AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
and
THE WAR
ERNEST LUDWIC
1
i
Digitized by tlie Internet Arcliive
in 2008 witli funding from
IVIicrosoft Corporation
http://www.arcliive.org/details/austrialiungarywaOOIudwricli
This photograph of the Emperor and King and the son of the
present Crown Prince was made on September 15, 1914, when
rumors of the death of His Majesty made the round of the
press abroad.
Austria - Hungary
and the War
BY
ERNEST LUDWIG
/. and R. Consul for Austria-Hungary
XX
CLEVELAND, OHIO
WITH A PREFACE BY
Dr, Konstantin Theodor Dumba
Ambassador of Austria-Hungary
NEW YORK
J. S. OGILVIE PUBLISHING COMPANY
57 Rose Street
^v^
Copyright 1915, by
J. S. OQIIiVIB PUBIilSHING COMPAKT.
• '•
CONTENTS.
chaptee page
Introduction 5
Foreword 14
I. Points of Human Interest — Austria-
Hungary AND the War - - - 17
II. Was the Note to Servia Brutal? - 55
III. The Sarajevo Trial - - - - 78
IV. Has Servia Any Historical Claims
Over Bosnia and Herzegovina? - 130
V. The Great Russian Propaganda in
Galicia, Bukovina and the North-
eastern Districts of Hungary be-
fore the War 141
VI. Economic War Conditions in Austria-
Hungary — The United States and
THE Dual Monarchy - - - 160
Appendix A — The Note of Austria-Hungary
TO Servia .... 197
The Servian Answer - - 204
Appendix B — Peter the Great's Last Will 218
INTRODUCTION
I recommend to the kind attention of the Ameri-
can public this book, written by the Austro-Hun-
garian consul in Cleveland, on certain vital phases
of the struggle which is convulsing Europe. The
reader will find in these chapters a comprehensive
presentation of the political forces and historical
developments which led to the initial clash of arms.
This volume contains authentic information about
the Near East, a region so little known in the United
States; it offers a graphic description of conditions
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the two Austrian prov-
inces coveted by Servia, and throws an illuminating
light upon the real, the underlying, causes of the
world-conflict. These causes I may be permitted
to summarize in concise form.
It should be borne clearly in mind at the outset
that for more than a century Austria-Hungary and
Russia have been keen rivals in the Balkan Penin-
sula. Owing to its geographical position the Dual
Monarchy is the predominant economic factor in
Southeastern Europe, and in the course of her
commercial expansion has sought, quite naturally,
to secure a market for the output of her industries
in Servia, Bulgaria and European Turkey. On the
other hand Russia, swayed by sentimental and ter-
ritorial considerations, has sought to exercise ex-
clusive control over the newly constituted Slav
5
6 IKTRODUCTION
countries of the Balkans. This claim to political
mastery the Russian government has based upon
the racial affinity of all Slavic nations, upon the
bond of kinship offered by the Greek church, com-
mon to all the Balkan states, and upon the fact that
these states owe their existence to the many wars
waged by the great Northern power upon the Turk-
ish empire.
Back of the activities of Russian diplomacy in
the Balkan Peninsula is her legitimate desire to se-
cure the opening of the straits of Constantinople,
closed to her by treaties, and thus to obtain a free
outlet from the Black Sea for her commerce and
her crops, and the unhampered passage of her fleet
to the Mediterranean. In the pursuit of these ob-
jects the statecraft of St. Petersburg has sought to
control the Balkan states and to prevent any of
them, especially a vigorous and progressive Bul-
garia, from occupying Constantinople, the key to
the Dardanelles. In her endeavors to establish and
maintain such a hegemony in Balkan affairs, Russia
inevitably has menaced the vital commercial inter-
ests of Austria-Hungary.
The antagonism between Russia and Austria-
Hungary found expression in perpetual diplomatic
strife, aggravated by the underground activities of
Russian consuls, reinforced by unofficial agents
and priests. Austria-Hungary, in support of her
interests in the disputed region, could employ no
such extraneous forces as were placed within the
grasp of Russia by the accident of her kinship to
INTRODUCTION 7
the Balkan states, but relied upon her commercial
travellers and upon the importance of tlie economic
interests common to the Dual Monarchy and the
small states south of the Danube.
After the cojigress of Berlin in 1878, which was
called to adjust the boundaries of Southeastern
Europe following the Russo-Turkish war, the newly
created kingdom- of Servia maintained, through
King Milan, close relations with Austria-Hungary.
Inasmuch as the Dual Monarchy had received from
Europe a mandate for the occup&.tion of Bosnia and
Herzegovina and the restoration of order in those
two Turkish provinces, King Milan, and subse-
quently his son. King Alexander, relinquished every
pretension to expansion westward into Bosnia and
Herzegovina, and concentrated their efforts upon
an educational campaign in Macedonia, especially
in the districts inhabited by a Bulgarian popula-
tion.
This regime of harmony was interrupted violently
in 1903, by the assassination of King Alexander
and the election of King Peter Karageorgevitch, the
scion of a banished house, td the Servian throne.
No sooner had the Karageorgevitch been restored
than it became apparent to- all the world that a new
order had been established in Servia. An aggres-
sive pro-Russian reigned at Belgrade. The begin-
ning of the new rule was also the beginning of that
rapid process of subordination to Russian dictation
whereby Servia became a mere outpost of Russia,
chosen to provoke and harass the neighboring
8 INTROpUCTION
Dual Monarchy for the purposes of Russian
diplomacy.
The Servian nationalist agitation on the Austrian
side of the border was carried on upon a large scale,
by such organizations, as the Narodna Obrana, to
which some of the highest officers of state, civil and
military, openly belonged. The Narodna Obrana
carried on its operations in Belgrade, under the full
view of the authorities, promoting political discord
beyond the Austrian frontier under the pretence of
educational work ostensibly aimed at the cultural
uplift of the Austrian Slavs.
Then came the annexation of Bosnia and Herze-
govina, a defensive measure undertaken by the Aus^
tro-Hungarian government in 1908, to meet the
demand of the Young Turks, then in power at Con-
stantinople, for the restoration to an Ottoman ad-
ministration of the provinces which thesOongress of
Berlin had entrusted to Austria thirty years earlier
as the only practicable means of restoring order in
them. Russia, despite repeated secret understand-
ings by which the foreign office at St. Petersburg
had recognized the Austrian position in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, now took passionate umbrage at the
act which merely regularized the status of terri-
tories already within the boundaries of the Dual
Monarchy. The press of St. Petersburg bitterly pro-
tested against the annexation, which it endeavored
to present in the light of a deadly blow at the
interests of the Slavic race.
The attitude of Russia was reflected in a redoub-
INTRODUCTION 9
ling of the anti-Austrian agitation in Servia. At
this point the Servian propaganda in Bosnia and
Herzegovina dropped the educational mask and be-
came openly political and provocative. Apostles
from Belgrade began to traverse the Austrian prov-
inces, preaching the gospel of sedition and violence.
So menacing a tone did the Servian people adopt
toward Austria-Hungary that the Dual Monarchy
found a partial mobilization, at a high cost, impera-
tively necessary in view of the turmoil on the Ser-
vian side of the boundary. At this juncture of events
there was grave peril of an actual outbreak of hos-
tilities, which calamity was happily averted for the
time being by the vigorous stand taken by Germany
in championship of the vital interests of her ally.
Confronted by a united Germanic support of the
accomplished fact, Russia yielded her recognition
of the annexation and Servia pledged herself to
discontinue her provocative tactics against public
order in Austria-Hungary. Both Russia and
Servia were destined to repudiate their solemn un-
dertakings at the first opportunity that offered.
The next blow aimed at the Dual Monarchy by Rus-
sia in her persistent attempts to exclude Austrian
commercial influence from the Balkans came five
years after the international crisis of 1909. It took
the form of a Balkan League, contrived in St.
Petersburg, and comprising Servia, Bulgaria,
Greece and Montenegro.
This confederation was designed, ostensibly, to
expel the Turk from Europe. The dominance of
10 INTRODUCTION
Russia over the workings of the new grouping of
Balkan powers was assured by a secret clause in the
treaty, whereby the minor signatories bound them-
selves not to undertake a war against Turkey with-
out Russia's consent, and which also conferred upon
Russia the right of final decision in the distribu-
tion of territory that might be conquered by the
allies. Moreover, the government at St. Petersburg
obtained from the allies a pledge that they should
make common cause to the limits of their resources
in case of an attack by another power. This clause
in the agreement was aimed at Austria-Hungary.
It contained the complete explanation of the zeal-
ous efforts which Russia had made to bring the
discordant Balkan elements together. That this
alliance should hurl itself against Turkey in 1912,
before the time was ripe for Russia's contemplated
action against Austira-Hungary, and that it should
destroy itself by its own violence in the second Bal-
kan war, were events which had not been contem-
plated by Russian diplomacy.
However, Russia found a way to profit even from
the unexpected course which events had taken. By
encouraging Servian pretensions at the end of the
first Balkan war, the Russians succeeded in
strengthening Servia, their outpost against Austria-
Hungary, at the expense of Bulgaria, which thus
was deprived of the fruits of its splended victories
over Turkey.
Austria-Hungary had once more come perilously
near a clash with Servia in the first Balkan war,
INTRODUCTION 11
when the neighboring Slav kingdom, disregarding
the warning of the powers, advanced to the Adriatic.
Austria-Hungary met the situation by bringing
about the creation of an independent Albania as a
barrier to the establishment of a hostile maritime
neighbor on the Adriatic.
At the congress of Bucharest, however, Servia,
with Russian backing, advanced territorial claims
which threatened the equilibrium of the Balkans.
So menacing to its legitimate interests did the gov-
ernment at Vienna r^ard this new Russo-Servian
aggression, that the ministry of foreign affairs made
inquiries at Rome and in Berlin in an attempt to
obtain assurances of co-operation in the event that
the current developments should force upon the
Dual Monarchy the task of restoring the balance of
power so necessary to the complete tranquilliza-
tion of Southeastern Europe. This inquiry, which
was presented to the attention of the world recently
by Signor Giolitti, former premier of Italy, as an
indication erf aggressive designs against Servia by
Austria-Hungary, was in fact a purely precaution-
ary measure. It was undertaken in an effort to
induce a revision of the treaty of Bucharest — ^an in-
strument regarded at Vienna as an oppressive de-
vice which, by perpetuating the resentment of the
Bulgarian people, the strongest unit in the Balkan
Peninsula, introduced the constant danger of a
future conflict. Austria-Hungary realized so thor-
oughly the significance of the latest move by Russia
on the international chess-board, that it was only by
12 INTRODUCTION
the pacific influences exerted from the highest
quarters in the empire that a clash was averted at
this juncture. The treaty of Buclijirest, accordingly,
was permitted to stand in its original form,
thanks to the desire of Austria-Hungary to avert a
violation of the peace of Europe even at the cost of
a palpable menace to her own security.
From this moment Servia, assured of the protec-
tion of Russia, which had been put to the test dur-
ing two wars, abandoned every reserve and openly
plunged into a campaign of defiant provocation
against the neighboring Austro-Hungarian empire.
The agitation within the boundaries of the Slav
kingdom for the erection of a greater Servia upon
the ruins of a disintegrated Austria, assumed a
violence which* gave pause to even the most optimis-
tic minds at Vienna. The Servian press, people and
government united in a demonstration of malignant
hostility which fell but a degree short of a declara-
tion of war. Public opinion in the Dual Monarchy
was so profoundly disturbed by the tumult beyond
the border that the government was subjected to a
storm of criticism for its continued attitude of for-
bearance.
At the same time there were other disquieting
manifestations of the activities of the Russian prop-
aganda ; activities beyond the sphere of the Servian
agitation — in Eastern Galicia, among the Poles
and the Ruthenians, in addition to the normal mis-
sionary work which Russia had been carrying on
among all the Slavic peoples in the Dual Monarchy.
INTRODUCTION 13
Secret Russian agents, in many instances in the
guise of priests of the Orthodox Russian church,
developed an ominous zeal in their mission of prop-
agating disaffection among the subjects of the
Austrian crown and preparing the way for the great
"deliverer" from the North.
And the sinister climax to all this subterranean
contriving came with the assassination of the Arch-
duke Franz Ferdinand by a "patriotic" Serb youth
at Serajevo, the capital of Bosnia, on June 28th.
That crowning act in the series of provocations
confronted Austria-Hungary with the choice of
accepting without protest the beginnings of disinte-
gration, or drawing the sword in defence of its
imperilled sovereignty. War was the only choice
possible. It is not a war waged by a government
for its own aggrandizement. It is a struggle for
life, undertaken by a people whose temper has been
long and sorely tried by the malicious machinations
of neighbors to whom the continuance of peace was
only an opportunity for interminable conspiracies
against the tranquillity and the dignity of the Dual
Empire.
KONSTANTIN ThEODOR DUMBA,
Ambassador of Austria-Hungary.
Washington, Dec. 20th^ 1914.
FOREWORD
Perhaps it will not be found necessary for me to
state that I am not a neutral.
My official position would be a bar to this quali-
fication. But although I lack in the technical re-
quirements of a neutral, I trust that my American
readers will say after they have read my book that
I am not lacking in impartiality.
I have endeavored to erase all personal bias and
ask for my readers indulgence if my presentation
of our case does not come up fully to the expecta-
tions which they may entertain on this account.
I admit I sometimes felt discouraged, when I
heard leading representatives of the press, personal
friends of mine, say : "There is no use, the American
people have made up their mind. They believe this
is the Kaiser's war. They think that this war will
not end until militarism both in your country and
Germany will be crushed," etc.
I have deemed it my duty from the first moment
after I had returned from Europe in September to
present our side to the public in a calm, dignified
manner. This duty, moreover, as will be found
natural, is also a duty imposed by my office.
In some instances I have succeeded, but in many
others not. Articles writen to magazines setting
forth our side were returned with polite excuses.
The editors regretted that they were unable to pub-
14
FOREWORD 15
lish them, because, while appreciating the privilege
of perusing them, the subject of the article did not
fall within the scope of the magazine, or words to
that efifect. That is why I was prcnnpted to write
this book.
We would like to convince the American public
that this war was not of our making. It was forced
upon us. Outward appearances may perhaps seem
in contradiction to our view, but appearances are
seldom conclusive.
Formally we may have made the first step, when
our note was sent to Servia ; but in its substance this
step was merely the outcome of a great many others
made before by our adversary, until our patience
finally gave way. Any other country with self-
respect would have acted as we did. This we know
to be true.
I venture the prediction that this war will be of
short duration. Both sides will soon see the use-
lessness of continuing the struggle when the forces
are about even and neither side can totally destroy
the other. / believe, hoivever, that the gain will he
with our side. A slight gain, perhaps, but still a
gain. I base this belief on the fact becoming more
evident as the war is progressing that the people of
Austria-Hungary and Germany are linked in a much
firmer union than the people of our present allied
enemies.
We believe that "Niebelungentreue" prompted
Germany to gird on her sword for us. Niebelungen-
treue is an equivalent to German loyalty. This
16 FOREWORD
loyalty both our peoples will mutually keep unto
the end. We will stand and fall together.
While we fight, since fight we must, it is our
ambition to uphold all principles of international
law and of human. Christian civilization. Just as
our State Minister of Home Affairs in Hungary,
Dr. John von S^ndor, wrote to Count Albert Ap-
ponyi, president of the committee for the support
of wounded and prisoners of war: "Our society
at large has a duty to accomplish which should go
even beyond international treaties and agreements.
It is necessary to protect those against the rigors
of bad weather and other hardships who have raised
their arms against us as honest enemies, following
the call of their home countries. Society's sym-
pathy displayed in behalf of prisoners of war was
and is never opposed to true patriotism."
I have no desire to impose my or our views con-
cerning this war on the American public. Ameri-
cans do not yield to force. They may yield to ar-
gument, if argument is convincing. I used genuine
efforts to make it as convincing as humanly possible
and I shall have genuine pleasure to hear that it
made at least some Americans yield.
EL L.
Cleveland, November 15, 1914.
I.— POINTS OF HUMAN INTEREST AND THE
WAR IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.
To-day, that is on November 15th when I write
these lines, discussions orer questions, as for in-
stance which country started war preparations first,
which country prompted the war, have much more
purely academic value than they had three months
ago, when the war broke out ; and yet the necessity
of a satisfactory solution of these questions, whether
of purely academic interest or otherwise, becomes
daily more apparent. Their solution will, indeed,
become a paramount issue, after the last man able
to hold his rifle will have paid his toll to his country
on the battle-field. It will be demanded by every-
body when the routine of peace negotiations will
be resumed. People and governments of the various
countries involved in this war and of other inter-
ested and sympathetic bystanders will demand that
clearness should be brought into these questions.
To judge a case before all evidence is in shows a
prejudiced mind. To make Germany responsible
for this world imbroglio, because one or possibly a
few of her theoreticians have asserted that militar-
ism is everything, demonstrates a deplorable bias.
It is just as deplorable as would be, for instance,
demonstrated by German sympathizers, were these
latter to assert that Great Britain is responsible
because of the attitude and utterances of some of
17
18 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
her war writers on militarism. And England also
has had her "Bernhardis." If Homer Lea and his
"Day of the Saxon" dedicated to the late Field Mar-
shal Lord Roberts is less known to-day to the Eng-
lish speaking world, it is because the British adver-
tisers on both sides of the Atlantic have for obvious
reasons drawn more attention to Bernhardi than to
Homer Lea. Dr. von Mach, in his excellent book on
"What Germany Wants," has commented on this
war-study, and excerpts from it are reprinted in
Appendix B of his book. These clearly indicate
that Homer Lea's war spirit yields in nothing to
General von Bernhardi's.
Neither of the war-books, however, is an evidence
for or against the country which produces the
writer. It is hardly believable that they would be
accepted even as circumstantial evidence in any
court of public opinion of the civilized world. They
are in no way, either directly or indirectly, con-
nected with the war, nor could they have prompted
it. These books are not even of symptomatic interest
with reference to the war, as they, at the very best,
represent the ideas of a small minority in each
respective country only.
Not theoretical evidence will be required when
the final wind-up comes, but facts; simple, plain
facts, the relative importance of which everybody
grasps.
I believe, for instance, the pronounced efforts
made by one or the other country shortly before the
general conflagration to increase the annual con-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 19
tingent of their recruits, should be a strong circum-
stantial evidence against that country or those
countries in such a Supreme Court of public
opinion. The appropriation by the Russian Duma
for the increase of the annual contingent of recruits
by 125,000 during three years, shortly before the war
began, is such a fact. France's measure to raise
the peace-footing of her army to nearly 800,000
men, which is practically the peace establishment
of the German army, although Germany's popula-
tion is more than twenty millions more than
France's, is another such fact Germany's correla-
tive measures would be another, but if Germany
had to follow her neighbor's example this does not
detract from the importance of these facts in a
court called upon to decide which country made
the first move.
I have no intention to argue here on the question
who started this war. Developments in this war-
drama have not yet reached the stage where anybody
could have in an unbiased way collected all evidence
referring to this point. All that any one of us can
do who desires to perform his duty in an honest
and conscientious way is to make contributions
from his store of knowledge and information.
Little by little the general store of material will ac-
cumulate and the world will have a clearer grasp of
the situation. This desire should be generalized in
preference to the manifestations of some people that
no further information is necessary, because the
question of responsibility concerning this war is
20 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
already settled. They omit to add that "it is settled
in their mind." A jury deciding a case before evi-
dence was submitted is not liable to be upheld by
the Court, if this fact would be proved against its
members.
In this chapter I propose to comment on ques-
tions of more general human interest concerning
this war, which are based on my observations during
my recent vacation trip in Europe. I think it is
noteworthy to draw the attention of my American
readers to the fact that as a member of the Austro-
Hungarian Foreign Service in the United States,
I started on my leave as late as July the 18th. It
is a general rule, which is in force probably in every
civilized country that in warlike times, "leaves" of
all members of a country's army and navy, and its
foreign service are instantly suspended. Everybody
has to return to his post of duty. Had my country
planned to start a war against various European
countries or even one, had it even thought that such
a war was impending, it would most decidedly have
instructed all its embassies and legations to counter-
mand all leaves of the various foreign staff-mem-
bers. Instead of which, however, two of my Ameri-
can colleagues, our Consul-General in New York,
and our Consul in San Francisco, had left on their
respective "leaves" about the time when I left. I am
not conversant with other similar moves of my
colleagues in other parts of the world, but the fact
alone that the three heads of some of our most im-
portant Consular offices in the United States were
AUSTRIA HUNGARY AND THE WAR 21
allowed to leave, would indicate that our Govern-
ment had no warlike intentions. It must be noted
in this connection that Consulates, in the early be-
ginnings of war especially, have to perform very im-
portant duties, such as calling in of their country's
reservists and all persons liable to military service,
care for transportation of these people to the seat
of war in their country, etc. As another significant
feature it must also be emphasized that the German
Ambassador was likewise in Europe in July on his
leave, which would hardly have been possible had
his country planned to war with France and Russia
and the whole world, as some people would like to
make it out. I am also in a position to state that
until the last days of Jnlj, when war was actually
declared, no reservists or officers of our army had
had been called in to join the ranks.
On the other hand, we have the evidence of Sam
Blythe, of the Saturday Evening Post, whom the
American public knows as a trusted, reliable in-
formant, that as early as the 31st of July quite a
number of British oflBcers from the Pacific Coast,
Vancouver, etc., were leaving from New York to
England after they had been called in by the war
office hurriedly. In order to leave from New York
on an Atlantic steamer practically at the height of
the season, they must have made their reservations
some time previously. But even if they were all
able to secure hurried reservations in the nick of
time, it is safe to assume that they must have left
the Pacific Coast at least a week before they started
22 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
from New York on the 31st of July. On the 23d
or 24th of July, however, nobody on the Continent
of Europe had any idea that England would be in
war with Germany. Owing to my absence I can-
not verify whether or not this was known in the
United States.
We have similar news from other parts of the
world confirming Mr. Blythe's above information.
Thus the "Peking Gazette" of July 28th conveyed
the information from Hankow that the crew of some
British gunboats stationed there had received hur-
ried orders to leave their station and to proceed to
Hongkong and Weihaiwei, where they were to be
used for the manning of some armored cruisers,
and as reserves for some warships, whose crews
were not yet on war footing. The gunboats in Han-
kow— so it was stated — were left in charge of pri-
vate guards, after some parts of same had been dis-
mounted, disabling these boats for practical use.
We incidentally from the same souSree likewise
know, that on July 30th the Imperial Chinese
Telegraph Office in Tientsin gave out notice that
the cables between Shanghai and Chefoo had been
disabled and no further Berlin cables arrived from
that day on. From far Eastern papers it would
api)ear that England and Japan in the Far East
were ready for action on ar around July 30th. The
British fleet was concentrated in Weihaiwei on July
28th, the French fleet in East Asia in Haiphong on
the Ist of August.
On the Ist of August Peking papers positively
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 23
stated that Japan would go to war against Germany
jointly with England.
I give those reports merely as some additional
symptomatic evidence to clear up some phases of
the ante-war situation. I am frank to state that
they are open to further investigation. When peace
will he estahlisluHl all this and much other evidence
will he examined and verified or excluded, just as
the finding may be. It is of course impossible for
any human being to know all that has been going
on in the various parts of the world within the last
few months.
GERMAN EMPEROR LOVER OF PEACE.
My party, consisting of my wife, myself and Mr.
Howard W. Baker, a friend of ours from Minneap-
olis, sailed on the "Imperator" from New York
on the 18th of July. We arrived in Cuxhaven,
Hamburg, on the 25th of July. By that time Aus-
tria-Hungary had sent her note to Servia and the
enthusiasm of the masses in Hamburg was high.
Thousands of people thronged to the Austro-Hun-
garian Consulate General displaying the sympathies
which the German people in general felt for the
people of Austria-Hungary. War between Austria-
Hungary and Servia was in those first days still
considered a vague possibility only. It was miles
away from our own minds.
The same scenes of enthusiasm were repeated in
Berlin, where we arrivtnl the next day. Yet we
would not give credence to the war rumors, although
24 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
there was undoubtedly much electricity in the air.
You could feel its prick when you rubbed shoulders
with the crowds on Berlin's great Avenue Unter
den Linden. On the following day we drove out
to Potsdam. This was the day on which the German
Emperor was expected back from his northern
cruise. He was expected to arrive at three o'clock in
the afternoon at the station close to the New Pal-
ace. Many American tourists had assembled there
on the chaussee, leading up to the entrance of the
new palace.
When we saw the Emperor and Empress driven
past, followed by the Chancellor of the German Em-
pire, the Chiefs of the General Staff, the Chiefs of
the Navy and Army, I had the first premonition
of the situation's earnest. So must have had the
Emperor, as his expression looked careworn. I
belong to the many who, with Professor Burgess,
are convinced that the German Emperor always
has heen a man of peace. Carrying with him the
doubtless pleasant impressions of his annual sum-
mer vacation cruise, which had to be abruptly
broken off, he no doubt also realized at that moment
the terrible burden and grief of the impending great
catastrophe which rests so heavily upon his should-
ers. I again ask my readers, would the German
Emperor have gone on his leave, had he premedi-
tated, nay, even foreseen developments? Considera-
tions which hold good for mere mortals often also
hold good for emperors and heads of a country, and
this is certainly one of them.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 25
This first chapter should bring out points of
human interest rather than heavy war material,
and this is why I comment here on my own first im-
pressions of the war, just as they gradually devel-
oped.
The next two days saw us in Dresden. By that
time war-fever had visibly risen. The first hostili-
ties between our Monarchy and Servia had started,
but Germany was still miles away from her personal
wars. Everywhere symptoms increased in number
that Russia would take advantage of the local dif-
ficulties existing between Austria-Hungary and
Servia. Her secret agents must have undoubtedly
received information to that effect, as their activi-
ties were noticeable on many points of the German-
Russian frontier. In Dresden, for instance, a plot
had been discovered three days prior to our arrival
there to blow up the railway bridge. Because of
this discovery, the hangar with the Zeppelin air-
ship was closed the day following our arrival.
WAR ENTHUSIASM IN AUSTRIA.
After two days' stay we continued our way to
Carlsbad. The route over Bodenbach had been al-
ready closed to general passenger traffic, but the
Teschen line stood open. This was on the 31st of
July. At one station in Bohemia the door of our
compartment was all of a sudden thrown open and
an excited young man rushed in. "Have you heard
the latest news?" he shouted at us. "General mob-
ilization will be ordered to-day. That means Qer-
26 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
many, Italy, France, Russia, in war. What will
England do?" We were unprepared for the an-
swer. As I stated before, the idea of a general
European complication was far away from our
minds. We were all confident that hostilities would
be limited to the area between Austria-Hungary
and Servia. The terrible disaster of a general war
came as an entirely unexpected shock.
As late as the day of our departure from Dresden
we were continuing to plan motor trips across Hun-
gary, the Austrian Alps, Italy and other countries.
Everybody around us in the train coming from
abroad must have been visited by a similar shock.
There was much life visible in each station which
our train passed and it was easy to observe that the
crowds waxed more and more enthusiastic as we
proceeded. The people of Austria-Hungary keenly
felt the injury done by Servia to our country during
many years. The country had been kept in sus-
pense by her little neighbor ever since the Balkan
war trouble. Because of Servia's hostile attitude
appropriate military measures had to be adopted
to guard against surprises on our Southern fron-
tier. But most of all general market conditions
labored under the strain of the long suspense.
Everybody felt that Russia stood behind Servia,
driving her along. The people did not require
White Books, Orange Books, to verify their appre-
hension in regard to Russia's participation. If
the people of a whole country suspect the people
and government of another country to harbor de-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 27
signs against their own country, their suspicions
are rarely wrong. It would be impossible to recount
all the indications which led up to these suspicions.
Suffice it to say that the people realized that Russia
and Servia were their unflinching enemies and war
with them was inevitable.
Our general mobilization following the mobiliza-
tion of the Russian army which had to our best
knowledge been going on for many days or weeks
even, lifted the general suspense of uncertainty all
at once. Our people had been suffering under it
for a long time. It was like lifting a heavy mill-
stone from them, and this accounts partially for
the general great elation which followed ; but only
partially, for the real grounds for the general ela-
tion and enthusiasm which have prevailed ever
since that memorable day lay much deeper, as my
readers will see from this chapter. At that moment,
however, everybody spoke freely of the things which
were uppermost in his mind. And this is un-
doubtedly why the excited young man had asked us
about England's attitude, thinking that we might
be in a position to enlighten him.
Up to that moment probably nobody in our coun-
try had contemplated England's part in this war.
Never have Austria-Hungary and England been in
war before. In the times of the Napoleonic wars
we were fighting together against France's great
"War-Lord. " Relations between our two countries
had always been very cordial. King Edward VII
used to visit Marienbad in Bohemia regularly for
28 AUSTRIA-HUNGAKY AND THE WAR
many years. His visit acted undoubtedly as an in-
centive to frequent visits of English people in our
summer health resorts, in Vienna, Budapest, etc.
The visit of the Eighty Club to Austria-Hungary
hardly ten years ago is still in everybody's mind,
and I personally have many pleasant recollections
of that visit. Since then, and in particular drawing
nearer to our days, representative British men have
often expressed their sympathies with us. This
was especially the case in connection with our Ser-
vian troubles. Sir Fairfax Cartwright, British Am-
bassador in Vienna, said to the editor of the Vienna
Allgemeine Zeitung in 1909: "Make war and deal
quickly with Servia before anybody can stop you.
The end of Servia will be a blessing for all Europe."
Before the beginning of the present crisis the Brit-
ish Ambassador in Vienna, Sir E. de Bunsen, re-
marked to the same editor : "Be convinced that the
whole English nation condemns the criminals of
Sarajevo. No Englishman has any sympathy left
for Servia. We are already tired of being thrown
again into disquietude by this little country, and
there is no Englishman who does not wish heartily
that Servia should receive a sound and lasting les-
son." The above-named paper vouches for the cor-
rectness of these statements, and there is no reason
to doubt its veracity.
I selected these statements at random, but many
other similar evidences have been forthcoming late-
ly to indicate that England was in sympathy with
our side. As late as the 17th of July the West-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 29
minister Gazette in London said that it was impos-
sible to expect the Austro-Hungarian Government
to stand by impassively. Servia would do well if
she considered the just anxieties of her great neigh-
bor and would do all to pacify him. She should
not wait for pressure, which, as Count Tisza, the
Hungarian premier, had said, might lead to war-
like complications. The Servian press campaign
undoubtedly had not improved and alleviated the
general feeling after the Sarajevo murder. Vienna
and Budapest were justly suspicious.
I do not say that all these expressions and state-
ments occurred to me at that moment, although as
a problem the British attitude just then was highly
interesting to all of us.
We spent one day in Carlsbad and then proceeded
on our way via Prague to Vienna, I shall never
forget the countless scenes of enthusiasm which I
witnessed during those days and during the follow-
ing weeks which I spent in Austria-Hungary. The
points of my personal observation were naturally
limited as to number and area, as passenger rail-
way traffic in the first days of mobilization was
greatly handicapped, as was to be expected. But
through the daily press, through many friends with
whom I was able to communicate, I was certainly
able and in a position to collect data of interest.
I begin with Bohemia, where we then were. We
have been often reading in foreign newspaper re-
ports about strong pro-Russian leanings of the Bo-
hemians. In these reports we were given to under-
30 AUSTKIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
stand that at the very first occasion, whether this
would materialize in the shape of war or in some
other shape, Bohemians would bolt and secede from
the Monarchy. These fantastic predictions had of
course no foundation beyond the fact that the Ger-
man and Cech population were occasionally at log-
gerheads over questions of local politics. No out-
sider can apply a just measure to the framework
of motley nationalities which compose the Austro-
Hungarian Monarchy. They are apt to overrate
local dissensions and only too apt to overlook the
strength of historic cohesion. Bohemian historians
who proclaim the reign of Charles IV, who was
elected emperor in 1347, as the golden age for
Bohemia, whom they call the "father of his people,"
because he founded the University in Prague and
generally improved the looks of the city and because
he liked to live there, are all in accord that Em-
peror-King Francis Joseph's reign has been the
second golden age for their country.
The task of the ruler has become more difficult
since the days of Charles IV, and this is due to the
complications of modern political life. Bohemia,
during the reign of Emperor-King Francis Joseph,
has become a wealthy country of first class indus-
trial importance. Bohemian art and music have
flourished during this period as never before. The
use of Bohemian language in schools and adminis-
tration is practically general. Bohemian autonomy
has made great strides and Bohemians think to-day
as their famous leader, Francis Palacky, thought
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 31
about fifty years ago. "We Techeques (Cechs) — so
he said — can gain what we want and aspire to, in
Austria alone. Beware, if ever we come under the
Russian knout." All little misunderstandings of
a local and political character Avere at once for-
gotten, when war broke out. Bohemians felt that
their future and happiness were linked to the Mon-
archy's future. In Prague, capital of Bohemia,
Cechs and Germans fell around each other's necks.
Cechs and Germans went in throngs before the Ger-
man Consulate in their city singing the "Wacht am
Rhein" in Bohemian alternately with the Austrian
anthem and their own song, "Kde Domov muj."
They cheered both emperors and went to the
Radetzky monument, from where Prince Lobkowitz
addressed them in both languages — Bohemian and
German. They also went before the palace of
Prince Thun, Bohemia's Governor, cheering him
and cheering the country. Industrious home-
builders as they are known to be, they had no mis-
givings about the importance and seriousness of
the impending war.
They may dislike the idea of war in theory, as
everybody does, but everybody knows too well that
an amalgamation with Russia would very soon
make an end to their privileged position as a lead-
ing Slav people. Russians would soon force them
to give up their individuality as a people. More-
over, they abhor the idea of being under a corrupt
Russian rule. For every Bohemian knows that
Russia is corrupt and Russian rule would spell
32 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAB
financial contributions not only to the Government
alone, and in an altogether much larger degree than
their present public charges, but would bring pri-
vate exactions and graft of Russian public officers.
As a matter of loyalty Bohemians have been
known as loyal and gallant soldiers in all wars
which our country had to fight in the past, in 1866
against Prussia, and in 1878 in Bosnia. Reports
from the front of the present war are all unani-
mous in their praise of Bohemian valor and loyalty.
Bohemians in the present war have enthusiastically
responded to the call to arms. Statements pub-
lished in certain papers that Bohemian regiments
had deserted, that Bohemians had shown disloyal-
ty to their home country, are nothing but bold lies,
made out of whole cloth.
On the contrary, Bohemians have given a splendid
exhibition of their prowess on all battlefields, and
this was recognized by the Chief Commander of the
Army, the Emperor-King himself. The 54th Han-
nakian Infantry Regiment so far has been particu-
larly the recipient of great praise for its valor.
At each station in Bohemia — and this is true of
each station in the Monarchy — ^girls and women
clad in white were expecting the military trains,
to present the soldiers with flowers, cigars, cigar-
ettes, coffee and sweets. It would be unjust were
I to omit the part that women played in raising
enthusiasm. Women have now as ever been instru-
mental in keeping up our national patriotism.
Vienna, where we proceeded next, presented the
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 33
aspect of a jubilant city. His Majesty the Emperor
and King had just arrived there on the 30th of July
from his usual summer resort in Ischl. Enthusiasm
at his arrival knew no bounds. Nothing could
have proved more conclusively that the war was
not of his making and that the people stood by him
unanimously, than the reception and cheers of the
many ten thousands of crowds. These cheers meant
the heart-beat of all the people of Austria-Hungary
They represented the beginning of a great new era
for the Monarchy of Austria-Hungary.
Instead of a general disruption and disintegra-
tion, which her enemies had fervently hoped for,
the war had united everybody. All party, race and
creed lines of a sudden ceased to exist. There
has been some feeling between Austrians and Hun-
garians over questions of home policy, and as in the
case of Bohemia they were apt to be exaggerated by
people not familiar with our internal affairs. Now,
however, these feelings have disappeared ; Hungar-
ian students and other Hungarians marching on
the streets of Vienna and singing the Austrian,
Hungarian and German anthems were loudly
cheered by the Viennese. One student went before
the monument of Admiral Tegethoff and addressed
the crowds with the words : "May the heroic spirit
of this great one inspire us all !"
The way the people of the whole country felt
over the war is perhaps best expressed in the fol-
lowing article of the Fremdenhlatt, a leading
paper of Vienna: "The general mobilization of
34 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Austria-Hungary is a measure of defense. Austria-
Hungary is a peace-power and has always in the
past proved that she was not inspired either by a
wish of conquest or a desire for glory. We — so the
article says — conduct this was for peace's sake, and
the peace which we desire is one for the whole
globe. Servia, through her policy of incommen-
surate ambition, does not allow Europe to regain
the assurance of lasting peace. If she is taught a
lesson, this would be a profit to all civilized peoples.
It is therefore unjustified that the Russian Empire
interferes in this struggle by throwing into the
balance all her own military forces. We have to
fight this struggle with our injudicious neighbor.
There is no reason why she, Russia, should have to
fight with us. We have never led an aggressive
policy against Russia, either in the present or in
the past. We cannot understand why our conflict
with Servia should hurt the Russian sphere of in-
terest. Servia is an independent state. A depend-
ence of this kingdom at our flank on whatever
third power we cannot admit. We are on the point
to overthrow the group of conspirators which now
leads and corrupts her. If Russia, when we pre-
pare for this action, acts as if we were to attack a
Russian vassal, we certainly must answer, that
Servia is no Russian vassal state. Through her
mobilization Russia has imposed a heavy burden
not only on herself, but on the whole of Europe.
Above all on our people. But we are convinced
that our people will bear this burden with the cour-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 35
age which has already shown such splendid expres-
sions in these days."
WAR ENTHUSIASM IN HUNGARY.
Prague and Vienna were by no means alone in
their enthusiasm. This was equally loud in Buda-
pest, Zagreb, Lemberg, Zara, Innsbruck, Gorz,
Salzburg, Triest and every^'here in the Monarchy.
In Budapest parliament was adjourned with a
royal rescript on July 28th. At this occasion
speeches were made by the leaders of political
parties indicative of the general sentiment which
inspired the whole country. The Premier, Count
Tisza, said that the country was proud because of
the spirit which had aroused the whole nation with-
out distinction of nationality. "The whole nation
enthusiastically hastens to follow the call of His
Majesty to the flag, and we, members of Hungarian
Government, feel the additional burden to our great
and sacred duties due to the general enthusiasm.
We must see that this enthusiasm is not spent in
vain, and that it may also find expression in splen-
did deeds on the battlefield. It is our duty to
exercise our influence in such a manner that this
war, which is imposed on us and which we finally
resolved to carry on after all our peaceful efforts
had been frustrated, shall not come to an end until
the honor and safety and peace of the Hungarian
nation and of the whole Monarchy will be secured
for our country for all time to come."
Count Albert Apponyi expressed the opinion of
36 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
all political parties formerly opposing Government,
when he said that everybody was convinced of the
unavoidability of the present reckoning and that
by starting it we were merely performing a most
elementary defensive duty. He also hoped that this
action would be successful and make an end to the
disease which practically compelled us every second
year to order a mobilization. If we had stood these
conditions any longer, we would have reached the
point where Europe would have called us her second
"sick man." Count Apponyi expressed hope that
war would be localized to Servia and paid a glow-
ing tribute to the loyalty of our German allies.
Another very significant speech which was de-
livered at the same time in the Hungarian House
of Lords was that of the Right Reverend John
Csernoch, Archbishop of Esztergom and Roman
Catholic Primate of Hungary. He said in part:
"The history of the Hungarian House of Lords has
never witnessed a moment of similar earnest. Not
in our history alone but in the history of the whole
world we look in vain for outrageous events of the
kind which preceded this moment of earnest." He
then went on to discuss matters in Servia and said :
"Servia has obstinately refused to comply with our
just demands and has proven that she does not want
to break with her old-time policies. Thus the right
and duty devolved upon us to extinguish the fire-
brand at the frontier of our home country, to de-
mand satisfaction for violated justice and order,
and to chastise the guilty who have shed innocent
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 37
blood. . . . It is peace and not war that we
want, but peace which leads to life and not to death
or extinction. If ever a war was just, it is the
present war, which does not only conform to strict
law, but also to the most rigorous re(iuirements of
morality." He ended his speech with cheers for the
King.
Thousands of people marched to the beautiful
Palace of Archduke Joseph August in Buda across
the Danube to assure him that the people of Hun-
gary would stand by their king as they had for-
ever in the past history of their country. Archduke
Joseph August, who is tremendously popular with
the people in Hungary, made a rousing patriotic
speech.
Offers of help, financial and otherwise, poured in
at the Red Cross and Aid for the Wounded head-
(juarters in every city. Countess L4szl6 Sz^chenyi,
who was formerly Gladys Vanderbilt, offered her
Budapest palace to the wounded of the war. The
( ommittee of the Social Democratic labor organiza-
tion decided to hand one million crowns from the
workmen compensation fund to the Hungarian
Premier, asking him to invest it in state bonds or
otherwise for the use of the country during the war.
Croatians far from sympathizing \v'lth Servia
have enthusiastically thrown in their lot with their
fellow-countrymen in the Monarchy. The Croatian
house rogiment at Waraadin achieved wonders of
valor in our fights with Servia,
Of particular interest among the many declara-
38 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
tions of loyalty was the message sent by the repre-
sentatives of the Servian orthodox population of
the city and district of Bihac, Bosnia and of Mos-
tar, Herzegovina. "The people," so this message
ran, "deemed it their most sacred duty in these
trying moments to declare solemnly that the
Servian orthodox population stands loyally and
unfalteringly by the throne of His Majesty the
Emperor and King. Nothing could shake their un-
alterable loyalty to their sovereign and country."
From this it can be seen that the Servians of the
occupied provinces of Bosnia do not sympathize
with the subversive methods of the Servians in
Servia.
War history has likewise already recorded the
staunch loyalty of Roumanian-Hungarians and
Slovak-Hungarians. The former, who have a strong
representation of their people in the 12th array
corps, three-quarters of the whole corps being
chiefly Roumanian-Hungarian, received high praise
in the Army Order of September 1st. They had
been in the fire of the enemy for six days without
relief and never gave way. On the 27th of August
one single company of the 62d Regiment, which is
chiefly composed of Roumanian-Hungarians, re-
pulsed three Russian battalions.
As to the latter, the 5th and 6th army corps, under
Generals Puhallo and Boroevics, count many
Slovak soldiers, who were congratulated repeatedly
by the whole press for their splendid deeds on the
Russian battlefields. During my sojourn in Hun-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 39
gary, attempts were made by the Russians to lead
the Slovaks to desertion and disloyalty. To this
end the most unbelievable methods were adopted.
Once for instance the rumor was circulated by them
that Mr. Juriga, Slovak leader and member of the
Hungarian Parliament, had been court-martialed
and shot, because he was alleged to have advised his
countrymen to abstain from fighting in the Austro-
Hungarian army. For a few days this rumor per-
sisted, then it was found that the rumor was ''^fake."
Mr. Juriga, of course, never had been either court-
martialed or shot and exhorted his countrymen to
stand loyally by Austria-Hungary.
POLES AND THE WAR.
Without any doubt, however, two representative
nationalities of the Monarchy were even more, and,
if I may express myself so, personally interested
in the war : the Poles of Galicia and the Ruthenians
of Bukowina and Galicia and northeastern dis-
tricts of Hungary. For these two people the war
meant more than mere self-defense and a struggle
to maintain national honor. It meant that the
clock of time had struck forjthem to help to liberate
their millions of brethren who are suffering under
Russian yoke.
To the Galician Poles it brought back all at once
the memories of the glorious past of their country.
Of Mieczyslaw I, in 962-972, their first king, who
had married the daughter of King Boleslav of
Bohemia, inaugurating the early traditions of these
40 AUSTRIA-HUNGAEY AND THE WAR
two people, Poles and Bohemians, which finally
brought them together again under the common
sceptre of the dynasty of Hapsburg and Austria-
Hungary. In 1370-1382 Louis the Great of Hun-
gary was also the King of Poland, and the first
foundations of a friendship between Poles and Hun-
garians were laid which still endures.
In 1573 Poles looked for a king in France. They
brought the brother of King Charles IX, Henry of
Valois, home to their country after they had with
great difficulty persuaded him to swear allegiance
to their Constitution and the pacta conventa. But
French enthusiasm for the Polish, cause has hardly
ever outlived the glory of first moments. King
Henry fled from the country after a few months of
residence, during which he had never felt at
home.
In 1576 they selected their king again from Hun-
gary, Transylvania electing Prince Stephen Bdth-
ory as their king. Under his reign, which lasted
until 1586, Poland was a powerful country. The
Baltic Sea formed its northern frontiers, the Black
Sea its southern borders. But most glorious of
them all was Jan Sobieski, who reigned under the
name of John III from 1674-1694. "Let a Pole
rule over Poland," was the slogan which elected
him. He has gone down in history as the savior
of Vienna against the Turks. The Turkish Grand
Vizier, Kara Mustapha, approached Vienna with his
army of 300,000 and all hope had been abandoned
to save the city. Sobieski organized an army and
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 41
joined it with the Imperial troops of Charles of
Lorraine. On the 12th of September, 1682, these
two eminent generals defeated and completely
routed the enemy, who left back an immense booty.
"Non nobis, non nobis, Domine exercituum, sed
nomini tuo da gloriam," said Sobieski in his prayer
before the battle started, and he saved Christianity
from the onslaught of the Orient.
After Sobieski, Poland's days of glory went in
decline, until at the time of King Stanislaus Augus-
tus Poniatowski, who was but a tool of the Czarina
Catherine II of Russia, Poland had to submit to a
first partition. Russia got the palatinates of
Mscislaw and Witepsk and some other palatinates
situated on the Dnieper, Prussia took the palatinates
of Marienburg, the Pomorze, Warmia and a part of
Great Poland. Austria had Red Russia or Galicia
with parts of Podolia and Little Poland.
In 1793 the second partition followed, giving the
remainder of Great Poland to Prussia and Lithu-
ania and Volhynia to Russia,
1794 was the year of Kosciuszko's splendid but,
owing to Russia, unsuccessful feats, which were fol-
lowed in 1795 by the third partition of Poland.
Austria had Cracow with the country between the
Pilica, the Vistula and the Bug; Prussia had War-
saw with the territory as far as the Niemen, and
the rest, the largest part, went to Russia. At each
successive time when an enthusiastic reform move-
ment of the Polish patriots promised success,
Russia intervened in behalf of the reactionaries,
42 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
and she invariably also secured the largest slices of
territory.
Then came the Napoleonic wars. Napoleon
established the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, promising
the Poles complete freedom under the Kussian rule.
At the congress of Vienna the Kingdom of Poland
was established, but with the Czar as a king. Aus-
tria retained Galicia and the salt mines of Wie-
liczka, Prussia Posen. Cracow was declared an
independent city.
The establishment of the Polish kingdom with
the Czar was really a personal triumph of Prince
Adam Czartoryski, who was a friend of the Czar
and had done his utmost to make his countrymen
realize that the success of their national aspirations
was possible with Russian support only.
Russia, gradually gaining in power after a while,
did not need the support of the Poles any longer
and in the name of the Czar most oppressive meas-
ures were put in force. In the two revolutions of
1830 and 1863 the Russian generals Paskiewitch
and Diebitch, but above all Count Murawiew,
initiated periods of wholesale executions against
the Polish patriots, such as the world had never
known until then. Henceforth, all teaching in the
schools of Poland was in Russian only.
In 1904, during Russia's unsuccessful war
against Japan, however, when interior strife and
revolutions threatened the very existence of the
Empire, Russia a^in promised reform to Poland:
Catholic religion should be taught in Polish in all
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 43
colleges; Poles should have the right to lease and
acquire land in the western districts; they should
be considered in connection vnth appointments,
etc. But hardly had the treaty of Portsmouth been
signed, when Russia could not further withstand
the "Russia for the Russians" slogan, and began
her fight against Polish language and culture again.
On the other hand Emperor Joseph II granted
the Poles in Galicia agrarian reforms and generally
tried to benefit his new subjects in every possible
way. Under Emperor Leopold II and Emperor
Francis a great many useful reforms were carried
out. Galicia prospered, Russian Poland did not.
Since 1848 Galicia's administration was placed
on a national basis. Serfdom ceased entirely, edu-
cation in a national Polish sense was reformed,
national Polish literature encouraged. Polish was
declared as the official language of the administra-
tion and the school language. Poles were admitted
not only to the positions of their local administra-
tions which they had had anyway for a long time,
but to important appointments of the Central Ad-
ministration.
And thus now when the clock sounded its time
they did not hesitate a single instant, but declared
themselves for Austria-Hungary against Russia.
They pin their hopes on Austria-Hungary, which
kept all her promises in the past. Their king,
Sobieski, had once saved Vienna and Austria from
disasters, and they know that Austria- Hungary
will always be grateful.
44 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Shortly after the outbreak of the war, George
Zulawski, the great Polish poet, addressed a warm
appeal to all Poles. This is part of the appeal :
"Prince Joseph Poniatowski said during the
battle of Leipzig, 1812 : 'The honor of our Polish
nation has been intrusted to me by God, I can
yield it to God only.' One hundred years have
elapsed since. Times have changed. France,
which had formerly deceived and cheated the
Poles, has now openly and shamelessly embraced
Eussia's cause. Our former adversaries are now
our allies. Our fight continues. Poland's arch-
enemy has not changed, nor has the honor of our
nation.
"We stand to-day by Austria and do not doubt
for a moment her good-will. Let the Grand Duke
Nicholas juggle with promises never meant to be
kept; we know how we are treated here. After
having lost our liberty we have found in this
monarchy, the most liberal in Europe, shelter and
protection.
"We are full-fledged citizens, we enjoy here
the liberty of autonomy and of our national ad-
vance. We like to consider past deeds, for they
are the best securities of a future. A hundred
years ago Polish volunteers donned the French
tricolor, which was then a symbol of liberty. To-
day the Polish volunteers carry the black and
yellow Austrian colors. We carry them without
offense to our national feelings, as they represent
a symbol of a state which grants to its citizens
AUSTRIA -HUNGARY AND THE WAR 45
the largest amount of liberty and which together
with Poland represents the gate against the bar-
barian floods from the East.
"We have the right and duty to fight for Aus-
tria and against the common enemy, and in the
face of history's great tribunal it is Austria's
duty to support us. Aside from all other con-
siderations, Austria, by supporting us, supports
herself, simultaneously carrying out her great
historical mission : to be a haven of liberty to all
the people suppressed by Russia.
"We have strong faith in our good cause, in the
victory of liberty and culture and in the ultimate
complete defeat of Russia. But whatever the
fate on the battlefields may be, we will not change
our attitude.
"Today, God has intrusted the honor of the
Polish nation to us, Polish volunteers, and we
will return it into the hands of God only.
"This is the honor of the nation which gave us
a Zawisza and a Poniatowski. We will yield it
unto the hands of God only, and we have strong
faith that we will return it untarnished on the
day when liberty will triumph over bondage,
truth over falsehood, light over darkness. So
help us, God!"
After the outbreak of war Polish volunteer
legions were at once organized, until their number
amounted to 200,000. Russia, seeing the danger
from the Polish population arrayed against her,
46 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
gave out orders that no quarter should be given to
a member of a Polish legion. If fallen into the
hands of their troops he should be hanged forth-
with. Thereupon, on October 1st, our Government
sent a circular note to all neutral powers concern-
ing the Polish legions. The qualification of these
legions, so this note states, was clearly established.
They comply with all requirements contained in the
first part of the statutes governing rules of a land
war. They are moreover an organized part of the
Austro-Hungarian army. Their members have
sworn the oath to the flag. Their subdivisions are
commanded by officers of the Austro-Hungarian
army and their general is under the orders of the
Austro-Hungarian command. If Russia would
maintain her attitude of not recognizing these
Polish legions as regular soldiers, this would con-
stitute a breach of the Hague rules.
RUTHENIANS AND THE WAR.
As regards the Ruthenians in Galicia and Buko-
wina, I will have occasion to mention them in an-
other chapter. They have a proud history reach-
ing back as far as the tenth century. One of their
rulers, Prince Volodymir Monomach, was married
to King Harold of England's daughter, and his
daughter became Queen of France. Their princi-
pality, which had Kiew as capital, prospered during
many centuries. In 1654 they signed the treaty of
Perejaslaw with the northern Russian principali-
ties of which Moscow was then the capital. The
AUSTRIA -HUNGARY AND THE WAR 47
so-called "Swod sakonow" secured full liberties to
Ukrainia, as their land was called, in regard to
administration matters, administration of justice,
law, finances, foreign representation, army matters,
etc. Very shortly thereafter, however, Russians re-
voked this treaty, conquering and oppressing their
country. Under Iwan Mazeppa in the beginning of
the eighteenth century, when Charles XII of Swe-
den celebrated his triumphs, the Ukrainians made
an effort to regain their independence. After the
battle of Poltawa, however, they came under the
Russian yoke, under which they have remained since
then. Russia's policy to the Ukrainians has been
one constant effort to denationalize them, until even
their history was juggled away and their language
declared to be nothing but a "small Russian
dialect."
Ruthenians in Galicia on the other hand have
been treated well by Austria, and to them the war
represents the ray of future hope. They have given
splendid account of themselves in the various
fights. But above all their venerable Primate of the
Greek Oriental Church in Czernowitz, the Right
Reverend Vladimir Repta, has already become a
historic figure through this war. When Russian
soldiers, who had penetrated to Czernowitz, capital
of Bukowina, were asked by their commanders to
arrange a pogrom against the Jews, the Primate
had the Jews take refuge in his palace. Questioned
by the Russian governor why he did this, and what
his confession was, he replied : it was the religion
48 AUSTRIA -HtlKGARY AND THE WAR
of God. He was the servant of God, before whom
everybody was equal and who meted out justice to
everybody alike. After the alleged Russian victory
of Augustovo he was asked to hold a high mass.
He, however, declared that he had sworn an oath of
allegiance and loyalty to the Emperor and King
Francis Joseph and he would keep it. The high
mass was not celebrated.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY DEFENDER OF CHRISTIANITY.
What has caused all the people of the monarchy
to join hands in the supreme moments when war
could be no more averted and what has kept them
together with such firmness and enthusiasm since
then ? General predictions were freely given round
in the foreign press of Europe, also in a consid-
erable part of the press of the United States, that
this war's first result w^ould not be a lost battle,
but Austria-Hungary's collapse. War came and
the Monarchy has once again proven its traditional
vitality, which was always strongest when a strong
peril from without had to be resisted.
There are two chief reasons which account for
this auspicious result. One is that the people of
the monarchy have always considered themselves
as the defenders of Christianity against the on-
slaught of the Orient. So was Hungary at the time
of King Bela IV the bulwark of Christendom
against the wild hordes of the Tartars and Mon-
golians. Hungary's fertile grounds were devas-
tated, thousands of its people were massacred, but
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 49
Hungary lived and the west of Europe was saved
from the Tartar invasion.
Then came the centuries of Turkish invasions,
the glorious victories of John Hunyadi and his son,
King Mathias Corvinus, over the Turkish hosts.
But the battle of Mohdcs in 1526 brought disaster
to the Hungarian army, and Hungary became a
tributary of the Ottoman Porte for many years to
come.
In 1682 Jan Sobieski and Charles of Lorraine
saved Vienna and Europe from the strongest attack
Turkey ever had launched against it. Prince Eugen
of Savoy, the victor of Zenta and of many other
battles, was the last great general in our list of
Defenders of Christian Faith.
The war of 1914 has revived Austria-Hungary's
old mission. Austria-Hungary has to fight Russia.
Perhaps my American readers will question why
I have placed Russia in the ranks of our former
enemies from Asia.
In 1909, when I came back from Peking across
Siberia, my travelling companion was the then First
Secretary of the Russian Legation, Monsieur d'Ar-
senieff. As his present enemy I will say that he
was a delightful companion. The Siberian trip
lasted two weeks, and as we shared one compart-
ment in the Russian State Express during this long
time we had frequent discussions on various sub-
jects together. Having known him for some time
in Peking, I asked him one day how long he would
spend his vacation in Europe. "I will not spend it
50 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
there at all. I will stay in Russia," answered he.
This answer surprised me and I asked him why he
excluded Russia from Europe. "Russia is not
Europe. Russia whether in Asia or Europe is
simply Russia."
This answer demonstrates the typical Russian
view. Russia has millions of Buddhists and Lama-
ists among its subjects in Asia. Its religion is
nominally the Russian Orthodox Church, but in
reality it is Czarism. The Holy Synod sent out its
"apostles" to our Ruthenians in Galicia, Bukowina
and parts of Hungary to win them over to the Rus-
sian Church. These apostles were gradually trans-
formed into political emissaries of the Czar. The
Russian Orthodox Church and the Holy Synod are
merely the mouthpiece of Czarism and the Czar.
Russia says : We fight for the liberation and union
of all Slavs. What she really means is: Czarism
wants to eternify its own rule over all countries
which still have Slav subjects among their other
subjects.
In Austria-Hungary there may be no uniform
national idea prevalent, but the common past, com-
mon history, common interests have welded all its
people together into a union which assures an equal
measure of happiness to everybody, and will suc-
cessfully repel all external attacks against its exist-
ence. The Slavs who live under the monarchy's
rule enjoy a much greater amount of rights,
personal and public, than in Russia. Austria-Hun-
gary is a modern empire, where everybody can
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 51
freely develop his innate talents. In Russia almost
all individual development is suppressed. Against
the invasion of Czarism Austria-Hungary fights
therefore today as she did against the invasion of
Tartars, Mongols and Turks centuries ago, when
the foundations of her Christian Empire were
threatened. The defense of Christian civilization
has still continued to be her great historic mission.
The people today pray as Jan Sobieski did when
he waged his great battle against the Turks : "Non
nobis, non nobis, Domine exercituum sed nomini
tuo da gloriam."
FRANCIS JOSEPH AND ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
There is another reason, and this is, I might say,
Austria-Hungary's personal reason in contraposi-
tion to the former, which was her historic reason.
This second reason is expressed in the manifesto of
our venerable Emperor and King. In former cen-
turies the call to arms in some countries, especially
in Hungary, was the sending around of a bloody
sword. That would have met with little response
in our days.
This is part of his manifesto which was addressed
to the people of Austria-Hungary :
"It was my sincerest wish to devote to the work
of peace the years which the Grace of God hail
granted me to preserve my peoples from th<:
heavy burdens and sacrifices of war.
"Divine providence decreed otherwise.
52 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
"The activities of an opponent led by hatred
compel me to reach for the sword after long years
of peace in order to maintain the honor of my
monarchy, to preserve her prestige and reputa-
tion and to safeguard her possessions."
And after enumerating the iniquities done by
Servia it continues:
**And so I am compelled to create with the
power of arms the necessary guarantees to safe-
guard the interior tranquillity and the lasting ex-
terior peace for my countries.
"In these serious hours I am fully conscious of
the full extent of my decision and of my respon-
sibility before the Almighty. I have examined
and weighed everything.
"With a quiet conscience, I take the road that
duty shows me. I trust in my peoples that
ranged themselves at all tempestuous times in
unity and loyalty around my throne and were
always ready to make the biggest sacrifice for the
honor, grandeur and might of the fatherland.
"I trust in the valiant armed force of Austria-
Hungary inspired by loyal enthusiasm.
"And I trust in the Almighty that he may give
victory to my arms."
Forty-eight years have come and gone by in the
wake of peace for our country. But these forty-
eight years and many more before them have been
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 53
no years of personal peace to the venerable ruler
of our monarchy. No personal grief, no known
human suffering has been spared to him. And yet
they have not borne him down, nor have they been
able to shake his sense of duty. In the supreme
moments of trial, he stood up, always ready at the
helm, leading his people with the undaunted spirit
of a seer. He believed in them and the future of
Austria-Hungary. And the people of Austria-Hun-
gary believe in him, because his words spell faith.
In the history of mankind there is probably but
one proclamation which equals the former in sim-
plicity, directness and sincereness of language. This
is President Abraham Lincoln's exhortation to the
people not to plunge into civil war. This is part
of his exhortation :
"Fellow-citizens : The momentous case is before
you. On your undivided support of your Govern-
ment depends the decision of the great question
it involves, whether your sacred Union will be
preserved, and the blessings it secured to us as one
people shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt
that the unanimity with which that decision will
be expressed will be such as to inspire new con-
fidence in republican institutions, and that the
prudence, the wisdom, and the courage which it
will bring to their defense will transmit them
unimpaired and invigorated to our children.
May the Great Ruler of Nations grant that the
signal blessings with which He has favored us
54 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
may not by the madness of party, or personal am-
bition, be disregarded and lost, and may His wise
providence bring those who have produced this
crisis to see the folly before they feel the misery
of civil strife, and inspire a returning veneration
for that Union which, if we may dare to pene-
trate His designs. He has chosen as the only
means of attaining the highest destinies to which
we may reasonably aspire."
In both instances momentous events had
prompted the issuance of these proclamations. In
both instances the people had supreme confidence
and faith in their respective leaders. Men who can
inspire such sublime confidence in the hearts of
their people that their words become the gospel of
faith are the truly great men of world's history.
II.— WAS THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN NOTE*
TO SERVIA BRUTAL?
"Liberty" is the title of a statement of the British
case sent out a few weeks ago by Arnold Bennett to
the Saturday Evening Post. Liberty! The title
seems appropriate for that reason only that in no
statement on the war is there more liberty displayed
in the use of superlative invectives against a whole
people and nation than in this one. All the white-
heat venom that an intelligent human being can
absorb in the course of a lifetime is injected into
this article. One might say the author saved it up
since the first days of his childhood and diffused it
all at once in one supreme effort. It is regrettable
that an author of the world reputation of Mr.
Bennett should think that the abuse of a whole
nation constitutes his own country's strongest
defense.
Mr. Bennett, after pronouncing the dictum that
"the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by
Austria-Hungary in 1908 was an outrage upon the
feelings of the inhabitants," proceeds to explain
"how the German and Austrian branches of the
military worked in secret together. How when they
had reached a decision" — and not before, according
to Mr. Bennett's special information — "the German
* The note and answer thereto are reprintad in the appendix.
55
56 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Imperial Chancellor and the German Foreign Sec-
retary were permitted to learn the inwardness of
the state of affairs," whatever that is. "And then,"
he continues, "an impossible ultimatum was sent to
Servia, and the thing was done. The fall on the
bourses, before the delivery of the Servian reply,
showed that the supreme financial magnates had
been 'put wise.' Every embassy knew. All diplomacy
was futile and most of it was odiously hypocritical.
Sir Edward Grey alone in Europe strove against
the irrevocable. With the most correct urbanity
Germany frustrated him at each move. Neither
France nor Italy desired aught but peace. Whether
or not Russia desired war I cannot say" (evidently
Mr. Bennett's private, confidential informants had
failed in this instance) ; "but it is absolutely certain
that Germany and Austria desired war."
Austria-Hungary's ultimatum to Servia has been
called by various authors "brutal," "inhuman," "un-
speakable," "the act of a dotard," etc. In the Sep-
tember 30th issue of the Outlook we find the follow-
ing expressive comments: "The demand of Austria
was both in form and in tone such as one inde-
pendent power could not be expected to receive
from another independent power without resent-
ment." It might be said here that the first impres-
sion counts, and the first impression of this Austro-
Hungarian note filtered through the published
correspondence of the English White Paper. Sir
Edward Grey, in his letter to the British Ambassa-
dor at Berlin, said of it : "I have never before seen
i'm
'^Stj^iA^
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 57
one state address to another independent state a
document of so formidable a character."
The public in general has long been accustomed
to form its opinion regarding diplomatic or political
questions through the opinions expressed thereon
by the diplomatic and political leaders of approved
calling and authority. This is a sound enough cus-
tom and cannot be objected to. In presenting this
little study to the American public I do not propose
to except to this well established habit of mind of
larger masses. Nor do I wish to cast any doubt on
Sir Edward's authority to comment on the nature
of this ultimatum. I will endeavor, however, to
demonstrate that the Austro-Hungarian note will
appear very much less brutal both in tone and
in substance if we investigate conditions which
prompted it
In a general sense the critics of this war have al-
lowed their minds to sway too easily under the in-
fluence of outward appearances and maudlin senti-
ment. Let us penetrate under the surface of things,
let us examine and weigh some of the evidence
which the recent Sarajevo trial has brought to
light! Let us consider the psychological side of
the relations between Austria-Hungary and Servia
during the years preceding this note ! A little light
and a little more thoroughness than we have noticed
heretofore in comments on this and other phases of
the war will go far towards dispelling false impres-
sions. If faults were committed, they should be ex-
posed, but on the other hand, if blame was attached
58 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
unjustly, it should be lifted and justice done where
justice is due.
Of all the war comments made in the United
States none has shown a more neutral spirit and
at the same time been more accurate in its con-
clusions than United States Circuit Court Judge
Grosscup's appeal to fair judgment. I say so not
because his views coincide with mine, or because
he favors my country's side, but because it is, I be-
lieve, a typically American statement and will, this
I also believe, appeal to every fair-minded American
reader.
JUDGE PETEE GROSSCUP'S VIEWS.
I will cite here his remarks bearing on the ques-
tion of this chapter in extenso, because what we all
aim at is truth and justice, and nobody has grasped
these two tenets in connection with the war better
than he did. This is what he says :
"The other day I saw a group of men in a lane
some distance from the road, who seemed to be in
earnest conversation. Suddenly one of the men
struck one of the others. Immediately I felt that
he was the aggressor, that he wished a fight. But
the facts, had I been near enough to see and hear,
might have been different. That first blow as I
saw it may have been in self-defense; I was not near
enough to the other's clenched fist. It may have
been deserved; I was not near enough to hear the
provocation. What is the only thing visible to one
at a distance may not have been the fact at all as
seen by those upon the spot."
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 59
"Though the White Paper covers five pages of the
American newspaper in which I found it, the essen-
tial facts pertinent to this larger question are few
and can be compactly stated. The first of these,
trite enough but never to be lost sight of, is that
the Austro-Hungarian monarchy contains a very
large Slav population — the race of the Servians also
— some of it added in recent years. This constituted,
to say the least, a highly inflammable anti-Austrian
material to any one disposed to start a fire within
the Austro-Hungarian boundaries. Another fact,
not so trite but equally important, is that Servia
has been systematically distributing firebrands
throughout this inflammable matter. "It was a
subversive movement," says the Austrian foreign
Minister in one of the dispatches constituting the
White Paper, intended to detach from Austria a
part of her empire, carried on by organized societies
in Servia, to which Servian high officials, including
ministers, generals and judges, belonged, and re-
sulting in the assassination of the heir to the throne
and his wife," not as the individual mad deed of a
Guiteau or a Czolgosz, we might add, but as "an
organized propaganda and conspiracy" that de-
veloped itself in several attempts, at several uncon-
nected points, by several persons, on the same day ;
a statement of the Servian attitude nowhere denied
in this English White Paper, either in the London
Foreign Office or the embassies at Paris or St. Peters-
burg. On the contrary. Sir Edward Grey says he
cannot help but look with sympathy on the basis
60 AUSTKIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
of the Austro-Hungarian complaint. And Servia
herself practically admits the truth of it, in her
reply to the Austrian ultimatum; for though she
calls whatever agitation took place "political," that
is to say, something whose object is the change of
government and not private murder, she offers to
dissolve the Narodna Odbrana, a revolutionary so-
ciety, and every society which may be "directing its
efforts against Austria-Hungary"; to introduce a
law providing for the most severe punishment of
"publications calculated to incite hatred against
the territorial integrity of Austria" ; to remove from
the "public educational establishments" in Servia
everything calculated to foment propaganda against
Austria; to publish in the official gazette and read
to the army this promised new attitude of Servia to
Austria; and to remove from military service all
such persons as judicial inquiry may have proved
to be guilty of acts directed against the integrity
of the territory of Austria-Hungary — promises no
people would make unless there was a basis of fact
for the complaint.
But though Servia thus acknowledged the basis
of the complaint, and promised to take measures to
remedy it, she refused the "collaboration" of Aus-
trian representatives, or the participation of Aus-
trian "delegates," in the investigation relating
thereto. She made no straight-out denial of the
subversive movements alleged. The most that can
be made of her answer is that she neither admits
nor denies, but simply calls for the proofs. But she
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 61
refused the presence of Austria at the taking of
the proofs. In a word, as Austria viewed it, should
the promised investigation be a whitewash, or
should it be a sincere effort to locate responsibility?
Austria wanted a sincere investigation ; the attitude
of Servia looks as if she wanted a whitewash. And
it was on that that the two countries broke.
Now, was Austria-Hungary right in making the
demand and Servia wrong in refusing the demand,
that Austrian delegates sit in at the investigation?
This is the crux of the matter as a question between
Austria and Servia. The conduct of nations, like
that of individuals, must stand the test of common
sense, and, like individuals, nations have the right
to have their word taken in matters of this kind
until their word is no longer good, by being re-
peatedly broken; so that had this been the first
complaint by Austria against Servia on this mat-
ter, and this Servia's first promise to live hereafter
on friendly relations, there would have been no
justification for Austria's demand, or for her re-
fusal to take Servia's word that a fair investigation
would be made and the guilty punished. But this
White Paper shows that this was not Servia's first
promise; that she had made former promises; that
this new offer of her word was the offer of an al-
ready broken word. This is the third fact in the
inquiry, the turning fact in the question of who was
wrong and who was right; a fact entirely ignored
in the views pressed upon Amerian public opinion.
Five years before, March 18, 1909, Servia gave her
62 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
word, not to Austria alone, but to the Great Powers,
that this scattering of firebrands should cease, that
thereafter she would live as a friendly neighbor.
That shows that five years before the offense was
already in existence. Did it cease? Was the word
kept? In the note communicated to Sir Edward
Grey by the German Ambassador July 24th, 1914 —
a note that called out from Sir Edward, not a de-
nial, but an expression of sympathy — the German
Ambassador, referring to that earlier promise, says :
"It was only owing to the far-reaching self-restraint
and moderation of the Austro-Hungarian govern-
ment, and to the energetic interference of the Great
Powers, that the Servian provocation to which
Austria-Hungary was then (March, 1909) exposed
did not lead to a conflict. The assurance of good
conduct in the future which was then given by the
Servian government has not been kept. Under the
eyes, at least with the tacit permission of official
Servia, the great Servian propaganda has continu-
ously increased in extension and intensity; to its
account must be set the recent crime the threads of
which lead to Belgrade"; an indictment that none
of the Powers so much as question — neither the
foreign offices nor embassies of Russia, England or
France — and to which Servia practically pleads
guilty in her answer to the Austrian ultimatum
already stated.
Now, in view of that, what was Austria-Hungary
to do? Accept the word of Servia again? We must
look at it not from the standpoint of those who think
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 63
the Austro-Hungarian government ought to be de-
stroyed, but from the standpoint of Austria-Hun-
gary itself. What would we of America do if,
despite a solemn promise to desist, some neighbor-
ing nation continued to stir up racial revolution
among our people — ^say Spain among the Porto
Ricans or Philippines? Would we accept that na-
tion's word again? It is a just and generous nature
that accepts the offender's word on the first offense,
but a foolish or craven nature that continues to
accept it through repetitions of the offense. Let
us not lose sight of the practical side of the problem
as presented to Austria. The spirit behind these
attacks on Austria-Hungary was not the spirit of
the Servian government only, but the spirit of the
Servian people also. A government may be reached
sometimes by protest. But there are cases in which
a people can only be reached by some tangible
military demonstration. History is replete with
demonstrations of that kind; so that the problem
of Austria, now that the government's word could
no longer be taken, was to impress the people of
Servia with Austria-Hungary's purpose not to be
silent longer under these flying firebrands. We
went to war with Spain for less than Austria was
suffering at the hands of Servia. England declared
war on the republic of Paul Kruger for less. And
in each case the war closed with territory detached
from the vanquished and taken by the victor. Were
we wrong? More than that: Did any great outside
Power even say nay? On the contrary we were left
64 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
to deal with the problems as we thought right.
Why, then, should any outside Power say nay to
Austria, especially if no territory was to be taken?
Morally right in her demand on Servia, to sit
in at the investigation, why was not Austria left
alone to enforce that right, as England, the United
States, and Italy had been left to enforce their
rights?"
THE MURDER OF PRINCE MICHAEL OBRENOVIC.
Judge Grosscup states the issue underlying the
Austro-Hungarian note clearly, and his statement
requires hardly any further amplification. There
is, however, one item which can be amplified. Servia
was asked to admit Austro-Hungarian government
officers to the preliminary investigations of the
murder plot in Sarajevo which claimed the Austro-
Hungarian Crown Prince and his consort as victims.
Whenever this question has formed the subject of
discussion in newspapers or other statements, we
have always read utterances such as the following,
for instance: "Had Servia yielded to this demand
she would have forfeited her rights as an indepen-
dent state. No self-respecting state could have
tolerated an interference of so humiliating a
nature."
To a superficial observer, as I said before, the
conclusion reached in these utterances seemed cor-
rect and sufficient. In reality, however, this con-
clusion misses the point entirely. Austria-Hun-
[^ary's demand involved a friendly cooperation of
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR f.5
Austro-Hungarian and Servian government oflScers
and was based on historical precedents. On June
10th, 1868, Prince Michael Obrenovic of Servia was
murdered near the Royal Park of Topsider in Bel-
grade. In the course of the investigation of this
murder plot Servia a^ked the government of Hun-
gary that some of her government officers should
be allowed to participate in the investigation which
was conducted in Hungary, as the murder was
traced to Servians residing mostly in Southern
Hungary. This demand was practically identical
with the Austro-Hungarian demand in the present
crisis. Hungary readily acceded to this demand,
finding it a most natural demand to make under
the given circumstances. Hungary desired to show
her friendly feelings to the neighboring country,
and no attempt was even made to construe this as
an encroachment of Hungary's suzerainty or inde-
pendence.
Hungary in 1868-1870 had nothing to conceal,
and was, therefore, keen to lend a hand in tracing
the murderers; Servia in 1914 is apparently in a
different position. Should an unbiased examina-
tion substantiate the claim that the Servian Govern-
ment and the Crown Prince of Servia were directly
behind this murder plot, it would naturally destroy
the prestige of Servia forever. The Sarajevo trial,
as I have shown in another chapter, has substan-
tiated Austria-Hungary's charges contained in her
note. Whatever the conclusions from this trial
evidence may be, with regard to Servia's prestige,
66 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Servia can no more disclaim responsibility, of that
we feel confident.
In 1868-1870 after the actual murderers of Prince
Michael Obrenovic had expiated their crime,
strong evidence was presented against Prince Alex-
ander Karagyorgyevic, a close kin of the present
King of Servia, connecting him directly with the
murder. Servia herself asked the Hungarian Gov-
ernment to carry out the death sentence against the
last named Prince. Hungary, desiring to be chival-
rous to both the Prince, who had formerly taken
refuge in Hungary and who had appealed for her
help, and to Servia, spared the Prince's life. She
instituted, however, a court examination with
Servian cooperation to find out whether according
to Hungarian law he had committed a crime for
which he should suffer punishment. As a result
of this examination it was found that Prince Alex-
ander Karagyorgyevic, his secretary, Paul Trifkovic,
and Filip Stankovic, a merchant, were guilty of the
crimes charged against them. Mr. Sztrokay, the
District-Attorney of Budapest, asked that the Prince
should be sentenced to death, Stankovic to twenty,
Trifkovic to fifteen years' hard labor. This is what
the indictment of the defendants said : Paul Eado-
vanovic, one of the chief plotters, who was the at-
torney of Prince Karagyorgyevic and had full
authority to handle his affairs in Servia, confessed
that he had agreed with the Prince in 1867 that
Prince Michael of Servia should be murdered if
necessary and he, Prince Alexander, should be-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 67
come his successor. To this purpose Radovanovic
was paid some large amounts by Vilotievic, who
was the manager of the Prince's estate in Servia.
The indictment admits that Radovanovic later on
withdrew his confession damaging to the Prince;
this withdrawal, however, was not made bona fide.
Radovanovic had written a letter to Trifkovic in
which he promised to withdraw that part of his
confession which was damaging to the Prince, if in
return the latter would pay 30,000 florins to his
family. Radovanovic identified this letter in an
open court hearing as his own. Furthermore,
Vilotievic, the above-named manager of the Prince's
estate, confessed that the Prince and Trifkovic had
told him in 1867 in Budapest that they were pre-
paring a plot against Prince Michael. He was told
that if he cared for his position he would have to
help them and pay Radovanovic whenever called
upon by this latter. Later on Vilotievic received
27,000 florins from Trifkovic, the Prince's secre-
tary. Prince Alexander personally and verbally in-
structed him to pay said amount to Radovanovic
after the murder of Prince Michael. Prince Alex-
ander, in his capacity as defendant in this murder
case, declared in court that he had only money
enough to support himself and his family in a
decent way befitting his rank. It was shown, how-
ever, by ample evidence that the Prince had received
large amounts from Russia and Roumania prior to
the murder, and had, moreover, sold his house in
Budapest for 100,000 florins.
68 AUSTRIA-HrXGARY AND THE WaB
The indictment also shows that one Stanko
Zdrafkovic, the lessee of a restaurant owned by
Prince Alexander in Belgrade, had confessed that
the Prince had redoced his rent bv 150 gold ducats,
provided he would rent a room to one Filip Stanko-
vic, and would not see or hear what happened there.
Paul Trifkovic, the secretary of the Prince, was the
second defendant. He is shown in the indictment
to have been in correspondence with Radovanovic
since the year 1S60. They met whenever this latter
came to Budapest, Their corresjKjndence was ef-
fected in ciphers, as was the correspondence of all
defendants. In 1868 they met in Temesvar, where
Eadovanovic one day handed Trifkovic a plan of an
amended constitution, asking him to have it signed
by the Prince if this latter ever expected to ascend
the throne of Servia. Trifkovic confessed that upon
instructions from Eadovanovic he had three six-
cylinder revolvers and three daggers with sharpened
points on both ends manufactured in Budapest.
These were given to Radovanovic, and both this lat-
ter and Lazar Marsic confessed that the murder had
been committed with these weapons.
Filip Stankovic was the third defendant Ac-
cording to the testimony of Anthony Maistorovic
and Dome Kuzmanovic he had received 2,000 ducats
from the wife of Prince Alexander, Princess Per-
sida, to stir up a revolution in Servia. At another
occasion he had received 100 ducats from Prince
Alexander himself for the same purpose. Stankovic
and Maistorovic had moreover arranged that Prince
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 69
Alexander should keep 20,000 gold ducats on de-
posit with a banker called Spirka to provide for
the expenses of a revolution in Servia.
Prince Alexander Karagyorgyevic, who was a
very close blood relative of the present King of
Servia, was sentenced to death, but judgment was
later on quashed.
I then come back to what Judge Grosscup says:
"It is a just and generous nature that accepts
the offender's word on the first offense, but a foolish
or craven nature that continues to accept it through
repetitions of the offense." In contra-position to
this I refer to another ^Titer's statement, which is
also reproduced in this book : "The world does not
believe that the boy, Prinzip, was the agent of the
Servian Government. No government would be so
blind as to inspire a deed which must so redound
to its disadvantage and its discredit." The latter
writer erred in his conclusions because he was
superficial. But many have erred just as he has,
simply because they did not have the proper prem-
ises to draw conclusions from. Austria-Hungary's
conclusions were based on the proper premises
which she had set up in her experience in the
past. Servia had broken her word on March 18,
1909, when she pledged it to us and to the Great
European powers that she would henceforth be a
good neighbor to the monarchy. From the very
next day after she had made this pledge she set out
to break it openly and less openly just as it suited
her plans. The Great Powers having frowned on her
70 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
ambitions she strove resolutely to attain her ends,
by hook or crook. We have the court evidence of the
Sarajevo trial to corroborate these statements.
The building up of the Narodna Odbrana and of a
whole chain of affiliated societies to advocate a
revolutionary propaganda against Austria-Hun-
gary could not even by her warmest sympathizer
be interpreted as the acts of a good neighbor. But
this was not all. As we can gather from the trial
evidence, she has done everything to vilify Austria-
Hungary's character in the foreign press, to create
the impression that while she had broken her pledges
she had ample justification for doing so. Has not
Servia broken faith with the powers before 1909?
It is a matter of common knowledge and substan-
tiated by incontrovertible facts that although the
reigning dynasty of Karagyorgyevic and King
Peter had pledged to punish the late King Alexan-
der's murderers, many of these murderers' con-
federates have occupied important public positions
with the Servian Government up to the last. Every-
body knows that Great Britain has for a long time
entertained no diplomatic relations with Servia for
reasons which seemed obvious then, but have drifted
into oblivion now. Why? Because Servia enter-
tains a highly efficient press bureau in the United
States and other countries, and people are so quick
to forget things, if they happen to be either too
much or too little interested in matters or persons.
The psychology of a country's population is gov-
erned by the same causes as is governed the psy-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 71
chology of an individual. If an Individual has
some knowledge of things, this is increased and
steadied by a life's experience. If he has none of
his own making, life's experience will supply him
with a good substitute. And so it is with the people
of a country. Whether of primitive or high culture,
knowledge and civilization, their country's tradi-
tions and past experience will help to increase and
steady whatever they may have attained of their
own. What are the traditions of Servia's people?
Servians are temperamentally light-hearted, joyous
and frivolous, not devoid of a great many artistic
features. Yet, is there any country in the world
which can equal, for instance, the long list of rulers
assassinated on or around their country's throne?
CHRONOLOGY OF SERVIAN REGICIDES.
Almost from the earliest beginnings of a Servian
country, Servian kings and princes have very sel-
dom died a natural death.
1. In 902 of the Christian era Prince Klonimir,
a descendant of the first Servian prince, KnazVlasz-
timir, was murdered by the orders of his rival,
Prince Peter.
2. In 917 this same Prince Peter was murdered
by his subjects.
3. Prince John Vladimir, the great grandson of
Knaz Vlasztimir, was murdered by his subjects on
May 22, 1015.
4. His successor. Prince Stefan VoJ8zl6, died
under suspicious circumstances.
72 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
The next dynasty was that of the Nemanyidas.
Their princes died either on the battlefields or
were killed by their subjects.
5. Prince Stefan Uros was murdered by the
orders of his son, Dragutin, in Durazzo, 1272.
6. Prince Stefan Uros III was murdered by
Servian noblemen in the castle of Jovecan, Septem-
ber, 1331.
Dragutin later on assumed the name of Dusan,
and was the greatest sovereign Servia ever has had.
Curiously enough, he died a natural death.
7. His son, Prince Stefan Uros, was assassinated
by his subjects in 1367. This ended the dynasty
of the Nemanyidas, as his mother, after his murder,
retired to a convent. His murderer, a Servian
noble by the name of Vukasin, had been raised to
rank and honors by Czar Dusan, the father of the
last named prince, and it was in murdering the
latter's son that he paid off his debt of gratitude.
However, he could not avoid his fate. Sultan
Bajazid suddenly attacked him and his army of
60,000 men.
8. Prince Vukasin fled but was attacked and
murdered by his own troops, who wanted to get
hold of his large golden chain. His corpse was
buried without the head.
9. Vukasin's son. Prince Marko the! Superb,
was murdered, for a change, not by his own sub-
jects, but by a "vallach" man.
His successor Was his uncle
10. Prince John Ugljesa, who was killed by
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 73
Lazar, the natural son of Czar Dusan. Lazar's
son-in-law, Prince Milos, killed
11. Sultan Murad I, whereupon Prince Lazar
was decapitated by the Turks. His successor,
Prince George Brankovic, died a natural death,
but his consort,
12. Princess Irene, was poisoned by her young-
est son,
13. Lazar. This latter then ascended the throne,
but soon died under suspicious circumstances.
The dynasty of the Brankovic died out in 1516
with Prince George Brankovic. Thereafter Servia
came under Turkish yoke and there were no kings
or princes to be murdered for quite a while.
14. In modern times Prince Michael Obrenovic
was murdered in 1868, upon the instigation of
Prince Alexander Karagyorgyevic, a very close kin
of the present King Peter.
15. King Alexander of Servia and
16. Queen Draga were killed in 1903.
Do such traditions leave no trace on the psy-
chology of a people's mind? The stories told to
their children in the nurse's room, repeated and am-
plified in the schools w^hich their boys frequented,
revelled and gloried in the bloody exploits of the
glorious past. Is it to be wondered that when their
boys grew up, the taste of blood seemed not strange
to them? They had by this time grown accustomed
to the assassinations of their own princes, their
own leaders in public life. They could not under-
stand why Austria-Hungary should have objected
74 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
to their killing or attempting to kill Austro-Hun-
garian governors, generals or archdukes. If these
assassinations were necessary to attain their ends
— which was, let us say, the union of all southern
Slavs in a greater Servian empire or republic —
then the only thing that could be objected to was
that some of these murderous attempts proved un-
successful. Failure delayed the realization of these
ends.
COULD THE SERVIAN QUESTION HAVE BEEN
ARBITRATED?
I have often heard, in these past months, ques-
tions why Austria-Hungary did not submit her dif-
ference with Servia to international arbitration.
Servia had made an offer of this kind, but Austria-
Hungary, so it is charged, had brutally rejected
the offer. If any one will carefully examine the text
of the arbitration treaties which the United States
and any other States have signed with one another,
he will invariably find a clause therein that all ques-
tions can be submitted to the International Arbitra-
tion Court, except questions involving vital inter-
ests, independence and national honor of a country.
History has so far shown no exception to this. The
Alabama question, which Great Britain likes to
point out in this connection, has involved no ques-
tion of national honor on her side. That was a clear
case of breach of neutrality and the only question
to be decided therewith wafe really a question of
dollars and cents.
AUSTRTA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 75
The case of the "Alabama" in 1862, which oper-
ated so successfully against the commercial navy
of the Northern States, is too well known and re-
quires no amplification beyond the fact that the
Arbitration Court of Geneva 14 September, 1872,
sentenced Great Britain for her breach of neutrality
to a payment of 15,000,000 dollars, to be paid to
the United States. The same is true with reference
to the "Florida" and "Shenandoah." These steam-
ers chose for their field of action the stretch of sea
between the Bahama Archipelago and Bermuda
and Melbourne, respectively, for the purpose which
was immediately carried out of going to the Arctic
seas to attack American whaling vessels. The
granting of coal supplies by Great Britain in quan-
tities sufficient for such purposes constituted a
flagrant breach of neutrality on the part of
England.
In the case of Austria- Hungary and Servia, the
former country's national honor was involved. She
could not barter her honor away for dollars and
cents, nor could she submit her claims to the judg-
ment of any International Arbitration Court. The
futility of such a proposition will become instantly
apparent to any open-minded American, if he will
consider the following issues:
Let us assume for a moment that in the immedi-
ate neighborhood of the United States, for instance
in Mexico, although I wish, of course, to cast no slur
on Mexico, past experiences notwithstanding, the
people had for many centuries in their history adopt-
76 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
ed the habit of murdering all their presidents. Let
us then assume — merely for an academic argument's
sake — that the people of Mexico would for many-
years have adopted a policy of pronounced hostility
to the people of the United States. They would for
instance have organized open or secret revolution-
ary committees in Mexico and in border States, in
Texas, California. These committees would have
carried on a general propaganda advocating the dis-
ruption of the Government of the United States
here and abroad! Would in fact tell the whole
world in the foreign press that Americans were
bullying the people of little Mexico into a state of
abject slavery and submission! Let us suppose
that their propaganda had lasted for a great many
years, that the Government of the United States
had complained to the other great powers and these
had used diplomatic pressure on Mexico to stop
her anti-American intrigues. Mexico would then
have pledged herself to be good in future, but would
have instantly resumed her activities with more
vehemence than before. Let us assume, for argu-
ment's sake, that as a sequel of these activities the
Governors of Texas or California had been mur-
dered by Mexicans with the support of their govern-
ment. Let us suppose then that after some further
pleasant neighborly acts of this kind, the revolu-
tionary committee in Mexico, backed by the Mexi-
can Government, had carried out a murderous plot
against the President of the United States and had
in fact assassinated him .... Let us assume all
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 77
these things and let me then ask the questions:
Is there any American who can honestly answer
me that the United States Government would not
have sent a note to Mexico — exactly as brutal, if
our note was brutal — ^as we did to Servia? Is there
any American who would not call Mexico's answer
insuffllcient, if the latter in her answer had said that
she had no knowledge of any outrages committed
against the United States? And is there any Amer-
ican who would say that this difference between the
United States and Mexico should be arbitrated by
the International Court of the Hague?
This is in substance Austria-Hungary's case
against Servia and this is why the author does not
believe that the Austro-Hungarian note to Servia
was brutal.
III.— THE SARAJEVO TRIAL.
When these lines are written the trial which de-
serves to rank with the most famous trials of the
world is over. In a certain sense it was the most
famous, undoubtedly the most unique trial in
world's history. The case which was decided here
plunged the people of practically the whole civilized
world into a terrible war. It caused the people
of nearly all the large countries of Europe to meet
each other as enemies on blood-stained battlefields.
Who knows how large the number of victims will
be? Who knows what changes this war will bring
to the map of Europe? Who knows what the final
price will be which the various countries will have
to pay?
The Court at Sarajevo had to hand down a ver-
dict in the case of the murder of Archduke Francis
Ferdinand d'Este, the presumptive heir to the
throne of Austria-Hungary and his august consort,
the Princess of Hohenberg. Little did the actual
murderers and their immediate confederates realize
that the bullets which struck down these two ex-
alted victims would cast practically the whole civ-
ilized world into the present deep gloom. This
murder was, of course, merely the occasion which
precipitated war, not the cause originating it. If,
however, we view things with sufficient calmness,
78
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 79
we can say that possibly the real causes of the war
could have remained in the background as they had
been for many years in the past, had this unexpected
event not brought them all to the surface. To ren-
der full justice to the psychological aspects of this
phase of the question one would have to know
whether the actual murderers foresaw the terrible
consequences of their deed when they committed it.
At least one of the murderers, Nedjelko Cabrinovic,
the bomb-thrower, who injured thirteen bystanders,
but did not kill the Crown Prince, made an admis-
sion to the contrary. He confessed that had he
known that millions and millions would have to
suifer and millions of mothers would have to cry,
he would have blown up himself with all six bomba
But the evidence brought out at the trial clearly
shows that Cabrinovic and Prinzip, his ally in
crime, and the other immediate confederates had
merely been the tools of higher-ups in Servia, and
it is hard to believe that these "higher-ups" should
not have foreseen the consequences. All would
rather tend to indicate that they had not only fore-
seen these consequences but, indeed, hoped to make
them come true.
When the first news was cabled over to us on the
eventful day of the Crown Prince's murder, I was
asked by the reporters to express an opinion as to
who and what had caused the murder. I hesitated
not a moment and branded the murder as the deed
of an anarchist. I could not imagine any other pos-
sibility. Later, when some papers came out with
80 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
the statement that the murder must have been the
outcome of a national Servian plot, I was not in-
clined to share their opinion. It is hard to believe
that the mind of a whole country should have run
amuck, yet, the above statement pre-supposed that.
Now, after having been home and seen and heard
and read everything in conection with this murder,
I know that I was wrong in the beginning and
these papers right. Official Servia was behind the
dastardly murder plot. Strange as it may seem, a
majority of the papers now are rather inclined to
accept my first version, absolving Servia. Yet, at
the beginning there was no evidence available, now
there is. The human nature of editors is very often
inscrutable.
The purpose of this study is to shed light on the
proceedings of this trial which began on October
12th and ended October 28th. In all 22 defend-
ants were tried under a charge of high-treason,
and three defendants under a charge of complicity
and for concealing the weapons intended for the
use of the plotters against the life of Archduke
Francis Ferdinand and the Princess Hohenberg.
In ordinary times a jury would sit in a trial of such
character, that is for high-treason or for murder.
Both crimes are comprised in the list of the 25
crimes and misdemeanors of the introductory Arti-
cle VI of the Austrian Law of Criminal procedure,
for which jury trials are prescribed by law. In
times of war, however, jury trials are naturally
suspended. The general mobilization of the army
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 81
calls for the serv>*e of jurymen and everybody
alike. This of course provided a member serving
on a jury would come under the provisions of the
mobilization order at all. The provisions for the
first line of the army, landwehr and landstrum, in-
clude male persons up to their 42nd year of age
only. The suspension of jury trials in times of
war — as prescribed in our criminal law procedure,
both in Austria and Hungary, is due to considera-
tions of expediency rather than to any other reason.
This does not, however, interfere with the publicity
of the trials. I make specific mention of this, be-
cause prominent American papers, as shown later,
seem to be under the wrong impression that on ac-
count of the war, administration of justice in Aus-
tria-Hungary must be lagging behind and impaired.
Our criminal law procedure in force in times of
war explicitly provides that every grownup and
unarmed person is admitted to the main hearing
of a trial, the last restriction being not extended
to persons who carry arms because of their office.
Defendants are allowed fullest liberty at the hearing
in bringing out every evidence to strengthen their
case. If they have no attorneys of their own selec-
tion, the court appoints attorneys for the defense
ex-officio, as is done in this country under similar
circumstances. Judgment of the Court must be
based solely on evidence presented openly at the
hearing of the trial. The preliminary examination
of a criminal case is done by a special judge in
conjunction with the prosecuting attorney. This
82 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
special judge cannot be a member of the Court or
Senate before which the case is heard at the main
trial. The defendant has to be taken before this
special judge within 24 hours after his arrest and
has to be told why he is arrested. The Court or
Senate before which a criminal case is tried has
to consist of three judges (two judges and a pre-
siding judge) . In a trial against more defendants
than one or two, there are in addition two assistant
judges for substitution purposes.
In the Sarajevo trial the Court consisted of Cir-
cuit Court Judge Dr. Curinaldi as Presiding Judge
and the Common Pleas Court Judges Dr. Naumo-
Tics and Dr. Hoffman as assessors. The two sup-
plementary Judges were Common Pleas Court
Judges Dr. Fialka and Dr. Pitha. The State was
represented by Prosecuting Attorney Svara and
Assistant Prosecuting Attorney Dr. Stark. The
following attorneys were acting for the defense:
Dr. Premuzics, Dr. Zistler, Dr. Feldbauer, Dr.
Perisics, Judge Strupl and Assistant Judge Malek.
In addition to the 25 defendants there were
about 50 or 75 witnesses heard after having been
sworn in.
PROSECUTING ATTORNEY'S OPENING ADDRESS.
I will now first recount the main points of the
prosecuting attorney's opening address, which con-
tains the case of the state. The state commented
extensively on the whole origin of the conspiracy.
This is stated to have been hatched in Belgrade,
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 83
capital of Servia, by the members of the "Narodna
Odbrana." The two real purposes of this Servian
society were to use every possible open and secret
means to cause a disruption of the neighboring
monarchy. It advocated the disintegration of cer-
tain provinces from the main body, namely Bosnia,
Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, and some
southern counties of Hungary. The society also
entertained an active propaganda for war against
Austria-Hungary. General Bozo Jankovic was the
president of this society. The members of the
Narodna Odbrana and other political circles in
Belgrade and Servia were of opinion — so it was
charged — that the late Archduke Francis Ferdi-
nand would, because of his strong individuality, be
a strong obstacle to the union of all these provinces
and all the Southern Slavs under Servian sceptre.
They decreed, therefore, that the Archduke must
die. Gavrilo Princip, Nedjelko Cabrinovic and
Trifco Grabez were selected by the Narodna
Odbrana to carry out the death warrant against
the Archduke during the latter's stay in Sarajevo.
For this purpose they were put under the orders
of Major Voislar Tankosic, Major Pribicevlc and
Mr. Ciganovic, an oflScer of the Servian State Rail-
ways. All three were members of the Narodnn
Odbrana, They supplied bombs and Browninj.;
pistols, from the Royal Servian arsenal at Kraguje
vac. Moreover Ciganovic instructed the thre«
named defendants in the use of Browning pistols
training them on an open ground near Topsider,
84 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Belgrade. Finally, they supplied the three de-
fendants with a sufficient dose of cyanide potassium,
in order that they should commit suicide after
the performance of their deed, whereby their
relations with the Servian officials would never
become known. With the aid of the Narodna Od-
brana all weapons were smuggled from Belgrade
across the Servian frontier and farther to Sarajevo.
Thus the three defendants were first recommended
to the good care of the Servian Major Popovic in
Sabac, a member of the Narodna Odbrana, who
gave them further recommendations to the Captain
of the Eoyal Servian Border Police in Loznica,
another member. He also obtained reduced fare
for them on the Servian railways. From here they
were recommended by the said captain to Mr.
Grbic, an officer of the Royal Servian customs serv-
ice. Thence they were guided to the island — Isako-
vica Ada, on the river Drina, and from here to
Trnvo, Bosnia. Two confidential agents of the Na-
rodna Odbrana, by name of Mico Micic and Yakov
Milovic acted as their guides. In Trnvo the local
representative of the Narodna Odbrana, by name
of Obren Milosevic, took charge of them and brought
them in touch with Veljko Cubrilovic, teacher in
Priboj, County of Zwomik. This latter brought
them to Mitar Jovo, Blagoje, Nedjo Kerovic and
Cvijan Zepanovic, all of whom were confidential
agents of the oftnamed Narodna Odbrana. These
men took them to Misko Jovanovic, a merchant in
Tuzla, Bosnia, who was also an accredited agent
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 85
of the same society. In his house they concealed
all weapons, whence Misko Jovanovic and another
member of the Narodna Odbrana, Ilic Danilo,
a newspaper man and former teacher, trans-
ferred them to Sarajevo, capital of Bosnia. The
latter subsequently engaged three confederates, by
name of Vazo Cubrilovic, Svjetko Popovic, gradu-
ates of a college in Sarajevo, and Mehmedbasic,
resident of Stolac, to assist the three first named
defendants in the carrying out of their deed. The
last three named men were adepts of the Greater
Servia propaganda. Ilic Danilo also distributed
the weapons among them on the day when the mur-
der took place. He likewise showed them the places
where they were to post themselves. A student by
name of Lazar Dukic (Gyukic) assisted him in this
work. Jovo Kranjcevic, another student of Sara-
jevo, arranged with the above named Vazo Cub-
rilovic that he would conceal all weapons after the
murder had either been carried out successfully or
failed. Finally it was claimed by the state that
four other students, namely Branko Zagorac, Mar-
ko Perin, Dragan Kalenber and Nicola Forkazic,
had previous knowledge of the murder plot and did
not inform the authorities as prescribed by law. Ned-
jelko Cabrinovic, the first named defendant, threw
a bomb on the automobile in which the late Arch-
duke and Princess Hohenberg were driven. This
bomb exploded but did not hurt the august couple.
The explosion injured, however, thirteen by-
Btanders, some of them seriously. Later on Gavrilo
86 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Prinzip fired two shots from his Browning pistol
on the Crown Prince's automobile, when the latter
drove back from the reception at the Mayor's office.
After the murder Ivan Momcinevic, a shoemaker;
Franjo Sadilo, another shoemaker, and the latter's
wife. And jela, took all the weapons from JovoKran-
jcevic, mentioned heretofore, and concealed them.
Nor did they surrender them, when the police came
to make inquiries; in fact, they denied all knowl-
edge about their whereabouts.
The above specified acts constitute crimes of high
treason under Paragraph I of Art. Ill of the Crimi-
nal Law. All the forenamed defendants were ar-
rested and have to stand trial, with the exception
of Mehmedbasic, who fled to Montenegro.
This is the gist of the state's case. It can be
seen that the state has followed up the murder plot
from the very beginnings. The charge of intellec-
tual authorship and participation of the Narodna
Odbrana is not made in a general, vague way, but
the particular instances whereon this charge rests
are specified. The hiring of the murderers, supply-
ing them with the required weapons, smuggling
both these latter and the hired murderers across the
Servian frontier is minutely recounted. Every de-
tail of the preparation of the murder seems to have
had the careful planning and help of this powerful
society, which had its ramifications all over Servia,
Bosnia and many other parts of the Austro-Hun-
garian Monarchy. If we accept Professor Pupin's
admission, even here in the United States.
■''^^^
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 87
The hearing of the testimony took many days.
It would be out of place to report the entire testi-
mony within the limited space of this study. I
will, however, endeavor to bring in all the main
points which the more important defendants and
witnesses admitted either in confirmation or supple-
ment of the prosecuting attorney's charges or which
they denied.
On the whole it must be acknowledged by every
impartial person who has followed the reports of
the trial, that this latter was extremely fair and
that the testimony has substantiated the State's
contentions in practically every detail. It has also
brought out many new, damaging facts.
TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANTS.
This is some of the more important testimony:
1. Nedjelko Cabrinovic, the bomb-thrower, con-
fessed that he had made the acquaintance of Milan
Vasic, Royal Servian Major and Secretary of the
Narodna Odbrana in Belgrade, some time before
and had received money and instructions from him
concerning the whole propaganda of the Narodna
Odbrana. This was at the time of the Balkan war.
He was at that time employed by Professor Zivojin
Barcic, director of the State printing office in Bel-
grade, and a member on the executive staff of the
Narodna Odbrana. Cabrinovic confessed that
through his constant affiliation with this society he
became thoroughly imbued with the idea that it was
the duty of every member to find means thai all the
88 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Southern Slav districts of Austria-Hungary should
he detached from the monarchy hy force and should
he united at least temporarily with Servia. His
individual desire was then to organize a Southern
Slav republic.
Early in the spring of 1914, he was informed of
the impending arrival of Archduke Francis Ferdi-
nand in Sarajevo for the military manoeuvres. He
discussed with Prinzip and one Joko Bajic what
could be done. All three decided to inquire from
members of the Narodna Odbrana. The last named
was a member of the society and suggested to con-
sult Major Milan Pribiecevic and Professor Zivojin
Barcic, employer of Cabrinovic. However, these
were just then absent from Belgrada ■Prinzip
thereupon suggested to enter into communication
with Milan Ciganovic, officer of the Servian State
Railways. Ciganovic was closely connected with
all the leaders of the Narodna Odbrana. He had
f ji'merly been a so-called "Komitadji," leader of a
kjcrvian franctireur-band. From the testimony of
Cabrinovic it can be safely deduced, that before
Prinzip had made his suggestion, he had already
consulted Ciganovic. Ciganovic took them to Major
Tankosic and through their joint aid — so Cabrino-
vic admitted — they were supplied with four Brown-
ing pistols and six bombs. He also admitted that
they were supplied with a sufficient dose of cyanide
potassium to enable them to commit suicide. They
had been admonished not to give away either Major
Tankosic^ who was a leading officer of the Servicurp
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 89
General Staff, or anybody connected with the Nar-
odna Odbrana. He then recounted their whole
trip from Belgrade, substantiating in nearly every
point the prosecuting attorney's charges. He
brought out two additional facts, to wit : that Major
Popovic in Sabac, to whom they had been directed
by headquarters in Belgrade, supplied him and his
confederates with false passports, a false description
of their persons and letters to the Servian Captain,
Joco Prvanovic, in Losnica. The other sensational
admission was that Professor Zivojin Barcic, in-
fluential member of the Narodna Odbrana, had in-
troduced him to the Croum Prince Alexander of
Servia. This meeting took place in April of this
year at 9 o'clock in the evening. Cabrinovic had a
long talk with the Crown Prince, but refused to
disclose the nature of this conversation. This pre-
sentation late in the evening, at a time when the
Archduke's visit in Sarajevo was already known,
must certainly be considered as significant The
Court did not press this point very stronglHl -low
ever, as it is a standing rule in our law prrf^
that the doings and statements of members of reign-
ing families cannot be discussed at public hearings.
This rule seems to have been observed to a con-
siderable extent, although Austria-Hungary is in
war with Servia, proving the tact and reserve of
the Court, Such and similar questions were left
for the diplomatic and political authorities to de-
cide.
Cabrinovic broke down repeatedly under the
90 AUSTRIA-HUNGAKY AND THE WAR
strain of his depositions. Some admissions con-
cerning letters of recommendation he only made
after the letters had been shown to him. One letter
had been found by the Austro-Hungarian troops
after their occupation of Loznica. Cabrinovic also
admitted that he was afraid of Major Tankosic,
assistant Chief of the Servian General Staff, and
that was the reason he participated in the murder
plot.
2. The second defendant, Gavrilo Prinzip, acted
very differently from the previous witness. He did
not exhibit signs of regret or compunction over his
murderous acts. Prinzip was for the last four
years a student of a college in Belgrade. Formerly
he had been at a school in Tuzla, Bosnia. During
his residence in Belgrade he became convinced that
all Southern Slav districts of Austria-Hungary,
including Bosnia and Herzegovina, must be taken
away from the monarchy by force, if necessary.
That was the mission of Servia. Asked about the
activities of the Narodna Odbrana, Prinzip replied
that this society had the aim to raise the national
conscience of Servia. He admitted knowing Major
Tankosic, Ciganovic, admitted having received 150
dinars from the latter and a dose of cyanide potas-
sium to commit suicide after the murder. Prinzip
confessed that he had taken this poison as advised,
but vomited it out again and suffered no harm. He
admitted having received the bombs and pistols
from Ciganovic and Major Tankosic. Although very
reluctantly he had to admit the receipt of letters
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 91
to the various officers of the Narodna Odbrana en
route from Belgrade to Sarajevo. Prinzip was also
very reluctant about giving away any of his con-
federates, but contradicted himself repeatedly. He
admitted of course having shot both the Archduke
and his consort. An important admission which he
made was to the effect that he had written Danilo
Ilic in the beginning of May of the current pear
from Belgrade that a murder plot was being hatched
against Archduke Francis Ferdinand. He asked
for his assistance.
3. Trifko Grabez was the next defendant. He
admitted almost everything that had been admitted
by his two confederates about the receipt in Bel-
grade of the bombs, pistols, money and letters to
various members of the Narodna Odbrana. A new
point in his testimony was the admission that when
they met Veljko Cubrilovic, a member of the Nar-
adna Odbrana, the latter instantly asked them
whether the bombs and pistols were to be used in
the plot against the life of Archduke Francis Fer-
dinand. The prosecuting attorney singled out this
admission as an instance that the Narodna Odbrana
had evidently instructed all of its members who
could be of assistance, to give help to the murderers.
Grabez admitted that he was ready to kill the Arch-
duke, had he had a chance. He was told by Danilo
Ilic to post himself at the Carjeva Cuprija in Sara-
jevo and fire at the Archduke's automobile when the
latter left the Konak, the residence of the Governor.
After the murder he tried to escape but was arrested
92 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
on the way to the Servian town of Visehrad. Gra-
bez admitted that the bombs which they received in
Belgrade were entirely like those which came from
the Royal Servian arsenal at Kragujevac.
4. The next defendant was Danilo I lie, a bank
clerk, who went shortly before the murder from
Sarajevo to Belgrade. From there he returned to
Sarajevo and took positions with two Servian
papers. Ilic admitted having distributed the bombs,
pistols and the cyanide potassium among the con-
spirators. He was a poor witness, contradicting
himself frequently.
5. Vaso Cuhrilovic, a student of a Sarajevo col-
lege, admitted his intention to kill the Crown
Prince. He testified that upon receipt of the news
of the Crown Prince's arrival, he instantly con-
ceived the plan to kill him. He talked matters
over with a friend by name, of Gyukic, who took
him to Danilo Ilic. Here he was informed that
everything had heen arranged in Belgrade for the
murder of the Croion Prince, whence weapons would
he supplied. He further admitted having received
instructions from Ilic as to the use of throwing
bombs.
6. Cvejtko Popovic was the next defendant. He
had frequented a school in Sarajevo to prepare for
school teaching. He had been reading pamphlets
against Austria-Hungary and expressed himself in
fullest sympathy with the Pan- Servian propaganda.
Cubrilovic had asked him to join the conspiracy
against the Crown Prince and he gladly heeded the
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 93
call. He was posted on the corner of Cumuria
Street, near the Appel Riverside Avenue, and was
expected to throw bombs at the Crown Prince when
the latter's automobile passed by. He confessed
that he had also received a dose of cyanide potas-
sium from Hie, but courage left him at the last
minute to throw the bomb. He expressed regret
for the deed.
7. The next defendant, Veliko Ciibrilovic, tes-
tified that he had been twice in Belgrade, once at a
congress of teachers and the second time to cele-
brate the Servian Sokolday. He met Bozo Milan-
ovic, the president of the Narodna Odbrana, at
Sabac at one of his visits and was asked by this
latter to make a secret propaganda for the society's
aims in Bosnia. He admitted that the clvairman of
all Servian societies in larger townships or villages
of Bosnia were members of the executive staff of
the Narodna Odbrana. He was himself president
of the Servian Sokol in Priboj, and in this capacity
belonged to the Narodna Odbrana. He made dam-
aging admissions concerning the activities of many
confederates. He confessed that he was sure about
it, that a strong revolutionary committee stood be-
hind Prinzip and his confederates, which had sup-
plied them with the deadly weapons. He was, how-
ever, not prepared to admit that the Narodna Od-
brana was the revolutionary committee, although
everything pointed to that assumption. When
shoivn a letter of the Servian Army Inspector to the
commander of tfie Drina Division of October
94 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
5, 1911, wherein the latter vms advised that the
Sokol, Pohratimstwo and other Servian societies
in Bosnia merely acted as '^dummies'' to cover up
the revolutionary propaganda of the Narodna Od-
hrana, he tried to give an evasive answer. There-
upon he VMS shown evidence to the effect that he
had supplied the Servian Government with a minute
description of all roads, rivers, brooks, wells and
the whole topography of the Bosnian district of
Zvornik, also a complete list of all Servian fam-
ilies residing in this district. For this work he
had received 50 dinars. Reluctantly he admitted
this to be true, but tried to explain that this work
served literary purposes only. Apparently by an
oversight he gave away that Professor Dedijer had
prepared a similar topographic description of Her-
zegovina. He testified to the knowledge of the
Servian origin of the homhs and said that he knew
that he would have heen killed hy the Servian revo-
lutionaries had he not aided the confederates as
requested.
His testimony was very important, as it supplietl
some missing links in the chain of evidence against
the Narodna Odbrana, In connection with his
testimony the State entered as evidence the official
files of the recent trial against a Servian spy hy
name of Alexa Popovic, in Banjaluka, Bosnia,
which clearly demonstrate that Bozo Milanovic,
above named president of the Narodna Odbrana in
Sabac, Servia, was also directing the Servian cen-
tral spy office over the whole of Bosnia.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 95
7a. Misko Jovanovic was the next defendant. He
is the son of a wealthy merchant and owner of a
moving picture show. He was a special agent of
the Narodna Odbrana. He admitted having re-
ceived about forty books concerning revolutionary
literature sent to him by Bozo Milanovic, president
of the N. O. in Sabac, which he distributed among
Bosnian peasants. When shown a circular letter
which he had addressed to the Sokol Society at Tuzla,
of which he was the superintendent, and asked to
explain, he gave an evasive answer. This was one
passage of the circular letter: "Beloved brethren:
We have not been given the privilege of sacrificing
our lives for the liberation of our country, for
Servia. It is our sacred duty to help our (Servian)
brethren with financial contributions/' He ad-
mitted having discussed the matter of the murder
of the Crown Prince, but he said he thought that
the murder would not come off. He admitted, more-
over, having concealed the weapons in his house
in Tuzla and transferred them later to Doboj.
Nevertheless he had sent a telegram of regret to
His Majesty the Emperor and King after the mur-
der, signing this telegram as the superintendent of
the Sokol Society at Tuzla.
7b. Lazar Gjukic, student of a State normal
school, and Branko Zagorac, student of a commer-
cial school, admitted having had previous knowledge
of the murder plot and various discussions with the
chief conspirators. Milan Kranjcevic pleaded
guilty to the charge that he had not denounced to
96 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
the authorities that the Narodna Odbrana had sup-
plied bombs for the murder of the Crown Prince,
although having had previous knowledge of the
whole plot. He admitted that it was a matter of
common knowledge among all his friends that the
Narodna Odbrana enlisted so-called komitadjis,
that is bands distributing bombs among them, and
that the scope of the whole propaganda of this
society was to establish a great Southern Slav Em-
pire under the leadership of the dynasty of Kara-
gyorgyevic. He regretted the murder of the Crown
Prince, hut he avowed that it was necessary to kill
a person of exalted rank as a sign of protest.
8. Marko Perim, a student, Nicola Forkazic, a
high school student, Dragan Kalemher, another
student, and Miko Micic, a baker, had all prelimi-
nary knowledge of the murder plot, but did not re-
port it to the authorities. Their depositions were
not very important.
The last named was shown various letters found
in Loznica, Servia, after the occupation of this
place by the Austro-Hungarian troops, which
proved his complicity in the murder plot. He,
however, denied his guilt.
9. The next defendant, Jakov Milovic, was a
peasant. He was charged with having aided the
murderers on the Servian frontier and put them
into touch with some of the individuals named in
the charge of the prosecuting attorney. He was a
very unwilling witness. The next defendant was
also a peasant by name of Ohren Milosevic. He
AUSTKIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 97
admitted that the forenamed Milovic had brought
the murderers to him. When he first refused to
have anything to do with them, Milovic gave the
secret sign. Thereupon he took charge of the homhs
and Milovic carried the revolvers.
10. The next three defendants were a father
and his two sons, by name of Mitar Kerovic, a
peasant, Nedo and Blagoja Kerovic. They had
been asked by Cubrilovie to drive the murderers
in a cart to Tuzla. They had seen the bombs and
pistols and were told for what purpose they would
be used. They were afraid to report this to the aiu-
thorities. Cubrilovie had vmrned them to he silent.
"The hoys came from Servia and will risk their^
lives, therefore it is necessary to keep mum" so he
had told them.
Blagoja Kerovic testified that he had been told
that Bosnia was a tear in the eye of Servia, and that
Trifko Grabez, one of the three chief defendants,
had confided to him that if they were hetrayed, there
would he people in Servia who would revenge them.
Cvijan Stjepanovic substantiated the latter's testi-
mony.
11. Ivan Momcinevic, shoemaker, Frank Sadilo,
carpenter, and his -wifey Angela Sadilo^were charged
with having received some of the weapons from the
defendant Kranjcevic in Sarajevo. They admitted
this, but excused themselves that they did not think
that there was anything important connected with
the safekeeping of these arms. Sadilo injected
humor into his testimony. He said that he liked
98 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
the Serbs, when he did not see them. He admitted
being a Croatian and a Catholic,
12. Next to the hearing of the testimony of the
defendants the exact age of Gavrilo Prinzip, the
chief plotter and murderer, was ascertained. Ac-
cording to the church record he was born on July
13th, 1894. In another record of the same church,
however, the birthdate was given as June 13th,
1894.
TESTIMONY OF WITNESSES AND OTHER EVIDENCE.
Then followed the testimony of witnesses:
13. The first witness, Trifko Krstanovic, was
one of the most important witnesses of the State
to demonstrate the sinister activities of the Narodna
Odbrana against Austria-Hungary.
Witness is an orthodox Servian. He came to
Servia before the annexation of Bosnia and Her-
czegovina, viz., before 1908. He came to Belgrade
after unsuccessful efforts to find a position; he
was on the point of returning to Bosnia when he
met a police officer who took a fancy to him. The
officer sent him to Major, then Captain, Tankosic,
member of the Narodna Odbrana. This latter em-
ployed him as a "komitadji." Later on he was
transferred to the staff of Major Pribicevic. There
were twenty others with him; the number, how-
ever, gradually increased to 140. They were taught
how to lay mines, blow up tunnels and destroy
railway tracks. General Bozo Jankovic, president
of the Narodna Odbrana in Belgrade and the whole
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 99
of Servia, often inspected them and paid for their
board. In addition they were paid 25 paras a day
for tobacco. Major Pribicevic, another member of
the Narodna Odbrana, inspected them twice a week.
After the annexation of Bosnia they were dis-
charged. Through the good offices of General Jan-
kovic he came in the employ of the Narodna Od-
brana direct. Jankovic sent him repeatedly on
secret missions to Sabac and to the frontiers. Gen-
eral Jankovic had told him that the powers in he-
ing {viz. Russia) had wanted Servia to formally
acknowledge the annexation of Bosnia, hut also to
he in readiness for the first emergency. At that
time the Narodna Odbrana was engaged in spy-
work. It entertained a little depot of arms in the
War Office. Witness also met the Servian officers
Optrkic and Bralovic, in addition to the first named
two majors, Tankosic and Pribicevic, who were to
play such an important part in the murder plot
against the Crown Prince. Witness testified that
from personal knowledge he knew that only well-
to-do and such persons could be members of the
Narodna Odbrana in Bosnia, who could keep their
mouths shut. Witness was 17 months in this em-
ploy as the special orderly of General Jankovic.
After that he entered the services of BozoMilanovic,
the president of the Narodna Odbrana in Sabac,
whose name was repeatedly mentioned above. After
seven months of service he (Milanovic) gave him a
membership ticket of the Narodna Odbrana. This
ticket consisted of a card of Milanovic, over whose
100 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
name "Narodna Odhrana" was inscribed with a
seal and a deathhead between two hands.
From Sabac witness was sent to the War Office
for revolvers. There was continuous intercourse
betwen the Narodna Odbrana and the War Office.
In the War Office he saw the exact topographic map
of Bosnia. At one occasion he received orders from
the Narodna Odbrana to go to Bosnia and murder
one Ljuho Stanojevic. This order was later with-
drawn. Witness had a pay of 60 dinars, but found
that this was not enough and so he left the employ
of the Narodna Odbrana after four years' service.
General Jankovic questioned him why he wanted
to leave. When he answered that he did not receive
enough pay, he was arrested. Later on he was
released upon the intervention of a Servian mem-
ber of the Bosnian Diet and was allowed to open a
bakery in Bosnia. Witness declared that in Servia
the feeling of hatred for Austria-Hungary ran very
high and everything had been done for years to pre-
pare the war against Austria-Hungary. According
to witness. Major Pribicevic had probably not par-
ticipated in the plot, because he would have been
more clever in suppressing all evidence of com-
plicity than Major Tankosic was.
14. Letters were next read of the witnesses:
Mr. Arthur Job and Mr. Ibrahim Gjuzilberg, who
had both been injured by the bomb explosion.
15. After the testimony of a few eye witnesses
who had seen the throwing of the bomb by Cabrino-
vic the testimony of Ljubo Stanarincic was heard.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE'^AJR' ' lOl
This man had been in Servia for some time and was
arrested there as a spy, but escaped and came to
Bosnia. He testified that he knew from personal
knowledge that ofl&cers in the active service of the
Servian army commanded the "Komitadji's." At
the time of the a/nnexation of Bosnia and later on,
the Narodna Odbrana employed these Komitadjis
against Austria-Hungary , declaring a war of life
and death against the monarchy. The Narodna
Odhrana received subsidies from the Servian Gov-
ernment and was allowed the privilege of using
arms of the state arsenals. The so-called black
legion was a subdepartment of the Narodna Od-
brana which had the task to assassinate everybody
who would do anything against the Na/rodna
Odbrana.
16. Defendant Gabrinovic, who had listened to
this testimony, stated on rebuttal that it was true
in substance and all particulars except that there
was no inscription on the arms showing that they
actually were Servian state arms.
17. Vlado Kujundcic was the next witness. He
had been a Servian Komitadji. He confirmed the
last witness' testimony. He also deposed that at
the time of the occupation of Loznica and Little
Zvornik by the Austro-Hungarian troops, at which
he was present, it was found in the files of Servian
Government in these places that in that district
alone Servia maintained an organization of 100
spies. Micic, one of the defendants, was also named
as one of the highly qualified secret agents. The
102 AUSTRIA HONGARY AND THE WAR
files also demonstrated plainly that the Servian
Sokol and Pobratimstvo societies in Bosnia were
merely acting as "dummies" for the revolutionary
propaganda of the Narodna Odbrana.
18. Next came the testimony of eight witnesses
who had been injured by the explosion of the bomb
which Gabrinovic had thrown on the automobile
of the Crown Prince. Their testimony is irrelevant.
19. The next witness was General Potioreh,
military governor of Bosnia. He gave a graphic
description of how the bomb was thrown which in-
jured several persons, also Lieutenant-Colonel
Merici. The Crown Prince, so witness deposed, in-
sisted on visiting the wounded officer in the hospital
after the reception was over, although he ( the wit-
ness) had warned him to drive to Ilidze on a differ-
ent road than the one marked out in the program.
When the automobile of the Crown Prince turned
into Francis Joseph Road he suddenly heard two
detonations and saw both the Crown Prince and
Princess Hohenberg fall down from their seats. He
recounted other particulars of the murder which
are sufficiently known, through cable and press
reports.
20. Next came the testimony of physicians who
had conducted the post mortem and of a number
of eye-witnesses who had seen the murderers in the
act. Their testimony is of no particular interest.
One witness, Dohroslav Jevdevic, testified that to
his personal knowledge Prinzip, the murderer of the
Crown Prince, had had an entry to the highest
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 103
circles in Belgrade. He did not specify what these
highest circles were.
21. Dragutin Stojanovic, ofl&cer of the Servian
State Railways, testified that he heard in Belgrade
that a murder plot had been hatched there. His
intention was to go to Sophia, capital of Bulgaria,
and report what he knew. He went there, but for
some reason could not carry out his intention.
Later on he returned to Belgrade to gather further
evidence, and finally went to Temesv^r, Southern
Hungary, where he was arrested as a Servian spy.
He was a member of a "Komitatdi band" under
command of Major Tankosic. A month before the
murder of the Crown Prince Major Pribicevic, of
the Narodna Odhrana, asked him lohether he would
go to Bosnia on a special mission. Stojanovic de-
clined to go. He further testified that it was com-
mon knowledge in Belgrade that Major Pribicevic
had gone to Bosnia to prepare everything for the
war against Austria-Hungary. Countless arms
were smuggled into Bosnia through Major Pribice-
vic and the Narodna Obrana's agency. After the
murder of the Crown Prince Milan Ciganovic fled
from Belgrade. Witness testified also that after
the Balkan war the "Komitadjis" had to return all
arms, bombs, etc., to the government. For this
reason, only Servian Government or its members
viz., the Narodna Odbrana, could have supplied
bombs to the murderers.
22. The two main defendants Grabez, Cabrino-
vic, who had listened to this witness' testimony,
104 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
declared on rebuttal that witness was in the pay of
the Austro-Hungarian secret service. A discussion
ensued between the forenamed defendants and
Prinzip in the course of which they admitted jointly
that Gjuro Sarac, a man by name of Bukorac and
a mysterious thin person by the name of Dr. Kasimi-
rovic, all three in Belgrade, had also known about
the plot. The latter is stated to have studied in
Kiew, Kussia, and have been a close friend of Major
Tankosic.
The presiding judge thereupon remarked that one
Dr. Radovan Kasimirovic was one of the editors of
the "Hriscanski Vjesnik," the Christian Messenger,
in Belgrade. The defendants were not able to give
any more definite news about the identity of this
man.
23. The State then produced the annual report
(1912-13) of the Sokol Society "Dusan Silni" in
Kragujevac, Servia. Copy of this report had been
found in the offices of numerous Servian Sokol so-
cieties in Bosnia, including the one in Tuzla. This
report was submitted to show the close connection
of the Narodna Odbrana and these Sokol societies.
The Narodna Odbrana was named in the report as
the largest patron. The districts of Bosnia and
Herzegovina with 40 societies and 3,000 members
were named as contributing members. The report,
which was read at the general meeting of the above-
named society in Kragujevac, contains the following
important passages : ''The aim of the Sokol societies
is to unite all Slavic brethren. Part of these had
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 105
heen already liberated, hut the enemy in the North,
meaning Austria-Hungary, is more dangerous and
heartless because he is, in both culture and finances,
stronger than vye are. This enemy keeps millions
of our brethren in chains and sloA^ery. We cannot
leave them to the mercy of this terrible, insatiable
enemy. We must hurry to their aid. Our souls
yearn for the lost Servian Empire. We must visit
our brethren across the Drina and the city of Saror
jevo, in order to find the legacy of Saint Sava,
etc. . . ." The report goes on in this bombastic
language. At the end thanks are voted to the
Narodna Odbrana and the Servian Sumadia divi-
sion for their powerful assistance. The president
of this Sokol Society is the Servian major of in-
fantry, Milhajlo Kovasevic ; president of the execu-
tive committee, a Servian major of artillery,
Tasovac.
The State in presenting this evidence also em-
phasized the close relations between the Servian
army and the Narodna Odbrana as well as the Sokol
societies. The army and these societies were pr .• >
tically one great body plotting hand in hand against
the stability and existence of the Austro-Hungarian
monarchy, the army by supplying regular and ir-
regular soldiers and arms, the Sokol societies by
fomenting dissent in the ranks of the population
of Bosnia, the Narodna Odbrana by helping to do
both.
24. Defendants Veljko Cubrilovic and Misko
Jovanovic on rebuttal declared that they were not
106 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
cognizant of the activities of the Sokol Society in
Kragujevac. Defendant Cabrinovic, however, ad-
mitted that this latter society had sent circulars
and lists to all Sokol societies in Bosnia. He also
admitted knowledge that the Narodna Odbrana had
helped to bring about the present war.
25. A number of witnesses were then heard on
minor details of the murder plot. A witness by
name of Ivan Grcar confirmed the depositions of
former witnesses concerning the revolutionary
propaganda of the Narodna Odbrana with reference
to the disruption of the Austro-Hungarian mon-
archy. Some of the defendants on rebuttal declared
him to be a spy. At this point the hearing and dis-
cussions were very heated and the Court had to fre-
quently admonish and calm the wrangling parties.
26. One of the next witnesses by name of Luka
AUnovic testified that to his personal knowledge
there existed many societies in Belgrade whose aim
was to have all generals in the Austro-Hungarian
army assassinated. These societies entertained
close intercourse with similar societies in Bosnia,
Dalmatia and Croatia. Questioned to specify these
Servian societies he gave evasive answers, but later
on mentioned the Sokol societies and the Narodna
Odbrana as being the primary movers of the whole
propaganda. It is fair to add that he made this
statement as a matter of a common knowledge
among all his friends and not as a matter of direct
first-hand knowledge.
27. Another witness by name of Jove Jaglicic
AUSTRIA HUNGARY AND THE WAR 107
testified that one Petar Klaric, of the township of
Foca and member of the Narodna Odbrana, had ap-
proached him to become a Servian spy and to enter
the Narodna Odbrana as a member or worker. Ac-
cording to Petar Klaric's statement, who also had
accepted a similar position with the 'Narodna Od-
hrana,he had to collect data concerning the military
forces in Kalinovik, Bosnia. The Servian Major
Todorovic in Banja Koviljaca, near Loznica, had
taught him to instruct new members of the Narodna
Odbrana in the use of bombs and other weapons.
A special duty of all members of this society con-
sisted in using all possible efforts to cause whole-
sale desertions of Austro-Hungarian soldiers and
in bloioing up railway tracks and gunpowder
magazines.
28. The next testimony was read from the state-
ment made by Svetozar Milanic under oath some
time before his death. This man had gone to Bel-
grade early in 1914 to earn his living there as a
teacher of German and French. He had 1,600
crowns on his person and his immediate future
seemed to be assured. He applied for a position as
assistant teacher in a Belgrade high school, but was
unsuccessful in his application. Thereupon he ap-
plied for a position as clerk and sales agent of a few
Servian trading firms. At the time when the visit
of the Austro-Hungarian Crown Prince in Sarajevo
had already become known in Belgrade he had in
the caf6 of the Hotel Eichskranz in Belgrade re-
peatedly witnessed a gang of young men with a
108 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
photo of the Crown Prince which was passed from
hand to hand. He could not overhear their conver-
sation, however. Later on he moved to an appart-
ment which he shared with another man. In the
same house a number of young men lived in whose
quarters daily meetings took place. From his
roommate, who knew these people, he heard that
the chief of the Servian detective department came
there daily to instruct these young men in various
languages which they would need soon. From
various indications and conversations with his
roommate, Milanic suspected that some plot was
prepared against the Austro-Hungarian Crown
Prince, as this latter's name and impending visit
was on everybody's lips in those days. He tried to
investigate, but all of a sudden the whole gang of
young men cleared their quarters. Thereupon he
decided to call at the Austro-Hungarian Consulate
General, but was arrested on his way to the consular
ofl&ce by a Servian gendarme who es-corted him to
the police. Here he was questioned about the pur-
pose of his visit to the consulate. Then he was put
into various jails on a trumped up charge that he
was a spy. In the jail he was beaten repeatedly
with sandbags, and once he nearly fell victim to an
assault of another inmate of the jail. According
to the witnesses' statement this murderous assault
must have heen arranged hy the police, as a police
officer urns quietly standing hy when the assault
took place. Eventually one day he was taken out of
jail and brought before the chief of police. Both
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 109
this latter and the assistant chief were present.
They handed him triumphantly a clipping from a
paper referring to the murder of the Croirni Prince.
^'You tried to prevent this," so he testified they said
to hAm, "hut we are cleverer than you are. Now
Austria-Hungary's turn comes next. We will
destroy it." Witness was told that he would have
to leave Belgrade at once. Before leaving, however,
he loas asked to sign a paper that all his effects had
been handed over to him in best order. Milanic re-
fused to sign because both his money and sundry
valuables had been taken from him during his con-
finement. In spite of his protestations he was
escorted over the frontier to Belgrade, and was told
by the police that Count Berchtold would un-
doubtedly come and call for his lost effects. Wit-
ness was shoion the photos of the murderers, and he
VMS asked whether he could identify them as some
of the young men whom he had seen in the house
where he lived. He identified Trifko Grabez, one
of the three chief defendants, but was uncertain
about the remainder. Defendant Prinzip on re-
buttal branded Milanic as a spy.
29. A number of other depositions were read
then containing minor evidence. The State then
submitted a book entitled "Narodna Odbrana" as
court evidence, which was accepted. According to
the book, published in Servia, this society had been
organized around or some short time before the an-
nexation of Bosnia. The enrolling and training of
voluntary corps so-called "Komitadjis" is declared
110 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
to be one of the principal aims of the Narodna
Odbrana. The latter has agencies in Servia and
abroad which are called upon to circulate every-
where reports of the enmity of Austria-Hungary
against Servia. It is asked that the foreign press
should he interested in this vilification campaign
of Austria-Hungary abroad. Austro-Hungarian,
Italian, French and Russian papers were thus won
for the cause of Bervia, but among others there also
figured the Balkan, published in Chicago, U. S.,
and the Borba Balkana, published in St. Louis,
Mo. According td Article 23 of its rules and by-
laws the Narodna Odbrana's official seal contains a
deathhead betaken two hands. An annex of this
book called the "Black List" was thereupon read,
referring to the Austro-Hungarian army. These
were some of its contents: "Bosnia and Herzego-
vina have always been Servian countries. After the
Congress of Berlin Austria-Hungary occupied these
countries and has since tortured the Servian nation
in every possible way. Since Europe was not will-
ing to help Servia, the latter decided to free herself
from the Austrian yoke. All Servians must get
thoroughly familiar with the conditions in the
Austro-Hungarian army, because that will help Ser-
via in her future war. Austria-Hungary has ten
other nations and this is her weakness, because the
soldiers would not want to fight. The Austro-Hun-
garian artillery was weak. Servians and Croatians
constitute seven of the contingent of the Austro-
Hungarian army. All Slavs are dissatisfied and
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 111
could he easily induced to hetray tJwir country,
The Austro-Hungarian army is afraid of guerilla
wars in the mountains. The Servians need not he
afraid, hecause the Austro-Hungarian army would
have other enemies" In other pamphlets published
in Belgrade in 1912, which the prosecuting attorney
also submitted as court evidence, the Servian popu-
lation is asked to incite revolutions in AuetriorHun-
gary, that heing the only way to destroy the mon-
archy. In two pamphlets of the same year, entitled
"Ratne Pjesme" and "Smrt Jednog Heroja," the
union of Servia ivith Bosnia and Herzegovina is
asked, and the murderous attempt of Bogdan
Zerajic on the life of the former military governor
of Bosnia, General Baron Varesanin, is glorified.
Servia's youth is asked to follow this example."
Defendant Prinzip, at the reading of this passage,
interrupted the prosecuting attorney with a "Hoch
Zerajic." Whereupon he was admonished by the
court to abstain from improper remarks. Defen-
dants Cabrinovic, Prinzip and Grabez, on" rebuttal,
demanded the subpoena of various witnesses. Upon
their request being granted by the ccoirt, Grabez de-
clared that this was a mistake; they wanted to mis-
lead the court. He knew that nothing could happen
to him beyond the twenty years' jail.
After this interruption, the prosecuting attorney
resumed the reading from the pamphlets. The in-
formation contained in these latter tends to show
that the following societies represent the Narodna
Odbrana propaganda in Austria- Hungary: the Ser-
112 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
vian society "Prozvieta" in Sarajevo, all the Ser-
vian Sokol societies in Bosnia, Herzegovina, Croa-
tia, Dalmatia and the B^cska, Southern Hungary,
numerous lecture clubs, singing societies, agricul-
tural societies, etc.
30. Next came the depositions of the medical
experts concerning the wounds inflicted by the bul-
let shots on the Crown Prince and his consort, and
the testimony of the gun experts. Various gun ex-
perts made depositions. All agreed that the homhs
used in connection with the murder plot hy the
murderers were identical with the hand grenades
used in the Servian army. The construction of
these hand grenades was declared to he absolutely
identical with those found at another expert ex-
amination in Brcko, which were wrapped up in the
original form of packing as issued hy the Servian
state arsenal in Kragujevac. On these wrapping
papers the original signatures of the Servian depot
officers in Kragujevac w^re plainly legible. Hand
grenades of this construction are not manufactured
outside of Servian anywhere. The gun experts were
entirely in accord about this. The revolvers were
declared to be modern type revolvers made in
Belgium..
31. After a few testimonies of minor importance
and some general statements made by defendants
Vazo Cubrilovic and Lazar Gjukic parts of the
calendars of the Servian "Prozvieta" society in
Sarajevo (named above) were offered in evidence
and read in court. The "Prozvieta" society, as
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 113
stated in her by-laws, was engaged in cultural pur-
suits only. In this calendar issued for the year
1914, however, items such as the following were
contained : that the victory of the Servian army over
the Bulgarian and Turkish troops was all the more
welcome as this victory was really a victory over
Austria-Hungary. By raising the national con-
science of Servia the national foundations of Aus-
tria-Hungary were undermined. Therefore, every
strife among Servians must cease in order to achieve
the great aim : Austria-Hungary's downfall. It was
immaterial what means were used to obtain this
end, provided they were adequate, etc.
32. The next witness was Henry Schulz, a tailor
apprentice, whom the Servians had used as a spy
against Austria-Hungary. His testimony was
damaging both to Bozo Milanovic, the oftnamed
president of the Narodna Odbrana in Sabac, Servia,
and to one defendant, viz., Misko Jovanovic. Wit-
ness admitted having been a Servian spy in 1913,
and having surrendered valuable strategic informa-
tion concerning the district of Tuzla. He also ad-
mitted having received various amounts from
various Servian officers. One Kosta Todorovic, a
member of the Narodna Odbrana, had told him that
they, the Servians, had plenty of confidential men
in Bosnia, on whom they could rely in time of war.
Another witness testified that from his personal
knowledge many movements of younger people,
chiefly students, in Croatia, Bosnia, of which he
had personal knowledge had been invariably in-
114 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
spired by the Narodna Odbrana. Witness deposed
that from the time that the delegates of Austrian
Southern Slav universities visited Belgrade in
1912 the Pan-Servian propaganda had gained a
tremendous impetus. At that time Crown Prince
Alexander of Servia received two of the students
hy name of Vladimir Bazilic and Luca Jukic in
audience. The government in Belgrade supplied the
students with money, and soon thereafter Luka
Jukic committed his sensational murderous attempt
on the life of Baron Skerlecz, Banus (governor) of
Croatia.
The plan was to cause war between Servia and
Austria-Hungary should the revolutionary plot of
the students prove entirely successful. At the time
of the trial against Luka Jukic and his confederates,
a Servian professor from the University in Belgrade
brought the greetings of Croicn Prince Alexander
to Zagreb to all the defendants. Witness having
been a defendant in that trial, also was the recipient
of this royal favor.
Theodore Popovic and Trezimir Kovadc, the next
two witnesses, testified that from second hand they
knew that the Narodna Odbrana had supplied some
68,000 crowns to defray the expenses of the Luka
Jukic trial in Zagreb. Their testimony also brought
out some further interesting evidence, which I, how-
ever, deem out of place to record here, as it is based
on second hand knowledge and more or less hear-
say. As circumstantial evidence these statements
may have had considerable value.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 115
33. The state then offered various reports from
various courts concerning personal data of some of
the defendants and these latter were given full
privilege to deny or confirm same.
From a protocol drawn up in the Austro-Hun-
garian Legation in Belgrade, which was read in
court, it appeared that Milan Ciganovic, officer of
the Servian State Railways, member of the Narodna
Odbrana and confidential agent of General Bozo
Jankovic, had left Belgrade recently, and was sup-
posed to have gone to Ribari. Gavrilo Prinzip had
been in constant communication with him while he
was in Belgrade. Ciganovic had written his mother
from Belgrade in May that he would go to Salooiki.
The Servian State Railways informed her that he
was alive, but would not give any further clue as
to his whereabouts. These data were brought out
in the trial and are important also because, in her
answer to the Austro-Hungarian note, Servia had
stated that Ciganovic had been "employed until
June 15 in the Department of Railroads, and it has
not been possible to arrest this man up to now."
The prefect of police of Belgrade, however, is cited
by the Austro-Hungarian Government in its com-
ment on the Servian reply having brought about
the departure of Ciganovic, and having known
where the latter was. The same prefect had also
declared in an interview that there was no man of
the name of Milan Ciganovic in Belgrade. From
the letter of the Department of Railroads to the
mother of Ciganovic, which was submitted in court,
116 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
it would seem clearly that this department knew
where Ciganovic was, consequently the prefect of
police and Servian Government must necessarily
also have known it.
34. After various other testimonies concerning
defendants of minor importance, a report of the
police department in Zimony was submitted as
court evidence. Zimony is in Hungary right across
from the city of Belgrade. From this report it ap-
peared that the Narodna Odbrana had been founded
in 1908 in Belgrade. The following were the found-
ers: General Bozo Jankovic, president; Ljuba Jo-
vanovic, Ljuba Davidovic, Vojislav Bujovic, Pro-
fessor Zivojin Barcic, Svetozar Tomic, Major Voja
Tankosic and Major Milan Pribicevic. All of the
named persons have played a very prominent part
in Servian public life. Some of them, in fact, were
practically the leaders of modern Servia. Major
Pribicevic had drawn up the revolutionary by-laws,
directed against Austria-Hungary.
35. This was followed by the lecture of the by-
laws of various societies which were involved in the
trial. On rebuttal, three defendants, Gjukic,
Kranjcevic and Vazo Cubrilovic, denied that the by-
laws of their secret student societies were like those
which had been read, declaring that their laws had
been made later.
When the files of the Schafer and Hercigonja
trial for high treason were offered in court as evi-
dence, and parts of them having reference to the
present trial read, defendant Prinzip all of a sud-
AUSTRIA HUNGARY AND THE WAR 117
den stood up and declared that he tvas an enemy of
the reigning dynasty. With these files the state
tried to demonstrate that the complicity of Servian
Government in the revolutionary propaganda
against Austria-Hungary was already apparent in
the Hercigonja case, which, however, was an unsuc-
cessful case from the Servian point of view, as
Servia did not obtain what she wanted. Having
failed in that instance, every effort was strained
to bring the murder plot against the Crown Prince
of Austria-Hungary to a successful issue.
After some further papers and testimony of minor
importance had been offered, the submission of
evidence was closed.
CLOSING ARGUMENTS OF PROSECUTION AND DEFENSE.
To American readers it may perhaps occur why
the defense did not submit special evidence after
the state had rested its case. Criminal law pro-
cedure in our country is somewhat different from
the procedure in this country. First of all, as a
rule, the prosecuting attorney does not make a dark
secret of his evidence prior to the trial. Counsel
for defense can consult with the special judge who
attends to the preliminary examination, and also
with the prosecuting attorney about the case's evi-
dence. Both sides are pretty well aware of the
extent and nature of the mutual evidence before-
hand. In a case such as this the defendant's own
testimony was really evidence for the defense, al-
though formally the state presented it. On the
118 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
other hand defendants testified on rebuttal when-
ever they desired to do so. They could have done so
after each new witness' testimony. All testimony
introduced by them was admitted. Altogether,
about one hundred persons testified, and a great
deal of written or printed evidence was submitted.
If the whole evidence was not recounted here, this
is merely due to the limited space of this study, and
because a great deal of it I found unimportant from
the American reader's point of view.
The prosecuting attorney's argument to the court
lasted nearly a whole day and covered the whole
ground. He first drew attention to the enthusiasm
of the population of Sarajevo which greeted the
arrival of the Crown Prince. In contrast thereto,
he emphasized the poignant grief into which the
population of the whole country had been cast by
the dastardly murder. The actual murderers, so
he said, were a few immature young men, who had
been instigated to commit the murder. The real
instigators were not in court, he was sorry to state.
Servia was the instigator of the murder. Servia,
which owed her independent existence and the in-
crease of her territory primarily to the Austro-Hun-
garian monarchy. The latter had saved her from
utter destruction after the defeat of Slivnitza, which
Prince Alexander of Battenberg inflicted on Servia.
Yet Servia had repaid Austria-Hungary with dark
ingratitude. Servia, in her place, had been insti-
gated hy another higher up, ty the despotic Empire
of the Czar, which used Servia as its plaything and
AUSTRIA -HUNGARY AND THE WAR 119
tool. No wonder that Servia, under the pernicious
influence of Russian flattery or bullying, had grad-
ually lost all sense of proportion. She wanted to
play the same part in the ranks of the Southern
Slav nations as Russia is playing among the North-
ern Slavs. Under this sinister influence, Servia
stopped at nothing. Using the slogan of the union
of all Southern Slav nations as her battle cry, she
bent all her efforts to disrupt the existence of the
monarchy. Particularly did she exhibit a keen de-
sire to wrest Bosnia and Herzegovina from Aus-
tria-Hungary's rule. Servia's ambition was the
cause of many a crisis in Europe. When the
monarchy annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina in
1908 she began to organize revolutionary move-
ments to undermine the stability of the monarchy
from within. The great powers of Europe had
failed to support her ambition, so she took recur-
rence to her own methods. Evidence of this case
had shown, so the prosecuting attorney said, that
Servian state ministers, high officers of the army
and the Servian Crown Prince himself had had per-
sonal and frequent intercourse with the hired mur-
derers of the Austro- Hungarian Crown Prince. This
charge could be fairly made. The Narodna Odbrana
had been the tool in the hands of the Servian Gov-
ernment. This society had infected the entire social
life of the Southern Slavs in the monarchy. It
preached hatred of the monarchy. It advocated
Bosnia's and Herzegovina's forcible separation from
the monarchy. It had taken possession of the Serb
120 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Autonomous Church and School Systems in Bosnia.
It had entrapped all social, cultural, agricultural
and even financial organizations into its meshes.
These organizations had gradually become auxil-
iaries of the baneful Pan-Servian activities. Their
members did not hesitate to commit high treason
against Austria-Hungary for the benefit of Servia.
Defendants had practically all admitted that the
Austro-Hungarian Crown Prince was an obstalce in
the way of the Pan-Servian dreams coming true.
Servian headquarters in Belgrade recognized in
Arch Duke Francis Ferdinand a strong, leading in-
dividual who would frustrate their ambitious plans.
This is why these headquarters decided that he
must be eliminated at any cost. Hercigonja, whom
they had hired as a murderer, failed in his effort.
Thereupon they discovered a few impecunious
youngsters in Belgrade, whom they thoroughly pre-
pared, playing on their flexible enthusiastic nature.
Servian Government supplied the hired murderers
with arms and money. Its officers taught them how
to use the deadly weapons, which they then caused
to be smuggled across the Servian frontier. In
Bosnia its confidential organs helped to transport
these weapons and the murderers to Sarajevo. All
these acts constituted, from the point of view of
Austria-Hungary, crimes of high treason. All con-
federates who had either directly participated in
the murder or had helped or abetted the murderers,
had failed to notify the state authorities of the im-
pending murder, were guilty as charged. The prose-
AUSTRIA HUNGARY AND THE WAR 121
cuting attorney then specified each separate case,
and asked for a jnst punishment in pursuance with
the law.
38. On the following two days the attorneys for
the defense spoke. Their task was a difficult one.
The whole country being in the thralls of war, prac-
tically for the very reason which caused the trial,
what could they say in defense of self-confessed
murderers and their allies. Yet, they acquitted
themselves with high credit to their profession. Dr.
Max Feldbauer, Gavrilo Prinzip's attorney, argued
that his client was the victim of the criminal higher-
ups in Belgrade. Prinzip would like to appear as
a national hero who had championed the cause of
all Southern Slavs. In reality he was a poor de-
luded youth who had been transformed into a fana-
tic in Belgrade. Prinzip, so he said, had merely
committed murder, not high treason. The attorney
also argued that he had not yet accomplished his
twentieth year at the time when he committed the
murder. He pleaded for the mercy of the court.
Concerning defendant, Blagoje Kerovic, Dr. Feld-
bauer attempted to show that at the worst he had
violated a minor paragraph of the criminal code
only.
Jakov Milovic he declared to be a mere rambler
who had no part in either the murder or high trea-
son. Forkazw had known nothing of the murder
and should be acquitted. Next came Dr. Premuzics
who used all his eloquence to show that Cahrinoinc
deserved clemency, because he had giveu exhibitions
122 AUSTKIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
of honest repentance and because he had evidently
acted under the hypnotic influence of the powers in
Belgrade. Misko Jovanoinc was merely guilty of
"^ having taken bombs and arms from his place to
Doboj. The attorney tried to show that he had not
been a confederate and was ignorant of the real use
of these weapons. Mitar Kerovic was a peasant of
too primitive intellectual powers to grasp the mean-
ing of the whole plot. Branko Zagorac, so his at-
torney said, did not appreciate the serious character
of the whole proceeding and for this reason
neglected to report same to the authorities.
Dr. Pericic pleaded for Cvjetko Popovic, Svijan
Stjepanovic, Momcinovic and Sadilo. His defense
was their ignorance of the real purpose of the
weapons which they had concealed. Judge Strup-
pel argued that Trifko Grahec had been a tool of
others, while the State, so he alleged, had not made
a case against Mico Micic, Jovo Kerovic and Marko
Kerim.
Dr. Zistler for Veljko Cubrilovic raised points of
law. He argued that the court had no jurisdiction
over his client. His client, moreover, had no knowl-
edge of the use of the bombs and pistols. For his
other client, Vaso Cubrilovic, he alleged his minor
age as an extenuating circumstance. Ivo Eranjce-
vie was a good, loyal Croatian who could not be sus-
pected of high treason.
Judge Malek tried to show that in the ease of Ilic
no connection existed between him and the Narodna
Odbrana.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 123
Defendant Djukic (Gyukic) was only partially
guilty, inasmuch as he had said to Cubrilovic, that
Hie was preparing a big plot. For defendants
Obren Milosevic and Kalenber, Judge Malek
pleaded extenuating circumstances.
After the prosecuting attorney had replied to all
arguments a significant scene followed. All de-
fendants stood up, declaring that they regretted
what had happened. They were ignorant of the
fact that the Crown Prince had children. They
asked that the orphans be told that they were sorry
for their deeds. The children should forgive them.
Defendants said that they were not guilty. They
had been deluded into the belief that they had been
sacrificing themselves for a good cause. Cabrinovic,
one of the three chief defendants, asked permission
of the court to make a statement. Permission was
given. In a longer address, often interrupted by
sobs, he declared on his oath that he and his con-
federates did not really intend to murder the Crown
Prince. The plan of the murder plot originated
from Belgrade. It was the outcome of their sojourn
in Servia's capital, where they came in touch with
the Servian Government people. They had there
been feasted and "spoiled" by everybody who was
in the lead in high government circles and the
people. They had been deluded into the belief
that they were doing something great and patri-
otic. They did not really hate the Habsburg Dy-
nasty, although they were not pleased with the
system.
124 AUSTEIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
The court then adjourned until the 28th of Octo-
ber, when sentence was given.
THE SENTENCE.
Sentence in the famous trial was handed down
on October 28th, that is exactly on the day four
months after the murder was committed.
Pursuant to Paragraphs 111 and 299, 210 of the
Criminal Code, Gavrilo Prinzip, Nedeljko Cabrino-
vic and Trifko Grabez, the three chief defendants,
were found guilty of high treason and murder in the
first degree. All three were given the highest pen-
alty allowed by law to wit: twenty years in the
penitentiary. The first named will be subjected to
one day of fast in every month, the third named to
one such day of fast in every three months. For the
second, no such provision was made. In addition,
all three of them will spend the day of the 28th of
June of each year in a dark cell alone.
The reason why death sentence was not applied in
their case is due to the fact th^t they had not yet
passed their twentieth year at the time of the com-
mission of the murder. The Austrian law stipu-
lates that no murderer can be sentenced to death
who at the time of the murder has not yet attained
his twentieth year. Under the Austrian law, a
person under twenty has not yet reached the age of
full responsibility.
Danilo Ilic, Veljko Cubrilovic, Misko Jovanovic,
Nedo Kerovic and Jakov Milovic were found guilty
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 125
of high treason and participation in the murder
plot and were sentenced to death.
The other defendants were sentenced as follows :
Mitar Kerovic, for high treason, to life imprison-
ment; Vaso Cubrilovic, for participation in acts
of high treason, to sixteen years penitentiary with
one day of fast every six months.
Cvejtko Popovic, for participation in acts of high
treason, to thirteen years penitentiary.
Lazar Gyukic and Jovo Kranjcevic, for participa-
tion in acts of high treason, to ten years peniten-
tiary; Svijan Styepanovic, for the same crime, to
seven years penitentiary; Branko Zagorac and
Marko Perim, for acts in connection with high
treason, to three years imprisonment. All of the
forenamed have to spend the day of the 28th of
June in a dark cell alone.
Jovo Kerovic, Blagoje Kerovic, Nikola Forkazic,
Dragan Kalenber, Miko Micic, Obren Milosevic,
Ivan Momcinevic, Franjo Sadilo and Angela Sadilo
were acquitted and forthwith released.
CONCLUSION.
And here ends the Sarajevo trial. I have en-
deavored to recount all important incidents as
truthfully as it is possible to do it. I have not
tried to make things look worse than they were,
nor have I sought to make them appear better.
I have left out the mention of hearsay evidence
almost entirely, and where I did report it, I stated
explicitly that it was not based on first hand
126 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
knowledge. Ordinarily, a record of a trial makes
dry reading. This trial, however, was of such
far-reaching consequences that it cannot fail to at-
tract attention. I believe that the defendants had
as fair a trial as could have been given them in any
country.
We have been constantly reading reports in the
daily papers of the occupation of Sarajevo by the
Servian and Montenegrin troops. The trial was
stated to have taken place amidst the roaring
thunder of the enemies' guns. Of course, these re-
ports were more or less visionary. Sarajevo was
never for a moment in danger of occupation. Its
natural position makes it well nigh impregnable.
Moreover, the enemy had at its very best hardly
crossed the frontier. It is true, Sarajevo is very
close to the Servian, frontier, and this vicinity may
have raised the expectations of both the enemy's
generals and their sympathizers in the press.
But when this is said, let us stop for a moment
and consider how difficult the situation must have
been for the judges and. attorneys who played their
parts in this world drama. Let us consider the re-
sponsibility, that everybody felt, the painstaking
care that was taken by everybody to serve the ends
of justice.
We all are human and we all may be given to
errors or blunders. Yet, from all tangible indica-
tions, it seems that no miscarriage of justice has
taken place in Sarajevo. We are proud to point to
its outcome, because it brought a vindication to our
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 127
country's cause. But this is not all. We are proud
of our courts of justice, because they have always
maintained their independence. We know of no
Austrian or Hungarian judge who can be bribed,
of none who would take cognizance of anybody or
anything except his own conception of the ideals
of justice. Austria-Hungary is a monarchy, yet
her court system is the very acme of democracy. In
the performance of their oflBcial duties, Austro-
Hungarian co-urts or judges will take the orders of
nobody and nobody is high enough in the monarchy
who could ever try to tell a court what it should do.
I make these comments purposely, because at tLe
time of the trial and at the time when sentence was
passed, various editorials have appeared in Amer-
ican papers, which were, to say the least, discour-
aging.
I will cite two at randonu Both were published
in a leading morning paper :
"The world does not believe that the boy was
the agent of the Servian government. No govern-
ment would be so blind as to inspire a deed which
must so redound to its disadvantage and its dis-
credit. More probably he was merely aa unbal-
anced enthusiast, seeking to sacrifice his own
life in striking a blow for his country. His mur-
derous act was the opportunity which Austria
awaited to strike a blow at the little Servian na-
tion which was waxing dangerously ambitious.
128 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
All the white books in the world fail to bring
conviction that Servia was, in any degree, guilty.
"Prinzip is now on trial for his life in Sara-
jevo. As far as Prinzip himself is concerned, the
trial will be a mockery. There is no doubt of his
guilt.- The punishment of the murderer is his
due. But the trial will go still further. It will
be Austria's attempt to convict not Prinzip but
the whole Servian nation. Twenty-two alleged
conspirators must stand trial with Prinzip, and
one cannot fancy that their chances for acquittal
will be large. Through all these Servians every
effort will be made to show that the Belgrade
Government inspired the murder upon June 28.
Austria is making a final desperate effort to clear
her owTi skirts and to shift the responsibility for
the epoch-making catastrophe in which she has
involved Europe."
"To have sentenced Prinzip and Gabrinovic to
death would have been to place upon them direct
responsibility for the. assassination. This would
not be in harmony with the Austrian theory.
Austria has insistently held that the two school-
boys were merely unimportant tools in the hands
of a body of Servian conspirators who acted with
the cognizance, if not with the direct inspiration,
of the Servian Government. The murder at Sara-
jevo, committed by an irresponsible youth, act-
ing solely of his own volition, would have been
no excuse for the Austrian attack on Servia,
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 129
which brought about the European war. The
mercy shown to Prinzip is in accordance with
the theory of a national Servian conspiracy for
which the entire Servian nation merits punish-
ment.
"Twenty alleged conspirators were tried with
Prinzip and Cabrinovic. Of these, four are con-
demned to death, and one to life imprisonment.
They are nameless in the dispatches, and the de-
tails of the evidence against them are unknown.
They are probably held to be important per-
sonages in the murder plot.
"It is not to he doubted that the court at Saror
jevo took cognizance of the desires of Vienna. Its
judgment is a striking instance of consistency and
of logical adherence to a theory."
With no knowledge of local conditions, or of the
facts in the case, these facts being at that time un-
known to anybody, does the author of these edi-
torials consider them a fair presentation of this
trial?
I trust that he who wrote these editorials will
read my above report of this trial, and I trust that
after having read it he will be man and American
enough to admit that at least he made a mistake.
IV.— HAS SERVIA ANY HISTORICAL CLAIMS
OVER BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA?
In the clash between Austria- Hungary and Ser-
via, sympathizers of the latter have frequently ad-
vanced the claim that in former times of history
Bosnia and Herzegovina had been a part of Servia.
According to them, Austria-Hungary in 1908 robbed
Servia of what was her own under the rights of his-
tory. Although historical rights, if once lost, can
hardly again serve as a basis of claims to recover
sovereign rights over a territory, we will for the
sake of argument assume that they can. If Bosnia
really had belonged to Servia prior to its incorpora-
tion in any other country, then under this assump-
tion, the claims of her sympathizers existed at the
time when Austria-Hungary "robbed" her of these
two provinces in 1908 and also exist today. Servia,
in fact, claims that she is fighting now to establish
them again.
What is history's verdict concerning these claims?
BAELY HISTORY OF BOSNIA.
Omitting the remote times when Bosnia was part
of the Roman Empire and the invasions of the
Goths, we have reliable information concerning the
past of Bosnia as far back as the 12th century,
A. D. Bosnia was then originally divided into
130
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 131
various small principalities under the leadership of
so-called Zsupans. The most important ones were
Bosna, Ozora, Rama and Chelm. Their inhabitants,
a mixture of Illyrians and Southern Slavs, adopted
Christianity very early. Their Bishop of Bosna was
subordinated to the Archbishop of Spalato, and
later to the Archbishop of Ragusa. In the 12th
century an oriental orthodox sect, the Bulgarian
"bogumils," related to the Byzantinian Paulicians
(also called Patarenes), began to gain strong foot-
hold. Their appearance on the scene sowed the
seed for future feuds.
Beginning from the reign of Coloman the Libra-
rian, King of Hungary, who also conquered Croatia,
and more particularly from King Stefan II of Hun-
gary ( beginning of 12th century ) , the Zsupans of the
various principalities which today constitute Bos-
nia and Herzegovina recognized the feudal lordship
of the Kings of Hungary. During the reign of King
Stefan II Emperor John of Byzancz, that is, the
Greek Empire, repeatedly invaded Bosnia and
Syrmia from the South. King Stefan II defeated
his troops in 1129, whereupon they made peace.
In 1130, just before his death. King Stefan ar-
rangwl for the marriage of his successor. King B^la
the Blind, of Hungary, with Ilona, daughter of
Uros, Chief Zsupan of the Rdcz (who ruled over a
territory comprising the Servia of today). B^la the
Blind conquered Dalmatia from Venice and also
Spalato. Subsequently he occupied all the terri-
tory in the valley of the Sprecse, which possesses
132 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
rich salt mines, (practically the only salt mines of
the Balkans) . These territories received the group
name of "Banate of So" from these salt mines, So
being the equivalent of salt in Hungarian. He also
gathered in Rama and took the title of King of
Rama in or about 1138.
Hungary's influence over Bosnia increased enor-
mously after the death of Emperor Manuel of By-
zancz, in 1180. King Bela III of Hungary was a
successful conqueror in the Balkans. He crossed
the River Save, conquered the fortresses of Barancs-
and Belgrade in 1182. He even proceeded as far as
Sophia in 1183.
At the time of the death of King Emmeric of
Hungary, the kings of Hungary had the following
titles: King of Hungary, Croatia, Rama, Servia,
Halics, Bulgaria and Bosnia. The territories of
Croatia, Dalmatia, and Bosnia were incorporated
in the Hungarian Kingdom of those days.
CZAR DUSAN, THE DKEAMEB.
Under King Robert Charles of Hungary (of the
dynasty of the Anjous) Hungary in 1319 conquered
even Macedonia, and Milutin, then King of Servia,
was defeated by him.
During the reign of King Robert Charles, Stephan
Dusan ascended the throne of Servia in 1331. Ste-
phan Dusan was a dreamer. He evolved in his mind
the idea of a "Great Servian Empire," which should
include the whole Balkans first and the whole
Roman Empire next. After having conquered the
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 133
larger part of Servia and having built up Belgrade,
he had himself crowned Serb and Greek Emperor
and desired to be known as the "almost Lord of the
whole Roman Empire." In those days to hold a
position in the world titles were even more required
than today. He selected Venice as his national
ally to rule over the Byzantinian Empire. Venice
was then one of the dominant powers of Europe.
To have Venice's support for the conquest of the
world meant as much then as the United States' or
Germany's support would mean today. But he
seemed to have an unsteady mind, for he soon aban-
doned this idea and began to invade the neighbor-
ing territories. His troops overran Halomfold,
Dalmatia and Bosnia. As a prosecutor of Catholics
he was welcomed in this latter country by the "bo-
gumils," the orthodox sectarians. As an enemy of
King Louis the Great of Hungary, son of Robert
Charles, he again had the sympathies of Venice,
which feared the great power of Louis. There also
was another motive that prompted him to raid
Bosnia. Stephan Kotromanovics, also called Ste-
phan II, was the Chief Zsupan of Bosnia (1323-
1353 ) . He was the father of the beautiful "banilla"
Elizabeth, for whose hand Dusan had aspired in
vain, having been jilted in favor of King Louis the
Great. Whether it was an actual overthrow in the
game of love or whether King Louis seemed a more
acceptable son- in-law to Stephan II is not easy to
say. However, when Czar Dusan broke into Bos-
nian territory he was defeated by Stephan II with
134 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
the assistance of King Louis' troops, and when he
made a second attempt he was decisively beaten
by his luckier rival, King Louis the Great himself,
in 1354. This was shortly after the death of Ste-
phan II. Stephan Tvartko, cousin of the latter,
was his successor, but for a while at least his
mother, Ilona Szubics, ruled, who yielded in every-
thing to the wishes of King Louis and the Pope.
For this subserviency King Louis created Stephan
Tvartko King of "Bosnia and the Adriatic Shore."
Dusan could do naught. After his defeat at the
hands of King Louis he found himself in an un-
enviable position and would indeed have fared
badly had the Pope not intervened in his behalf.
In his plight he conceived the rather ingenious idea
to declare himself for the Catholic Church and to
recognize the Holy Father's supremacy. This was
a strong feather in his cap and the Pope insisted
that King Louis the Great should not harass "a
faithful son" of the Catholic Church. King Louis
was anyway not a "persona gratissima" with the
Pope. His disfavor was due to intrigues of wicked
Queen Joanna of Naples, ex-wife of Louis' brother,
whom she had ignominiously put to death. And so
it came that King Louis the Great and "Czar" Du-
san made peace with each other in 1355. Dusan,
from being a vassal of King Louis, became a vassal
of the Pope ; but only for a short while. For hardly
had peace been concluded, than he threw all his
Catholic vows overboard and expelled the Pope's
legates from his country. Troubles then began to
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 135
grow fast for him until death overtook him on
December 20, 1355.
I thought I would give a little longer synopsis of
his meteoric career. I wish to render full justice
to his abilities as a ruler and diplomat. I find it
impossible, however, to support. his country's claim
over Bosnia in connection with his reign. Apart
from the fact that he had a few straggling followers
among the "bogumil" malcontents, he has never
actually held sway over Bosnia. Moreover, by
virtue of his two defeats by Stephen II and by
King Louis, whatever weight he may have carried
with his followers and friends must have been
greatly eclipsed by the former. His successors
amounted to nothing, and in 1363 Stephan Uros, of
R^czorszdg-Servia, was again defeated by King
Louis.
MAP OF BALKAN STATES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
In this connection it is interesting to throw a
glance at the map of the Balkans of those days. I
have a map of the year 1382 before me, and this is
what it says. The banates of S6 and Ozora (which
then took the place of Northern Bosnia of today)
belonged to the Kingdom of Hungary. Also a large
part of the Southern Bosnia of our day. The nom-
inal Bosnia of those days began south of Visehrad
and Travnik and reached as far as Durazzo and
south of Prizrend, where it bordered on the Byzan-
tinian (Greek) Empire. The banate of Macs6 in-
cluded Belgrade and surroundings. Servia proper
136 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
was south of it with the cities Stolac, Ravanica,
Krusevac and Nis (Nissa). The banate of Szoreny
was to the southeast of Hungary, in the corner
formed by the Danube and the Transylvanian
Alps. Havasalfold was bordering on Szoreny to the
east and Moldva and Bessarabia to the northeast
from Szoreny. All or most of these banates were at
the time of Louis the Great, as also frequently be-
fore his reign and after, vassal territories of the
kings of Hungary. Croatia was then where Dal-
matia is today, under the rule of Hungary ; as was
a large part of Italy. This clearly indicates that
if any historical claims are to be laid on Bosnia
and other banates or principalities, as for instance
on Servia herself, by anybody, they can bedaid by
Hungary, and of course, incidentally, by Austria-
Hungary.
HUNGARY SUZERAIN OF BOSNIA AND SERVIA.
During the reign of Charles II of Hungary,
w^ho was a weakling, Bosnia threw off her Hun-
garian bonds of vassalship temporarily, but under
Stephan Dobisa, King of Bosnia, when Emperor-
King Sigismund ruled over Hungary, around 1390,
Bosnia submitted to the protectorate of Hungary
again. In 1404 she recognized Sigismond definitely
as her suzerain. Sigismond donated Ozora (see
above) to a Hungarian nobleman, John Garay, and
joined the banate of So to the banate of Macso.
As a further illustrating fact of history I will say
here that under George Braijkovics, adopted son
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 137
of Stephan Lazarevics, also called the "despot" of
Macso, Belgrade, Macso and the fortress of Pokol
were incorporated in Hungary (1426-27).
At the time of the world-famous Hunyadi's rule
over Hungary, Thomas Ostoja, "King of Bosnia,"
betook himself personally to the Diet of Szeged in
Hungary (1459) and made allegiance to King
Mathias Corvinus, as his liege lord and sovereign.
Mathias gave Servia to Stephan Ostoja and made
him King of Bosnia later, while of course maintain-
ing Hungary's suzerainty rights over both coun-
tries.
In 1461 the King of Bosnia, in a fit of unfulfilled
ambition, aspired to independence. He asked a
crown from the Pope and got it over the protests
of Mathias. This, however, spelled ruin to Chris-
tian Bosnia, for the Sultan shortly after invaded
both Servia and Bosnia, and capturing the Bosnian
King, ordered him decapitated. Mathias, although
everlastingly engaged in greater conquests in the
north and west of his vast realm, could spare enouf!:^
time to rush down to Bosnia and defeat the Sul-
tan's troops. He recovered Jaica and a large part
of Bosnia (1464). When after his departure Jaira
again changed hands with the Sultan, Mathias de-
termined to strike a strong blow. He completely
routed the Turkish army on October 13, 1479, at the
famous battle of Keny^rmezo. Nor was this all ; for
in 1480 he followed up his success by recapturing
Jaica once more and by conquering Uzora, Szre-
bernik and the surroundings of Jaica,
138 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
These territories remained with the crown of
Hungary until the battle of Mohdcs, the battle that
sounded Hungary's fate in 1526, when the Turks
took possession of a large portion of Hungary.
Bosnia and Herzegovina have since stayed under
Ottoman yoke until practically the days of our
era, 1878, although temporarily the victorious
troops of Prince Eugen of Savoy have progressed
as far as Sarajevo (1697).
BOSNIA SINCE 1878. SERVIA'S CLAIM OVER BOSNIA
WITHOUT FOUNDATION.
What happened in 1878 with Bosnia and Herze-
govina is familiar enough to the American public
and need not be dwelt upon with any length. We
have been made the trustees of Bosnia and Herze-
govina by the will of all the Powers assembled at
the Congress of Berlin, to pacify the people of these
two countries and to restore order there. Austria-
Hungary has carried out her mission faithfully,
although this has — in the beginning — cost the lives
of many of her soldiers. She has carried out her
mission at the expense of her blood and her good
money. She has built churches and schools, roads
and railway lines, developed commerce, reorganized
the finances of these countries and planted western
civilization in a place where for centuries the dark-
est superstition and ignorance reigned supreme.
What right had Servia to call her to account in
1908 and since then, when Austria-Hungary, after
30 years of faithful administration, acquired the
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 139
rights of a lawful owner from Turkey, the former
owner, with a regular deed of transfer, by paying
the price in a regular bargain with the rightful
owner? Servia had no claim whatever on Bosnia.
She had never ruled over Bosnia, as was plainly
shown above; but rather has she been under the
rule of Hungary for many years in the past. Aus-
tria-Hungary, on the strength of these historical
rights, has never laid claim to her territory.
Yet Servia has been using and is still using de-
vious means of a would-be pretender. There are
people, apparently many people, in the United
States, who seem to give her credit for her alleged
claims. Perhaps these people have in mind that
there are some Servians living in Bosnia and Her-
zegovina and that for this reason the two countries
had better be united. But if the theory were ac-
cepted that all countries harboring people who
speak the same language should he united under one
rule, where would it lead tof England could claim
to he the rightful ruler over the United States or
vice versa, and Spain to he the logical ruler over
certain South American states, etc. This theory
would lead ad absurdum and no serious person can
really uphold it.
We have charged Servia and have full evidence in
hand that, with her official aid she has incited our
people in Bosnia, Herzegovina, Croatia and South-
ern Hungary to high treason and disruption of the
monarchy.
Servia ignored the charges, nay, scorned them.
140 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Because of other denial of justice, we were com-
pelled to take the law into our hands. Thereupon
Servia began to appeal to the world in general and
to the United States in particular, that she was so
small and Austria-Hungary so hig and it was unfair
for a big fellow to hit a small fellow.
I do not say that a criminal who stands at the bar
in expectation of his punishment, is not deserving
of compassion, but would this compassion be ivell
applied if it were to go to defeat the ends of justice,
by interfering with the judge, creating public senti-
ment against him, because he would not yield to
maudlin sentiment and enforce law and justice?
This is in substance the case of Servia and Aus-
tria-Hungary. But Servia sidesteps again and pres-
ents a plea of outraged historical and ethnographi-
cal rights. We have in full fairness to Servia's
plea tried to discover a ground — if even a flimsy
one — to her alleged claims, but find none. I think
whoever has carefully read the above analysis will
say with me that there is none.
v.— THE GREAT RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA IN
GALICIA, BUKOVINA AND THE NORTH-
EASTERN DISTRICTS OF HUNGARY
BEFORE THE WAR.
When, in the early days of September, news came
from Europe that Lemberg, capital of Galicia, had
surrendered, this was heralded by the Russians
as a tremendous victory. In their highly colored
official and semi-official reports, they endeavored
to convey the impression that a tremendous number
of guns had been captured by their armies prior
to the fall of Lemberg, and the number of Austro-
Hungarian prisoners, killed and wounded, in their
reports, equalled whole army corps.
The day after my arrival in New York from Eu-
rope the morning papers placed the number of Aus-
tro-Hungarian guns captured in connection with
the successful so-called siege of Lemberg at 200.
The noon editions based on fresh "authentic" re-
ports from Petrograd raised it to 400, and the Even-
ing Telegram came out with a headliner that 2,000
guns had been taken. From subsequent reliable in-
formation it appeared, however, that there never
had been a regular siege of Lemberg. The Rus-
sians approached the city after the Austro-Hun-
garian troops had left it for nearly two whole days.
Not one gun was captured by the Russians on this
141
142 AUSTRIA-HUNGAEY AND THE WAR
occasion, as there were none there. The city had
been evacuated in order to safeguard Lemberg
against a bombardment and destruction of its public
buildings. Lemberg is not a fortified city, and
what earthworks there were around the city were
of merely temporary character. It was from the
beginning, clear to the leaders of the Austro-Hun-
garian army that it would be well-nigh impossible
for any army to hold the entire Galician and Bu-
kovinian frontier against the enemy at every point.
This frontier has an extension of about 700 miles,
and there are no natural boundaries in the shape
of mountains or even rivers, separating the two
provinces from Russia.
Apart from these humanitarian and strategic con-
siderations, however, there were other reasons
which have also undoubtedly influenced the com-
mand of the Imperial and Royal Army to tempor-
arily abandon Lemberg and parts of Eastern Gali-
cia and the Bukovina to the enemy. We are fully
aware today that Russia has carefully prepared
this war for decades in the past. Just as we know
today that Russia was all along the prime instiga-
tor of Servia against Austria-Hungary, we know
that the late Mr. von Hartwig, her former minister
in Belgrade, had been one of the chief conspirators
in helping to weave the meshes which should entrap
the monarchy in a war with the whole world. We
also know that Russia has for many years in the
past prepared the ground in Galicia, Bukovina and
the northeastern counties of Hungary to facilitate
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 143
prospective military operations in those districts.
It must have occurred even to the general American
public, not familiar with the history and conditions
of our countries, that the Russian invasion into
Austria-Hungary has been directed against these
particular districts. I will endeavor in this chapter
to give some general outlines of how these Russian
ante-war preparations have been made.
Speaking in broad terms, the great Russian prop-
aganda in Austria-Hungary has been active since
1843. The Russian Panslav author, Pogodin, is
credited with having originated this propaganda.
From the year 1843 he made extensive travels all
over Galicia and tried to sow the seed of future
foment. This does not indicate that Russians have
not been coveting the conquest of parts or the whole
of the monarchy farther back even. This was,
however, the first conscious actual move on Russia's
part, which resulted in the foundation of the secret
"Pogodinian Russo-Galician Colony."
A professor of Lemberg University and other in-
tellectual men entered as members. Their task
was to win over the broader masses of the popula-
tion. The Russian invasion of 1849, in Hungary,
acted, of course, as a strong incentive to develop
this propaganda. The two leading men of the move-
ment were the Royal Hungarian Councillor, Adolph
I. Dobzsj^nski (Dobrfinszky), and later on Ivan
Naumovicz, who was both a priest and a member
of the Austrian diet. Through their agency papers
and pamphlets were issued all over East Galicia,
144 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Northern Bukovina and Northeastern Hungary, ad-
vocating the sending out of students and professors
to Russian schools and colleges. They were ex-
pected to return as trained leaders of the Pan-Rus-
sian movement.
I might draw here tne attention of my readers
to the analoguous way adopted during a good many
years by Japan in conducting her Japanese propa-
ganda in China. Through official and semi-official
agencies a large number of Chinese students have
been for many years attracted to Nippon's shores.
To the author, who during his ten years' residence
in the Far East, has become more or less intimately
acquainted with the people of China and Japan,
there can be no doubt that Japan has sinister de-
signs against China. Her methods are those of a
persistent propaganda to win over the souls and
minds of the nation's future leaders for her cause.
Just as it would be a deplorable result for the whole
world if the scheming little Japanese plotter ever
gained his ends in China, it would be no less re-
grettable if the arch-plotter and trouble-monger,
Russia, were to win against Austria-Hungary and
Germany.
Russia's propaganda had one great advantage
over Japan's propaganda in China, in that it in-
volved religious motives, and a religious propa-
ganda is the strongest possible ally to the political
promoter, as history has taught us many a time.
Under the pretext of familiarizing members of the
Greek Catholic Church with the alleged superior
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 145
precepts and rites of the Russian Orthodox Church,
Russia obtained her introduction into many house-
holds. Her open advocacy of a political propa-
ganda would have doubtlessly made her suspicious
and barred her entry. In this respect the evidence
in the famous trial of Olga Hrabar, her father,
Adolph Dobrdnszky, Naumovicz, editor Markow
and Ploszczanski, in the year 1882, for high treason,
thoroughly substantiates my above comments. But
even to a greater extent this joint propaganda be-
came apparent through the disclosures of the sen-
sational trial at Mdramarossziget, Hungary, 1913.
I will have occasion to amplify this statement here-
after.
The leaders of the Russian propaganda in Buko-
vina were the Gerowski brothers, grandsons of the
above named Court Councillor Adolf Dobr^nszky.
Behind all stood and stands the "Slavic Benevolent
Society^' in St. Petersburg (Petrograd), supplying
everybody with money. To a special department
of this society the "Galickaja Rus" is entrusted the
organized direction of this propaganda. Count
Wladimir Bobrinski — the same who carries on the
"temporary" functions of a Russo-Galician Gov-
ernor— was and is the soul of it. Through his ef-
forts hundreds of thousands of rubles were collected
to further the Pan-Russian ideas and "Neoslavism"
— and in connection with the winning of souls,
money was spent lavishly. Count Bobrinski made
an extensive trip in Galicia and Bukovina in 1908.
He was, if not the star witness, undoubtedly the
146 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
most prominent witness in the trial of M4ramaros-
sziget. His statement : 'We shall not rest until the
Russian flag flies on the Carpathians" is still un-
forgotten and evidently was a strong feather in his
cap to earn him the temporary governorship of
Galicia.
To illustrate how far the underground machina-
tions of the Pan-Russian propagandists had gone
shortly before the outbreak of the war, I will cite
the words of one of the leaders of this propaganda
in Galicia. These words were spoken in connection
with a visit of Russians in Galicia on July 28th,
1908, to whom this leader wished to express thanks
for their visit. "We thank you," he said, "as the
representatives of the ruling parties in Russia, that
you have not forgotten the brothers of subjugated
Russia/^ This goes to show that they really con-
sider these provinces as parts of the Russian Em-
pire. The reason is evident. Russia, in the course
of years, realized that Austria-Hungary, by grant-
ing her Ruthenian subjects the free use of their lan-
guage and other privileges, became a growing men-
ace to Russia's own thirty-five or more millions of
Ruthenians in Southern Russia, whom the latter,
on her side, had tried in vain to despoil of their
language and nationality by amalgamating them
completely. Ruthenians in Russia would soon be-
come aware of how much better their brothers in
Austria-Hungary fared and would clamor for more
rights, which of course Russia, faithful to her re-
actionary traditions, was unwilling to grant. Hence
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 147
her counter-moves in Galicia and Bukovina, in
which religious fanaticism was called to play such
a prominent part.
RUSSIANS ACTIVITIES IN GALICIA.
Through her persistent efforts and a gold stream
of rubles, Russia succeeded in the last 50 years in
winning over the peasants of whole districts, par-
ticularly those of Zloczow, Sanok, Brody, Przem-
yslany, Zborow, Turka, Zolkiew and Zydaczow. I
named these because our war experiences up to date
have shown that in these districts the Russian in-
vaders have found more or less willing confederates.
Had it not been for her underhanded methods and
wholesale bribes, Russia, in spite of the tremendous
odds in her favor, would never have been able to
achieve what little she has achievel in the length
of time. I have demonstrated in another chapter
that the motley nationalities of Austria-Hungary
are all fighting with staunch loyalty for the mon-
archy's cause. The rumors circulated by the
enemy's press to the effect that wholesale desertions
have occurred and are occurring daily in the Im-
perial and Royal army, are bold lies made out of
whole cloth. There have been no defections of
whatever small proportions. Russia, however, had
the population of whole sections on the frontier in
her pay, and she has utilized these wholesale bribes
to the best of her ability in the course of her mili-
tary operations. Cyril Krylowski, librarian of the
"Duchownaja Akademia" in Kiew, the prime mover
148 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
of the Russophile propaganda next to Count Bob-
rinski, is credited with the ante-war statement that
27,000 to 30,000 peasants had been so well "pre-
pared" by the Russian emissaries that they could
be safely relied upon in time of war. In addition
to these peasants the Russophile propagandists have
never, however, neglected to affiliate with certain
intellectual leaders of eastern Galicia; attorneys,
judges, college professors, etc. For obvious reasons
I will suppress the names of the leading conspira-
tors, although I wish to say that it is hoped that
they will be unable to play their sinister part any
more.
But above all it was through the organization
of societies that the Pan-Russian propaganda in
Galicia has received a strong impetus. The "Mich-
ael Kaczkowski Society" was one of the leading
societies of this genre. It was founded in 1875 to
counteract the activities of the Ukrainian (i. e.,
Neo-Ruthenian) society "Proswita," hostile to
Russia. Reverend Naumovicz was its founder,
although the name which the society bears is bor-
rowed from the name of a Circuit Court judge who
had left his whole fortune (about 80,000 gulden)
to public instruction and cultural purposes. Orig-
inally this society was a literary club, holding
meetings, where lectures on arts and poetry were
made. It also issued a periodical. When, however,
Reverend Naumovicz was elected to the Austrian
Diet, he became entangled with the above men-
tioned Court Councillor Dobransky, and through
AUSTRIA HUNGARY AND THE WAR 149
him, with some leaders of Russian society in
Vienna. Soon the Russian Embassy in Vienna be-
came interested in him and his society and an an-
nual subsidy of about 12,000 rubles was secured
from the Russian Government to further the ends
of the society. It is perhaps superfluous to em-
phasize that thereafter this society was turned into
a bulwark of Russophile sentiment. This society
numbered approximately 20,000 members at the
outbreak of the war.
The Kaczkowski Society is also in close connec-
tion with the so-called Stauropigian Institute in
Lemberg, which was known to act as the go-between
for all financial transactions between this and other
societies and Russian Government. When a short-
age of fupds occurred, when one or the other so-
ciety was in financial straits, this institute was
always found a ready helper with Russian money.
Another noteworthy society was the "Russkie
Druzyny," which in connection with her fire engine
department entertained a whole military organiza-
tion, and the curious part of it was that this organi-
zation used the same commands and a great many
practices in force with the Russian infantry.
The "Narodni Dom," a leading national institu-
tion in Lemberg, erected to help needy students
financially and otherwise, with a large library and
museum, has also lately been subjected to strong
Russopliile influence.
But not only societies and clubs were put into
service by the unscrupulous Russophile propagan-
150 AUSTJRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
dists. Within the last decade particularly, a num-
ber of savings banks, credit and loan associations
were founded in some of the cities close to the Rus-
sian fontier, in Brody, Kolomea, Sanok, Gorlice,
with the more or less apparent purpose of support-
ing the ends of this propaganda. As late as last
year leading directors of these institutes obtained
a loan from Russia of two million rubles. The
successful outcome of this financial transaction
was chiefly due to Count Bobrinsky and the Russian
Orthodox bishop in Wladimir Wolysk. The Benev-
olent Slavic Society in St. Petersburg (Petrograd)
has also been a primary factor in all financial aids.
It has repeatedly arranged collections in St. Peters-
burg for "the needs of Austrian Russians in Gali-
cia." One such collection is said to have yielded
upwards of 3,000,000 rubles. Money opens almost
every gate. Is it to be wondered if the Russian
army has found a certain number of confederates
in East Galicia? The New York Evening Telegram
vould have been more justified in reporting the
"successful capture of 2,000 consciences instead of
2,000 guns" with the aid of almighty "Rubles" !
The Russophile propaganda has of course inci-
dentally made good use of the press. Within the
last ten or fifteen years quite a number of papers
favoring schismatic and pro-Russian tendencies
have been published. One, called Lemko, is a per-
iodical, which is sent in many hundreds of copies
to readers in the United States, for, strange as it
may seem to the American public, Russia entertains
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 151
here quite an active pro-Russian propaganda among
the Ruthenian immigrants from Galieia, Bukovina
and Hungary.
Schools and churches, however, have proved the
most effective mediums. When, in the year 1910,
a number of schools in Lemberg, Kolomea, Stanis-
lau, Tarnopol, Brody, Zloczow, Sambor, Sanok and
Przemysl, subsidized by Russia, were visited by the
official school inspectors, it was found that in these
schools nothing but Russian was taught. Pupils
had been told to hate and despise Ruthenians. Books
of history dealt with Galieia as a province of Rus-
sia. The only maps found were those of Russia.
Is it to be wondered that the pupils, after leaving
these schools, were bound to become, when grown
up, apostles of the Russian cause?
The Russian Church propaganda in Galieia and
Bukovina (see below) was carried on with a great
amount of cunning. A distinction must be made
here between the Greek Oriental Church and the
Russian Orthodox Church. The former is recog-
nized in Austria and the respective congregations
are under the orders of the Greek Oriental Metro-
politan in Czernowitz. The latter is not recognized.
This state of affairs compelled the Russian Church
authorities to adopt secret means of propaganda.
Ruthenian youths of Austrian citizenship were first
sent to Russian monasteries and theological col-
leges in Russia at the expense of the Russian Or-
thodox Church. Those who qualified after the ter-
mination of their studies were sent back to Gali-
152 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
cian villages well supplied with funds and para-
phernalia of their church rites and began to make
proselytes for the Kussian Church. The parents of
those youths were only too willing to give them up,
as thereby the expenses of their household were de-
creased ; moreover, the future of the boys seemed as-
sured. We know also that Russian popes (this is
the current name for the priests of the Russian
Church) were sent to Galicia as emissaries to or-
ganize the church districts. There were three of such
districts at the outbreak of the war : in Grab, Cielaz
and Zalucze. Whenever news of conversions of the
village people in these districts transpired in large
numbers, it was given out that these conversions
accrued to the Greek Oriental Church to allay sus-
picion. Attention was really attracted only when
the Nowoje Wremja^ on June 11, 1909, published
an appeal of Archbishop Anthony of W^olhynia. In
this appeal mention was made of a committee to
erect a Russian church in Zalucze and contribu-
tions were also asked and made in Russia for
churches in other Galician districts. In 1911, and
since the schismatic propaganda became very active,
there were isolated instances in which some of the
Russian Church emissaries openly harangued the
people to break off from Austria-Hungary and be-
come Russian subjects. As recently as 1911 they
openly told the people that the Czar's troops were
sure to invade Galicia very soon and prepartaions
to the effect were in progress. In a few instances
the Greek Catholic clergy also encouraged this
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 153
propaganda. It is claimed that the pilgrimages of
Ruthenian peasants of Galicia to Poezajew and to
Kiew in Russia had been assisted by the Greek
Catholic clergy. The brunt of the responsibility in
connection with these conversions is, however, laid
down to the charge of the Russian emissaries. The
latter were also more in favor with the people,
because they did not collect regular church fees
as prescribed for the clergy of the Greek Catho-
lic Church, but performed their church services
gratis.
BUKOVINA AND THE RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA.
I have given larger space to comments on Rus-
sian ante-war activities in Oalicia because they were
at all times more pronounced there than in any
other parts of the monarchy. Russian propaganda
was, however, by no means a neligible factor in
either the Austrian Crownland of Bukovina, or the
Kingdom of Hungary. In the former, as was stated
above, the Gerowski brothers in Czernowitz and
the whole family of the Gerowskis were leaders of
this pro-Russian propaganda. This family, through
its relatives and other close friends, has entertained
continued relations with the leaders of the Russo-
phile party in Russia. Most of its members were
involved in trials for high treason. The names of
these leaders I deem it out of place to mention here.
This study merely attempts to show to impartial
readers, from another angle, that Russia had been
preparing for this war against Austria-Hungary
154 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
for many years in the past, and her assertions to the
contrary are discredited by countless proofs.
The strongest factors in the pro-Russian propa-
ganda in Bukovina were the press and the churches.
Kupczanko, editor of the Swisda^ a violent pro-
Russian paper, was involved in a trial for high
treason in 1892, but he fled to Russia before punish-
ment could be meted out to him ; it is believed with
the aid of the Russian Embassy in Vienna.
Another prominent press organ was the Russka
Prawda. This paper made it its particular task
to demonstrate that the Ruthenians had no claim
to existence as an independent race of people. Their
language was — so it was alleged — merely an in-
ferior dialect of Russian, and Ruthenians were
really Russians. This paper also openly disre-
garded the existence of Austria-Hungary and es-
poused Russian policies only. It had no regular
list of subscribers, but the copies were mailed under
cover to a large list of people in Bukovina and
northern Hungary free of charge. It was of course
subsidized, if not entirely owned by the "Slavic
Benevolent Society" in St. Petersburg, as were
other ^milar sheets.
About twenty per cent, of the Greek Oriental
clergy in Bukovina has been in the course of time
won over to the pro-Russian propaganda. Their
activities were of course carried on secretly. One
means consisted in the fitting out of pilgrimages
of peasants on a large scale to the monasteries near
Kiew and Odessa. The expenses of such trips were
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 155
borne entirely by the "Slavic Benevolent Society"
in St, Petersburg, which also financed similar pil-
grimages to Russian monasteries in Palestina (Asia
Minor) . The pilgrims were in return for gratuitous
trips expected to encourage the spread of the schis-
matic propaganda, to sell Russian prayerbooks,
pictures of the Czar and his family, etc., etc.
RUSSIAN INTRIGUES IN HUNGARY.
If the close proximity of Russia had much to do
with the spread of a systematic pro-Russian propa-
ganda in Bukovina and Galicia, matters stood dif-
ferently with Hungary, separated as it is from
the Austrian borderlands by a mighty chain of
mountains, the Carpathians.
Yet have we heard that quite considerable por-
tions of the Russian army had attempted to cross
the passes of the Carpathians and had invaded some
northeastern counties. The counties of Mdramaros
and Ung were the battlefields of these raids. The
total number of the invaders was variously placed
at from 30,000 to 50,000 men. They were, however,
defeated by our valiant defenders and either killed
or taken prisoners. At the foot of the Uzsok pass
alone 8,000 killed Russians were buried, and it is
believed that hardly any were allowed to return
to tell the tale. Soon after this ill-fated raid had
begun, speculation was rife as to how it was pos-
sible for the Russians to cross the Carpathians at
all. This huge mountain range, completely encir-
cling Hungary, has always been considered im-
156 AUSTRIA-HUNGAEY AND THE WAR
passable for larger bodies of troops and their trans-
ports. Subsequent events have of course substan-
tially proved the correctness of this theory, inas-
much as the Russians do not seem to have been able
to carry their transports over the mountains. The
fact stands out, however, that they have crossed
the mountains with their cavalry, infantry and
some machine gun detachments. The riddle was
solved with the arrival of the home papers. Some
of the Ruthenian peasant folk had showed the way
to the Russians by scattering about Indian corn
and barley on some of the secret mountain roads,
which are not in use for the general traffic. Russian
scouts followed up these chicken-feed trails and
opened the way to the main army. These Ruthen-
ians were of course proselytes of the Russian ante-
war propaganda.
It would be utterly unjust — as attempts have al-
ready been made in various papers — to brand the
entire Ruthenian population of the monarchy as
traitors, because some of their number have been
black sheep. Nothing would be farther from the
truth and real facts. The Ruthenian population
has for immemorial time been unswervedly loyal
to Austria-Hungary. As a whole body Ruthenians
have always been hostile to Russia, and thirty-five
million of Ruthenians (or Ukrainians) in Russia
will undoubtedly bless the day and hour when they
will be liberated from Russian yoke and gain an
independent state of their own. Ruthenians have
proud historic traditions, and their rejuvenation
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 157
would be undoubtedly a hoped-for, splendid achieve-
ment of the present world struggle, just as the
creation of a Polish Kingdom would be another
momentous success.
The isolated cases of Ruthenian treachery are due
exclusively to the Russian propaganda before the
war. Practically the first news of the Russian
invasion into Hungarian territory reached the
world from the Hungarian town of Huszt. Now
this little town is in the closest vicinity of the
township of Iza, which was always known as the
hotbed of pro-Russian activities. The people of this
township, as well as those of the neighboring vil-
lages of Keselymezo and Lipcse are mostly descend-
ants of fief holders from the historic Rdkoczy
period. There are only very few illiterates among
them, and their reputation for cunning is pro-
verbial. They were won over to the Russian Or-
thodox Church in a similar way as their brethren
in Galicia and Bukovina had been. Russian emis-
saries, styling themselves "apostles of the common
people," visited them, bringing prayerbooks and
promising financial help. The people in those vil-
lages were mostly poor and such aid was welcome.
Money being involved, the rumor of these visits
soon spread among the population of nearby dis-
tricts. All of a sudden the population of whole
districts began to renounce allegiance to their old
churches and priests. The church authorities, blam-
ing the inefficiency of their priests, replaced them
by others. The substitutes were threatened in their
158 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
safety, some of them expelled from the respective
villages. Thereupon the clergy had to apply for the
assistance of the state authorities. Investigations
which followed gradually disclosed the whole ex-
tent of the underground work of the Russian mole.
In this connection two facts are noteworthy : One
is that under the Acts IX and XLII, of the years
1868 and 1895 respectively, the Greek-Oriental
Church is recognized in the Kingdom of Hungary
only inasmuch as it pertains to the Roumanian
and Servian Churches, That is, the Russian Or-
thodox Church is not recognized. The other extant
fact is that the Russian propaganda in all of the
named districts in Hungary (as well as in Galicia
and Bukovina) has had a double purpose. It was
both a church propaganda and a political move.
The former was and is directed against the Roman
Catholic Church. The Holy Synod of Russia never
could forgive Rome the loss of a large number of
their former church members in the Balkan and
other countries, due to concessions of the Holy See
in Rome. The new Greek Catholic converts were
allowed to retain some of the Byzantinian rites and
their mother tongue in the usage of the church.
Their priests were allowed to marry, whereas strict
celibacy is imposed on Roman Catholic priests.
This is why Roman Catholics in Russia have always
met with persecution. This is also one of the very
reasons why Russia so strongly opposed the occupa-
tion of Bosnia-Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary.
Russia was afraid of the Christianization of the
Orthodox believers in Bosnia and Herzegovina
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 159
under our regime. Russia reckoned that by keeping
up her religious propaganda in Galicia, Bukovina
and Hungary, she would, be compensated for the
losses which her church had suffered in other coun-
tries. What she really wanted, however, was to
pave the way to the intended "land grab" by mak-
ing "spiritual" conquests first. The trials of Iza,
in 1903, and of M^ramarossziget, in 1904 and 1913,
have brought this to the surface so convincingly as
to dispel any doubts which may have been formerly
entertained in this regard.
As in the case of Galicia and Bukovina, so in
Hungary's case a considerable part of the Russian
propaganda against Hungarian Ruthenians was
carried on by way of America. Here every possible
means were used and are being used by the Russian
Church, which is a willing helper of Russian Gov-
ernment to foment dissatisfaction in the ranks of
the Hungarian Greek Catholic clergy, and induce-
ments are offered to win them over to the Orthodox
Church. Fortunately these endeavors have met
with scanty success. A considerable number of
Hungarian Ruthenians have, however, changed
faith, and these renegades were used as go-betweens
by the Russians to persuade their friends and rela-
tives in Hungary to follow suit. Little do the peo-
ple of the United States know that their country
thus has umciUingli/ and unconsciously also sup-
plemented a feio sparks lohich helped to ig^nite the
firebrand of Europe's war. The Russian hear has
been rampaging here on the loayside, as he does all
over the rest of the globe.
VI.— ECONOMIC WAR CONDITIONS IN AUS-
TRIA-HUNGARY. THE UNITED STATES
AND THE DUAL MONARCHY.
The statement attributed to the famous Austrian
general of former centuries, Count Montecucculi,
that there are three things necessary to conduct a
successful war: "money, money, and money," is
probably less known to the American public, than
it is to my own countrymen. The same idea has
since then been expressed repeatedly by many sec-
retaries of war or of the navy, and other men promi-
nently connected with the war movement of one
or the other country.
Under the highly developed present conditions
it is not only the actual cash outlay for the main-
tenance of the army and navy, but the whole na-
tional wealth and economic strength which have
to be taken into account by any country that goes
to war. A country unable to demonstrate finan-
cial and economic stability, or at least sufficient
stamina to resist the various forms of attacks which
are directed against the possessions, property and
the whole national wealth of the population while
war and fighting are going on is, ab initio, hopelessly
beaten by the adversaries who may be in a better
position in this respect than itself.
Is Austria-Hungary's financial and economic
160
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 161
strength sound enough to enable her to conduct
this war without fear of a financial collapse?
I would like to quote here the comments of Dr.
Rudolph Sieghart, President of the Austrian Credit
Foncier (Bodenkreditanstalt) which is probably
the strongest financial institute in the monarchy
today. Dr. Sieghart was formerly the Austrian
State Minister of the Treasury and is a Privy
Councillor of his Imperial and Royal Apostolic
Majesty. His word should therefore carry double
or even treble weight, to wit: as the word of a
leading banker in Austria-Hungary, of the former
first official state expert in matters concerning the
finances of Austria, and indirectly concerning those
of the whole monarchy, and of an adviser of the
Emperor and King.
"The question" — so he says — "whether the people
can look with confidence upon the economic fitness
of the country to conduct this war, must be un-
reservedly answered in the affirmative. Austria-
Hungary's national wealth is prepared to meet all
and every vicissitude that this war may bring.
What was weak and unstable has fallen ofif long
since the repeated crises connected with the Balkan
wars. What was left is the powerful stock, and
this stock is healthy and able to weather storms.
Anxieties concerning real estate and other values
entrusted to the State administration, the lawful
trustees of the people, are utterly absurd and sin-
ful." Dr. Sieghart then continues to state that ac-
cording to the experiences of the past, periods of
162 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
economic advances usually follow periods of war, as
was shown particularly after the German-French
war, after the war in South Africa, and after the
Balkan w^ars. Modern economic conditions con-
tain a wonderful capacity of recovery. To this
capacity it can be ascribed that the wounds inflicted
by a war on the whole economic system quickly
heal. Dr. Sieghart, in this respect, entirely dis-
agrees with some pessimists who foresee long
periods of financial depression for all countries in-
volved in a war. "Above all" — so he continues —
"must it not be forgotten that our war with Servia
is also an economic war. The unending alarms and
the undermining tendencies of this Pan-Servian
propaganda were a great drain on our economic
conditions."
Dr. Sieghart, moreover, declares that Austro-
Hungarian currency or State bonds* have nothing to
fear on account of the war. Austro-Hungarian cur-
rency is established on as solid a foundation as that
of any other large country in Europe or elsewhere.
State annuities at the present exchange rates would
bear 5 per cent., which indicates an unusually high
rentability, all the more as*nobody thinks at present
of converting our State loans. Anybody who would
sell these State bonds at a time such as this would
cut into his own flesh, as he must lose on this deal.
To withdraw deposits from savings banks, or banks,
would be even more short-sighted, as- the with-
drawer loses interest and* causes damage to the gen-
eral community.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 163
With reference to Austro-Hungarian currency it
can be stated that both the organization of the
Austro-IIungarian Banks, in 1878, and the adoption
of a gold standard in 1892, have greatly contributed
to place our currency system and our general finan-
ces on a very sound basis. The currency reform is
chiefly due to Dr. Alexander Wekerle, former Hun-
garian Premier, who is one, if not the foremost of
financial geniuses whom Austro-Hungary has ever
produced. The banks' gold was secured from abroad
through "gold loans." Forty-nine percent of all
banknotes in circulation must be covered by the
gold reserve of the Austro-Hungarian banks. The
banknotes are exchanged in gold by the bank on
demand. The gold reserves of the Austro-Hunga-
rian bank have always been very high. On the aver-
age they are higher than those of the Bank of Eng-
land. The Austro-Hungarian Bank, through its
very large number of agencies scattered all over
Austria-Hungary, has always well taken care of
the needs of the business firms in the whole dual
monarchy. Complaints were seldom heard, except
that Hungary at times demanded a more evenly
balanced division of control between Austria and
Hungary. Conditions now, however, are very satis-
factory in this, and in fact, all other respects. The
present governor of the bank, Dr. von Popovics,
was formerly Dr. Wekerle's right-hand aid in the
State Treasury Department.
At the time when I write these lines,* oflBcial
* From home reports it appears that over three billion crowns were under-
written since then.
164 AUSTEIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
wireless messages have reached us to the effect that
although Austria-Hungary's war loan was not yet
officially opened to the general public, over one bil-
lion crowns were almost instantly underwritten.
This is certainly a splendid demonstration of fit-
ness, and the alarmists of the hostile camps, who
had in the early days of the war predicted both a
national and financial collapse of Austria-Hungary,
will certainly go away disappointed and mind their
own business in the future.
WHAT WERE THE ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF THE WAR IN
THE FIRST MONTHS?
Because of the suddeness of the outbreak of this
world war, business had to face the hard task in
the beginning of accommodating itself to the newly
created situation. We will see hereafter in what
way government in Austria-Hungary was able to
assist business in its unexpected predicament.
In the early beginnings of the war, means and
ways had to be found by business to readjust con-
ditions which were apt to arise owing to the sudden
withdrawal of about two million of men from the
field of labor. As was, however, to be expected, the
men who left for the battlefields could be almost
instantly replaced by the men and w^omen whom
they left behind, and by other hitherto unemployed
elements. This latter element may perhaps be taxed
as shifty in normal times, but necessity, if nothing
else, would transform it into a useful pillar of so-
ciety under the changed environments of life.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 165
Those men who handle business in Austria-Hun-
gary instantly realized that two great dangers must
be swiftly and deftly eliminated, if anything like an
economic equilibrium should be maintained: the
shutting down of factories, which would cause stag-
nation, and the increased number of unemployed.
They set out firmly on their task and as far as
reliable information shows, they have to a great ex-
tent been successful in solving this problem. They
had one strong ally to foot their bills of additional
expense, namely, the last extraordinarily abundant
crops in the whole area of the monarchy. This was
one of the best years for our farmers. They were
not even handicapped by a shortage of farm hands to
gather in crops, while we read in reports that gov-
ernment in France had to issue orders to the women
in France to go out to the fields to collect the crops.
Austria-Hungary was undoubtedly in a luckier
position than her present enemy.
Mobilization in our country was carried out very
successfully. Regiment cadres were filled easily
and nearly a million men volunteered for military
service up to date who would, under our military
rules, not be liable to war service. This favorable
result enabled our war office to give permission to a
comparatively large number of men who had been
called into the ranks to return to the temporary har-
vest work in the fields. This I can verify from my
own experience during my recent sojourn in Aus-
tria-Hungary, as on the estate which my family
owns in Central Hungary we were allowed to retain
166 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
temporarily a sufiScient number of field laborers for
the necessary harvesting. As the crops could be
sold very well and generally brought good prices, it
was possible to start with the sowing of the winter
seeds and no complications are to be expected in
this connection. Agricultural products, cattle,
poultry, butter, eggs, etc., all sold well.
Sound agricultural conditions are the founda-
tions of the economic stability of every country.
These conditions mean that the larder can be kept
well supplied and that the dreaded phantom of
famine is merely a myth and a fabrication of our
illwishers.
The daily press during the last months brought
repeated reports concerning alleged famine threat-
ening the people of Austria-Hungary, especially
in large cities. These reports, however, can be dis-
proved in a most authoritative way, and I take
occasion further on to demonstrate that these re-
ports lack any serious foundation.
As regards the effect of war on factories we must
distinguish between factories and other industrial
concerns which benefit from the large orders placed
with them by the Government and such as do not.
That the Skoda factory in Pilsen, Bohemia, pros-
pers, having supplied some of the large guns which
have battered the fortresses of Belgium and France,
need not be emphasized. But the same is also true
of all the factories which supply arms, ammunition
and gunpowder and all sinews of warfare to the
army, and it is true also of the Stabilimento Tech-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 167
nico in Triest, the Danubius shipping yard in
Fiume and the Whitehead Torpedo factory near
Fiurae, etc., which execute orders for the navy. All
these concerns probably work overtime. The fac-
tories manufacturing clothing and wearing apparel
for the troops are kept constantly busy. So are
linen and underwear factories, factories turning out
the winter outfit for the soldiers, tanneries, shoe fac-
tories and box factories whose output makes an
easy and safe transportation of all requirements of
the army to the seat of war possible. Factories pro-
viding tin goods and food-stuffs of any kind cannot
complain of lack of business.
As to the second category of factories and indus-
trial concerns it can be stated on reliable informa-
tion from our country that coal mines are working
70 or 80 per cent, of their regular output. There is
no scarcity of coal noticeable. Iron industry main-
tains about 75 per cent, of its usual business. Gov-
ernment has placed with these factories large orders
of rails and other necessities for the State Railways.
We admit of course that Germany in this respect
is in a more favorable condition than we are. In
Prussia, for instance, an investment credit of 1,000
million marks was voted to assist German iron
industry.
Cotton mills reduced their business by about 40
per cent, but cotton mills in every country in
Europe (including those in England) have likewise
been compelled to reduce their business. Sugar and
paper industries had to store part of their products.
168 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
They are, however, by no means crippled as some
people would like to make us believe.
There is one branch of industries which is, it is
conceded, more or less at a standstill. To this be-
long all factories turning out sumptuary articles,
which in these warlike times command a limited
market only; factories manufacturing fancy ar-
ticles, glass and porcelain ware, enamel, etc. These
industries, however, have always been in the hands
of wealthy concerns, amply provided with capital
and well able to be good losers. There was any-
way some depression in these branches of industry
necessitating certain reductions of work and war
has not hit them at a time when big business cam-
paigns had been launched.
On the whole, every factory owner is using his
best efforts to keep his business running. I deem it
appropriate to mention that the well-known patriot-
ism of our business men and loyalty to their coun-
try's cause is also a strong incentive to stimulate in-
dividual efforts of this kind. Thus employees are
not threatened with sudden "layoffs" and, it is
surely fair to state, based on sound information,
that the number of unemployed during the war in
our country, particularly in larger industrial cen-
tres, is both absolutely and relatively much smaller
than in France and England.
To keep smaller business supplied with credit,
"war credit banks" were started both in Austria
and Hungary. I will discuss them later, and would
like to emphasize here merely, as a general com-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 169
ment, that whether in times of peace or war, as long
as means can be created to prevent the stoppage of
credit sources, no serious business calamity need
be feared.
There is another reason which contributed to
some extent to the depression of the business of the
last named factories (glassware, porcelain, enamel,
etc. ) , and this is that this business is to a large de-
gree export business. Austrian cut glass, Hun-
garian enamel, are known all over the world, al-
though the labels "made in Austria" or "made in
Hungary" are often replaced by labels "made in
England" or "in France," or "home-made," etc.
The trans-oceanic export trade is suspended.
There is no shipping possible from and to Austro-
Hungarian ports. Railway traflBc to neutral coun-
tries ( Switzerland, Italy, Holland, Roumania, Bul-
garia, etc.) is possible, but under conditions rend-
ered more diflQcult on account of the movements of
the troops which naturally monopolize the railways
in times of war. Railway transportation is also of
course more expensive than transportation on ships.
But when this is said, almost everything is said
where the balance is perhaps to some extent a little
unfavorable to Austria-Hungary. We must not for-
get that the interruption of European export trade
is by no means limited to Austria-Hungary or to
Germany. England's export and import traffic with
the European continent has doubtless greatly suf-
fered. According to Rotterdam reports from the
end of September the British Board of Trade has
170 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
suspended bulletins concerning British imports and
exports. The last bulletin issued on the 15th of
September showed a decrease of 16.2 million pounds
sterling, nearly 80 million dollars in the imports
and a decrease of 26,4 million pounds sterling, near-
ly 130 million dollars in the exports. These de-
creases refer to the corresponding periods of last
year. I am not familiar with the particulars of this
depression of export and import trade in Great
Britain beyond these above facts and I do not at-
tempt therefore, to draw any comparison or con-
clusions.
In a general way we can say that Europe^s and
the world's foreign trade is by this war probably
damaged to the extent of about twelve billion dol-
lars. Germany, Belgium, Austria-Hungary, Rus-
sia, France, are the largest consumers of British
products, and these countries are practically ex-
cluded from the regular channels of their foreign
trade. British India, China and Japan are prob-
ably very greatly hampered. Australia can send no
wool or meat to the European continent, British In-
dia no cotton, no jute, no rice. Neither can China
export her rice, nor her silk or tea to her usual cus-
tomers of long years' standing. Brazil's coffee and
cocoa export trade must be greatly impaired and so
must Chile's export of nitrate potassium. To what
extent the grain export from the United States is
handicapped, I am not now in a position to state,
but it certainly is impaired too, and so is Ameri-
can cotton export.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 171
There is another aspect to this general gloomy
picture. Investments made abroad by European
countries in war are threatened. So are goods
stored abroad in warehouses. Outstanding claims
cannot be easily settled. But all this is equally true
for every country. Shipping companies in neutral
countries, as for instance in Italy, Holland, decline
to carry risks and thus transportation through their
medium becomes a very risky game.
Trans-oceanic exchanges have dropped consider-
ably. In Brazil it is claimed, for instance, by about
25 per cent. A natural consequence of this drop is
a depreciation of the goods in store held by trans-
oceanic import firms. That hits these import firms
and they are prevented from granting the usual
facilities of payment to the European exporters.
Because of the loss in exchange European bills of
exchange are too expensive to buy. All combina-
tions as to the bought merchandise are thus thrown
completely overboard as this merchandise eventu-
ally proves much more expensive than reckoned in
the beginning. What is the next result? The Euro-
pean exporter cannot expect payments from his
customers. The importer across the sea of course
pays interest, but never more than 6 per cent.,
whereas the exporter in Europe must pay about
7 1-2 per cent. There are many other items which
enter into consideration, expenses for travelling
salesmen, clerks, rent, taxes, etc. These are some
of the drawbacks under which our export trade now
labors. Fortunately, however, in tliis respect, trans-
oceanic export trade from Austria-Hungary has
172 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
never yet been very extensive in the past. We have
always complained of the lack of interest shown by
our business men in export trade. These remarks I
make especially with reference to countries such as
Great Britain, which country stands and falls on
her export trade.
If we summarize what has been said concerning
general conditions of agriculture, industries and
trade, it can be confidently stated, that Austria-
Hungary has stood the test very well. Her strength
of resistance has not been impaired. She has natu-
rally suffered, but not anyway near the extent pre-
dicted by hostile wiseacres and far less than feared
by her sympathizers.
As malicious reports had been circulated in the
foreign press of some countries, whereby sanitary
conditions and the credit of Austria-Hungary was
attacked, the City of Vienna resolved to issue regu-
lar weekly bulletins.
These bulletins concern all questions of public
interest in the City of Vienna and in the monarchy.
From the first two bulletins issued on October
13th and October 27th respectively the following
data can be gathered :
During the months of August and September of
the two respective years, 1913 and 1914, the City of
Vienna employment agency has carried on the fol-
lowing business :
Numbers of cases.
1913 1914
Received offers of employment 54872 50492
Received applications for work 64244 60150
Has procured employment 42053 48276
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 173
This shows that the city has secured employment
to 6,223 more persons during the respective months
of this year than last year. Public works and bids
for public contracts were kept on regularly and the
total result was better than in the corresponding
period of last year.
In Vienna over 80,000 families of the men gone to
the battlefields received about 7 million crowns a
month as an aid by Government. The bulletin men-
tions here as an interesting item that, since the be-
ginning of war, pawned goods valued at 1,600,000
crowns were withdrawn from the pawnshops under
State control. Only people with savings or surplus
money would withdraw their watch or household
effects from the pawnshop.
Safety deposits decreased during a very short
period after mobilization orders had been issued, but
later on increased very considerably. So, for in-
stance, the Central Savings Bank of the City of
Vienna alone had 17 million crowns more on the
10th of October than on the same day of last year,
The total amount of savings in the Vienna savings
banks was by 38 million crowns higher at the fall
of September, 1914, than at the corresponding date
last year.
Provisions and foodstuffs in Vienna are entirely
suflflcient. Milk, vegetables, eggs, fruit and pota-
toes are pouring in from the close environments of
the city.
The following quantities are registered in the
bulletin as imported during the week from 11-17,
October, 1914 :
174 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
in 1913 in 1914
of vegetables 21828 hundredweights 23496 hundredweights
potatoes 16115 15297
fruit 19257 13991
eggs 398790 piece 499443 piece
The tremendous increase in the number of eggs is
certainly noticeable.
Eetail prices have during the same corresponding
week varied only very slightly :
1913 1914
Crowns Crowns
Beef 1.60—2.60 1.80—2.60
Pork 1.60—3. 1.60—3.
Lard 1.84—2.20 1.80—2.10
Bacon 1.74—2.08 1.60—2.
Table butter 3.40-^.24 3.40— i.20
Cooking butter 2.40—3.20 2.40—3.20
Cream pro liter 0.26—0.32 0.26—0.32
Milk - 0.20—0.26 0.20—0.24
Eggs pro piece 0.09—0.10 O.IO— 0.16
Potatoes pro kilogramm 0.10 — 0.14 0.10 — 0.14
Flour (wheat) 0.36—0.44 0.60—0.64
Bread (wheat) 0.28— 0.408 0.35—0.476
Bread (rye) 0.26—0.398 0.32—0.444
Rice 0.40—0.96 0.48—0.88
Sauerkraut 0.24^-0.28 0.24—0.28
Beans 0.40—0.70 0.54—0.76
As can be seen prices have hardly changed since
last year. In some articles (bacon, lard, milk, table
butter) they have dropped. Flour and bread have
risen a little. Large grain and flour supplies are
still kept back in an attempt to corner the market,
but Government has already taken energetic meas-
ures to make "breadusury" entirely impossible.
Reports of the Vienna City tax office clearly illus-
trate that economic conditions are very favorable.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 175
According to these reports the paid-in taxes for
the State amounted to :
a
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05 "H 00
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176 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Whereas therefore in August — in the confusion
of the first war weeks — the paid-in taxes were 2.6
million crowns less than in the previous year, the
paid-in taxes in September were 5.8 million crowns
higher and the total of these months 3.2 million
crowns higher than in the corresponding period of
the preceding year.
To aid the increased credit demands of business
people Government organized a War Loan Society
governed by the Austro-Hungarian Bank with the
co-operation of State delegates. This society is au-
thorized to issue bank notes amounting to 500 mil-
lion crowns secured by mortgages on bonds, mer-
chandise or other appropriate values.
Upon suggestion of the Chamber of Commerce
and Industry of Vienna a War Credithank was also
established. This Creditbank allows discounts and
credits on drafts (or promissory notes). It will
particularly help smaller concerns with no regular
bank connections. The capital stock amounting to
6 million crowns was subscribed partly by Vienna
banks, partly by merchants and manufacturers.
The Community of Vienna and the Chamber of Com-
merce and Industry assumed a guarantee amount-
ing to two million crowns each.
For loans to even smaller tradespeople the Cham-
ber of Commerce and Industry has set aside a fund
amounting to 400,000 crowns. For the same pur-
pose the Community of Vienna permitted the City
Central Savings Bank to apply an extra credit of
one million crowns.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 177
Women and girls without means of support can
get work in the numerous sewing and knitting shops
arranged bj the Ladies' Aid of the City Hall, where
mostly clothing and underwear for the soldiers is
manufactured.
To assist clerks and commercial employees a spe-
cial committee was organized, consisting of dele-
gates of the State and community, which raises
funds partly from the employees and employers and
partly by securing subventions. Of the Jewish
refugees fleeing from Eastern Galicia and Buko-
vina to Vienna a special committee takes care suffi-
ciently. Press accounts that these refugees had to
beg for bread are therefore not true.
Of supplies there is ample provision.
In the city slaughter house and stockyards at St.
Marx, Vienna, w^ere killed :
From October 12-18 From October 11-17
1913 1914
Cattle 4308 7462
Calves 5144 5000
Lambs 96 101
Sheep 1593 2408
Hogs 21728 15981
As r^ards sanitary conditions — so the bulletin
reports — Vienna's excellent water supply and
plumbing system are good safeguards against epi-
demics. Mortality of the population is by 13.7 pro
mille more favorable than last year. Not a single
case of cholera occurred in Vienna.
Schools are going on as usual. Theaters are
also kept open. Anybody who reads these bulla-
178 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
tins must admit that war conditions in Vienna are
certainly anything but unsatisfactory.
War credit banlis such as the one mentioned
above are also established in Hungary and Bohemia.
General conditions in Budapest, Prague and other
large cities are equally favorable, although no
specified particulars were as yet available at the
time when this book was written.
A point of interest is the fact that since July 25th
all exchange quotations stopped. This date there-
fore becomes the legal date in connection with pay-
ments to be effected. This date has for instance
bearings on the administration of estates. If a man
died on October or November the 15th the value of
his shares, bonds is fixed according to the last quo-
tations of July 25th ; the value of his estate may be
therefore overtaxed or underestimated.
HOW DOES GOVERNMENT AID BUSINESS?
We have already seen two ways of Government
aid:
1. Permission of war oflSce that field laborers
could temporarily leave their ranks and go back to
gather in the crops.
2. Help in organizing war credit banks and war
loan societies.
The law LXIII of the year 1912 in Hungary au-
thorized Government to issue various ordinances for
the welfare of business and public during war times.
Thus a moratorium was declared to enable the busi-
ness world in general and the smaller people in i>ar-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 179
ticular to prepare for ways how to meet their liabili-
ties in times of war. Incidentally it also prevents
runs on banks or savings banks.
"Runs" on banks as need hardly be emphasized,
are often made in the midst of peace. When in 1910
a "run" was made on the Society for Savings Bank,
Cleveland's strongest financial institution, in the
course of which, according to President Myron T.
Horrick, about two million dollars were withdrawn
within a few days, there was absolutely no reason
why this run should have started. It was started by
an irresponsible person. Calm was quickly restored
and the money thus withdrawn was redeposited
with considerable additional deposits.
It stands to reason that if such a run can be or-
ganized in times of peace, on a first-class and
wealthy banking institution, it can all the more be
arranged in times of war when people are generally
suspicious and afraid. The issuance of a morato-
rium does by no means indicate disorganized or even
weak market conditions. It is simply a surplusage
of government caution to prevent the hoarding away
of funds which serves nobodj^'s interest. Of course,
if a moratorium is found not necessary, as was the
case in Germany, this is undoubtedly a sign that the
population has an exceptionally keen sense of re-
sponsibility for the duties of the individual towards
the whole public and government. IMoratoriums
were for instance declare<l in Great Britain, France,
Russia, Belgium, Holland, Italy, Norway, Rou-
mania, Sweden, Luxemburg, Egypt, Brazil, etc.
180 AUSTRIA -HUNGARY AND THE WAR
To illustrate the working of a moratorium or-
dinance I will briefly discuss the Hungarian mora-
torium based on the law LXIII of 1912. This mora-
torium or government permission to temporarily
postpone payments concerns all payments based on
bills of exchange, commercial papers, drafts, pub-
lic warehouse notes, checks and all commercial
transactions originating prior to August 1, 1914.
Interest can be allowed, if the law otherwise allows
the charge of interest. The moratorium also in-
cludes the delay in payment of patent fees which
should be of great interest to American holders of
patent rights in Hungary (also in Austria) .
Not included in this benefit are the payments on
account of interest, annuities and partial amortiza-
tion of all payments to be made by Government or
guaranteed by Government, payments on account of
interest on bonds and obligations in use for trust
funds of minors (these funds as will be known en-
joy the particular protection of Government in both
Austria and Hungary) ; interest or amortization
bonds, fees or taxes to be paid for the use of public
waterworks and light; payments which go to the
Eed Cross fund and funds for the families of sol-
diers in the war; annuities and alimony payments;
war risk insurance, if the insurance was made for
that purpose or if against payment of a special
premium additional insurance risk on account of
war was accepted ; all ordinary life insurance up to
500 crowns must be paid in full ; fire, ice (hail) and
animal insurance must be paid in full; other in-
AUSTRIA HUNGARY AND THE WAR 181
surance against damage only up to 400 crowns ; rent,
except if the lessee is a soldier (viz., in the army) ;
debts resulting from farm-leases; wages to agricul-
tural, industrial employees, and all other wages
arising from a contract between master and ser-
vant; fees to lawyers and doctors, engineers, au-
thors, artists, commission agents, inasmuch as these
arise from ante war transactions up to 25 per cent,
of the amount; sub-contractors' claims against con-
tractors ; payments of funds resulting from the ad-
ministration of foreign property; claims of insur-
ance agents against insurance companies and a few
other minor instances. As regards mutual con-
tracts signed before August 1st, one party can claim
execution of contract from the other side only, if he
has also carried out his part of the contract.
It certainly can be considered as a sign of healthy
business conditions that we were in a position to
begin earlier than other countries with the succes-
sive suspension of this moratorium by decreeing
partial payments. Since the 15th of October 25 per
cent, of the payments based on promissory notes (or
drafts) and 10 per cent, of ordinary standing busi-
ness debts are payable. On November 15th an-
other 15 per cent, of the latter category of debts be-
came due. This suspension did not cause any par-
ticular perturbance. On the first day when the new
order was in force, some debtors may have been
caught in surprise, but most of them would settle
their liabilities on the following days. In many
cases the whole debt was paid at once. Cash pay-
182 AUSTKIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAB
ments were very brisk in many parts of Hungary,
Bohemia, Moravia and Bosnia, where the popula-
tion had good crops and good profits through Gov-
ernment outlays.
SOME REMARKS ON THE GENERAL POSITION OP
PRIVATE PROPERTY IN WAR AND VEXATIOUS
WAR MEASURES.
With the war going on relentlessly we are grow-
ing more callous to the more or less colored reports
concerning mutual atrocities committed by the vari-
ous armies. If we want to be impartial we must
say that no army is entirely blameless in this re-
spect, although our present allied enemies attempt
through a livelier press campaign to demonstrate
that the Germans and we are the more guilty party
than they.
There is, however, one particular line of cruelty
with which Germany and Austrian reports have in
recent days repeatedly charged England and
France, that is with their pronounced disregard of
property rights of individuals or corporations dur-
ing the war. Aside from the increasing number of
seizures of private property on neutral ships which
does not form contraband of war, the arbitrary seiz-
ure and confiscation of private bank deposits and
bank balances of individuals must be considered an
altogether flagrant breach of every principle of in-
ternational law and international propriety. So
for instance British Government ordered, almost
at once after the beginning of war, that German or
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 183
Austro-Hungarian bank establishments in English
cities be either entirely closed or go into voluntary
liquidation, Government confiscating their avail-
able cash funds. In such a way the Austrian Laen-
derbank and the Anglo-Austrian Bank in London
were practically ordered to go into liquidation
and were placed in the hands of Government trus-
tees. These were some of the terms of liquidation :
The activity of the bank must be exclusively re*
stricted to transactions begun before August the
5th (British declaration of war). They cannot
make other transactions. This order meant to safe-
guard the settlement of the claims of British credi-
tors and was issued to make all further legitimate
business impossible for these banks. British trus-
tees were moreover to superintend all payments
effected by the banks, and to see that none be made
whereby, for instance, the Austrian stockholders
might profit. All surplus resulting after the liqui-
dation of all outstanding claims should be paid into
the treasury of the Bank of England. This arbi-
trary procedure will deliberately damage finan-
cial interests and private property of individuals
and is without parallel in the history of the civi-
lized world.
In France, soon after the outbreak of the war, an
ordinance was issued that all goods in custom
liouses belonging to Austrians, Hungarians or Ger-
mans should be sold at auction and proceeds should
go to the Government of France. This prctctically
means confiscation of private property! Later on it
184 AUSTRIA-HUNGAEY AND THE WAR
was stated that Austrian, Hungarian or German
property was placed under State control. No sale
of such property should take placa No security
however exists that this is carried out and in view of
the first ordinance it is indeed doubtful that this
is really being carried out.
Neither in Austria-Hungary, nor in Germany
have similar ways been adopted. Not even the cars
of the International Sleeping Car Company and
those of the Compagnie Auxiliaire were confiscated
in Austria-Hungary, although there would be great
need for them. On the contrary, have both the
Austrian and Hungarian Governments made agree-
ments with these companies to be allowed to take
possession of the sleeping cars for Red Cross pur-
poses against a stipulated price.
Of course Germany and Austria-Hungary may be
led to adopt retaliatory measures, if England and
France will persist in similar methods of attacking
private property.
England expects her business firms to stop all
business with firms which have German or Aus-
trian or Hungarian partners in trade. English
firms should not remit credit balances to Austrian
or Hungarian or German private individuals or
firms, because that would be unpatriotic. Faith
and honesty are the two chief factors in commerce.
English business men were long known all over the
world as ideal business men to deal with. Larger
firms in England may possibly not strictly observe
this rule set forth by their Government. There are
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 185
grounds, however, to assume that the younger firms
in the colonies and at home will avail themselves
to dodge their obligations. The question is whether
such a shortsighted policy does not in course of time
bring more harm than profit. England, as I stated
above, is eminently the country of export and her
foreign trade is all-important to her. Austria-
Hungary and Germany have always been England's
best customers for her Birmingham and Manchester
goods, her Bradford woolenware. Moreover, Eng-
land has enjoyed the reputation of being called the
banker of the world. This reputation netted her
huge profits. The whole cotton rembours and the
foreign exchange business netted her billions of dol-
lars. England thinks that the war secured her the
golden opportunity to ruin Germany's and Aus-
tria-Hungary's foreign trade forever. That this
will prove a miscalculation the future will no doubt
demonstrate.
In the meantime England's and France's war
measures have forced Austria-Hungary to adopt or
to contemplate the adoption of retaliatory methods.
In Austria-Hungary, as was partly above indicated,
the enemy's private property was not destroyed, nor
confiscated. English and French business firms can
still carry on their business. This, however, is now
put under the control of the State to the extent that
no money should go abroad to the enemy, if such
money was acquired in Austria-Hungary in the
course of business with our own people and paid by
them. Should such money go to the enemy it might
186 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
be used against the monarchy and that must be pre-
vented. As will be seen, this is a very different
measure from confiscation or sale of private prop-
erty as ordered in France or from the interdiction
in England to banking institutions to negotiate
business transactions at all.
In this respect it is further made a duty to every-
body in Hungary to declare debts which are owed
to subjects or inhabitants of the countries of the
enemy. Municipalities, public corporations, so-
cieties, associations, private firms and all individ-
uals residing in Hungary are required to make such
declarations. The Secretaries of Trade and Treas-
ury can forbid the payment of such debts to the
enemy or stipulate conditions that these payments
thus due be deposited with savings banks or the
Austro-Hungarian Bank. Contraventions of these
ordinances may be fined, with heavy fines going as
high as 50,000 crowns. In Austria similar ordin-
ances were issued with reference to English and
French creditors.
As regards the payments of interest on Govern-
ment bonds, these payments cannot be made to sub-
jects of countries with which Austria-Hungary is in
war. In practice this interdiction is, however, not
carried out to the letter. When interest became due
on the Austrian gold bonds on October 1st, for in-
stance, payments were made to all bondholders and
no questions were asked. It is, however, not im-
possible, if vexatious British or French war meas-
ures against private property continue, that for in-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 187
stance consular aflSdavits may be demanded in the
neutral countries, where these payments on account
of interest on Government bonds are effected to
show that the bondholder is no British or French
subject.
It will be noted also that a considerable number
of English and French banks and firms have claims
outstanding in Austria-Hungary. These claims
arise from loans and ordinary business transactions
and they are much higher than the Austro-Hunga-
rian claims outstanding in France or in England.
Should England and France simply cancel these
claims, then these countries would make a very bad
bargain, because if Austria-Hungary should adopt
similar retaliatory measures, they would be heavy
losers. Even so, these British and French claims
will be held as securities that all damage done to
Austrian or Hungarian private property in France
or England be properly indemnified.
It is very doubtful that England will be able to re-
tain her privileged ante-war position as the banker
and broker of all foreign world-trade after the
war. Of course, if she should gain a decisive victory
over Germany and Austria-Hungary she would be
able to dictate conditions to the whole of Europe.
But this is a matter of very remote possibility and
it is much more likely that Germany and Austria-
Hungary will be the final winners, although per-
haps their victory may not be of a decisive nature.
But assuming that England would have a slight
gain in the end, there is no reason to believe that
188 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
after peace is re-established, seaports, such as Bre-
men, Rotterdam or Genoa, will further submit to
the monopolization of the cotton brokerage or the
Brazil coffee brokerage by Liverpool or London.
There is no reason to assume that Berlin or
Hamburg or Rotterdam bills of exchange will
not replace the London exchange in the world
market.
One effect this war will undoubtedly have which
can be predicted with suJBficient assurance is, that
England will lose her German and Austro-Hun-
garian customers to a very large degree and that
this trade will shift to other countries, preferably
to the United States.
In making this statement I am not led by any
kind of illwish or spite. These sentiments are of
course entirely strange to me. I am viewing the
whole situation with great reserve and calmness
and my interest is that which I have always given
to matters of international law or international
character. My statement should be merely inter-
preted as a summary gathered from all the symp-
toms available at this time in my country. That
this summary is more definite in form is due en-
tirely to the continuous vexations to which peace-
ful Austrians or Hungarians have been exposed in
England and in the British Colonies (in Canada
for instance), who were not in any way connected
with our army or navy. These vexations have
naturally caused resentment and are regrettable
from every point of view.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 189
SOME COMMENTS ON AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 'S EXPORTS AND
IMPORTS. RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES.
The statistics available on the value of merchan-
dise exported and imported from and to Austria-
Hungary during the years 1912 and 1913 into and
from the countries with which the dual monarchy is
in war show that the value of this whole foreign
trade amounted to about |165,000,000. Of this
amount the share of the various countries was as
follows :
1. Great Britain :
Total imports from Austria-
Hungary for 1913 $7,709,000.00
Exports , 4,482,000.00
Foreign re-exports 1,304,000.00
Total value of this trade about $65,000,000.00
2. Russia :
Total imports from Austria-
Hungary pro 1913 $17,316,000.00
Total exports 32,628,000.00
Total value of this trade about $50,000,000.00
3. France :
Total imports from Austria-
Hungary in 1913 $20,400,000.00
• Exports about 8,749,000.00
Total value of this trade about $30,000,000.00
4. BriUsh-India :
Imports from Austria-Hun-
gary in 1913 about $17,500,000.00
(Export figures not available.)
Total value of this trade $17,500,000.00
5. Japan :
Total imports from Austria-
Hungary in 1912 ( in yen ) 8,240,674.00
Exports (in yen) 1,322,254.00
Total value of this trade about $2,250,000.00
Total value of this foreign trade
about $164,750,000.00
190 AUSTRIA-HUNGAKY AND THE WAR
As can be seen from the above, British Indian ex-
port statistics were not available at the time when
this tabulation was made. Statistics concerning
other British colonies are also missing, so are those
concerning Belgium, Servia and Montenegro. If
we add the values yielded by the foreign trade of
Austria-Hungary in these last named countries, we
may conservatively estimate the total value of Aus-
tria-Hungary's foreign trade with the countries of
her present enemies at about $200,000,000.
The principal articles which entered into this
trade were the following :
In the group of exports from Austria-Hungary:
Artificial flowers and feathers, artificial tools, an-
timony, automobiles, beer, brushes, buttons, dye
stuffs and colors, chemicals, drugs, coal and coke,
coffee, cotton yarn, furniture, fruits (fresh and
dried), glassware, glass beads, hides, iron and steel
ware (not cast iron), steel bars and rails, tinplate
manufactures, wire and manufactures of wire, raw
jute, leather and leather belding (unsewn), linen,
magnesite, mineral waters, musical instruments,
seeds and plants, straw and hay, copra, raw silk,
sugar, tanning materials, tin, wax (including bees-
wax) and paraffin, wine, wood and bark, unmanu-
factured wool, combed, spun and twisted wool,
wool goods.
In the group of imports to Austria-Hungary:
Flax and tow, hemp and tow, manufactured goods,
raw cotton, artificial silk, woolen piece goods,
casings for automobile tires, celluloid in sheets,
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 191
malleable iron, axles for railway use, plows, scrap-
iron, copper-wire, wares of copper, internal com-
bustion motors, sewing machines, agricultural im-
plements, parts for industrial machinery, electric
motors, electric measuring aparatus, metal working
machinery, including metal working machine tools,
etc.
As I stated above one probable tendency of this
war will be to shift the foreign trade of Austria-
Hungary and Germany to other countries. We have
full confidence that this war will strengthen the
dual monarchy instead of weakening it and one in-
dication of this rise in strength is already evi-
denced in the "come together" movement of all vari-
ous nationalities in the monarchy. Various men of
importance in history have at various times stated
that the monarchy of Austria-Hungary is a direct
necessity for Europe, some going so far as to say
that were the monarchy not in existence, it would
have to be remade.
The regrouping of the Balkan powers now and
after the war will, of course, be keenly watched by
all of us. It is of great importance to decide the
future position of Austria-Hungary, as a world-
power. We confidently expect, however, that the
war will bring a vindication of Austria-Hungary's
policies — and victory.
Business and foreign trade are rarely connected
with sentiment. Yet, it could hardly be denied that
trade relations between Germany and France after
1870 were for a long time strongly under a spell of
192 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
sentiment. Great Britain's dominance in the for-
eign trade has been more or less accepted as a neces-
sity by the whole of the European Continent. But
there is no reason why this necesity should be ac-
cepted in the future. And it is here in the readjust-
ment of the foreign trade of Continental Europe
that the United States can and will play an all-im-
portant part !
The mutual relations of the United States and the
dual-monarchy were at all times the very best. We
never have had friction of any kind. We may have
had differences of opinion on the theoretical mean-
ing of the "most favored nation clause" in our trade
relations. But these, as I have attempted to show
in my book on "Consular Treaty Rights and the
Most Favored Nation Clause," have not prevented
Austria-Hungary from extending to the United
States the fullest measure of courtesy in trade po-
litical matters by granting a most favored nation
treatment to American imports after 1894. In this
year the Wilson-Gorman bill in repeal of the Mc-
Kinley bill established a duty on sugar from Aus-
tria-Hungary. The dual-monarchy was also not al-
lowed the benefits of the United States treaties with
France (1898) Portugal (1899) and Italy (1900).
Yet, in spite of all, we have continued to maintain
our liberal attitude to imports arriving from the
United States. We recognize that the United
States has never desired to discriminate against
Austro-Hungarian trade, but that her theory re-
garding the most favored nation clause is a mat-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 193
ter of principle with her, based on the traditions of
her past. These traditions and this principle we
respect. We believe that they will in no way come
between us, when our foreign trade relations with
the United States will be resumed after the war.
The total imports from Austria-Hungary to the
United States have gradually increased from $10,-
067,970 in 1901 to |19,192,414 in 1913. During the
same time exports from the United States to the
dual monarchy have increased from $6,963,299 to
123,065,050. The total value of our mutual for-
eign trade in 1913 amounted therefore to about
$43,000,000. The total imports from all the coun-
tries with which our country is in war amount
roughly speaking to about $80,000,000 to $100,000,-
000. This amount of trade could easily accrue to
the United States in addition to her former imports,
which, as was stated, amounted to $23,065,050 in
1913. The articles herein comprised, as can be
seen from the above list, are all or mostly such as
are produced or manufactured in this country.
It seems to me that our embassies and mutual
consular oflSces could, after the war is over, accom-
plish no more auspicious task than to see that this
readjustment and mutual expansion of our foreign
trade becomes true. I wish to asure the people of
the great American Commonwealth, that on our
side no efforts will be spared to arrive at this result.
Lest it be forgotten, let us say that the United
States and Austria-Hungary have also had other
relations to entertain with one another. These
194 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
relations arose from the remarkable growth of
immigration from our country to American shores
during the last twenty-five years. This immigra-
tion may at times perhaps have somewhat com-
plicated the home conditions of American labor.
It will, however, hardly be denied that a very con-
siderable share of the rapid advance of a number
of large American industries was due to the in-
dustrious toil of the laborers from Austria-Hun-
gary. Solid and honest labor hands !
Let me also point out that our immigrants have
always earnestly endeavored to participate in the
civic and social welfare work of this country. They
have, when necessity arose, paid their toll of hlood
to help America and promote American ideals.
Let me point out to my readers that during their
own country's Civil War the small number of Hun-
garian immigrants, consisting in those days of
scarcely 10,000, contributed a contingent of about
2,000 to 3,000 men who have fought for the United
States. Seven of these 2,000 to 3,000 have attained
the rank of generals. They are General Stahel, who
commanded an army corps; General Asboth, who
commanded a division and a -district; General
Schoepf, commander of a -division and a fort ; while
Generals Knefler, Kozlay, Mundee and Pomucz had
charge of brigades.
There were others who have attained high rank
in the army, displaying thereby not only their
loyalty and prowess, but also their efficiency.
The memories of those fallen in the Civil War
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 195
have linked our people together. Will the present
war thrust them apart again, or will it promote
their mutual friendship and esteem?
I would like to see the United States reach out
for the other hand from our shores. It is a good
honest hand, that will hold hers in her grasp and
the grasp will spell loyalty.
The End.
APPENDIX A.
THE NOTE OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY TO SERVIA.*
Presented July 23, in Belgrade.
On March 31st, 1909, the Royal Servian Minister
to the Court of Vienna made the following state-
ment, by order of his government :
"Servia declares that she is not affected in her
rights by the situation established in Bosnia, and
that she will, therefore, adapt herself to the de-
cisions which the Powers are going to arrive at
in reference to Art. 25 of the Berlin Treaty. By
following the councils of the Powers, Servia binds
herself to cease the attitude of protest and re-
sistance which she has assumed since last Octo-
ber, relative to the annexation, and she binds her-
self further to change the direction of her present
policies towards Austria-Hungary, and, in the
future, to live with the latter in friendly and
neighborly relations."
The history of the last years, and especially the
painful events of June 28th, have demonstrated the
• The note of Austria- Hungary and Servia's reply thereto as presented
here, are a reprodnction of the only authorized Knelish translation of the fiervian
White Book, which was reprintea by the Patholnnd in New York. It is much
more complete than the version pr'nted by the Nrw York Times, which was
reprinted by the American Association for international Concilation.
197
198 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
existence of a subversive movement in Servia whose
aim it is to separate certain territories from the
Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This movement, which
developed under the eyes of the Servian Govern-
ment, has found expression subsequently beyond
the territory of the kingdom, in acts of terrorism, a
series of assassinations and murders.
Far from fulfilling the formal obligations con-
tained in the declaration of March 31st, 1909, the
Royal Servian Government has done nothing to
suppress this movement. She suffered the criminal
doings of the various societies and associations di-
rected against the monarchy, the unbridled lan-
guage of the press, the glorification of the origina-
tors of assassinations, the participation of officers
and officials in subversive intrigues; she suffered
the unwholesome propaganda in public education,
and, lastly, permitted all manifestations which
would mislead the Servian people into hatred
of the monarchy and into contempt for its institu-
tions.
This culpable tolerance, of which the Royal Ser-
vian Government made itself guilty, has lasted
up to the moment in which the events of June 28th
demonstrated to the entire world its ghastly con-
sequences.
It becomes plain from the evidence and confes-
sions of the criminal authors of the outrage of June
28th, that the murder at Sarajevo was conceived in
Belgrade, that the murderers received the arms and
bombs with which they were equipped from Ser-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 199
vian oflScers and officials who belonged to the Na-
rodna Odbrana, and that, lastly, the transportation
of the criminals and their arms to Bosnia was ar-
ranged and carried out by leading Servian frontier
officials.
The cited results of the investigation do not per-
mit the Imperial and Royal Government to observe
any longer the attitude of waiting, which it has as-
sumed for years towards those agitations which
have their centre in Belgrade, and which from there
radiate into the territory of the monarchy. These
results, on the contrary, impose upon the Imperial
and Royal Government the duty to terminate in-
trigues which constitute a permanent menace for
the peace of the monarchy .
In order to obtain this purpose, the Imperial and
Royal Government is forced to demand official as-
surance from the Servian Government that it con-
demns the propaganda directed against Austria-
Hungary, i. e., the entirety of the machinations
the aim of which is to separate parts from the
monarchy which belong to it, and that she binds
herself to suppress with all means this criminal
and terrorizing propaganda.
In order to give to these obligations a solemn
character, the Royal Servian Government shall pub-
lish on the first page of its official organ of July
26, 1914, the following declaration :
"The Royal Servian Government condemns the
propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary,
200 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
i. e., the entirety of those machinations whose
aim it is to separate from the Austro-Hungarian
monarchy territories belonging thereto, and she
regrets sincerely the ghastly consequences of
these criminal actions.
"The Royal Servian Government regrets that
Servian officers and officials have participated in
the propaganda cited above, and have thus
threatened the friendly and neighborly relations
which the Royal Government was solemnly bound
to cultivate by its declaration of March 31st,
1909.
"The Royal Government, which disapproves
and rejects every thought or every attempt to
influence the destinies of the inhabitants of any
part of Austria-Hungary, considers it its duty
to call most emphatically to the attention of its
officers and officials, and of the entire population
of the kingdom, that it will henceforward proceed
with the utmost severity against any persons
guilty of similar actions, to prevent and sup-
press which it will make every effort."
This explanation is to be brought simultaneously
to the cognizance of the Royal Army through an
order of His Majesty the King, and it is to be pub-
lished in the official organ of the army.
The Royal Servian Government binds itself, in
addition, as follows :
1. To suppress any publication which fosters
hatred of, and contempt for, the Austro-Hungarian
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 201
monarchy, and whose general tendency is directed
against the latter's territorial integrity.
2. To proceed at once with the dissolution of
the society Narodna Odbrana, to confiscate its
entire means of propaganda, and to proceed in the
same manner against the other societies and as-
sociations in Servia which occupy themselves with
the propaganda against Austria-Hungary. The
Royal Government will take the necessary measures
so that the dissolved societies may not continue
their activities under another name oi* in another
form.
3. Without delay to eliminate from the pub-
lic instruction in Servia, so far as the corps of in*
structors as well as the means of instruction
are concerned, that which serves, or may
serve, to foster the propaganda against Austria-
Hungary.
4. To remove from military service and the ad-
ministration in general all oflfi<*er8 and oflBcials who
are guilty of propaganda against Austria-Hungary,
and whose names, with a communication of the
material which the Imperial and Royal Govern-
ment possesses against them, the Imperial and
Royal Government reserves the right to communi-
cate to the Royal Government.
5. To consent that in Servia officials of the Im-
perial and Royal Government cooperate in the sup-
pression of a movement directed against the terri-
torial integrity of the monarchy.
6. To commence a judicial investigation against
202 AUSTRIAHUNGARY AND THE WAR
the participants of the conspiracy of June 28th, who
are on Servian territory. Officials, delegated by the
Imperial and Royal Government, will participate
in the examinations.
7. To proceed at once with all severity to arrest
Major Voja Tankosic and a certain Milan Cigano-
vic, Servian state officials, who have been com-
promised through the result of the investigation.
8. To prevent through effective measures and
participation of the Servian authorities in the
smuggling of arms and explosives across the fron-
tier, and to dismiss those officials of Shabatz and
Loznica, who assisted the originators of the crime
of Sarajevo in crossing the frontier.
9. To give to the Imperial and Royal Govern-
ment explanations in regard to the unjustifiable
utterances of high Servian functionaries in Servia
and abroad who have not hesitated, in spite of their
official position, to express themselves in interviews
in a hostile manner against Austria-Hungary after
the outrage of June 28th.
10. The Imperial and Royal Government ex-
pects a reply from the Royal Government at the
latest until Saturday 25th, inst., at 6 p. m. A
memoir concerning the results of the investiga-
tions at Sarajevo, so far as they concern points 7
and 8, is enclosed with this note.
ENCLOSURE.
The investigation carried on against Gavrilo
Prinzip and accomplices in the Ck)urt of Sarajevo,
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 203
on account of the assassination on June 28th, so far,
yielded the following results:
1. The plan to murder Archduke Frank Fer-
dinand during his stay in Sarajevo was conceived in
Belgrade by Gavrilo Prinzip, Nedjelko Cabrinovic,
and a certain Milan Ciganovic and Trifko Grabez,
with the aid of Major Voja Tankosic.
2. The six bombs and four Browning pistols
which were used by the criminals were obtained by
Milan Ciganovic and Major Tankosic, and pre-
sented to Prinzip and Cabrinovic in Belgrade.
3. The bombs are hand grenades, manufactured
at the arsenal of the Servian army in Kragu-
jevac.
4. To insure the success of the assassination,
Milan Ciganovic instructed Prinzip and Cabrinovic
in the use of the grenades and gave instructions in
shooting with Browning pistols to Prinzip and Gra-
bez in a forest near the target practice field of Top-
shider (outside Belgrade).
5. In order to enable the crossing of the frontier
of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Prinzip, Cabrinovic
and Grabez, and the smuggling of their arms, a
secret system of transportation was organized by
Ciganovic. The entry of the criminals with their
arms into Bosnia and Herzegovina was efifected by
the frontier captains of Shabatz (Rade Popovic)
and of Loznica, as well as by the custom house
official Rudivoy Grbic of Loznica with the aid of
several other persons.
204 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
THE SERVIAN ANSWER.
Presented at Vienna, July 25th, 1914.
(With Austria-Hungary's commentaries, which are
presented under quotation marks. )
The Royal Government has received the com-
munication of the Imperial and Royal Government
of the 23d inst. and is convinced that its reply will
dissipate any misunderstanding which threatens to
destroy the friendly and neighborly relations be-
tween the Austrian monarchy and the kingdom of
Servia.
The Royal Government is conscious that nowhere
there have been renewed protests against the great
neighborly monarchy like those which at one time
were expressed in the Skuptschina, as well as in
the declaration and actions of the responsible
representatives of the state at that time, and which
were terminated by the Servian declaration of
March 31st, 1909 ; furthermore, that since that time
neither the different societies of the kingdom nor
the oflQcials have made an attempt to alter the
political and judicial condition created in Bosnia
and the Herzegovina. The Royal Government
states that the I. and R, Government has made no
protestation in this sense, excepting in the case of a
textbook, in regard to which the I. and R. Govern-
ment has received an entirely satisfactory explana-
tion. Servia has given during the time of the Bal-
kan crisis in numerous cases evidence of her pacific
and moderate policy, and it is owing to Servia and
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 205
the sacrifices which she has brought in the interest
of the peace of Europe that this peace has been
preserved.
"The Royal Servian Government limits itself to
establishing that since the declaration of March
31st, 1909, there has been no attempt on the part
of the Servian Government to alter the position of
Bosnia and the Herzegovina.
"With this she deliberately shifts the foundation
of our note, as we have not insisted that she and
her offircials have undertaken anything oflScial in
this direction. Our gravamen is that, in spite of
the obligation assumed in the cited note, she has
omitted to suppress the movement directed against
the territorial integrity of the monarchy.
"Her obligation consisted in changing her atti-
tude and the entire direction of her policies, and in
entering into friendly and neighborly relations with
the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and not only not
to interfere with the possession of Bosnia."
The Royal Government cannot be made respon-
sible for expressions of a private character, as for
instance newspaper articles and the peaceable work
of societies, expressions which are of very common
appearance in other countries, and which ordinarily
are not under the control of the state. This, all the
less, as the Royal Government has shown great
courtesy in the solution of a whole series of ques-
tions which have arisen between Servia and Austria-
206 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
Hungary, whereby it has succeeded to solve the
greater number thereof, in favor of the progress of
both countries.
"The assertion of the Royal Servian Government
that the expressions of the press and the activity of
Servian associations possess a private character,
and thus escape government control, stands in full
contrast with the institutions of modern states and
even the most liberal of press and society laws,
which nearly everywhere subject the press and the
societies to a certain control of the state. This is
also provided for by the Servian institutions. The
rebuke against the Servian Government consists in
the fact that it has totally omitted to supervise its
press and its societies, in so far as it knew their
direction to be hostile to the monarchy."
The Royal Government was therefore painfully
surprised by the assertions that citizens of Servia
had participated in the preparations of the outrage
in Sarajevo. The Government expected to be in-
vited to cooperate in the investigation of the crime,
and it was ready, in order to prove its complete
correctness, to proceed against all persons in regard
to whom it would receive information.
"This assertion is incorrect. The Servian Govern-
ment was accurately informed about the suspicion
resting upon quite definite personalities, and not
only in the position, but also obliged by its own
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 207
laws to institute investigations spontaneously. The
Servian Government has done nothing in this
direction."
According to the wishes of the I, and R. Govern-
ment, the Royal Government is prepared to sur-
render to the court, without regard to position and
rank, every Servian citizen, for whose participation
in the crime of Sarajevo it should have received
proof. It binds itself particularly on the first page
of the oflQcial organ of the 26th of July to publish
the following enunciation :
"The Royal Servian Government condemns
every propaganda which should be directed
against Austria-Hungary, i. e., the entirety of
such activities as aim towards the separation of
certain territories from the Austro- Hungarian
monarchy, and it regrets sincerely the lamentable
consequences of these criminal machinations."
The Austrian demand reads :
"The Royal Servian Government condemns the
propaganda against Austria-Hungary. . . ."
"The alteration of the declaration as demanded
by us, which has been made by the Royal Servian
Government, is meant to imply that a propaganda
directed against Austria-Hungary does not exist,
and that it is not aware of such. This formula is in-
sincere, and the Servian Government reserves itself
208 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
the subterfuge for later occasions that it had not
disavowed by this declaration the existing propa-
ganda, nor recognized the same as hostile to the
monarchy, whence it could deduce further that it is
not obliged to suppress in the future a propaganda
similar to the present one."
The Royal Government regrets that according to
a communication of the I. and R. Government
certain Servian officers and functionaries have par-
ticipated in the propaganda just referred to, and
that these have therefore endangered the amicable
relations for the observation of which the Royal
Government had solemnly pledged itself through
the declaration of March 31st, 1909.
"The Government . . . identical with the
demanded text."
The formula as demanded by Austria-Hungary
reads :
"The Royal Government regrets that Servian
officers and functionaries . . . have partici-
pated. . . ."
"And with this formula and the further addition,
'according to the declaration of the I. and R. Gov-
ernment,' the Servian Government pursues the
object, already indicated above, to preserve a free
hand for the future."
The Royal Government binds itself further:
AUSTRIA HUNGARY AND THE WAR 209
1. During the next regular meeting of the
Skuptschina to embody in the press laws a clause,
to wit, that the incitement to hatred of, and con-
tempt for, the monarchy is to be most severely pun-
ished, as well as every publication whose general
tendency is directed against the territorial integrity
of Austria-Hungary.
It binds itself in view of the coming revision of
the constitution to embody an amendment into Art.
22 of the constitutional law which permits the con-
fiscation of such publications as is at present im-
possible according to the clear definition of Art, 22
of the constitution.
Austria-Hungary had demanded:
"1. To suppress every publication which incites
to hatred and contempt for the monarchy, and
whose tendency is directed against the territorial
integrity of the monarchy.
"We wanted to bring about the obligation for
Servia to take care that such attacks of the press
would cease in the future.
"Instead Servia offers to pass certain laws which
are meant as means towards this end, viz. :
"(a) A law according to which the expressions of
the press hostile to the monarchy can be individ-
ually punished, a matter which is immaterial to us,
all the more so as the individual prosecution of
press intrigues is very rarely possible and as, with
a lax enforcement of such laws, few cases of this
nature would be punished. The proposition, there-
210 AUSTKIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
fore, does not meet our demand in any way, and
it offers not the least guarantee for the desired
success.
"(b) An amendment to Art. 22 of the constitu-
tion, which would permit confiscation, a proposal
which does not satisfy us, as the existence of such a
law in Servia is of no use to us. For we want the
obligation of the Government to enforce it and that
has not been promised us.
"These proposals are, therefore, entirely unsatis-
factory and evasive as we are not told within what
time these laws will be passed, and as in the event
of the not-passing of these laws by the Skuptschina
everything would remain as it is, excepting the
event of a possible resignation of the Government."
2. The Government possesses no proofs, and the
note of the I. and R. Government does not submit
them that the society Narodna Odbrana and other
similar societies have committed, up to the present,
any criminal actions of this manner through anyone
of their members. Notwithstanding this, the Royal
Government will accept the demand of the I. and R.
Government and dissolve the society Narodna Od-
brana, as well as every society which should act
against Austria-Hungary.
"The propaganda of the Narodna Odbrana and
affiliated societies hostile to the monarchy fills the
entire public life of Servia; it is, therefore, an en-
tirely inacceptable reserve, if the Servian Govern-
AUSTRIA HUNGARY AND THE WAR 211
ment asserts that it knows nothing about it. Aside
from this, our demand is not completely fulfilled
as we have asked besides :
"To confiscate the means of propaganda of these
societies to prevent the reformation of the dissolved
societies under another name and in another form."
"In these two directions the Belgrade Cabinet is
perfectly silent, so that through this semi-conces-
sion there is offered us no guarantee for putting an
end to the agitation of the associations hostile to
the monarchy, especially the Narodna Odbrana^"
3. The Royal Servian Government binds itself
without delay to eliminate from the public instruc-
tion in Servia anything which might further the
propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, pro-
vided the I. and R. Government furnishes actual
proofs.
"Also in this case the Servian Government first
demands proof for a propaganda hostile to the mon-
archy in the public instruction of Servia, while it
must know that the textbooks introduced in the
Servian schools contain objectionable matter in this
direction, and that a large portion of the teachers
are in the camp of the Narodna Odbrana and
aflQliated societies.
"Furthermore, the Servian Government has not
fulfilled a part of our demands, as we have re-
quested, as it omitted in its text the addition desired
by us: *as far as the body of instructors is con-
212 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
cerned, as well as the means of instruction' — a sen-
tence which shows clearly where the propaganda
hostile to the monarchy is to be found in the Servian
schools."
4. The Royal Government is also ready to dis-
miss those oflQcers and oflQcials from the military
and civil services in regard to whom it has been
proved by judicial investigation that they have been
guilty of actions against the territorial integrity of
the monarchy ; it expects that the I. and R. Govern-
ment communicate to it for the purpose of starting
the investigation the names of these officers and
officials, and the facts with which they have been
charged
"By promising the dismissal from the military
and civil services of those officers and officials who
are found guilty by Judicial procedure, the Servian
Government limits its assent to those cases in
which these persons have been charged with a crime
according to the statutory code. As, however, we
demand the removal of such officers and officials aa
indulge in a propaganda hostile to the monarchy
which is generally not punishable in Servia, our de-
mands have not been fulfilled in this point."
5. The Royai Government confesses that it is not
clear about the sense and the scope of that demand
of the I. and R. Government which concerns the
obligation on the part of the Royal Servian Gov-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 213
eminent to permit the cooperation of officials of the
I. and R. Government on Servian territory, but it
declares that it is willing to accept every coopera-
tion which agrees with international law and crim-
inal law as well as with friendly and neighborly
relations.
"The international law, as well as the criminal
law, has nothing to do with this question; it is
purely a matter of the nature of state police which
is to be solved by way of a special agreement The
reserved attitude of Servia is therefore incompre-
hensible, and on account of its vague general form
it would lead to unbridgeable difficulties."
6. The Royal Government considers it its duty
as a matter of course to begin its investigation
against all those persons who have participated in
the outrage of June 28th and who are in its terri-
tory. As far as the cooperation in this investiga-
tion of specially delegated officials of the I. and R.
Government is concerned, this cannot be accepted,
as this is a violation of the constitution and of crim-
inal procedure. Yet in some cases the result of the
investigation might be communicated to the Austro-
Hungarian officials.
The Austrian demand was clear and unmistak-
able:
"1. To institute a criminal procedure against the
participants in the outrage.
214 AUSTRIA HUNGARY AND THE WAR
"2. Participation by I. and R. Government offi-
cials in the examinations ( 'Recherche' in contrast
with 'enquete judiciaire')."
"3. It did not occur to us to let I. and R. Govern-
ment officials participate in the Servian court pro-
cedure; they were to cooperate only in the police
researches which had to furnish and fix the material
for the investigation.
"If the Servian Government misunderstands us
here, this is done deliberately, for it must be famil-
iar with the difference between "enquete judiciaire"
and simple police researches. As it desired to
escape from every control of the investigation which
would yield, if correctly carried out, highly un-
desirable results for it, and as it possesses no means
to refuse in a plausible manner the cooperation of
our officials (precedents for such police interven-
tion exist in great numbers), it tries to justify its
refusal by showing up our demands as impossible."
7. The Royal Government had ordered on the
evening of the day on which the note was received
the arrest of Major Voislar Tankosic. However, as
far as Milan Ciganovic is concerned, who is a cit-
izen of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and who
had been employed till June 28th with the Railroad
Department, it has as yet been impossible to locate
him, wherefore a warrant has been issued against
him.
The I. and R. Government is asked to make
known, as soon as possible, for the purpose of con-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 215
ducting the investigation, the existing grounds for
suspicion and the proofs of guilt obtained in the
investigation at Sarajevo.
"This reply is disingenuous. According to our in-
vestigation, Ciganovic, by order of the police pre-
fect in Belgrade, left three days after the outrage
for Ribari, after it had become known that Cigano-
vic had participated in the outrage. In the first
place, it is, therefore, incorrect that Ciganovic left
the Servian service on June 28th. In the second
place, we add that the prefect of police at Belgrade,
who had himself caused the departure of this Cigan-
ovic and who knew his whereabouts, declared in an .
interview that a man by the name of Milan Cigano-
vic did not exist in Belgrade."
8. The Servian Government will amplify and
render more severe the existing measures against
the suppression of smuggling of arms and explo-
sives.
It is a matter of course, that it will proceed at
once against, and punish severely, those officials of
the frontier service on the line Shabatz-Loznica
who violated their duty and who have permitted
the perpetrators of the crime to cross the frontier.
9. The Royal Government is ready to give ex-
planations about the expressions which its officials
in Servia and abroad have made in interviews after
the outrage and which, according to the assertion of
the I. and R. Government, were hostile to the mon-
216 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. AND THE WAR
archy. As soon as the I. and E. Government points
out in detail where those expressions were made
and succeeds in proving that those expressions have
actually been made by the functionaries concerned,
the Royal Government itself will take care that the
necessary evidences and proofs are collected there-
for.
"The Royal Servian Government must be aware
of the interviews in question. If it demands of the
I. and R. Government that it should furnish all
kinds of detail about the said interviews and re-
serves for itself the right of a formal investigation,
it shows that it is not its intention seriously to ful-
fill the demand."
The Royal Government will notify the I. and
R. Government, as far as this has not been al-
ready done by the present note, of the execution
of the measures in question as soon as one of
these measures has been ordered and put into
execution.
The Royal Servian Government believes it to be
to the common interest not to rush the solution of
these affairs, and it is, therefore, in case the I. and
R. Government should not consider itself satisfied
with this answer, ready, as ever, to accept a peace-
able solution, be it by referring the decision of this
question to the International Court at The Hague
or by leaving it to the decision of the Great Powers
who have participated in the working out of the
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 217
declaration given by the Servian Government on
March 31st, 1909.
"The Servian note, therefore, is entirely a play
for time."
APPENDIX B.
PETER THE GREAT'S WILL.
According to the document, Peter enjoins the
Russians to observe these instructions as the Jews
observed the laws of Moses, and prophesies that
they will be successful.
1. Russia must keep her men continually in
training for war. She should be at peace only when
it is necessary for her to recuperate financially.
Thus war must serve peace, and peace war for the
greater glory of Russia.
2. Every able general, every learned man among
the best instructed nations of Europe that can be
induced to settle in the dominions of the Czar is an
advantage gained.
3. We must take part in all the affairs of Europe.
We must especially sow and foster discord in
Germany.
4. Poland must be divided. We can let the
neighboring powers have a share until we can re-
take what we have yielded.
5. Sweden must be subjugated, therefore we
must separate Sweden from Denmark and keep up
a rivaly between them.
6. The wives of Russian princes should always
218
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR 219
be chosen among the German princesses, to increase
our influence in Germany.
7. Commercially, we must ally ourselves with
England. We need English gold and want her
seamen and traders to teach ours.
8. We must incessantly extend ourselves alonsr
the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea.
9. We must advance towards Constantinople
and India. When we have India we can do with-
out English gold, for the power which holds the
wealth of India is the true mistress of the world.
We must make war continually upon both Turkey
and Persia until we have compassed the downfall
of both. We must try to revive the ancient com-
merce of the Levant and Syria with Europe and
India.
10. We must promise to Austria our help in
making her mistress of all Germany, and must
excite the jealousies of the German princes against
her.
11. We may give Austria a share of Turkey
when we drive the Turks from Europe. What we
give her, we can retake afterward.
12. All adherents of the Greek churches in Hun-
gary, Turkey and Poland we must support. They
will be our friends in the midst of the enemies'
country.
13. When Sweden, Persia, Poland and Turkey
have been subjugated, when the Baltic and the
Black Seas are guarded by our ships, we must first
offer to France, and, if she refuses, to Austria, to
220 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE WAR
share the world with her. Thus using one to destroy
the other, we can rush the remaining one at our
ease.
14. If both refuse we must excite their jealous-
ies until they exhaust each other by continual wars.
Then Germany must be attacked with overwhelm-
ing forces. When Germany and France are over-
come, the rest of Europe will immediately submit
to us. Thus can and must Europe be subdued.
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