'°"* ^^^^^ ::::::::::::: "40," 130," 134," i36, us 

XNational Media Analysis 3 

National Observer (publication) ... " " " . .._" I qo 

National Park Service ' " '// " i?y 

National Trust for Historic Preservation .." ~_ 72 

National Veterans Inquiry into U.S. War Crimes IT? 

Nave, Henry " ^2 

Navy pier $f 

Nebraska /.'.'.._. 29 

"Negro in the American Revolution" The^ '" "(book) " " " ' ^7 

Neilands, J. B ^]" ^^2 113 

NEH. (See National Endowment forthe Humanities^' 


New American Movement (NAM) 3-5, 

12, 14, 15, 28-31, 35, 42, 76-80, 114-116, 239 

First national meeting 78 

New American Movement (newspaper) 3, 6, 11, 16, 78, 118 

New Left 3, 6, 11, 14, 39-41, 96, 136, 139, 143, 242-246 

"New Left: Old Traps" (article) 133, 139 

New Mobe. (See New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Viet- 
New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (New Mobe) _ _ 143, 144 

New Party, The 144 

New Patriot, The (newspaper) 7-11,13,44,45,87-89,91,144,145 

New Patriot Handbook 10 

New Republic (magazine) 143 

New Trier West High School 42, 54, 59 

New York City 109, 134, 148 

New York Civil Liberties Union 52, 159 

New York State 22 

New York Times (newspaper) 19, 32, 104-106, 238 

Newsweek (magazine) 124 

Newton, Huey 8,9,86, 141 

Newton, Isaac 13, 91 

Nichols, Cicely 55,80 

Nixon, Richard 63, 179,240 

Norman and Billick (law firm) 52 

North Korea 136 

North Vietnam 131, 136 

Northern Illinois University 69 

Northrop 120, 122 

Nutter 227 


October League 42 

Ogilvie, Governor 39 

Ohio 17,29 

Old Left 6,39,40,41,44 

"One, Two, Three . . . Many SDS's" (publication) 44, 133 

Oneonta, N.Y 179 

"Open Letter to the American Left" 42, 44 

Open Pantry 65 

Organization of American Historians 62, 201 

Newsletter 62, 202 

"Origins of the American Revolution, The" (book) 182 

Oshkosh, Wis 48 

Oxtoby, Ken 170 

Paine, Thomas 5,6,8,24,48,56,75,76,86,91, 118, 131, 141,213,240 

Pakistan 138 

Palestinian Liberation Movement 12 

Paley, Grace 112, 113 

Panama Canal Zone 236 

Parmalee, Patty Lee 114 

Party of the Permanent American Revolution 61 

Patriots Caravan Routes 232, 233 

"Patriot's Handbook, The" (publication) 57, 174, 175 

Patterson, Brad 227 

Pavlik, Keith 171 

Peace Corps 139 

Peck, Sid 157 

Peltz, Bill 30, 35, 36, 48, 92 

Penn Dairies 81 

Pennsylvania 22 

Pennsylvania, University of Hf* 

Wharton School of "Finance 96, 110 

Pentagon 38 



Peoples Bicentennial Declaration 46 

Peoples Bicentennial Festival 67-69, 216 

People's Park 140 

People's Research Operation for the Bicentennial Era 48 

"People's Textbooks" 57 

Pepsi Cola Co 66, 81 

Permanent Investigations Subcommittee 134 

"Permanent Revolution, The" (book) 61 

Peter Hart Associates 22, 23 

"PBC Early American Almanac" 238 

"PBC Quizbook of the American Revolution" 238 

Philadelphia 35, 109 

Philippines 12 

Pick Congress Hotel 69 

Pittsburgh Plate Glass 212 

Plavbo V (magazine) 32 

Port Huron 1 39 

Port Huron Statement 75, 242, 243 

Powell, Paul 88 

Prairie Fire Organizing Committee 30, 31, 35 

Preservation News (publication) 72 

Primack, Max 112, 113 

"Private Yankee Doodle" (book) 182 

PROBE. {See People's Research Operation for the Bicentennial Era.) 

Procter & Gamble 212 

Progressive (pubUcation) 42, 238, 239 

Progressive Labor Party (PL) 16, 114, 134, 136 

Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG) 115 

Prudential Insurance 81 

Public Advertising Council 67 

Puerto Rican Socialist Party 30, 31, 35 

Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee 30 

Puerto Rico 30, 130, 236 

Punkatasset Hill 63, 64 


Quebec 130 

Quebecois Liberation Front 12 

Quotations of Chairman Mao 48 

Radical Caucus 158 

"Radical Group Presses for New Bicentennial View" (article) 32 

Rainbow Coalition 41, 66, 215 

Ramparts (magazine) 44, 140 

Randall, Tony 112, 113 

Raytheon 82 

Reagan, Ronald 47, 48 

Red Guard 135 

"Red, White, and Blue Left, The" (article) 95,239 

Redden , Lou 55 

Redgrave, Vanessa 112, 113 

Reformed Church in America 70, 218 

Religious and Civil Liberty National Council of Churches 70 

Reserve Officers Training Corps (ROTC) 82 

Revere, Paul 5, 24, 81 

Revolutionary education project 53 

Revolutionary Mass Party 44 

"Revolutionary Nationalism and the American Left" (article) 10, 88, 95 

"Revolutionary Quotations from the Thoughts of Uncle Sam" (booklet) __ 7, 

8, 9, 12, 44, 86, 141 

Revolutionary Union (RU) 135 

Revolutionary War research project 102, 104, 106, 111 

Revolutionary Youth Movement (RYM) 135, 136, 158, 157 

RYM II 66, 135,214 


Rif kin, Jeremy 3-9, 

11, 12, 14-16, 19, 22, 24-28, 30, 32-3.5, 40, 42, 43, 47, 55, 58, 64, 

70, 75, 78, 80, 82, 85, 92-96, 103, 104, 109, 110, 112, 113, 117, 119, 

124, 209, 217, 231, 239 

"Right of Revolution, The" (book) 95 

Riordan, Mary . 171 

Rising Up Angrv (underground paper) 8 

Rockefeller, David 212 

Rockefeller, John D 75, 118, 241 

Rockwell, Susan 42, 45 

Rodriguez, Alex 172 

Rollins, Sheila 55 

Roosevelt University of Chicago 51 

Rosenbergs 131 

Rossen, John 7-12, 

14-16, 32-34, 41-44, 54, 55, 65, 66, 69, 70, 84, 85, 88, 91-96, 


Rotarys 15 

Rottenberg, Isaac 70, 218 

RU. {See Revolutionary Union.) 

Rudd, Mark "_ 135, 136 

Rush, Benjamin 6, 10, 75, 76, 87, 91, 118, 176,239, 240 

Rush, Bobby 136 

Russell War Crimes Tribunal 75, 243 

Russia 138, 197 

Russian Revolution 61 

RYM. (See Revolutionary Youth Movement.) 


Sacaroflf, Mark 112, 113 

Sadlowski, Ed 231 

Saloschin, Robert 220 

Samuels, Jerry 112, 113 

San Francisco State 134, 136 

Santa Barbara 179 

Santa Cruz 58, 97 

Scheer, George F 182 

Schnall, Susan 112, 113 

Schoenman, Ralph 112, 113 

Schultz, Richard L 1-73 

Schwartz, Edward ._ 55, 95 

Schwinn, Jerrv 112, 113 

Scotland "_ 38, 130 

Seattle 28 

"Search for Justice, The" (book) 95 

Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) 120, 124 

"Seeing Only Red for the Bicentennial (article) 84 

Seitz, Erie- 1 26, 112, 113 

"Selected Reprints" 54, 168 

Shaht, Gene 55 

Shay, Martha Jane 25, 101, 102, 111 

Shell Oil 82 

Sherman House Hotel 45 

Shero, Jeff 157 

Short, Robert J 1-73 

Showl, James 55 

Simon & Schuster 6, 31, 34, 54, 58-60, 67, 118, 238 

Simpson, Dick 215 

Sitting Bull 8, 86, 141 

Skora, Eugene J 101, 220, 224, 225-227 

Slaughter, Jane 78, 80 

SMC. {See Student Mobihzation Committee.) 

Smith, Adam 119 

Smith, Eloise . 97 

Smith, Page 15,58,62,97, 202 

Social Democrats 61 



Socialist Revolution 16 

Socialist Workers Party 51 

Sojourner Truth Organization 114 

Sons and Daughters of Liberty 35 

Sons and Daughters of the Revolution 35 

Sons of Liberty 7, 9 

Source Catalogue (publication) 7, 8 

Source Collective 7 

"Sources and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution" (book)__ 181 

South Dakota 22 

Southeast Asia 239, 242 

Soviet Union 1, 138 

Spain 12, 16, 131 

Spector, M. L 224 

"Spirit of '76, The" (book) 181, 182 

"Spirit of (19)76 The; Is it a Bicentennial or a Buy-Centennial?" (article) . 4, 81 

Spock, Benjamin 112, 113 

Spring Mills, S.C 81 

Springfield, 111 69 

StaHn, Josef 84, 13, 138 

StaUnism 1 3, 84, 85 

"Stamp Act Crisis, The" (book) 183 

Stanford 136 

Stapp, Andy 1 1 2, 1 1 3 

Statler-Hilton 113 

Statue of Liberty 82 

Steinmetz 131 

Stern Foundation 25 

Stone, Lucy 75, 1 18, 240 

Stop the Draft Week 139 

Stuart, Lyle 33 

Student Bill of Rights 51, 53 

Student MobiHzation Committee (SMC) 51, 157, 158 

Student Mobilization Committee National Conference 157 

Student Mobilization Committee High School Bill of Rights 51-53, 156 

Student Mobilizer (publication) 51, 52, 156 

"Student Rights Handbook" 52, 159 

Student Teacher Programs for a Peoples Bicentennial 49, 61, 98, 198 

Student and Youth Organizing (pamphlet) 166, 168 

Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) 14, 

16, 49, 52-54, 66, 59, 84, 114, 134, 136, 137, 140, 141, 242 

"Suit Forces Name Change of Communist Rally" (article) 68, 216 

Sunday Booster (newspaper) 65, 66, 215 

Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA) 14 


Tarabochia, Alfonso L 1-73 

Tashdinian, Armen 7? 25, 101, 111 

Tea Party 55 

"Teaching and Rebellion at Union Springs" (pamphlet) 168 

Tenneco 120, 122 

Texas Instruments 212 

Thieme, Art 215 

Third World 6, 138, 139, 157, 243, 244 

Third World Revolution 231 

"37 Percent Think the United States is in Decline" (article) 22 

Thomas, J. Parnell 88 

Thoreau, Henrv 75, 118, 240 

"Thoughts of Chairman Mao" (booklet) 12 

3M Corp 82 

Time (magazine) 124 

Today Show 55 

"Toward a New Patriotism" (pamphlet) 41 

Treasury Department 120, 122, 124 

Treiger, Mary 135 

Trends (magazine) 70, 218 



Trotsky, Leon 61, 136 

Trotskyist 61 

Trotskyists 62 

Truth, Sojourner 75, 118, 240 

Tucker-Foreman, Carole 23 1 

Tufts University (Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy) 96, 110 

Tulsa, Okla _' 32 

Tupart Monthly Reports on the Underground Press 2 

Turner 131 

Twain, Mark 75, 118, 240 

Tyner, Jarvis 146 

Tyson's Corner 24 

UCLA 97 

UFWA. {See United Farmworkers Union.) 

Uhl, Mike 112, 113 

"Unfinished Revolution, The" 209 

Union of Free Americans 89 

United Methodist Church 70, 218 

United Farmworkers Union (UFWA) 42, 170, 215 

United Presbyterian Church 70, 218 

United States 2, 

12-14, 19, 22, 38, 40, 46, 49, 63, 70, 84, 131, 136, 143, 146, 154 

Capitol Building 47, 232, 234 

Congress 27, 32, 71, 73 

Constitution 18, 68, 72 

House of Representatives 14, 15 

National Park Service 47 

Senate 16 

Supreme Court 61 

U.S. News & World Report (publication) 5, 27, 31, 82 

"U.S. Study Head Linked to Viet Cong" (article) 143 

Urbana, 111 10, 29, 35 

"Uptown: Poor Whites in Chicago" (book) 140 


Venceremos Brigade 42 

Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) 83 

Veterans for Peace 66 

Vietcong 16, 6.5, 143 

Vietnam 85, 138, 143, 157, 242 

War 12 

Vietnam Amnesty Vigil 66, 216 

Visitors Center (Union Station) 47 

VISTA 110 

"Voices of the American Revolution" (book) 183, 197 

Voices of 1 976 67 

Voight, Jon 67 

Wagner, Richard 81 

Wales . 130 

Wall Street . ...4,22,47,117 

Wall Street Journal 4, 5, 22, 32, 80 

Walton, Mrs. Mary O., testimony of 37-73 

Warner, John 1 70,71 

Washington, D.C 7, 24, 30, 33, 43, 

47, 62, 67, 72, 75, 83, 84, 98, 103, 109, 113, 144, 151, 231, 232, 234 

Washington, George 82, 192 

Washington Post, The (newspaper) 22, 23, 32, 33, 1 1 6 

Washington Square 215 

Washington Star (newspaper) 5, 31 

Wasko w, Arthur 143 

Watergate 122 

Watson, Jr., Francis M., testimony of 2-36 



WBBM 66,215 

"Wealth of Nations" (book) 119 

Weather Underground (organization) 31, 52, 54 

Weathermen 14, 66 

Wedemever 131 

West Point 52 

"What Dare We Dream" (article) 64,209 

Whitaker, Lamar 227 

White House 71,83, 84, 94,223 

' ' White House Conference on Youth" (pamphlet) 168 

White, Robert G 218 

Whitman, Karen 78 

Wiedrich, Bob 7, 13, 32,84 

Wilbur L. Cross Library 5 

Williams, Martha !. 79, 80 

Wilson, Mary 111 

Wilson, T. G. G 112, 113 

Winston, Henry 69, 146 

Wisconsin 29 

Wollins, Leroy 66 

Women for Peace 42, 66, 216 

Women's Union 79 

Woodward 179 

Worker-Student Alliance (WSA) 134 

World Magazine 146 

WSA. {See Worker-Student Alliance.) 

Wulf, Melvin L 112, 113 

Xerox 82 

Yale 134 

YAWF. (See Youth War and Fascism.) 

Young Lords 214 

Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) 85, 98 

Young People and the Law (pamphlet) 168 

Young Socialist Alliance (YSA) 158 

Young Workers Liberation League (YWLL) 38, 45, 69, 146, 158 

Youth Against War & Fascism (YAWF) 158, 170-173 

Youth International Party 158 

Youth Liberation 53, 54, 160-163, 165-167 

Organizing Kit 165 

"Youth Liberation" (publication) 162, 168 

Youth Project/Peoples Bicentennial Commission 103-105 

Youth Rights Bicentennial Festival National Committee 69 

Youthgrants in the Humanities 103 

YWLL. {See Young Workers Liberation League.) 

Ziolkowski, Darlene C 73,229,230 



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