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Full text of "An authentic and comprehensive history of Buffalo : with some account of its early inhabitants, both savage and civilized ; comprising historic notices of the Six Nations or Iroquois Indians, including a sketch of the life of Sir William Johnson, and of other prominent white men, long resident among the Senecas ; arranged in chronologial order"

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974.702 

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1131809 



GENEAUOGV COL-UECTION 



O/ 

GENEALOGY COLLECTION 



HISTORY OF BUFFALO, 



WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF 

ITS EARLY INHABITANTS, BOTH SAVAGE AND CIVILIZED, 

COMPRISING 

HISTORIC NOTICES OF THE SIX XATIOXS OR IROQUOIS IXDIAXS, IXCLUDIXG 

A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM JOHXSOX, AXD OF 

OTHER PROMIXEXT WHITE MEX, LOXGRESIDEXT 

A.yOXG THE SEXECAS. 

ARRANGED IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER, 
IN TWO VOLUMES. 



BY WILLIAM KETCHUM 



Y O L . II. 



BUFFALO, N. Y. 

ROCKWELL, BAKER & HILL, PRINTERS. 
1865. 



Enterkd accorfling to Act of Congresa of tlie United States of America, in the 

year 1864, by WILLIAM K E T C II U M , In the Office of the Clerk 

of the District Court, for the Northern District of New York. 



-4 ^ '^P -f Q*^' 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTEK I. 

History of the Seneeas brought down 1o the close of Snllivan"s Campaign— The 
winter of 17-79-80 the most severe ever known— Multitudes of animals perish— 
Great sufferings of the Indians— Other means of support became necessary by the 
scarcity of provisoes at Niagara— Indians settled at Buffalo Creek— Mohawks de- 
cline a settlement at the Bay of »^uinte— Senecas decline a settlement in Canada — 
Prefer to remain in their own country— Continue their depredations upon the fron- 
tier settlements— Negotiations with the Indians by the State Government— Peter 
Ryckman visits Niagara— His instructions— The United States propose to hold a 
treaty with the Six Nations— Treaty at Fort Stanwix in 17&1 Page 1 . 



CHAPTEPv II. 

Treaty at Fort Stanwix- Speech of Coruplanter— United States Commissioners' 
reply- Articles of the Treaty of Fort Stanwix- Doubts as to the presence of Red 
Jacket at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix— Letter of General La Fayette to General 
Washington— United States Commissioners proceed to the West— Lands opened 
for sale and settlement in Ohio— British authority supreme in. all Western New 
York until about 1796— William Johnston and Cornelius Winney at Buffalo Creek- 
Fort Erie occupied by a British garrison— Cornelius Winney the first white resident 
of Buffalo— Joseph Brant corresponds with Governor Clinton Page 18. 



CHAPTEE III. 

Deputation of Senecas visit Albany— Address the State Commissioners— Com- 
missioners' reply-— Land companies formed— Conflict between the land companies 
and the State authorities— Letter of the Six Nations to Governor Clinton— Kanade- 
saega becomes the seat of trade with the Indians— Phelps and Gorham make an 
unsuccessful attempt to negotiate for the puichaae of Indian lands— Other parties 
unite with them— influence of the lessees with the Indians— Phelps and Gorham 
compromise with the lessees— A treaty held at Buffalo Ci'eek— Phelps and Gorham 
with their associates make a successful arrangement with the Indians— Ask a re- 
lease from a part of their engagement with Massachusetts— Robt, Morris purchases 
all the lands relmquished by Phelps and Gorham— Sells to the Holland Land Com- 
pany—Joseph EUicott appointed principal surveyor of the Holland Land Company 
—Negotiation with Wm. Johnston at the mouth of Buft'alo Creek Page 40-. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Origin of the name of Buffalo— Called " New Amsterdam," by the Holland Land 
Company— Visit of the buffalo to the Salt or Sulphhr Spring on Buffalo Creek- In- 
dian name of the buffalo— Indian name of Buffalo Creek— La Salle's journey in 1680 
—La Hontan's account of Lake Erie— Thomas Ashe's travels in Western Pennsyl- 
vania and Eastern Ohio— Dr. HiUlreth's letter— Albert Gallatin's statement— John 
H. James's letter— Extract from Thomas Morton— Extracts from Doctor Eichard- 
son Page 63> 



HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 



CIIAPTER V 



Letter of Miss Powell— Her visit to the Seneca vilhige at liulTalo Creek— Jourcal 
of Kev. Samuel Kirkland— His visit lo Kanadesagea, Gene?ee and Bufl'alo Creek— 
His address to the Indians— Address of Farmers Brother— Big-Tree's address— 
Kirklands reply -- -- Page 90. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Notice of Farmers Tirotber, or Iloua ye-was— His^ speeches— His execution of an 
Indian spy — Letter to \Vm. Eustis, Secretary of War— Origin of his name — His 
death and burial— Captain J'oUard— Notice of— His parentage— Mr. Edward Pollard 
—Extracts from letters to and from Edward Pollard Page 111. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Early visitors at BuiTalo Creek— ;Mr. Hinds Chamheriin— Oliver Culver— John Pal- 
mer, the first inn keeper iu Buffalo— Notice of John Pulmer— Letter of Joseph li. 
Palmer— First movement iu regard to schools— Jo- eph Ellicutt's letter to John Pal- 
mer—Duke de Itofhefocauld Laincoun.'s visit to Buti'alo- Augustus Porters notice 
of Buffalo— Michael Middauirh and his son-in-law, EzekialLane settled in Buffalo— 
Sylvanus MnybcH, an Indlaii trader— Black Joe- Col. Asa Ransom- Notice of Asa 
Ransom— Elias Ransom— Auiasa Rinsom— William Fobbins— Wm. Peacock's no- 
tice of Buffalo -Purveyors of the HoUaud Land Company— Geo. Eggleston's letter 
— Willian Johnston— His son John Johnston- Black Rock Ferry— Doctor Chapin— 
John Crow -_ ..Page 128. 



CHAPTER VIIL 

Joseph EUicott's journal— His opinion of Black Rock— First murder in Buffalo — 
Hostile feelings of the Indians — Sale of lands in the vicinity of Bufl'alo— Notice of 
Doctor Cyreuins Chapin— Gen. Driimmond's letter in relation to Doctor Cha- 
pin " Page 14(). 



CHAPTER IX. 

Mr. Erastus GranL'er- Notice of— Rev. Timothy Dwichfs remarks on a visit to 
Buffalo- Capt. Samnel Pratt settled in Bnffalo— Notice of— Mr William Hairs visit 
to Bufl'alo— Mr. Louis Stephen LeCouteulx— Notice of— Mr. David Mather's account 
of Buffalo— Notice of David Reese. .PagelGS. 



CHAPTER X. 

Early American commerce on Lake Erie— Mr Weld's account of a sojourn at Fort 
Erie— Judge Porter's paper on the Origin of American commerce on the lakes— No- 
tice of— John Despar— Juilae Samuel Tupper— Vincent Grant— Notice of Judge Ze- 
iias Barker— Notice of Judge Ebenezer Walden— Elijah Leech Page 187. 



CHAPTER XL 

First school house— School teachers— First preacher in Buffalo— Letter of John 
A Vincent— Missions to the Indians at Bufl'alo Creek- Notice of Kev. Elkanah 
Holmes— Rev. John Alexander- Mr Jabez B Hyde- Indians reject the Missionary 
but accept a schoolmafter- Keasons for so doing— First church organized in Buffalo 
— Rev. Miles P. Sqnier installed as pastor— Subsequent pastors — Other churches or. 
ganized — Notice of Gen. Elijah Holt— Buffalo Moral Society organized — Notice oj 
Deacon Amos Callender— Notice of Decon Jabez Goodell Page 202 



CONTENTS. V 

CHAPTER XII. 

Lots sold in Baffalo in ISOS— Notice of Mr. Josepli Landon— Joseph Wells— Capt. 
Rowland Cotton — Mr. Henry Ketcham— Notice of Mr. Jesse Ketchum — Notice of 
Doctor Ebenezer Johnson— Notice of Mr. Joshua Lovejoy— Jnba Storrs & Co.— Mr. 
Benjamin Caryl — Mr. Isaac Davis — Niagara county organized — County seat at 
"Buffalo, or New Amsterdam "—First court held in the county— Court-house and 
jail built by the Holland Land Company — Names of the purchasers of lots in 1810 — 
Notice of Mr. Gamaliel St. John— Mr. EliUarl— Mr. John Lay— Notice of Mr. Fred- 
erick Miller— Notice of Mr. Ralph M. Pomeroy— Mob destroy his tavern, .Page 230. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

First newspaper established in Buffalo — Notice of Mr. Abel M. Grosvenor— 
Wounded by the mob at Pomeroy's house— His death— Notice of Mr. R. B. Hea- 
cock— Notice of Gen. H. B. Potter— Notice of Stocking & Bull— Mr. Daniel Bristol 
—No harbor at Buffalo Creek— Office of Collector of Customs authorized to be re- 
moved to Black Rock— Circular from the War Department— Notice of Townsend & 
Coit— Build the first vessel registered in the District of Buft'alo Creek— Raphael 
Cook— Judge Oliver Forward - Doctor Josiah Trowbridge— H. & H. A. Salisbury 
—The Buffalo Gazette Page 241. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Notice of Mr. Job Iloysiugton— Killed at Black Rock— John Root, Esq., settled 
in Buffalo— Notice of— Agitation of the subject of war- Mr. Granger holds a council 
wiih the Indians — Irritawe state of the public mind — Articles in the Buffalo Gazette 
—Hostilities commence— Americans in Canada compelled to fly or become priso- 
ners of war — Militia ordered out— Rumored capture of Grand Island by the British 
and Indians— Our Indians propose to expel the enemy— County meeting— Seneca 
warriors arrive from Alleghany — parform a war dance in the streets of Buffalo— two 
British vessels captured from under the guns of Fort Erie— Death of Col. Howe 
Cayler— War events at Black Rock— Capt. Elliotts official report Page 261. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Battle of Queeuston— Col. Solomon Van Rensselaer— Drafted militia— Gen. Amos 
Hall— Gen. William ^Vadsworth — Gen. Stephen Van Rensselaer — Gen. Alexander 
Smyth— Smyth's proclamations— From the Buffalo Gazette— Gen. Peter B. Porters 
card — Is challenged by Gen. Smyth — They have . a hostile meeting upon Grand 
Island— Statement of the seconds— Failure of Smyth's expedition— The General be- 
comes the object of general ridicule— Doctor Chapin's and other articles in the 
Buffalo Gazette— Unfavorable condition of military affairs upon the Niagara fron- 
tier at the close of the year 1812— Capture of Fort George— Disasters to the Ameri- 
cans at Stony Creek— Fort George evacuated- Newark burned— British capture 
Niagara— Buffalo burned Page 285. 



ATTTHGR'S NOTICE TO VOL. II. 



For the purpose of presei'vatioii, the author lias emljodied in the 
Appendix a mass of papers not absolutely necessary to the elucidation 
•of the History included in the body of the work. Most of these consist 
of original papers, and letters never before published, and which are 
now for the first time placed in an accessible and pt-rmanent form, and 
juay prove valuable additions to the scanty records of the early history 
of our city and its vicinity, particularly in regard to the history of the 
War of 1812, and the transactions upon the Niagara frontier. These 
papers and letters have been copied with great care from the originals, 
aiany of which are in a dilapidated condition, now scarc-ely legible, and 
CTould soon be beyond recovery. 

Euffalo, August, 1S65. 



CHAPTEE I. 



The history of the Senecas is now brought down to the 
period of their settlement at Buffalo Creek. The expedi- 
tion under the command of Gen. Sullivan* had driven 
them from their homes ; and the destruction of their crops, 
their provisions, their cattle, and every thing they pos- 
sessed, threw them upon the hands of their British allies 
for subsistence. The winter of 1779-80 was the most 
severe ever known. The snow lay upon the ground five 
feet deep, extending over the entire western portion of 
the State. Multitudes of animals perished from starva- 
tion. The destruction of the deer was extraordinary. 
The forests were filled with their dead carcasses when the 
snow dissolved in the spring. The country was nearly 
depopulated of domestic cattle; even horses perished from 
want of food and shelter from the excessive cold. But 
the animals were not the only sufferers. The Indians, on 
the destruction of their towns by the advancing enemy, 
which swept through their country like an irresistible 
tornado, fled before them and sought s5,fety in the inac- 
cessible depths of the forest, or under the guns of Fort 
Niagara, where they received a scanty subsistence during 
the terrible winter which followed their defeat and dis- 
persion. 

*For account of this expeditioa see Appendix No. 2. 



2 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

It became a necessity on the part of their protectors, to 
provide some other means of support than what could be 
furnished at Niagara. The Indians rejected a proposi- 
tion to send a part of their number to Carleton, or Buck 
Island, in the St. Lawrence river, where it was thought 
they might be fed at less expense and trouble ; preferring 
to run the chances of a precarious subsistence in their 
own country. As soon as the spring opened, measures 
were adopted to provide for their settlement at some 
place where they might support themselves by hunting 
and raising corn, beans, and such other vegetables as 
their rude mode of culture might enable them to pro- 
duce. To this end, Capts. Powell, Johnson and others, 
came up to Buffalo Creek, bringing hoes, axes, seeds, 
&c., &c., and by their advice and assistance encouraged 
them to establish themselves in their new homes. The 
Oneidas, who had, through the influence of the mission- 
ary, Kirkland, adhered to, or rather espoused the Ameri- 
can cause, had not been molested by Sullivan's expedi- 
tion ; but the Onondagas and Cayugas were compelled 
to abandon their settlements, and became residents on 
Buffalo Creek, with the Senecas. The Tuscaroras were 
settled at the same time upon the Tonawanda Creek ; 
but the Mohawks, adhering to the British interest, were 
settled in Canada. They were at first offered a piece of 
land upon the Ijay of Quinte, near Kingston, (formerly 
called Cataraqui) but were subsequently provided for 
upon the Grand (or Ouse) River. This was done under 
the administration of Gov. Haldimand, probably at the 
instigation of Brant, who was a pet of the British gov- 
ernment. It is not unlikely that Brant, even at this 
time, entertained ambitious views similar to those of 



THE SENEGAS REFUSE TO LEAVE THE COUNTRY. 6 

Fontiac at an earlier period ; for the objection of the 
Mohawks to being located at the Bay of Quinte was that 
they would be too far from their brethren who were 
located at Buffalo Creek, etc. ; whereas, at the Grand 
Kiver, communication was easy and direct. 

The Senecas were invited and urged to settle in Cana- 
da ; but they preferred to remain in their own beautiful 
country — a country for which they had fought, and 
which their own valor had won — whose beautiful lakes 
and rivers, whose mountains and valleys, had become 
dear to them by the historic legends of their own tra- 
ditions ; and almost every square mile of which had 
been pressed by the foot of their own hunters, and 
moistened by the blood of their bravest warriors ; where 
they and their children were born ; where their fathers 
and mothers were buried ; where everything was in- 
stinct with memories of the past, and around which 
clustered all their hopes for the future. They felt bound 
as with hooks of steel to the soil of their " own, their 
native land;" they could not leave it, but chose rather 
to endure affliction with their own people for a season, 
than to abandon their country to seek security and safety 
elsewhere. They still expected the arms of their Great 
Father over the water to triumph, notwithstanding their 
own reverses and sufferings. They still reposed entire 
confidence in their " officers," — as the Johnsons, the But- 
lers and other British agents were called — the seat of 
whose power was at Niagara. These agents owed their 
continuance in the enjoyment of place and perquisites 
to the influence they could or were supposed to exercise 
over the Indians. Hitherto, so far as the interior of the 
State, and, indeed, of the United States, was concerned, 



HISTOET OF BUFFALO. 



the Indians had been the superior element of military 
power in the hands of the English to suppress the revo- 
lution, or, as it was then termed, the rebellion. Now, 
however, the Indians had become so reduced and weak- 
ened that they no longer formed a majority of the Brit- 
ish forces in their expeditions against the frontier settle- 
ments. But the Indians, exasperated to the last degree 
by the terrible punishment inflicted on them by Gen- 
Sullivan, sought revenge by the only means known to 
them — that of murdering and capturing defenceless men, 
women and children — and all accounts agree that more 
murders were~ committed, more prisoners captured and 
more dwellings burned in the valley of the MohaM^k, and 
upon the frontiers of New York, Pennsylvania, Mary- 
land and Virginia, from 1783 to 1789, than during the 
whole period of the revolutionary war. " It appears, by 
respectable evidence, (says the Bev. Mr. Harris) that 
from 1783 to 1790, the time that the United States com- 
menced hostilities against the Indians, that on the Ohio, 
and the frontiers on the south side of that river, they 
(the Indians) killed, wounded and took prisoners about 
1,500 men, women and children, besides carrying off up- 
wards of 2,000 horses and other property, to the amount 
of fifty thousand dollars." These depredations, for the 
most part, were carried on by the Indians alone, in small 
detached parties, and were in all respects conducted 
after their own peculiar mode of warfare, encouraged, 
but not restrained, by British agents and officers at Niag- 
ara, Detroit and elsewhere. Before the Indians had got 
fairly settled at Buffalo Creek, we have already seen that 
these little war parties were sent out to execute the dia- 
bolical purposes of their instigators upon the heads oi 



INDIANS NOT PROVIDED FOB IN THE TEEATT OF PEACE. » 

the defenceless settlers on the frontiers of Pennsylvania 
and New York. It was in one of these expeditions that 
Rowland Montour was wounded, of which wound he 
died ; and, it is said, the " Painted Post " marks the 
spot where he was buried. 

The peace which was agreed upo^between the Amer- 
icans and English, by which our Independeace was 
acknowledged, made no provision for the Indians arrayed 
in hostility against the United States, 

The military expeditions into the Indian country, par- 
ticularly that of Gen. Sullivan, had brought to notice the 
beauty and fertility ot the " Senecas country," as it had 
been termed, and it is no wonder the occupation of 
these beautiful, broad acres, became a strong temptation 
to multitudes of young, enterprising men in all the New 
England States, to form plans for possessing themselves 
of so tempting a prize. 

The new government, however, was not prepared to 
repudiate, at once, the Indian claim to these lands, as 
established under the government of the King. And as 
all the Six Nations, with the single exception of the 
Mohawks, remained in this State, it became an early 
object of the State government to negotiate a peace with 
the Six Nations, (who still claimed to be a sovereign and 
independent people) and at the same time to obtain a 
cession of their right to some portion of the territory 
claimed by them, as recognized by former treaties. 

According to these treaties, a line known as the 
"property line," extending along the eastern boundary 
of Broome county and up the Unadilla to its source, 
thence in a direct line to a point on Wood creek, about 
seven miles west of Rome, had been established as the 



6' HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

boundary, beyond which no settlement of the whites 
should be made without a formal cession by its acknowl- 
edged owners. Notwithstanding that the Six Nations, 
with the exception of the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, had 
been in open and active hostility against the United 
States, it was thou^t to be the true policy of the gov- 
ernment of the State to still treat them all as fviends^ 
and ]3rocure by negotiation and purchase what many 
supposed might rightfully have been claimed by con- 
quest.* In pursuance of this policy, an act was passed 
by the Legislature of New York, in March, 1783, author- 
zing the appointment of a Board of Commissioners of 
Indian Affairs, with full powers to conduct all the nego- 
tiations with the Indians ; the Governor of the State to 
be ex-officio the President of the Board. Abraham 
Cuyler, Peter Schuyler and Henry Glen, were appointed 
Commissioners, Gov. George Clinton being President of 
the Board. By an act of April 6th, 1Y84, the Governor 
and these Commissioners were " authorized to associate 
with them such other persons as might be deemed expe- 
dient, and to enter into such compacts and agreements 
with the Indians within the State as might be for the 
public interest, and to stipulate the ratification of such 
agreements by law." The Governor, by advice of the 
Commissioners, addressed a message to the Mohawks, 
Onondagas, Cayuga and Seneca nations, and despatched 
Peter Kyckman to Niagara with it. The following is 
his letter of instructions : 

" II^STRUCTIONS FOR MR. PETER RTCKlVIAiJ. 

"Sir: You will convey the message herewith deliv- 



' See Appendix No. 



PETER ETCKMAif S INSTRUCTIONS. < 

ered to jou to the Indians to whom it is directed, and 
take with you two or three Oneidas or Tuscaroras, and if 
any accident should prevent you from proceeding, either 
in going or returning, you will forward the dispatches 
by those who may accompany you. 

" Whilst at Niagara you will mix as much as possible 
with the Indians, and try to discover their intentions as 
minutely as may be, and make notes of every informa- 
tion you may obtain. You will easily find who are the 
leading characters in each nation. Their names you will 
write down, and try to learn their temper with respect 
to us. If you find any who have influence, and whose 
inclinations are not friendly, you will note their names 
and the nations they belong to. To Capt. Brandt you 
will hint that our people in general are pleased with his 
generosity to the prisoners he took during the war, and 
that he may become a great man if he conducts himself 
in such a manner as will give the Commissioners occa- 
sion to believe that he means to be a sincere friend. 
Peter, the Oneida, you must also pay attention to, and 
flatter him on account of his good sense and friendship 
to us. 

" Cayenquerachta, (Sayenqueraghta) the Seneca Sach- 
em, must have particular attention paid him, and you 
must privately promise him that you will recommend 
him to the notice of the Commissioners. 

" There are reasons of State why the object of your 
journey should be kept a profound secret ; you are, there- 
fore, on no account to mention it to any person whomso- 
ever. As you have traded to Niagara, you must give 
out that you are going there to collect some debts from 
persons who are leaving that place. Should it be dis- 



8 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

covered what yonr business is before you reach Niagara, 
the State might sustain great injury, as the disaffected in 
the country (some of whom are emissaries from the 
British) might, by their machinations, prove obstacles in 
the way which it would be difficult to surmount. You 
will therefore take the utmost precaution to prevent any 
person whatever so much as suspecting that you are em- 
ployed by the State. 

" I forgot to mention Teoquanda, the Cayuga Chief, as 
a person of influence. He must also have attention paid 
to him, lest a neglect should offend him. 

" The Indians named herein are those who are repre- 
sented to me as the principal men ; you will, however, 
be the best able to judge who are the persons of influ- 
ence among them, and pay them that attention which 
may be necessary to promote the business of the treaty, 
" I am, Sir, your humble servant, 

"GEOEGE CLINTON. 

" City of New Yoke, April 12th, 1784." 

The purport of the message of which Mr, Ryckman 
was the bearer was to invite the nations to whom it was 
addressed to meet the Commissioners in council, at a 
time which they were desired to fix, at as early a day as 
possible, for the purpose of accommodating all the differ- 
ences which had arisen between them during the recent 
"war between Great Britain and America." Nothing 
further was said in the message as to the objects of the 
council. The answer of the Six Nations to this message 
was returned by Mr. Rycknjan, and contained a prom- 
ise to attend a council, as desired, expressing a willing- 
ness to treat with their ancient friends, but asked a little 



EEPLY OF THE INDIANS TO THE N. Y. COMMISSIONERS. \) 

delay, in order that they might have time to hear from 
their southern friends, on the Ohio river, to whom they 
had. dispatched runners ; and upon the return of those 
runners, they promised to inform the Commissioners of 
the time when they w^ould meet them, but requested that 
the council might be held at Fort Stanwix, as being 
more convenient for them. The Indians informed Mr. 
Ryckman that they would be ready to set out for Fort 
Stanwix within a month from the time he left them. 
The delegation, however, did not arrive at Fort Stanwix 
until the latter end of August. During the pendency of 
negotiations for a treaty between the Indians and the 
State Commissioners, a letter was received by Gov. 
Clinton from Arthur Lee and Richard Butler, informing 
him that they had been appointed Commissioners, by 
Congress, to negotiate treaties with the Indians, request- 
ing the Governor to furnish the necessary armed force to 
protect them in the discharge of their duty.* These 
Commissioners also sent a message to the Six JSTations, 
notifying them of their appointment and their purpose 
to negotiate a treaty of peace between them and the 
United States. Gov. Clinton foresaw that there might 
be a conflict of interests, if not of authority, between 
the two classes of Commissioners, and although it was 
arranged that the meeting of both commissions with the 
Indians should be simultaneous, at Fort Stanwix, no 
concert of action had been agreed upon. The New York 
Commissioners, together with seven other gentlemen, 
whom, under the authority vested in them by law, they 
had associated with them, convened at Fort Stanwix on 



*See Appendix, No. 4. 



10 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

the last day of August, 1784. The names of these gen- 
tlemen were as follows : 

Eobert Yates, Abraham Ten Broeck, Peter "W. Yates, 
Mathew Visscher, J. J. Beekman and Gen. Gansevoort. 

Deputies from the Mohawks, Onondagas, Cavugas and 
Senecas, only, were present. A message was sent to the 
Oneidas and Tuscaroras, and they were present in the 
afternoon. The speech of the Governor on behalf of the 
Commissioners was addressed to the Mohawks, Ononda- 
gas, Cayugas and Senecas, setting forth, in the most kind 
and conciliatory manner, the objects of the council and 
the desire entertained to renew the friendship formerly 
subsisting between the Six IS'ations and the late colony, 
now State of Kew York, " and settling those differences 
and animosities which have arisen between us during the 
late war," * •J^ * and to " establish boundary lines 
between you and us, on such just and equitable terms as 
will be satisfactory." * * * After considering the 
Governor's address for two days, the Indians replied, 
through their speaker, Capt. Brant, that they felt some 
embarrassment in being called to treat with two sepa- 
rate bodies at the same time, expressing a desire and 
determination to make a final settlement of all matters 
of a public nature between them. For the purpose of 
removing all doubt and difficulty from the minds of the 
Indians, a copy of the Constitution and Laws of the State 
of New York, and the Act of Confederation of the United 
States, were given them for examination, upon which the 
Indians expressed themselves satisfied. 

The principal points of settlement dwelt upon by the 
Commissioners were to establish a boundary Ifne by 
which suitable concessions of territory should be made, to 



TEEATY OF FORT STANWIX. 



11 



indemnify the State for the losses sustained and the debts 
incurred during the war, and the release of all prisoners. 
The Commissioners also gave assurances that upon mak- 
ing a satisfactory arrangement in respect to these two 
subjects, the State would guarantee the Six Nations in 
the peaceable possession of their lands ; they to give the 
State the pre-emptive right to purchase said lands when- 
ever they wished to sell them. In reply to the question 
of a cession of territory, the Indians said that they, as 
deputies of the several nations, had been " sent in order 
to make peace, and that we are not authorized to stipu- 
late any particular cession of lands." They, however, 
proposed to recommend it to their respective nations, as 
they (the deputies) thought it reasonable, and proposed 
to treat more particularly on .that subject as soon as the 
treaty with the Commissioners of Congress was ended. 
They also informed the Commissioners that they had al- 
ready determined that when a general peace was con- 
cluded, that all prisoners should be liberated and re- 
stored. The Commissioners then informed the Indians 
that they intended to set out early in the morning to re- 
turn home, and therefore now adjourned the Council 
Fire. The deputies of the four nations, by Capt. Abeel, 
then made a speech, returning the Commissioners their 
thanks for the candor, civility and attention with which 
they had been treated. Major Philip Schuyler was 
deputed by the Commissioners to remain and attend the 
council to be held on the 20th with the Commissioners 
of Congress. He was instructed to " take notes of the 
daily proceeding ; to find out the objects in view, and 
where he thought those objects detrimental to the inter- 
ests of the State, to use his influence to counteract and 



12 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

frustrate tliem." After the adjournment of the council 
with the New York Commissioners, the Commissioners 
of Congress, having arrived, proceeded to hold a council 
with the Six Nations. The Commissioners of Congress 
were Oliver Wolcott, Richard Butler and Arthur Lee. 
No public or official minutes of the proceedings of this 
council, it was for a long time supposed, had been pre- 
served, although the treaty itself became a subject of re- 
ference and remark oftener than any other treaty ever 
concluded with the Six Nations, and was made a subject 
of complaint by the Six Nations, particularly the Sene- 
cas, ever after, until, through the exertions of Corn- 
i:)lanter, Big Tree and other chiefs, some modification of 
the terras of it was obtained from President Washington. 
It is very evident that there was a little friction in the 
new machinery of government, so lar, at least, as In- 
dian affairs were concerned, at this time ; and there 
seems to have been no concert of action or unity of feel- 
ing between the Commissioners of the State, and those of 
the United States. 

In the absence of any official record of the proceed- 
ings of the treaty at Fort Stanwix held by the Commis- 
sioners of Congress, it is not entirely clear what chiefs or 
sachems of the Seneca Nation were present. It has 
been stated that Red Jacket was one of the representa- 
tives of the Senecas ; but his name does not appear in 
the record made by the New York Commissioners at the 
council with the Six Nations, held at the same time and 
with the same parties, where the names of the delegates 
appear in full ; but Red Jacket's name is not among them ; 
and, in the absence of proof on the subject, it is fair to as- 
sume that he he was not present as one of the deputies 



LETTER OF THE U. S. COlVmiSSIONERS. 13 ^ 

at the treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1784. It is certain that 
his name does not appear on the records at that time, 
while that of Cornplanter and others does ; nor does the 
name of Sa go ye-wat-ha, or Ska-go-yegh-wat-ha, (Red 
Jacket) appear upon any record, as a chief or sachem, 
prior to that date, nor until some years after — say 17S9> 



LETTER OF ARTHUR LEE AND RICHARD BUTLER, UNITED- 
STATES COMMISSIONERS, TO THE SACHEMS AND WARRIORS, 
&C., OF THE ONEIDAS AND TUSCARORAS, ALLIES OF THE. 
UNITED STATES, AND TRIBES OF THE SIX NATIONS I 

Brethren : — The late troubles in which we have beert 
mutually involved being happily ended. Congress have 
thought proj)er to appoint us Commissioners to transact 
all kinds of public business between the United States 
and our hi'etliren, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, and to- 
settle a genei-al peace with all the Indian Nations from 
the Ohio to the great Lakes. We now inform you, by 
the hand uf our messenger and Brother Samuel Kirk- 
land, and Mr. James Dean, the interpreter and. servant 
of Congress, that we are making every preparation and 
exertion to expedite a meeting with you. We have late- 
ly heard that you are called to a treaty by the Governor 
of New York. We know nothing of his intention or 
meaning, he not being authorized by Congress. Yet 
should you be set out to attend that treaty, it would be 
hard to give the fatigue of another journey ; and, al- 
though it was our intention that the great council fire of 
Congress with the Six Nations should be held at Niaga- 
ra, we will, in order to accommodate you, meet you at 



14: HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Fort Stanwix, on the 20th day of September next, where 
we expect you will certainl^^- attend. 

We are your friends, 

AETHUR LEE, 
RICH'D BUTLER. 
New Yoke, August 18th, 1784. 



TREATY OF FOKT STANWIX. 
From Col. Butler's Journal. 

The site of Rome, in 'New York, was the scene of a 
highly important negotiation between Oliver Wolcott, 
Richard Butler and Arthur Lee, Commissioners on the 
part of the United States, and the representatives of the 
Six Nations, which continued from the 3d to the 22d of 
October, when the treaty was signed. * * * 

On the first day, the Commissioners met several of the 
Indians from the different nations present at the council- 
place, and announced their official character and purpose. 
The usual formula was varied so far as to add that they 
" proposed to give peace and good council to those who 
have been unfortunately led astray by evil advisers." 
It was stated that the head men and warriors of the 
western nations would attend in a few days, when they 
would speak more fully. Meanwhile, the Indians were 
desired to hearken to the voice of Kaayenla, the Marquis 
Lafayette, a great man among the French, one of the 
head warriors of the great Onondio, &c. The reply of 
Kayenthogla, an Allegany chief of the Senecas, was dig- 
nified and courteous, responding appropriately to every 
topic of the Commissioners' address, except the sugges- 



TREATY WITH THE U. S. COMMISSIONEES. 15 

tion that the Indians had been " unfortunately led astray 
by evil advisers." 

Most of the time till the 11th of October was occupied 
by efforts to prevent the sale of intoxicating liquors to 
the Indians. The Commissioners directed Lieut. John 
Mercer, who attended them with a detachment of New 
Jersey troops by resolution of Congress, to seize and 
store all spiritous liquors until the conclusion of the 
treaty. For the execution of this order, a writ from the 
court of Montgomery county was issued for his (Lieut. 
Mercer's) arrest, but the Commissioners would not suffer 
any compliance with its mandate. 

Another collision, which might have been more seri- 
ous, took place before the Indians were fully assembled. 
The State of New York had already manifested a dispo- 
sition to expel the Six Nations from their country within 
the bounds of the State, which had not been ceded by 
them previous to the war. This state of feeling had 
created much concern in Congress and elsewhere, and 
the Commissioners were probably prepared for some an- 
noyance, if not opposition, in the discharge of their 
duties. In a letter to the President ol Congress, dated 
Fort Stanwix, Oct. 5th, they state that, notwithstanding 
due notice to the Governor of New York that he might 
transact any business with Indians under the patronage 
of the United States, the Governor chose to hold a 
separate treaty with the Six Nations. This procedure is 
contrasted with the course of Pennsylvania, whose Com- 
missioners were in attendance with credentials entirely 
satisfactory to the Continental Commissioners. 

It happened that a Mr. Peter Schuyler was present at 
Fort Stanwix, andfsoon attracted the attention of the 



16 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Commissioners. He also assumed an official character, 
and was notified, on the 6tli of October, to desist from 
all interference witli the Indians. 

Schuyler produced a paper to the Secretary of the 
Commission, of which no particulars are given, except 
that it was without seal or signature, and directed the 
said Peter Schuyler, together with one Peter Kightman, 
(Kyckman) as an interpreter, to attend at Fort Stanwix 
during the time of the Commissioners of the United 
States holding their treaty with the Indians, to observe 
the conduct of the said Commissioners, and to oppose 
and frustrate any of their proceedings which' might 
eventually effect the interests of the State of New York. 
After this was discovered, particular care was taken to 
include Messrs. Schuyler and Rightman in the liquor 
ordinance, and to exclude them from the councils. 

On the 12th of October, the Commissioners made an 
address to the sachems and warriors, in which they 
asserted their authority from the Congress of the United 
States to treat with the Indian Nations, and that the lat- 
ter should not listen to any overtures made by any per- 
son or body of men, or by any particular State not au- 
thorized by Congress ; exhibiting the definitive treaty 
between the United States and the King of Great Brit- 
ain ; expressing the readiness of Congress to give peace 
to the Indian Nations, upon just and reasonable terms, 
and to receive them into the friendship, favor and pro- 
tection of the United States. They also called particular 
attention to the article whereby the King of Great Brit- 
ain " renounces and yields to the United States all pre- 
tensions and claims whatsoever of all the country south 
and west of the great northern rivers and lakes, as far as 



TKEATT OF FORT STANWIX. 17 

the Mississippi, making no reservation in favor of any 
Indian nation, but leaving those tribes to seek for peace 
with the United States, upon such terms as the United 
States shall think just and reasonable ; " and after im- 
pressing upon them that the delivery of all prisoners, 
white and black, was essential to any peace, the Com- 
missioners closed by asking the tribes present at the 
council to propose such a boundary line between the 
United States and themselves as would be just for them 
to offer and the United States to accept. It was inti- 
mated to the American allies, the Oneidas, the Tuscaro- 
ras and Caughnawagas, that the foregoing address was 
not intended for them. 



CHAPTER II 



" At the opening of the session, Capt. Aaron Hill, a 
Mohawk, who had but just arrived, explained that his 
tribe had frequent messages from, the Governor of New 
York to meet him in council, but they were unwilling to 
partake in any but a continental treaty ; and the message 
of the Commissioners of the United States had been re- 
ceived so recently that it was difficult for many to attend, 
and impossible to deliver the prisoners at this time ; but 
Capt. Brant would instantly collect and send down the 
latter. He added that numbers of their brothers to the 
westward, the Wyandots in particular, had returned 
home, by reason of the advanced season of the year, 
after coming as far as Niagara, so that themselves and 
their brothers, the Shawnees, were present. Capt. 
O'Bail was then recognized by the Commissioners as 
authorized to transact business with the United States, 
on behalf of six towns. 

"It was not until the 17th of October that the assembled 
Indians were ready to reply. Capt. Aaron Hill first 
spoke. 

SPEECH OF CAPT. AAEOIST HILL, A MOHAWK, AT THE TREATY OP 
FORT STANWIX, OCTOBER ITtH, 17S4:. 

" After intimating that they could not answer so fully 



TREATY OF FOET STAISHVIX. 19 

and satisfactorily as they miglit do if a copy of the 
Commissioner's speech had been furnished them, alhi- 
sion was made to the statement that the comicil fire was 
kindled for the purpose of settling all differences and 
disputes between the United States and the Indian 
nations. The speaker begged attention to the words of 
the warriors, and tlms proceeded : 

" The words of the warriors are strong. They are 
persons who have so traveled through the world, and 
borne all the difiiculties of the war, that it is in their 
power to make a lasting peace. You told us that it 
was solely on us to make peace, but we apprehend it is 
mutually dependant upon both parties. I speak in the 
name of the Six Nations, and not only in their name, 
but also in the name of all the other tribes ; my voice is 
therefore strong. Our minds are deep and persevering, 
and our wish for peace is great. We are neither haughty 
nor proud ; nor is it our disposition of ourselves to com- 
mence hostilities. Our adherence to our covenant with 
the Great King drew us into the late war, which is a 
great proof to the Commissioners of our strict observ- 
ance of our ancient covenant with the white people ; 
and you will find the same attachment to the covenant 
now to be made, as that which signalized our conduct 
during the late war. We are free and independent, and 
at present under no influence. We have hitherto been 
bound by the Great King, but he having broken the 
chain and left us to ourselves, we are again free and in- 
dependent." Recapitulating, without dissent, the points 
of the Commissioner's speech, in respect to their exclu- 
sive authority to conclude a treaty, and the terms of 
peace between the United States and Great Britain, the 



20 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

orator feelingly remarked : " You also assured us that 
the Great King, in settling this peace with the United 
States, made no mention of us, but left us to treat for 
ourselves. Certainly, the Great King did not look to 
the Great Sjjirit, which he had called as a witness to that 
fcreaty; otherwise, common justice would not have 
suffered him to be so inattentive as to neglect those who 
had been so faithful and just to him ; and we think that 
our brothers of the United States did not think of the 
Great Spirit ; otherwise, they would have mentioned to 
the Great King those persons who had been so faithful 
to him, when they found he had entirely neglected 
them." The speaker claimed that the Indians present 
were adequate to treat upon and conclude a peace, not 
only on the part of the Six Nations, but also on that of 
the Ottawas, Chippewas, Hurons, Potowatomies, Massa- 
sagas, Miamis, Delawares, Shawnecs, Cherokees, Chick- 
asaws, Chocktaws and Creeks ; and said : " You ac- 
quainted us that the King of France had ceded to the 
United States all claim and title to any lands within 
their boundary. We have only to thank the Great 
Spirit for putting it into the mind of the King of France 
to make this cession, as it is well known that he is ex- 
tremely saving of his lands, and that the United States 
are in great w^ant of them. 

" You informed us that it was indispensably essential 
to the making of peace that all the prisoners should be 
delivered up, and that nothing could be done therein 
until that should be the case. We would propose to the 
Commissioners that, for this purpose, they should depute 
persons of their own nation to go and collect them ; lest, 
if it should rest with us, the Commissioners might ap- 



TREATY OF FORT STANWIX. 21 

prehend that they were not all brought ; and, for this 
purpose, we will give them all the assistance in our 
power." 

On the following day, the ISth, Cornplanter, or Capt. 
O'Bail, resumed and closed the speech in behalf of the 
Six Nations. 

After an unsatisfactory attemj)t to explain the conduct 
of his own tribe, the Senecas, in joining the British, after 
their repeated pledges to observe a neutrality, Corn- 
planter approached the boundary question, which he 
treated with consummate tact. That entire portion is 
here given : 

" Brothers, Representatives of the Thirteen United 
States : — You have allotted to me the task of drawing 
a line between us to your satisfaction. I feel the weight 
of it. I feel for many of my brothers who will be left 
destitute of any lands ; and have therefore taken care of 
my deliberations, to mark out the line which will give 
peace to both our minds. I hope that in our present ne- 
gotiations, nothing but friendship will prevail ; and I am 
fully sensible that you will never conduct yourselves 
toward us as the King of Great Britain has in throwing 
us away. Brothers, Commissioners of the Thirteen 
States, now hearken : "When we shall have drawn the 
line between us, whatever shall remain within the 
boundary allotted to us shall be our own ; it shall con- 
tinue forever, as the sun rolls over from day to day. 

" Brothers, Commissioners of the Thirteen United 
States, let us go on with this business of peace with ten. 
derness and caution, as it is of the utmost importance ; 
and should what I now say not meet with a kind recep- 
tion into your breasts, it will greatly distress me ; for I, 



22 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

who stand before you, am a warrior; and should it not 
meet your approbation, inform me whilst I am here. 

" Brothers, I have several times repeated the words, 
to proceed tenderly in this business ; for I regard future 
generations, and to them 1 attend while engaged in mak- 
ing peace with you. Our fires will be a considerable 
distance from each other, when I come to describe the 
boundary line between us. This will tend to our mutual 
peace. 

" I think, brothers, that we warriors must have a large 
country to range in, as, indeed, our subsistence must de- 
pend on our having much hunting ground ; and, as it 
will also bring in money to you, will tend to our mutual 
advantage. Now, brothers, I am about to draw the 
line. This we Senecas do for ourselves, as the land be- 
longs solely to us. Let it begin at Tioga, and run thence 
by a straight line, inclining a little to the north, to 
Ohigee, and when it strikes the Ohio River, let it go 
down its stream to the old boundary on the Cherokee 
Eiver. As to the territory to the westward of that, you 
must talk respecting it with the western nations toward 
the setting of the sun ; they must consult of what part 
they will cede to the United States. 

" Brothers, should you approve of this boundary, you 
will direct your people not to trespass upon our territorj'', 
or pass over the line ; and should any of our nation at- 
tempt to pass over or intrude upon your lands, let us 
know it ; we will take care to reprimand them and pre- 
vent it. 

"Brothers, by this belt you now see my mind. If 
what 1 have mentioned be approved by you, lay it along 
the Tioga, as I have said ; if not, again I request you to 
inform me." 



TREATY OF FOKT STANWIX. 23 

On the 20th of October, the Commissioners replied to 
Kill and Cornplanter. No part of this speech is 
omitted : 

" Sachems ajstd Wareioes : — "We are now going to re- 
ply to the answer you made to our speech ; therefore, 
open your ears and hear : 

" You informed us that your words were not the words 
of the Six Nations only, but those of all the western 
nations of Indians. This surprises us. We summoned 
the Six Nations only to this treaty. That nations not 
called should send their voices hither is extraordinary. 
But you have not shown us any authority, either in 
writing or by belts, for your speaking in their names. 
Without such authority, your words will pass away like 
the winds of yesterday, that are heard no more. 

" You have complained that we refused you a copy of 
our speech, which might lead you into errors. When 
we refused it, we gave our reason, which was this : that 
having explained our minds publicly and clearly to you 
all, and given belts and strings to remind you of every 
proposition, we did not choose you to be deceived, and 
our meaning to be misrepresented by the few persons 
among you who understand English, and might have 
explained our speech, if we had given a copy of it, as 
they pleased. We knew there were such persons among 
you, who wished to deceive you, and under the direction 
of those who led you into the war against us, were 
planning to mislead you again for their own purposes. 
We did not wish to put you into the power of such per- 
sons, but to clear your eyes and understanding. We ex- 
plained, at your desire, over and over again, our speech 



24 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

to ^jovL, and the strings and belts, which accompanied 
every part of it. 

" You next excuse your having taken up arms against 
US, by alleging that you were drawn into it by youi* an- 
cient covenant with the King of England. "Where was 
your sense of covenants when, after solemnly covenant- 
ing with us in 1775, and again as solemnly in 1776 — 
receiving our presents to cover you, to comfort and to 
strengthen you — immediately you took uj) the hatchet 
against us, and struck us with all your might ? Could 
you have so soon forgotten your recent engagements 
with us, and yet be influenced by those long past with 
the King of England ? We asked you, we exhorted you, 
for you own sakes to remain neutre. Though, as living 
on the same ground with us, we had a right to expect 
your assistance against all invaders, you twice solemnly 
covenanted not to join in the war against us ; and with- 
out the smallest provocation on our part, you violated 
your covenants and spilt our blood. 

" We should not have called to mind this conduct had 
you not attempted to justify it. You must not deceive 
yourselves, or hope to deceive us. To justify errors, may 
lead to a recommission of them ; and it will be more safe 
and honorable to repent of than to palliate a conduct 
which, though mischievous to us, has been fatal to you, 
and has left you at our mercy. 

" Again, you are mistaken in supposing that, having 
been excluded from the treaty between the United States 
and Great Britain, you are become a free and independ- 
ent nation, and may make what term.s you please. It is 
not so. You are a subdued people. You have been 
overcome in a war which you entered into with us — not 



TREATY OF FOKT STANWIX. 25. 

only without provocation, but in violation of most sacred 
obligations. The Great Spirit, who is at the same time 
the judge and avenger of perjBdy, has given us victory 
over all our enemies. We are at peace with all but you. 
You now stand out alone against our whole force. 

" "We offer you peace on moderate terms ; we do it in 
magnanimity and mercy. If you do not accept it now, 
you are not to exj)ect a repetition of such offers. Con- 
sider well, therefore, your situation and ours. Do not 
suffer yourselves to be again deceived, so as to raise our 
arm against you. You feel the sad effects of having re- 
fused this counsel before ; beware how you do it again. 
Compassionating your situation, we endeavor to make 
the terms on which you are to be admitted into the 
peace and protection of the United States, appear to 
spring from your own contrition for what you have done, 
rather than from a necessity imposed by us. "VVe there- 
fore proposed to you to deliver u.p the prisoners, and to 
propose a boundary line such as it became the United 
States to agree to. 

" On neither of these points have you given us the 
smallest satisfaction. You jDropose we should depu- 
tize people of our own nation to go and collect the pris- 
oners. This, you know from experience, is impractica- 
ble; that it would only provoke insults, and perhaps the 
mui-der of such deputation, by the persons who hold our 
fellow-citizens in bondage. You, only, can collect them ; 
must collect and deliver them up. Our words are 
strong, and we mean that you should feel them. With 
regard to the boundary line you have proposed, the lands 
to the north-west of it have almost all been sold to 
Onas, and all the land south-east of it, to the Cherokee 



HQ mSTOKT OF BUFFALO. 

River, was sold by you in the year 1768, at this place, 
and is all granted and settled by the white people. We 
shall now, therefore, declare to you the condition on 
which alone you can be received into the peace and pro- 
tection of the United States. 

" The conditions are these : The United States of 
America will give peace to the Senecas, Mohawks, On- 
ondagas and Cayugas, and receive them into their pro- 
tection, upon the following conditions : 



ARTICLES OF A TREATY CONCLUDED AT FOKT STANWIX ON THE 
22d day OF OCTOBER, 1784:, BETVTEEN OLIVER WOLCOTT, 
RICHARD BUTLER AND ARTHUR LEE, COMMISSIONERS PLENI- 
POTENTIARY FROM THE UNITED STATES, IN CONGRESS AS- 
SEMBLED, ON THE ONE PART, AND THE SACHEMS AND WAR- 
RIORS OF THE SIX NATIONS ON THE OTHER. 

The United States of America will give peace to the 
Senecas, Mohawks, Onondagas and Cayugas, and receive 
them into their protection, upon the following conditions : 

Article I. Six hostages shall be immediately deliv- 
ered to the said Commissioners by the said Nations, to 
remain in possession of the United States till all the 
prisoners, white and black, which were taken by the said 
Senecas, Mohawks, Onondagas and Cayugas, or by any 
of them, in the late war, from among the people of the 
United States, shall be delivered up. 

Article II. The Oneida and Tuscarora Nations shall 
be secured in the possession of the lands on which they 
-are settled. 

Arxicle III. A line shall be drawn, beginning at the 



TREATY OF FOKT STANWIX. 27 

mouth of a creek about four miles east of Niagara, 
called Ojoawayea, or Johnson's Landing Place, upon 
the lake named bj the Indians Oswego, and by us On- 
tario ; from thence southerly, in a direction always four 
miles east of the carrying path, between Lakes Erie and 
Ontario, to the mouth of Tehoseroron (or Buffalo) Creek, 
on Lake Erie ; thence south to the north boundary of 
the State of Pennsylvania ; thence west to the end of 
said north boundary ; thence south along the west 
boundary of the said State to the River Ohio. The said 
line, from the mouth of the Oyonwayea to the Ohio, 
shall be the western boundary of the lands of the Six 
Kations ; so that the Six Nations shall and do yield to the 
United States all claims to the country west of the said 
boundary ; and then they shall be secured in the peace- 
ful possession of the lands they inhabit east and north of 
the same — reserving only six miles square around the 
Fort of Oswego, to the United States, for the support of 
the same. 

Article IV. The Commissioners of the United States, 
in consideration of the present circumstances of the Six 
Nations, and execution of the humane and liberal 
views of the United States, upon the signing of the 
above articles, will order goods to be delivered to the 
said Six Nations, for their use and comfort. 

OLIYER WOLCOTT, 
RICHARD BUTLER, 
ARTHUR LEE. 
♦ 
Signed by the sachems and warriors of the Mohawk, 

Onondaga, Seneca, Oneida, Cayuga, Tuscarora and 

Seneca Abeal tribes of Indians. 



28 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

""We will make a few remarks on these articles, 
though the moderation and equity of them are manifest : 

"I. It is more than six months since you were 
informed by Gen. Schuyler, in the name of the 
Congress, that you must deliver up all the prisoners before 
peace could be granted to you. Our message gave you 
the same information ; yet you have not delivered them 
up. As the delivery of them is indispensable, so you 
have rendered hostages necessary by the delay. 

" 11. It does not become the United States to forget 
those nations who preserved their faith to them and ad- 
hered to their cause ; those, therefore, must be secured 
in the full and free enjoyment of their possessions. 

" III. The line proposed leaves as extensive a country 
to the remaining four nations as they can in reason de- 
sire, and more than, from their conduct in the war, they 
could expect. 

"The King of Great Britain ceded to the United States 
the whole; by right of conquest, they might claim the 
whole ; yet they have taken but a small part, compared 
with their numbers and their wants. Their warriors 
must be provided for. Compensation must be made for 
the blood an(i treasures which have been expended in 
the war. The great increase of their people renders 
more lands essential to their subsistence. It is therefore 
necessary that such a boundary line should be settled as 
will make effectual provision for these demands, and pre- 
vent any further cause of difference or dispute. 

" IV. It ought to be felt by you as a signal proof of 
the magnanimity of the United States that, though the 
present distresses of most of the Six Nations have been 
incurred by their own tault in fighting against them, yet 



TREATY OF FOKT STAKWIX. 29 

they have determined to administer such relief to them 
as is at present in their power. 

" These are the terms on which vou may obtain per- 
petual peace with the United States, and enjoy their 
protection. 

" You must be sensible that these are blessings which 
cannot be purchased at too high a price. 

"Be wise, and answer us accordingly." 

The treaty of 1784 extinguished the title of the Six 
Kations to all the lands west of the line fixed by that 
treaty, while it secured them in the quiet and peaceable 
possession of all their lands east of it ; which land they 
then occupied. The statement that Red Jacket was 
present, and made a vehement and powerful speech 
against the treaty, seems to be traditional merely, and 
had its origin in the remarks made b}' Lafayette in an 
interview with Red Jacket, at Buffalo, when the Mar- 
quis visited the United States, in 1824—5. In the con- 
versation said to have taken place at that time, Red 
Jacket evidently supposed he alluded to another occa- 
sion, and at a later period. The journal of Gen. Butler 
contains the speeches of Capt. Aaron Hill, a Mohawk, 
and Capt. O'Bail, or Cornplanter, of the Senecas, in 
full ; but nothing is said of any speech by Red Jacket 
— a silence which can be accounted for upon no other 
hypothesis than that no such speech was delivered. 

There are other reasons which go to corroborate 
the probability that Red Jacket was not present at the 
treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1784. Ti;e author's acquaint- 
ance with Red Jacket commenced about 1820. At that 
time he could not have been over sixty. He died in 



30 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

1830, and to all appearance, could not have been much 
over seventy years of age at his death. His habits, for 
a long time, had been such as to tell upon him, both 
physically and intellectually ; and, unlike some of his 
race, he bore the marks of decay early. If he was only 
seventy-five at his death, which is probable, he was only 
twenty -nine at the time of the treaty of Fort Stanwix — 
an age which would not entitle him to the distinction of 
a sachem, or to any position of influence in his own or 
the Six Nations. 

There is another circumstance which more than ren- 
ders the whole account of Red Jacket's presence at Fort 
Stanwix, at the time of the treaty of 1794, apocryphal. 
It is this : — It is said, in the account of the interview be- 
tween Red Jacket and Lafayette at Bufialo, that the lat- 
ter inquired " what had become of the young chief who 
had opposed,' with so much eloquence, the burying of the 
tomahawk," and that Red Jacket replied, " he is before 
you." Now in the first place, the question at the treaty 
at Fort Stanwix in 1784, was not in regard to peace or 
war. The Indians were subdued ; they had no thought 
of continuing the war, and no such question was agitated 
at that council. The only question was as to the bound- 
ary line, which the Indians wanted fixed at one point, and 
the Commissioners at another. Red Jacket was not a 
Chief at that time, nor imtil some years afterwards. The 
first authentic record of Red Jacket's having made a 
public speech, was at the great Indian council at the 
mouth of the Detroit river, in 1786. At that council the 
great question was, peace or war. There were represent- 
atives from all the western Nations, as well as of the Six 
Nations. It is said of Red Jacket's speech on that occa^ 
sion, that it was " a master piece of oratory," and that 



BED JACKET. 31 

" every warrior present was carried away by bis elo- 
quence." It was to this speech and occasion that Ked 
Jacket supposed he alluded, and that he gave the answer, 
"he stands before you." It was this speech which gave 
him his first notoriety, and for which he had been fre- 
quently flattered, a weakness to which he was very sus- 
ceptible. 

To the inquiry of the Indians, his own friends and co- 
temporaries, how he became a chief — as it is well known 
that he did not inherit that distinction — it was answered 
that he received the appointment through the influence 
of his grandmother, who was a person of great influence 
and weight of character. His character among the Indi- 
ans was rather that of a fluent speaker ; the utterer of the 
opinions of others, or the mind of his nation. Other than 
that, his influence among his own people was not great, 
and the importance which he ultimately attained, grew 
out of the fact of his usefulness in communicating with 
the whites, after his nation had been bereft of nearly all 
their great chiefs and warriors. 

The journal of the proceedings of the treaty of Fort 
Stanwix, shows that in point of fact, it was hardly entitled 
to the name of a treaty, and the complaint subsequently 
made by Cornj^lanter to Gen. Washington, that the Indi- 
ans were compelled to submit to the terms dictated to 
them by the Commissioners, was true ; they were treated 
as a conquered people, and their conquerors claimed their 
country, by right of conquest. They were made to feel 
their abject, dependent, condition, and that they were no 
longer a free, independent peoj)le, and that even the terms 
granted to them, must be considered as an act of clemen- 
cy, rather than of justice. 



;32 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

Although Brant was present at that treatj of Fort Stan- 
wix, and took a leading part in the council held with the 
New York Commiasioners, his name is not mentioned in 
connection with the council held immediately after, with 
the United States Commissioners. (It is said he left for 
Montreal immediately after the council with the State 
Commissioners.) The object of the 'New York Commis- 
sioners was to buy lands, but the ostensible object of the 
United States Commissioners was to negotiate terms of 
peace with the Indians. The Mohawks were represented 
on this occasion by Karongyote, alias Aaron Hill, and 
Thayendanegea, alias Joseph Brant. The name of the 
latter appears in the proceedings of the council with the 
New York Commissioners, while the former only is men- 
tioned in the journal of the proceedings of the United 
States Commissioners. The peculiar position occupied 
by Brant at this time, may account for this. He, and his 
tribe or nation, had constantly adhered to the British in- 
terest. They had, with a few exceptions, abandoned their 
country in the valley of the Mohawk, and followed the 
fortunes of the Johnsons, the Butlers, and other leading 
tories. Although peace had been concluded, and Amer- 
ican independence acknowledged by Great Britain, she 
still held Oswego, Niagara, and all the frontier posts. 
All the Six Nations, with the exception of the Oneidas, 
who remained at their old homes, and the Mohawks, (who 
had gone to Canada,) were settled at Buffalo, Cattarau- 
gus and Tonawanda Creeks, and at Alleghany, under th^ 
care and supervision of British authority. This authority 
was represented by the Johnsons and the Butlers, with 
their suboi'dinates at Niagara, and they held possession 
of the fort, and consequently of the country, for ten or 



LETTEE OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE. 33 

twelve years after the peace of 1783. Of course Brant 
acted under the influence, and probably the instructions, 
of his superiors at Niagara. It was their policy to coun- 
tenance, if not to aid, in exciting the hostility of the In- 
dians against the new government ; and Brant was an 
efficient instrument through w^hich to accomplish their 
purposes. Brant, therefore, would not compromise his 
position, but chose to stand aloof. The decided stand 
taken by the Commissioners left nothing to be done but 
to comply with the terms they dictated, which were sub- 
mitted to. 

The following extract of a letter written by Gen. La- 
Fayette to Gen. Washington, on his return from the 
treaty, shows the light in which he viewed Brant and 
his party at this treaty : 

GEN. LAFAYETTE TO GEN. WASHINGTON. 

Albany, 8th October, 1784. 
My Deae General: — Everywhere I met with de- 
lays ; but, so agreeable were they in their nature, that I 
cannot complain of them. It is not quite the same with 
the Indian treaty, although the hope to be useful has 
kept me there longer than I expected. My presence at 
the opening of it had been desired. Many circumstances 
kept it off. At last it began ; and my influence with the 
Indians was found greater than I myself could expect. 
I was therefore desired to speak, to hearken, to answer, 
I took the liberty to caution the Commissioners upon 
such points as you had mentioned to me, and did, not 
leave the ground till they thought they had no further 
3 



34: HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

occasion for me. But, as the business is just beginning, 
I cannot give you any furtlier intelligence but that 'a 
great deal of intrigue is carried on by some of the Tory 
Indians of Brant's party, and that the "Whig and Tory 
distinctions are kept up among the tribes to an amazing 
degree of private animosities. 

The execution of the Fort Stanwix treaty opened a 
vast territory of land to sale and settlement. 

The same Commissioners, or at least two of them — 
Oen, Butler and Arthur Lee — proceeded westward, for 
the purpose of negotiating treaties of peace with the tribes 
residing in the western territory — the Shawnees, the 
Delawares, the Wyaudots, &c., &c. They found that 
.-settlers had already obtruded upon the Indian lands in 
ithat quarter ; and the Commissioners made some in- 
teffectual attempts to drive them off by proclamation. 
Ultimately, almost the entire lands in what is now the 
State of Ohio — with the exception of some reserva- 
tions made for bounties for the officers and soldiers of 
the Revolution, who had continued in service to the end 
of the war, or until they were regularly discharged, and 
the representatives of those who lost their lives in the 
service of their country — were sold to a company form- 
ed originally in Boston, composed of New Englanders, 
but subsequently embracing a large-number of the " prin- 
cipal characters of America," as they were termed, re- 
siding in nearly all the States. In the purchase of these 
lands by the " agents of the Ohio Company of Asso- 
ciates," as they were called, one million dollars — mainly 
in what were denominated Continental Specie Certifi- 
cates — were stipulated to be received in payment to- 



1131809 

FIRST HOUSE EKECTED IN BUFFALO. 35 

wards the land. The whole was divided into stock 
shares. Bounty certificates were also received by the 
government in payment. The consequence was, that 
numbers of ofiicers of the late army became share- 
holders — Gen. Washington himself, it is believed, being 
of the number. And thus this vast territory soon be- 
came open for sale and settlement. 

From the close of the war, in 1782-3, to the time of 
the delivery of the forts upon the northern and north- 
western frontiers, in 1796, British authority extended 
and was supreme here ; and several officers, agents and 
traders, were constantly and permanently located here. 
"W"m. Johnson resided with the Indians on Buffalo 
Creek, and Cornelius Winney. had his trading house " at 
the Lake," as it was called — being upon the bank of 
the Little Buffalo Creek, (now Hamburg Canal) in rear 
of the present site of the Mansion House, nearly at the 
junction of Washington and Quay streets. This was the 
first building erected by civilized man in Buffalo, 

Capt. Powell, the husband of Jane Moore, was inter- 
ested in business with Winney — their trade being ex- 
clusively with the Indians, of course. 

Col. Proctor, who remained here several weeks, as ap- 
pears by his journal, in 1791, staid a portion of thetime 
at Winney 's house, who is represented to have been a 
warm friend of the American cause, notwithstanding his 
British associations. Winney was an Albany trader ; or 
he is said to have come " from the Fishkills." 

Fort Erie was at this time (1783-1) occupied by a 
British garrison, and was useful in maintaining British 
influence and authority over the Indians, who frequently 
resorted to the fort to obtain supplies ; but Niagara was 



36 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

the principal seat of power and authority. Capt. Powell's 
residence does not seem to have been at JsTiagara at this 
time, but at some point upon the river between Buffalo 
and Niagara ; perhaps at Schlosser, or Lewiston. Cor- 
nelius Winney may therefore be considered the first 
white resident of Buffalo. He probably came to reside 
here about 1783-4, and remained till alter the surrender 
of Fort Niagara to the Americans, in 1796. It is quite 
certain there was no other house here till some time 
after this. 

Among the papers of Gen. Chapin, Suj^erintendent of 
Indian Affairs, the following specimen of Winny's cor- 
respondence was found : 

Buffalo Creek, 23d Aug., 1792. 
I Inform Gen. Chapin that about seventy-nine of the 
Canada Indians is gone to Detroit. They seem to be for 
warr, and a number of Indians to go up. I further in- 
form you that the Indians of this place are to go up in 
the first King's vessel that comes down. Prince Ed- 
ward is arrived at Niagara. Should I hear anything 
worth while to write, I shall let you know. 
I am your most obedient and 

Yery humble servant, 

C. WINNEY. 

The house built by Winney remained until after the 
settlement of Buffalo commenced, under the auspices of 
the Holland Land Co., in 1802-3. At what time Win- 
ney ceased to reside here is not so clear ; but it is ren- 
dered probable that he left in 1798, as Mr. Egleston, one 
of the assistants or surveyors of Mr. EUicott, writes to 



brant's letter, 37 

him at Sclilosser, from Buffalo Creek, that he (Ellicott) 
had better bring some boards to make a mapping table, 
as there were none to be had in their new location — 
"Mr. Winnej having carried oif those that were in the 
partition." 

Winney's house is noted on the surveyor's field notes 
of the first survey, and was at the point already desig- 
nated — near the corner of Washington and Quay 
streets. 

Although Joseph Brant had suddenly withdrawn Irom 
the council at Fort Stanwix in 1Y84, we find him early 
next year in correspondence with the State authorities, 
evidently anxious to bring about a negotiation for the 
sale of the lands of the Mohawks, in which his own and 
sister's (Molly Brant's) interests are particularly men- 
tioned. The following is his letter to Peter Schuyler, 
then acting as one of the State Indian Commissioners : 

Cataracqui, (Kingston) March 23d, 1785. 
Dear Sir: — I take the liberty to acquaint you that I 
am entirely at a loss to know how to act and behave to 
you New York State, concerning what passed between 
you and ourselves at our last meeting at Fort Stanwix. 
I have wrote several letters among you, according to 
promise, but I never got answer to none of them. I 
thought it would be a serious matter of what passed be- 
tween us, and everything was to be performed ; so I 
think if that engagement which was made should come 
to nothing, it will be your faults. I am sorry to think 
your minds are changed since the mighty Commissioners 
of Congress has been up also at Fort Stanwix. I would 
therefore be much obliged to you if you would let me 



3& HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

hear from you at this time, and let me know your inten- 
tions and determination concerning our transactions, as 
above mentioned. Please let me know which concerns me 
and my sister's children — I mean land matters — let 
(it) be what it will. Let me understand right. I will 
leave this place in a few days. I shall be among the 
Five Nations about the middle of April next. I under- 
stand that Capt. Aaron (Hill) is kept as (a) hostage for 
negroes, which I am exceeding sorry for it, (that) the 
Commissioners should compare our first chief to a slave, 
because we did not keep any (white) persons since peace, 
so that they must keep our chief in room of a slave, 
which is too hard to be complied with. 
I am, &c., 

JOS. BRANT. 
To Maj. Peter Schuyler. 

It is evident that there was some understanding or 
agreement between the State Commissioners and Brant, 
at Fort Stanwix, the season before, which does not ap- 
pear on the record, but is alluded to in this letter. 
Capt. Aaron Hill appears to have been one of the host- 
ages demanded by the United States Commissioners at 
that treaty. The allusion to those Commissioners shows 
the feeling existing in the mind of Brant in regard to 
them at that time. It would appear from the corres- 
pondence in relation to this and other letters of Brant, 
that the State Commissioners did not approve of what 
was done by the Indians with the Commissioners of the 
United States ; and Governor Clinton, in a letter to 
Major Schuyler, under date of May 28th, 1Y85, express- 
ly charges the Indians with conduct, in their treaty with 



GOV. CLINTON SPEAKING OF BExiNT. 39 

Commissioners of Congress, totally repugnant to their 
professions to the Commissioners of the State, and adds, 
"unless some satisfactory explanation can be given of 
their conduct, it is we that have reason to complain." 
"With regard to the private afi'airs of Capt. Brant and 
family. Gov. Clinton remarked : " I have long since di- 
rected the necessary measures to be taken for obtaining 
the information required, but which, owing to some un- 
accountable delay or accident, I have not yet received. 
The moment I do, it shall be forwarded to him." Brant 
was subsequently informed that the lands about which 
he had asked information, upon investigation were found 
to have long since been sold, and conveyed to other par- 
ties, who were in possession of them. 



C H A P T E E III. 



In the spring of 1787, a deputation of Senecas, at the 
head of which was Big Tree, visited Albany, and laid be- 
fore the Commissioner of Indian x\fFairs, their grievances 
in respect to their lands. One of the delegation addressed 
the Commissioners as follows : 

" Bkotheks — When the Commissioners of Albany held 
the council fire at Fort Schuyler, (Stanwix,) they told us 
that we should take care of our land, that it was our own. 
This was good, and what we conceived to be our interest, 
and our right ; but when the Commissioners of the Uni- 
ted States came up, they said they could not make peace 
with us, unless we gave them first, an extent of land seven 
miles in breadth from the line established by the late Sir 
William Johnson, to Fort Pitt. This the few of our Na- 
tion who attended that treaty granted, although they were 
particularly instructed not to grant any land, and there- 
fore had no right to do it, and w^hat they did in granting 
lands is void. 

" Brothers — Our land is our money. It is on that we 
hunt ; and by hunting, we maintain and support ourselves 
and families. If our lands are thus taken from us, what 
will become of our wives and children ? It hurts our 
feelings much, that our lands should be torn from us in 
the manner these seven miles before mentioned have been 
done. But we trust that our good friends at Albany, 



THE SENEGAS ADDKESS TO THE N. Y. COiE^nSSIONEKS. 4:1 

who have always given us good advice, will interest and 
exert themselves in our behalf, that our lands may be re- 
stored to us again, and we wish and pray, that the line 
now running between Pennsylvania and this State, may 
go farther south than the Commissioners run it last sum- 
mer. * ^ * 

" Brothers — The United States have sent word to us that 
they soon expect to get possession of Oswego and Niaga- 
ra, and that they will take no more land around each, 
than the King of England had, and that then they would 
open the trade to every part of our country. 

" Brothers — Whenever the United States take possession 
of Oswego and Niagara, we request that the troops may 
go up the Mohawk river, and by the lakes, and not through 
our country, as it may disturb our wives and children ; 
and we request that no more lands around each may be 
taken possession of, than what the King of England had, 
which was four miles square at Oswego, and at Niagara 
from Johnson^s landing, four miles along the river till it 
reaches lake Erie. 

" Brothers — We are happy to have it in our power to 
inform you, that all the Indian Nations are at peace, and 
firmly resolved to remain so, and not intermeddle in any 
disputes which may arise between the white people, and 
to strengthen their determination, there is now a council 
held of all the Indian Nations at Buffalo Creek. 

" Brothers — Some of us attended the survey last sum- 
mer, and^were requested by Gov. Clinton and the other 
gentlemen on the part of this State, to meet them here in 
this city on the subject of a further survey, and we are 
sorry that they are absent. You will send on to him, the 
letter we brouo;ht with us from Genesee, and remind him 



42 ^ HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

of the promise he made as Last year." The letter was for- 
warded to Gov. Clinton in New York, the Indians propo- 
sing to wait for a reply, as they said they could " not re- 
turn to their nation without an answer." Gov. Clinton 
immediately laid the communication before the Legisla- 
ture, which appears to have been in session in "tTew York, 
and both houses of that body " passed concurrent resolu- 
tions expressive of their sense on the different matters 
contained in the Indian's speech," directing the Governor 
to communicate the same to them, which duty the Gov- 
ernor devolved upon the Commissioners at Albany, which 
they performed in the following communication, dated 
April 11th, 1787 : 

" The Commissioners and associates informed the Indi- 
ans that they were pleased that they had so willingly 
staid while the Commissioners might have an opportunity 
to send to New York, and that in consequence thereof, 
they presented the Indians the goods which laid on the 
table, and then delivered the following speech, to-wit : 

" Brothers — What we have to inform you of, is for our- 
selves. When during the last war we found ourselves 
under the necessity of separating from Great Britain, we 
then were obliged to agree upon the method by which 
our business should be conducted. We therefore met in 
great council, and agreed how we should be governed. 
One of the counsellors in this great council, got up and 
spoke as follows : 

" The Indians of the Five Nations have taken up the 
hatchet against us ; we must do with them as we intend 
to do with the English, we must drive them out of the 
country. They are our enemies. But an old man made 
this answer : ' You, that have spoke last, have spoken 



STATE COMMISSIONEKS ADDEESS TO THE INDIANS. 43. 

wrong, for although this is true, that some of the Five 
jSTations have struck us, yet it is not their natural incli- 
nation to be at war with us. They have been misled by 
the English, and they will re23ent of it. We must there- 
fore not drive them from their country. On the contrary, 
we must now agree that they may keep their c'ountry. 
"We must do more. We must agree that if any person 
shall by fraud, or by making any Indians drunk, persuade 
them to sell their lands, the sale shall be void. We must 
agree that no person shall purchase lands from them un- 
less by consent of our great council ; for we must keep 
the Indians within the limits of our government. Their 
fathers were kind to our fathers when they came to this 
country. We must be kind to them, and treat them as- 
brothers.' The old man's advice was attended to, and 
the whole council said, let us come to such an agreement, 
and it was done. 

" But the King of England by treaty, long ago had given 
all the lands to the westward to the thirteen United States? 
and since the peace, the great council of the Bostonians- 
claimed the country of the Five Nations ; but our great 
council said the Five Nations must never be under the 
government of the Bostonians. They are our brothers ; 
but we will send deputies to meet deputies from them, 
to settle the matter in a friendly way. The deputies met 
last fall, and it was agreed that the Five Nations should 
remain with, and be considered as living within, the 
limits of the State of New York ; but that whenever the 
Senecas and Cayugas wanted to sell any l^ds, that our 
great council should permit the Bostonians to buy, that 
the Indians might not be deceived and cheated. 

"Brothers — The particulars of this agreement, and 



44 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

what part of your country the Bostonians may buy, 
will, as we are informed, be communicated to you by 
the Governors of New York and Boston in the course of 
the next summer. 

" Brothers — You see how attentive we have been to 
your interests, and how anxious we are that you should 
never quit the country in which the bones of your ances- 
tors are buried. We forget what passed during the war, 
and we wish to cultivate the most perfect friendship with 
you. We give you this information of the fact, lest 
'wicked and designing men should impress your minds 
with wrong information and make you uneasy." 

To which the Indians made the following answer : 

" Beothers : — We had before this received a hint of 
the agreement you have mentioned, and are very happy 
that you, our brothers of Albany, have been so kind as 
to communicate to us your settlement with the Bostoni- 
ans, and thank you for the presents you have made." 

It was during the period immediately succeeding the 
close of the revolutionary war, and while both the United 
States and the State of "New York were making efforts 
to negotiate with the Indians through their Commission- 
ers, respectively, that an interest, antagonistic to both, 
was built up by a combination of individuals, composed 
at first of a few influential, active men, residing for the 
most part upon the Hudson Kiver, but ultimately em- 
bracing a large number of persons both in the United 
States and Canada. The Constitution of the State for- 
bade the purchase of lands from the Indians by individ- 
uals ; and this combination was formed for the purpose 
of evading the provisions of the fundamental law by ob- 
taining a lease of all the Indian lands in the State. Two 



LEASE OF THE INDIAN LANDS. 45- 

companies were organized — one called the " New York 
and Genesee Land Company," and the other the "Niag- 
ara Genesee Company." Dr. Caleb Benton, John Liv- 
ingston and Jared Coffin, were the principal managers 
of the first, and Col, John Butler, Samuel Street, Capt. 
Powell, Wm. Johnson, Murphy and Benjamin Bar- 
ton — all residents of Canada except the last — repre- 
sented the latter. The influence of Col. Butler and his 
subordinate officers with the Indians — together with 
several members of the New York Company, who had 
for a long period been Indian traders — enabled this 
Company to bring an influence to bear upon the Indians 
which was irresistible ; and this Company, in November, 
1Y8T, obtained a lease for " nine hundred and ninety- 
nine years," of all the lands of the Six Nations in the 
State of New York, except some small reservations — 
the Indians reserving the privilege of hunting, fishing, 
&c., upon the lands. The annual rent stipulated to be 
paid was two thousand Spanish milled dollars and a 
bonus of twenty thousand dollars in liand. In February, 
1778, the lessees, emboldened by their strength and suc- 
cess, petitioned the State Legislature to recognize their 
leases, (for there were two of them, one from the Six 
Nations, the other from the Oneidas,) " under such re- 
strictions as to them, in their wisdom, shall appear just 
and equitable." Notwithstanding the lessees had several 
of their number in the Legislature at this session, their 
petition was rejected in a most summary and decisive 
manner ; and by a concurrent resolution, the leases were 
declared to be purchases, and therefore void ; and em- 
powered the Governor to use the forces of the State, 
should it be necessary, to prevent the intrusion or settle- 
ment upon the lands claimed under the leases. 



46 mSTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

The Legislature proceeded to pass an act, March 1st, 
1788, appointing Commissioners with power to hold 
treaties, &c., with Indians, for preserving their friend- 
ship, purchasing their lands, " and with further power to 
inquire touching all leases, or other purchases of or con- 
tracts for the sale of lands, suggested to have been ob- 
tained or made without the authority or consent of the 
Legislature." They were authorized, in the prosecution 
of their investigations, to send for persons and papers ; to 
call into service the militia, &c., &c. 

The Commissioners immediately entered upon the dis- 
charge of their duties, and apjDointed John Tayler, of 
Albany, agent of the Board at that place. The Commis- 
sioners addressed a message to the Six Nations, of which 
the following is a copy : 

" Sachems and "Wakkioks of the Six Nations : — Open 
your ears to the voice of the great council of the State 
of New York, for in their name we now speak to you. 

" Although the late war has for a time interrupted the 
brotherly intercourse which was so pleasing to your and 
our ancestors, yet we have never been unmindful of the 
friendship which was between them, and which it is our 
earnest desire should forever remain between you and us. 
With this good disposition, which has been given us by 
the Great Spirit above, we met you in a treaty at Fort 
Schuyler, (Stanwix) shortly after the general peace ; and 
with the same disposition we now wish to meet you 
again, in a treaty, at the same place, on the tenth day of 
July next, as well, to brighten the chain and renew the 
covenant which has long bound us together — to confer 
with you on matters of great importance to our mutual 
happiness and welfare. 



ADDRESS OF THE N. T. COMe's. TO THE INDIAISrS. 47 

" Brethren — We have heard that some of our people 
have been among you to purchase by taking a lease of 
your lands from you, without the consent of our great 
council, and contrary to the good old rule and custom 
which has always been between your forefathers and 
ours, and between you and us. Listen to our advice. 
This is one of the principal matters about which we wish 
to talk with you ; and we advise you, as well for the 
sake of yourselves and your children, and children's 
children, as for your own sakes, that you will not suffer 
any of these people to come and settle upon your lands. 

"Brethren — These people who have been to purchase 
your lands have been disobedient children to their father, 
the great council. Brethren^ a belt will be delivered to 
you in confirmation of this our message to you." 

Il^otwithstanding these vigorous measures of the State 
authorities, their opponents were neither idle or without 
influence. They were actively at work, through their 
agents, in persuading the Indians not to listen to any com- 
munications from the State Commissioners, or to attend 
the proposed council at Fort Stanwix. Early in May, 
1778, the lessees, through Mr. John Livingston, made a 
proposition to the State Commissioners, to procure for the 
State " a conveyance of all the lands owned by the Lidi- 
ans within the claim of ISTew York," provided the State 
would repay them the money they had paid the Indians, 
and the costs and expenses they had actually incurred, 
and convey to said John Livingston and his associates, 
one half of the land so obtained, to be located in the 
Oneida country, and also one half of the land so obtained 
in the Seneca, Cayuga, and Onondaga country. The 
proposition was rejected by the Commissioners in the fol- 



48 mSTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

lowing terms : " your propositions are of such a nature 
that they (the Commissioners,) do not conceive themselves 
authorised by law to treat with you thereon, and if they 
had authority for that purpose, the propositions would be 
considered by them as altogether inadmissible." 

In the meantime, Livingston and his associates were 
sending goods and provisions into the Indian country. 
Upon the return of the messenger from the Seneca's 
country, with the answer to the message of the State Com- 
missioners to them, Mr. Tayler writes to Gov. Clinton 
that he has his fears w^hether any number of the Six Na- 
tions, except the Oneidas, will attend the treaty at Fort 
Stanwix in Julj^, and suggests that it iiad better be post- 
poned until September ; that a large meeting was held at 
Buffalo Creek, at which Col. Butler from Niagara, and 
others, were present. The speeches were delivered by 
Dean, interpreter for Schuyler and Livingston ; that the 
letter from Buffalo Creek was written by Stevens, son to 
the British interpreter at Niagara, who likewise resides 
there. The follow^ing is a copy of the letter alluded to 
above : 

" Buffalo Ceeek, 14th May, 1788. 
" SiK : — We have had the pleasure of seeing your procla- 
mation, in which we are happy to find your Excellency, 
and your State, has considered the lease which Mr. Liv- 
ingston and his friends has taken from some of our young 
men, contrary to the resolutions and speech from the 
whole of the sachems and chiefs of the Six Nations, the 
purport of which was to cover up the fire they had kin- 
dled at Kanedesaga, until the spring, when we promised 
to attend. They told us they were sent by Congress; 



LETTER OF THE SIX NATIONS TO GOV. CLINTON. 49 

otherwise, we sboulJ not have taken the least notice of 
their message, as we had ah-eadj promised Congress not 
to attend any council but what should be called by their 
authority. We must therefore beg of you to prevent 
any of your people from settling upon our lands, as we 
look upon the lease, not to be in the least binding, since 
not one sachem or principal woman had given their con- 
sent ; nor will we receive their money, but keep our 
lands. We are all preparing to go to the council at Tus- 
caroras, and have desired Mr. Livingston to meet lis 
there, where we hope to setttle all our aifairs according 
to promise, and shall be ready to hear what he has to 
say. We shall then expect every assistance from the 
deputies from Congress, to assist us in our grievances, at 
that meeting ; and we are much obliged to your Excel- 
lency for your obliging speech and attention to our inter- 
ests, and are, with the greatest respect, your Excellency's 
most humble servants." 

Signed by a number of chiefs of the Six Nations. 

Kanedasaga had not been the residence of the Indians 
since its destruction, in 1779, by Gen. Sullivan. It had 
long been the favorite residence of the Senecas. An 
ancient Indian fortification, known as " Fort Hill," is 
located on lot 58, and was covered with heavy forest 
trees when first known to the whites. And the beautiful 
ground called the " Old Ca-tle," about one and a half 
miles northwest of the village of Geneva, was covered 
with apple trees planted by the Indians. This, it is said, 
was their ancient burial ground ; and in the treaty con- 
veying these lands, it was stipulated that this ground 
should remain undisturbed by the white man's plow, and 
for many years the Indians watched the progress of im- 
4 



50 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

provement and change, to see that the resting place of 
their fathers remained undisturbed, 
. Although it had ceased to be a residence of the Sene- 
cas, " Kanedasaga " became the seat and centre of the 
Indian traders, land speculators and surveyors, and an 
important point for emigrants and drovers. It was here 
that the lessees, as well as the agents of the State and of 
the j)re-emptionists, contemplated to make their head- 
quarters. It was in 17S8 that Peter Tijckman and Seth 
Reed had established tlieinselves at Kanedasaga — Heed 
at the Old Castle, and Ryckman upon the lake shore. 

In the settlement between Massachusetts and New 
York, by which Massachusetts relinquished her right of 
jurisdiction over all the Indian lands in western New York, 
she retained the right to the soil, subject to the claim of 
the Indians ; or rather. New York yielded to Massachu- 
setts the pre-emptive right to purchase the fee of the In- 
dians. 

Oliver Phelps- had become lavorably impressed with 
the beauty and fertility of the Genesee country, 
by his intimacy with Major Hoops, and others in 
Philadelphia, and by the representations of his New 
England neighbors, who had been in Gen. Sullivan's ex- 
pedition, resolved to become the purchaser of one mil- 
lion acres of these lands. Before his plans were ma- 
tured, however, he learned that Mr. Nathaniel Gorham 
had made proposals for a purchase of a jjortion of the 
Genesee lands. He immediately conferred with Mr. 
Gorham, which resulted in their uniting their interests ; 
but their application to the Legislature proved unsuc- 
cessful. 

This movement of Messrs. Phelps and Gorham brought 



PHELPS AND GORHAM S PURCHASE. 61 

others into the field ; and a compromise was made bj 
admitting all who had any intention of purchasing, as 
partners — Messrs. Phelps and Gorham being constituted 
the representatives of all the associates. They made 
proposals for the purchase of all the lands embraced in 
the cession to ]\lassachusetts by New York, stipulating 
to pay therefor the sum of one hundred thousand dollars 
in the paper currency of Massachusetts, which was then 
worth less than fifty cents on the dollar. The proposi- 
tion was acceded to ; and the share-holders had a meet- 
ing, and appointed Gen. Israel Chapin to explore the 
country. Mr. Phelps, as the general agent, was to hold 
a treaty with the Indians for the extinguishment of their 
title. Mr. Gorham was appointed to confer with the au- 
thorities of New York in regard to running the pre- 
emption line ; and Mr. William Walker to act as land 
agent and surveyor. 

As all parties had been brought to harmonize by 
uniting all their interests together, little trouble was an- 
ticipated in accomplishing the objects of the association. 

Although the lease of Livingston and his associates 
had been declared illegal and void, yet from the charac- 
ter and well-known influence of the leading members of 
that association, it was thought to be of the utmost im- 
portance to conciliate that interest also. For this pur- 
pose, Mr. Phelps met some of the principal lessees, and 
negotiated an arrangement with them, the precise terms 
of which have never transpired. It was, however, stipu- 
lated on the part of the lessees that they would hold an- 
other treaty at Kanedasaga, surrender their lease to all 
their lands west of the Massachusetts pre-emption line, 
and procure for the same a deed of cession from the In- 
dians to Phelps and Gorham and their associates. 



52 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Supposing that all obstacles bad now been removed o? 
overcome, Mr. Phelps returned to New England and pre- 
pared to attend the proposed treaty at Kanedasaga — en- 
gaging his agents, surveyors and assistants, to enter up- 
on the possession and survey of the country. Upon bis 
arrival at Schenectady, he wrote back that many unfavor- 
able rumors had reacted his ears ; that he was likely to 
be delayed by the non-arrival of Mr. Livingston ; that 
an Oneida Indian had arrived from the west and brougbt 
a report that Brant had collected the Indians at Bufi'alo 
Creek, and was persuading them " not to treat witb us." 

Mr. Phelps arrived at Kanedasaga about the first of 
June, but found no Indians there ; and learned that But- 
ler and Brant had collected them at Buffalo Creek, and 
were using their influence to prevent them from treating 
with Livingston, who had arrived at Kanedasaga witii 
goods and provisions for the treaty. 

After waiting till the middle of June without accom- 
plishing any result, Mr. Phelps discovered that there did 
not appear to be a good understanding between the 
" New York Genesee Company " and the " Niagara 
Genesee Company." Inferring that the balance of pow- 
er seemed to be in the hands of the latter, he proceeded 
immediately to Niagara, where he saw Col. Butler, 
Brant and Mr. Street, and secured their co-operation to 
procure the attendance of the Indians at Buffalo Creek^ 
there to hold a treaty, instead of Kanedasaga. 

Mr. Phelps returned to Kanedasaga and joined his 
party, which had remained there, where they continued 
to remain until a deputation of chiefs arrived to conduct 
them to the council fire at Buffalo Creek, where they ar- 
rived on the 4:th of July, 17S8. 



PHELPS AND GORIIAm's PUKCHASE. 63 

There were present the following persons, representing 
the various interests : liev. Samuel Kirkland, agent of 
Massachusetts; Elisha Lee, Esq., of Boston, assistant; 
John Butler, Joseph Brant, and Samuel Street, of the 
Niagara- Genesee Company ; John Livingston, Caleb 
Benton, and Ezekiel Gilbert, of the 'New York Genesee 
Company ; there were also present chiefs of the Onon- 
dagas, Cayugas and Mohawks. James Dean, Joseph 
Smith, William Johnston, and Mr. Kirkland, acted as in- 
terpreters. There were several officers from Fort Niaga- 
ra also present. Mr. Phelps opened the proceedings by 
producing the commission given him by the Governor of 
Massachusetts, which was interpreted to the Indians ; he 
then addressed the Lidians in a speech explaining the 
object of the treaty, the right he had purchased of Massa- 
chusetts, all which was interpreted to the Lidians. The 
Seneca chiefs, of whom there was a pretty full delegation 
present, were in favor of selling a portion of their lands, 
but urged strongly that their eastern boundary should be 
the Genesee river ; but after several day's negotiation, the 
boundary was agreed upon as it wa9 afterwards estab- 
lished. The treaty appears to have been conducted in a 
kind, conciliatory manner, and after the question of boun- 
dary was settled, the parties agreed to submit the ques- 
tion of price, to the decision of Col. Butler, Joseph Brant, 
and Elisha Lee, Esq., as referees, who fixed the sum to 
be paid the Indians at five thousand dollars in hand, and 
five hundred dollars annually forever. 

There is little doubt that without the aid and influence 
of Col. Butler and his associates, the purchase of the lands 
from the Indians could not have been made by Mr. Phelps 
at this time, and it was by giving them an interest in the 



54 HISTORY OF BUFP^ALO. 

purchase, that their influence was secured. It would 
seem, however, that some misunderstanding grew out of 
the matter which led to litigation. Sam'l Street and 
others, his associates, filed a bill in chancery, claiming 
that they were entitled to the proceeds of " fifteen one 
hundred and twentieth parts " of all the land purchase. 
There was other litigation between the two lessee com- 
panies, or different members of them, not effecting how- 
ever, the validity of Phelps & Gorham's purchase. 

The following letters reveal the position of Col. Butler 
and others : 

COPY OF A LETTER FROM COL. JOHN BUTLER TO THE 
HON. OLIVER PHELPS. 

Niagara, 20th July, 1788. 

" Dear Sir : — I hope ere this reaches you, that you 
will have made your friends satisfied with what you ac- 
complished at Buffalo Creek. 

"On my mentioning to you my intention of settling some 
of my friends in Connecticut on the new purchase, and 
of my wish to locate twenty thousand acres on the Gene- 
see river for them, you was good enough to give me your 
word to have it done if in your power. In consequence 
of which, I have given them some encouragement, and 
have empowered them to receive from you that quantity 
of land, which they will begin improving upon immedi- 
ately, if you can give them the encouragement that I hope 
and expect you will. I wish to have the above twenty 
thousand acres conveyed to Geo. Dennis, Sen., one third, 
Benj. Dennis one third, and to my two sisters, Debora 
Freeman and Ann Douglass, the remaining third, and if 



LETTER OF COL. BUTLEK. 55 

it is convenient to you that the deeds may be executed to 
them separately, if not, that their names may all be in- 
serted in the deed given them. 

" Mr. Geo. Dennis, Jr., will wait on you on his return, 

with a from Sam'l Street and associates, to draw 

land as above mentioned. 

'' Something being mentioned when at Buffalo Creek, of 
making a purchase of about twelve miles square on the 
lake at Niagara, which may be an introduction for getting 
that breadth all the way on the lake to the twelve miles 
on this side of Genesee river soon, therefore if you will 
allow me the half fee of the pre-emption cost, I will un-" 
dertake to make the Indian purchase at my own expense, 
for twelve miles square or thereabouts. 

" I hope to have the pleasure of hearing from you soon 
on this business, and am, 

Your Yery Humble Servant, 

JOHN BUTLER." 

"SuFFiELD, Jan. 19th, 1788.— Received of Nath'l Gor- 
ham and Oliver Phelps, Esquires, conveyances for one 
third of township No. 11, the Genesee river by vir- 
tue of this letter and to the persons and in the proportions 
therein mentioned. I also being empowered by Sam'l 
Street of Niagara, also to receive the said land, and I en- 
gage to submit the value of the said land now conveyed, 
to the appraisement of indifferent men to determine the 
proportion it bears to the remainder, which I, Oliver 
Phelps, Esq., am to receive when the other part of the 
country is purchased of the natives. 

GEORGE DENNIS, Sen." 



56 IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

The following is a letter of Joseph Brant to Gov. Clin- 
ton, written after the close of the treaty : 

Buffalo Ceeek, July 9th, 1788, 
" Bkothek Attend : — Since we wrote you about two 
months ago respecting the lease, which Mr. Livingston 
had obtained of our lando, we have held a great council 
with our brothers from Boston, at which all the chiefs and 
principal warriors of the Six Nations attended. At this 
gieat meeting we have sold part of our country to our 
brothers from Massachusetts, in presence of our brother 
Col. Butler, and have also settled, and adjusted, all our 
other land aflairs, and after a tedious attention to the bu- 
siness of last fall transacted between Mr. Livingston and 
some of our ISTations at Canedesaga, we have all conclu- 
ded to let those people settle in our country, and as it is 
agreeable to us, we hope their settlement on our lands 
will meet with your encouragement and approbation. 
This we have done to bring about a union of all the Five 
Nations. 

" Brother — You sent us an invitation to meet you at Fort 
Schuyler, M'hich belt we return. We are not able to meet 
you at the place you propose tliis year, as business of the 
utmost importance to the Indian Nations call our imme- 
diate attendance at the treaty now held on the Ohio river, 
for which place we are now setting out. Brotlier — This 
is all we have to say. 

JOS. BRANT. 
His Excellency, Gov. Clinton. 

" P. S. — W.e shall appoint an agent by the next fall, and 
give him power to see our annual rents paid justly, and 
hope you will establish him in office." 



PHELPS AND GOEHAm's PUECHASE, 57 

In writing to some of bis associates after the treaty was 
closed, Mr. Phelps says : " You may rely upon it, that it 
is a good country ; I have purchased all the Indians will 
sell at present, and perhaps as much as it would be prof- 
itable for us to buy at this time." At a meeting of the 
associates in January, he reported that he had sold and 
contracted about thirty townships ; a considerable portion 
of these sales were to small shareholders, leaving a great 
proportion of the purchase in the hands of Phelps & Gor- 
hara. 

Messrs. Phelps and Gorham had predicated their abili- 
ty to pay the State of Massachusetts the sum stipulated, 
upon their being able to buy the depreciated public paper 
of the State, at a large discount ; but the funding of the 
public debt of the States, by the Federal government, en- 
hanced the value of the State debt, to nearly par, and 
they were obliged to report to the Legislature of Massa- 
chusetts, in the spring of 17S9, their inability to fulllil 
their engagement, and asked to be released from so much 
of their obligation as related to the Indian lands not in- 
cluded in the Indian treaty. The legislature acceeded to 
their request, and soon found a purchaser of the relin- 
quished lands, in the person of Mr. Robert Morris, of 
Philadelphia. 

Efforts were still made to disaffect the Indians, in re- 
gard to this sale of their lands, and Cornplanter was made 
the instrument to excite dissatisfaction among them, par- 
ticularly the Senecas. But all the complaints were met, 
and satisfactorily explained, after a full examination into 
all the facts alleged by Cornplanter, by the Federal gov- 
ernment, completely exhonerating Mr. Phelps from the 
charges and complaints brought by the disaffected party 
amono; the Indians. 



58 raSTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

It was in 1789 that the first settlements were made 
upon the Phelps and Gorham tract, and the old residence 
of the Senecas at Bonghton Hill was among the first 
localities settled by the whites. By the end of 1790, 
fifty townships had been sold, mostly by townships, to 
companies formed in New England for emigration and 
settlement, and in November, 1790, they sold nearly all 
the residue of their lands, amounting to upwards of a 
million and a quarter of acres, to Mr. Kobert Morris, of 
Philadelphia ; who, in 1792, sold it to Sir "William Pult- 
ney, an English gentleman, who appointed Capt. Charles 
"Williamson his resident agent, to superintend the sale of 
his lands ; hence the name " Pultney Estate." 

Capt. "Williamson was a gentleman of education and 
culture, of large and liberal views. He located himself 
at Bath, Steuben county ; and by his enterprise, intelli- 
gence and liberality, contributed largely to the successful 
settlement and improvement of "Western New York. 

As the Indians had sold all their lands, except their 
reservations, at the treaty of Buifalo Creek in 1788, no 
further negotiation was necessary with them ; and the 
State of Massachusetts, in 1791, sold to Samuel Ogden, 
who was acting as the agent of Robert Morris, all the 
lands ceded to said State by the State of New York, ex- 
cept that heretofore conveyed to Phelps and Gorham, 
Mr. Morris sold, in 1792-3, to Herman Leroy and others, 
for parties residing in Holland, (who,being aliens, could not 
hold real estate in their own names, under our laws) four 
different tracts of land, described in four separate deeds 
of conveyance, including the land upon which the city 
of Buffalo stands. This sale by Robert Morris to the 
Holland Land Company, being made before the Indian 



UOLLAND LAND COMPANY'S PCECHASE. 59 

title WHS extinguished, it was stipulated by Mr, Morris, 
to assist the Company to extinguish the Indian title as 
soon as practicable. 

A council was accordingly held with the Senecas, at 
Geneseo, in 1797, and the Indian title extinguished to 
all the lands the pre-emption right of which had been, 
purchased of Massachusetts, except the following reser- 
vations : At Canawagus, two square miles ; Big Tree 
Eeservation and Little Beard's Town^ together containing 
four square miles ; Squawkie Hill Reservation, two 
square miles ; Gardeau Reservation, about twenty-eight 
square miles ; Canadea Reservation, containing sixteen 
miles square, lying upon both sides of the Genesee 
River, and extending eight miles along the Genesee 
River in the county of Alleghany ; the Oil Spring Res- 
ervation, containing one square mile, lying on the line 
between Alleghany and Cattaraugus counties ; the Alle- 
ghany Reservation, containing forty-two square miles ; 
the Cattaraugus Reservation, containing forty-two square 
miles ; the Tonawanda Reservation, containing seventy 
square miles ; and the Tuscarora Reservation, contain- 
ing one square mile, lying about one mile east of Lewis- 
ton, on the Mountain Ridge ; the Buifalo Creek Reser- 
vation, containing one hundred and thirty square miles 
— these reservations containing in all three hundred and 
thirty-eight square miles, a liberal provision for the com- 
paratively small remnant of the Six Nations then re- 
maining in this State. 

Mr. Joseph Ellicot had been appointed as principal sur- 
veyor of the Holland Company by Mr. Theophilus Caze- 
nove, the agent general of the Company, resident at 
Philadelphia, to survey their lands in "Western New 



"-60 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

York as soon as the title should be perfected, and to as- 
sist Messrs. Bayard and Linklaen, who were to attend 
at the treaty. 

Mr. Ellicott accordingly attended the treaty, and ren- 
dered important service to the purchasers. After the 
treaty was perfected, Mr. Ellicott, as surveyor for the 
Holland Land Company, and Mr. Angustns Porter for 
Robert Morris, entered npon a survey of the tract, for 
the purpose of ascertaining the quantity of land it con- 
tained. This preliminary survey was completed before 
the winter set in of the same year. 

The treaty of 1797, in which the Indian title to the 
Holland Purchase was extingnished, except to certain 
reservations, as before stated, prescribed the quantities 
contained in and general shape and location of each res- 
ervation, leaving the location of the precise boundary 
lines to be determined thereafter. The Indians reserved 
two hundred thousand acres, one indefinite portion of 
which was to be located on Buffalo Creek, at the east 
end of Lake Erie, and the remainder at the Tonawanda 
Creek. 

As the New York Reservation excluded the Holland 
Company's land from the waters of Niagara River, and 
from the shore of Lake Erie one mile southerly from the 
river, it became very important to the Company to se- 
cure a landing place and harbor at the mouth of Buffalo 
Creek, and sufficient ground adjoining, whereon to es- 
tablish a commercial village or city. 

Capt. William Johnston, and Indian agent and inter- 
preter, settled himself near the mouth of Buffalo Creek 
at an early period, under the auspices of the British gov- 
ernment, and remained here until the Holland Com, 



WILLIAM JOHIS^STON. 61 

pany bad effected their purchase. His dwelling house 
stood north of Exchange and east of "Washington streets. 
Capt. Johnston had procured of the Indians, by gift to 
his son, by a niece of Farmers Brother, of two square 
miles of land at the mouth of Buffalo Creek, including 
the territory on which now stands the city of Buffalo. 
He had also entered into an agreement with the Indians 
which amounted to a life lease of a certain mill site, and 
the timber land in its vicinity, on condition of supplying 
the Indians with all the boards and plank they wanted for 
building at, and near Buffalo Creek. This site was about, 
six miles from the mouth of the Creek. Although John- 
ston's title to this land was not considered to have the 
least validity in law, yet the Indians had the power, and 
they manifested an inclination to include it within their 
reservation, unless a compromise was made with John- 
ston ; and taking into consideration his influence with 
them, the agents of the Il^aaii â–  :"â–  n."v concluded to 
enter into the following agreement with him, wliich was 
afterwards fully complied with, and performed by both 
parties. Johnston agreed to surrender his right to the 
said two square miles of land, and use his influence with 
the Indians to have that tract and his mill site left out of' 
their reservation; in consideration of which, the Holland 
Company agreed to convey by deed to said Johnston, 
six hundred and forty acres, including tlie said mill site 
and adjacent timber lands ; together with forty-five and 
a half acres, being part of said two square miles, inclu- 
ding the buildings and improvements then owned by said 
Johnston, four acres of which was to be on the " point." 
These lands, as they were afterwards definitely located, 
were, a tract of forty-one and a half acres, bounded north 



62 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

bj Seneca street, west by "Washington street, and south 
by the Little Buffalo Creek. The other tract was bound- 
ed east by main street, southwesterly by Buffalo Creek, 
and northwesterly by Little Buffalo Creek, containing 
about four acres."* 

Johnston's house was located upon the forty acre lot 
called outer lot ninety-four in the original survey, near a 
spring. This spring was ultimately purchased by Mr. 
Le Couteulx, or a lot embracing the spring, the lot running 
diagonally across Exchange street to the Little Buffalo 
Creek, now the Hamburgh Canal. 



•Turner's History of the Holland Purchase. 

Note. — Since the publication of the first volume of this work, the au- 
thor has visited an aged lady, a sister of the late Col. Warren of Fort Erie, 
for the purpose of obtaining more authentic information in regard to 
Capt. William Johnston. She says he was a half brother of Col. Powell, 
who after the close of the Revolutionary war, resided on the Niagara 
River below Fort Erie. The mother of Col. Powell married a Col. John- 
ston, and William Johnston was a son by this connection, and was an 
officer under the British government. Col. Powell died at an advanced 
age, a few miles from Fort Erie. It is probable that the Capt. Powell 
spoken of in the "Narrative of the Gilbert Family," who married Miss 
Jane Moore, and the Col. Powell spoken of by Mrs. Hardison, the aged 
sister of Col. Warren spoken of above, is the same individual, and the 
house of Capt. Powell mentioned in the journal of Col. Proctor in 1791, 
was at the place it is said by Mrs. Hyrdison Col. Powell resided. 



CHAPTER IV. 



ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 

Tlie following in regard to the origin of the name of 
*' Buffalo," is the substance of a paper read before the 
Buffalo Historical Society in 1863, bj the author, and it 
is bf'lieved contains the principal evidences upon which 
the theory of the origin of the name of Buffalo rests, and 
although at the time it was attempted to be assailed or 
controverted, those attempts failed to invalidate any of 
the testimony adduced, but served rather to strengthen 
the now generally received opinion that " Buff'alo Creek " 
was so called from the fact of the visits of the buffalo to 
the well known salt spring, about three miles from the 
city, upon its border. 

It is well known that when the agents of the " Holland 
Company " first surveyed the land upon which our city 
stands, into village lots in 1801-2, they gave it the name 
of " New Amsterdam." But there is no evidence that 
this name enjoyed popular favor, or was in general use. 
The Company continued to use it in their conveyances of 
lots until 1811 or 1812, when it was dropped, and the 
name of Buffalo substituted. 

" Buffalo Creek " had been the name by which this lo- 
cality was known and designated from a period certainly 
as early as 1784, as it is used in the treaty made with the 



64 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

" Six Nations " at Fort Stanwix in that year. It is prob- 
able it was known by that name much earlier than this, 
perhaps from the first settlement by the Senecas, which 
it is likely did not take place until after Sullivan's expe- 
dition in 1779. The name is mentioned in the " Narra- 
tive of the Captivity of the Gilbert family," prisoners 
among the Senecas in 1780 or 1782. Besides the treaty 
of 1784, already named, it is called Buffalo Creek in a 
treaty held with the "Six Nations" in 1789, and again 
in the treaty at Canandaigua in 1794. 

By an act of the Legislature of this State, passed March 
19th, 1802, a treaty was autliorized to be held with the 
Indians for the purchase of the " Mile Strip " on the Ni- 
agara river from " Buffaloes Creek " to the Steadman 
Farm — and in 1803 an act passed by the Legislature of 
this State, April 6th, guaranteeing to Indians of the Six 
Nations the right to pass and repass upon any turnpike 
road which may hereafter be established from the town 
of Canandaigua to Buffalo Creek or its vicinity. 

In 1805 Congress established a Collection District, to 
be called the District of " Buffalo Creek," the Collector 
of said district to reside at " Buffalo Creek." Erastus 
Granger was the first resident Collector of Customs. Gen- 
eral Irvine, of Pennsylvania, had been appointed the first 
Surveyor of Customs when this place was included in the 
District of Presque Isle, now Erie. 

The name of " Buftalo," which was evidently derived 
from the name of the Creek, was used to designate the 
settlement here quite early. In a letter of General Irvine 
to Gen. Washington in 1788, this place is spoken of as 
" Buffalo." I have found no other record of the name as 
early as this, and was led for^that reason to doubt the cor- 



OEIGIN OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 00 

rectness of the copy of the letter as given in the Histori- 
cal Magazine of February, 1863, and I wrote Dr. AY. H. 
Irvine, who furnished it for publication. The following 
is his answer : 

" It is now some forty odd years since I made the copy 
of the letter to which you refer, and I cannot say that I 
committed no error in transcribing from tiie original, but 
think I must have made a literal copy. I certainly could 
not have manufactured the remarks in whicli the word 
^'Bulfalo" occurs. 

"• Gen. Irvine, i'win his having commanded the western 
department from 1781 to 1783, and engaged in the de- 
fence of the frontier, must have been familiar with all the 
names of localities in Western New York, you will note 
the expression is ' from Buffalo to Fresque Isle,' the 
latter being tlie name of the present city of Erie. 
Presque Isle was then in tlie State of Xew York." 

And Mr. Irvine adds : 

" And to his (Gren. Irvine's) address, our State is indebt- 
ed for the acquisition of tlie tri angle, or Erie county." 

Mr. B. W. Fratt, now living, with wliom I have re- 
cently conversed on the subject, and wh(_)se recollections 
seem to be very clear and distinct, says that when his 
father, Mr Samuel Pratt, returned to Vermont from a 
visit to this place, in 1803, he called it Buiialo. They 
were to remove to '• Buffalo," and did so, arriving here in 
1804. 

Our Legislative records show that, as early as 1772, 
the State (tiien a Colony) was divided into counties, and 
the whole western ])ait of the State was included in 
'' Tryon county," after Governoi- Tiyon the last of the 
Eoyal Governors.. 
5 



66 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

In 1784 the name was cliaDgecl to " Montgomery 
county," after General Richard Montgomery, and in 
1801 the county of Ontario was organized. The boun- 
dary extended west to the State line, and all that part of 
the county west of the Genesee river was organized into 
a town, by the name of " Northampton," a pretty exten- 
sive town, trul3^ 

In 1802 the county of Ontario was again divided, and 
the county of Genesee erected ; and in 1808 the county 
of Niagara was established, the court-house and jail to 
be built at " Buffalo or New Amsterdam." 

By the same act, the village of Buffalo was included 
in the town of Willink, which bounded west on the Cattar- 
augus creek. In 1808 the town of Buffalo was erected, 
extending easterly to what is known as the " transit line," 
and in 1813 the village of Buffalo received its first char- 
ter. 

I have been perhaps needlessly particular in mention- 
ing all these changes in the names and boundaries of the 
towns and counties in Western New York, as they are 
all matters of record. But as facts, they are not familiar 
even to those most conversant with our early history, and 
serve better than almost anything else, to show the 
great change and rapid improvment which has taken 
place within the recollection of some who are now living. 
I trust I shall be excused therefore for referring to them 
in this place, and at this time. Professor Timothy 
Dwight, who visited Buffalo in 1801, speaks of the then 
poulation thus : 

"The inhabitants are a casual collection of adventu- 
rers, and have the usual character of such adventurers 
thus collected, when remote from regular society. We 



ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 67 

saw about as many Indians in this village as white peo- 
ple." 

A misapprehension prevails to some extent in regard 
to the Indian names as applied to this locality, which 
had better be explained before entering npou the main 
question, as it may serve to disencumber the subject be- 
fore us, of what has embarrassed the minds of some who 
have supposed they discovered what appeared to be mis- 
takes or contradictions. 

The Indians applied the name " Te-osah-way," or in 
our language, "Place of Easswood," to their settlement 
or village, and " Tick-e-ack-gou-ga-haunda," or " Buffalo 
creek," to the the stream only. 

The supposed discrepancy between " Te-osah-wa}' " 
and " Te-hos-ororon " consists in the fact, that the former 
is the Seneca, and the latter the Mohawk pronunciation 
of the same word. So also in regard to what has been 
suggested to be a mistake of the scribe, or interj)reter, in 
using the name " Buffalo creek " instead of " Beaver 
creek" in the treaty with the Six Nations at Fort Stan- 
wix in 178-1, and in other public records, between that 
time and 1790, when Corn Planter is said to have on one 
occasion called it " Beaver creek." It is much more 
reasonable to suppose the mistake was made in the in- 
terpretation of Corn Planter's speech for this reason : 
The name of the Beaver and the Buftalo, in the Seneca 
tongue, have precisely the same termination, and might 
by an unskillful or inattentive interpreter, be mistaken, 
one for the other. Buffalo is " Ticke-ack-gou," and Bea- 
ver is " Ack-gon-e-ack-gou." Here, undoubtedly Avas 
the mistake, and not in the treaties, and other public 
records, where the name '* Buffalo creek " is uniformly 



t)5 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

used. I never heard the name '• Beaver creek" applied 
to this stream, in an intercourse of more tiian twenty-five 
years with tlie Senecas. 

In the opening address of tlie lion. President of this 
Society last year, the origin of the name our city bears, 
was made the subject of discussion, and doubts were ex- 
pressed in regard to the theory entertained that it was 
derived from the supposed fact, that the Buffalo, or 
American Bison, formerly ^â– isited this locality. Tliese 
doubts were expressed in the following language: 

'' I have never seen any reliable statement th;it the 
buffalo, in his wild state, was ever ibund in Western New 
York. I believe that liis native haunt was in tlie great 
prairies of tlie West, and nowhei'e else on this continent." 

An article which api)eai-ed in the Historical J\lagazlne 
for December, 1862, remarking upon these obser\ations, 
the writer cites a number of authorities to show that the 
buffalo nut only once lived in the western part of this 
State, in Oiiio, Kentucky and Virginia, but ranged over 
nearly the whole of the North American Continent. 
Another v/riter in the January numljerof the same mag- 
azine throws doubt u])on all the authorities cpioted by the 
December correspondent, and agrees with Mr. Fillmore, 
and says : 

"From all my reading, I had concluded that the Bison 
was not found in the lake region, and never as iar west 
(east) as (the State of ) New York." 

It is, perhaps, not surprising that the general reader of 
the early "French Ilelations" should find very little to 
instruct or enlighten, either in matter of science or natu- 
ral history. The mission of the early Jesuit writers was 
of a different character, and embraced far different ob- 



ORTGIX OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 69 

jects, and it" we find occasional errurs of fact, and some- 
times more than discrepancies of statement in regard to 
their pecnliar purposes and pursuits, it should not go to in- 
validate their statements in regard to matters of entire 
indiiference. It will not escape the attentive reader of 
these early writers that there existed a feeling, to say the 
least of it, of rivalry between the Franciscans, who were 
the earliest missionaries to the new world, and the Jesuits, 
who followed them, and ultimately supplanted them 
altogether. Nor should it be forgotten that the self de- 
denying labors of these men were made available by the 
French Government, for political purposes, and their in- 
fluence was a real " power in the State." 

The question as to the origin of the name of our city 
engaged the public attention at a ibrmer period of our 
history. Nearly twenty years ago, an annonymous com- 
munication appeared in the Commercial Advertiser, then 
edited by the late Dr. Foote. The following is a copy : 

"Me. Editor: — I understand the Indian name of 
Buftalo creek is To-sa-o-way. Will some of your Indian 
philological correspondents give us the meaning of the 
word ? I should be happy also to know the origin of the 
present name of our cit3\" 

This inquiry thus made, called out several replies in the 
papers then published, all anonymous ; one in the Daily 
Pilot was as follows : 

" The name of the Big Buffalo creek, and the point of 
land where our city is built, in the Seneca tongue, is Do- 
yo-wa, pronounced Do so-wa, signifying the place of Bass- 
wood, on account of the great quantity of that tree in the 
vicinity. Sometimes it is pronounced Do-sha-ho, d taking 
the sound of t. You are undoubtedly familiar with the 



TO HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

anecdote relatinoj to the "Buffiilo Moat," from which the 
name of the city arises, 

"OGEM/^." 

Another communication, dated Buffalo Creek Reserva- 
tion, appeared in the Commercial Advertiser, at the same 
time, which is as follows : 

"In reply to the inquiries of your correspondent Q, in 
your paper of June 26th, permit me to say that the old 
Indians tell us that the banks of Buffalo creek, for some 
distance from its month, were anciently lined with bass- 
wood trees, hence the name Ti-yu syo-wa, with the last 
vowel nasalized, which means, "at the place of bass- 
woods," or as our venerable ex-President Van Buren has 
it, at " Lindenwold." As to the origin of the name 
" Buffalo," I am as much in the dark as your correspond- 
ent. 

" GA-I-WI-U." 

Another communication to the Commercial Advertiser 
was published about the same date, from which the fol- 
lowing is an extract : 

"Taking it for granted that the inquiry as to the origin and 
meaning of the name Tu-shu-wa^', was made with a desire 
for information, I cheerfully contribute what little I pos- 
sess to throw light ,upon the early history of our city, 
connected as it is with history of a noble race, fast sink- 
ing into oblivion, and whose unwritten history lingers 
only in the recollection of a few survivors of the once 
powerful 'Six Nations.' Although the different tribes 
composing that great confederacy spoke different dialects, 
it is evident they sprang from the same original source. 

" Hence it is not unlikely that the names of places giv- 
en by former tribes, may have been retained by the Sen- 
ecas, and thus their original signification lost. 



OKIGIN OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO, 71 

"The occupation or settlement of Buffalo by the Seii- 
ecas, is of comparatively recent date. The Indian tradi- 
tion is that the Eries, a powerftd and warlike nation who 
resided upon the soutli shore of our lakes, with other con- 
federate tribes here, and on the Eighteen Mile and perhaps 
Cattaraugus creeks were overthrown by a numerous war 
party of the Six Nations, in a great battle fought at, or 
near the outlet of the Honeyoye lake in (now) Ontario 
count3^ The flight of the Eries and their allies immedi- 
etely followed. They were pursued by the victorious 
warriors of the Six Nations, for five months, and were 
driven beyond the Mississippi. 

" The occupation of this locality by the Senecas, fol- 
lowed these events. 

" When they arrived here they found huts, or houses, 
covered with basswood bark. This tree has tlie peculiar- 
ity of being easily peeled at all seasons of the year, and 
the wood was used for canoes, and on these accounts it 
assumed an importance in the eyes of the aboriginal set- 
tler, equal to that of a stone quarry or an extensive 
pinery to the pioneers of our early settlements in more 
civilized life. This to them, important characteristic, 
was seized upon and probably stood prominent among the 
inducements to imigrate hither. 

"The name Te-osah-way, is a compound word signifi- 
cant of this fact. It is not literally osah, basswood, nor 
cush-nah, bark, as some contend, but Te osah-way that is, 
where basswood is, or the place of basswood. 1^ 

"The Senecas were conversant with' the fact, that the 
Buffalo formerly visited the " salt lick " or spring, on the 
bank of the creek in this vicinity, and hence they called 
Buffalo creek Tick-e-ack-gou-ga-haunda, and Buffalo vil- 



72 HISTORY OF BUFFALO.. 

J'age Tick-e-ack-gou-ga. But Te-osah-way was the earlier- 
designation, and probably originated in the name I have 
suggested. KI-EU-AYA-NA." 

A communication iVom " Q," the author of the^ original 
inquiry, appeared in the Commercial Advertiser, soon 
after the publication of the foregoing, from which I make 
the following extracts : 

"Mr. Editor : — I have been much interested in the re- 
spective attempts of my brothers, Ogema, Ki eu-wa-na 
and Ga-i-wi-u to throw light in answer to my inquiry 
upon the meaning of the Indian name of Buffalo Creek, 
written by me To-se-o-way ; that being the designation 
upon Joseph and Benjamin Ellicott's map of the Hol- 
land purchase, published in 1800. 

"Although my brothers do not quite agree in their 
orthography, there seems to be no essential difference 
between them. The word as written by Ga-i-wi-u is Ti- 
you-seo-wa which orthography I prefer to that of Tu-shu- 
way or Do-yo-wa. The former when properlj^ pronounc- 
ed, has the sonorous and musical pronunciation of the 
Seneca tongue. 

" Ogema and Ki-eu-wa-na who are independent wit- 
nesses, have undoubtedl}" arrived at the true meaning of 
the word which has reference to the basswood, which has 
formerly lined the banks of the creek. The primitive 
meaning is " among the basswoods.'" 

" Ogema and Iti-eu-wa-na differ in their explanation 
of the origin of the name of Buffalo. The former has 
made too large draughts upon fiction, to entitle his legend 
to credit, and thereby throws doubt upon the existence of 
any such " chronicle " as he refers to. The statement of 
Ki-eu-wa-na is more i:)lausible, showing that our creek 



OKIGIX OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 73- 

and the neighboring Indian village were named by the 
Indians after the buffalos, which formerly frequented tlie 
well-known 'lick' on its banks. 

" History establishes the fact that these animals for- 
merly ranged as far east as the St. Lawrence." Q" 

This last statement of Q, is undoubtedly a mistake,, 
into which he has been led as others have been by read- 
ing the journal of Father La Moine, of a journey he 
made from Quebec to the village of the Onondagas, in 
1654, in which he speaks of a herd of "wild cows " that 
lie saw on the banks of the River St. Lawrence, above the 
rapids, five or six hundred in one drove, but they were 
undoubtedly moose or elks. For on his return voyage, 
he savs, under date of September 4th (of the same year), 
" Traveling through vast prairies, we saw in divers quar- 
ters, immense herds of wild bulls and cows. Their horns 
resemble in some respects the antlers of the stag." Of 
course the}^ were either elks or moose. In another place 
lie says, '' Droves of twenty cows plunged into the water- 
as if to meet us. Some were killed for the sake of 
amusement, with blows of an axe." Perhaps it is no 
more surprising that the moose were once so plenty 
where now they are unknown, than that buflaloes should 
have once roamed over the spot where we now dwell, 
and left their bones as the only memorial of their presence, 
mingled with those of other animals, about the salt lick, 
(near the Sulphur Spring.) in our immediate vicinity. 
But as has been already observed, doubts have been enter- 
tained, and expressed, as to the truth or probability of 
the statements upon which the theory as to the origin of 
the name of our city rested, from the supposed improba- 
bility of the tradition of the Indians on that subject. 



74 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

These doubts are predicated upon the insufficiency of 
the " evidence that the Buffalo, in his wild state, was 
ever fuund in Western ISTew York ; " that none of the 
early visitors to this region, who have left a record of 
their travels, saw them ; that the great j^i'airies of the 
"West being " his native haunts," he was never fuund in 
this region. 

Let us examine these two classes of objections in a 
â– spirit of candor, and see whether they are entitled to the 
weight given them by those who have examined the sub- 
ject with perhaps equal candor and intelligence. In re- 
gard to the first class of objections, if it is intended to 
assume that there is no recorded evidence of the fact 
that buffaloes \vere seen here by those who made the 
record, it is undoubtedly true ; but it by no means fol- 
lows that there is no reliable evidence of the fact. The 
nature of the case precludes the possibility of such testi- 
mony ; and if we show that we have the best evidence 
that the nature of the case admits of, and that it all con- 
curs in establishing the truth of the Indian tradition that 
the buffalo, in his wild state, visited the salt lick upon 
the banks of our Creek, then the statement of our oldest 
Indian residents, made in 1820, is entitled to rank as 
'" reliable testimony." 

I consulted the oldest men (of the Senecas) living in 
1820, as to their own knowledge and belief on the sub- 
ject. They had no doubt of the fact, though none of 
them pretended to have seen them here. They assured 
me that, within their own recollection, the bones of the 
buffalo, with those of other herbiverous animals which 
had been killed by the wolves, panthers, and other car- 
nivorous beasts that resorted hither in pursuit of their 



OEIGIlSr OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 75 

prej, were found at the salt lick. When asked as to the 
period when buffaloes were seen here, they fixed the 
time, in round numbers, at one hundred years before 
that time, which would be in 1720. It is not probable 
that the buffalo ranged as ftir east as this long after the 
introduction and general use of fire-arms among the 
Iroquois, or Six Nations, which was probably prior to 
this date ; and as they only visited this locality at par- 
ticular seasons of the year, and being a very shy animal, 
particularly when solitary or not in herds, they would be 
easily frightened away, j^erhaps not to return, even tem- 
poraril}^ 

The Indians began to obtain fire-arms as early as 
1650 or '60, as we find it was made a subject of com- 
plaint by the French government in Canada that the 
English or Dutch, in New York, were furnishing arms 
and ammunition to the Iroquois, which enabled them to 
carry on a destructive war against the western nations, 
who claimed French protection. 

It could not be expected, therefore, that the first Euro- 
peans who visited here would find the buffalo. He ha,d 
previously been driven from this locality, which may 
never have been his permanent residence. It is ad" 
mitted, I believe, that within the recollection of persons 
now living, the buff"alo has " been seen in his wild state " 
in Ohio, probably within less than two hundred miles of 
this city. Mr. Thomas Moorhead, a resident of Zanes- 
ville, writes thus, under date of February 13th, 1863 : 

" Capt. Koss^ who has lived here fifty-five years, says 
that Ebenezer and James Ryan often talked with him of 
having killed buffaloes on the branch of Will's Creek, 
which is still called the ' Buffalo Fork ' twentv miles 



76 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

east of Zanesville. The Rjans were Indian fighters, 
and this must have been before Wayne's treaty. Buffalo 
' beats ' are frequent on the ridges between this place 
and Marietta — at least, there are several of those 
' beats.' " 

In view of these facts, it would be extraordinary, in- 
deed, if, in the absence of civilization, or any natural 
obstacle to oppose or hinder his progress, the buffalo 
should not range as far east as this, and even larther, for 
there is nothing in the nature of the country or its cli- 
mate to prevent, as we shall abundantly show. Early 
travellers, almost without exception, speak of the buffalo 
as being abundant on the south shore of Lake Erie. 

The journey of La Salle from the Illinois River to 
Quebec, in the winter of 16S0, must have carried him 
through what are now the States of Illinois, Indiana, 
Ohio, Western Virginia, and a part of Pennsylvania and 
Western New York. But he evidently kept to the south 
of the shore of Lake Erie. He gives a list of the ani- 
mals that inhabited the region through which he passed. 
He says : 

"The mountains are covered with bears, stags, wild 
goats, turkey cocks and wolves, who are so fierce as 
hardly to be frightened at our guns. The wild bulls are 
grown somewhat scarce, since the Illinois have been at 
war with their neighbors, (the Iroquois) for now all par- 
ties are continually a hunting of them.'' 

La Hontan, who accompanied an expedition of the Il- 
linois against the Iroquois, in 1687-8, coasted down the 
south shore of Lake Erie. He says : 

"The Lake Erie is justly distinguished with the illus- 
trious name of Conti — a French Governor — for as" 



OKIGIN OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 77 

snredly it is the finest lake upon earth. You may judge 
of the goodness of the eliniate from the latitude of the 
countries which surround it. I cannot express what vast 
quantities of deer and turkeys are to be found in those 
woods and in the vast meadows that lie upon the south 
side of the lake. At tlie bottom of the lake (Fund du 
Lac) we find wild beeves, upon tlie l^anks of two rivers 
that disembogue into it, without cataracts or rapid cur- 
rents. The banks of the lake aie commonly frequented 
by none but warriors, whether the Iroquois, the IHinois 
or the Omiamies, &c., and it is very dangerous to stop 
there. By this m^-ans it comes to ]")ass that stags, roe- 
bucks and turkeys, run in great bodies up and down the 
shore all round the lake. 

" In i'ornier times the Errinons and the Andastaguere- 
nons lived u{)on the confines of this lake, but they were 
ext;r|)ated by the Iroquois, as M'ell as otlier nations 
nuirked upon the map." 

Charlevoix, wlio made tlie journey from Quebec to the 
Mississippi in 1721, following nearly the route of La 
Salle in ltJ79, in describing the journey across Lake On- 
tario, says : 

'• We intended to go into the River aux Boeufs. (Buf- 
falo River) but we found the stream shut up by the 
sands, which often happens to the little I'ivers that empty 
into the lakes. About two in the afternoon we entered 
into the River Niagara, formed by the great fall, which 
I shall mention presently.'' 

After describing the passage up the river to a point 
beyond which they could not go with their boat, and 
their visit on foot to the falls, and ])assage up the river 
to the rapids, at what is now Black Rock, he proceeds: 



78 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

" I departed on the 27th of May, 1721, from the en- 
trance of the Lake Erie. The ronte is to keep the north 
coast. Lake Erie is a hundred leagues long from east 
to west ; its breadth from north to south is about thirty. 
The name it bears is that of a nation of the Huron lan- 
guage settled on its borders, and which the Iroquois have 
entirely destroyed. Erie means Cat. The Eries are 
named in some of the ' Kelations,' the Nation of the 
Cat. 

" The 28th 1 went nineteen leagues, and found myself 
over against the great (Grand) river which comes from 
the east, in forty-two degrees fifteen minutes. The first 
of June, being Whit-Sunday, after going up a pretty 
river almost an hour, which comes from a great way and 
runs between two fine meadows, we made a portage of 
about sixty paces, to escape going round a point which 
advances fifteen leagues into the lake ; they call it 
' Long Point.' It is very sandy, and produces naturally 
many vines. At every place where I landed, I was en- 
chanted with the beauty and variety of the landscape, 
bounded by the finest forests in the world. Besides 
this, water- fowl swarmed everywhere. 

"I cannot say there is such a plenty of game in the 
woods, but I know that on the south side of the lake 
there are vast herds of wild cattle. On the l:th (of 
June) Ave were stopped a good part of the day on a 
point which runs three leagues north and south, which 
they call Point Pelee. There are many bears in this 
country; and last winter they killed, on Point Pelee 
alone, above four hundred." 

This was a great crossing place for several kinds of 
animals, as well as wild turkeys — passing from island 



ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 79 

to island on the ice in winter, and by iiight or swimming. 
in snmraer. 

After describing bis journey to Mackinac and to the 
mouth of the St. Joseph River, near the southern ex- 
tremitj^ of Lake Michigan, where the French had previ- 
ously established a post and built a fort, he passed up 
that river to a point where it bends farthest to the south 
(Great Bend.) They carried their canoes over a short 
portage to the head waters of the Kankikee, a confluent 
of the Illinois, and passed down that tortuous stream 
through extensive flat prairies, until they entered the Il- 
linois River. He says : 

"The meadows here extend beyond the sight, in 
which the buffalo go in herds of two or three hundred. 
Everywhere we met with paths that are as beaten as 
they can be in the most populous countries ; yet nothing 
passes through them but buffaloes." 

Thus far we have the evidence of the early French 
travellers. They establish the fact of the existence of 
the buffalo upon the south shore of Lake Erie down to- 
about 1721. 

We will nov/ proceed to examine the evidence derived 
from other sources subsequent to the period last named,. 
(1721.) I have already produced evidence of the pres- 
ence of the buffalo in the south-eastern part of Ohio, in 
the vicinity of Zanesville, to the period of the first set- 
tlement of that State, about the close of the war of the 
Revolution. 

Mr. Thomas Ashe, in a letter dated at Erie, Pa., after 
he had made a minute examination of the head waters of 
the Allegany and Monongahela Rivers, in 1806, gives 
the following statement of an old man, one of the first 



"80 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

settlers in that country, who built a log house, or hut, 
upon the borders of a salt spring, or lick : 

" He informed nie that, for several seasons, the buffa- 
loes paid him their visits with the utmost regularity. 
They traveled in single file, always following each other 
at equal distances, forming droves, on their arrival, of 
about three hundred eacli. The first and second year, so 
unacquainted were these poor brutes with the use of 
this man's house or his nature, that in a few hours they 
rubbed the house completely down, taking delight in 
^turning the logs off with their horns, while he had some 
•difficulty to escape being trampled under thei-r feet, or 
being crushed in his ovv'u ruins. At that period he sup- 
posed there could not be less than ten thousand in the 
neighborhood of the springs. They sought for no man- 
ner of fo^:d, but bathed and drank three or four times a 
day, and rolled in the earth, or mud, or reposed with 
their flanks distended in the adjacent shades, and on the 
the fifth or sixth day separated into distinct di'oves, 
bathed, drank, and departed in single files, accoiding to 
the exact order of their arrival. They all I'olled succes- 
sively in the same hole, and each thus carried away a 
coat of mud, to preserve the moistui-e of the skin, which, 
"when hardened and baked in the sun, would resist the 
stings of millions of insects that otherwise would perse- 
cute these peaceful travelers to madness, or even to 
death. 

" In the first and second years the old man, with some 
companions, killed six or seven hundred of these noble 
-creatures, merely for the sake of their skins, Mhich to 
them were only worth two shillings each ; and after this 
"work of death, they were obliged to leave the place till 



ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 81 

the following season, or till the wolves, bears, panthers, 
eagles, rooks, &c., had devoured the carcases and aban- 
doned the place for other prey. In the two following 
years, the same persons killed great numbers out of the 
first droves that arrived, skinned them, and left their 
bodies exposed to the sun and air. But they soon had 
reason to repent of this, for the remaining droves, as 
they came up in succession, stopped, gazed on the man- 
gled and putrid bodies, sorrowfully moaned or furiously 
lowed aloud, and returned instantly to the wilderness in 
an unusual run, without tasting their favorite spring or 
licking the impregnated earth, which was also once their 
most agreeable occupation. Nor did they or any of 
their race ever visit the neighborhood again." 

There are numerous salt springs, or licks, both in the 
eastern part of Ohio and in western Pennsylvania, and 
Dr. W. H. Irvine informs me that some of the oil springs 
were " deer licks." It was in the vicinity of one of these 
springs in western Pennsylvania, probably not over one 
hundred miles from this city, where this " old man's " 
cabin was located. If he was seventy-five years old 
when he made this statement to Mr. Ashe, in 1806, we 
may fix the date of the exodus of the buffalo at about 
the year 1755. 

Dr. S. P. Hildreth, who now resides at Marietta, Ohio, 
writes me, under date of Febuary 25th, 1863, as follows : 

"There is no doubt of their (the buffalo) tj-aversing 
the whole State of Ohio easterly into Pennsylvania, and 
the northern portion of New York, in the early stage of our 
history, or as late as the year 1750. 

" I came to Marietta in 1806. I have seen many of 
the old inhabitants who have killed them and eaten of 
6 



82 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

their flesh. The flesh of the fat cow bufiklo was consid- 
ered to be better than that of domestic cattle. 

" Near the vicinity of Salt Springs, their paths or roads 
were very distinct and plain, after 1 came to Ohio ; and 
to this day on the hills are large patches of ground, des- 
titute of bushes or trees, where they used to congregate, 
to stamp ofi" the flies, digging the surface into deep hol- 
lows, called " buffalo stamps." The forests here were 
very open and filled with rich pea-vines, and buffalo clo- 
ver, a variety between tlie white and red kinds of our 
day." 

Mr. Albert Gallatin, when a young man, was employed 
as a surveyor in "Western Virginia, and made the ques- 
tion of the eastern range of the buffalo, a subject of in- 
vestigation and study. He has given the result of this 
investigation in an article furnished for publication in the 
transactions of the American Ethnological Society, Yol. 
2, page 50. In his introduction, he says, " Colonies of 
the buffaloes had traversed the Mississippi, and were at 
one time abundant in the forest country between the 
lakes and the Tennessee River, south of which I do not 
believe they were ever seen. The name of ' Buffalo 
Creek,' between Pittsburg and Wheelingproves that they 
had spread thus far eastwardly, when that countrj^ was 
first visited by the Anglo-Americans. 

."In my time, 1784-5, they were abundant on the 
south side of the Ohio, between the Great and Little 
Kenawha. I have, during eight months, lived princi- 
pally on their flesh. The American settlement have of 
course destroyed them and not one is now seen east of 
the Mississippi. They had also, at a former period, pen- 
etrated east of the Alleganj^ Mountains. But 1 have 



ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 83 

been mistaken in supposing that thej were to be seen 
only on the head waters of the Rhonoake or Cape Fear 
E-iver. It appears by the publication of the Westover 
papers, that as late as the year 1728 they were found by 
Col. Bird on the borders of Yirginia and North Carolina 
and also further north in what, if I am not mistaken, is 
now called Southampton county, in about latitude thirty- 
seven degrees, and longitude seventy-seven degrees. The 
frequent name of 'Buffalo Creek' indicates their for- 
mer range." 

In a letter written to me in March last, by John H. 
James, Esq., Urbana, Ohio, this suggestion is made. 
He says : 

" I have had occasion to observe that all our early 
hunters and those best acquainted with the Indians never 
gave an Indian name of any stream, but always a trans- 
lation of it. Hence our numerous Deer Creeks, Buck 
Creeks, Beaver Creeks, &c., all of which had been called 
so by the Indians. 

" Your stream would naturally have its name of ' Buf- 
falo Creek ' in the same manner." 

There are abundant authorities that might be quoted 
to show that the buffalo was found not only in Ohio, 
Pennsylvania, Kentucky and other adjoining States, but 
in our own State. 

Thomas Morton, one of the early settlers of New Eng- 
land, in his " New English Cauaali," published in 1637, 
says: 

" They (the Indians) have also made description of 
great herds of well-grown beasts, that live about the 
parts of this Lake Erocoise, (now Lake Ontario) such as 
the Christian world, until this discovery, hath not been 



84 fflSTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

made acquainted with. These beasts are of the bigness 
of a cowe, their flesh being very good food, their hides 
good leather, their fleeces very useful, being a kind of 
woolle, and the salvages do make garments thereof." 

"We have already mentioned that Cluirleviox speaks of 
the Kivere aux Boeuf, (or Bufialo Creek), now " Oak 
Orchard Creek," a few miles east of the entrance to the 
Niagara, on Lake Ontario, in 1721. Its name was un- 
doubtedly derived in the same way as our own Buifalo 
Creek, but had not the means of perpetuating the name 
by being the location of an aboriginal city ; and had it 
not been for this early record, it would not now be known 
that it ever bore the name, as it is not known to the pres- 
ent inhabitants of that locality, as I have taken some 
pains to ascertain. 

Doctor Richardson, in his Fauna-Boreali Americana 
in a compendious history of the former range of the buf- 
falo, or American bison, says : 

" At the period when Europeans began to form settle- 
ments in North America, this animal was occasionally â–  
met with on the Atlantic coast. But even then it ap- 
pears to have been rare to the eastward of the Apalach- 
ian mountains, for Lawson has thought it to be a fact 
worth recording, that two were killed in one year on the 
Appomattox, a branch of the James River ; and Warden 
mentions that at no distant date herds of them existed in 
the western parts of Pennsylvania, and that as late as 
1766 they were pretty numerous in Kentucky. Great 
Slave Lake was at one time the northern boundary of 
their range (in the fur region) ; but of late years, accord- 
ing to the testimony of the natives, they have taken pos- 
session of the limestone district, on the north side of that 



FORMER RANGE OV THE BUFFALO. 85 

lake, and have wandered to the vicinity of the Great 
Marten Lake, in latitude sixty-three or sixty-four de- 
grees. 

" As far as I have been able to ascertain, the lime 
stone and sand stone formations lying between the Rocky 
Mountain E-idge and the lower eastern chain of primitive 
rocks are the only districts in the fur countries visited by 
the bison. 

" In the comparatively level tracts, there is much prai- 
rie land, on which they Und good grass in summer, and 
also many marshes overgrown with bullrushes and cara- 
cies, which supplies them with winter food. Salt springs 
and lakes also abound on. the confines of the lime stone, 
and there are several well-known salt springs where 
bison are sure to be found at all seasons of the year." 

Dr. Richardson accompanied the expedition of Capt. 
Back, in search of Capt Ross, in 1832, as naturalist, and 
had superior opportunities to inform himself in regard to 
what he wrote. He adds : 

" The bisons are truly a wandering race. Their mo- 
tives of restlessness being either disturbance from hun- 
ters, or change of pasture, (and, he might have added, 
search of salt licks or springs.) They are less wary 
when they are in herds, and will then often follow their 
leaders regardless of, or trampling down the hunter, 
posted in their way." 

In the Natural History of the State of New York, 
published under an act of the Legislature, Mr. De Kay 
speaks of the buffalo as a native of this State but " long 
since extirpated." 

In the Documentary History published by the same 
authority, we find in a memoir of the Indians of Canada, 



86 . HISTORY OF BCTFALO. 

by M. DeVaudrael, under date of 1718, it is said : " Buf- 
faloes abound on the south shore of Lake Erie, but not 
on tlie north." Again : "Thirty leagues up the Miamie 
River, at a place called La Glaize, buffaloes are always 
found." He also speaks of the " River-aux-boBul's " on 
Lake Ontario, in this State, which was mentioned by 
Charlevoix, 

It is hardly necessary to accumulate testimony on this 
branch of our subject, which might be done almost in- 
definitely. It will be readily seen, that any argument, 
built upon the hypothesis, that the buffalo in his wild 
state, was never found in Western New York, or that he 
W'ould not voluntarily live, even temporarily, in a climate 
like ours, or that his native haunt, was confined to the 
great prairies of the West, will be found to be untenable. 

That he ranged over a vast extent of country when un- 
disturbed, and no natural obstacles obstructed his way, 
is proved by all history and observation. 

All accounts agree in representing the buffalo to be a 
great traveller. Nothwithstauding his enormous and 
apparently unweildy body, and comparatively small 
limbs, he has wonderful powers of endurance, and a 
speed nearly equal to that of an ordinary horse. " Of 
all animals," says Irving, " a buffalo, when closely press- 
ed by the hunter, has an aspect the most diabolical. His 
too short black horns, curve out of a huge frontlet of 
shaggy hair, his mouth is open, his tongue parclied and 
drawn up into a half crescent, his eyes glow like coals of 
fire, his tail is erect, tufted and whisking about in tlie air, 
he is a perfect picture of mingled rage and terror." 
God man says : 

" They have been seen in herds of three, four and five 



FORMER RANGE OF THE BUFFALO. 87 

thousand, blackening the plains as far as the eye could 
view. Some travellers are of the opinion that they have 
seen as many as eight or ten thousand in the same herd. 
" The buffalo was formerly found throughout the whole 
territory of the United States, with the exception of that 
part east of the Hudson Kiver and Lake Champlain, and 
of narrow strips on the Atlantic and the Gulf of 
Mexico." 

These are by no means all the evidences going to sus- 
tain the Indian tradition, that the buffalo in his native 
state was once a visitor at least, in this locality.- 

That he was ever seen here by white men is not at all 
probable, for the reason suggested, that he had been then, 
as he has been since, driven from all his ancient haunts, 
by advancing civilization. The representative of that 
civilization, being firearms in the hands of the Iroquois, 
and the only memorial he left here -was his bleaching 
bones around the "salt lick" on the banks of the " Buffalo 
Creek." 

But the buffaloes like their cotemporaries, the aborig- 
inal inhabitants of this continent, are a doomed race! 
They have been driven little by little from all their an- 
cient haunts or homes, even their bones have decayed 
out of our sight, and it is even now questioned, whether 
there was ever a buffalo here! But when the last of his 
race shall have sunk down in silence and solitude in 
the inaccessible gorges of the Eocky mountains, or in 
the far off cold sterile regions of the North, here shall 
flourish in all its life, its activity, and its beauty, a mon- 
ument, to perpetuate his memory, and his name, and 
carry it down the rapid stream of time, through all gen- 
erations of men who shall inhabit the city of Buffalo. 



88 IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

The following letter of an educated Seneca Chief, liv- 
ing upon the Cattaraugus Eeservation, is inserted as cor- 
roborative of the views entertained by the author, was 
written in 18Gi : 

LETTEK OF N. PAKKER TO O. IL MARSHALL, ESQ., BUFFALO. 

" As my name is mentioned in the reply of Mr. Wright 
to yours of the 19th June last, I would say that I do not 
wish tliat statement should take the precedence of his 
answer, although it is somewhat similar, though differing 
from him a little on the original spelling of the word or 
name. Originally, as I am informed, the name was spo- 
ken thus, — ' De-dyo syo-oh,' being similar to 'Ti-hose- 
ro-ron,' which as I believe, must have been understood 
and written by the one who wrote the the treaty, for ' De- 
dyo-syo-oh,' and from this I infer that it is a Seneca word, 
instead of Mohawk. The name ' De-dyo-syo-oh ' means 
basswood surrounding a thing — that is, basswood sprouts 
that grew around stumps of the same kind in great abun- 
dance, that lined the banks of the creek near its mouth, 
"As for the name 'Buffalo,' I am informed that the 
Indians, in their hunting excursions from the East, to the 
vicinity of Buffalo City, say that there was plenty of 
buffalo in the western part of the State, and that their 
principal place of resort was at a lick in the bed of the 
creek, just above the Sulphur Springs, on the Buffalo 
Creek, and that at that place was the first settlement of 
the Indians. 

"Soon after their settlement there, the French came 
among them, and they were informed that there was a 
lick there which had been a great resort for the buffalo. 



ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF BUFFALO. 89 

Thence they (the French) named it in their language 'the 
Buflalo Creek.' Soon after, the settlement was burned, 
either by the English or French, in their wars, and that 
when the Indians settled there or its vicinity afterwards, 
great quantities of wampum beads were found among the 
ashes of that settlement ; which shows that the French 
did come among them there, as they were the manufactu- 
rers of such beads. 

"Furthermore, as an evidence that there must have 
been buffalo in this vicinity, I have dug up from the old 
camping ground of the Indians, eighteen inches under 
the surface, — I have found the teeth or molars of what I 
supposed to be the buffalo; they being in size, equal to 
that of the largest ox. 

"I should have made more extended remarks to your 
inquiries, but the substance is here for your considera- 
tion. 

Yours, &c., 

K H. PARKER. 



CHAPTEK Y. 



As illustrative of the period of history upon which we 
are now engaged, the following extract of a letter, and 
a journal of the Rev. Samuel Kirldand, of a journey he 
made to Buffalo Creek at the request and under the in- 
structions of Gov. Clinton, in 1788, are here inserted : 

EXTRACTS FEOM A LETTER OF MISS POWELL, DURING A TOUE 
FROM MONTREAL TO DETROIT, IN MAT, 1785. 

" Fort Niagara is by no means pleasantly situated. It 
is built close upon the lake which gains upon it so fast that 
in a few years they must be overflowed. There however, 
we passed some days very agreeably, at the house of a 
Mr. Hamilton, a sensible, worthy man. Mrs. Hamilton 
is an amiable, sweet little woman ; I regretted very much 
she did not live at Detroit, instead of at Niagara. "We 
received the most polite attention from Col. Hunter, the 
commanding officer, and all his officers. 

" Lord Edward Fitzgerald had been some months at 
Niagara before us, and was making excursions among the 
Indians, of whose society he seems particularly fond. 
Joseph Brant, a celebrated Indian Chief, lives in that 
neighborhood. Lord Edward had spent some days at his 
house, and seemed charmed with his visit. 

" Brant returned to Niagara with his Lordship. He was 



EXTRACTS FROM A LETTER OF MSS POWELL. 91 

the first, and indeed the only savage, I ever dined at 
table with. As the party was large, he was at too great 
a distance from ine to hear him converse, and I was by 
no means pleased with his looks. These people pay 
great deference to rank ; with them it is only obtained 
by merit. They attended Lord Edward from the house 
of one chief to another, and entertained him with danc- 
ing which is the greatest compliment they can pay. 

" Short as our stay was at Niagara, we made so many 
pleasant acquaintances we were very sorry to leave them. 
Several gentlemen ofiered to escort us to Fort Erie, 
which made the journey very cheerful. Mr. Hamilton, 
Mr. Humphries, of the Engineers, Mr. Robinson, of the 
60th Regiment, Mr. Meridith with Capt. Harrow, Mr. 
Smith and my brother, went in the boat with us to the 
landing, which is eight miles from the fort. There the 
river becomes impassible, and all the luggage was drawn 
up a steep hill in a cradle, a machine 1 never saw before. 
We walked up the hills and were conducted to a good 
garden with an arbour in it, where we found a cloth laid 
for dinner, which was provided for us by the officers of 
the fort. After dinner we were to get on to Fort Sloscher, 
seven miles, by any means we could. Two calashes were 
procured ; in one of them my brother drove my sister, 
and Mr. Humphries me, in the other. Mr. Meridith 
got a horse, and the rest of tlie gentlemen made use of 
their feet. The road was good, the weather charming, 
and our ride would have been delightful, only the horses 
were so bad that they could scarcely crawl. I never 
breathe freely when a horse seems tired ; I always feel as 
if I was committing a crime in driving it. Mr. H., who 
is very humane, gave up the point of whipping tlie poor 



y^i HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

devil, out of respect to Capt. Watson, to whom the horse 
had once belonged, a circumstance which increased my 
compassion, for of all men living Watson was the most 
compassionate, and in the condition the animal was, 
would as soon have attempted to carry as to drive him. 
It was not to be borne, so we took one of the horses from 
the cart the children and servants were in, and made the 
best of the way after the party. The afternoon was 
wearing away and this was the only opportunity we should 
have of seeing the falls. All our party collected together 
about half a mile above the falls and walked down to 
them. I was in raptures all the w^ay. The falls I had 
heard of forever, but no one had mentioned the rapids ! 
For half a mile the river comes foaming down im- 
mense rocks, some of them forming cascades thirty. or 
forty feet high. The banks are covered with woods, 
as are a number of islands, some of them very high out 
of the water. One in the center of the river runs out 
into a point and seems to divide the falls (which would 
be otherwise quite across the river) into the form of a 
crescent. I believe no mind can form an idea of the im- 
mensity of the body of water, or the rapidity with which 
it hurries down. The height is one hundred and eighty 
feet, and long before it reaches the bottom it looses all 
appearance of a liquid. The spray rises like light sum- 
mer clouds, and when the rays of the sun are so reflected 
through it they form innumerable rainbows, but the sun 
was not in a situation to show this effect when we were 
there. One thing I could find no one to explain to me, 
which is, the stillness of the river at the bottom of the 
falls. It is smooth as a lake for half a mile, deep, 
and narrow, the banks very high with trees hanging over 
them. 



EXTKACTS FKOM A LETTEK OF MISS POWELL. 93 

" I was never before sensible of the full power of scene- 
ry, nor did I suppose the eye could carry to the mind 
such strange emotions of pleasure, wonder and solemnity. 
For a time, every other impression was erased from my 
memory. Had I been left to myself, I am convinced I 
should not have thought of moving whilst there was 
light to distinguish objects. With reluctance, I at length 
attended to the proposal of going, determining in my 
own mind that when I returned, 1 would be mistress of 
my own time and stay a day or two at least. As Fort 
Schlosher was only at the distance of a pleasant walk, 
we all chose to go on foot. We were received by Mr. 
Foster, of the 60th regiment, one of the most elegant 
young men I ever saw. Here we were extremely well 
accommodated, and much pleased with the house and 
garden. I never saw a situation where retirement wore 
so many charms. 

" The next day we went in batteaux to Fort Erie. On 
our arrival, we found the commanding officer, Mr, Boyd, 
had gone on a party with Lord Edward and Mr. Bris- 
bane, to the other side of the Niagara, where the Indi- 
ans were holding a council. The gentlemen returned in 
the evening, and seemed so much pleased with their en- 
tertainment that we readily agreed to their proposal that 
we should accompany them the next day. 

"I thought to have an opportunity of seeing a number 
of Indians together, of the most respectable class of that 
people, a peculiar piece of good fortune. 

'^ We saw several chiefs at their toilet as we passed 
along io the spot where the council was held. They sat 
upon the ground with the most profound gravity, dress- 
ing themselves before a small looking-glass ; for they 



94 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

are very exact in arranging their ornaments, and not a 
little whimsical. I am told one of these fellows will be 
an hour or two in painting his face ; and when any one 
else would think him huflSciently horrible, some new con- 
ceit will strike him, and he will wash it all off and begin 
again. 

"The women dress with more simplicity than the men, 
at least all that I have seen ; but at this meeting there 
were not many of the fair sex. Some old squaws, who 
sat in council, were present, and also a few young ones, 
to dress the provisions ; for their great men, as well as 
those of our world, like a good dinner after spending 
their lungs for the good of their country. 

" "We saw some of the squaws employed in taking fish 
in a basket. A gentleman of our party took the basket 
from one of them, and attempted to catch the fish as she 
did, but failing, they laughed at his want of dexterity_ 
One young squaw sat in a tent, weaving a sort of worsted 
garment intermixed with beads. I suppose she was a 
lady of distinction, for her ears were bored in four differ- 
ent places, with ear rings in them all. She would not 
speak English, but seemed to understand what we said 
to her. A gentleman introduced Mrs. Powell and me as 
white squaws, begging her to go on with her work, as 
we wished to see how it was done. She 'complied imme- 
diately, with great dignity, taking no more notice of us 
than if we were posts — a proof of her good breeding. 

" "We then went up to a very beautiful spot. The tall 
trees were in full leaf, and the ground covered with wild 
flowers ; and were seated on a log in the centre, where 
we could see all that passed. Upwards of two hundred 
chiefs were assembled and seated in proper order. They 



EXTRACTS FROM A LETTER OF ]VnSS POWELL. 95 

were tlie delegates of the Six Nations. Each tribe 
formed a circle under the shade of a tree, their faces to- 
wards each other. They never changed their places, but 
sat or lay upon the grass, as they liked. The speaker of 
each tribe stood with his back against the tree. The old 
women walked one by one, with great solemnity, and 
seated themselves behind the men. They were wholly 
covered by their blankets, and sought not by ornaments 
to attract or frighten the other sex ; for I cannot tell 
whether the men mean to make themselves charming or 
horrible by the pains tliey take with their persons. On 
seeing this respectable band of matrons, I was struck 
with the different opinions of mankind. In England, 
when a man grows infirm and his talents are obscured 
by age, the wits decide upon his character by calling 
him an old woman. On the banks of Lake Erie, a wo- 
man becomes respectable as she grows old ; and I sup- 
pose the greatest compliment you can pay a young In- 
dian here is to say that he is as wise as an old woman 
— a good trait of savage understanding. These ladies 
observe a modest silence in the debate, (I fear they are 
not like the women of other countries) but nothing is de- 
termined without their advice and approbation. I was 
very much struck with the figures of these Indians as 
they approached. They are tall and finely made, and 
walk with a dignity and grace you can form no idea of. 
Our beaux looked quite insignificant beside them. One 
man recalled to my mind the description of one of 
Homer's heroes. I was told he was a chief of distinc- 
tion, and spoke English, and that if I pleased, he should 
be introduced to me. 1 had some curiosity to see how a 
chief of the Six Nations would pay his compliments, 



â– 96 inSTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

but little did I expect the elegance with which he ad- 
dressed me. The Prince of Wales does not bow with 
more grace than Capt. David. He spoke English with 
propriety, and returned all the compliments paid him 
with ease and politeness. As he was not only the hand- 
somest, but the best dressed man I saw, I will endeavor 
to describe him. His person is tall and fine as it is pos- 
sible to imagine ; his features handsome and regular, 
with a countenance of much softness ; his complexion 
not disagreeably dark ; and I really believe he washes 
his face, for it appeared perfectly clean and free from 
paint. His hair was shaved off, except a little on the top 
of his head, to which his ornaments were fastened ; and 
his head and ears were painted a glowing red. Round 
his head was fastened a fillet of highly polished silver^ 
From the left temple hung two straps of black velvet, 
covered with silver beads and brooches. On the top of 
his head was placed a fox-tail feather, which bowed to 
the wind, as did two black ones, one in each ear. A 
pair of immense ear rings, which hung below his shoul- 
ders, completed his head-dress, which 1 assure you was 
not unbecoming, though, I must confess, somewhat fan- 
tastical. His dress was a shirt of colored calico — the 
neck and shoulders covered so thick with silver brooches 
as to have the appearance of a net — and his sleeves 
were much like those the ladies wore when I left Eng- 
land, fastened about the arm with a broad bracelet of 
highly polished silver, engraved with the arms of Eng- 
land ; four smaller bracelets round his wrists, of the same 
material ; and around his waist a large scarf of very 
dark colored stuif, lined with scarlet, which hung to his 
feet. One part of this scarf he generally drew over his 



JOURNAL OF EEV. SAm'l KIKEXAND. 97 

left arm, which had a very graceful effect when he 
moved. And his legs were covered with blue cloth, 
made to fit neatly, with an ornamental garter bound be- 
low the knee. I know not what kind of a being your 
imagination presents to you but I sincerely declare that 
altogether Capt. David made the finest appearance that I 
ever saw in my life. Do not suppose that all were dress- 
ed in the same taste. Their clothes are not all cut by 
the same pattei'n like the beaux of England. Every In- 
dian is dressed according to his own fancy and you see 
no two alike. Even their faces are differently painted. 
Some of them wear their hair in a strange manner, others 
shave it entirely off. One old man diverted me ex- 
tremely ; he was dressed in a scarlet coat richly embroi- 
dered, which must have been made at least half a century 
^go, with a waistcoat of the same which reached half 
way down his thighs. He wore blue cloth stockings, and 
as he strutted about more than the rest, I concluded he 
was particularly pleased with his dress, and with himself. 
They told us he was a chief of distinction. 

" We only staid to hear two speeches ; they spoke with 
great gravity and with no action, frequently making long 
pauses for a hum of applause. Lord Edward, Mr. Bris- 
bane and Mr. Meridith remained with them all night, 
and were entertained with dancing.'' 

*' JOURNAL OF REV. SAJVi'l KIRKLANd's MISSIONAJIY VISIT TO THE 
FIVE NATIONS FROM SEPT. 23, TO DECEMBER, (1788) WITH 
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE PRESENT STATE AND DISPOSITION TO- 
WARDS THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW YORK, PURSUANT TO JN- 
«TRUCTIONS OF GOV. CLINTON. 

■*' Sept. 2Sd. — Set out from Fort Stanwix, taking ray 
7 



98' HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

passage in Esquire Phelps's boats which I had detained 
two days at Armstrong's for the purpose, and by the 
Governor's direction. 

"29th. — This day overtook the partj^ of Senekas on 
the Onondaga River, who have have lately attended the 
Governor's treaty at Fort Stanwix. They had been de- 
tained liere several days, by one of their party being 
very sick. They requested me not to leave them in their 
distress as they were short of provisions and upwards of 
thirty in number. 1 immediately dealt out a part of my 
store of bread and meat to them and encouraged them to 
come on the next day with their light canoes and over- 
take me at the Cross Lake, and I would see them safe to 
Kanadasegea. 

"30th. — This morning very early, the party of Sene- 
kas came up with us. 

"Oct. 4th. — Arrived at Kanadesegea. Here met 
with a number of Senekas and Cayogas, who were wait- 
ing at this place for the return of the party which had at- 
tended the Governor's treaty, and had accompanied me 
from the Onondaga River. There were also several 
Onondagos on the ground who had lately come from Fort 
Stanwix, and bound to Buffalo Creek. Our reception was 
various; some welcomed our arrival with every expres- 
sion of joy — others louked upon us with a jealous and 
envious eye ; particularly one Jack Berry, gave out some 
threats against the party of Senekas who had attended 
the Governor's treaty, as having disobeyed the chiefs. 

" 6th. — I was infoimed by Capt. Koble, of Sheffield, 
(one of Esq. Phelps's agents) and some of the Indians of 
the measures taken by the anti-government party to pre- 
vent the Indians going down to the Governor's treaty at 



JOUEI^AL OF REV- SAm'l KIKKLAND. 99 

FortStanwix, and the high scenes they had passed through 
abunt two weeks before inj arrival. The ciiiefs were 
kept in one continnal state or round of dissipation for 
near three weeks, seldom sober enough one day to know 
what had passed the day before; one part of the tumult 
rose almost to an insurrection. Doct. B. and Col. 
M — n liad between twenty and thirty riflemen under 
arms for twenty-four hours, and severe threats given 
out against P. Ryckman and Col. lieed as enemies to the 
one party, and as encouraging the Indians to proceed to 
the Governor's treaty, and at a certain crisis were per- 
emptorily ordered oil" the ground or abide the consequen- 
ces. But the interposition of Col. Noble, who appears to 
be a friend to order as well as a man of feeling, and by 
the aid of some Indians the tumult ceased. 

"7th. — Had a conference of severval hours with sev- 
eral Senekas and Cayogas who had been some time here, 
waiting for their friends to return from the Governor's 
treaty. In this conference I communicated to them, the 
issue of the late treaty and settlements made by the Gov- 
ernment with the Onondagos and Oneidas. The female 
governess at Genesee behaved well, and was not afraid 
to speak her sentiments on the occasion. 

" 1 was also informed, upon pretty good authority, that 
half a township of land south of the outlet of the Ca- 
yoga Lake and three hundred pounds in cash, were given, 
or stipuhited for, to a certain Lieut. Doxstader, living near 
Grand River (formerly of Kaguawage in Montgomery 
county) to relinquish liis purpose of going to Gov. Clin- 
ton's treaty. 

" In a private conference with a young Buflalo Chief 
called Sagoh-hewatha, (Red Jacket), he earnestly re- 



100 HISTORY OF DUFFALO. 

quested me to go myself to Buffalo Creek and inform the 
<cliiefs there of the real state of things, and put their 
minds right ; that a party spirit had gained such an infiu- 
•«nce among them that no verbal message would effect the 
purpose; he also advised me not to speak freely upon 
this subject indiscriminately while on that ground. The 
Seneka warrior called the Infant, (son of the old chief 
Sagwayeengwalaghton) and who had ever been the most 
active person in the anti-governmental party, now declared 
that he would have nothing more to do with that party, 
and soon gave out publicly, that he was determined at 
all events to accompany the first Indians that should go 
down to Albany the ensuing winter. 

" A young Cayoga, belonging to one of the principal 
families of that tribe, asked me if it was my real opinion 
that the Governor of New York would hold a treaty with 
them. He then ex[)ressed himself that the sum ol his 
wish for the good of his nation was to have one township 
instead of one mile square of land reserved for their use. 

" 9tli. — The Indian arrived with the belt and speech 
to the Senekas, &c., the import of which soon spread 
through the camp and occasioned a change of counte- 
nances, and no small stir. 

"11th, Saturday. — I was this day informed that 
Mons'r DeBarge was to set out the next day for Buffalo 
•Creek and take with him the Infant and the Seneka In- 
dian who was intrusted with the Governor's message, and 
if necessary to extend their journey to Niagara with a 
letter from Col. JVIc — n to my friend Col. B. It was 
vcarefully reported that the Governor's message might pro- 
duce some revolution among the Indians unfavorable to 
JMr. L — n'e interest, and the Infant would soon disaffect 



JOUIiNAL OF RKV. .â– *Am'l KIRKLAND. 101 

the minds of all the Indians in this quarter if not re- 
moved, as he was an obstinate, haughty, persevering fel- 
low, and that my friend Col. B — . should be prevailed 
upon if possible to detain the Infant in his neighborhood 
until next spring. 

'•• 12th, L. Day. — The forementioned company set out 
agreeably to the information I had yesterday of their 
design. 

" 13th, Mon. — •! set out myself tliis day for Gene- 
see, having a little business to do there for Mr. Phelps ; 
travelled sixteen miles on foot, then hired a horse. 

" 15th. — Arrived at Genesee ; the next day visited the 
Big Tree ; found that Monsieur had been to Kalinghya- 
delon, a village about thirty miles south of Genesee and 
had passed by the Big Tree's village but one day before 
my arrival. In conversation with the Big Tree I found 
my information of Mr. DeBarge's business to be exactly 
true in every particular. 

" lYth. — Accomplished the business for Mr. Phelps, 
and fixed the stake for the southern boundar^^ of his pur- 
chase of the fork of the Genesee. Set out the survey- 
ors ; seven Indians present. I may here just observe 
that the Indians had previously insisted upon my being 
present at the fixing of this stake, and taking the right 
direction. 

"18th. — Spent the most of this day with a number of 
the Senekas on public business. I was here informed, 
that some threats had been given out against the old On- 
ondaga Chiefs, viz: Black Cap, Kahaktoton, that, on 
condition of that part of their nation residing on the Buf- 
falo, should have a share in the late sale of their terri- 
tory to the Government of New York, that their lives 
would pay for it, and other evils should come. 



102 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

" There were some unjust and cruel reflections cast 
upon the Governor, in his late negotiations with tlie 
Onondagos, that the treaty was partial ; that lie has 
taken advantage of the absence of man}^ of their chiefs. 
After a long and minute explanatioa of the settlement 
made at Fort Stanwix, I made the following short address 
to them : 

" My CmLDREX : — 1 always speak freely with yon on 
every subject which I think concerns your interest ; I 
have heard the voice of the birds since I have been 
among you — by the voice, 'tis an evil bird ; let me cau- 
tion you against listening to such reports. I am sorry to 
tell you I have heard, since I have been among you, evil 
things spoken of Governor Clinton and his treaty at Fort 
Stanwix. They are most unjust and unreasonable ; such 
as no good man could possibly report unless thro' en- 
tire ignorance. Let me ask you, did he not repeatedly 
send the invitation belt, even to Buffalo Creek, and come 
himself all the way from New York to Fort Stanwix, and 
then wait many days and weeks in expectation of your 
arrival — and excused all this patience, too, out of re- 
gard for your good ? How ungenerous is it to suggest 
the idea, as though the Governor chose a partial treaty. 
But you yourselves, my children, know whence these 
reports originated. Be careful therefore, how you reflect 
on those who have authority ; for all their transactions of 
a public nature must stand immovable, because the voice 
of the whole is in them. But the designs of evil minded 
persons, individuals, so soon as they come to light are 
blown away ; they cannot stand before the light and 
power of the chiefs, not a moment. Be patient, and 
barken to good counsel, and all your public concerns will, 
by and by, be adjusted to your satisfaction. 



JOURNAL OF KEY. SAM'l KIRKLAND. 103 

""To this I received their hearty thanks. The Indians 
appearing to be well satisfied and sufficiently informed, 
I concluded it was expedient for us to proceed further 
westward. I accordingly hired two Indians with their 
horses to make the more dispatch, to accompany me. 

" 21st. — Called at Taghuawade. (Tonawanda) a village 
about thirty miles on this side the Buffaloe. The chief 
man was not at home, but gone to Niagara ; was informed 
that Mon'r DeBarge had passed this but two days, and 
in a drunken frolic of the Indians, had like to have been 
killed by the Infant, and another Indian belonging to this 
village. 

"22d. — This evening reached l^iagara, after a most 
fatiguing journey, having travelled two daj's and part of 
one night in the rain. I here found the Infant with his 
comrade ; spent part of the evening with them. 

"23d. — Waited on Col. Butler. In conversatien with 
my friend, received every necessary information with 
respect to the state of the Indians, &c., &c., and the 
intelligence I received at Kanadasegea, relative to Mr. 
D.* and Col. M.'sf letter were well founded — without the 
least exageration. The Infant, however, was very soon 
dismissed and sent back, and advised to go on his hunt, 
till he should hear in the course of the winter, the result, 
of their chiefs. 

"It was Col. B.'s opinion that if Government designed 
another treaty, on condition the one in January should 
fail, it would be more to the general satisfaction of the In- 
dians, and less expensive to the State, to hold the treaty 
at Kanadasegea, or Buffalo Creek, than any other place, 



'De Barge. ( fMcKinstiy. 



lG4r HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

and that two or three commissioners would answer every 
purpose which the State could wish, for a general settle- 
ment with the Indians. 

" Saturday, 25th. — Left Niagara for Buffalo Creek.. 
Was advised to travel on the west side of the river, as 
some of the Buffalo Indians were expected to be on their 
way to Niagara, by way of Fort Erie, particularly the 
chief called Skendyoughwatti, and the second man of 
influence and character, among the Senecas at the Buffa- 
loe. This man I was advised by all means to see and 
have conversation with. 

"27th. — Met with the above mentioned cliief near 
Fort Erie, with M'hom I had an agreeable conversation, 
and, I believe, to a very good j)urpose. Here detained 
several days, by not having a pass. "Was obliged to hire 
an express all the way from this to Niagara, to pi^ocure 
one. 

" 31st. — Early this morning reached the capital village 
on the Buffaloe. The chief sachem, called in English 
Farmers Brother, (alias Oghwaiyewas) immediately sent 
off runners to the Onondaga and Cayuga settlements^ 
and assembled the Indians before noon, when I was in- 
troduced and delivered my message, and continued in 
council with a small number till near midnight. The 
Onondagas were desired by the Farmers Brother to at- 
tend again the next day, early in the morning. To re- 
move some difficulties that seemed to be in the minds of 
the Indians, and some unreasonable reflections cast 
upon the treaty at Fort Stanwix as jj^rtial, I thought 
myself justified in making the following addition to the 
Governor's invitation belt : 

" Saghems and Warrioks : — Be assured that it was not 



JOURNAL OF REV. SAm'l KIKKLAND. 106 

the Governor's intentiou to call a partial treaty in the 
month of January, while your chiefs and warriors were 
at Muskingani, He, and all others, expected their re- 
turn from that treaty even by this time. His intention 
has always been for a general treaty, looking upon yonr 
prosperity and peace as one. 'Tis now two years since 
he has had this in mind and proposed it to the Governor 
of Massachusetts — which, had it taken place, would 
have prevented some partial (and what the Governor 
and his chiefs think as unjustifiable and wicked) treaties 
with individuals. You all know that his invitation belt 
reached your ears in this quarter more than once, calling 
you to his treaty at Fort Stanwix. Whose fault (was it) 
that a complete representation was not present? 

" Nevertheless, my children, compose your minds and 
deliberate with care and an open mind. Be assured that 
the Governor of the State of New York is so concerned 
for a general adjustment of your affairs, and to secure 
you a permanent good, establishing your peace, and 
peace and good order among his subjects — on condition 
that your chiefs and warriors do not return from the 
southward by the month of January — be assured, he 
will meet you at any place you shall point out, from Al- 
bany to even Buffalo Creek, the next spring, or the be- 
ginning of summer. But your voice he expects certain- 
ly to hear. 

" Nov. 1st. — The addition I presumed to make, with 
some little alterations as to time and place in the Gov- 
ernor's speech, united all tlie Onondagos in favor of 
government, and soon gave them tlie ascendancy in 
council. Several Cayugas expressed their approbation 
to some of the Onondagos, but had no voice in the pub- 



106 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

lie council — their council lire being extinguished, ac- 
cording to ancient usage, by the late death ofSegucayon, 
their chief. The ceremony of condolence must be per- 
formed before they can transact any national affairs. 

"Towards evening, all matters were adjusted with 
great peace and unanimity, when the following speech 
â– was delivered to the Governor, with three strings, by the 
Farmers Brother, speaker : 

" Brother, Governor of New York — Let him at- 
tend : — We have now heard your voice ; we have, in re- 
ality, heard your voice, at this our own council fire on 
the Buffalo. 

"Brother — You have made us fully acquainted wnth 
your just and good intentions respecting us in this quar- 
ter, and that you regard the ancient usages and cove- 
nants that have subsisted betwixt our forefathers for a 
long time — that your eye will be upon them in all your 
transactions of peace, and brightening the chain of 
friendship. 

" Brother — We thank you that you have made us ac- 
quainted with your settlement with the Oneidas, and 
that you are so well j^l eased with it. 

"Brother — Our minds were much divided respecting 
the Onondagos' settlement with you at Fort Stanwix. 
At our first hearing of the voice of the birds, we were 
much surprised, as though you had not dealt openly and 
fairly with them, in negotiating with a small part of the 
nation. 

" Brother — Our minds are composed, and we believe 
you will do right — that justice will mark all your steps, 
and all our national affairs of peace. will be adjusted and 
settled in due time. 



JOURNAL OF EEV. SAJVi'l KIRKLAND. 107 

" Brother, attend. — Your invitation string has reached 
our ear taking us by the hand and leading us to Albany 
in the middle of winter. 

"Brother — Possess your mind in peace ; a few of us 
only are left at home to watch the council fire. Our 
chiefs and warriors are gone a great distance on business 
which concerns our whole island. I mean the congres- 
sional treaty of Muskingum, where will be deputies from 
all the Indian nations. 

" Brotler — If the Great Spirit shall be merciful to 
them and return them in peace to our council fire at this 
place, then all these matters shall be carefully laid befv-re 
them, and with their result you shall be made acquainted. 
It may be they will deputise a number of young chiefs 
and warriors to meet you at Albany, agreeably to your 
proposal in the month of January. Perhaps they will 
not return seasonably from the Muskingum for this jour- 
ney ; should it be otherwise, they will appoint a time and 
place to meet you. 

"Brother — The Cayogas are in darkness ; their chief, 
Tegacayon is no more I 

"Brother — This is all we we have to say. 

(Three Strings.) 

" ]Sr. B. — This string is not to be considered as a re- 
turn of the Invitation belt, but that he may know that 
we have heard his voice. 

" 3d, Monday. — About eight o'clock arrived at a vil- 
lage called Kanondaiough, or the Genesee west branch, 
about twelve miles north of Kalonghyatilough, the 
Spruce Carriers town. At the first mentioned village, 
resides a white man by the name of Thanangeghkon, 
taken prisoner when a boy, was married into a Cayuga 



108 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

familj. lie has the entire command of tliis small vil- 
lage, and is much respected bj the Indians. I thought 
it necessary to acquaint him with the state of things, and 
gain his influence. I accordingly related to him with 
some others, the Governors message and their answer 
from Bufialo Creek. lie expressed his entire approba- 
tion and returned me many thanks, 

"From this I proposed to visit the Spruce Carrier, at 
Ivalonghyadilough, but my horse began to fail me, and 
the travelling had become extremely bad. 

" 4th, — Lodged at the Governor's village. The chief, 
with all the warriors assembled in the evening, and de- 
sired to know what had taken place at Buffaloe Creek. 
I gave them a full and particular account of all that 
passed there. The Governess had set out for Niagara 
near a week before my arrival here, that I had not her 
aid in the council. 

" 5th. — Called at the Big Trees ; the Little Beard not 
being at home, was requested to wait a few days for his 
return. 

"12th. — The Big Tree, with a number of warriors, 
came to my lodgings, and after some conversation, ad- 
dressed (me) as follows : 

" ' Father, attend : — And hear my words, and after 
I have done, write them down with exactness, and send 
them to the persons to whom I shall speak. My speech 
is to the chiefs of the thirteen United States, assembled 
in Congress. 

" ' Brothers — Let them hear and attend : your brothers 
of the Six ISTations are in much trouble and perplexity. 
We are drawn and pulled every way. Our peace is like 
to be broken ; councils and treaties are held here and 



JOURNAL OF EEV. SAm'l KIRKLAND. 109 

held there, and they speak difl'erent hinguages. The Bos- 
tonians will not be quieted with what we have agreed 
upon here ; thej will not let people settle down peaceably 
upon lands we have leased them. 

" ' Brothers — As you are the great council of the 
United States, we wish you to interpose betwixt the Bos- 
tonians and the New Yorkers, and exhort them to speedy 
settlement of their disputes about our lands which we 
have leased. 

"'Father — Give my compliments to Governor Clin- 
ton, and tell him I shall receive no more goods, nor 
money from Kanadasegea, till the disputes are settled, 
and I hear from him, and then I will take my share. 
BIG TBEE-KALAUDAWAEEA, 

Three Strings.' 

" To the above, for the sake of the warriors present, I 
made the following reply : 

" My Son: — •! may ask you if you are in earnest, in 
what you have now delivered for Congress ? That you 
are ignorant of the ground of these disputes and differ- 
ernt sentiments among yourselves, cannot possibly be. 
The Governor of New York hath expressly told you of a 
full and most amicable settlement betwixt his State and 
that of Massachusetts, with regard to pre-emption right, 
&c., and whose subjects have been disobedient. 

" He here interrupted me with a smile, and said, 'He 
did not care, that was no matter, let the speech go just 
as it was, with Big Tree's compliments to Governor 
Clinton, and tell him he would receive no more money 
from Kanadasegea till he heard from him.' 

" There is now a general expectation among the In- 
dians that the Governor of the State of New York will 



110 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

at all events hold a treaty with them the ensuing spring,. 
if not efi'ected this winter. 

" 25th. — Received a message from the Oneida chiefs, 
earnestly requesting a visit from me before I left those 
parts. Good Peter brought the letter and informed me 
of some uneasiness subsisting betwixt the warriors and 
their agents, at the treaty, and wished they might be im- 
mediately treated for the peace of the nation. 

" Dec. 1st — Spent most of the day with Beech Tree 
Gahsaweda, Big Bear and others ; towards evening 
parted with them." 



CHAPTER YI. 



FARMERS BROTIIEK. 

It would be an important omission not to notice the 
celebrated Seneca Chief, Farmers Brother, (IIo-na-je-\vas) 
wlio after the death of Old King, (Guaj en guahdoh,) 
became the most intlnenlial chief of the Senecas. lie 
maintained this position up to the time of his death, in 
1815. 

He was a warrior and rose to distinction by his skill 
and braver}' in war. Pie was the cotem[)orary of Corn 
Planter, perhaps a little his senior in years. He was in 
all the military enterprises of the Senecas. 

The first public notice of him, as a warrior, is in connec- 
tion with the massacre at the Isiagara carrying place, in 
1'763, when it is said he led the iSenecas. He was pi\>b- 
ably not over thirty years of age at that time, as it is 
said tijat expedition was gotten up by the young war- 
riors ; not being approved by the old men, and sachems. 
It is not unlikely tiiat lie and Corn I*lanter were both 
engaged in that expediticm, as well as those of Cherry 
Valley and Wyoming, at a later period. The lirst notice 
of Farmers Brother, as an orator, was at a great council 
held at Niagara, in the S[)ring ot 1793, in relation to the 
hostilities then existing between the western Indians and 
the United States. No report of the speech of Farujers 



112 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

Brother, delivered at this council, has been preserved, but 
it is spoken of as having been one of " great eloquence 
and power," occupying three hours in its delivery. It was 
in favor of peace. He also, in 1798, advocated a dona- 
tion of lands to Messrs. Parish and Jones, the well 
known Indian interpreters. They had been taken pris- 
oners in childhood, adopted by the Senecas, and now, as 
a mark of the interest and affection still entertained to- 
wards them, they wished to grant each of them a tract 
of land. The policy as well as the laws of the State 
were ^against these donations. Hence, this speech is ad- 
dressed to the sachems and chiefs assembled about the 
great council fire of the State of New York, by the 
sachems, chiefs and warriors of the Seneca nation : 

" Bkothers : — As you are once more assembled in 
•council, for the purpose of doing honor to yourselves 
and justice to your country, we, your brothers — the 
eachems, chiefs and warriors of the Seneca nation — re- 
quest you to open your ears and give attention to our 
voice and wishes 

"Brothers — You will recollect the late contest be- 
tween you and your father, the Great King of England. 
This contest threw the inhahitants of this whole island 
into a great tumult and commotion, like the raging 
whirl-wind which tears up the trees and tosses to and 
fro the leaves, so that no one knows from whence they 
come or where they will fall. 

"'Brothers — This whirl-wind was so directed by the 
Great Spirit above, as to throw into our arms two of your 
infant children, Jasper Parrish and Horatio Jones. We 
adopted them into oar families, and made them our 
children. We loved them and nourished them. They 



FARaiERS brother's SPEECH. 113 

lived with ns many years. Again the Great Spirit spoke 
to the whirlwind, and it was still. A clear and uninter- 
rupted sky appeared. The path of peace was opened, 
and the chain of friendship was again made bright. 
Then these adopted children left us to seek their rela- 
tions. We wished them to return among us, and prom- 
ised, if they would return and live in our country, to 
give each of them a seat of land for them and their 
children to sit down upon. 

" Brothers — They have returned, and have for several 
years past been serviceable to us as interpreters. "We 
still feel our hearts beat with affection for them, and now 
wish to fulfill the promise we made them, and to reward 
them for their services. We have, therefore, made up our 
minds to give them a seat of two square miles of land, ly- 
ing on the outlet of Lake Erie, about three miles below 
Black Rock, beginning at the mouth of a creek known 
by the name of the Scoy-gu-quoy-des Creek, running one 
mile from the River Niagara up said creek; thence 
northerly, as the river runs, two miles ; thence westerly 
one mile, to the river; thence up the river, as the river 
runs, two miles to the place of beginning, so as to con- 
tain two square miles. 

"Brothers — We have now made known to you our 
minds. We expect, and earnestly request, that you will 
permit our friends to receive this our gift, and will make 
the same good to them, according to the laws and cus- 
toms of your nation. 

"Brothers — Why should you hesitate to make our 
minds easy in regard to this our request ? To you it is 
but a little thing. And have you not complied with the 
request and confirmed the gift of the Oneidas,the Onon- 



114 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

dagas and Cayugas, to their interpreters ? And shall 
we ask and not be heard ? 

'^ Brothers — We send yon this onr speech, to which 
we expect yonr answer before the breaking np of your 
great council fire." * * 

"This brief speech has been uniformly regarded as one 
of the most interesting specimens of Indian eloquence, 
from its boldness of figure. The gentleman who wrote 
down the transaction at the time, in furnishing it for 
publication, remarked, in a note to the editor, that for 
one expression, Longinus would have given him credit 
for the truly sublime — 'The Great Spirit spoke to the 
whirl-wind, and it was still.' " * 

Farmers Brother was a man of commanding presence, 
and as he practiced abstinence from intoxicating drinks 
during his whole life, he escaped, in a great measure, the 
marks of decay and infirmity that were so visible in 
others of his race. He was pre-eminent in all the char- 
acteristics that coidd give him influence over his people. 
He was brave and skillfid in war, wise and eloquent in 
council. His ambition ran in a different channel from 
that of either Cornplanter or Red Jacket. Always dig- 
nified, self-possessed, he was looked up to as a safe coun- 
selor, and not only enjoyed the confidence and respect, 
but the love of his people. 

Mary Jemison, the white woman, says that it was by 
the advice and influence of Farmers Brother that she 
married her second husband, with whom she lived in 
great harmony and love many years, and until his death. 

Farmers Brother is remembered by our older inh abit- 



Stone's Life and Times of Eed Jacket. 



FAKMEES BROTHEE. 115 

ants as a man of high character and commanding influ- 
ence. His voice has rung through our streets, as he called 
his chiefs and warriors to council, in tones never to be 
forgotten. One of our own citizens,'^" now deceased, thus 
speaks of him : 

" He was every way a great man — truly one of na- 
ture's noblemen — 

* * * " ' The front of Jove himself ; 
An eye like Mars, to threaten and command 
A station like the herald Mercury.' 

"None who ever saw him, will fail to recollect his 
majestic mien and princely bearing; much less will they 
who have heard him in council, forget the power and deep- 
toned melody of his voice — his natural and impressive 
gestures, and the unaffected but commanding dignity of 
his manner — unrivalled as a warrior, and only equalled 
by Red Jacket in eloquence. Speaking in the verity of 
sober prose, it may be said that he was — 

" 'A combination and a form, indeed. 
To give the world assurance of a man.' 

" With such attributes, it is not surprising that hi& 
influence with his nation, though its form of government, 
is essentially democratic, was controlling ; nor is it less 
to his true glory that his open-heartedness, his fldelity to 
truth, and his generous magnanimity, secured for him 
the admiration and esteem of every white person who- 
had the honor of his acquaintance." 



'Hon. A. H. Tracy— See Stone's Life of Red Jacket, 



116 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

It was principallj through the influence of Farmers 
Brother, that Mary Jeniison, the white woman was con- 
-firmed in her title to the lands at Guardeau, on the Gen- 
esee River, the grant being oj^posed by Red Jacket. 

After the battle of Lundy's Lane, in which several of 
the American officers were wounded, among them Capt. 
(afterwards General) Worth, severely, he was removed 
to Buffalo, where he lay confined to his bed for a long 
time. The Indians, with whom Capt, Worth had be- 
come a favorite, visited his quarters frequently, manifest- 
ing the greatest solicitude in regard to his recovery. 
None were more attentive and kind than Farmers 
Brother, spending, it is said, some hours almost every 
day at his bedside. 

It was during this confinement of Capt. Worth that a 
British Indian came over from Canada, professing to 
have deserted, with a design to join the Americans. He 
remained some time, mingling freely with the Senecas, 
not entirely without suspicion, however, of the truth of 
his professions. One day, the Indians having indulged 
rather freely in drinking, the warriors, becoming excited, 
recounted their warlike exploits, boasting of the number 
of scalps they had taken, or how many British red-coats 
and Indians they had killed, when the pretended desert- 
er, forgetting for the moment the character he had as- 
sumed, held up his fingers to indicate the number of 
Yankee soldiers and Indians he had killed, which roused 
'the blood of the Seneca warriors to the highest pitch of 
exasperation against the revealed enemy and spy who 
stood in their midst. Farmers Brother, who was at the 
bedside of Capt. Worth, near by, immediately repaired 
to the spot. Being confronted by the stern, piercing eye 



INDIAN EXECUTION. 117 

of the stalwart chief, the pretended deserter confessed 
himself a spy. The warriors demanded his immediate 
execution. Some of the leading citizens, attracted to the 
spot, advised a delay, but the Indians were clamorous ; 
and, although their chief hesitated, it was thought best by 
both the military and civil authorities, that the Indians 
should be allowed to dispose of the matter in their own 
way. While these discussions were being held, the cul- 
prit had taken advantage of the circumstances, and 
walked some distance away without being noticed. No 
sooner than this was observed by Farmers Brother than 
his stentorian voice brought him to a stand, and he re- 
turned and submitted to his fate with the calm stoicism 
of a philosopher. 

This execution took place upon the east side of Main 
street, a little below Swan street. The buildings having 
been burned, most of the lots remained vacant. 

This tragical event occurred only a few days after the 
battles of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane. The public 
mind was so occupied with these events that very little 
notice was taken of this Indian execution. 

The Buffalo Gazette of August 2d, 1814, contains the 
following short notice of the event : 

" A British Indian was detected, on Sunday last, in 
the village of Buffalo, as a spy. On being examined, 
he confessed his crime, and was immediately executed 
by our Indians," 

The following notice of this event, taken from a paper 
furnished the Buffalo Historical Society by Gen. Asa 
Warren, who was an eye-witness, may be relied upon : 

"For two months from July 25th, 1814, I was a sub- 
altern officer stationed at Buffalo and Black Rock. 



118 JISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

During this time, I was passing, one clay, near night, 
from Black Rock to Aurora. As I came into Main 
street, (in Buffalo) I saw a crowd gathered, and on com- 
ing to the i:>lace, I saw a number of Indian chiefs of the 
Seneca nation whom I knew — Farmers Brother, Pol- 
lard,' Young King, Major Berry, and others whom I do 
not now recollect. They appeared to be in consultation, 
and I inquired of a bystander the cause. He jDointed 
me to an Indian who was on trial as a spy from Canada, 
and who had been boasting during the day, in the vil- 
lage, (of Buffalo) how many scalps he had taken from 
-our people and Indians, The Indian lay near the wall 
of one of the burnt buildings, on his right side, and his 
left arm covering his face and eyes. Soon a gun was 
handed to Farmers Brother, who deliberately walked to 
him, putting the muzzle of the gun near the region 
of the heart, shot him dead. The young men of the 
nation soon took him from the place." 

The Senecas were organized and entered the military 
service of the United States during the war of 1812 — 
Farmers Brother being commissioned as their leader, 
with other chiefs as his subordinates — and they did ex- 
cellent service ; and, although Farmers Brother was at 
that time above eighty years of age, he took the field 
with all the spirit and vigor of a young warrior. 

At one time during the war, when an attempt was 
made by the British to cross the river at Black Rock 
and they were driven back, Farmers Brother was seen 
to wade into the water up to his arm-pits, to get a good 
shot at the retreating foe. 

He died March 2cl, 1815, and was interred with mili- 
tary honors in the old burying ground, between Franklin 



FARMERS BKOTHERi 119 

and Delaware streets, now occupied by the city build- 
ings. When the remains were removed from those 
grounds to Forest Lawn, those of Farmers Brother were 
recognized by the mark upon the lid of his coffin, and 
removed with the rest, where no monument marks 
the resting place of " one of nature's noblemen," a great 
and brave man. 

At the beginning of the war, fears were entertained 
lest the influence of the British, whicli had controlled the 
Senecas long after the close of the Revolutionary war, 
should induce the Indians to take sides with their old 
friends and allies. To allay this feeling, Mr. Granger? 
who w^as then Indian Agent, held a council with them ; 
the following is his report of the result furnished for the 
Bufl:alo Gazette : 

" To THE Editors of the Buffalo Gazette. 

" Gentlemei^ : — I have this day been in council with 
the principal chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations of 
Indians, and I find them as heretofore, determined to 
remain at peace with the United States. Their profes- 
sions of friendship) towards us are strong, and I believe 
them sincere. I cannot discover any cause the people 
have to apprehend any danger from the Indians in this 
quarter, and do recommend it to the inhabitants, not to 
leave their homes on account of any supposed danger or 
injury they are apprehensive of receiving from the In- 
dians. 

" ERASTUS GRANGER. 

" Indian Ao;ent." 



The following speech of Farmers Brother, delivered at 



120 HISTOKT OF BUFFALO. 

a council held at Buffalo Creek, in December, 1812, is 
certified by Hon. Erastus Granger. It was signed by all 
the principal chiefs and forwarded to the Secretary of 
War at Washington : 

' To THE Hon. "William Eustis, Secketaky of 'Wa^ : 

"The Sachems and chief warriors of the Seneca nation 
of Indians, understanding you are the person appointed 
by the Great Council of your nation, to manage and con- 
duct the affairs of the several nations of Indians with 
whom you are at peace and on terms of friendship, come 
at this time as children to a father, to lay before you the 
trouble we have on our minds. 

" Beothee : — We do not think it best to multiply 
words ; we will therefore tell you what our complaint is: 
"Brother — Listen to what we say. Some years since 
we held a treaty at Big Tree, Genesee River. This treaty 
was called by our Great Father, the President of the Uni- 
ted States. He sent an agent^ Col. Wadsworth, to attend 
this treaty, for the j)urpose of advising us in the business, 
and seeing that we had justice done us. At this treaty 
we sold to Kobert Morris, the greatest part of our country. 
The bum he gave us was ten thousand dollars. The com- 
missioners who were appointed on your part, advised us 
to place this money in the hands of our Great Father, the 
President of the United States. He told us our Great 
Father loved his childen, and would take care of our 
money, and plant it in a field where it would bear seed 
forever — as long as trees grow, or waters run. Our 
money has heretofore been of great service to us ; it has 
helped us to support our old people, our women and chil- 
dren ; but we are told the field where our money is 
planted is become barren. 



FARMERS BEOTHEK. 121 

" Brother — ■ We do not understand yonr way of doing- 
business. This thing is very lieavy on our minds. We 
mean to hold our brethren of the United States by the 
hand, but this weight lies heavy ; we hope you will 
remove it. We have heard of the bad conduct of our 
brothers, towards the setting sun. We are sorry for 
what they have done, but you must not blame us; we 
have had no hand in this bad business. They have bad 
people among them. It is your enemies have done this., 
We have persuaded our agent to take this talk to your 
Great Council. He knows our situation and will speak 
our minds." 

This was subscribed by about twenty chiefs, and an 
appropriation of eight thousand dollars was made to pay 
the arrears due the Indians for dividends upon the United 
States Bank shares, held by the President of the United 
States in trust for the Seneca Nation. 

It is well-known that after the peace with Great 
Britain, in 1783, there was a strong party in favor of 
extirpating the Indians, or at least driving them out of 
the State. Gen. Washington did not sympathize with 
this feeling, but recommended a more humane policy. 

In this be was seconded by several influential men in 
this State, and elsewhere, and his policy at length pre- 
vailed. In an interview with a deputation of the Senecas, 
President Washington addressed them in a speech, in 
which he recommended the Indians to forsake war and 
hunting, and live in peace and turn to the cultivation of the 
soil as a means of subsistence. He urged it upon them by 
saying that he himself was a farmer. He addressed himself 
to Ho-na-ya-was in particular, calling him brother, Wash- 
ington was called " the great farmer," and Ho-na-ya-was 
was his " brother : " hence the name, " Farmers Brother.' 



122 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Farmers Brother died March 2d, 1815, at the Seneca 
Indian village, on Buffalo Creek, at the age of ninety-six 
years, and his body was buried with military honors in 
the old burial ground in the then village of Buffalo, the 
5th Regiment United States Infantry, then stationed at 
Buffalo, performing the service on the occasion. It is 
said to have been the largest funeral procession that had 
ever been witnessed in Buffalo, up to that time. When 
all the remains were removed from the " old burjing 
ground" to Forest Lawn, in 1851, the grave of Farmers 
Brother was recognized by the mark upon the lid of the 
coffin, which remained j)erfectly distinct. The figure of 
a heart enclosing the letters " F. B." made with brass 
nails driven into the wood ; this was preserved, and 
buried with the remains in a grave separate from the 
mass of those that were unknown, which were buried in 
one general grave, and it remains to some future genera- 
tion of his white .brothers to erect a suitable monument 
to the memory of one who was distinguished in life, hon- 
ored in death, and the remembrance of whose high and 
noble traits of character are still cherished in the recol- 
lection of the few now living, who knew and appreciated 
a truly great man — whom Washington delighted to call 
his "Brother." 

After the death of Farmers Brother, the most consid- 
erable of the chiefs of the Senecas was Capt. Pollard, 
(or Kaoundowanaj. He was a warrior of distinction and 
is known to have been present at the battle of Wyoming, 
and Cherry Valley. He was a cotemporary of Farmers 
Brother, though something younger. His name is his- 
toric from its connection with that of an English trader 
of distinction. 



CAPTAIN POLLAED. 123 

Mr. Edward Pollard came out from England to this 
country about 1760. He appears to have been a man of 
business, and with his first shipment of goods for the In- 
dian trade he brought out several young men with him 
— some to be engaged in his service, and others to seek 
their fortunes in other pursuits. 

One of the young men in Mr. Pollard's employ was 
Mr. F. Goring. It appears from letters of Mr. Goring 
to Mr. Pollard, preserved by the Historical Society of 
St. Catherines, C. W., that Edward Pollard was not only 
the father of " Capt. Pollard," by a Seneca woman, but 
that he also had at least three children by the celebrated 
Catharine Montour. 

In a letter of Mr. Goring to Mr. Edward Pollard, 
dated at Niagara, Sept. 12th, 1779, is the following 
passage* : 

" Yesterday Capt, Powell came in from Canawagoris, 
where he left Col. Butler, two days before, in perfect 
health and spirits. He informs me their first attack with 
the rebels was about fifteen miles from Shimargo, where 
Col. Butler made a breast-work, which the rebels ob- 
served, and with two six, and four three, pounders, and 
small mortars, in half an hour obliged Col. Butler to re- 
treat. On the same day, a few miles from this, Col. 
Butler attempted again to stop them, but in vain. In 
this attack, the Col. lost four Rangers killed, two taken 
prisoners, and seven wounded ; three Senecas and one 
Cayuga killed. Your son, John Montour, (not Roland) 
was shot in the back, and the ball lodges in him ; how- 
ever, he is likely to do well ; for, in a few days after, he, 



* See Ai^pendix No. 5, 



124: HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

with twenty Indians, stopped the pass of tlie advance 
guard of tlie rebels, which was upwards of one thousand, 
and obliged them to retreat. In this action, Col. Butler 
and all his people were surrounded, and very near being 
taken prisoners." 

It will be remembered that Roland and John Montour, 
two sons of Catharine IViontour, commanded the party 
that captured the Gilbert family, as has been already re- 
lated, in 1780. 

It seems that in 1771, Mr. Edward Pollard was in cor- 
respondence with Messrs. Phyn and Ellice, merchants of 
Schenectady ; and in their letter, addressed to him at 
Niagara, dated August 15th, 1771, they say : . 

" As to your sons, we fear they have not been so for- 
ward in learning this year as we expected, owing to two 
causes that could not be foreseen. We intended sending 
them to the Jerseys last fall, if Mr. Parton, the clergy- 
man at Trenton, had wrote in time. We then deferred 
it, because of Mr. Doty's coming here, who is really a 
good and careful master. '-^ * John is now under 
preparation for the small-pox." 

And under date of Sept. 25th, 1771, they say : 

" Agreeable to our last, your sons went to Albany in 
the morning, on their way to New York. Mr. Ramsy, 
of that city, is to put them to school in Elizabethtown. 
John had the small-pox favorably, and is perfectly 
recovered." 

Under date of Dec. 28th, 1771, they write : 

" Your children were well the 17th, when Mr. Ellice 
left New York." June, 1775 —"Your sons at Elizabeth- 
town were well last week." December, 1775. — "Your 



CAPT, POLLARD. 125 

sons were well when I was in New York, although I did 
not see them," 

It is evident that these were the two sons of Catharine 
Montour, who it would seem were sent to Schenectady to 
school, prior to 1774, and remained at school at least up 
to 1776. 

It would seem that in March, 17S0, Mr. Pollard had 
returned to England as we find a letter written by him 
to Mr. Goring, dated L(»ndon 27th March, 1780 in which 
he says : 

" By this conveyance I send Mr. Douglass to assist 
you. He supplies the place of Mr. Hamilton, who leaves 
you in June. He is recommended as a very worthy 
young man and dare say you will find him a good help- 
mate." 

In the correspondence of the house of Phyn and 
Ellice, deposited with the Bufialo Historical Society by 
John T. Hudson^ Esq., Mr. Pollard is spoken of under 
date of December, 1767, as a " suttler at ]N"iagara," and 
from that correspondence extending through a period of 
eight or nine years, we learn that he had a wife and chil- 
dren at Niagara. He it would seem from that correspon- 
dence became pecuniarily embarrassed in his circum? 
stances and left the country probably before Sullivan's 
expedition in 1779. Whether his family accompanied 
him does not appear. That he had other children than 
those by Catherine Montour is certain. Edward and 
Robert were at school in Schenectady and his daughter 
Nancy, in New York, in 1772. 

A young man of the name of Pollard was admitted to 



126 HISTOET OF BUFFALO. 

Episcopal orders, in Canada before 1800, is remembered 
by the oldest residents now living. 

The following is the copy of a letter written by Mr. 
Pollard to Mr. Goring, to whom the bnsiness at Niagara 
appears to have been transferred : 

"London, 27th March, 1780. 

" Me. Goeing : — Inclosed you'll receive a letter from 
your uncle. I am sorry for the misfortunes that hap- 
pened your family. We must have resignation to bear 
up against such tribulations. 

" I acquainted you from Canada of the uncertainty of 
my going into business, nor can I determine on this mat- 
ter till the fall, as it must depend upon the situation of 
things in your quarter, and the commissions I may have 
from thence. If the trade is safe and open, I shall wish 
to have you home next year ; till then, I should have you 
remain where you are. 

" By this conveyance I send Mr. Douglass to assist yon. 
He supplies Mr. Hamilton's place, who leaves you in 
June. He is recommended as a very worthy young man, 
and I dare say you will^find'him a good helpmate. 

"For news, I refer you to Mr. Garner, nw nephew, 
and the papers, for newsTrom this part. I send out Mr. 
Garner, in hopes of his making something at Niagara. 
I wish him to go into the house kept by Mr. Clarke, the 
managing of which you can best inform him, and hope 
your good offices will not be wanting in promoting his 
interest. 



CAPT. POLLARD. 12T 

" My sons Edward and Robert will be at Niagara this 
season. I hope you'll all be happy. I shall expect from 
you all that's worth notice in the upper country. I have 
the pleasure to acquaint you that we are all well. The 
bearer will tell you where we are and shall be, and believe- 
me to be, with wishing you every happiness, 
'' Your Friend, 

"EDWAED POLLARD." 
" Mk. Goring." 



CHAPTEK YII. 



Our history now approaches the period when Buffalo 
began to emerge from savage to civilized rule. The fol- 
lowing is the description of a visitor in 1792. 

" We arrived at the mouth of Buffalo Creek the next 
morning. There was but one white man there. I think 
his name was Winney, an Indian trader. His building 
stood first as you descend from the high ground. He 
had rum, whiskey, Indian knives, trinkets, &c. His 
house was full of Indians. They looked at us with a 
good deal of curiosity. We had but a poor night's rest. 
The Indians were in and out all night, getting liquor."* 

If the following statement is correct, there was no 
other white settler here until three or four years after 
this date. 

Mr. Oliver Culver joined the company of surveyors and 
settlers bound to the newly purchased Connecticut lands 
in Ohio, at Irondequot Landing, in 1796. 

The company had come by water, and were coasting 
along the south shore of Lake Ontario. On arriving at 
Queenston, they took their boats over the portage, pro- 
ceeded up the river to Buffalo Creek, " and coasted 
along the south shore of Lake Erie, finding no white in- 
habitant after they left the mouth of Buffalo Creek, 



'Mr. Hiads Chambeilia — Turner's Holland Purchase. 



JOHN PALirER. 129 

where there was one solitary family, until they reached 
Erie, where they found Col. Seth Reed." 

It would seeru, however, that Mr. Chamberlin must 
have been mistaken, as Judge Porter speaks of three 
houses in 1795, "Johnston's, Winney's and a Dutchman 
of the nanae of Middaugh." The latter occupied a house 
on Johnston's lot, near Exchange street, as we learn from 
other sources than those already quoted. Middaugh 
came from the North River to Lewiston, soon after the 
Mohawks removed from there to the Grand River, in 
Canada. There were two brothers of that name ; they 
occupied one of the old houses left by the Mohawks 'at 
Lewiston, and kept a kind of tavern there. From there 
they removed to Chippawa, in Canada, and from thence 
Michael Middaugh removed to Buffalo, his brother re- 
maining in Canada. 

John Palmer, built his house here before 1795, accord- 
ing to Laincourt, who spent a night under his 'inhospi- 
table roof." There were some other residents here at 
that time, as according to his statement, " milk was pro- 
cured from the neighbors." Palmer was undoubtedly 
the first inn-keeper in Buffalo. He came here from Fort 
Erie, as an Indian trader, when the principal article of 
trade consisted of rum and whiskey. He remained in 
Buffalo until 1802, as it appears from the public records, 
that the road was recorded as leading ^ from Batavia to 
the mouth of Buffalo Creek, near John Palmer's house." 
He was appointed one of the seven path masters, west of 
Genesee River, in 1801. He removed from Buffalo 
about the time of the first survey by the Holland Land 
Company, His wife was a daughter of Lewis May bee, 
who resided a few miles below Black Rock, on the 
9 



130 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Canada side of the River — a brother of Sjlvanus or 
Sulphenus May bee, who was an early settler in Buffalo. 
After the death of his first wife, which took place in 
Buffalo, Palmer married another daughter of May bee, a 
sister of his first wife, with whom he lived until he removed 
to Fort Erie. After Palmer's death, his wife surviving 
him, went to live with her father, and kept what was 
long known as Mother Palmer's Tavern, five or six miles 
below Fort Erie, on the Niagara River. It is believed 
the property is still in the hands of the family. 

Tlie following letter to Mr. Ellicott, was written by a 
brother of John Palmer, who resided with him at the 
time, and not by the " worthy tavern-keeper " himself, as 
stated by Turner, in his " Holland Purchase : " 

" Buffalo, 11 August, 1801. 
" Sm : — The inhabitants of this place would take it as 
a particular favor if you would grant them the liberty of 
raising a school house on a lot in any part of the town, as 
the New York Missionary Society have been so good as 
to furnish them with a school-master, clear of any ex- 
pense, except boarding and finding him a school house 
— if you will be so good as to grant them this favor, 
which they will take as a particular mark of esteem. 
" By request of the inhabitants. 

"JOS. R. PALMER. 
" Jos. Ellicott, Esq." 

" N. B. — Your answer to this would be very accept- 
able, as they have the timber ready to hew out." 

This was undoubtedly the first movement in relation 
to schools in this city, and speaks well for the few " in- 



FIRST SCHOOL HOUSE IN BUFFALO. 131' 

habitants '*â–  here at that early day. This application was 
promptly complied with on the part of Mr. Ellicott, as 
we find an entry in his journal, under date of August 
14th, 1801, of which the following is a copy : 

" Went to Buffalo, alias New Amsterdam, to lay off a 
lot for a school house, the inhabitants offering to erect 
one at their own expense." 

This school-house was erected on the ground near 
where the present dwelling of Mrs. Henry E. Seymour- 
now stands, on Pearl street, which was then covered 
with oak trees, and shrubs, weeds and winter-greens. It 
was, when surveyed in 1803, included in Inner Lot No. 
73. The school-house stood until Buffalo was burned, 
in the war of 1812-13. Application was made, under 
the law of Congress allowing compensation to the 
sufferers on the Niagara frontier, and an appropria- 
tion was made for the payment of seven hundred dol- 
lars to the school district ; but, in the mean time, the 
district had been divided, and a controversy arose a& 
to the distribution of the money, which ended in a 
protracted law suit that absorbed the entire appro- 
priation in costs. 

The name of young Palmer was Joseph Richards Pal- 
mer, and, it is said, he taught a school at Fort Erie for 
the children of the garrison. He died in Buffalo in 
1813. 

The following letter, written to John Palmer by Mr. 
Ellicott, is among the Holland Land Company's papers. , 
deposited with the Buffalo Historical Society : 



132 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

COPY OF A LETTER FROM MR. ELLICOTT TO JOHN PALMER. 

" Pike Grove, May 4tb, 1801. 
"* Mk. John Palmer, Buffalo : 

" Sir : — Should there be any of our batteaux intrusted 
to your especial care the fore part of the winter, 1799, 
now in your possession, I have to request of you, in con- 
sequence of the almost continued demand we have for 
one, that you will deliver it to Mr. Asa Ransom. 

" Should you, however, have disposed of them, or 
should they not be in your possession, or so situated that 
they are not to be had, please to pay him the amount 
your were authorized to receive for them, being twelve 
dollars apiece. We can then procure one for ourselves* 
His receipt for thirty-six dollars shall be your dis- 
charge. Your compliance will oblige 
"Yours, to serve, 

"JOSEPH ELLICOTT." 

The following is Duke de Eochefocauld Laincourt's (a 
French nobleman) description of Buffalo in 1795 : 

" We at length arrived at the post on Lake Erie 
which is a small collection of four or five houses, built 
about a quarter of a mile from the Lake. 

"We met some Indians on the road, and two or three 
companies of whites. This encounter gave us great 
pleasure. In this vast wilderness, a fire still burning, 
the vestiges of a camp, the remains of some utensil that 
has served a traveller, excite sensations truly agreeable, 
^nd which arise only in these immense solitudes. 

" We arrived late at the inn, and after a very indiffer- 
ent supper, we were obliged to lie upon the floor in our 



A FKENCHMAJ?'S IDEA OF BUFFALO IN 1795. 133 

clothes. There was literally nothing in the house ; nei- 
ther furniture, rum, candles nor milk. After much 
trouble, the milk was procured from the neighbors, who 
were not as accommodating in the way of rum and can- 
dles. At length, some arriving from the other side of 
the river, (Fort Erie) we seasoned our supper with an ap' 
petite that seldom fails ; and, after passing a very com- 
fortable evening, slept as soundly as we had done in the 
woods. 

" Everything at Lake Erie — by which name this col- 
lection of houses is called — is dearer than at any other 
place we visited, for the simple reason that there is no 
direct communication with any other point. 

" Some were sick with fever in almost every house." 

Judge Augustus Porter passed through Buffalo, on his 
way to Presque Isle, (Erie) in 1795. The following re- 
marks are taken from a paper prepared by him, at the 
request of a committee of the Buffalo Young Men's 
Association, and deposited in the archives of that 
society : 

"We traveled on horse-back from Canawagas (now 
Avon) to Buffalo, and were two days in performing the 
journey. At Buffalo there lived a man of the name of 
Johnstone, the British Indian interpreter ; also, a Dutch- 
man and his family, of the name of Middaugh, and an 
Indian trader by the nam.e of Winne." 

As Judge Porter merely passed through Buffalo, at 
this time, on horse-back, apparently without stopping, it 
is not likely he mentions all the houses then erected. 

Michael Middaugh, and his son-in-law, Ezokiel Lane, 
came to Buffalo from Canada, probably in 1794-5, and 



134: HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

built a house upon Johnston's hand, by his permission, 
near what is now the corner of Washington and 
Exchange streets — east of Washington and north of 
Exchange. This house they gave up to the Holland 
Land Company's surveyors in 1798. It is believed 
Michael Middaugh had no male descendants, and that 
the name became extinct, so far as this locality is con- 
cerned, at his death. Lane had several daughters, who 
-are remembered by our early inhabitants. 

After leaving the "double log house," on Johnston's 
lot, Middaugh " squatted " upon the south side of Buflalo 
Creek, above the foot of Main street, probably by per- 
mission of Mr. Ellicott, where he remained until his 
death, in 1825. 

The descendants of Ezekiel Lane claimed the land 
iipon which Middaugh lived, on the west side of the 
-Creek ; and their contest with the heirs of Mr. Ellicott, 
â– or those who claimed to be the legal owners, gave rise to 
what was known as the " Middaugh land suit," which 
â– occupied our courts for many years, and was finally de- 
â– cided adversely to the heirs of Middaugh. 

Some circumstances attending the death of Middaugh, 
led to an investigation by a coronor's jury, but no facts 
were developed to show that his death was attributable 
-to any but natural causes. 

Sylvanus Maybee came to Buffalo as an Indian trader, 
"in 1796 or 7. He is said to have " kept a little Indian store, 
-an a log building on the west side of Main street, about 
twenty rods north of (the line of) Exchange street." He 
bought Inner Lot, J^o. 36, in 1804, which is probably 
where he located himself at the time he is said to have 
kept a little " Indian store." 



BLACK JOE MK. ASA RANSOM. 135 

Maybee came from Canada here, and it is probable 
that the May bees, of whom there were two families, 
came from the Mohawk Yalley, with others who adhered 
to the Koyalist partj, Sylvanus Maybee did not remain 
long at Buffalo Creek, but removed to the mouth of Cat- 
taraugus Creek, soon after 1800. James McMahan took 
the deed of Inner Lot, No. 35, which Maybee took up 
soon after the survey of New Amsterdam was completed. 

Black Joe, a colored man, was an early resident at 
Buffalo Creek. His house, or cabin, stood near the 
bank of the Little Buffalo Creek, a little west of Win- 
ney's. He had an Indian wife by whom he had children. 
A son of his was killed in the war of 1812. He spoke the 
Seneca language extremely well, and was frequently em- 
ployed as an interpreter. Nothing is known of his early 
history, but he was supposed to be a runaway slave, as 
great numbers were held in the State of New York at 
that period. Joe removed to the Cattaraugus Creek Res- 
ervation, where he died at a very advanced age. It is be- 
lieved that none of his descendants are now living. 

Mr. Asa Ransom appears to have settled in Buffalo, in 
1798. He had emigrated from Sheffield, Massachusetts, 
in 1789, and established himself at Kanadesagea, (Gen- 
eva), where he had a shop "and was engaged in manu- 
facturing Indian trinkets." He could not have remained 
long in Buffalo, for in 1799, he appears to have been one 
of three persons who accepted of Mr. Ellicotfs offer of a 
liberal donation of land to seven persons who would 
agree to open houses of entertainment for travellers at 
their several locations, " about ten miles asunder," " on the 
road from the Eastern Transit, to Buffalo Creek." Mr, 



136 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

Hansom located himself, September 1st, 1Y99, ou one- 
hundred and fifty acres in township, No. Twelve, range 
six, at what is known as " Ransom's Grove," or Clarence 
Hollow. 

The surveyors of the Holland Land Company made 
their head quarters at Eansom's, and it was a noted stop- 
ping place for emigrants passing from the States to Can- 
ada, which constituted the principal travel at this early 
period. 

Turner says: 

"As soon as Ransom had built his house at Pine 
Grove, Mr. Ellicott made it his head quarters. ^ * 
His appointment as local agent, took effect October Ist^ 
1800, at which time he commenced sales of land — a por- 
tion of Mr. Ransom's house being appropriated for his 
office, and Mr. James W. Stevens, whom he had brought 
on from Philadelphia, for that purpose, acted as his 
clerk ; Mr. Brisbane, occasionally acting in that capacity^ 
though his duties were mostly at the Transit store- 
house,"* 

A daughter of Col. Asa Ransom, was born while the 
family residedin Buffalo, and is supposed to be the first 
white child born here. She became the wife of F. B. 
Merrill, Esq., who was an early clerk of Niagara county. 

Col. Asa Ransom was for many years a very active, 
enterj)rising and influential citizen. He was sheriff of 
the county before the division of Niagara, and died in 
1837, aged seventy years, universally respected, leaving 
a large family of children. 

He had two brothers who accompanied, or soon fol~ 



"History oif the Holknd Purchase, page 448. 



THE BANSOM FAMILY — LETTER OF ME. PEACOCK. 137 

lowed him into this region. Elias Eansom, built a frame 
house about seven miles east of Buffalo on the Batavia 
road, about 1800, probably the first frame building west 
of Batavia ; it is said he built the first frame barn, and 
set out the first orchard, upon the Holland Purchase. 
He subsequently came to reside in Buffalo. His de- 
scendants are also numerous. He died in this city. 

His daughter married Samuel Street, Esq., of the firm 
of Clark & Street, at Niagara Falls, Canada West, 
in 1811. 

Amasa Ransom, another brother, settled in Buffalo at 
a later period. He resided upon Seneca street. East of 
Ellicott street. He had a large family of children, some 
of whom still survive. Mr. A. R. Ransom, of this city 
is a son. 

Wm. Bobbins had established himself as a black- 
smith in Buffalo, as early as 1798. His name also ap- 
pears as the purchaser of a lot in New Amsterdam, with 
others, in 1804. According to the statement of David 
Mather, he had a blacksmith-shop on the west side of 
Main street, in 1806. 

The venerable Wm. Peacock, of Mayville, now living, 
in a recent letter to the author, says he passed through 
Buffalo on horse-back, on his way to Chatauque, in 1799- 

"The Indian path passed down to Buffalo Creek 
about the middle of Main street, to the Terrace, on 
which was erected a log cabin, or house, covered with 
bark, and occupied by Johnson, a descendent of Sir 
Wm. Johnson. 

"A little above where the Liberty Pole now stands, 
and on the bank of Little Buffalo Creek, now part of the 
Erie Canal, there was erected a log cabin, about twelve 



138 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

feet square, covered with bark, and standing about in 
the centre of Main street. It was occupied by a Mr. 
Palmer, a young man, and was his store-house, where he 
vended his small stock of Indian goods. 

" In passing down along the Indian path, (now Main 
street) to the Terrace, the land was covered with a very 
thick underbrush, small timber, and some large old oak 
trees; and the underbrush and small timber so over- 
shadowed the path that, when our saddle-bags touched a 
bush, we would be completely drenched with rain after a 
shower. 

" There was a little cleared spot on the Terrace bank 
on which is now erected the Western Hotel. That little 
•spot was covered with a green sward, on which the Indi- 
ans, on a fine day, would lie and look off from the high 
Terrace upon Lake Erie ; and I must say that, to me, it 
it was one of the most beautiful views I ever put my 
eyes upon. Coming out of the woods, it burst on my 
vision the large and beautiful sheet of pure water. Lake 
Erie ; and there I offered up my prayers to God, the 
creator of all things, and to that Providence which 
guarded and protected me, young as I was — being then 
only nineteen years of age. 

" It made an impression on me that will always re- 
main, with most devout and religious remembrance." 

The arrival of the Holland Land Company's surveyors 
at Buffalo Creek was in the fall of 1798. The outfit of 
the party, so far as related to the scientific instruments 
required by the surveyors, was obtained from the firm of 
Eittenhouso & Potts, of Philadelphia — the celebrated 
David Eittenhouse being the senior partner of the firm 
-at that time. 



HOLLAND LAND CO.'s SURVEYORS — A QUARREL. 139 

Everything was of the best quality. Ax-men, chain- 
meu, pack-horses, provisions, &c., &c., were to be pro- 
cured in Ontario county ; many of them were purchased 
at Canandaigua. 

The employees were numerous, and were distributed 
over the territory to be surveyed, from Genesee to Cha- 
tauqua. Those designated for Buifalo were Messrs- 
Pease, Smedley and Eggleston. 

Mr. Pease was the brother-in-law of Mr. Gideon 
Granger, Postmaster-General under Mr. Jefferson. In a 
letter of Mr. Eggleston to Mr. Ellicott, dated Buffalo 
Creek, June 27th, 1798, he says : 

" The goods have arrived, and the family in the house 
on the hill are about to move out, to make room for the 
surveyors." 

Among the surveyors employed by Mr. Ellicott were 
two Frenchmen — Messrs. TIaudecour and Autrechy. 
The forilier of these gentlemen, though not of the party 
stationed at Buffalo Creek, was on a visit here on their 
first arrival, in 1798 ; and the following is Mr. Eggle" 
ston's letter to Mr. Ellicott, reporting a collision between 
himself and Mons. Haudecour : 

" BuFFAEb Creek, Nov. 22, 1798. 
" Joseph Ellicott, Esq. : 

" Yesterday, the 20th, about noon, Mr. Brown and 
myself walked out and staid a little longer than common 
dinner time. When we came back, we found that Hau- 
decour had been swearing to (at) the cook for not setting 
the table before we returned. I then came into the 
ofiSce, took up my pen, and began to write an order. 
Haudecour then began with me — he being a little vexed, 



140 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

on account of my having sent on his mattrass by the 
wagon, and other little disputes — and at the time of my 
writing, he put me out with his talking. I told him to 

go to , and not to be bothering me. With this he 

gave me a slap on the side of my face, and I turned 
the other side to him. He struck it a full stroke with his 
fist ; I then perceived that he was in earnest. I caught 
Tip the first thing I could see, which happened to be a 
long walking stick. I retreated back so that I could get 
a good chance, and 1 let slip, which hit him on the head 
with the but end. He came up to me again ; by that 
time I was fast in the corner of the office, without any 
kind of weapon to defend myself with, for Mr. Peas had 
taken the stick from me, and was trying to part us* 
While the rascal was kicking me with all his might into 
my body, Mr. Brown stepped up and we were soon 
parted. It happened very well for Haudecour, that none 
of our men were in the house at the time that the afiray 
happened. This he was well aj)prised of, for before he 
ofiered to strike me, he looked into the kitchen to see if 
any of them were there. He afterwards paid for it. 
The business soon got wind, and the hands that were at 
work in the neighborhood, carae in. The old fellow was 
soon hustled out of the K)use, and he marched over to 
Palmer's. There was not one in the party that did not 
want to get the first stroke at him, I told them not to 
strike him, but let him go about his business. The let- 
ters you gave me for him when you went from here, I 
never have copied, on account of his coming in so quick 
after you went out. When he saw the letter lying on the 
table, he took it up and has since detained, though I have 
often asked him for it, in hearing of Mr. Pease, and he 



FIEST LAXD OWNER IN BUFFALO. 141 

has as often promised me that he would let me have it, 
bye and bye ; but God knows he has done nothing since 
he came from Schlosser, only wasting paper. He says 
he will give you the letter when he gets to your quarters. 
Mr. Brown was witness to the business. 
" I am, sir, with the greatest respect, 

" Your obedient servant, 

" GEORGE EGLESTON." 

Haudecour did not remain long in the employment of 
the Holland Land Company. Indeed, it would ajipear 
that he and his associate, Mons. Autrechy, were engaged 
at Schlosser and the Falls, making surveys and taking 
levels for ascertaining the practicability of a canal around 
the Falls. It is to this that Mr. Maud probably alludes 
in the quotation already made from his journal. 

William Johnston, may be considered the first land 
owner in Buffalo. He had been employed in the British 
service, in what was termed the " Indian Department," 
from the first breaking out of the Revolutionary War. 
Upon the final surrender of Fort Niagara to the Ameri- 
cans, in 1794, and consequent extinguishment of British 
rule over the Indians, instead of withdrawing with the 
rest of the British officers, he chose to remain with the 
Indians,with whom he had become identified by the strong- 
est of ties known to our nature. He was m fact the lead- 
ing man at Buffalo Creek, at the time of the survey and 
settlement of BujBFalo. He was respected by the early 
white inhabitants, as well as by the Indians, and died in 
1807, at the age of about sixty-five years. His son John, 
or Jack, as he was familiarly called, survived hira and 
inherited his property here, and incumbered it by a 



142 mSTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

mortgage to Jasper Parrish, as agent and trustee for the 
Cayuga Nation. It was advertised and sold under the 
mortgage in 1811. John Johnston married Ruth Barker, 
the daughter of Judge Zenas Barker, in 1808 or 9 ; he 
lived but a few years after, and died leaving no children__ 
willing his property to his wife, who married Mr. Elisha 
Foster in 1811. John Johnston had much pains taken 
with his education, pursuing his studies at Yale College. 
He was a young man of fine acquirements and address, 
and after his return from school was employed by Capt. 
Pratt, in his, store on Exchange, or Crow street, and at 
the time of his marriage with Miss Barker was consid- 
ered one of the most accomplished young men in the 
place. 

As no surveys had yet been made of the village, no 
lands were offered for sale at Buffalo Creek, and as yet 
there was no wagon road to this locality. 

Immediately after the close of the Revolutionary War 
a brisk emigration to Canada, from several of the States, 
particularly from Pennsylvania, took place. The route 
taken by most of the emigrants was Sullivan's old route 
to the Genesee, and thence to Lewiston, though soon 
after 1790, a road was opened to the crossing at Black 
Rock. The road from Batavia was upon the high ground 
keeping nearly the same course as the old stage road, 
turning to the right on the hill at York street. The fine 
forest shade trees now upon that street, are the bushes 
that grew in the corners of the fence around the farm 
lots, upon the sides of the old road which was narrower 
than the present street. That road to Black Rock Ferry 
was travelled long before our present Main street was 
opened or improved. This road to the Ferry followed 



DOCTOK CYEENEDS CHAPIN. M3L 

the ridge, and passed near where the Catholic Church 
now stands, on York street, and directly over the ground 
occupied by the Reservoir of the Buffalo Water Works 
Company, and to the river, down a dug way just above 
the buildings of the Niagara Street Eailroad Company^ 
where the Ferry was. Fort Erie was built in 1764, and 
was the center and only place of business or trade on 
either side of the river, in this vicinity, until after 1800.. 

The Indians, from their first settlement at Buffalo 
Creek and the first white settlers also, drew most of their 
supplies from Fort Erie. The communication was prin- 
cipally from the mouth of Buffalo Creek, across the lake 
or river, above the rapids, to the Fort. 

Almost the entire western shore of the Niagara, from 
Lake Erie to Lake Ontario, was settled and cultivated,, 
while the forest remained almost entirely unbroken upon 
the eastern side, except at the carrying place. The road 
from Bufi"alo Creek to Black Rock, was upon the beach 
of the lake, until after the war of 1812. 

The survey of the village of Bnfialo, (or New Amster- 
dam, as it was called by the Holland Land Company), 
was completed in 1803. 

Doctor Cyreneus Chapin, visited Buffalo in 1801 and 
had some negotiations with Mr. Ellicott, in jegard to pur- 
chasing a lot in Buffalo, or New Amsterdam as it was 
decided to call the embryo City. After his return to 
the East, he addressed a letter to Mr. Ellicott, dated at 
Sangersfield, Oneida county, saying that himself and 
friends would buy a township of land at the mouth of 
Bufialo Creek, and adds : " Forty respectable citizens 
that are men of good property have signed articles of 
agreement to take a township if it can be purchased, and 



144 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

will pay the ten per cent, when we receive the article." 
The lands not having been surveyed, the proposition 
was of course not entertained. 

It is likely that Mr. John Crow, who removed from 
Whitestown, in Oneida County to Fort Erie, and thence 
to Buffalo in 1801-2, was one of the parties to this agree- 
ment. Mr. Crow occupied a house on Inner Lot Ko. 1, 
near the corner of Washington and Crow streets, west 
side of Washington, and south side of Crow. The house 
which was of logs, was said to have been built by John- 
ston. Crow built an addition of frame work, hence it was 
said, the house was a part log, and a part frame house. 
The street in front of Crow's house extended from Main 
to Washington only, as Johnston's forty-acre lot extended 
from Seneca street to the Little Buffalo Creek, and no 
streets were laid out through it in the original survey of 
New Amsterdam. 

The street continued to bear the name of " Crow 
Street," until modern refinement discovered that " Crow " 
was a vulgar name, in as much as crows were vulgar, 
filthy birds, and at the suggestion of a gentlemen now 
living in the city, the name was changed to "Exchange 
Street," — a very poor exchange, indeed. 

Zerah Phelps, the brother-in-law of Mr, Crow, became 
the purchaser of Inner Lot, No. 1, in June, 1804. Mr. 
Phelps was probably another of Doctor Chapin's asso- 
ciates, but failing in the negotiation for the lands at the 
mouth of Buffalo Creek, he became the purchaser of a 
large tract in Genesee county, near Batavia. 

John Crow remained in Buffalo until 1806, when he 
removed to the town of Hamburgh, near the Eighteen 
Mile Creek. From there he removed to Western Penn- 



ME. JOHN CROW MR. HENRY CHAPIN. 145 

sylvania, in 1817. In 1805, John Crow pvircbased Farm 
Lot, No. 37, which he improved and cultivated. He had 
a family of ten children — six girls and four boys — two 
only of whom are now living. John Crow died in Penn- 
sylvania, near "Waterford, in 1830. 

It appears from the journal of Mr. Ellicott, that Mr. 
Henry Chapin was in Buffalo, prior to 1801. The records 
do not show that he became the purchaser of any lands, 
but a letter which he wrote to Mr. Ellicott, in March, 
1801, shows that he djesired to cultivate a lot on the south 
side of Seneca street, for the purpose of raising garden 
vegetables. The ground asked for, appears to have been 
on Wm. Johnston's lot, and the request was, of course, not 
within the province of Mr. Ellicott to grant, 
10 



CHAPTEP. YIII. 



Mr. Joseph Ellicott arrived at Buffalo Creek (or New 
Amsterdam, as he called it) in j£i,miary, 1801, and en- 
tered upon the duties of his office as agent of the Hol- 
land Land Company. The first entry in his journal is 
dated New Amsterdam, January 2d, 1801 : 

" Friday — In the morning, two Germans, from Mary- 
land, now residenters of Canada, called at my office, 
(probably Johnson's or Middaugh's old dwelling) and in- 
quired for lands. "Were informed of the price and terms 
of sale. Said they would call when the snow was off the 
ground, and try to agree for some lotts. Both mechan- 
icks ; make screw augers, &c., &c. 

" Monday, Jan. 5th. — * * In the evening, rode out 
on a sleigh with Mr. H. Chapin. He overset, and I unfor- 
tunately fell with my side on a sharp stump, and much 
bruised and injured my ribbs. 

"Tuesday, Jan. 6th. — Mr. James Stevens left here 
this morning to forward our baggage from Canandarqufe, 
to Mr. Ransom's, at Ransomville, in the Twelfth Town- 
ship, Sixth Range. 

"Jan. 11th, Sunday.— * ^ This day, Rev. Mr- 
Holmes, an Ana-Baptist preacher and missionary among 
the Indians, preached for the inhabitants of New Am- 
sterdam. His sermons were well adapted to the situa- 



LAND AGENCY — MR. ELLICOTT S JOURNAL. 14T 

tion of the capacities of the people he preaclied to. Ap. 
pears to be a good man — worthy of the charge entrusted 
to his care. 

" Tuesday, Jan. 20th. — Some applications for land at 
Buffalo Creek, principally for town lots. Mr. Kansom 
returned from Queenstown with a box of glass. 

"Jan. 21st. — Kemoved from Buffalo Creek to Kan- 
somville. 

" Jan. 22d. — Arranging and fitting up rooms for an 
office. 

" Ransomville, Sunday, Jan. 25th, 1801. — Removed 
our stores from the Twelve Mile Creek to this place. 

" Jan. 31st. — Fitting up shelves for the books — articles 
of agreement. 'No applications for lands. A travelling 
merchant arrived here and lodged all night. He was 
from Hartford, Connecticut. 

" Sunday, Feb. 1st, 1801.— * * Went to view Mr. 
Ransom's mill seat ; great fall there. 

"Tuesday, Feb. 11. — Received a letter from Mrs. 
Polly Berry and Miss Wimple, contahiing an application 
for land at the bend of the Tonewanta, (Batavia). 
Wrote the following reply : 

" Ransomville, Feb. 11, 1801. 
" Mr. Ellicott presents his compliments to Mrs. Berry 
and Miss Wimple. He has received their application 
for two town lotts by Mr. Davis. The lutts Mr. Ellicott 
proposes to lay off, when he shall make his establish- 
ment, will contain about forty acres each. Mr. Ellicott 
will reserve one of those lotts for the ladies, if they shall 
conceive it an object worth their attention. In the mean. 



148 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

time, they will believe hlin their friend and humble 
servant. 

" J. ELLICOTT. 
" Mrs. Berry and Miss Wimple. 

" Feb. 8th, 1801. — I learn this morning that six bomb 
mortars passed along the Queenstou road, to be deposited 
at Fort Niagara. 

" Feb. 17th. — A very elaborate communication to Mr. 
Busti, suggesting a modification of the terms of sale of 
their lands, so as to give more inducement to parties to 
buy large tracts, to retail to actual settlers." 

He closes his communication to Mr. Busti as follows : 

" My present situation (although the accommodations 
are as good as could be expected,) is gloomy, for the 
want of society — our nearest neighbors being eighteen 
miles distant." 

"Feb. 26th. — Last night, lodged at this house upwards 
of forty people — men, women and children — moving 
principally, or all, to New Connecticut and Presque 
Isle. There was, however, one travelling merchant, from 
Philadelphia, on his way to His Britanic Majesty's do- 
minions of Upper Canada. 

" March 17th, 1801. — This morning, agreed with the 
"White Seneca (Seneca White) to lay out and mark a 
road to pass on the south side of the Tonnawanta Reser- 
vation, so as to pass over the best and dryest ground 
and straightest direction, for which I am to give him ten 
dollars ; also, make a road from the Eleven Mile Creek 
to the mouth of the Tonnawanta, and from thence to old 
Fort Slosher, for which I am to give him eight dollars. 
lie is to commence the first in four days from this date. 



LAND AGENCY — MR. ELLICOTt's JOUKNAL. 149 

" Tuesday, March 24th. — * * Some drunken Indi- 
ans here ; but this is hardly worth recording, as these 
people are seldom sober when whiskey can be had in 
sufficient quantity to make them otherwise. However 
there is one circumstance worthy of mention and that is, 
one of them is on his way from his village to Cannandar- 
que to replevin a gun which he pawned at a still-house 
in that place for whiskey to the amount of five shillings. 
His whole journey, on account of this five "shillings whis- 
key business, costs him two hundred miles' travel. This 
circumstance seems to show the amazing fondness these 
people have for whiskey and ardent spirits. 

" Tuesday, March 26th,— This evening the White Sen- 
eca returned, after having explored and marked a new 
road south of the Ton a wan ta Eeservation. He reported 
that he had found mostly excellent ground for that pur- 
pose. Many places he passed through, did his heart 
good, on account of the beauty of the land. 

"March 28th, 1801.— * * Examined part of the 
White Seneca's road. Found he had taken care to keep 
the ridges and around the swamps. Of course his road 
is not exactly straight. 

" Saturday, April 4th, IJOl.— This day the mill-seat 
of Asa Eansom was levelled, and found to be twenty- 
eight and a half feet fall. 

" April 8th, 1801. — Arrived here to-day a Judge Aus- 
tin, from Old Connecticut, with his family and others, 
bound for New Connecticut. They appear to be decent, 
respectable people. Judge Austin informs me that 
should the Holland Company be disposed to open a road 
from the western boundary of the triangle towards Buf- 
falo Creek, along the margin of Lake Erie, that the sev- 



150 IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

eral Connecticut Land Companies would subscribe gene- 
rously towards defraying the expense of the road." 

The following entry is made in his journal under 
date of 

"Monday, July 27th, 1801.— Mr. Alston and his lady, 
the daughter of the Yice President of the United States, 
(i\.aron Burr), arrived here this day, at twelve o'clock, 
on their way to view the great Falls of Niagara. Left 
here at three o'clock. 

" August 14th, 1801.— Went to Buffalo Creek, ' alias ' 
New Amsterdam, to lay off a lot for a school house, the 
inhabitants offering to erect one at their own expense. 

" August 1 5th. — This day completed the object, and 
transacted all my business. 

"August 16th, Sunday. — Mr. John Palmer spoke for 
the grass lot in care of Mr. Lane. Agrees to pay a rea- 
sonable rent. Left Buffalo and returned to Twelve-mile 
Creek — found some land jobbers. 

"Saturday, 23d January, 1802 — Priests Holmes and 
Palmer passed by on their return from the business of 
Missionaries among the Indians to New York." 

In the original survey of New Amsterdam, a lot of 
one hundred acres including the entire front on Main 
street, between Swan and Eagle streets, extending east- 
wardly, was called Outer Lot lOi, which was taken up by 
Mr. Ellicott, himself, with the intention, as was supposed, of 
making his permanent residence here. Directly in the 
centre of the front of this lot, as originally surveyed, 
was a curve, throwing the street at that point into almost 
a half circle, leaving Main, Niagara, Church and Erie 
streets to radiate from this circle. It was supposed that 
he intended this ground for a residence, which would of 



SITUATION OF BUFFALO. 151 

course have stood in Main street, in. front of the churches. 
But Mr. EUicott never built upon the lot, and the street 
was ^ultimately straightened. Outer Lot, No, 101 re- 
mained entire, uncultivated, and unimproved, until Mr. 
Ellicott's death, when it was divided among his heirs and 
by them laid out into streets and lots, and sold, and is 
now a well-built portion of the city. It is said that the 
action of the Commissioners of Highways, in straighten- 
ing Main street, in front of Outer Lot, 104, occasioned 
Mr. Ellicott's abandoning the idea of making Buffalo his 
permanent residence, and he built a house in Batavia, 
where he fixed his abjpde, and thenceforth seemed to lose 
his interest in Buffalo. 

In one of his letters to Mr. Cazenove, speaking of the 
situation he had chosen for the seat of a future city, Mr. 
Ellicott says : 

"The building spot is situated about sixty perches from 
the lake, on a beautiful elevated bank, about twenty-five 
feet perpendicular height above the surface of the water 
in the lake, from the foot of which, with but little labor, 
may be made the most beautiful meadows, extending to 
the lake, and up Buffalo Creek to the Indian line. From 
the top of the bank, there are few more beautilul pros- 
pects. Here the eye wanders over the inland sea to the 
south-west, until the sight is lost in the horizon. On the 
north-west is seen the progressing settlements in Upper 
Canada, and south-westerly with the pruning some trees 
out of the way, may be seen the Company's land, for the 
distance of forty miles gradually ascending, variegated 
with vallies and gentle rising hills, until the sight passes 
their summit, at the sources of the waters of the Missis- 
sippi." 



152 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

The surveys were not completed so that sales of village 
lots could be made, much before 1804, but sales of farm 
lots in the vicinity were made in 1803. Mr. Ellicott writes 
to Mr. Busti, in May, 1802, deprecating the delay, and 



" While speaking on the subject of taking things in 
their proper time, I cannot refrain from mentioning that 
the Company delaying opening their lands for sale in 
!N"ew Amsterdam, and the lands adjoining thereto, I fear 
the nick of time will pass by, at least for making a town 
of j!!^ew Amsterdam. 

" The State, last session of the Legislature, passed a 
law for the purchasing the natives' rights of land, the 
pre-emption right of which, was in the State, (on our 
map, called the New York Reservation;, the southern 
part of which lands reach near to ISTew Amsterdam, and 
there is a situation on said lands intended to be purchased, 
equally or more advantageous for a town, than N"ew 
Amsterdam ; so that if the State shall make the intended 
purchase this summer, and offer this spot for sale before 
New Amsterdam gets in operation, the ' nick of time ' 
will be lost to the future prosperity of that place. It 
would therefore evidently tend more to the advantage of 
the Dutch proprietors to give the agent-general of their 
concerns in this country, full and discretionary powers to 
act, and transact their business as existing circumstances 
might evince to be most conducive to the interests of the 
proprietors." 

The allusion is to Black Eock, which Mr. Ellicott even 
then considered " equally or more advantageous for a 
town than Buffalo." These advantages were reversed by 
the building of the long pier in the Niagara River, for 



BKUTAL MUEDEK BY AN INDIAN. 153 

the use of the Erie Cana'l, and the construction of the 
pier and bi-eak-water at the moutli of the Buffalo Creek? 
to protect and keep open the harbor, and the extension 
of the Erie Canal to that place. Both are now included 
within the corporate limits of the city of BuiFalo. 

The first murder of which we have any record, was 
committed in Buffalo (or rather New Amsterdam, as it 
was then called) in July, 1802. An Indian from one of 
the villages on Bufialo Creek, attacked (it is said without 
provocation) John Palmer, the inn-keeper, with a drawn 
knife, with the intent to stab him. Two men, of the 
name of "Ward and Keeler, were sitting with Palmer at 
the time. Not succeeding in his attempt upon Palmer, 
the Indian struck his knife into the neck of Ward. The 
alarm soon brought together the few white inhabitaats, 
and in the attempt to secure the Indian, a man of the 
name of John Hewett, received several stabs from the 
desperate savage, producing almost instant death. The 
Indian, however, was secured, and during the night 
taken to Fort Niagara and placed in close custody. 

The Indians were aroused by the news of the capture 
of one of their number, and the next day, a band of 
forty or fifty armed warriors appeared in New Amster- 
dam, demanding the release of the prisoner, and had he 
been within their reach, would have rescued him. This 
created consternation and alarm among the few white in- 
habitants, and caused some to flee from the settlement. 

A great majority of the Indians still looked upon the 
whites as intruders, and from the strong British or Canadi- 
an influence still exerted among them, the settlers were 
fearful of further and greater exhibitions of savage cruelty 
A petition was forwarded by the white inhabitants — 



154 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Mr. Ellicott and his surveyors, and settlers upon the 
Holland Purchase, entering zealously into the measure — 
for a small garrison of troops at the village of Buffalo 
Creek, alias New Amsterdam. But these fears were 
groundless, as no further disturbance occurred. 

The sale of farm lots in the vicinity of Buffalo, as has 
been observed, began in 1808. The survey of the vil- 
lage not being yet completed, Dr. Cyrenius Chapin 
bought Lot No. 41, Township 11, 8th Kange, and re- 
ceived his article of agreement Oct. 11th, 1803. This 
appears to be the earliest date of sales in this vicinity. 
This lot, purchased by Dr. Chapin, contained ninety- 
nine acres, for which he agreed to pay $346.50. There 
were several other contracts (or rather " articles," as they 
were called) issued, bearing the same date as that of Dr- 
Chapin. William Deshay bought Lots No. 59 and 60, 
Township 11, 8th Range, and received his article Oct. 
11th, 1803, agreeing to pa}'', for eighty-six acres, $430 ; 
Asa Chapman, Lot No. 40, 11th Township, 8th Eange, 
one hundred and twenty-seven acres, for $445.50; Isaac 
Hulburt, Lot 61, same Township and Eange, fifty-nine 
acres for $295 — (this article was subsequently assigned 
to Nathan Toles) ; George Burgar, part of Lot 61, same 
Township and Range, fifty-nine acres, for $232.80 — sub- 
sequently assigned to Vincent Grant. "William Hodge 
took up Lot. No. 35, same Township and Range, forty- 
seven and three-tenths acres, on the 22d of October, 
1803, for which he agreed to pay $236.50 ; Samuel Tup- 
per, on the same day. Lot 27, same Township and Range, 
sixty-five acres, $294.75, and on the 25th, Lot No. 50, 
same Township and Range, thirty-four acres, for 
$172.50; Oct. 29th, William Hodge, Lot 57, sixty-one 



FIRST LAND SALES LIST OF THE PUKCHASEES. 155 

an d four-tenths acres, for $307 ; Oct. 28th, Gideon Dud- 
ley, Lot No. 2S, sixty acres, for 8300 — ,this article was 
assigned to Joseph Wells, in December, 1805. Wm. 
Liget purchased Lot No. 61, Oct. 26th, 1803, containing 
thirty acres, for $195 — this article was assigned to John 
Crow, in March, 1805. 

In 1801, the following Lots were sold, which appear to 
be the earliest regular conveyances of land in the vil- 
lage plot : Nathan W. Sever, Outer Lots No. 55 and 
56, sixty-three and seven-tenths acres, $115 — (subse- 
quently assigned to Elijah Leech) ; Zerah Phelps, 1st 
Ji3ne, 1801, Inner Lot No. 1, for $112— this article was 
assigned to Joseph Ellicott, in 1806. Sylvanus Maybee, 
August 6th, 1804, purchased Inner Lot No. 35, for 
$135*; Samuel McConnell, Outer Lot 81, May 19th, 
1804, for $191.50. 

The following are among the farm lots in the vicinity 
of Buffalo sold in 1801 : Kowland Cotton, Lot No. 67, 
one hundred and forty-three acres, for $500.50 ; Abner 
Gilbert, Lot 31, forty- eight and four-tenths acres, for 
$242. 

The following list of the names of land owners in 
Buffalo in 1804, is given in Turner's History of the Hol- 
land Purchase, said to be taken from the books of the 
Company : William Bobbins, Henry Chapin, Sylvanus 



* Note. — The Inner Lots on Main street were generally one chain and 
fourteen links wide, running through. The map will show the location of 
these lots. From the books of the Holland Land Company, it appears 
probable that an arrangement was made with Johnston, whereby he re- 
linquished his claim to a part of the land on the flat between the Big 
and Little Buffalo Creeks, west of Main street, as only Outer Lot No. 
85 was conveyed to him in 1804, but Inner Lots No. 3, No. 30, and No. 
32, were conveyed to him at the same time ; whereas. Outer Lot No. 86, 
the remaining portion of the land in the triangle, was conveyed to Isaac 
Davis, June 29th, 1SI4. See Appendix No. 6. 



166 HI8T0KY OF BUFFALO. 

Maybee, Asa Eansom, Thomas Stewart, Samuel Pratt, 
William Johnson, John Crow, Joseph Landon, Erastus 
Granger, Jonas Williams, Robert^^Keane, Vincent Grant, 
Louis Le Couteulx. 

The Holland Land Company deeded to William John- 
ston, Outer Lot, No. 93, October 27th 1S04. 

DOCTOR CYRENIUS CHAPIN. 

As the lirst permanent settler in Buffalo after the ex- 
tinguishment of the Indian title to the lands upon which 
the city of Buffalo is bnilt, and as a prominent leading 
man for many ^''ears after the first settlement, and during 
all the period while society was struggling through the 
change from a savage to a civilized state, the life and 
character of Doctor Cyrenius Chapin deserves a more 
extended notice. Not only the truth of history requires 
this, but respect for the opinions' of multitudes who still 
survive, who knew him, and remember with gratitude 
his disinterested kindness, his untiring energy in his pro- 
fession, and his patriotic devotion and self sacrificing 
zeal in the service of his country demand it, and they would 
consider it an important omission in the history of our 
city, to leave out a record so essential to truth. 

As has already been observed, Dr. Chapin came to 
Buffalo in 1801, undoubtedly with a settled purpose to 
make it his fixed and permanent abode. Failing in his 
first attempt to purchase in connexion with others, a 
large tract of land at the mouth of Buffalo Creek, he 
determined nevertheless to persevere. He arrived here 
in 1803 with his family, but as there was no house to be 
obtained, he was obliged to cross the river to Fort Erie, 



DOCTOR CTKENIUS CHAPIN. 157 

to procure a shelter for them. His family remained at 
Fort Erie nearly two years : before a suitable habitation 
could be provided for them here. 

He selected Inner Lot, No. 40, on Swan street, running 
through from Main to Pearl street, and in 1805, he re- 
moved his family from Fort Erie to their new home in 
Buifalo. During the short residence of his family at Fort 
Erie, the people upon that side of the river employed 
him as a physician to some extent, and he soon became 
widely known as a skillful ^practitioner, in the line of 
his profession. So successful and pojjular was he that 
during his whole subsequent life, he had quite an exten- 
sive practice in that part of Canada lying contiguous to 
this city. It will be readily perceived that a young man, 
(for he was then but thirty years of age),, possessing the 
elements of character for which he was distinguished, 
master of a most important and useful profession, educa- 
ted above most of those around him, as his correspond- 
ence and other evidences show, would necessarily assume 
in a new and isolated settlement, a leading position ; 
and such a position Doctor Chapin undoubtedly held 
among our first settlers. He had been religiously 
educated, but like most young men who are cast upon 
the world as he was, almost without the pale of civiliza- 
tion, and beyond the influence or restraints of christian 
society, he relapsed into a disregard of christian duty, 
and during the war which succeeded in 1812, he was 
drawn into the habit, then'^'almost universal, of a too free 
use of ardent spirits, which in the latter years of his life 
greatly hindered his usefulness, both as a physician and 
a citizen. But it is due to his memory and the truth of 
history, to affirm that during the first fifteen or twenty 



158 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

years, when Buffalo was struggling into existence, no 
single individual exerted a wider or greater influence, 
than Doctor Chapin. 

So fully was his character and usefulness appreciated 
by the first settlers of Buffalo, that as late as 1836, only 
two years before his death, he was presented with a val- ' 
liable service of plate, consisting of two massive pitchers 
and twelve goblets, as a testimonial of their appreciation 
of his character and services, both as a citizen, and a 
soldier in the war of 1812. 

The committee charged with the duty of procuring and 
presenting this memorial, consisted of the following lead- 
ing citizens : Peter B. Porter, Louis Le Couteulx, Ebe- 
nezer Walden, Amos Callender, Iliram Pratt, E. D. 
Efner, Jacob A. Barker, Ebenezer Johnson, W. A. Car- 
penter, Alanson Palmer and Sylvester Mathews. 

The plate was presented to him by the committee, in 
behalf of the donors, in the following address by their 
chairman, Gen. Peter B. Porter : 

"SiE : — As chairman of a committee selected by your 
fellow citizens, from that portion of them who have been 
longest and most intimately acquainted with you, I take 
great pleasure in presenting to you, in the name and be- 
half of that committee, and those citizens, this service of 
plate, which they beg you to accept and preserve as a 
testimonial, lor your children as well as 3'ourself, of the 
respect they entertain for your services both civil and 
military, and more especially for the patriotism and gal- 
lantry displayed by you in our late war with Great 
Britain. 

" Should we seem to have been too tardy in this pub- 
lic manifestation of our sentiments, we have only to say 



DK. CYRENIUS CIIAriN — GEN. POETEKS' ADDRESS. 159 

that at the time when the events on which they are 
based occurred, the eclat of your military achievements 
was too generally and widely diffused, to require any 
adventitious aid of this sort to propitiate and secure 
public favor. We resort to it now, not to prop up an 
obscure or equivocal reputation, but to defend an estab- 
lished one, against a most ungenerous and unjust attempt 
lately made to destroy it, 

'^ You will readily understand that I allude to a publi- 
cation purporting to be a history of certain transactions- 
on the Niagara frontier during the late war, written by 
Lieut. Col. JBoerstler, of the United States army, excul- 
patory of his own blunders, and recently brought to light 
for the first time in an appendix to Gen. Armstrong's 
' Notices of the Late War,' and in which you are ac 
cused, in the most unqualified terms, not only of want of 
patriotism and integrity, but with cowardice. It is to be 
regretted that this distinguished individual, to whose 
book 1 have referred, should have permitted this dis- 
graceful tirade to appear on its pages, which he assuredly 
would not have done had he better known the relative 
characters and merits of the accuser and the accused ; 
for, unpleasant as it is to speak unkindly of the dead, I 
am constrained to say there was scarcely an individual 
who, in the estimation of those who best knew him, was 
more justly obnoxious to many of the disparaging epi- 
thets he has lavished, on you, than this same Lieut. Col. 
Boerstler. 

"The introduction of these unpleasant topics may 
seem inappropriate to the present occasion, but the com- 
mittee would feel that they had omitted an important 
part of their duty had they neglected this opportunity to. 



160 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

vindicate your character, as they abundantly do, from 
facts within their own personal knowledge, against these 
unmerited calumnies, coming as they do before the pub- 
lic under such imposing auspices. 

" Among those who have known you longest and best, 
and many of those are now present, I have had the 
pleasure of your acquaintance for some thirty years past. 
It is surely no just cause of reproach that, anterior to 
the war, you belonged to what was called the Federal 
Party, because the political distinction between the two 
great parties of that day consisted solely in an honest 
difference of opinion as to the cardinal measures most 
proper to be pursued, to adv^ance the common interest 
and glory of the Kepublic. What may have been your 
abstract and speculative opinions in regard to the justice 
or expediency of the war, I do not know ; but I do 
know that, from the moment of its declaration, no indi- 
vidual of my acquaintance was more active and zealous 
in his endeavors to render its operations successful and 
effective — none more reckless of personal danger, or 
more forward in the devotion of his private property to 
the public use — than yourself 

" The charge of cowardice, so boldly made against 
you by this writer, seems hardly deserving of a serious 
refutation, especially before â–  a Bufiiilo audience. If it 
were necessary to adduce evidence of your courage, the 
only fear would be that it might prove too much. For 
instance, the voluntary and conspicuous part you took in 
boarding and cutting out two armed vessels from Fort 
Erie ; the still more daring exploit by which you, by the 
aid of your companions, attacked and subdued the 
armed guard (yourselves unarmed) who were conveying 



DR. CYRENIUS CHA.PIN — GEN. PORTEE's ADDRESS. 161 

you as prisoners to Little York, and escorted them back, 
your prisoners, in turn, to tlie American beadqnarters ; 
and your repeated attacks upon and capture of Indian 
warriors, in their own haunts. Indeed, the honest detail 
of the very expedition, in tlie prosecution of which Col. 
Boestler charges you with cowardice, would seem to 
show that if your courage ever was at fault, it was be- 
cause it sometimes rose to rashness instead of sinking to 
pusillanimity. 

"The appellation of the ' self styled Col. Ohapin,' by 
which Col. Boerstler so contemptuously designates you, 
was as misapplied and undeserved as his more grave 
charges ; for, although at the commencement of the war, 
when you held no office, either in the regular array or 
militia, your military services were, for a time, voluntary 
and of a partizan character, yet it is well known that early 
in 1813, you received from Gov. Tompkins the brevet 
commission of Lieutenant-Colonel, under which you 
subsequently acted. 

" But I have said enough, and more, perhaps, than 
was required, in regard to this vindictive and libellous 
attack upon your reputation, the publication of which 
had been withheld for more than thirty years after it was 
written, and the events upon which it was founded had 
transpired. We trust that it will never be permitted to 
disturb your lepose, and that tlie proceedings of this 
evening — this public and unbiassed expression of the 
sentiments of your fellow-citizens, intended to convey 
alike their high sense of your services during tlie war, 
and the able and impartial manner in which you have 
discharged your civil duties as a magistrate and citizen, 
11 



162 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

and your frank and generous deportment in all the 
various relations of private life — will be as kindly re- 
ceived by you as they are cheerfully and gratefully ten- 
dered by us." 

To which Col. Chapin replied : 

" SiK : — In receiving tliis present from your hands, a 
thousand by-gone recollections are revived. The early 
settlement of this our now happy country — the perils 
and fatigues in settling a then almost unbroken wilder- 
ness, the red men then the lords of the soil — the defeats 
and disasters of desolating war — the ruins of our then 
late peaceful town — the destruction of commerce — a des- 
olating disease — all, in rapid succession, rush upon my 
mind and almost overwhelm me. But, amidst all these 
untow^ard circumstances, we have had much of pros- 
perity, and more, for which our sincere thanks are due 
to the Supreme Dispenser of Events, that our lives have 
been spared to the present time. 

" In calling to mind the various scenes through which 
we have passed since I first knew you, we have had 
many hours on which memory lingers and may delight 
to dwell. 

" Sir — In behalf of those whom you represent, as well 
as yourself, I shall ever regard these symbols of your 
affection, so closely identified with yom- good will to- 
wards me, as a sacred memento of my duty to you and 
my country, and shall remember this as one of the hap- 
piest days of my life. As this did not emanate from the 
excitement of an admiration of one brilliant achieve- 
ment, but from the favorable, deliberate opinion of my 
patriotic and general exertions in the late war, confirmed 
and perpetuated with time to the present moment, 



A TRIBUTE TO THE MEMORY OF DR. CHAPIN. 163 

makes it doubly welcome. In' thus tendering to you, 
and my fellow-citizens whom you represent, my hearty 
thanks, words inadequately express the emotions I feel 
on this gratifying occasion. 

" A consciousness of having [tried to discharge my 
duty, is at all times a source of consolation ; but the ap- 
proval of my fellow-citizens, as in this instance so kind- 
ly manifested, awakens within me a feeling of gratitude, 
which I hope will only be chilled with the extinction 
of life ; and, gentlemen, whatever may be your condi- 
tion in this changing world, I pray you accept my best 
wishes for your future welfare and happiness." 

The following tribute to the memory of Dr. Chapin is 
from the Monroe Times, a paper published at Rochester. 
Its date is a few days after his decease, in 1838 : 

" DOCTOR CHAPIN. 

" From a somewhat familiar knowledge of the public 
services of Dr. Chapin, as one of the founders of Buffa- 
lo — as a man of exalted character and high enterprise — 
as one of the most patriotic and daring defenders of our 
frontier during the late war — as an eminent physician 
and truly philanthropic man — we cannot withhold (now 
that he is gathered unto his fathers) our testimony of his 
worth, and our regrets at his decease. 

" More than thirty years ago, he established himself 
in Buffalo, in the practice of medicine. Buffalo then, as 
a city, or even as a village, was not ; a few scattered 
dwellings and a thick forest — broken only by the paths 
of the Indians, or the rude improvements of the pio- 
neers — then filled up the scene, now transformed, by the 



164: HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

magic impulse of civilization, into a noble city, studded 
with magnificent buildings, adorned with squares and 
parks and capacious streets, enlivened b}\the rush of a 
busy, thriving population of nearly twenty thousand 
souls — the centre of a great and growing trade- — the 
mart of commerce and the cradle of the arts. 

" Dr. Chapin, possessed of eminent generosity of 
heart and energy of character, probably accomplished 
more tlian any other individual in alleviating the hard- 
ships and improving the condition of the first settlers of 
the Holland Purchase, and in promoting the prosperity 
of Buffalo. 

" Previous to the breaking out of the war of 1812, he 
was violently opposed to that measure, in common with 
the party to which he belonged ; but when it was once 
entered upon, when the tide of desolation began to del- 
uge our northern frontier, he entered into the service of 
his country with his whole soul, and in the offices of 
Major, Colonel, &c., which he held during the contest, 
rendered- the most signal and important services. 
The daring manner in which he, with a small party of 
sailors, cut out two armed vessels from under the guns of 
Fort Erie, has but few parallels in the history of indi- 
vidual achievement ; and the re-capture of himself and 
party, while on their way (across the Lake) to Canada, 
in open boats, as prisoners of war, by rising, unarmed, 
upon a superior force, Mdio acted as the guard, taking 
them prisoners and returning home in triumph, was an 
enterprise which nothing but great courage and energy 
of character could accomplish. 

" After the close of the contest, he re-commenced the 
duties of his profession, which he continued till his death; 



DK. CITAPIN AND THE SURRENDEK OF BUFFALO. 165 

but never, even nnder the weight of accnmnlating years, 
were the characteristic features of his mind, or his heart, 
dimmed for an honr, or the ruling 2:)rinciple of his life, 
' to do good unto all,' lost sight of. 

"Two years since, his fellow citizens presented him 
a pair of superb pitchers and twelve goblets, of silver, as 
tokens of their gratitude for his services, and respect for 
his character. A name around which clusters so many 
proud and gratifying recollections needs not the page of 
history, or the tongue of eulogy to render it imperisha- 
ble. It lives in the memories of the com])anions of his 
toils — among the monuments of the city he has helped 
to build up — in the prayers of the widow and the fath- 
erless whom his charities and services have blessed — in 
the hearts of surviving friends, and the bosom of a be- 
reaved family." 

After the burning of Buifalo, there were those who 
were disposed to censure Dr. Chapin for the part he took 
on the occasion of its surrender, and these censures 
called forth from him a public statement of the facts and 
circumstances under which he acted at the time, from 
which the following is an extract : 

"Finding that the force vmder my command, at Black 
Rock, was such that all further resistance on my part 
would be vain, having only five men left with me — the 
remainder being either killed, wounded or dispersed, all 
attempts to rally them proving abortive — I retreated to 
Buffalo, where all w^as confusion and alarm. Women 
and childen running in every direction to avoid the fury 
of the British savages, which w^ere rapidly investing the 
village. About thirty men w^ere collected, who manned 
a twelve pounder, at the junction of the Black Rock road 



166 inSTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

with the main street. A few discharges were made from 
it which very much annoyed the enemy ; but the car- 
riage breaking, it was rendered useless. A Large body 
of British troops were now witljin thirty rods of us, and 
the Indians had nearly surrounded the town and were in 
full pursuit of the distressed iuhabitants, who had no 
means of making a rapid retreat, or the least resistance. 
In this situation I conceived it my duty to resort to some 
stratagem to save the people from inevitable destruction. 
I requested some one to meet the enemy with a flag, but 
no one appearing willing, I went myself, and the moment 
I was received, I requested the enemy to halt, which 
was done ; and while I was attempting a negotiation, all 
was quiet, and the people had time to make their escape 
from the savages, who had already massacred several of 
the inhabitants, in their retreat, whether armed or un- 
armed. Altho' I failed in saving the town, still I suc- 
ceeded in securing the retreat of many inhabitants who 
would have otherwise fallen victims to savage ven- 
geance." 

The estimation in which the enemy held the character 
and conduct of Col. Chapin, at the time of the surrender 
of Buffalo, will appear in the following : 

EXTKACT OF A LETTER FKOIM LIEUT. GEN'l DRUMMOKD TO SIR 
GEO. PREVOST, DATED, 

" York, February 15tli, 1814. 

"I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 

letter of the 5th instant, transmitting a communication 

from Col. Chapin, of the United States Army, and 

in reply thereto, have to acquaint your Excellency that 



LETTER OF LIEUT. GEN. DKUMMOND. 167 

considering the circumstances under whicli tliat officer 
was captured, as reported to nie by Gen. Biall, on mj 
arrival at Buffalo, I conceive that his detention as a pris- 
oner of war was perfectly justifiable. 

" It appears that he was not only extremely active 
during the action at Black Kock, on the morning of the 
30th December, but afterwards retreated with the Amer- 
ican army to Buffalo, where I understand he assumed the 
command of the force that remained there, and having 
taken a commanding position in front of the town, con- 
siderably annoyed our troops with round and grape shot 
from a six pounder, whilst they were advancing ; and as 
I have been informed it was not until he found that his 
exertions to arrest their progress were without effect that 
he came out from Buffalo as a self constituted flag of 
truce, at a time when our forces were in full pursuit of 
the American army. It was not until some time after 
Buffalo had been taken possession of that Major Gen. 
Riall, having mentioned to me that he had ordered Col. 
Chapin to remain in arrest at his house, until he was 
made acquainted with my intentions with regard to him, 
that I directed the Major General to send hifti across the 
water in charge of an officer, considering him a prisoner 
of war." 



CHAPTER IX. 



Mr. Erastus Granger came to reside in Buffalo in 1803. 
Previous to the election of Mr. Jefferson, the Grangers, 
then young men, had been engaged in the examination 
and perhaps survey of Virginia lands ; they having been 
largely purchased by capitalists in New England, where 
the Grangers resided. During their sojourn in Virginia, 
they became acquainted with Mr. Jefferson, and on his 
becoming a candidate for the presidency, the Grangers 
having returned to New England, warmly espoused his 
cause, and after his election he offered to do anything in 
his power for them, and as an evidence of the confidence 
reposed in them by Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Gideon Granger 
was appointed Postmaster General, and Mr. Erastus 
Granger was sent to Buffalo to exert his political influ- 
ence in favor of the party which liad elevated Mr. Jef- 
ferson to power. His mission tlierefore to this locality 
was entirely of a political character. Mr. Granger had 
been quite recently married and his wife had died before 
he came to Buffalo. He located himself at John Crow's 
tavern as a boarder, it being the only place where he 
could obtain even the scanty accommodation afforded 
him. He was invested with all the offices then within 
the gift of the Federal Government. 

He was appointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs^ 



HON. ERASTU8 GRANGER — KIS FAMILY. 16& 

Postmaster, aucl on the organization of the Collec- 
tion District of Buffalo Creek, he was appointed Col- 
lector of Custoiiis for that District. 

Most of the leading early settlers in Butlalo belonged 
to the Federal party ; consequently, Mr. Granger be- 
came the leader of the Democratic party in AVestern 
]^ew York— Mr. Ellicott, so far as his quaker antece- 
dents and proclivities "vvould permit, acting in harmony 
with him ; and the early correspondence between these 
two prominent men, for several years, was almost exclu- 
sively of a politigal character. 

It does not appear, from the records, that Mr. Granger 
purchased lands until some time after his first set- 
tlement here. The first record is the purchase of Inner 
Lot No. 31, in July, 1S05. He subsequently purchased 
other lands, including Lot No. 63, Eleventh Township, 
Eighth Range, one hundred and twelve acres, in 1810, 
and Outer Lots 90, 91 and 92, in 1809. It is believed 
that, in every case, he took a deed instead of an article 
of agreement, as was then the almost universal custom. 

Mr, Granger, having located himself upon his farm 
lot, at what was called Granger's (or Four Mile) Creek, 
did not identify himself so much with the business inter- 
ests of the village as, perhaps, he otherwise would have 
done. His position, however, was a prominent and in- 
fluential one, and gave him a public reputation superior 
to that of any other man at that early day. 

Several of our early settlers who became prominent in 
the early history of Buflalo, brought letters of introduc- 
tion to Mr. Granger. 

He married, for his second wife, the daughter of Mr. 
Nathaniel Sanborn, of Canandaigua — a lady of high 



170 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

•character and accomplishments. His sons were the late 
Rev. James ]!^. Granger, who survived him several 
years, and Warren Granger, Esq., who still resides in 
Buffalo. 

It should be said of Mr. Granger that he filled the 
various public offices which he held with distinguished 
ability and fidelity. He was highly respected during a 
life protracted beyond the period generally allotted to 
man, and died lamented by all who knew him. His 
death occurred in 1823. 

The following are Rev. Timothy D wight's remarks, on 
his visit to Buffalo in 1804 : 

" Buffalo Creek, otherwise New Amsterdam, is built 
on the north-east border of a considerable mill-stream, 
which bears the same name. A bar at the mouth, pre- 
vents all vessels larger than boats from ascending its 
waters. For boats, it is navigable about eight miles. 
Its appearance is more sprightly than that of some others 
in this region. The south-western bank is here a penin- 
sula, covered with a handsome grove. Through it sev- 
eral vistas might be cut with advantage, as they would 
open fine views of the Lake — a beautiful object. The 
prospect which they would furnish, towards the west 
and south-west, would be boundless. 

"The village is built half a mile from the mouth of the 
creek, and consists of about twenty indifferent houses. 
The Holland Company own the soil. Hitherto they 
have declined to sell it, and until very lately, to lease it- 
Most of the settlers have therefore taken up their ground 
without a title. The terms o'\ which it is leased are> 
that the lessee shall, within nine months, build a house' 
thirty feet front and two stories high, and shall pay (if I 



KEMAEKS OF REV. TIMOTHY DWKJHT. 171 

mistake not) two dollars annually for each lot of half an 
acre.* 

"The streets are straight, and cross each other at right- 
angles, but are only forty feet wide. AVhat could have 
induced this wretched limitation, in a mere wilderness, I 
am unable to conceive. 

"The spot is unhealthy, though of sufficient elevation, 
and, so far as I have been informed, free from the vicin- 
ity of stagnant waters. The diseases prevailing here are 
those which are common to all this country. 

"The inhabitants are a casual collection of adven- 
turers, and have the usual character of such adventuers 
thus collected, when remote from regular society, retain- 
ing but little sense of government or religion. 

" We saw about as many Indians in this village as 
white people. The Superintendent of Indian Affairs of 
the Six Nations resides here. 

" New Amsterdam is at present the thoroughfare for 
all the commerce and travelling interchangeably going 
on between the Eastern States (including New York and 
New Jersey) and the countries bordering on the great 
western lakes. 

''The creek is frequently said to unite with the river 
Niagara I should say, as I believe every other man 
would, who spoke from his own inspection, that it unites 
with Lake Erie ; and that the river Niagara begins two 
miles further north at, or rather just below. Black Rock.f 
Here the first perceptible current commences ; while at 



*It is difficult to imagine where Dr. Dwigbt derived this information. 
Nothing in the records kept by the agents of the Holland Company 
would justify these statements. 

t lie evidently mistook Bird Island for Black Rock. 



172 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

the mouth of the creek, the waters, unless agitated by the 
wind, are perfectly still, and have exactly the same ap- 
pearance as other parts of the lake. 

" At Black Rock, a town which is a mile square, is 
laid out by order of the State into house lots. The lots 
are to be disposed of at public sale, in December of this 
year, upon terms with which I am unacquainted. Should 
they be equitable, the trade which I mentioned will soon 
centre here. Between this rock and the shore is the only 
secure harbor on the American, and a much better one 
than on the British side of the lake, within a great dis- 
tance. A road is already begun from this spot to Fort 
Niagara, at tlie mouth of the river, and will not probably 
be completed within a year. The period is not distant 
â– when the commerce of this neighborhood will become a 
great national object, and involve no small part of the 
interests and happiness of millions. I shall consider it 
more particularly hereafter. * * ^• 

" The prospect presented at Buffalo, is most attractive, 
notwithstanding the interruption named above. Directly 
opposite at the distance of two miles, but in full view 
stands Fort Erie, a block-house, accompanied by a suit of 
barracks and a hamlet. This collection of houses is built 
on a beautiful shore, wears less the appearance of a 
recent settlement, and exhibits a much greater degree of 
improvement, than anything which we saw west of the 
Genesee River. Beyond this liamlet a handsome point 
stretches to the south-west and furnishes an imperfect 
shelter to the vessels employed in the commerce of the 
lake. Seven of these vessels (five schooners, a sloop and 
a pettiaugre) lay in the harbor at this time, and present- 
ed to us an image of business and activity, which dis- 



KEMAKKS OF KEV. TIMOTHY DWIGHT. 173 

tant as we were from the ocean, was scarcely less im- 
pressive than that presented by the harbor of New York, 
when crowded with almost as many hundreds. Eehind 
this point another much more remote stretches out in 
the same direction, exhil>iting a form of finished elegance 
and seeming an exactly suitable limit for the sheet of 
water which fills the fine scope between these arms. 
Still further southward the lake opens in boundless view 
and presents in a perfect manner the blending of unlim- 
ited waters with the sky. Over these points, assembled 
as if to feast our eyes at the commencement of the even- 
ing after our arrival, one of the most beautiful collection 
of clouds ever seen by the votary of nature. They were 
of elegant forms and of hues intense and refulgent. The 
richest crimson fading into the tinges of the pink and the 
rose, adorned them on the one side, and gold burnished 
into the brightest brilliancy on the other. Several strata 
of these splendors extending over one-tenth of the hori- 
zon, lay above each other in the most fascinating variety 
of fantastical beauty; while others, single, in pairs or in 
small groups, vied with the larger assemblages in con- 
tributing to the glory of the scene. Towards the south- 
west and the north-east two long ranges of leaden colored 
clouds, with fleeces of mist hanging beneath them, 
reached round two-thirds of the horizon. These at inter- 
vals were all along changed, sometimes gradually, some- 
times suddenly into the gayest crimson and the most 
vivid purple, alternated in such a manner as to defy the 
utmost efforts of both the pen and the pencil. The sky 
above of that pure bright aspect which succeeds a storm, 
when it becomes clear with a soft serenity, was varied 
from a glowing yellow, a brilliant straw color aiid a wil- 



174: HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

low green into a light and finally into a dark azure, the 
beautiful blue of autumn. Beneath all this glory the 
lake, a boundless field of polished glass, glittered alter- 
nately with the variegated splendor of the clouds and 
hues of the sky, softening and improving the brilliancy 
of both with inimitable delicacy and leaving on the mind 
the impression of enchantment rather than reality. Not 
a breath was felt, not a leaf trembled, not a sound was 
heard, not a fluctuation disturbed the elegance of the 
surface. A lively imagination would easily have fancied 
that a paradise might be found beyond this charming 
expanse." 

Mr. Dwight evidently obtained his information in 
regard to the policy pursued by the Holland Land Com- 
pany in regard to the survey, settlement and sale of their 
land in New Amsterdam from some one who either did 
not possess the means of giving correct information or 
who had imbibed a strong prejudice against the company 
or their agent. 

CAPTAIN SAMUEL PRATT. 

Mr. Samuel Pratt, or as he was familiarly called, Capt. 
Pratt, came to Buflalo in 1804. He left his home in 
New England, in 1801, on a trip to Canada and the West 
to purchase furs. On arriving at Montreal, he was taken 
sick, and was compelled to return home. But he started 
the next year, taking the same route, and coming up the 
St. Lawrence to Niagara, he pursued his way to Detroit, 
stopping on his way at Buft'alo Creek. Having accom- 
plished the object of his journey, he commenced his 
return in the fall of 1803. Having been favorably 



175 CAPT. SAMUEL PRATT. 

impressed with the appearance and commercial advan- 
tages of Buftalo, tlie impressions be received had been 
deepened by a visit to the West, which convinced Mr. 
Pratt, that here, was tlie key to the commerce of these 
vast inLand waters, and on a second visit lie determined 
to establish himself here in the fur trade. 

He decided to locate himself on the high bank, or ter- 
race, upon a lot extending from the top of the bank to 
the Little Buftalo Creek. This lot upon the Holland 
Laud Company's survey of New Amsterdam, was desig- 
nated as Inner Lot 'No. 2, but upon most of our modern 
maps is designated Inner Lot jSTo. 1. It is the same upon, 
whicli the Mansion House now stands, embracing the 
land extending to what was then Little Buffalo Creek,, 
now the Hamburgh Canal. In 1804, Mr. Pratt started 
with his family in an old fashioned two-horse coach for 
Buffalo. This coach long remained an object of curiosity^ 
being the first ever seen in Buffalo. This journey was con- 
sidered by his friends and relatives as the height of folly 
and recklesness. The idea of taking a family of small 
children into a remote wilderness, beyond the pale of civ- 
ilization, and among savages too, was considered little- 
short of desperation, and there were those who did not 
hesitate to tell him he was crazy. 

It is said he first commenced to make an improvement 
upon the corner of Washington and Seneca streets where 
the Post Oftice now stands, but being himself mistaken 
as to the location of lots 99, 100, 101, 102 and 103, which 
he had purchased, he removed to the corner of Seneca 
and Ellicott streets, where he built a large barn.. 
At tlie burning of Buftalo, a frame, it is said, had 
but recently been erected ; the timber being green ^ 



176 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

it did not readily igaite and escaped the general confla- 
gration, and after the war, the frame was covered, and 
served many years as a place to pack and store furs 
It was subsequently used as the stable to the Franklin 
House, and quite recently gave place to a new brick 
structure, to be used for the same purpose. 

Capt. Pratt had a large family of children. Two sons 
and three daughters still survive — Mrs. Hon. Orlando 
Allen being the youngest. Samuel Pratt, Jr., Paschal 
P. Pratt, and the late Hon. Hiram Pratt, all died in 
Buffalo, leaving families— Messrs. S. F. Pratt and P. P. 
Pratt, of the firm of Pratt & Co., and Mr. Lucius H. 
Pratt, being sons of the former, and grand-sons of Capt. 
Samuel Pratt. 

The following notice of the death of Capt. Pratt is 
from the Buffalo Gazette of Sept. 1st, 1812 : 

"Died. — In this town, yesterday morning, Capt. Sam- 
uel Pratt, aged forty-eight years. 

" Capt. Pratt was among the first inhabitants of this 
place. With them he cheerfully encountered all the pri- 
vations and hardships incident to the first settlers of a 
new country. The public spirit displayed by him, in 
whatever related to the improvement of the village and 
the convenience of the early settlers in its vicinity, will 
render his memory dear to all who knew him. It may, 
in truth, be said of him that to the wants of the indi- 
gent his hand was ever open — to their distresses, his 
heart was never closed. He has left a numerous family 
and many friends to mourn his loss." 

Captain Pratt was a mai\ cliaracterized by great 
business enterprise and activity; and his descendents 
have exhibited the same traits of character in an emi- 



OAPT. SAMUEL PRATT — HIS DESCENDENTS. 177 

Rent degree. The name of Pratt has stood conspicuous 
among the names of the business men of Buffalo, in all 
its history, from its earliest settlement down to the 
present time. They have identified themselves with its 
interests and its enterprises, and shared in all the vicissi- 
tudes of its prosperity and adversity, contributing largely 
tG the development of its mercantile, commercial and 
mechanical resources. 

The late Hon. Hiram Pratt, the youngest of the sons 
of Capt. Samuel Pratt, was twice elected Mayor of the 
city, after Buffalo received its charter. He was exten- 
sively engaged in the commerce of the lakes in the early 
history of steam navigation — was a banker of eminent 
ability, and a man highly esteemed by all who knew 
kim. Like multitudes of others of our young, enter- 
prising men, he fell an early sacrifice to an over-worked 
mental and physical nature. The terrible pecuniary 
revulsions and disasters of 1837-8-9 proved too much 
for him, and he sank down under their weight — and 
died, almost without disease, in 1840, aged but a little 
over forty years. 

The following is from the manuscript letter of Mr, 
Wm. Hall, of Cleveland, Ohio, written with his own 
hand in 1863, he being then eighty-five years cf age. 
He visited Buffalo on horse-back in 1804 : 

" At Buffalo there were perhaps twenty houses, of 
which only three or four were frame, one of which was 
occupied by a Mr. Pratt, who kept a small store. He 
had his aged parents with him, whom I saw. 

*' Some streets were partially laid out, but the whole 
were full of stumps, and no fences. We rode up the 
12 



l'T8 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

creek some mile or two, and crossed to see a Mr. LeecL^ 
who was from Connecticut. Saw no craft, but one or 
two small boats, in one of which we crossed. 

" Leaving Buffalo, we went to Black Rock, through 
woods — a small path-way, trodden mostly by Indians, 
with some appearance of wagons having passed that 
way. We crossed the river in a scow, with our horses 
to the Canada side, and found a good road, on the bank 
of the river, all the way to Chippewa, having spent the 
night a few miles previous to reaching there." 

" LOUIS STEPHEN LE COUTEULX.* 

" Louis Stephen Le Couteulx de Caumont was born at 
Rouen, in France, on the 24th of August, 1756. He 
was the only son of Anthony Le Couteulx, a counselor 
at law, and delegate to the Parliament of Normandy. 
He was the head of the eldest branch of the Le Couteulx 
family. 

"This family, which originated in Normandy, was en- 
nobled in 1505, on account of some service rendered the 
government, with the privilege (usually denied to the no- 
bility) of engaging in commerce. It always enjoyed 
high distinction, and formed many alliances with distin- 
guished families in France, particularly with that of La 
Fayette. 

" He was destined for the magistracy, but^ having no 
taste for that occupation, entered the commercial house 
of his relations, who had establishments in France and 
many other parts of Europe- Understanding the Eng- 



'Froni Turner's History of the HoUaiul Purchase. 



MR. LOUIS STEPHEN LE COUTEULX. 179 

lisli and Spanish lanj^^iages, lie was sent to London and 
Cadiz, where he passed several years. 

" In September, 1786, he married, in Paris, Miss 
Clouet, whose father held an honorable office in that 
city. She was a neice of Gen. Tonzard, who came to 
America with Gen. La Fayette, dnring the revolutionary 
war, and lost an arm in our service. This did not pre- 
vent him from remaining in the employ of our govern- 
ment until his death, which occurred in 1811. 

" Immediately after his marriage, Mr. Le Couteulx 
was sent to the United States, to negotiate a settlement 
of accounts with the house of Robert Morris. lie ar- 
rived, wnth his wife, at Kew York on the 15th of De- 
cember, 1786, and repaired to Philadelphia, whither his 
business called him. 

" Having arranged the accounts with Mr. Morris, and 
being pleased with this country, he rented a house in 
Trenton, New Jersey, where he remained until the July 
following. He then purchased an estate in Bucks 
county, near Philadelphia, of about two hundred acres, 
called " La Petite France." 

" Wishing to become a citizen of the United States, 
he made his first declaration on the Yth day of July, 
1787, and eventually obtained his certificate of natu- 
ralization. 

•' The climate of this country not agreeing with his 
wife, he accompanied her to France, the 17th of Octo- 
ber, 1789, with his two sons, and returned alone to Phil- 
adelphia, the 17th of February following. 

'^ He was among the first who introduced merino 
sheep into the United States, having imported a pair 
from Spain, in 1789, which he presented to Robert 



180 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

Morris. The}' were sent from Cad^z bj the iiouse of Le 
Coiiteulx — not without great difficulty and risk, as the 
Spanish government had forbidden their exportation, un- 
der severe penalties. 

"Having arranged his business with Mr. Morris, and 
being fond of traveling, he set out on horse-back, accom- 
panied with a servant, and visited the greater part of 
the United States. This occupied him two years, a part 
of which time he spent among various tribes of Indians, 
for the purpose of studying their manners and customs. 
During this sojourn among the Indians, he was adopted 
by the Senecas. He wrote an interesting journal of his 
travels, wdiich, unfortunately, has been lost. 

" After finishing his travels, he established himself in 
business at Albany, in the spring of 1795, where he con- 
tinued to reside for many years. 

" He set out in the month of September, 1800, with a 
large quantity of merchandize, destined for Detroit, 
where he had determined to reside, in case he found it a 
good market for his goods. 

" The usual route of travel to Detroit, at that early 
period, was by way of Fort Niagara, Fort George and 
Queenston, to Chippewa and Fort Erie, where shipping 
could be obtained direct to Detroit. 

" On landing at Fort George, on the 7th day of Octo- 
ber, 1800, he was arrested by the English, on suspicion 
of being a French spy, and sent (a prisoner) to Quebec, 
where he endured a rigorous captivity from the 4th day 
of November, 1800, until the 29th day of July, 1802, 
when he was released, in consequence of the ratification 
of peace between Great Britain and France. 

" During his detention, strenuous exertions were made 



MR. LOUIS STEPIiEN LE COUTEULX. 181 

by his frieuds to procure his release, and the government 
of the United States in vain claimed his discharge as an 
American citizen. 

" His affairs experienced sad derangement during his 
long captivity; but, with what he could save from the 
wreck of his fortune, he soon after purchased, from the 
Holland Company, several lots in the then village of. 
New Amsterdam (now Buffalo). 

'' Mr. Le Couteulx came to reside in Buffalo in the 
year 1804. Soon after, he employed some Canadians to 
construct him a frame house, opposite ]Mr. Crow's, on 
the site of the building now known as the ' Le Couteulx 
Block,' in which he lived until the burning of Buffalo, 
with his second wife, whom he married a short time after 
his release from his captivity. 

"He was. soon after employed by the Holland Com- 
j)any as an agent for the sale of their lands in Buffalo 
and its vicinity, and was appointed first Clerk of Niaga- 
ra county, the 26th of March, 1808, which office he con- 
tinued to hold until the war of 1812. He then removed 
to Alban}', where he had still a small property, and re- 
established himself in business in that city. 

"He received the appointment of Forage Master, in 
the service of tlie United States, towards the close of the 
late war, which he held until June, 1815. 

"He was elected Sergeant-at-Arms by the Constitu- 
tional Convention of 1S21, and also by the New York 
Senate. 

" He soon after returned to Buffalo, where he resided 
until his death, which occurred October, IGth, 1839, at 
the age of eighty-four 3'ears. His wife had died the 
year previous. 



182 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

" Thus have we sketched the promiuent events of the 
life of Louis Stephen Le Couteulx, one of the earliest 
pioneers of Buffalo. 

"He died regretted by all who were capable of appre- 
ciating his good qualities. As a private citizen, no one 
was more w^orthj of the general esteem and considera- 
tion in which he was held. He was a kind father, 
aflPectionate husband, and firm friend. He was honest 
beyond suspicion. As a Catholic, he strictly observed 
all the requirements of his religion, and especially those 
of the Gospel, which induced him to regard all the un- 
fortunate as his brethren, and to afford them assistance 
without reference to their i-eligion. In the discharge of 
"his public duties, he was distinguished for his integrity, 
his zeal and his affability. 

" Although a foreigner by birth, no one excelled him 
in love of his adopted country, or more highly appreci- 
ated its institutions, and he was ever ready to sacrifice 
his personal interest for the general good. Some proofs 
of this may be found in the donations he has made to 
the city of Buffalo, and otlier corporations, for benevo- 
lent purposes. He was the founder of St. Louis Church, 
erected by the Catholics, on a large lot fronting on Main 
street, in the city of Buffalo, which he presented to the 
Bishop of New York and his successors m office for that 
purpose, and for the construction of which he con- 
tributed a large share of the funds. He also gave an- 
other lot to the L'ish Catholic congregation, on which 
they have recently erected a church. 

" Li acknowledgment of these benevolent acts, and to 
perpetuate his memory, the Common Council of the 
City of Buffalo procured his portrait to be painted, a 



MR, LOUIS STEPKEN LE COUTEULX. "183 

short time before his death, and have pLaced it among 
those of the Mayors of tlie city, in the Common Council 
Chamber." 

Mr. Le CouteuLx was the local agent and confidential 
correspondent of Mr. Ellicott, in Bufhilo, for several years, 
and his letters to Mr. Ellicott are marked with the pecu- 
liar characteristics of the writer. He was a gentleman 
of the old school, and a Frenchman in his manners and 
address. He acted as clerk of the county in the old 
â– county of Niagara, at a very early period, and the beauty 
of his chirography has scarcely been equaled by any 
incumbent of the office since. He purchased Inner Lot 
No. 4, and kept a small drug store. This lot was con- 
veyed by deed of the Holland Land Company to his wafe 
in 1815, and a portion of it still remains the property of 
bis descendants. 

It could scarcely be otherwise, than that a man of such a 
gentle, genial spirit should be universally beloved . and 
respected, and his memory cherished in the recollection 
of all who knew him. 

The following notice of Buffalo in 1806, is from Mr. 
David Mather, and is copied from Turner's Holland 
Purchase : 

" I settled in Bufiiilo, in 1806. There were then six- 
teen dwelling houses, principally frame ones ; eight of 
them were scattered along on Main street, three of them 
were on the terrace, three of them on Seneca street, and 
two of them on Cayuga street. There were two stores — 
one the ' contractors,' on the corner of Main and 
Seneca streets, kept by Vincent Grant, on the east side 
â– of Main street. The other was the store of Samuel Pratt, 



184: HISTORY OF BUFFALO, 

adjoining Crow's tavern. Mr. Le Couteulx kept a drug 
store in part of his house, on (the north side of ) Crow 
street. David Rees's Indian blaclcsmith shop was on 
Seneca street, and William Robbins had a blacksmith 
shop on Main street. John Crow kept a tavern where 
the Mansion House now stands, and Judge Barker kept 
one on the site of the Market. I remember very well 
the arrival of the first public mail that ever reached Buf- 
falo. It was brought on horseback by Ezra Metcalf,. 
He came to my blacksmith shop and got his horse shod. 
He told me he could carry the contents of his (mail) bag 
in his two hands." 

MR. DATID REESE. 

Mr. David Reese probably came to Buffalo in the em- 
ployment of the Government as the Indian blacksmith. 
It had been the custom to furnish the Indians a black- 
smith, or gunsmith to repair their guns, axes, hatchets,, 
hoes, steel traps and other iron implements which their 
intercourse with the whites had introduced among them» 
In 1806, Mr. Reese purchased Outer Lot, No. 1T6, on 
Seneca street and built his blacksmith shop on the corner 
of AVashington and Seneca streets, where the Post Office 
now stands, and where Mr. Pratt began his improvement 
the year before. This shop was a frame building, one 
story high, painted red, and has historic importance as 
being one of the two buildings not burned by the British 
in the war of 1812, and it served as a shelter for tlie 
wounded on that occasion, and some of the bodies of tlie 
killed were taken to that building before interment. 

Mr. Reese built his dwelling upon the opposite corner of" 



MR. DAVID REESE. 185 

Seneca street, on Outer Lot, No. 93, apart of John- 
ston's lot. It is said this lot was given him by the In- 
dians, or by Johnston, Mr. Keese continued to carry on 
his blacksmith shop after the settlement of the village of 
Buffalo, and up to about 1823, when it went into other 
hands. The old blacksmith shop stood for ten or fifteen 
years after the w^ar, the marks of which it bore in numer- 
(HTS bullet holes through the clapboards which constituted 
its covering. 

In 1815, Mr. Reese had an unfortunate collision with 
"Young King," then a principal chief of the Senecas, 
residing at Buffalo Creek. Reese with others was return- 
ing from cutting grass upon the south side of Buffalo 
Creek, when they met an Indian, (probably intoxicated) 
for whom Reese had promised to do some small job of 
w^ork in his blacksmith shop ; in the dispute which fol- 
lowed, Reese struck the Indian with his hand or fist, 
which felled him to the ground. At this moment Young 
King rode up on horseback, and sharply remonstrated 
with Reese for what he had done, which exasperated him 
to such a degree, that he threatened to serve Young 
King the same way; upon which. Young King having 
dismounted, struck Reese on the head with a stick or club, 
upon which Reese seized a scythe in the hands of a 
bystander and struck Young King a severe blow across 
the arm nearly severing it from his body. The arm M-as 
amputated the following day ; Reese was prosecuted for 
the maiming, but through the influence of mutual friends 
the matter was submitted to arbitration, as appears by 
the following agreement : 

" Whereas, divers controversies have existed and do 
now exist, between David Reese, of Buffalo, and Young 



186 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

King, a Seneca Indian, of and concerning a certain 
assault and batterj, or mayhem alledged to have been 
committed on the said Young King by the said David, 
and whereas the said parties are anxious to finally settle 
and determine the same : 

"Therefore, be it known that we, the said David and 
Young King, do hereby agree to submit, all and singular, 
the things touching the said assault and battery, or 
mayhem, to Augustus Porter, Joshua Gillett and Jonas 
Williams, Esquires, arbitrators, by the said parties, in- 
differently chosen, and to abide by any award or decision 
that shall be made by the said arbitrators, or any two of 
them, concerning the said controversy, so the said award 
be in writing under the hands and seals of the said arbi- 
trators, or any two of them, ready to be delivered by the 
25th day of November, instant. 

In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands 
â– the twenty -third day oi November, 1815. 

DAYID REESE, 
YOUNG KING. 



CHAPTErt X, 



ORIGIN OF AMERICAN COMMERCE AND NAVIGATION ON THE 

LAKES. 

Among the early chapters of this work we have given 
the account of the building of the first vessel that ever 
navigated Lake Erie, and a brief description of her first, 
(and as it pi-oved, lier last), voyage, for she never returned 
from her trip to Mackinac, but was lost in Lake Huron, 
with all on board. 

"We have no account of any other vessels being built 
by the French, but soon after the surrender of Niagara 
by the French to the English, they began the construc- 
tion of vessels for the purposes of war, as well as of 
commerce upon the lakes. There were probably more 
than one built at Navy Island, in the Niagara Kiver. 
The English had several vessels upon Lake Erie in 1791, 
as we learn from Proctor's journal, and in 1Y96 they had 
quite a number of war and merchant vessels, as appears 
from the following from Mr. AVeld's account of a few 
days' sojourn at Fort Erie, in the autumn of that year : 

" Fort Erie stands on the eastern extremity of Lake 
Erie. It is a small stockade fort, similar to that at Chip- 
peway, and adjoining it are extensive stores, as at Chip- 
peway, and about half a dozen miserable little dwellings. 

" On arriving there, I had no difiiculty in discovering 
my companions (who had preceded him, in a boat, from 



188 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Chippewa). I found tliera lodged in a small log house, 
which contained but the one room, and just sitting 
down to supper, they had procured through the 
assistance of a gentleman in the Indian department, who 
had accompanied them from Chippeway. This habitation 
was the property of an old woman, who, in her younger 
days, had followed the drum, and now gained a livli- 
hood by accommodating, to the best of her power, such 
travelers as passed by Fort Erie. A sorry habitation it 
was ; the crazy door was ready to drop off the hinges, 
and in all the three windows of it, not one pane of glass 
was there — a young gentleman from Detroit having 
amused himself, whilst detained in the place by contrary 
winds, some little time before our arrival, with sliooting 
arrows through them. It is not likely that these win- 
dows would be speedily repaired, for no glazier was to 
be met with nearer than Newark, thirty -six miles dis- 
tant. Here, as we lay folded in our skins on the floor, 
the rain beat in upon us, and the wind whistled about 
our ears, but this was not the worst. In the morning, 
we found it a difficult matter to get wherewith to satisfy 
our hunger. Dinner was more difficult to be had than 
breakfast — supper, than dinner. There seemed to be a 
greater scarcity of provisions, also, the second day than 
there was on the first. 

"At last, fearing that we should be famished if we re- 
mained longer under the care of old mother Palmer, we 
embarked at once on board the vessel of war in which 
we intended to cross the lake, where although sometimes 
tossed about by the contrary, raging winds, we had com 
fortable berths and fared sum])tuously every day. 

"Ships lie opposite to Fort Eric, at tlie distance of 
about one hundred yards Irom tlie sliore. They are 



ORIGIN OB- LAKE COMMERCE — MR. WELD's ACCOUNT. 189 

there exposed to the violence of the westerly winds, but 
the anchorage is excellent, and they ride in perfect 
safety. 

" Three vessels of war, of about two hundred tons, 
and carrying from eight to twelve guns each, besides 
two or three merchant vessels, lay wind-bound whilst we 
remained here. 

" The little fort, with the surrounding houses, built un 
the rocky shore — the vessels lying at anchor before it — 
the rich woods — the distant hills on the opposite side of 
the lake, and the vast lake itself, extending to the far- 
thest part of the horizon — altogether formed an interest- 
ing scene. 

" Whilst we were detained here by contrary winds, 
we regularly went on shore, after breakfast, to take a 
ramble in the woods. Oftentimes, also, we amused our- 
selves with the diversion of hunting scpiirrels, with dogs, 
amongst the shrubs and young trees on the borders of 
the lake, thousands of which animals are found in the 
neighborhood of the fort. The squirrels, alarmed by the 
barking of the dogs, leap from tree to tree with wonder- 
ful swiftness. You follow them closely, shaking the 
trees and striking against the branches with poles. 
Sometimes they will lead you a chase of a quarter of a 
mile or more ; but, sooner or later, terrified by your at- 
tentive pursuit, make a false leap and come to the 
ground. The dogs, ever on the watch, then seize the op- 
portunity to lay hold of them. Frequently, however, the 
squirrels will elude their repeated snaps and mount an- 
other tree l)efore you can look around you. I have sel- 
dom known them to be hurt by their fall, notwithstand- 
ing!; that I iiave manv times seen them tumble from 



190 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

branches of trees upwards of twenty feet tVom the 
ground. 

" In our rambles we used frequently to fall in with 
parties of Seneca Indians from the opposite side of the 
lake, amusing themselves with hunting and shooting 
these animals. They shot them principally with bows 
and blow-guns, at the use of which last, the Senecas are 
wonderfully expert. The blow-gun is a narrow tube com- 
monly about six feet in length, made of a cane reed, or 
of some pithy wood, through which they drive short, 
slender arrows by the force of the breath. The al'i'ows 
are not much thicker than the low string of a violin ; 
they are headed generally with little tri-angular bits of 
tin, and round the opposite ends for the length of about 
two inches, a quantity of the down of thistles, or some- 
thing very like it, is bound so as to leave the arrow at this 
part of such a thickness that they may but barely pass 
into the tube. The arrow is put into the end of the tube 
that is held next to the mouth ; the down catches the 
breath, and with a smart puif they will fly to the dis- 
tance of fifty yards. I have followed young Seneca 
Indians whilst shooting with blow-guns, for hours together, 
during which time I have never known them to miss 
their aim at the distance of ten or fifteen yards, although 
they shot at the little red squirrels, which are not half 
the size of a rat, and with such wonderful force used 
they to blow forth the arrows, that they frequently 
drove them up to the very thistle down, through the 
heads of the largest black squirrels. The eflfect of these 
guns appears at first like magic. The tube is put to 
the mouth, and in the twinkling of an eye you see the 
squirrel that is aimed at fall lifeless to the ground; no 



ORIGIN OF LAKE COMMEKCE JUDGE POKTEK S TxiPER. 191 

report, not the smallest noise even, is to be heard, nor is 
it possible to see the arrow, so quickly does it fly, until 
it appears fastened in the body of the animal." 

The following paper, written by the late Judge Augus- 
tus Porter, gives the best account of the origin of Amer- 
ican commerce, upon Lake Erie, and the upj)er lakes, 
and is inserted in full, as worthy of preservation : 

" I have resided in Western New York since the spring 
of 1789, and on the Niagara Eiver since the spring of 
1S06» I first visited Lake Erie and Niagara River, in 
1795, and from an early period till within the last thirty 
years, have been more or less interested in the navigation 
of the lakes. 

" It is well-known that the military posts of Oswego, 
Niagara, Detroit and Mackinac were not surrendered to 
the United States until the fore part of the year 1796, 
under Jay's Treaty. Boats had not been permitted to 
pass Oswego into Lake Ontario, and as no settlements of 
importance had been made previous to that time on the 
American shores of the lakes, (excepting the old French 
settlements in the neighborhood of these ports, and they 
were under the influence and jurisdiction of the British 
government), no vessels were required and of course none 
were built, 

"In August, 1795, 1 left Canandagua, in company with 
Mr. Judah Colt, on a journey to Presque Isle, Pennsyl- 
vania, (where Mr. Colt afterwards settled). The country 
west of Genesee River, excepting a tract twelve miles in 
width, extending from opposite Avon, along the river to 
its mouth, had not then been purchased by the Indians, 
and no roads opened. We of course followed the Indian 
trail to Butfalo. 



192 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

" At that time the only residents at that place, so far 
as I recollect were William Johnston, the British Indian 
interpreter, whose house stood on the site of the present 
Mansion House, an Indian trader named Winnee, a negro 
named Joe*, also a trader, both of whom resided on the 
flats near the mouth of Buffalo Creek, and a Dutchman, 
by the name of Middaugh, with a family, who resided 
some forty or fifty rods east of Johnston's. 

" A large portion of the ground now occupied by your 
beautiful city was then an unbroken wilderness. By 
advice of Mr. Johnston we concluded to go down to 
Chippewa, Upper Canada, to take passage in a small 
sail boat, and row boat owned by Capt. William Lee, 
with which he made several voyages to Presque Isle, 
(where settlements were just commencing) and had 
taken up the family of Mr. Reed, the father of Mr. 
Rufus S. Reed. Capt. Lee had no crew engaged and 
only made trips when he could obtain passengers enough 
able and willing to work their passage. Mr. Colt, Mr. 
Joshua Fairbanks of Lewiston and myself joined Capt. 
Lee. Leaving our horses at Chippewa, we set out on our 
voyage and reached our destination in safety. 

" We found several families commencing their settle- 
ment at Erie, and a j)arty of surveyors laying out the 
town, under the protection of a company of Pennsyl- 
vania militia, commanded by Gen. Irvine of Carlisle. 
While we remained, we enjoyed the liospitality of Col. 
Reed, in his marquee, his house not being ready to 
occupy. 

" Without entering into further details, I will merely 



•'Ili.s name was J()hp],1i Hodge 



ORIGIN OF LAEE COMMERCE — JUDGB PORTER's P.U'ER. 193 

add that we had a safe and pleasant passage back to 
Chippewa, and Mr. Colt and myself crossed the Niagara 
at Queenston, on our return home. At that time, I am 
not aware that a single vessel was owned on the United 
States side of the Lakes, and I remember that Capt. Lee, 
who would have known, informed me that there were 
none. 

" In 1796, I was employed by the Connecticut Land 
Company, to survey the Western Eeserve, and I pre- 
pared to go on, early in the season, with some other sur- 
veyors and a party of men to perform the work. At 
Schenectad}'', we fitted out three batteaux, manned with 
four hands each, with the necessary articles for the expe- 
dition, such as tents, blankets, cooking utensils, groceries, 
<fec., &c., with a quantity of dry goods designed as pres- 
ents for the Indians. 

" These boats were put under the eye of Mr. Joshua 
Stow, uncle of Judge Stow, of Buffalo. Understanding 
that the military posts of Oswego rxnd Niagara, were to 
be given up to the United States early this spring, under 
a stipulation in Jay's Treaty, Mr. Stow took the route by 
way of Oswego and Niagara, to Queenston. 

" On his arrival at Oswego, that port had not been 
surrendered, and the boats were not permitted to pass. 
Determined not to be delayed, Mr. Stow took the boats a 
mile or two up the river, and the night following, ran 
them past the fort into the lake, and pursued his voyage, 
and before he reached Niagara, that port had passed into 
the possession of our troops. 

"He landed at Queenston, had his boats and lading 
taken to Chippewa, where he took in provisions to com- 
plete his cargos, whicli had been purchased at Canandai- 
13 



194 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

gua, and forwarded by way of Irondequoit and the lake, 
in open boats, and arrived a day or two before. At Buf- 
falo, he was met b}^ others of the party, who had came 
on by land. Among these, Gen, Moses Cleveland, one 
of the directors of the Connecticut Land Company, (from 
whom the city of Cleveland took its name), who by way 
of securing the good will of the Indians to the expedi- 
tion, held a council and distributed presents among them. 

" The expedition went on from here, part by boats_ and 
part by land, with pack horses, and arrived at the mouth 
of Coneaut Creek, on the 4:th of July, 1796, and cele- 
brated the day. The party then consisted of fifty-two 
persons. 

" At this time we ascertained there was not a white 
person residing on the Keserve, excepting a French fam- 
ily, just within the mouth of Sandusky Bay. 

" One of our boats was employed during the season in 
bringing up provisions from Chippewa ; and in October, 
on her up trip, was wrecked in a gale oif the mouth of 
Chetauque Creek, and Tinker, the master, drowned. 

" No American vessels had yet been built, and some 
of the baggage and stores for the troops at Detroit had 
been transported from "Western Pennsylvania, by the 
contractor, Gen. O'Hara, up the valley of the Big 
Beaver and through the wilderness, to Detroit, on pack- 
horses. 

" One of the horses, that had strayed from the cara- 
van, and brande>l with the letters ' O. H.,' was taken up 
by one of onr surveying parties, far up the river on the 
Eeserve. 

"The first America ! craft that I know of as navi- 
gating Lake Ontario, was a Schenectady batteaux, fitted 



OKIGIN OF LAKE COMMERCE JUDGE PORTER S PAPER. 195 

out for a trading expedition to Canada, in 17S9, by John 
Fellows, of Sheffield, Massachusetts — its cargo mostly 
tobacco and tea. On arriving at the Oswego river, he 
ascertained that he would not be permitted to pass the 
British post at Oswego, and he manifested no little in- 
genuity and enterprise in overcoming the difficulty. He 
took his boat up the outlet of Canandaigua (lake), to what 
is now called -Clyde, where he built a small log 
house, (long known as the block house) to store his goods 
mitil he cleared out a sled road to Sodus Bay, whither he 
transported boat and goods, and pursued his voyage ; 
and, by the aid of some secret friends, disposed of his 
cargo to great advantage, and brought his boat back to 
Irondequoit Creek and sold it to a man by the name of 
Lusk, who had that year began a settlement at that 
place. 

" In 1798, a small schooner of thirty tons, in which I 
had an interest, was built at Ilanford's Landing, on the 
Genesee river, about three miles below Rochester, by 
Eli Granger, and called the Jemima. 

" Between the years 1796 and 1800, (I am imable to 
particularize the year) the schooner Gen. Tracy was built 
at Detroit, and in August, 1808, purchased by Porter, 
Barton & Co., and thoroughly repaired, and on her 
second or third trip, was wrecked on the Fort Erie reef, 
in 1809. 

" The brig Adams, a government vessel, was built 
about the same time as the Gen. Tracy, and was sailed 
by Capt. Brevoort for a number of years. She was built 
at Detroit. 

" A small vessel, called the Good Intent, was built at 
Presque Isle by Capt. Wm. Lee, and I believe was 



196 IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

partly, and perhaps wholly, owned hj Rufus S. Reed. 
She, I think, was built about 1800, and was wrecked near 
Point Abiuo in 1805. 

" In 1802 or '3, the schooner Gen. Wilkesou, of sev- 
enty tons, was built at Detroit, and, in 1811, thoroughly 
repaired and her name changed to the Amelia. One 
half of her was purchased of Solomon Sibley by Porter, 
Barton & Co., in 1811. She was sold to the United 
States during the war. 

" In the winter of 1S02-3, the schooner Contractor 
was built at Black Rock, by the company having the 
government contracts for the supply of the military 
posts, under the superintendence of Capt. Wm. Lee, by 
whom she was sailed until 1809, and afterwards by 
Capt. James Beard. 

" In 1803-i, a small sloop called the Niagara, of about 
thirty tons, was built at Cayuga Creek, on the Niagara 
River, by the United States government, but not put in 
commission. She was purchased by Porter, Barton & 
Co., in 1806, and her name changed to the Nancy, and 
sailed by Capt. Richard O'Neil. 

" In 1806, the schooner Mary, of one hundred and 
five tons, was built at Erie by Thos. "Wilson, and pur- 
chased, the one-half by James Rough and George 
Bueshler, and the other half by Porter, Barton & Co., in 
1808, and sailed by Capt. Rough until the war, and then 
sold to the United States. 

" In 1808, Porter, Barton & Co. purchased the schoon- 
er Ranger of George "Wilber, then several years old. 
She was repaired and sold by Capt. ILathaway. 

" In 1810, the sloop Erie was built at Black Rock by 
Porter, Barton & Co., and sold to the United States in 
time of the war. 



MR. JOHN DESPAK — JUDGE TUPPER. 107 

" The schooner Salina, sailed by Capt. Dobbins, and 
the schooner Eleanor — and probably others that I do not 
recollect — were built and sailed before the war ; but I 
am unable to say when they were built or by whom 
owned. 

" Messrs. Eufus S. Reed, Bixby and Murray, of Erie, 
and others whose names I do not recollect, built and owned 
vessels on the lake. Mr. Reed was largely interested in 
transporting over to "Waterford and Pittsburgh. '•' ''• 

" A number of vessels on both lakes, owned and 
armed during the war by the United States, were after- 
wards sold and employed in the commerce of the lakes." 

Mr. John Despar, a Frenchman, came to Buffalo 
about the same time as David Reese, and probably was 
employed to furnish the Indians with bread. He was 
the first baker in Buffalo, and is undoubtedly the person 
spoken of by Seneca "White. Despar's bakery was upon 
Johnston's lot, a little south of Reese's dwelling house, 
on what is now Washington street. lie, like Reese, was 
probably permitted to build there by Johnston. 

Despar remained in Buffalo until after the war of 
1812, pursuing his business as a baker. Becoming quite 
dissipated in his habits, he removed a little out of town. 
He purchased Outer Lot 'No. f 1, in 1807. He removed 
to a lot on what is now High street, after 1820, where he 
died soon atter. 

Judge Samuel Tupper was an early settler in Buffalo. 
He purchased Inner Lot Iso. 7, in 1805 He had settled 
here a little previous to that time, it is probable. He 
took up Outer Lot No. 17 in 1808, and built a house 
upon the corner of Tupper and Main streets. He was 



198 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

appointed a Judge at an early period, and it is believed 
be held the office until his death, in December, 1817. 
He had no children. An adopted daughter of his be- 
came the wife of Mr. Manly Colton, who occupied the 
old homestead many yeai's after the death of Judge 
Tnpper. 

Mr. Vincent Grant was an early merchant, or trader, 
in Buffalo. lie probably came here in 1805, and kept 
what was called the " Contractors' Store." He pur- 
chased Inner Lot ]N"o. 8, in 1808, and built a store upon 
it, which was burned, with the rest, when Buffalo was 
burned. After the war, he re-built a cheap building 
upon the old foundation, on the corner of Main and Sen- 
eca streets — south side of Seneca and east side of Main. 
He continued there until after 1820, and died a few years 
after, at an advanced age, leaving no family. 

Judge Zenas Barker, came to Buffalo, prior to 1807, as 
it appears from the books of the Holland Land Com- 
pany, that he took up Outer Lots, ISTos. 76 and 77, July 
1st, 1807. 

Judge Barker kept tavern at a very early period, on 
the Terrace, near where John Palmer had kept before 
him. His house was on the corner of Main street and 
the Terrace. Mr. Barker had a large femily of children. 
One of his sons, Jacob A. Barker, Esq., continued to 
reside in this city up to the time of his death, in 1859. 
He was well and favorably knowm among our business 
men, particularly upon the dock, being for a long time 
engaged in the commerce of the lakes. He possessed 
public confidence and respect in an eminent degree, hav- 
ing been frequently lionored with the confidence of the 
peo])le, by being elected to offices of trust and distinction, 



JUDGE WALDEN. 19'9 

among which was his election to represent the county in 
the Legislature of the State, which office he filled with 
credit to himself and the satisfaction of his constituents. 

A daughter of Judge Barker became the wife of Major 
John G. Camp, who was an officer of distinction in the 
army of the United States, in 1812 ; he subsequently 
settling in Buffalo. Another daughter married the son 
of William Johnston, as has already been stated ; another 
married Capt. Hull, of the army of 1812, and another 
became the wife of Mr. Lyon. Mrs. O. G. Steele, it is 
believed, is the only descendant of Judge Barker, now 
living in Buflalo. 

Judge Ebenezer Walden, was the first lawyer in Buf- 
falo. He came here in 1806, bringing the following let- 
ter of introduction to Mr. Granger : 

" Batavia, Sept. 23d, 1806. 
" Deae Sik: — Permit me to recommend to your par- 
ticular attention, Mr. "Walden, the bearer of this — a 
young gentleman with whom I have long been ac- 
quainted — a correct scholar, liberally educated, an attor- 
ney in the Supreme Court, and a gentleman who will be 
quite an accession to your society at Buffalo Creek. He 
is a stranger in your country ; any attentions paid him 
will be a favor done to your friend and 

" Humble servant, 
" D. B. BROWN. 
" Erastus Granger, Esq., Buffalo." 

He immediately entered upon the practice of his pro- 
fession, in Buffalo, and for some years was the only 
licensed attorney, west of Batavia, in Western New 



200 inSTOKT OF BUFFALO. 

York. He purchased Inner Lots Nos. 12 and 13, for 
which he received a deed, in ISIO. He subsequently 
became the purchaser of other lots, most or all of which he 
retained. So remarkable was he in this respect, that it 
became a common remark that he was never known to 
sell a lot. He married in 1812, and had several children. 
Two only survives him, Mr. James Walden, of Ham- 
burgh, Erie county, and Mrs. Col. Myer, of the United 
States Army. He was appointed Judge in 1823, and 
held the office of Mayor of the city during one term, 
and died in 185T. 

Judge Walden was greatly respected and honored 
through a long and active life. Perhaps it is not too much 
to say that no man stood higher in the public estimation, 
. during the whole period of his residence in Buffalo, which 
extended from 1806 to a few years before his death, when 
he removed to his farm in the country, where his son and 
widow now reside. He accumulated a large fortune, 
chiefly by the enhancement of the value of the real estate he 
held in Buffalo, to retain which, he led a life of laborious 
industry and the most rigid economy, while at the same 
time, his house was the seat of refined and generous 
hospitality. 

He has left a record that should satisfy the ambition of 
any man — that of a gentleman of learning and intelli- 
gence, a man of perfect honor and integrity, a true friend 
fulfilling all the relations of life with fidelity, ever exerting 
a conservative influence in favor of law, religion and 
morality, contributing both by his example and his means 
to the establishment and perpetuation of all the institu- 
tions which go to build up intelligent civil society, based 
upon the great principles of christian morality and reli- 
gion. 



- MR. ELIJAH LEECH. 201 . 

Mr. Elijah Leech came to Buffalo in ISOo or 6. He 
married a daughter of Capt. Samuel Pratt ; was engaged 
in mercantile business with his brother-in-law, Mr, Sam- 
uel Pratt, Jun., for a time. lie purchased Inner Lot, 
1:^0. 46, in 1807, and subsequently bought Outer Lots, 
47, 4S, 49, 50, near the toll bridge. Fie built a dwelling 
on the south side of Buffalo Creek, at the old Perry, where 
he resided many years. 

Mr. Leech was a man of character and influence. He 
held various town and county offices, being clerk of the 
county one term. He was one of the founders of the 
"Washington street Baptist Society. He removed from 
Buffalo to Clarence Hollow, where he died. He was 
greatly respected, and died lamented by a large circle of 
friends and acquaintances. He left children ; none, how- 
ever, remain in Buffalo. 



CHAPTER XI 



"We have spoken of most of the prominent settlers in 
Buifalo, who were here prior to 1807. It is time to say 
something of the eiforts of those early settlers to reduce 
to order the discordant social elements around them. 
There were, of course, other individuals here besides 
those we have named, but they do not seem to have come 
with any fixed purjDOse of making this their permanent 
abode. 

There had always been numbers of white men, who 
from one motive or another, followed and attached them- 
selves to the Indians ; sometimes as traders, sometimes 
as trappers, and as it had always been the custom of the 
Six Nations to encourage the amalgamation of their peo- 
ple with the whites, many of these men married (after 
the Indian mode) Indian wives and raised families of 
children. So long and persistently had this custom been 
persevered in, that the saying became proverbial, that a 
full blood Indian could not be found among them. It is 
easy to see that this half-and-half element found here by 
the first settlers from New England, was more difficult 
to deal with, than if it had been of a purely savage, or 
uncivilized character. But with characteristic Yankee 
forecast, wisdom, energy and enterprise, they invoked 
the aid of those instrumentalities which they had seen 



FIRST SCHOOL HOUSE IN BUFFALO. 203 

SO successfully employed by their fathers in their New 
England homes, and under which they had received their 
training. These were schools, and churches. 

We have seen that as early as 1801, " the inhabitants 
of Buffalo" applied to Mr. Ellicott, the agent of the 
owners of the soil, for a lot upon which to build a school 
house. This was promptly granted by Mr. Ellicott, as we 
see by his journal, that immediately on receiving the ap- 
plication, he started for New Amsterdam " to lay oif a lot 
for a school house, the inhabitants offering to build one 
at their own expense." This school house was built prob- 
ably in 1802 or 3, by subscription, as in the controversy 
about the money paid by the general government for 
this school house which was burned in 1812-13, a claim 
was set up, that the money belonged to those who con- 
tributed to the original expense of erecting the school 
house, of whom Doctor Chapin claimed that he was th e 
chief. 

As has been already stated, this school house stood on 
the west side of Pearl street, below Swan street. It was 
probably Father Holmes, (as he was familiarly called) 
through whom the offer to furnish a school teacher by 
the Missionary Society was made. It is a little uncer- 
tain who was the first teacher in this school house. A 
son of the Rev. Mr. Holmes, who had just finished a col- 
legiate course of study, is spoken of as an early teacher 
in this school. Ilanchett, Tomlinson, and Callender all 
taught in it before the war, and it is likely some others. 
It was usual for both young men and women, from the 
neighboring towns to attend this school, which was con- 
sidered to be of a higher order than any taught in the 
surrounding country. There are men still living in the 



204 , HISTORY OF BrFFALO. 

county of Erie, who ] eceived their education, or a good 
part of it, in this school ; men too, who have occupied 
high and responsible positions in society, and have ac- 
quitted themselves well in those positions. 

This school house also served as a place of public 
worship. It will be seen by reference to Mr. EUicott's 
journal, that as early as in January, 1801, the Eev. Elka- 
nah Holmes was here as a Missionary to the Indians, 
and "preached for the inhabitants of New Amsterdam." 
There was here about the same time, as appears by Mr. 
EUicott's journal, another Missionary, of the name of Pal- 
mer, who appears to have been sent out by the Dutch 
Reformed Church. He was sent especially to the Dutch 
settlements upon the head waters of the Susquehannah, 
in 1796-98. He probably only visited Buffalo at the 
j^eriod mentioned. Mr. Holmes is therefore entitled to 
be considered the first preacher in Buffalo. lie was fol- 
lowed by other missionaries who visited Buffalo at differ- 
ent times, but without any permanent stay. Meetings 
were held in the school house when the services of a min- 
ister of any denomination could be obtained. These 
meetings were generally attended by all the inhabitants 
without distinction of sect or party. 

The following authentic record of the Missions to the 
Six Nations, is from a manuscript letter written by Rev. 
John A. Yinton, Dated Boston, January 15th, 1863. 
As it has not been published, it is thought to be worthy 
of preservation : 

" Tlie first attempt of tlie New York Missionary 
Society to establish a mission among the Senecas was 
made in the year 1811. In that year, the Rev. John 



INDIAN anSSIONS — KEY. MK. VINTON's LETTER. 205 

Alexander and Mr. JabezB, Hjde were sent to the tribe, 
with the hope of forming a permanent missionary station. 
After repeated conferences with the chiefs in council, the 
minister of the gospel was rejected, while the teacher 
was invited to remain and commence a school on the 
Bufialo Creek lieservation, for the children of the 
nation. 

" Mr. Hyde accepted the invitation, and continued in 
the school until 1819, when he was succeeded in the 
school by Mr. James Young, an experienced and pious 
teacher from New York city. 

"Mr. Hyde was subsequently appointed a reader and 
catechist among the Senecas. In that capacity he re- 
sided at the station till March, 1821, when, in conse- 
quence of a new arrangement, his services were no 
longer needed. During all this time, there was no 
church among the Senecas. 

" In November, 1820, these two missionary stations — 
that among the Senecas and that among the Tuscaroras 
— were transferred to the United Foreign Missionary 
Society, a society which had been formed in the city of 
New York, July 28th, 1817, by a union of members of 
three diifcrent evangelical denominations of Christians, 
viz : the Presbyterians, (then one compact body, repre- 
sented in the General Assembly, meeting annually in 
Philadelphia); the Dutch Reformed Church, and the 
Associate Reformed Church. Hence the name of the 
new society. 

" The Hon. Stephen Van Rensselaer, of Albany, was 
President of this Society, while among the Vice Presi- 
dents and Directors we find the names of Col. Henry 
Rutgers and Col. Richard Varick, of New York city ; 



206 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Hon. Jonas Piatt and George Huntington, Esq., ot 
Utica ; Rev. Henry Davis, D. D., President of Hamil- 
ton College, Clinton ; Rev. Henry Dwiglit (afterwards 
H. Dwight, Esq.) of Geneva ; Rev. Hrs. Livingston, 
Alexander, Milledoller, Spring, and many other honored 
names. Among these I find the name of Rev, Miles P. 
Squier, of Buffalo, who, I think, is still living. * * ^ 

" At the time of the transfer of the two mission- 
ary stations already named, the society itself, which sus- 
tained them, merged its existence in the United Foreign 
Missionary Society, as already mentioned. 

'•To complete the transaction, and secure the concur- 
rence of the Indians, as well as to obtain the information 
(necessary) to an intelligent administration, for the future 
of the missionary concerns at the two Reservations, two 
commissioners were appointed to visit those Indian 
tribes. The commissioners were the Rev. Stephen 1^. 
Rowan, President of the New York Missionary Society, 
and the Rev. Paschal N. Strong, Recording Secretary of 
the United Foreign Missionary Society. 

" These gentlemen proceeded to the two Reservations, 
and met the chiefs and warriors of the Indians in 
council — of the Tuscaroras on the lltli of_ December, 
1820, and of the Senecas on the ]4th. The Indians 
readily gave their consent to the transfer, and a new and 
unwonted interest was awakened in behalf of the Chris- 
tian religion. 

" At this time the Rev. J. C. Crane was the mission- 
ary among the Tuscaroras, and the church on their Res- 
ervation consisted of seventeen members. The -whole 
number of that tribe on that Reservation was two hun- 
dred and sixty souls. The Pagan party had removed to 
Canada some time previous. 



INDIAN MISSIONS KEY. MR. VINTON 's LETTER. 207 

" At the same time, (December, 1820) Mr. Jabez B. 
Hyde was catecbist among the Senecas, and Mr. James 
Young, school-master, as above stated. 

" The number of the Senecas does not appear, but 
there was a strong Pagan party among them, who vehe- 
mently opposed the introduction, not only of the gos- 
pel, but of all the arts and decencies of civilized life. 
Nevertheless, the Senecas, Onondagas and Cayugas, at 
the Buffalo Reservation, agreed in council to be placed 
under the care of the United Foreign Missionaiy 
Society, so far as relates to missionary purposes. They 
also requested, on a proposal and explanation of the 
matter by the commissioners, that a faithful minister of 
the gospel might be appointed by the society to reside 
among them, 'to do his duty, and be for that particular 
purpose, and not to be led away by other matters.' 
Even this answer shows the jealousy of the Indians. 

*• On a similar report and explanation, they requested 
to have a feilAale teacher to instruct their daughters in 
knitting, sewing, spinning, weaving, &c., and promised 
to send their children to learn. 

" On the 14:th of December, after the council was ad- 
journed, the commissioners repaired to the house of the 
teacher, Mr. Young, for the purpose of uniting in mar- 
riage the interpreter, Thomas Armstrong, (probably a 
half-breed) and Eebecca Herapferman. There we found, 
among the principal chiefs and warriors of the nation, 
wliu had attended the council, Jonathan Jacket, vounsf- 
e>t sou of the celeljrated chief. Red Jacket. He, as we 
were informed by Thomas, was engaged to a younfii: wo- 
man by the name of Yah-ah-weh, from Cattaraugus^ 
wlio was then distant from Mr. Young's about four miles, 
and he was anxious to have his marriage also solemnized 



"208 HISTOET OF BUFFALO. 

according to the Christian institution, if we would wait 
until he could go and bring her to Mr. Young's. 

"We accordingly delayed the marriage of Thomas 
until Jacket' returned with his bride, when both 
couples were married at once, with the approbation and 
to the satisfaction of the chiefs and warriors present. 

"These marriages were the first ever solemnized in the 
Seneca nation after the Christian manner. 

" Pursuant to the plan of proceeding now arranged, 
the managers of the United Foreign Missionary Society, 
on the 13th September, 1821, appointed as missionary to 
the Senecas — Mr. Thompson S. Harris a licentiate of the 
Presbytery of New Brunswick, who had just finished 
his professional education at the Theological Seminary at 
Princeton. 

" On the 29th of October then ensuing, Mr. Harris 
and his wife arrived at the Seneca Reservation, and 
were cordially welcomed by the chiefs of the tribe. !N"ot 
long after, a church was formed. 

"Two unmarried ladies — Miss Van Patten and. Miss 
Keeve, sent as teachers to the Seneca nation by the 
United Foreign Missionary Society — arrived there in 
June, 1821. 

"In April, 1822, Mr. Wm. A. Thayer, an experienced 
teacher in New York, who, with his wife, was a member 
-of the First Presbyterian Society in that city, departed 
from that city, with his family, and soon after com- 
menced a missionary station, as teacher, at the Seneca 
Reservation at Cattaraugus. This was in pursuance of a 
* talk ' agreed upon by the Senecas in their great council, 
signed by twenty-six chiefs. 

"Mr. Thayer was the father of Miss Mary Jane 



INDIAN MISSIONS. 209 

Thayer, who labored about three years as teacher among 
the Tuscaroras, (1849 to '52) and to whom those Indians 
were greatly attached. 

" In June, 1826, a union was effected between the 
United Foreign Missionary Society and the American 
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. The sev- 
eral missions of the former were transferred, as soon as 
convenient, to the care of the latter. 

" Tlie subsequent history of these missions may be 
learned from the Missionary Herald and the Annual 
Keports of the American Board of Cmmissioners for 
Foreign Missions. '-'" * 

" I will only add that Eev. Asher "Wright, who has 
been a faithful and laborious missionary to the Senecas 
since 1831 till now, was my class-mate, room-mate and 
endeared friend, at Andover. 

"Yours veiy truly, 

" JOHN A. VINTOX." 

Mr. Holmes was a missionary sent out by the " ISTew 
York Missionary Society" to the Indians. The follow- 
ing letter in regard to Mr. Holmes, written by the Secre- 
tary of that Society to Joseph Brant, is copied from 
" Stone's Life of Brant," page 439, vol ii : 

"Kew York, June 16th, ISOl. 
"Sir: — The Directors of the Kew York Missionary 
Society have instructed me to tender you their acknowl- 
edgments for your friendship to their missionary, the 
Rev. Elkanah Holmes. This gentleman, in whose dis- 
cretion and integrity they repose entire confidence, they 
have employed in a second mission to those tribes of In- 
14 



210 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

dians whom your influence particularly effects. The 
purity of their views, embracing the moral and religious 
interest of the Indians, induces them to believe that their 
attempts will not be unacceptable to you ; and your former 
kindness to Mr. Holmes, emboldens them to ask for him 
such countenance and advice as your intimate knowledge 
of Indian affairs, and weight of your opinion in directing 
them, render it expedient for you to give. For your far- 
ther satisfaction in regard to the missionary system, Mr. 
Holmes will present you with a volume containing the 
sermon preached before the Society, and the annual account 
of their procedure ; of which the directors do them- 
selves the pleasure to request their accej^tance. With 
respect, I am sir, 

" Your obedient servant, 
"JOHN M. MASON, Secretary. 
" Capt. Joseph Bkant." 

In a note, it is added, " Mr. Holmes devoted many years 
to Missionary labors among the Indians of whom he took 
his leave about the year 1812. He lived many years 
afterwards, and died at a very advanced age. * * 
His appearance in the latter years of his life was truly 
patriarchal. His hair was long and white, fell down 
upon his shoulders, his manner was remarkably impress- 
ive and his whole demeanor that of one who was ripe 
for heaven. He was a Calvinistic Baptist." 

The occasional visits of the missionaries was all the 
preaching enjoyed by the first settlers in Buffalo. A son 
of the Kcv. Mr. Holmes, married a daughter of Doctor 
Cyrenius Chapin, wliich brought that venerable mission- 
ary here often and it is believed he made Buffalo his res- 
idence for a short period. 



THE INDIAN MISSIONS — FIRST CIIUKCH IN BUFFALO. 211 

This state of things continued until lSll,'wlien the Kev. 
John Alexander and Mr. Jabez B. Hyde were sent to es- 
tablish a mission among the Indians, at Buffalo Creek ; 
the first as a preacher, and the latter as a school master. 
But upon their arrival here, a good deal of opposition to 
the missionary preacher was manifested and after several 
days spent in council, the school teacher was accepted 
but the preacher was rejected. Bed Jacket was the 
leader of the party opposed to the preaching of the gos- 
pel being introduced among the Indians, and it was on 
this occasion that he is said to have delivered the follow- 
ing decision of his people on the subject. 

He said they had listened attentively to what had been 
argued in favor of the religion of the whites, and if it 
would accomplish what those who advocated its introduc- 
tion among them promised, it was very good — if it would 
make them sober, honest, truthful and kind, that was 
very good ; but as they were not fully satisfied on the 
subject, they thought the experiment had better be tried 
on the people in Buffalo, for they w^ere great rascals ; 
they cheated the Indians, they drank a great deal of 
whiskey and caused the Indians to get drunk, and they 
never spoke the truth, and were always quarrelsome. If 
the missonaries would go down and preach to them a 
year, they (the Indians) would see what effect it would 
have upon them, and would then be able to decide what 
was best for them. 

Mr. Hyde being accepted as a teacher remained, and 
identified himself with the professors of religion in Buf- 
falo, and aided in conducting meetings in the absence of 
any one to preach, 

The first church, of any denomination, was organized 



212 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

in February, 1812, bj the Rev. Thaddeus Osgood, the well- 
known itinerant missionary. It is believed to have been 
organized as a Congregational Ciiurch. It consisted of 
twenty-nine members of whom eight were males, and 
twenty-one females. It is the same now known as the 
First Presbyterian Church of Buffalo. After the burn- 
injr of BuflFalo, the Church became scattered : the few 
returning inhabitants however, endeavored to keep up 
their meetings. Their first meeting after their dispersion, 
was in the dwelling house of Deacon Amos Callender, 
afterwards in a part of Landon's Tavern, where the Man- 
sion House now stands, then at a tavern, corner of Hu- 
ron and Main streets, next in a barn on the opposite side 
of Main street, and subsequently in a long room in the 
brick tavern, built by Mr. Gains Kibbe,* then in the 
court house, from there to the district school house on 
J^iagara, a little north of Main street. From this the 
meetings were removed to a small lecture room erected 
on the lot occupied by the present church edifice of the 
society, the present building having been erected by 
the society in 1828. This church was received under the 
care of the Presbytery of Geneva, in 1816, and on the 
division of that Presbytery, it was transferred to the 
Presbytery of Buffalo. 

In the Spring or Summer of 1815, the Rev. Miles P. 
Squier, visited Bufialo as a Missionary, and preached two 
Sabbaths. He soon after returned to New England, but 
came back in the month of November, in accordance 
with the written invitation of the principal citizens of 
Buffalo, and was ordained and installed pastor of the 
â– chuich by the Presbytery of Geneva. This ordination 



The old Eagle Tarern. 



FIRST- RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES IN BrFFALO. 213 

took placG in the barn, corner of Main and Huron street, 
east side of Main and north side of Huron. Mr. Squier 
continued the Pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, 
until 1824, identifying himself with all its interests, 
spiritual and temporal. He became an early purchaser 
of several lots of land, and erected a dwelling on the 
east side of Main street, above Chippewa street, where 
he resided many years. 

Ptev. Gilbert Crawford was the next Pastor of the 
First Presbyterian Church. He remained until 1828, 
and was succeeded by Kev. Sylvester Eaton, who re- 
mained until 183-1, when he was succeeded by Eev, A. 
T. Hopkins who died November 2Tth, 1847. The Eev. 
M. L. K. P. Thompson was next called to the pastorate of 
the Church and he remained until he was succeeded by 
Rev. Walter Clark, the present incumbent. 

Although the two lots upon which the First Presbyte- 
rian Church edifice and St. Paul's Episcopal Church 
stands were originally designated by the Holland Land 
Company, for religious use, they were not regularly 
conveyed to the respective societies until 1820, some- 
time after both those societies had built upon them. St. 
Paul's Church erected a handsome structure, in the 
Gothic style, of wood, some time before the first Pres- 
byterian society erected their brick edifice. This wooden 
building was removed to give place to the present mas- 
sive stone edifice which, when completed, will be an orna- 
ment to the city. 

After the war, and up to 1818, a school was maiii- 
tanied for most of the time, and was kept in such rooms 
as could, from time to time, be obtained. In the winter 
it was kept by male, and in summer by female teachers. 

In 1818, the first organization under the common 



214 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

school law took place, embracing the whole village in 
one district. The first trustees were II. B. Potter, R. B. 
Heacock and Elias Ransom. 

A tax was levied that year (of $554.25) to build a 
school-house. The house was built, but no permanent 
conveyance of a lot was obtained, and the school 
house did not remain long stationary, but was removed 
several times, but was kept in the vicinity of where the 
churches now are — at one time on Niagara street, on 
Mr. Peacock's lot, at another, on the corner of 
Erie and Swan street, and finally on Pearl, above 
Niagara. 

In the mean time, as the population increased and 
more room was required, the district was divided and 
sub-divided, as the public necessities seemed to require- 
Other (or private) schools were also opened, as the want 
of schools of a higher order than the common schools 
seemed to be demanded. Some of these were taught by 
men of superior qualifications. 

A brother of Maj. John G. Camp taught one of these 
schools. Mr. Camp had a high reputation as a teacher 
in all the higher branches of education, and gave great 
satisfaction. 

Deacon Amos Callender occasionally taught school 
(generally in winter) after the burning of Bufialo — some- 
times in the chamber of his own house, on the east side 
of Pearl street, between Swan and Seneca streets. He 
possessed, in a high degree, the confidence of the people, 
and proved a competent and successful teacher. 

The organization of St. Paul's Episcopal Church 
Society is believed to be the next in order, in point of 
time, to the First Presbyterian — having been organized 



EARLY SETTLERS IN TIIE VICINITY OF BUFFALO. 215 

in 1817. Its first Kector was Kev. Samuel Johnson, and 
the following were the Eectors, in the order in which 
their names are' given : 

Kev. William A. Clark, Rev. Deodatus Babcock, Rev. 
Ravarard Karney, Rev. Addison Searle. The present 
incumbent, Rev. Dr. Shelton, was instituted in 1829. 

The First Methodist Church and Society was organ- 
ized by Elder Glezen Fillmore, in 1818. A small church 
was erected that year on Pearl street, opposite to where 
the First Presbyterian Church now stands. The usages 
of that denomination not permitting any permanent settle- 
ment of pastors or ministers, none remained any length of 
time in Buffalo. The Rev. Glezen Fillmore, a relative 
of the Hon. Millard Fillmore, preached in Buffalo per- 
haps oftener than any other preacher of that denomi- 
nation, in the early history of that Church, and his influ- 
ence and labors contributed largely to give the Metho- 
dist denomination the great influence and usefulness it 
has and still continues to exert in our city. 

Besides those mentioned as having settled in Buffalo 
at the period of its history now under consideration, there 
were some others who took up farms in the vicinity of 
Buffalo, who identified themselves more or less with 
those who were settlers in the village proper. 

As the Indian Reservation, the lake and river sur- 
rounded Buffalo on three sides, there was but one direc- 
tion in which settlements could be made. This was upon 
the east ; consequently the early settlements were upon 
what was called the " old Buffalo and Batavia road.'' 
Most of the lands lying upon this road were plains, 
or oak openings, having only a sparse growth of stinted 
timber upon them. It was easily subdued and brought 
tinder cultivation. 



216 niSTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

It being of a limestone formation, the soil proved to 
be excellent for the cultivation of grain, and was taken 
up with avidity by that class of settlers who had agricul- 
ture only in view. Several of the first settlers in the 
village also took up farm lots. Dr. Chapin, the Pratts 
and others, were of the number. 

Samuel Tupper bought Lots JSTo. 27 and 50, Township 
11, Eange 8 ; Joseph "Wells, 'No. 28, also Lot 41, same 
Township and Range ; Frederick Miller, Lots 36 and 
37 ; Zachariah Griffin, Lot No. 43 ; Ebenezer Walden, 
Lot No. 62 ; Joshua Gillett, Lot 51 ; Alvin Dodge, Lot 
54 ; William Hodge, Lot 57 ; Elijah Holt, Lot No. 75 ; 
Daniel Chapin, Lots 66 and 81 ; Rowland Cotton, Lot 
No. 75. 

Several of these purchasers of farm lots were active 
and influential men in aiding to reduce the discordant 
elements of a half-civilized community into something 
like social order. 

Gen. Elijah Holt should be particularly mentioned in 
this connection. His name frequently appears in the 
proceedings (as the chairman) of public meetings, par- 
ticularly those which were held for the purpose of con- 
sidering questions relating to the social, moral and re- 
ligious interests of the community. The task of organ- 
izing society out of such discordant elements, required 
no ordinary degree of moral courage on the part of 
those who were the constituted leaders in the work, and 
this Gen. Holt (for he was thus familiarly called) 
seemed to possess. He was a man of commanding pres- 
ence, of pleasing, dignified address, and apparently well 
qualified to occupy the position assigned him. Some 
of the principal men in Buffalo were, at that time, not 



RESOLUTION OF THE MOKAL SOCIETY OF BUFFALO. 217 

the most perfect examples of morality. Deacon Calleu • 
der observed one of his neighbors engaged in carting his 
hay into the barn, publicly on the Sabbath. He went to 
him and kindly remonstrated with him, but with little 
effect, and it was not until Deacon C. told him he should 
certainly enforce the law against him, that he Unally 
desisted from his work. 

A society was formed of which Gen. Holt was the 
president, and Deacon Callender, Secretary, for the sup- 
pression of vice and immorality, and this society among 
other measures, adopted for the accomplishment of the 
object of its organization, published an advertisement in. 



'•' RESOLUTION OF THE MORAL SOCIETY OF BUFFALO. 

'' Kesolved, That after the 23d November, inst., the 
laws of the State prohibiting violations of the Sabbath, 
shall be strictly enforced against all persons who on that 
day shall drive into the village loaded teams, or who 
shall unload goods, wares and merchandise, or who shall 
vend goods or keep open stores, or shops for the purpose 
of trading or laboring, or who shall engage in hunting, 
fishing, &c., &c. Also against all parties of pleasure, 
riding or walking to Black Eock, or elsewhere. 

" Eesolved also. That the above resolution be published 
two weeks in the Gazette, published in this village, that 
strangers as well as villagers may be informed of the 
same, and govern themselves accordingly, 

" By order of the Society. 

" A CALLENDER, Sec'y-" 



218 HISTOKT OF BUFFALO. 

Mr. Amos Callender came to Buffalo in 1807 or 8 but 
did not remove his family until a year or two after. He 
was born in the town of Milton in the State of Vermont. 
His education, although not a graduate of any college, 
was superior to most of the young men of his day ; so 
much so that he had taught school before he left his 
native State, to reside in Buffalo. He soon found use for 
his acquirements in this then new settlement. He was 
first employed to keep the books of several of the early 
merchants, but usually taught school during the winter. 
He subsequently became Deputy Postmaster, an office 
which he held many years. He was appointed Surro- 
gate of the county, in 1813, which office he held during 
one term. 

He identified himself at a very early period with the 
cause of education and religion. So far as active duty 
and labor was concerned, he, perhaps more than any 
other individual, was influential in sustaining schools and 
religious worship, in the early history of Buffalo. A 
man of great firmness and equanimity of temper, of the 
most inflexible integrity, ever ready to perform any duty, 
always wise, discreet, and charitable towards the feel- 
ings and infirmities of others, Buffalo had no more use- 
ful citizen than Deacon Amos Callender. He had been 
educated in the faith of the Episcopal Church, but upon 
the organization of the First Presbyterian Church, in 
Buffalo, he united himself with that church, of which he 
remained a ruling elder until his removal to Black Rock, 
about the year 1840. 

He was constituted a ruling elder in the church at 
Black Rock, but ultimately removed to this city and con- 
nected himself with the Central Presbyterian Church 



MB. AMOS CALLENDER — MR. JABEZ GOODELL. 219 

and remained a ruling elder of that church to the time of 
his death in 1859. 

Deacon Callender was thrice married and had six 
daughters, four by his first, and two by his second wife ; 
all but two are still living ; two only are now residents 
of the city, Mrs. Wm. Ketchum and Mrs. Willcox, It 
may be truly said that Deacon Callender led an active 
useful life. Few men have the opportunity of doing so 
much good by active labor, by precept and by example. 
His memory will be cherished with esteem and gratitude 
by all who knew him and could appreciate a truly good 
and upright man. 

Mr. Jabez Goodell became a ruling elder in the First 
Presbyterian Church at an early period of its history, and 
lived in the city to a very advanced age. He was pecu- 
liar in many respects ; extremely moderate in speech 
and in action, yet possessing a good deal of quiet energy 
and perseverance. By a skillful management of his 
lands which he bought at their original price from the 
Holland Land Company, and the gradual growth of the 
city for the period of nearly half a century, the increase 
in the value of his lands swelled into a very large estate. 
Having no children, he left the bulk of his property 
to be distributed to the different societies, or religious, mis- 
sionary and educational associations of the denomi- 
nation to which he belonged. All that he left for the 
benefit of the city where his wealth accumulated was a 
donation of a few thousand dollars to the Bufifalo Female 
Academy to aid that association in erecting their acad- 
emy building, which in acknowledgment of the donation 
was called Goodell Hall. 



CHAPTEE XII 



There were more lots sold in Buffalo, in 1808, than in 
any previous year. The following names appear on the 
books of the Holland Land Company as purchasers of 
lots in Buffalo in 1808 : 

Jabez Goodell, Outer Lots, 136 and 145 ; John Eoop, 
Farm Lot, 76 ; Elisha Ensign, Inner Lot, No. 60 and 
Farm Lot, No. 19 ; Joseph Wells, Inner Lot, No. 62 ; 
Asa Fox, Inner Lot, No. 61 ; Gilman Folsom, Inner Lot, 
No. 72 ; David Mather, Outer Lot, 123 ; William Hull 
and others. Inner Lot, No. 8 ; Kowland Cotton, Farm 
Lot, No. 75. 

Most, if not all the names in the above list, became 
permanent settlers in, or near the village of Buffalo, and 
participated in the first efforts to establish society. Mr. 
Ensign married a daughter of Gen. Holt. She was the 
mother of Messrs. E. W. Ensign, and Charles Enbign of 
this city. Mr. Roop, it is believed was killed in the War 
of 1812, and was the father of Mr. Henry Roop of this 
city. 

The date of tlie conveyance of a lot is not in all cases 
the date of the first settlement of the individual to whom 
the lot was conveyed. But it is a safe and perhaps the 
most reliable record of the names of the pioneer settlers 
of Buffalo, now to be obtained. Several of the earliest 



MK. JOSEPH LANDOX MR. JABEZ GOODELL. 221 

settlers remained but a sliort time after the settlement 
under the Holland Land Company's title began. Will- 
iam Johnston, and his son, John Johnston, both remained 
and died here. Maybee, Eobbins and Henry Chaj^in, 
with probably others of whom we have no record, left 
soon after the Holland Land Company began to sell lots 
in the village of ISTew Amsterdam. 

Mr. Joseph Landon, who is well remembered by many 
of our old inhabitants came here in 1806 or 7. He kept 
a tavern upon the present site of the Mansion House for 
many years. He purchased Outer Lot, No. 81, in July, 
1807. He married Mrs. Marvin, the mother of Mrs. 
Judge Ebenezer Walden, wh,o died in 1819. Mr. Landon 
afterwards married Mrs. West, the widow of Doctor 
West, long stationed at Fort Niagara, as physician and 
surgeon at that post. Mr. Landon removed from Buffalo 
to Lockport, where he kept a public house during 
the construction of the canal, and locks at that jDlace. 
None of his descendants, so far as is known to the au- 
thor, reside in Buffalo. 

Mr. Joseph Wells was the father of Messrs. William 
Wells, and C. J. Wells, and C. C. Wells, all well known 
citizens of Buffalo. Capt. William Hull, was the father 
of Mrs. O. G. Steele. Mr. Oilman Folsom was one of 
the first, if not the first regular butcher in Buffalo. His 
sons were Oilman, Jun., and Ezekiel ; none of the family 
remain in Buffalo. 

Mr. Jabcz Goodell, it will be seen by examining the 
list of village lots and the names of the purchasers in the 



222 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

Appendix, became a large purchaser oi lots in the vil- 
lage of Buffalo, as well as of lands in the country. He 
kept a tavern for the accommodation of teamsters, at a 
•very early period, on the corner of Main and Goodell 
streets, and purchased a large tract of land in that neigh- 
borhood, being a little without the bounds of the village. 

Capt. Kowland Cotton, as he was familiarly called, had 
his residence about five miles out, on the old Buffalo and 
Batavia road, now Main street. He had been an ofiicer 
in the Kevolutionary "War. He had a large family of chil- 
dren, and there were other collateral branches of the 
family settled in the neighborhood. Capt. L. H. Cotton 
is a son and is believed to be the only one of the chil- 
dren of Capt. Rowland Cotton, now living in the city. 
He had other sons, some of whom settled in the west. 
Capt. Rowland Cotton died in an adjoining county at a 
very advanced age. 

Mr. Henry Ketchum and his brother, Zebulon Ivetch- 
iim, were early settlers in Bufi*alo. The former jDur- 
chased Outer Lot No. 17, and farm Lot No. TO, in 1807. 
He built a dwelling on the corner of Main and Chippe- 
wa streets, where he remained until the burning of 
Bufialo, in 1812-13. He and his family fled with the 
rest, and never returned here to reside, but sold his 
property in Buffalo and settled, it is believed, some- 
where in Orleans county. 

Mr. Zebulon Ketchum remained a resident of Buffalo 
up to the time of his death. Some of his descendants 
still reside in Buffiilo. 

Mr. Henry Ketchum and Zebulon Ketchum were 



MESSES. HENKY AND ZEBULON KETCHIJM. 223 

brothers of Mr. Jesse Ketcbiim, who is extensively 
known as the patron and constant visitor of our public 
schools. • He is more widely known, perhaps, through 
his connection with our public schools and Sunday 
schools, than any other individual in our city. The ben- 
efits he has conferred — and is still conferring — upon the 
children of our city will only be disclosed in eternity. 
His yearly contributions in books, money, and in many 
other ways, for the benefit of the children of the city, 
must have been for_ many years quite large ; and they 
are made in a most liberal and catholic spirit. The 
name of " Father Eetchum " will go down to posterity 
embalmed in the tender recollection of thousands of 
youthful hearts who have been the recipients of his 
kind words and liberal benefactions. 

Mr. Jesse Ketchum became an early purchaser of 
real estate in Buffalo. It is not unlikely that he would 
have settled here at the first, but the death of an elder 
brother at Toronto (then York) called him there to look 
after the estate his brother left there, and he remained 
many years a citizen of that place, engaged largely and 
successfully in the tanning business, which his brother 
had established there. Mr. Ketchum, however, never 
lost his interest in Buffalo. Owning a large property 
here, he visited Buffalo frequently, manifesting his re- 
gard for its improvement and prosperity by contributing 
liberally towards the various objects of public interest. 
When the First Presbyterian Church was built, in 1828, 
although not a resident here, (and, at that time, probably 
never expecting to be) he contributed liberally towards 
the exjDense of the building, taking and eligible pew 
which he continued to own, notwithstanding he was a 
resident in a foreign territorv. 



224 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

On the breaking out of the Patriot war, (as it was 
called) in 1837-8, Americans became theesiDecial objects 
of suspicion, and surveillance, and a state of things 
existed in Canada very repugnant to the republican prin- 
ciples of Mr. Ketchum. He removed with his family to 
this city, where he has ever since resided. 

Among the purchasers ol lots, in 1809, we find the 
names of Marmaduke Wells, a brother of Joseph "Wells, 
of whom we have already spoken, Otis R. Hopkins and 
others, who do not seem to have become settlers in Buf- 
falo. Mr. Otis R. Hopkins settled in the town of Clar- 
ence. Mr. Wells appears to have held the office of Con- 
stable in Buffalo, at an early period. 

Doctor Ebenezer Johnston arrived in Buffalo in 1809. 
He had studied his profession with the celebrated Doctor 
White, of Cherry Valley, and was furnished with the 
following letter of introduction to Mr. Granger : 

" Cherey Valley, 31st August, 1809. 
"Ekastus Gkangee, Esq., 

" Deae Sie : — The bearer of this letter (Doctor John- 
son) is in pursuit of a place in order to settle himself in 
his professional business. I have directed him to call on 
you as the most suitable person to advise him of the pro- 
priety or impropriety of his settling at Buffalo. Doctor 
Johnson hath been a student with Judge White before, 
and ever since my partnership with the Judge, and it is 
but doing my duty to Dr. Johnson to state that he' is a 
young man of unblemished morals, well read in his pro- 
fession, and justly entitled to tlie patronage of the 
public. 

'' I remain, with respect and esteem, 
" Your much obliged friend, 

" HEZEKIAH L. GRANGER. " 



DOCTOR EBENEZER JOHNSON. 225 

Dr. Johnson entered upon the practice of his profes- 
sion, which seems to have been his object in coming 
here. But he soon found a field opened for the employ- 
ment of his business faculties, which he possessed in a 
high degree. He followed the practice of his profession 
up to the time of the war in 1812, and served as a physi- 
cian and surgeon, during the war, on the Niagara 
frontier. 

After the war he engaged in business, commencing, it 
is believed, with a drug store. He was associated in 
business for several years with the late Judge Samuel 
"Wilkeson, subsequently he became a banker and broker. 
He possessed extraordinary executive capacity as a busi- 
ness man, and as his business led him to associate much 
with business men, his promptness and punctuality 
became proverbial. 

By his enterprise, activity, and industry, he accumu- 
lated a large property, and was esteemed one of the 
wealthiest men in the city. He was the first Mayor of 
Buffalo after it received its charter, and held that office 
for two terms. He was a gentleman of pleasing address, 
fine commanding presence with something of a John 
Adams contour and expression ; lie would attract notice 
in any assemblage of men. 

He built for his residence the stone cottage mansion, 
now occupied as the dwelling of the Female Academy, 
on Delaware street, where he lived in opulence and 
splendor, having a large park, enclosed, with a high picket 
fence, ornamented with trees and shrubs, plants and flow- 
ers, walks and waterfalls, with deer feeding and gambol- 
ing in the mimic forest-lawn, prepared for them. 

But like all our active business men. Doctor Johnson 
15 



226 HISTOKT OF BUFFALO. 

had to meet the terrible jDecuniary revolsions of the time, 
and his ample fortune was swept away, and himself 
driven to seek support for his family in a distant State, 
by working some iron mines which in the course of his 
business had come into his hands, where he died not many 
years after he left Buflalo, having scarcely attained a period 
of life much past middle age. He had several children, 
but a single one only remains in Buffalo, Mrs. Rev. Dr. 
Lord. 

Mr. Joshua Lovejoy was a tavern keeper at Avon, Gen- 
esee Eiver, in 1805-6, in a hotel erected at that place by 
Mr. James Wadsworth. He came to Buffalo in 1807 or 8, 
but his name is not mentioned in the books of the Hol- 
land Land Company as the purchaser of a lot. The 
name of his family has become historic on account of 
the murder of his wife at the burning of Buffalo. This 
piece of barbarity, the murder of a defenceless woman, 
was excused by the British officer in command, on the 
ground that she resisted or assaulted those who entered her 
house, where she remained when her family and neigh- 
bors had all fled, and that her death was owing entirely 
to her own indiscretion and desperation. 

Mr. Lovejoy died in New York, in 1824, aged fifty- 
three years. Mr. Henry Lovejoy, the well-known sur- 
veyor in Buffalo, is a son. 

Among the early merchants in Buffalo, may be men- 
tioned the firm of Juba Storrs & Co. This firm was 
originally composed of Mr. Juba Storrs, Mr. Benjamin 
Caryl and Mr. Samuel Pratt, Jun. Mr. Storrs had been 
educated for the bar, and came from Mansfield, in 



JUBA STORKS, ESQ. 227 

Connecticut, to Buffalo, in 1808, to establish himself in 
the practice of the law. The following letter was writ- 
ten on his arrival at Buffalo : 

" BuFFALOE Ckeek, Julj 15th, 1808. J 
" My Dear Parent : — You will perceive by the date 
of this that I am farther from home than I contemplated 
when I left Mansfield. It is a good day's ride from On- 
tario, where I thought of making a stand ; but the in- 
formation which I received at Geneva and Canandaigua 
induced me to pursue my route to this place. You will find 
it on the map, by the name of New Amsterdam. It is 
a considerable village, at the mouth of Buffaloe Creek, 
where it empties into Lake Erie, and is a port of entry 
for Lake Ontario, (Erie) the St. Lawrence river and all 
the western lakes, and will eventually be the Utica, and 
more than the Utica, of this western country. 

"Buffaloe is in the county of Niagara, on an extensive 
and elevated plain, and is very healthy, subject to no 
fevers, or uncommon diseases whatever ; and there are 
but four attorneys in the county — so that I think my 
chance for success is better than it would be in Ontario 
county ; yet I shall, I think, get admitted in that county 
also, and in Genesee, which is between this and that. 

"I have been verj^ successful in my acquaintance. 
Mr. Lewis, an attorney of Geneva, in respectable stand- 
ing, (although I had no letters to him) treated me very 
handsomely. I dined with him once, and he gave me 
letters to gentlemen on my route, which I found useful. 
Again, I fell in company with a former Judge of the 
Common Pleas in Ontario county, who was traveling in 
the stage this wav — a stroncj Federalist and a man nnich 



228 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

respected — who was so good as to introduce me to mea 
of his acquaintance, (which I found was very extensive) 
particularly to Mr. Granger, Postmaster and Collector of 
this port. 

"As Judge Hosmer was going to Niagara Falls, about 
twenty miles from this place, I thought it would be use- 
ful to me to cross Niagara river, (and) form acquaintances 
in his majesty's dominions of Lower (Upper) Canada 
and the Falls, so celebrated throughout America and 
Europe ; and this is the reason of my not writing sooner ; 
as the mail goes from here but once a week, I did not 
before have time to write. •st * * * 

" I will write again soon, and more lully. In the 
mean time, I wish very much to receive a letter from 
home. ' Buffaloe Creek, State New York,' will be suflS- 
cient direction, 

"JUBA STORKS." 

It does not appear, however, that Mr, Storrs carried 
out his intention ; for we find that in 1809, or '10, he 
associated himself with the gentlemen above named in 
the mercantile business. 

They built a brick store on the corner of Wash- 
ington and Exchange streets, (then South Onondaga and 
Crow streets) in 1810 — on the west side of Washington 
and north side of Exchange. This was undoubtedly the 
first brick building erected in Bufialo. 

Mr. Storrs writes to his father, under date of July 
26th, 1810, and says : 

" My partner nor myself have been able to obtain 
from EUicott a well situated village lot. Caryl (his part- 



JUBA STOKRS, ESQ. 229 

ner,) contracted for a lot, with a house snflScient for a 
store, for five hundred dollars — then the best we could 
get, for which I suppose we could get six hundred, if we 
did not think the rise would be something handsome 
within a short time. It is not now as eligible a stand 
as the one we occupy, and have contracted for at four 
hundred dollars, and on which we are now building. 
Both these lots are said to be well bought, and the pay- 
ments are made (payable) in such a way that I think we 
shall be able to get along with them, and keep both lots 
till the rise may induce us to dispose of one or both. 

" The lot which we have got to-day is in a very eligi- 
ble situation for business, and is one that we have before 
tried to get, but without success, and is said to be well 
bought. Either lot, with the house, (one on each) will 
give us fourteen per cent, on a rent. 

" This lot and house I think I shall keep in my own 
name. Could we have got it a month ago, we should 
not have attempted to build at present, but we have now 
progressed so far that we must go on," 

Mr. Pratt retired from the firm, and Mr. Lucius 
Storrs, a younger brother of Mr. Juba Storrs, came on 
from Connecticut and took his place. 

In 1812, the Company leased the mill property, be- 
longing to Mr. Jonas Williams, at the Eleven Mile 
Creek, as it was then called, (now Williamsville) and 
Mr, Caryl removed his family there. The Company pur- 
chased the property during that year, and Mr. Caryl be- 
came a permanent resident there. 

After the burning of Buffjilo, Juba Storrs & Co. re- 
moved their mercantile establishment to Canandaigua, 



230 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Mr. Storrs himself remaining there. It is believed that 
Mr. Juba Storrs was never married. 

J!klr. Benjamin Caryl, removed from Yermont into 
Canada, soon after 1800. It is certain that he lived near 
Long Point, in Upper Canada, in 1805. It is probable 
he came to reside in Buffalo, about 1807 or 8. He lived 
at Williamsville, when Buffalo was burned, and contin- 
ued to live there some time after the war, but subse- 
quently returned and remained in Buffalo until his death. 
Mr. C. C. Caryl is a son. His daughters, now living in 
Buffalo, are Mrs. Gen. Lucius Storrs, Mrs. Doctor Warner 
and Mrs. J. H. Coleman. 

Mr. Isaac Davis was an early merchant in Buffalo. 
He had a store and dwelling on the west side of Main 
street, below Seneca street. He was the purchaser of 
Outer Lot, No. 84, and probably Inner Lots 33 and 34, 
where he had his house and store. He did not remain 
in Buffalo long after the war. The pecuniary revulsion 
which immediately followed the close of the war, caused 
almost universal failure and bankruptcy among the mer- 
chants over the whole conntry ; Mr. Davis suffered in 
common with the rest, and died by his own hands in a 
fit of weakness and depression caused by a fit of sick- 
ness at Canandagua, in 1818. 

The organization of the political machinery for the es- 
tablishment of civil government, became the next object 
of the first settlers. Up to about 1805-6 nothing but the 
ordinary organization of towns existed and all the terri- 
tory west of the Genesee River had been included in the 



POLITICAL ORGANIZATION. 231 

town of Northampton, but Buffalo Creek lay entirely 
without the pale of civilization. 

Upon the organization of the County of Niagara, in 
1808, the Legislature made '"Buffalo or New Amster- 
dam," the county-seat, upon the condition that the Hol- 
land Land Company should erect a court house and jail 
upon a suitable lot, and convey the same to the count3\^ 

The Holland Land Company complied with the terms 
of this stipulation and built the court house in the mid- 
dle of what is now Washington street, directly in front of 
the present " Old Court House," and conveyed to the 
county half an acre of land upon which it stood, lying in 
a circle, the centre of the building being the centre of 
the lot. This conveyance was made in 1810. 

The first court in the new county was held in June, 
1808, in Landon's Tavern. The Judges were Augustus 
Porter, first Judge, Erastns Granger, Zattii Cushing, 
James Brooks and Martin Pendergrast, Judges. Asa 
Kansom, Sheriff", and Louis Le Couteulx, clerk. 



" *AX ACT TO DIVIDE THE COU.N'TV OF GEXESEE INTO SEVERAL COUNTIES AND 
yOR OTIIEU rURPOSES, PASSED MARCH 11 TH, I8O8. 

" § III. And be it further enacted. That the Court House and Jail, in and 
for the said County of Niagara, be erected in the villatje of Buffalo or 
New Amsterdam, in the said county ; provided the Holland Land Com- 
pany, their a^ent or agents shall within three years from the passage of 
this art. and at their sole expense, erect in the said village a sufficient and 
suitable building or buildings for a Court House and Goal for the said 
county, aud shall legally convey not less than half an acre of land where- 
on the same shall be erected, together with the said building or build- 
ings for the use of said county. 

"^ V. And be it further enacted. That the first Court of Common 
Pleas and General Sessions of the Peace, for the said County of Niagara, 
shall be held at the house of Joseph Landon, in the village of New Am- 
sterdam, and until the said Court Hoise and Jail shall be erected and cer- 
tified as aforesaid (in Sec. IV) the said Courts of Common Pleas and 
General Sessions of the Peace for the said county, after the first term of 
the said court, shall be held at such place in the said village of New 
Amsterdam, as the Judges of the said County of Niagara or a majority of 
them shall apppoint. ' ' 



233 [history of buffalo. 

The Court House and Jail built by the Holland Land 
Company were completed in 1810. Mr. Juba Storrs 
speaks of the jail, in a letter to his father, in July, 1810 : 
" I suppose it would enhance the value (of property in 
Buffalo) in brother Zalmon's estimation (to know) that we 
have a very nice stone jail building." This jail was 
upon Washington street, a little south of the old Court 
House, and although attempts were made to burn it, 
when Buffalo was burned by the British, in 1813, it 
escaped entire destruction and was repaired after the war, 
and used many years. It was surrounded by a picket 
wall, made of round sticks of timber, set deep in the 
ground and sharpened at the top, probably a more secure 
prison than the one built since, and still in use. 

It is difficult to obtain the means of illustrating the 
period of history now under consideration, although a 
considerable population had settled in and near Buffalo, 
but as yet no newspaper was published and no public 
records were kept. 

The war of 1812, and the burning of Buffalo, which 
occurred at the end of the next year, destroyed all the pri- 
vate papers of individuals, so that among the records and 
papers of several families then residing in Buffalo, to 
â– which the author has had access, no papers of a date 
earlier than 1813, are to be found, therefore all the informa- 
tion in regard to the history of Buffalo, anterior to that 
date, could only be found in the Holland Land Com- 
pany's records or the few remaining papers left belong- 
ing to the late Hon. Erastus Granger, which liave been 
placed by his son, Warren Granger, Esq., in the custody 
of the Buffalo Historical Society, who informs the author 
that many of the letters and papers left by his father, 



MR. GAMALIEL ST. JOHN. 233 

were taken or borrowed before he was aware of their his- 
toric importance, and never returned. 

The names of pm-chasers of lots in Buffalo, in 1810, 
are "William Best, Asahel Adkins, Asa Coltrin, Eli Hart, 
John Mullett, Gamaliel St. John, and Nathan Toles. 
Asa Coltrin was a physician and the partner for a time 
of Doctor Chapin. John Mullett was a tailor and the 
partner of Mr. James Sweeney. He purchased Inner 
Lot, No. 10. This lot was afterwards occupied by Mr. 
Sweeney and also by Sweeney & Efner who were for a 
long time known as the leading merchant tailors in Buf- 
falo. Mr, Thos. Kennett succeeded to that old established 
firm, and still continues the business near the spot where 
it was originally commenced. 

Mr. Gamaliel St, John appears to have been in Buffalo 
prior to 1810, as his name appears in the records of the 
Holland Land Company, as the purchaser of Inner Lot 
No. 53, January 24:th, 1810, It was upon this lot that 
he built the house that escaped the general destruction 
by the British, December 31st, 1813. The preservation 
of this house was owing to the courage and intrepidity 
of Mrs. St. John, who was then a widow with a large 
family of small children. Her husband had not long 
before been drowned at Black Eock by the capsizing of 
the scow used at the Ferry, in which Mr. S. seems to 
have been at the time interested. This accident occur- 
red by the drifting of the scow, by the force of the cur- 
rent, upon the hawser of a vessel lying at anchor in the 
rapids,* 



*Tho following notice of this accident is copied from the Buffalo Ga- 
zette, of June btb, 1813 : 

" UNHAPPY ACCIDENT. 

•' On Sunday last, a boat upset by runninfif foul the United States ves- 
sel Caledonia, anchored in the Niagara Rivei- at Black Kock. There 



:234: IIISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

Upon the approach of the British, Mrs. St. John, witli 
her children remained in her house, and sent a message 
to the officer in command, who imraediatelj visited her. 
She represented her situation to the officer as a helpless 
woman with a family of equally helpless children. This 
appeal to his humanity was successful, and a guard was 
placed over her house, and it was preserved from destruc- 
tion,_tlie only dwelling spared in the town. Mrs. St. 
John was a woman of extraordinaiy energy and force of 
character. She lived to educate her children, (most of 
them daughters) and to see them well settled in the 
world. One of her daughters was the second wife of the 
late Judge Samuel Wilkeson, another married the late 
Doctor Foote, long the editor of the Buffiilo Commercial 
Advertiser ; another married the late Capt. Jonathan 
Sid way — Mrs. Sidway is still a resident of Buffiilo — an- 
other married Mr. Asaph S. Bemis ; she is the mother of 
Mr. E. S. Bemis, and Mr. A. S. Bemis, well-known citi- 
zens of Buffalo. One of the sons of Mrs. St. John 
resides in Lockport, Niagara County, and another is a 
resident of Buffalo. 

Mr. Eli Hart was an early merchant in Buffalo. He 
purchased Inner Lot, No. 41, September 1st, 1810. and 
built a store upon it. His brotherin-law, Mr. John Lay, 
then a young man, had charge of the store and soon be- 
came a partner, under the firm of Hart and Lay. It is 
believed that Mr. Hart came to Buffalo from Oneida 



were nine men in the boat ; one cjot on board the Caledonia, three saved 
themselves by switrraing, and the remaining five were drowned, viz : 
Gamaliel St. .John, (inn-lceeper of this village), Elijah St. John, (son of 
the above), Adam Ilhoades, of Swift's United States Volunteers, and two 
Regular soldiers." 



MAJOR FREDERICK MILLER. 235 

County, in tliis State. He did not remain permanently 
but subsequently removed to New York, where he 
became a prominent flour mei chant. 

Mr. Lay remained in Buffalo and continued in the 
mercantile business under the firm of Hart and Lay, many 
years, but taking- a fancy to travel in Europe, his place 
was filled for several years by a young man from 
New York, of tlie name of Cunningham, and the busi- 
ness was conducted under the firm of Hart and Cunning- 
ham. Mr. C.'s health failing him, he went to the West 
Indies, where he died. Mr. Lay died in this city leaving 
a wife and children. Mrs. Chas. Ensign is a daughter. 

Mr. Frederick Miller came to reside at Black Rock at 
a very early period, but did not come to reside in Buffalo 
until 1810. His name appears as the first licensed ferry- 
man at Black Rock Feriw, when the State first began to 
exercise jurisdiction over it, in 1805-6. He kept the 
ferry, and a tavern at the ferry landing, until 1810, when 
he remov'ed to Buffalo, as has been already observed. He 
remained however but a year, when he removed to the 
" Cold Spring," where he kept a tavern. During the 
war, he removed to Williamsville, and remained there 
till his death, which occurred in January 1836. Mr. 
Miller served during the war of 1812, in the army of the 
United States, in the capacity of Major of Artillery, 
hence his title by which he was afterwards known as 
" Major Miller." It was said that his men gave him the 
nick-name of " Major Squat," from the following circum- 
stance : 

A battery had been erected upon the high bank of the 
river near the ferry, nearly upon the ground now occu- 



236 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

pied by the Niagara Street Railroad building. The 
British had a battery directly opposite, and the two were 
hotly eagaged in bombarding each other. Major Miller 
stood upon the breastwork directing the firing, and with 
a glass watching the efiect of their shots upon the ene- 
my's works, and at the flash of their guns, would order 
his men to squat behind their breastwork. The Major 
noticed that some of his men, in their excitement did not 
promptly obey the order to '' squat ; " he reiterated the 
order with emphasis, saying, " squat d — n you, or I'll 
squat you." 

The Major was an uneducated man, but an energetic 
and useful ofiicer, and much esteemed by the oflicers of 
the army. He left a large family of children ; Mrs. 
Gen. H. B. Potter, was a daughter, the late Capt. "Wm. 
T. Miller, and Capt. Fred. S. Miller, were sons. It is 
believed that all his sons became sailors — the fruit of 
their early training on the river — and rose to distinction 
as masters of vessels, and steamboats. Major Miller's 
descendants are still numerous in Buffalo and have been 
active and influential, in all the stages of its history, in 
contributing in their several spheres of action to its 
growth and prosperity. 

Mr. Ralph Pomeroy had traded in Detroit as early as 
1808, but had formed so favorable an opinion of the lo- 
cality of Buffalo, that he determined to establish himself 
here, which he did in 1810. Samuel Tupper had taken 
up Inner Lot, No. Y, corner of Main and Seneca streets, 
in 1805 ; this lot Mr. P. purchased, and began the erec- 
tion of a house which he designed to keep as a public 
house or hotel. He completed his house and brought his 



]VrB. KALPH POMEKOY. 287 

family on from Boston, where his wife then was, in the 
fall of 1811, and commenced to keep the hotel. His 
house became very popular, and was considered to be the 
best in all the country at that time. On the breaking out 
of the war, the next year, it became the resort of the 
officers of the army, and others who visited Buffalo, on 
business, or in pursuit of a place for settlement. 

A call was made by the Government for volunteers, 
and troops of all ranks and arms, were hurried on to the 
Niagara frontier. Amongst the troops sent to Buffalo, 
was a company from Baltimore, called the " Baltimore 
Greens." It is said this company was composed almost 
entirely of men who were engaged in the great riot, in 
that city, a few months previous ; that they had been en- 
listed by the citizens of Baltimore for the double purpose of 
aiding the Government in the war, and to get rid of a 
very dangerous and troublesome body of men. This 
company came to Buffalo in the Summer of 1812 ; feel- 
ing but little the restraints of discipline, they visited the 
houses demanding food and drink of the inhabitants, as 
a right which they claimed as the defenders of the place 
against a foreign enemy. 

Pomeroy being a man of stalwart frame, and not easily 
influenced or intimidated, peremptorily refused their un- 
reasonable demands, and in consequence became very 
obnoxious to the " Greens," and they threatened to help 
themselves to what they wanted. But Fomeroy, not in 
the least daunted by their threats, entirely disregarded 
them and ordered them out of his house. The few that 
were present left the premises threatening him with ven- 
geance. While the guests were at dinner, among whom 
were several officers of the army, an assault was com- 



238 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

menced upon the Seneca street front by burling an axe 
tbrougb the window, w^bich fell directly upon the table. 
Instantly all in the room sprang to their feet. The mob 
rushed in from the Main street front, armed with clubs, 
bayonets, &c., and met with but little resistance from 
the unarmed company within. 

An indiscriminate destruction of everything in the 
house immediately commenced. The mob helped them- 
selves to the viands upon the table, the liquors in the 
bar, and appropriated whatever they could eat, drink, or 
carry away. Tables, chairs, furniture of every descrip- 
tion, were demolished — the stairs torn down, the win- 
dows in the whole building, from bottom to top, were 
broken, and, to render the destruction more complete, 
the broken furniture in the upper story was piled in the 
middle of the floor and set on fire. 

Among others at the table was Col. McClure. He 
ran to the stable, mounted his horse and rode into the 
house from the rear, and passing through into the front 
hall, in a loud voice commanded the rioters to disperse. 

Col. Moses Porter was then in coiiimand here ; and 
while the mob were engaged in their work of destruction, 
some one ran down to Landon's (now the Mansion House) 
to notify him. He came up immediately, rushed in at the 
front, drew his sword — but apparently discovering the 
desperate condition of things, returned it to its scabbard, 
and hastened to the head-quarters of his men in the 
vicinity of the Court House. 

He ordered out a company of artillery, with a six 
pounder loaded with grape — each man armed with a 
sword, and a pistol in his belt. They were ordered 
down Main street on double-quick time, and drawn up 



MOB AT pomeeoy's botel. 239 

in line in front of the hotel, the gun being brought to 
bear directly upon the building and the matches 
lighted. 

He then detached to the front a squad of men, under 
a subordinate officer, to enter the building and expel the 
mob. The first order given bj this young officer was to 
" draw sword." In an instant, twenty blades flashed in the 
air. The next order, " forward quick ! " followed immedi- 
ately. As they approached within a few feet of the door, 
the officer leaped in. Instantly the report of one or two 
pistols was heard. Soon the rioters began to jump from 
the windows ; and, as the distance to the ground was 
some ten feet, some would hang by the window sills and 
drop to the ground. Swords were seen hacking their 
fingers as they clung to the windows ; and the building 
was soon cleared of the mob — such of them, at least, as 
were able to escape. 

Some were known to have been killed ; others 
wounded ; but no inquiries were ever made into the 
aft'air — the action of " Old Blow-hard " (as Col. Porter 
was familiarly called) being generally approved. 

Mrs. Abell, the sister-in-law of ]\lrs. Pomeroy, was 
confined to her bed in a back room of the house, and it 
was with difficulty that she was removed. She had been 
confined but a few days previous. Mrs. P. caught the 
babe and fled to a neighboring house on Seneca street. 
Mrs. A. was taken on the bed, by four men, and carried 
to the same place of safety. 

As Mrs. P. was returning, she saw one of the mob 
breaking in the kitchen door. As the door opened and 
he was on the point of entering, she saw the arm of a 



24:0 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

man, grasping a sword, thrust out, and the rioter fell dead 
on the spot, and was dragged away by his comrades. 

Pomeroy escaped, and, by the advice of friends, re- 
mained several days at the Seneca village, on Buffalo 
Creek, a few miles from the town. 

A guard of soldiers occupied the front part of the 
building for several weeks. 

The fire was extinguished in the upper story by " Hank 
Johnson," who was a white man, and had lived with the 
Indians from childhood. A ladder was procured during 
the progress of the destruction, and placed upon the out- 
side of the building. Hank ascended it, and had just 
got his hands upon the sill of the upper window, when 
the mob discovered it and jerked the ladder from under 
him. He clung to the window and drew himself up, 
entered, and threw the already burning combustibles out 
of the window with his hands. He was rewarded by a 
present of ten dollars from the by-standers. 



CHAPTER XIII, 



We now enter upon a new era in the history of Buf- 
falo. Hitherto we have had no guide but the scanty 
records of the Holland Land Company. All the records, 
public and private, that existed in families or in the 
hands of private individuals, were destroyed when Buf- 
falo was burned at the close of the year 1813, and it is a 
noticeable fact, that in all the collections of papers, letters, 
&c, of families residing in Buffalo, which the author has 
examined, there is nothing to be found that dates prior to 
1813, showing how sudden and complete the destruction 
of Buffalo was. But in 1811, the Buffalo Gazette began 
to be published by Messrs S. II. & II. A. Salisbury. A 
pretty full and perfect file of that paper, from the first 
number, which was published ou the first day of October, 
1811, has been preserved and deposited in the fire-proof 
vault of the Buffalo Historical Society. 

Buffalo received a very important accession to its pop- 
ulation too, in that year, in the Grosvenors, Gen. Potter, 
Stocking & Bull, R. B. Ileacock, and many others who 
became permanent residents here, in that year, and 
exerted a, decided influence upon all the material inter- 
ests of Buffalo, thenceforward. 

Mr- Abel M. Grosvenor, ])urcliased the article for 
Inner Lot, No. 58, of David Mather, who took up the 
16 



242 UISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

lot in 180G, but the store of Grosvenor & Ileacock, was 
at first opened upuii the opposite side of Main street, not 
far from the present site of tlie store of Messrs. Slierman, 
Barnes & Co, Mr. Grosvenor liad married the sister of 
Mr. lleacock, and be reciprocated the compliment bj 
marrying the sister of Mr. Grosvenor. A lar<:e family 
connexion was attracted hitlier by • these families. Per- 
haps tiiey had been induced to come by the Holts and 
the Cottons who had preceded them. These families bad 
been ct>nnected by marriage before they came liere. 
They all came from Columbia County, in this State- 
Indeed many of the emigrants that came in 1811, appear 
to have been from that neighboihood. Mr. Grosvenor 
was a lai'ge athletic man, and his resemblance in this re- 
spect to Mr. Ralph M. Pomeruy, the well-known kee])er of 
a leading hotel on the corner of Main and Seneca streets, 
where " i3rowu's Buildings "' now stand, nearly cost iiim 
his life. 

Early in the war of 1812, Pomero}' had given oflenco 
in his hotel to some of the members of a company of 
volunteers from Baltimore, called the "Baltimore 
Greens," (it is believed they were Irish), and the whole 
company were incited to i-esent the atfrunt b}-- mobbing 
and murdering Pomeroy in his own house, and they as- 
sembled to carry their threats into execution. As they 
were tumultuously passing down through Main street^ 
Mr. (jrosvenur happened to be on the street, and was 
mistaken by some of the mob for Pomeroy; immediately 
a cry was raised, ^' There he is, kill the d— d Toryl" 
Instantly a rush was made after Giosvenor, who ran 
down upon the east side of iMain street, toward his owk 
store. Just before he reached it, his foot tripped and be 



MK. AIJKL M. GROSVENOK MR. II. 15. IIEACOCK. 2i'3 

fell ; the mub came iij)un ami would have <le»i)atcheJ 
him in a mumeiit, had not some one shouted, •' Don't kill 
him, it is not Pomeroy." It is said Mr. Grosvenor 
received a wound at the time which caused his death, 
but the better authenticated account is that he left Buf- 
falo soon after the riot, with his family, to escape the 
epidemic which was raging on the frontier, and died- at 
the place of his former i-esidence, by an attack of the 
disease he attempted to escape. He left two sons, Abel 
M. and Seth II. Grosvenor, now both deceased. His 
widow still survives and is a resident of Buffalo, she 
having married Mr. Isaac Kibbe — Mr. George E. Kibbe 
being a son. 

Mr. R. B. Ileacock continued the business many years- 
after the death of Mr. Grosvenor, generally in connection 
with a partner. He was distinguished for great enei-gy, 
enterprise and activity as a business man. He was prin- 
cipally instrumental in developing the hydraulic power 
in the eastern part of the city by means of a canal from 
the rapids of the easterly branch of the Buffalo Ci'cek, 
which before the general use of steam, was used ibr 
manufacturing purposes. For many years he was a lead- 
ing and influential man in politics, having represented 
the county in the State Legislature. During a period of 
nearly a quai'ter of a century, Buffalo had lew as active 
and inliuenti ,1 men. His activity continued U]> to a 
]K'riod near his death, which occurred in lSo3. He had 
a large family of children. Bev. G. W. Ileacock of 
Buifalo, is a son, and the only one n<iw living. Another 
Son. Capt. II. r>. Heacock, was killed in the War of the 
Rebellion in 18G4. 



244 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Gen. II. B. Potter also came from Columbia County at 
the same time with Messrs. Grosvenor and Ileacock. He 
had studied his profession in the office of the Hon. Elisha 
Williams of Hudson. Gen. Potter immediately opened 
a law office in Buffiilo, and continued the prac- 
tice of his profession for a longer period than any other 
lawyer in Buffalo, and the records of his office exhibit 
the evidences of a regular, uninterrupted course of busi- 
ness hardly to be found equaled anywhere. 

Gen. Potter became early identified with all the inter- 
ests of Buffalo, especially with the moral, religious and 
educational interests of society. In respect to these he 
was consulted more than any other man, and although 
he had an extensive law-office business during the whole 
period of his residence in Buffalo, and no man kept his 
business more snug and under his own control, he always 
found time to discharge all his public duties, and to 
attend to all the demands made upon his time in the dis- 
charge of the social duties of life. He was proverb- 
ially faithful and punctual in all his engagements, and 
possessed the confidence of all who knew him. He mar- 
ried in Buffalo in 1812, his wife being a daughter of 
Major Miller, of whom we have already spoken. He 
had several children, one of whom only survives, Mrs. 
Hon. Geo. R. Babcock. Gen. Potter, survived his wife, 
.but a short time and died in 1854, at the age of 67. 

Messrs. Stocking & Bull, came to Buffalo, in 1811, and 
•established themselves in the hatting and fur business, 
Mr. Joseph Stocking being the senior partner of the firm. 
He was the brother of Mr, Samuel Stocking, of Utica, 
in whose business Mr. Bull had been brought up. They 



MESSES. STOCKING AKD BULL. 245 

bought Inner Lot, No. 11, on the corner of Main and 
Swan streets, which had been taken up by Daniel 
Lewis, and built a hat manufactory on the rear end of 
the lot, on Washington street ; their factory was just 
completed when the war broke out. This was considered 
an important business in Buffalo, at that time, and was 
the first of the kind established here, and has continued 
to be the leading house in that trade from 1811, down to 
the present time ; M. L. Comstock, 202 Main street being 
the present owner and representative of that old and 
respectable house. 

Mr. Stocking was a widower, and somewhat advanced 
in life, when he came to reside in Buffalo. He was a 
man of an exceedingly mild and amiable disposition. 
He was one of the first elders in the First Presbyterian 
Church, and an active leading member of that society 
up to the time of his death, in 18C2. He contributed, 
pecuniarily and in labor, more than any other individual 
to the erection of the old brick church, erected in 1828, 
and now occupied by that society. After his settlement 
here in 1811, he became the co-laborer with Deacon Cal- 
lender in sustaining public .worship and establishing 
Sunday Schools, to which he devoted himself with a 
quiet, self-sacrificing zeal, up to the period of his death. 

He had several children ; two only survive — Mr. 
Thomas R Stocking and Mrs. E. A. Lewis. 

Mr. Joseph Bull remained in Buffalo during? the war 
or up to the time of the burning of Buffalo. He was 
appointed Captain of a mih'tary company, organized by 
Col. Chapin at the beginning of the war, upon the ap- 
pointment of Dr. Chapin to the oflSce of Major of Vol- 
unteers by the Governor of the State. 



246 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

» 

Capt. Bull gave satisfaction in theoffice to which ho 
bad been appointed, and proved an active, vigiUint and 
brave otJicer. The company wliich he commanded, com- 
posed entirely of citizens of Buffalo, had to perform a 
great deal of guard duty, in the absence of any regular 
troops, in the early part of the war; and at every alarm, 
which were then frequent, he was always found prompt 
to resj)ond to every call. 

Tiiis company participated in several skirmishes with 
the enemy. It was in the engagement at Black Rock, 
the night before the surrender and burning of Buflfjilo. 
In this engagement, Capt. Bull was slightly wounded. 

After the destruction of their manufactory in Buffalo, 
Stocking & Bull removed the manufacturing part of 
•their business to Canandaigua, supplying their store in 
Buffalo from there. Capt. Bull never returned to Buffalo 
to reside. 

Mr. Daniel Bristol was among those that were in 
Buffalo in 1811. He was a well-known master-builder, 
or carpenter and joiner, for many years. He is the 
father of Mr. C. C. Bristol, and is one of a very few sur- 
vivors of those who settled in Bufl'alo before the war 
of 1812. 

As yet, nothing had been done towards opening the 
mouth of Buflalo Creek so as to admit vessels of any 
•si/e. Nothing had been erected to check the drift of the 
sand along the shore towards the Niagara river, and at 
almost all seasons of the year, there was a continuous, 
broad beacli of sand along the lake shore — scarcely 



CUSTOM IIOL'SP] AT BUFFALO, 247 

'broken by the discharge of the waters of Buffalo Creek 
into the lake. At the dry season of the year, it was 
but a mere rivulet which required little exertion to 
step across, and all vessels navigating the lake were 
necessitated to go into the Niagara River for shelter, or 
to discharge a cargo on the American side, and business 
began to experience some inconvenience, as by the act or- 
ganizing tiie (Collection District of Buffalo Creek, the office 
of the Collector was required to be kept at Buffalo Creek. 
Congress passed an act authorizing the office of the>Col- 
iector of that District to be kept at such place or places, 
within the district, as the President of the United States 
should designate, and in accordance with the provisions 
of the act, the President on the 16th of March, 1811, 
designated Black Rock, as the Port of Entry for the 
"District ot Buffalo Creek, in the following proclamation : 

*' To ALL TO WHOM THESE PkESENTS SHALL COME : 

" Whereas, by an Act of the Congress of the United 
States, passed on the second day of March, 1811, it has 
among other things been declared, ' That the office of 
the Collector of the Customs for the District of Butialoe 
Creek, shall be kept at such place or places in the town 
of Buflaloe as the President of the United States shall 
designate ' — 

*' Now know ye, that I, James Madison, President of 
the United States, by virtue of the power and authority 
in. me vested by the Act aforesaid, have decided, and by 
these presents do decide that from the first day of April 
to the first day of December, in every year. Black Rock 
•shall be the Port of Entry for the District of Buffaloe 
Oreek, and that for the residue of each and every such 



24& ' HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

year, the village of Bufialoe, shall be the Port of Entry 
for the District aforesaid. 

" Washington, March 16th 1811. 

" I certify the foregoing to be a trne copy of the orig- 
inal Act on file in the ofiice of the Secretary of the 
Treasury. 

" EDWAED JONES, 1st Clerk." 

The restrictions imposed by Congress upon trade with 
Great Britain, prior to the war of 1812, it was feared 
might be construed as an act of hostility to them by the 
Indians, under the representations of British agents and 
traders who still exerted a great influence over them, 
induced the Secretary of War to issue the following cir- 
cular; 

" (circular). 

" War Department, April 15th, 1811. 
" Sir : — It is possible, (indeed it has been, intimated), 
that in consequence of the operation of the late law prohib- 
iting the importation into the United States of British goods, 
the British agents and traders with the Indians, may at- 
tempt to excite in their minds, prejudices and hostile dis- 
positions towards the United States, insinuating, that as the 
British goods intended for their trade will not be permit- 
ted to enter and pass the American posts on the Western 
Frontier, this act, which has been dictated as a measure 
of general policy in relation to Great Britain, was intend- 
ed as an act of hostility against the Indians. You will 
be on your guard ; and use all proper means to anticipate 



ME?SKS. TOWNSEND AND COIT. 240 

and frustrate any such attempts ; explaining to the chiefs 
of the several tribes as occasion may offer, that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States has been compelled by 
long continued injuries and violation of their rights on 
the part of Great Britain, for which no satisfaction or 
redress has been had, to interdict their trade rather than 
make war against them. That as the white people have, 
it is expected the red people will, submit to an inconve- 
nience which it is in the power of Great Britain to ter- 
minate, by returning to a sense of right, and pursuing a 
course of justice. 

" In resisting such endeavors and conciliating the dis- 
position of the Indians, your vigilance and exertions are 
expected, and in case it should become necessary to ex- 
tend indulgencies, and to make presents exceeding the 
usual allowance, your discretion is confided in, to act as 
circumstances may require. 

"The Agents at the several factories will receive in- 
structions on the subject, from the Superintendant of 
Indian Trade. 

" Respectfully, Sir, 

" Your Ob't Serv't 

" W. EUSTIS. 

" Gen. Erastus Gkangee, 

'•' Indian Agent, Six Nations." 

Mr. Charles Townsend and Mr. George Coit, two young 
men, natives of Norwich, Connecticut, associated them- 
selves together and emigrated to Buffalo in 1811.^ The 
following paper, prepared at the request of the Buffalo 
Historical Society, on the occasion of the death of Mr. 
Coit, in 1865, contains a brief history of the firm of 
Townsend & Coit and is inserted at length : 



"250 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

" Mr. Coit was a native of Norwich, Connecticut. 
The late Judge Townsend and himself were clerks to- 
gether in a drug store in that city, and came together to 
reside here, in ISll, and established themselves in the 
same business. Thej continued in it until 1818, when 
they sold out their drugstore to Doctor John E.Marshall. 
During the^e few first years of their residence in this 
â– city, (then a village), they established for themselves a 
high reputation for integrity, and pecuniary responsibil- 
ity, which they maintained through all the succeeding 
years of an extensive and successful business. It may 
be mentioned as a fact, almost perhaps without prece- 
dent, that during the entire period of their copartnership 
of more than forty years, they owned, and used, every- 
thing in common. Even after tiiey both had families 
this continued to be the case ; each taking from the joint 
stock what was required for the daily expenses of their 
families, no account being made as against either indi- 
vidual partner, and although tliis continued measureably 
up to the close of their co-partnership, and final«livision of 
their property, it is believed no difiiculty in fact, or in 
feeling, was ever known to exist between them, growing 
out of this circumstance. 

"After the sale of their drug store, Townsend & Coit 
engaged in the storage and forwarding business. Their 
first ware-house was upon the Creek, at the foot of Com- 
mercial street, at the mouth of the Little Buffiilo Creek, 
now the termination of the Erie canal, where they built 
â– a dock and frame building, wliioii was used many years, 
but subsequently gave place to a brick ware-house, 
which is still standing and in use. 

" After the Erie canal was extended to this city, 



MESSRS. TOWNSENI) AND COIT. 251 

Messrs. Sheldon, Tliompson & Co., removed their busi- 
ness from Black Rock to Buffalo, which led to a union 
between the two firms of Townsend & Coit and S. 
Thompson & Co. This iirm engaged extensively in tho 
transportation and forwarding business on the Erie Canal 
and subsequently upon the lakes, forming a connection 
with all the princii)al jxnnts, both East and West, doing 
business lor many years under the name of the 'Troy 
and Erie Line,' enjoying a reputation attained by few if 
any other companies among the numerous associations 
engaged in the business at that or any subsequent period. 

'• It was the common observation and remark, that it 
was seldom that partners in business were so well 
adapted to each other's peculiarities, as Townsend and 
Coit. Judge Townsend becoming permanently a. cripple 
soon after they commenced business, rendered him inca- 
pable of active, out-ofdoor employment, while he had 
extraordinary clerical capacity ; while Mr. Coit pos- 
sessed vigorous health, great activity and energy, all tho 
out-door business devolved on him ; they thus became 
essential to each other. 

" Mr. Coit married a sister of Judge Townsend in 
1816. She was the mother of all his children — four sons, 
and two daughters — all of whom survive their father ex- 
cept one, the Rev. John T. Coit, who died last year, at 
Eochester, where he was settled as the pastor of St. 
Peter's Church. 

There are few men who are permitted to enjoy so much 
comfort in their children as did Mr. George Coit. They 
had remained under the i)arental roof until they were all 
married and settled in the world, with the exception of 
John, who was absent a few years pursuing his theolog- 



XmS HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

ical studies, in Europe. The family were remarkably 
affectionate, extremely attached to each other, and to 
their father and to their father's house. Their i mother 
who was entirely devoted to her children, while she lived 
having died when they were all yet quite young. But 
they never forgot her instructions or the influence of her 
example. 

Mr. Coit was twice married after the loss of his first 
wife, both of which connections seem to have been emi- 
nently judicious and happy. 

Although Mr. Coit had lived to see Buffalo grow up 
from an insignificant village to become a large and popu- 
lous city, his own chosen dwelling being, as it were, in the 
very heart of business, he chose to remain iu his old 
home, and continued to occupy his plain unpretending 
house on the corner of Pearl and Swan streets, where 
he had first pitched his tent, fifty years before. Here he 
enjoyed almost uninterrupted health up to within a few 
days of his death. He continued to enjoy the use of all 
his faculties with the exception of his hearing, in a re- 
markable degree. His deafness had, in a great measure, 
disqualified him for the enjoj-ment of that social inter- 
course to which he had been accustomed, and which he 
greatly enjoyed. He therefore souglit, and found, enjoy- 
ment within the sacred precincts of his own family. His 
last sickness found him neither anxious or unprepared, 
and the prospect of its fatal termination, of which his 
symptoms gave early indication, did not disturb the natu- 
ral equanimity of his mind ; his only regret seemed to 
be in parting with his dear children, who notwithstanding 
they had all settled in families, still clung to their homo 
and visited almost daily their father's house. 



MESSRS. TOWNSEND AND COIT. 253 

This record of our departed friend would be incomplete 
without some notice of his peculiarities of character. 
Mr. Coit did not attempt great things. He seemed per- 
fectly satisfied in the position where Providence had 
placed him, and his ambition was to discharge the duties 
of that position with fidelity, and maintain with consis- 
tency, the character he had assumed, of an upright, con- 
scientious business man, and all who knew him will say 
that in this, he was eminently successful. In all the 
varied and extensive ramifications of a large business 
pui sued with enterprise and energy for a longer period of 
time than is usually allotted to men of his class, he sus- 
tained throughout, a high character for integrity, wisdom 
and discretion, and there was no period of his business 
career when the firm of which he was a prominent mem- 
ber did not stand A No. 1, in the public estimation, not 
only for pecuniary responsibility, but for punctuality, 
honor, and integrity. The name of Townsend & Coit, 
associated as it was, with that of others of the highest 
business standing, in almost every principal town from 
New York, through the Erie Canal, and the lakes to Chi- 
cago, was a guarantee that whatever was committed to 
their hands was safe and sure to receive the most vigilant 
care and attention. 

In 1818, on the application of the citizens of Buffalo 
the Legislature of the State authorized the survey of the 
mouth of Buffalo Creek, with a view to the construction 
of a harbor. This survey was to be at the expense of the 
county ; it was made however gratuitously, by the lion. 
Wm. Peacock. The next year the Legislature authorized 
a loan of twelve thousand dollars for the construction of 
the work. This loan was secured by the bond and mort- 



254 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

ga^e of Charles Towiisend, Oliver Forward, Sanmel 
Wilkoson and George Coit. The mone}^ was expended 
under the superintendence of Judge Samuel Wilkeson. 
A pier was built upon the outer side of the channel of 
the creek, extending into the lake about eighty rods, 
reaching twelve feet of M-ater ; and, in 1S21, a channel 
was formed of sufficient depth to admit vessels of ordi- 
nary size 



into Buffalo Creek, givinsc assurance of the 



'J t) 



success of what had been considered a doubtful experi- 
ment. "When, however, the agent of the Steamboat 
Company came on from New York, in January, 1S22, to 
build a new steamboat to take the place of the " "Walk 
in the Water," which had been wrecked, he did not re- 
gard the harbor improvements sufficiently advanced or 
secure to ensure the boat a safe passage out of the creek, 
if constructed upon its banks, and decided to build it at 
Black Bock, where the " Walk in the Water " had been 
built. To induce the building of the boat in Buffalo, 
however, the citizens offered to indemnify the Company 
against loss, by agreeing to pay <jne hundred and fifty 
dollars per day for every day the boat should be detained 
in Buffalo Creek after the first of May, by reason of any 
obstruction of the channel. Charles Townsend, Samuel 
AVilkeson, George Coit, Ebenezer Johnson, Elijah D. 
Efner and Ebenezer AValden, executed this bond. The 
boat was accordingly built on Buffalo Creek, and when the 
boat was completed and ready to sail, in the spring of 
1823, the ''Superior" found an open, unobstructed chan- 
nel into the lake; and the bond iwas cancelled. This 
was a great day of triumph and i-ejoicing in Buffalo. 

As has already been observed, Mr. Coit did not seek 
public notoriety out of the legitimate sphere of his busi- 



MESSRS. TOWKSEND AKD COIT. 255- 

ness, yet his political opinions uere decided, and freely 
expressed on all proper occasions. In these, as in all 
else, he was conservative in his views and principles. 
He lield his religions views and ])rinciples in the same 
way — never obtrnding them npon others, yet always ex- 
hibiting in his daily lite an example which created a 
favorable impression npon all who came within the ' 
sphere of his inflnence. He professed no more than he 
practiced, and he practiced what he professed. His 
charities were nnostentations — the natnral impnlses of a 
]<ind, sympathizing heart, ever open to the woes and 
wants of others — not practiced by any rnle, bnt the 
promptings of a tender sympathy with suffering 
wherever found. Ko worthy object or ajiplieant was 
ever refused his aid, or left his door empty-handed. 

Townsend & C<nt were almost if not the first who 
came to settle in Buffalo who possessed capital. JVIost^ 
it not all, who had hitherto settled here, had little else 
than strong hands and a resolute purpose. Mr. Granger 
came here maiiily for ])olitical ]mrposes ; Mr. Ellicott 
was here as the agent of the Holhind Land Company ; 
Dr. Chapin, Gen. Potter, Judge. Walden and others, to 
practice tlieir profession, in wliich tlieir capital mainly 
consisted. It is believed that none of the settlers, prior 
to 1810, could be considered, even in those times, rich. 
Townsend & Coit were reputed wealthy, and their means 
and credit contributed tu give permanency to the busi- 
ness here, M-hich it had not hitherto enjoyed. The first 
vessel registered in the district of Buffalo Creek (thesli>op 
Hannah) was built, in part, at least, with their means. 
Capt. Oliver Coit, Avho was a lelative of ]\Ir. Geo. Coif, 
was master and part owner of this vessel. Her register 



266 ' HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

dates May 26th, 1817. They continued to be interested 
in the commerce of the lakes from this time to the intro- 
duction of steam boats, and the firm to which they be- 
longed were large owners both in steam and sailing craft, 
up to the time of its dissolution in 1843 or 4, and per- 
haps it is due to truth to say that the capital and credit 
of Townsend & Coit contributed as much or more than 
that of any other individual at that early day, to develop 
the resources of the country and carry forward the com- 
merce of our inland waters. The same may be said with 
€qual truth, in relation to the improvement of our city. 
They at an early day became the owners of a large 
amount of real estate, much of which they improved. 
The stores they built upon Main street and their 
warehouses upon the docks, were the best of their class 
at the time they were built, and it is no disparagement 
to others to say that during the whole period of their 
active business, from 1811 to 1844, theirs was the 
leading house in the city, and the reputation of the house 
under the various names which the changes of the indi- 
viduals composing it from time to time, rendered neces- 
sary, has been maintained up to the present time. 

Mr. Raphael Cook was a cotemporary tavern-keeper 
in Buifalo with Ralph M. Pomeroy. He kept a house of 
less pretension, on the opposite side of Main street from 
Pomeroy. It is not certain whether Mr. Cook came to 
Buffalo, prior to 1810 It is certain that he kept a pub- 
lic house at the place above stated in 1810. He removed 
from Palmyra, or its neighborhood to BuflTalo, and rented 
the place he occupied and may have added to the build- 
ings as they were low and occupied considerable ground 



JUDGE FORWAED — DR. TKOWBKIDOE. 257 

Public meetings appear to have been held at " Cook's 
Tavern," in those days. Mr. Cook's wife becoming par- 
tially deranged, he procured a former friend and neigh- 
bor, Mrs, Swan, to keep house for him. He left Buffalo, 
with the rest, when it was burned, but returned after the 
war, and re-opened his tavern on Main street, up town, 
on the present site of the "Tiift House." The old build- 
ing which he occupied, stood a great number ot years, 
and was long known as the " Old Phcenix Hotel." Mr. 
Cook continued to keep it, until his death, in 1821 or 2. 
A daughter of his married Wm. Grant, the son of Yin- 
cent Grant. 

Mr. Oliver Forward came to Buffalo about this period. 
He married the sister of Mr. Erastus Granger. He offi- 
ciated as the deputy of Mr. Granger, in the Post Office, 
many years, and on the resignation of Mr. Granger, as Col- 
lector of Customs, Mr. Forward was appointed in his place. 
He was subsequently appointed a Judge, by which title he 
was best known to the early inhabitants of Buffalo. He 
purchased Inner Lot, No. 72, on what is now Pearl street, 
in 1813, where he built a brick dwelling, soon after the 
war, which is still standing. He had several children, 
some of whom died in infancy. It is believed that Mrs. 
A. S. Sterling is now the only resident in Buffalo. 

Doctor Josiah Trowbridge was an early pliysician in 
Buffalo. He commenced practice upon the opposite side 
of the river in 1810, but on the breaking out of tlie war, 
in 1812, he removed to this side, and became a perma- 
nent resident of Buffiilo, where he practiced his profes- 
sion nearly half a century. The Doctor stood high in his 
17 



2lbS HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

profession, and at an early period of his residence was 
for a time associated with Doctor Chapin. During the 
long period of his professional career, his practice was 
among the leading families of the place, and he stood 
high in the estimation of his professional brethren, among 
whom he was looked upon as the senior member. Like 
Doctor Chapin, he had an extensive acquaintance and 
practice in Canada, having married his wife there, or 
rather the war having compelled him to leave about the 
time fixed for the wedding, he was driven to the necessity 
of invoking the aid of friends, and going over in the 
night making a willing prisoner of Miss Wintermoot, his 
affianced bride, brought her across the river, and they 
were married in Buffalo, soon after the declaration of 
war, in 1812. Doctor Trowbridge had a large family of 
children ; Doctor John S. Trowbridge is the only one now 
living in Buffalo. 

The first newspaper .published in Buffalo was the 
" Buffalo Gazette," issued on the 3d day of October, 1811, 
by the brothers Smith H., and Hezekiah A. Salisbury, 
who came here for the purpose, from Canandaigua, where 
they had learned the printing business of the late James D. 
Bemis, in the office of the " Ontario Eepository." The 
" Gazette " was tlie only paper then published in Western 
New York, excepting one at Batavia, established in 1807. 
They likewise opened a bookstore, being the only one in 
the State west of Canandaigua. S. H. Salisbury, in 1818, 
retired from the " Gazette," and it was continued by H. 
A. Salisbury, under the title of the " Buffalo Patriot,'* 
until 1836, when he disposed of it, and it has since been 
published as the weekly issue of the "Buffalo Daily 



FIRST NEWSPAPER IN BUFFALO. 259 

Commercial Advertiser.' S. H. Salisbury removed to 
Rochester, in 1830, and became editor of the "Rochester 
Daily Advertiser," where he died in 1832. H- A. Salis- 
bury died in this city, in 1856. 

Hitherto Buffalo had been spelled with an e, but 
Boon after the establishment of the first newspaper in Buf- 
falo in 1811, Mr. Salisbury, the editor, took up the sub- 
ject and in a series of rather humorous articles, showed 
the absurdity of using the superfluous e on the end of 
that name. This is one method he took. He says, 
" Buf — there's your Buf, fa — there's your Bufia, lo — 
there's your Buff'alo, e — there's your Buifalo-e." The 
following record of a hypothetical lawsuit is copied : 

(From the Buffalo Gazette, Dec. 29th, 1811.) 
" LAW INTELLIGENCE. 

Ety-Mol O. Gy | 
General Opinion. ) 

" This was an action brought before the Court for the 
purloining the fifth letter of the alphabet, and clapping 
it on the end of the name Bufialo. 

" The Plaintiff contended that he had both reason and 
right on his side, and that he could not only prove from 
high authority that the Defendant was guilty not only of 
a gross dereliction in thus adding the silent, superfluous 
e to the high sounding Buf-fa-lo, but that he had in his 
filchings, taken one of the ofiicial functionaries, one t)f 
the most important members of the alphabet, one in fact 
introduced into all circles, parties, societies and even into- 



260 HISTORY OF BUFFALO, 

electioneering caucuses, and placed him where his use- 
fulness would be entirely abridged, where he must raise 
his final head in silence, where he would be known only 
in name. 

" The Plaintiff now proceeded after some pertinent 
remarks to the Court, in which he pointed out the enor- 
mity of the offence of General Opinion, to call his wit- 
nesses. Several Dictionaries were brought forth and 
examined, who testified from Doctor Johnson down to 
Noah Webster, that there was no such character as e, in 
the town of BUFFALO. General Use who was subpoe- 
naed by both parties was qualified. 

" He said he did not hesitate to state to the Court that 
lie had been in the constant practice of dating his notes, 
receipts and memoranda with ' Buftaloe,' but that since 
the establishment of a public paper, he should accommo- 
date it to his conscience to cut it short and dock off the 
final e. The Plaintiff then said, that if necessary he 
could produce to the Court a cloud of certificates which 
would fully and unequivocally convince and convict their 
minds, but that he would not insult their Honors by sup- 
posing that any further evidence was wanting and should 
therefore rest his case." 

These efforts of Mr. Salisbury were successful and the 
superfluous e was gradually dropped, and the im- 
proved method of spelling Buftalo without an e prevailed. 



CHAPTEll XIY 



Among the settlers in Buffalo at the period we are now 
considering, was Mr. Job Hoysington. His name be. 
comes historic as being the only citizen of Buffalo killed 
in the battle which preceded the burning of Buffalo, on 
the morning of the 30th of December, 1813. The follow- 
ing notice of Mr. Hoysington, was written by Mr. Ben- 
jamin Hodge, for the Buffalo Historical Society, in 1862 : 

" Mr. Hoysington came to reside in Buffalo, in 1810. 
He was a man of great energy, and perseverance ; of 
indomitable courage and great endurance. He Avas well 
calculated to battle with the trials and difficulties of a 
frontier life. He was a very expert marksman with the 
rifle. He could bring at almost every shot, a squirrel 
from the top of the highest trees. He seemed to take 
great delight in his hunting excursions. But when the 
war of 1812 opened, Hoysington had a new field before 
him, and none entered it more willingly, or with more 
readiness to meet the invading foe. So far as others 
could judge he was a stranger to fear. He always 
seemed perfectly cool and collected ; nothing ever shook 
his nerves, and if for once he did miss his mark (as we 
shall presently relate), it may be attributed to other 



262 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

" On the morning of the 11th of July, 1813, the ene- 
my crossed the river at Black Hock, dispersed the few 
militia we had, and bm-ned the barracks. Gen, Porter 
and others rallied a force of some two hundred men and 
about twenty Indians, under the celebrated Indian chief, 
Farmers Brother, vigorously attacked the enemy and 
drove them back, with the loss of some fifteen or twenty 
killed and wounded. ]\Ir. Hoysington was on the right 
flank with the Indians. He cautiously advanced, under 
cover of some trees, until he found himself near the ene- 
my, who were standing near the turn of the road in 
Ifiagara street. He fired the first gun, taking deliberate 
aim, at a British officer. He felt sure of his man, but, 
unaccountably to him, he missed his mark. He after- 
wards declared if it had been a squirrel he should have 
killed him. 

" In this atiair, the Indian chief Young King was 
wounded in the foot, and we lost two or three other men. 

" A British sergeant, while retreating, was shot 
through the leg, and lay just under the bank, a little 
west of Gen. Porter's house, the present residence of L. 
F, Allen, Esq. One of our Indians, who had just dis- 
charged his rifle, jumped down the bank, some twenty 
feet from the wounded man, and stopped to load. The 
sergeant partly raised himself up and attempted to 
shoot the Indian ; his gun missed fire. The Indian, in a 
paroxysm of rage, sprang upon bis foe with the ferocity 
of a tiger, wrenched the gun from his grasp, and with 
one well-directed blow, knocked his brains out. The 
gun was an elegant, silver-mounted piece, but was 
broken off at the breech by the blow, but was afterwards 
mended and did good service. 



MB. JOB nOTSINGTON MR. HODGe's PAPER. 263 

^' In the disastrous battle fought at Bhick Kock on the 
morning of the 30th Dec, 1813, and which resulted in 
the defeat of our troops and the burning of Buffalo, Job 
Hoysington bore a most conspicuous part. Himself, and 
iadeed all Capt. Hall's company of Buffalonians, fought 
most bravely. Nearly all our raw militia, amounting to 
nearly three thousand, many of whom had been in 
camp but a few days, fled at the first onset like a flock 
of sheep. It was a real 'Bull's Kun' stampede. For 
more than half an hour, a few hundred of our men made 
a most determined resistance ; but a thousand disci- 
plined British troops, with a few hundred Indians on 
their flank, soon compelled our men to give way. Hoy- 
sington did so with great reluctance, and after retreating 
some distance with the rest, suddenly stopped and said, 
' I will have one more shot at them.' In vain was he 
entreated not to tarry. 

" Days, weeks and months passed away, but no tidings 
came of the missing Hoysington. But when the spring 
came, and the winter snows had melted away, his re- 
mains were found beside a log, not far from the present 
residence of F. Gridley, Esq, on North street. A bullet 
had passed through his head, and the marks of the tom- 
ahawk in his skull told too plainly that he fell by the 
band of the savages. His empty rifle lay by his side. 
His remains were buried in the old neighboring burial 
ground. 

" About the year 1850, the remains in this old 
cemetary, some one hundred in number, were exhumed 
and placed in boxes, preparatory to their removal to 
' Forest Lawn.' The writer, with a friend, called to 
look at the remains. In one of the boxes evidently lay 



264 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

the skull of Hoysington. The bullet holes and the marks 
of the tomahawk were too plain to be mistaken. A few 
days after, with other friends, he called again to view the 
Bad relics, but the skull was gone ; no one could give any 
information in regard to it. Some one had taken it 
away ; possibly it is in the hands of some medical man 
in our city." * * * 

On the morning after the battle at Black Eock, when 
our troops were flying before the enemy, Mrs. Hoysing- 
ton with her children waited in anxious expectation of her 
husband's return, but he came not. Their house was 
out on Main, near Utica street. She remained until all 
her neighbors had gone, and great numbers of the panic- 
stricken militiamen had passed. x\t last with a heart 
weighed down with anxiety about her husband, she 
started on foot, with her little children, to follow on with 
the rest. She had not gone far before she was overtaken 
by two cavalry horsemen. They proposed to take each, 
one of the smallest of her children on their horses to help 
her in her flight. She consented, and for many weeks 
she knew not what had become of her children ; at 
length a notice was published and Mrs. Hoysington 
found her children in a distant county. They had been 
carried home by the sympathizing soldiers, and cared for. 
They were returned to her in safety, and her oldest son 
was educated at the expense of the First Presbyterian 
Church in Buffalo, for the ministry, and became the cele- 
brated missionary to India and died recently, greatly 
honored and beloved. 

â–  Among the early lawyers of Buffalo, was the venera- 
ble John Root, attorney and counsellor at law. He 
came to Buffalo in I&IO. He was the cotemporary of 



MK. JOHN KOOT. 265- 

Walden, Potter, Harrison and other early practitioners 
in Western New York, A book might be filled with the 
witty sayings and sharp repartees of " Old Counsellor 
Root," as he was familiarly named. These are still re- 
membered and often repeated by the older members of 
the bar, even to this day. 

" Counsellor Root," is remembered as a man of gigan- 
tic proportions, rather stooping or round shouldered, ad- 
dicted to drink in his later years, yet never losing an 
innate propensity to utter sharp, witty sayings. In a 
case upon one occasion where the judge had decided a 
point against him. Root, in animadverting upon it, re- 
marked that it was only equaled by the memorable decision 
made by Pontius Pilate, on a well-known occasion. The 
judge sharply rebuked him, saying, " Mr. Root, sit down 
sir — you are drunk." Root slowly settled himself into 
his seat, muttering, sotto voce, " That is the only correct 
decision, your honor has made during the whole term." 
The court and bar could scarcely restrain the general out- 
burst of laughter which ran through the whole court- 
room. 

On another occasion, he and Gen. Potter were opposed 
to each other in trying a case of assault and battery. 
Root, in the course of his argument, said he had known 
a case, where a man from a slight blow of a stick on the 
head became idiotic for the rest of his life. Potter sus- 
pecting the counsellor of drawing upon his imagination, 
rather than stating facts, interrupted him by the inquiry, 
" Who was it ? " Root turned slowly toward him and said 
in a mild voice, "I dont mean you Brother Potter." 

After practicing in his profession to an advanced age, 
Mr. Root retired to a farm upon the lake shore in the 



566 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

town of Hamburgh, but died in this city in 1846, at the 
age of 76. He was twice married, but left no children. 

We have spoken of most of the prominent settlers in 
Buffalo, up to 1811, or those who were here before the 
war, that became permanent settlers. It now remains to 
speak of the transactions of this eventful period. It was 
during the year 1811, that fears of a war between the 
United States and Great Britain began to be entertained, 
and the people of Buffalo began to realize that their po- 
sition was a dangerous one in case war should be de- 
clared. Not the least of their anxiety grew out of the 
fact that the Indians residing in the vicinity were known 
to still hold friendly relations with their brethren, the 
Mohawks, who had settled in Canada, and they were 
known to be still under a strong British influence, ex- 
erted through British agents and officers, who still held 
intercourse with them. 

In order to ascertain the state of feeling among the 
Indians on the subject of anticipated difficulties, Mr. 
Granger, the Agent, held a council with them. He ex- 
plained to them the nature of the difficulties between the 
two governments ; that it was in relation to questions in 
which they had no interest, counselling them in any 
event to remain quiet at their homes and all differences 
would be speedily settled upon a solid basis, while they 
should remain in undisturbed possession of their lands. 
To this the Indians replied through their chiefs, that they 
should remain in peace ; that in no case, and under no 
circumstances would they be drawn into hostility with the 
United States, and that they should endeavor to influence 
iheir brethren in Canada, to the same course of action. 



'specks of wak, 267 

Bat when hostilities actually coinmenced the fear of our 
own Indians operated powerfully on the public mind, and 
caused numbers to leave the place, so that it is probable 
that not over one thousand inhabitants remained at the 
beginning of the war. 

A very iritable state of feeling existed npon both sides 
of the river. A shot from a musket was fired across the 
river at Black Rock from the Canada side which occa- 
sioned some rather beligerent correspondence between 
the public authorities on both sides, but was finally sat- 
isfactorily explained by Col. "Warren and others upon the 
other side, showing that the firing was the act of a mere 
boy, done in sport. This state of feeling however was 
not confined to this locality, but existed npon the whole 
line of the river. A public meeting was held at Lewis- 
ton, which passed strong resolutions in regard to a simi- 
lar transaction at that place, and the public mind seemed 
to be preparing for what soon followed. The following 
article appeared in the Buffalo Gazette, June 16th, 1812 : 



" "War has been so long the order of the day that it is 
very difficult to ascertain by the signs of the times 
whether we shall have it in reality, or have it in words — 
mere paper shot. The information contained in this par- 
agraph may be of the utmost importance to the people of 
this country. Time will determine. On the first instant 
the President sent a message to both Houses of Con- 
gress accompanied with documents lately received from 
England, upon receipt of which. Congress went into 
secret session, and remained in conclave on the evening 



^W HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

of the second, when the List news arrived from Wash- 
ington. This message related to a declaration of war 
against England, as is stated in the New York papers, 
which also state that a hill declaring war against Eng- 
land had passed the House of Eepresentatives by a ma- 
jority of thirty-five. The bill was sent to the Senate 
where it is also rumored that it was rejected by a major- 
ity of one ! Other accounts state in substance the same. 
The next mail, we expect, Avill further elucidate the 
subject." 

The same paper contained the following : 

" FRONTIER MILITARY AFFAIRS. 

" Col. Swift returned from Albany and resumed the 
command of the volunteers on the Niagara Eiver. The 
volunteers have all arrived on the frontier to the number 
of six hundred. Nathaniel Allen, Esq., member of the 
Assembly from Ontario County, has been appointed Pay- 
master to these troops, and has arrived at Black Eock, 
bringing with him forty thousand dollars, as we under- 
stand." 

A courier was known to have been sent from Wash- 
ington to Niagara, by the British Minister at Washing- 
ton, with news of the declaration of war, which gave the 
information to the British officer in command in Canada, 
in advance of any official information communicated to 
our own officers ; and measures were immediately taken 
by the British to capture everything belonging to the 
Americans, within their reach. 



FIRST ACT OF HOSTILITY. 269 

The first act of open hostility was the capture of a 
small vessel loaded^with salt which lay off the mouth of 
Buffiilo Creek waiting for a wind. The captain of the 
vessel saw two large row-boats, filled with armed men, 
come out from under the guns of Fort Erie, and steer 
directly for the vessel. The wind was light; he could 
not enter Buffalo Creek ; his only alternative was to 
hoist sail and attempt to escape up the lake, but the 
wind failing, he fell an easy prey to the enemy. The 
following notice of this affair is from the Buftalo Gazette, 
June oOth : 

" On Saturday last, at 1 o clock P. M., the schooner Com- 
mencement, Capt. Johnson, was lying off Bufi'alo Creek, 
waiting for a wind. Two British armed row-boats fitted 
out at Fort Erie, put to sea and took the direction of th^ 
schooner, meanwhile Johnson stood out with a faint 
breeze, intending, if the wind should increase, to double 
Sturgeon Point, but by the time the schooner had beat 
six or seven miles up the lake, the breeze almost failed, 
and the boats came up with her, ca])tured and towed her 
into port. 

" The schooner belonged to Mr. Peter II. Colt, of 
Black Rock, and was loaded with salt. There were forty 
men on board the boats, and (?nly three men and a boy 
on board the schooner. The crew of the Commencement 
were released on Sunday morning." 

Scattered through the Province of Upper Canada were 
numbers of Americans — young men engaged in business 
for themselves, or as agents for others. These were cap- 
tured as prisoners of war, without distinction or excep- 



270 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

tion, many of tliein however through the assistance of 
friends were enabled to escape or elude their pursuers. 
It was verj evident that the British were much better 
prepared for war than the Americans, and the most ex- 
travagant stories of their preparation and purpose to 
invade our shores with a formidable army were in circu- 
lation. The following aj)peared in the Buffalo Gazette, 
July 14th : 

" The British are understood to have about six or seven 
hundred regular troops stationed between the lakes from 
Fort George to Fort Erie. These men are generally those 
who have seen service in various parts of the old world. 

The militia of the Province are ordered out en masse. 
Great discontent prevails in consequence of this requisi- 
^tion, there being no help to gather in the crops ; the 
clamors ot the people are but little shoi t of open rebel- 
lion. There is no civil authority in Canada — no magis- 
trate will act — the martial code has usurped the civil 
law. Many young tradesmen in Canada vi^ill be ruined. 
They are required to take up arms or leave the country. 
They cannot collect their debts, nor bring away their 
property, but many' have come away and left their all in 
jeopardy. 

The British are said to have more than one hundred 
pieces of flying, field and garrison artillery in the differ- 
ent defences on the Niagara river. Fort Erie has been 
strengthened considerably ; a redoubt of many rods in 
length was thrown up on "Wednesday and Thursday last, 
on the hill, a few rods below the house of John Warren, 
Jun., and directly opposite the dwelling house of Gen. Peter 
B.Porter, at Black Rock. * * Gen. Brock, President of 



AFFAIRS ON THE ^'lAGARA FRONTIER. 271 

the Parliament of Upper Canada, acting Governor of 
the Province and Commander-in-Chief of his majesty's 
forces in Upper Canada, is at present at Newark, super- 
intending the various defences on the river. He is 
stated to be an able, and experienced officer, of un- 
doubted courage. He came from Little York (Toronto) 
soon after hearing of the declaration of war, and, it was 
believed, with a serious intention of attacking Fort 
Niagara ; but, contrary to what has been reported, he 
made no demand of surrender." * * 

Immediately on the report of a declaration of war, 
the militia in the neighborhood of the lines were ordered 
out. Gen. Hopkins, who resided a few miles east of 
Bulfalo, on what was called the " plains,'' ordered out 
his entire brigade. Gen. Porter, who had been to Wash- 
ington, returned to his home at Black Rock and imme- 
diately assumed the direction of affairs, taking the most 
active and strenuous measures for defence, as nothing 
but an immediate invasion by the enemy was expected. 

The following appeared under the editorial head of 
the Buffalo Gazette, June 30th, 1812 : 

" Major Frederick Miller, of this town, has been ap- 
pointed major-commandant of the forces at Black Rock. 
Col. Swift has taken command at Lewiston. Gen. Por- 
ter arrived in town on Saturday, and, we understand, 
immediately sent an express to Canandaigua to expedite, 
with all possible dispatch, the arms and anmiunition de- 
posited in the arsenal at that place to Black Rock. Sev- 
eral companies of militia, of Gen. Hopkins' brigade, 
have been ordered en masse to Black Rock. The light 
infantry company of Capt. Wells, and militia company 



272 msTOET OF buffalo. 

of Capt. Hull, are embodied, aud rendezvous in this vil- 
lage to protect the town." 

The act declaring war was published in the Buffalo 
Gazette, July 7th, 1812. 

The most absurd and startling rumors were put in 
circulation every day. Mr. Granger held frequent con- 
sultations with the Indians — issued a proclamation, ad- 
dressed to the inhabitants of Buffalo, assuring them of 
the friendly disposition of the Indians, and that no fears 
need be entertained in regard to them. 

Among the other rumors which were put in circula- 
tion, it was said the British and Indians had crossed 
over and taken possession of Grand Island in the Niag- 
ara river, which the Indians at that time claimed as 
their property. This led our Indians to call a meeting 
of consultation and conference with Mr. Granger, their 
agent. The result of this conference is spoken of in the 
Buffalo Gazette of August, dth, 1812, as follows : 

"The rumor of the British and Indians taking posses- 
sion of Grand Island (in the Niagara river, and owned 
by the Senecas) having reached the ears of the Senecas, 
they assembled for the purpose of counseling with their 
agent, Mr. Granger, on the subject. The famous Eed 
Jacket, after liaving stated the information they had re- 
ceived, addressed tlie agent in the following manner : 

" Brothek : — You have told us that we had nothing to 
do with the war between you and the British ; but we find 
the war has come to our doors. Our property is taken 
possession of by tlie British and their Indian friends. It 
is necessary now for us to take up the business, defend 



LOYALLY OF THE INDIANS, 273 

our property and drive the enemy from it. If we sit 
still upon our seats and take no measures of redress, the 
British, according to the customs of you white people, 
will hold it by conquest, and should you conquer Canada 
you will claim it upon the same principles, as conquered 
from the British. We therefore request permission to go 
with our warriors and drive off these bad people, and 
take possession of our lands." 

The rumor, like many others, turned out to be ground- 
less, and of course the Indians were called upon to make 
no further display of their patriotism at that time. 

There is little doubt that this circumstance, trifling as 
it really was, had a beneficial effect both upon the In- 
dians and upon the white inliabitants. It gave the In- 
dians an opportunity of identifying themselves witli the 
American cause, in a public manner, and it also served 
to dispel all fear that the Indians were inclined to join, 
or favor the British. Johnston and his son had both 
previously died, and there was no one left here likely to 
exert any influence over them adverse to the American 
cause, and the Indians after this public expression of 
their loyalty to the Government, were invited to join in 
the defence of the country in which tiiey had as deep a 
stake as the whites. All the warriors of the Six Nations 
residing in their several towns and villages were organ- 
ized into companies and Farmers Brother was appointed 
their commander, with other chiefs as his subordinates, 
and they did good and eflicient service tlirough the war. 

Although a war with Great Britain was rather looked 
for and anticipated by politicians and close observers of 
the signs of the times, j^et the great mass of the ])eople 
18 



274 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

looked upon it as something remote and improbable, and 
when the news of the declaration of war came to be 
viewed as a reality, thej were aroused to a sense 
of their exposed condition. Nothing had been done 
either by the State or General Governuient, in the way 
of protection or defence of the exposed inhabitants on 
the Niagara frontier, A peace of thirty years had 
served to remove the generation that had achieved our 
independence. It is true there were here and there a few 
of those who had participated in the war of the Eevo- 
lution, but they were in general exempt by law from mil- 
itary duty ; the great mass of the local militia were 
almost entirely destitute of military experience or disci- 
pline. The imperfect organization of our militia system, 
and the imperfect instruction received at the "trainings," 
and annual " insi^ections," did little else than to bring 
the whole thing into ridicule, rendering the whole sys- 
tem a hindrance, rather than an aid, to the public defence. 
It was no uncommon thing for our officers who had re- 
ceived a thorough military education at West Point, to 
say that it w-as far easier to make soldiers out of men 
who had never " trained " a day in their lives, than to 
bring under discipline those who had acquired 
habits at these country trainings which they had to 
unlearn before the first step in military instruction could 
be taken. The tirst efforts of a few weeks to organize a 
defensive force on the Niagara frontier convinced the peo- 
ple of the real condition of affairs. 

Early in (September, 1812, a public meeting was called 
at the Court House, in Buffalo, of which the following is 
a notice from the Buffalo Gazette, September 8th, 1812 : 



CKITICAL STATE OF AFFAIRS ON TIIK FRONTIER. 2 i 5 

'' COUNTY MKETING I 

" A meeting of many citizens of Niagara County was 
held pnrsuant to public notice, at the Court House, in Buf- 
falo, on Thursday last ; Gen. T. S. Hopkins, Chairman, 
Eichard Smith, Esq., Clerk. The officers of the meeting 
having failed to furnish us a copy of the proceedings of the 
meeting, we can only say that a committee of five was 
appointed to address the Governoi- on tlie present critical 
situation of the frontiers, to acquaint him with the great 
deficiency of arms and ammunition, and pray relief, and 
that a general committee of safety was appointed to give 
all necessary information of approaching danger, and 
also to prevent all unnecessary alarm froin tlie thousand 
rumors and falsehoods that are constantly afloat." 

Fears had beeiv entertained that the Indians, in case 
the enemy should make a successful invasion, would join 
their ancient ally, and every indication of the loyalty of 
the Senecas was hailed with delight. The following is 
copied from the Buffalo Gazette of September 29th, 1812 : 

" About one hundred and forty warriors of the Sen- 
eca Nation of Indians from Alleghany River arrived in 
town last week, and are encamped near the village. 
More are expected from different parts. Several confer- 
ences and councils have lately been held with the chiefs. 
They voluntarily oflered to take up arms for defensive 
operations. Yesterday they performed a war dance in 
the streets of this village." 

Early in October of this year, a detachment of sail- 



2,76 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

â– ors from New York arrived at Black Rock, destiued for 
the fleet which was organizing on Lake Erie. 

Two British vessels — the brig Adams and the schooner 
Caledonia — were then lying at Fort Erie, and a plan was 
organized to capture them by surprise, under cover of 
the night. There was a double purpose in this enter- 
prise. The Americans were sensible of their weakness 
upon the whole Niagara frontier, and it was their true 
policy to keep up an appearance of strength by making 
occasional aggressive demonstrations. The vessels, al- 
though armed, were known to have on board very valu- 
able cargoes of furs. The enterprise was entirely an im- 
promptu affair, and was enthusiastically entered into by 
the newly arrived sailois, just from a long, dull overland 
journey — some of our own citizens entering in to it with 
spirit, led bj^ the brave Dr. Chapin. An attack, in open 
-boats, upon two armed vessels, was an^act which, had it 
failed, would have been pronounced the height of pre- 
sumption and rashness ; but, as it proved successful, was 
characterized as a "gallant and daring exploit." None 
.'but brave men could have planned and executed it. 

The following brief notice of this transaction is taken 
from the Buffalo Gazette of October 13th, 1812 : 

" GALLANT AND DAKING EXPLOIT. 

" About one o'clock on Friday morning, three armed 
boats, with one hundred and two men, crossed from this 
shore to Fort Erie on the opposite side, for the purpose 
of attacking two British vessels — the brig Adams, of six 
guns, and the schooner Caledonia, of two guns — at 
.anchor near that place; one boat containing about fifty 



CAPTURE OF TWO BRITISH VESSELS. 27T 

men, another between forty and fifty, and the third six 
men — the first under the command of Lieut, Jesse D. 
Elliott, of the United States Navy, the second under 
Lieut. L. "Watts, sailing master, and the third com- 
manded by Capt. Cyreneus Chapin, of this village. 
Owing to the delay occasioned by the darkness of the 
night, the attack did not commence until about three 
o'clock. Both vessels were boarded at nearly the same 
time, and captured after a resistance of a few minutes.. 
The cables were immediately cut and the vessels taken 
down the river. TJie Caledonia anchored near the 
Rock. The brig was carried by the current to the west 
side of Squaw Island, (about half a mile from Black 
Rock) and run aground at a short distance from the 
shore. When opposite to the Rock, a heavy cannon- 
ading commenced from.the batteries and flying artillery 
from the other shore, which was soon returned from the 
vessels. The brig, from her situation, was much ex- 
posed. Those on board, however, were safely landed on 
our own shore. 

"The Adams was soon after re-taken by the British^ 
but the destructive fire from the Island and our artillery 
on shore soon compelled them to abandon her. There is 
good reason to believe they lost a number of their men 
before they got off. * * * It being thought im- 
practicable to keep possession of the brig, (a very hasty 
conclusion, however, we fear) she was set on fire and 
burnt to the water's edge. 

" This achievement does equal honor to both officers 
and men engaged in the expedition. * * * The 
boarding party had one killed and eight or ten wounded. 
A marine was killed a few hours after, while unloading 
the Caledonia, by a cannon sliot. 



278 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

" The first shot from tlie British batteries killed Major 
Cuyler, whose death is published in the succeeding 
column. A twentj-four lb. ball passed through the 
house of Orange Dean. Another six lb. shot passed 
through the store of IST. Sill & Co. Above three hun- 
dred shots were fired from the British batteries." * * 

Perhaps there was scarcely an incident during the 
whole war that created a profounder sensation than the 
death of Major Cuyler, mentioned above. The capture 
of the two armed vessels from under the very guns of 
the fort, and the death of an officer who had already at- 
tracted universal notice and admiration, being almost 
the first of the war, touched a chord of sympathy in the 
hearts of multitudes both in and out of the army. 
Major Cuyler belonged to a wealthy family, early set- 
tled at Palmyra, in Ontario county. He came on to the 
lines as the aid of Maj. Gen, Hall, of the New York 
Volunteers, who was from the same county. He was a 
young man of fine appearance and address, and entered 
upon the discharge of his duties with great energy and 
enthusiasm. On this occasion, it is said, he was en- 
gaged in procuring relief for the wounded in the boats 
and upon the vessels. He was mounted and riding rap- 
idly down the beach of the river, carrying a lantern. 
He was struck by a cannon shot and instantly killed. 

The foUowine: is the obituarv alluded to above : 



" Killed instantly, on Friday morning last, between 
the hours of four and five o'clock, while passing the 



DEATH OF MAJOR CUYLEK AN OBITUARY. 279 

beach at Black Rock, on horse-back, at full speed, by a 
cannon shot from the British batteries, Major "William 
Howe Cuyler, aged thirty-seven years, principal aide-de- 
camp to Maj. Gen. Hall, late from the town of Palmyra, 
in the county of Ontario. 

'' His body was conveyed, to this village, and interred 
at the burying ground on Saturday, with the honors of 
war. An address was delivered at the grave by J. E. 
Chaplin, Esq., from which we make the following 
extract : * ^• 

"His situation in life was such as to enable him to 
gratify the benevolent feelings of his heart. The bless- 
ings of heaven seemed to have descended upon him, and 
all around seemed to conspire to crown his life with hap- 
piness. All the comforts which wealth could purchase 
were within his grasp. The affections of a fond and 
doating wife had given to his home a charm which noth- 
ing could dissolve. Three infant children, as they 
played around his fire-side, awakened the tenderest feel- 
ings of the parent and gave him all a father's happiness. 
While thus enjoying every domestic felicity, the din of 
war reached his ears. His country had resorted to arms 
against a powerful nation, and called upon her children 
to exchange the sweets of peace and tranquility for 
hardship, havoc, carnage and slaughter. His courage 
and patriotism were too great to suffer him to remain an 
idle spectator of the contest. * * * Every selfish 
consideration vanished before the shrine of patriotism, 
and friends, and wife, and children, and home, — all, all 
were left for the service of his country. -Alas ! — nor 
wife nor children more shall he behold, nor friends, nor 
sacred home ! * ^ * But he is gone ! The friend. 



280 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

and husband, and parent, and soldier, and patriot, has 
gone forever ; and while we mourn his loss, let us endea- 
vor to imitate his virtues, and teach our hearts to become 
assimilated to his." 

The surrender of Gen. Hull's array at Detriot preceded 
the capture of the two British vessels at Fort Erie, but a 
few days, and it appears that on board of these vessels 
were some of those Amercan prisoners, sent down from 
Detroit ; a number of these were retaken. The battle of 
Queenston, also occurred "about the same time. These 
two disastrous events caused great depression in the 
minds of the inhabitants on the Niagara frontier which 
the brilliant achievment of the capture of two of the en- 
emy's war vessels, almost without loss,- was calculated in 
a measure to dispel. The following farther notice of the 
affair and the condition of things here at the time is cop- 
ied from the Buffalo Gazette of October 20th, 1812 : 

" WAK EVENTS AT BLACK KOCK. 

" On Monday of last week the British came over to 
Squaw Island and captured two American boats, one of 
which was loaded with cannon balls. On the same day 
while a boat was passing down the river from Black Bock 
to Schlosser, loaded with flour and whisky, the British 
opened their batteries upon the boat and fired upwards 
of thirty rounds of grape shot at her Avhile passing from 
Squaw Island to the head of Grand Island, most of 
which struck the sails or some part of the boat. There 
were about thirty men on board the boat, and only one 
•was wounded. The only thing that saved the men from 



WAK EVENTS AT BLACK KOCK. 281 

being killed or wounded, was this: whenever they dis- 
cerned the smoke of the cannon, they resorted to the 
fashionable mode of prostrating themselves in the boat. 
The wounded man, Thomas Morgan, lying with his elbow 
above the railing, received a grape shot in the elbow-joint, 
which came out at the shoulder. The limb being much 
shattered, an amputation took place next morning. He 
survived the wound about thirty hours. He was from 
the county of Cayuga, a young officer of much merit. 

" On Tuesday last, the British batteries below Fort 
Erie, opened a very heavy fire upon the fortifications 
and village of Black Kock, which continued, with inter- 
vals, spiritedly all day. But few shots were returned 
from our batteries, having there no larger calibre than 
field-sixes, at the breastworks. Two shots, in the morn- 
ing, pierced the house of Orange Dean, which did little 
damage besides bilging a barrel of old Pittsburgh whis- 
key in Dean's cellar, belonging to Peter H. Colt. Sev- 
eral cannon shot struck the batter}', and two or three 
passed through the upper loft of the west barracks. A 
bomb thrown from a twenty-four pounder struck the east 
barracks and destroyed them ; it entered and burst near 
a cask of powder which blew up. Several stands of 
arms, two boxes of fixed ammunition, and some property 
of the soldiers was destroyed ; a quantity of skins, a part 
of the cargo of the Caledonia were much injured. The 
event caused much shouting among the British. Several 
shot passed through Sills's store. A* twenty-four pounder 
struck the upper loft of the stone house of Gen. Porter, 
while the General and his friends were at dinner ; it 
passed through one of the chimneys and injured the 
ornamental work near the eaves. Another ball passed 



"282 IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

through the roof of the house. Several other houses 
were injured. In the course of the day a marine, a black 
man, was killed by a twenty-four pound shot. The cargo 
of the Caledonia which has been estimated at the east- 
ward at one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, is not 
now rated higher tlian eight or ten thousand dollars. 
The immense packs of beaver, musk-rats, &c., with 
which it was said the Caledonia was laden, prove to be 
nothing more than deer, bear, and buffalo skins. * * 
Capt. Thomas Davis, of this village, commanded one of 
the boats that captured the Adams and the Caledonia, 
* * * On Saturday a flag came over from Fort 
Erie, informing our General, that they should consider 
any attempt to remjuve the guns which remained in the 
hold of the Adams which was burned last week, near 
Squaw Island, as an infringement of the armstice, (con- 
cluded at Lewiston,) and would fire upon our troops, 
should they come near the hulk. An answer, we under- 
stand, was returned saying that considering the property 
our own, no attention would be paid to their request. 
The flag returned and the moment it landed, they fired 
two guns of grape at our troops on board the hulk which 
however did no damage. In the course of the night 
Capt. C. Chapin with a party of soldiers and marines 
went on board and took out an elegant long twelve 
pounder from the ruins of the ship, which together with 
an eighteen pounder lately brought up from Schlosser, 
are mounted on our batteries. On Sunday evening Liuet. 
Watts went on board with a number of men, and brought 
away another long twelve-pounder. 

" TVe are sorry to state that several American officera 
have met with severe losses in the destruction of the brig 



OFFICIAL RErORT OF LIEUT. ELLIOTT 283 

Adams. * * The property ot the American prisoners 
(on board the Adams) was either phmdered or destroyed 
on board the Adams ; it is suspected a part was taken 
by the British, when they took possession of the brig a 
second time. * * 

" It is ascertained that Major Ormsbee, late Comman- 
dant at Fort Erie, togetlier with twenty or thirty British 
were killed on board the brig Adams, after she grounded, 
on the day of her capture." 

The following is an extract of Lieut. Elliott's official 
report : 

" Black Rook, October 9th, 1812. 
"Sir: — I have the honor to inform you that on the 
morning of the 8th instant, two British vessels which I 
was informed were His Britannic Majesty's brig Detroit, 
late the United States brig Adams, and the brig Hun- 
ter, mounting fourteen guns, but which afterwards 
proved to be the brig Caledonia, both said to be well 
armed and manned, came down the lake and anchored 
under the protection of Fort Erie. * * On the morn- 
ing of their arrival, I heard that our seamen were but a 
short distance from this place and immediately dispatched 
an express to the officers directing them to use all possi- 
ble dispatch in getting their men to this place as I had 
important service to perform. On their arrival, which 
was about 12 o'clock, I discovered that they had only 
twenty pistols and neither cutlasses or battle-axes. But 
on application to Generals Smyth and Hall, of the regu- 
lars and the militia, I was supplied with a few arms, and 
Gen. Smyth was so good on ray request as immediately 



884 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

to detach fifty men from the regulars armed with mus- 
kets. By four o'clock I had my men selected and sta- 
tioned in two boats which I had previously prepared for 
the service. "With these boats, fifty men in each, and 
under circumstances very disadvantageous, my men hav- 
ing scarcely had time to refresh themselves after a fatigu- 
ing march of five hundred miles, I put off from the 
mouth of Bufialo Creek at one o'clock, the following 
morning and at three 1 was along side the vessels. In 
the space of about ten minutes, I had the prisoners all 
secured, the top-sails sheeted home and the vessels under 
way. * * * To my officers and men, 1 feel under 
great obligation. To Capt. Towson, and Lieut. Eoach, 
of the 2d Regiment of Artillery, Ensign Prestman of the 
Infantry, Capt. Chapin, Mr. John McComb, Messrs. 
John Tower, Thomas Davis, Peter Overstocks and James 
Sloan, resident gentlemen of Bufialo, for tlieir soldier 
and sailor-like conduct. In a word sir, every man 
fought as if with their hearts animated onl}^ by the inter- 
ests and honor of their country. The prisoners I have 
turned over to the military. 

" The Detroit mounted six six-pounder long guns, a 
commanding lieutenant of marines, boatswain, gunner 
and fifty-six men ; about thirty American prisoners 
on board, muskets, pistols, cutlasses and battle axes. 
In boarding her, I lost one man, one officer wounded. 
* * * The Caledonia mounted two small guns, 
blunderbusses, pistols, muskets, cutlasses, boarding pikes, 
twelve men, including officers ; ten prisoners on board. 
The boat boarding her, commanded by Sailing-master 
George Watts performed his duty in masterly style. 
But one man killed and four wounded badly, I am afraid 
mortally." * * *^ 



CHAPTER XV. 



In the battle of Queenston, which resulted so disas- 
trously to the Americans, notwithstanding the bravery 
exhibited by some of our officers, some things were de- 
veloped that gave uneasiness to all true-hearted patriots. 
It appears that some portion of the volunteer force as- 
sembled on the Niagara frontier with loud protestations 
of courage and patriotism, refused to cross the river to 
sustain Col. Van Rensselaer, taking the ground that they 
could not be ordered out of the State in which they had 
enlisted, or had been enrolled. This refusal of some of 
the forces assembled at Lewiston, to cross into Canada, 
lost the battle of Queenston. Col. Van Rensselaer was 
severe!}'' wounded and brought to Buffalo, where he lay 
nearly four weeks and until he was so far recovered as 
to be able to stand the journey to his own home, in Al- 
bany. The following article appeared in tlie Buffalo 
Gazette, November 11th 1812 : 

" COL. BOLOMON VAN KENSSELAER — HONOR TO WHOM HONOR 
IS DUE. 

"Those to whom the lives of tlie brave and })atriotic 
are dear, and who regard the welfare of our common 
country, and esteem its resolute defenders, will learn with 



aoo HISTOKT OF BUFFALO. 

pleasure and satisfaction that Col. Solomon Yan Rensse- 
laer, who fought and bled under the intrepid Wayne, has 
so far recovered from the numerous wounds received at 
the battle of Queenston, as to be able to commence his 
journey for Albany. He left this village yesterday 
morning, accompanied by John Lovett, Esq. When the 
Colonel left Landon's (Hotel,) a salute was given him 
b}^ Chapin's Independent Buffalo Matross, commanded 
by Capt. Chapin, Capt. Babcock's Light Dragoons, Capt. 
Allison's Pennsylvania Volunteers, and a Rifle Company 
under the command of Lieut. Smith." 

The same paper contained the lollowing remarks : 

" DRAFTED MILITIA. 

" It appears to be pretty generally admitted that the 
detached military volunteer companies who offer their 
services to the State, cannot be ordered out of the Union ; 
and some, indeed, pretend to say that they cannot be 
marched out of the State where they are enrolled. ISTow 
if the militia cannot be depended on to assist in any 
great enterprise out of the Union, why are the Pennsyl- 
vania militia ordered to this place ? We should say that 
at a point of so much importance as this, no force should 
be employed but such as can be ordered where their 
commanding general may direct. Events have proven 
that men who boasted and blustered the most at the 
opening of the campaign, were the last to put their 
heads in harm's way." 

It is very evident that our military interests upon the 
Niagara frontier suffered for the want of an efficient 



THE WAK ON THE NIAGAKA FKOKTIEK. 287 

head or leader. The frequent changes which took phice 
in the early stages of the war, of the commanding 
officers on the frontier, led to dissatisfaction, if not 
jealousy, among the officers themselves, and proved very 
unfavorable for organizing an efficient force out of the 
heterogeneous material assembled in considerable num- 
bers upon the lines. 

Gen. Amos Hall, of Ontario, Gen. AVm. Wadsworth, 
of Genesee, and Gen. Stephen Tan Rensselaer, of Al- 
bany, were all upon the frontier early in the war. Each 
new arrival of volunteers was generally accompanied 
with a new General, and, instead of adding strength to 
the defences, actually weakened them. 

It was in the latter part of the summer, or in tlie fall, 
of 1812, that Brig. Gen. Alexander Smyth arrived upon 
the lines, and issued an address " to the men of New- 
York," dated at " Camp near Buffido," in which, after 
making some allusion to the late disasters, he says : 

"The valor of the American people has been con- 
spicuous ; but the nation has been unfortunate in the 
selection of some of those who have directed it. One 
army has been disgracefully surrendered (Hull's) and 
lost ; another (Van Rensselaer's) has been sacrificed by 
a precipitate attempt to pass it over at the strongest 
point of the enemy's lines witli the most incompetent 
means. The cause of these miscarriages is apparent. 
The commanders were popular men, but destitute alike of 
theory and experience in the art of war." 

He says : " In a few days, the troops under my com- 
mand will plant the American standard in Camida. 
They are men accustomed to obedience, silence and 
steadiness. They will conquer, or they will die." 



■:i»0 inSTORY OF BUFFALO. 

He then makes an appeal to their patriotism, and 
urges them to " Advance to our aid. I will wait for you 
a few days. I cannot give you the day of my de- 
parture ; but come on ; come in companies, half-com- 
panies, by pairs or singly. I will organize you for a 
short tour. Ride to this place, if the distance is far, and 
send back your horses ; but remember that every man 
who accompanies us, places himself under my com- 
mand, and shall submit to the salutary restraints of dis- 
cipline." 

On the I7th of i*Tovember he issued a proclamation, 
addressed " to the soldiers of the Army of the Centre," 
in which he says : 

" The time has come when yon are to cross the stream 
of the Niagara to conquer Canada — a country that is to 
be one of the United States." 

He forbids all private plundering, but promises that 
"whatever is booty by the usages of war, which shall 
be captured, you shall have " ; and offers two hundred 
doHars each for all the artiller}^ horses captured from the 
enemy, to be "secured to the partj'^ who may take them,' ' 
and forty dollars " for the arms and spoils of each sav- 
age warrior who shall be killed." 

He closes his bombastic address in these words : 

'' Come on, my heroes ; and when you attack the ene- 
my's batteries, let the rallying word be — The Cannon we 
lost at Detroit, or Death ! " 

This proclamation is dated " Camp near Buffalo." 

. The following paragraph in the Buffalo Gazette, Dec. 
11th, sums up the result of Gen. Smyth's expedition, 
-which was to capture and annex Canada : 



FAILUKE OF GEN. SMYTIl's EXPEDITION. 289 

" From seven until ten or eleven o'clock in the morn- 
ing there was a constant embarkation of troops at the 
Navy Yard, (near the head of Squaw Island,) and before 
the hour of eleven there were about sixty boats loaded 
and stationed in shore, awaiting the signal to make a 
descent. The day was fine, the troops were in excellent 
spirits ; no opposing force appeared on the shore. A 
flag was now sent by General Smyth to the British com- 
mander. The flag returned. The troops in the boats 
were ordered to debark, and the volunteers who were in 
readiness for embarkation, were ordered back to their 
respective encampments. Since which period several 
movements have taken place, but as we are in possession 
of no ofiicial statements, M'e can at present give no fur- 
ther account, perhaps indeed hereafter, some satisfactory 
statement may appear." 

A card appeared in the J'uflalo Gazette of December 
8th, signed by Gen. Peter B. Porter, of which the fol- 
lowing is a copy : 

" To THE Editor of the Buffalo Gazette : 

"Sir — A friend has just handed me a proof sheet of 
your paper of this morning, in which is contained what 
purports to be Gen. Smyth's oflicial account of the 28th 
November, and 1st December. I beg that you will sus- 
pend the publication so long as to assure the public that 
in your next I will give a true account of some of the 
most prominent transactions of those days. When our 
lives, our property ; when the precious and dear bought 
gift of our ancestors, tiic sacivd honor of our countr}' ; 
when everything that we prize as men, or ouglit to hold 
19 



290 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

dear as patriots, arc falling and fading before ns, it is 
time to speak out what ever be the hazard. 

'• In ascribing as I shall not hesitate to do, the late 
disgrace on this frontier to the cowardice of Gen Smyth, 
I beg to be understood as not intending to implicate the 
characters of the ofHcers whose opinions he has brought 
forward to bolster up his conduct. Several of them I 
know to be as brave men as ever wielded a sword ; and 
their advice, if indeed they gave the advice imputed to 
them, may be accounted for in the obvious consideration 
with which every one who saw him, must have been im- 
pressed, that an}' military attempt under such a leader 
must in all human probability prove disgraceful." 

The publication of the card of Gen. Porter was fol- 
lowed almost immediately by a challenge from Gen. 
Smyth, and a meeting upon the head of Grand Island, 
in the Niagara Eiver, was arranged by their respective 
friends; Gen. Winder, of the army in behalf of Gen. 
Smyth, and Lieut. Angus, of the Navy for Gen. Porter. 
They met and after the exchange of one ineffectual shot, 
through the interference of their seconds, an amicable 
arrangement was made and further hostilities prevented. 
The following is a notice of the affair copied from the 
Buffalo Gazette of December 15th, 1812 : 

"We are happy to have it in our power to give the 
official account of the recent affair on Grand Island. It 
will tend to counteract the numerous falsehoods which 
are in circulation respecting the meeting. The chal- 
lenge, we understand, was given l)y Gen, Smyth." 

"A meeting took place between Gen. Smyth and Gen. 



DUEL BETWEEN GEX. SMYTH AND GEN. PORTER. 291 

Porter, yesterday afternoon, on Grand Island in pursu- 
ance of previous arrangements. They met at Dayton's 
Tavern and crossed the river with their friends and sur- 
geons. Both gentlemen behaved with the utmost coolness 
and unconcern ; a shot was exchanged in as intrepid and 
firm a manner as possible by each gentleman, but with- 
out effect. It was then represented by Gen. Smyth's 
second, that Gen. Porter must now be convinced that the 
charge of cowardice against Gen. Smyth was unfounded 
and should in honor be retracted, which after mutual ex- 
planations as to the matters which had given rise to the 
charge, was accordingly done by him. Gen Smyth then 
explained that his remarks on Gen. Porter were the re- 
sult of irritation and were intended as provocation from 
having been assailed by Gen. Porter, and that he knew 
nothing derogatory to Gen. Porter's character as a gen- 
tleman and othcer. The hand of reconciliation was ex- 
tended and received. We congratulate the friends of 
these gentlemen upon the fortunate termination of a dif- 
ference arising trom too much precipitation, but which lias 
been adjusted in a manner so honorable to both. 

"W. II. WINDER, 
"SAM'L ANGUS. 
" Black Rock, December ISth, 1812." 

01 course the public mind was greatly agitated and 
excited by the events connected with "Smyth's Expedi- 
tion," the result of which was so different from wliat his 
bombastic addresses and proclamations had given the 
people reason to expect. Gen. Porter was a member of 
Congress. He had returned home and entered into the 
war a volunteer with great spirit. Although he had ad- 



HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 



vocated a declaration of war, in Congress, yet He advised 
a prudent delay, in order to give time for preparation, as 
be well knew the defenceless condition of the country, 
especially upon the Niagara frontier, wdiere his own 
home was situated. 

Gen. Smyth was a Virginian. He had recently been 
promoted to the office of Brigadier, and had been ordered 
on to the Niagara frontier with some fifteen hundred reg- 
ular troops and instructed to report to Gen. Yan Kensse- 
laer, who was then in command. But instead of 
marching to sustain Gen. Van Rensselaer, at the battle 
of Queenston, he lay encamped at " Flint Hill," a little 
•east of the Four-mile or Granger's Creek, near Buffalo, 
where he remained passive, until after the defeat of our 
•army at Qaeenston, when Gen. Van Rensselaer withdrew 
and left Gen. Smyth in command on the Niagara frontier. 
He signalized the event by issuing the celebrated address 
already given, in which he casts unnecessary reflections 
and imputations upon those who had preceded him in 
•command, arrogating to himself superior sagacity, skill 
and experience, and when the performance fell so far be- 
low the promise, it is not surprising that all the officers 
and soldiers under him should have become perfectly 
disgusted, and demoralized. There were unquestionably 
many palliating circumstances in the case, but they seem 
to be in general such as ought to have been foreseen, and 
acted upon before the disaster, and not pleaded in exten- 
uation afterwards. An epidemic prevailed upon the 
frontier at this time which made frightful havoc, not 
•only in the army, but among the inhabitants. The sea- 
son, too, was fiir advanced, and the inclemency of the 
vweather, and consequent exposure of the troops, added 



GEN. SMYTH AND IHS ATTEMPTED EXl'EDITON. 293 

greatly to tlie prevailing inortalitj, and also made the 
crossing of the river much more dithcult. Notwith- 
standing all these obstacles, had Gen. Smyth landed his 
whole army on the opposite shore at the first attempt, 
the expedition would undoubtedly have been successful ; 
but, failing in this, the volunteers lost confidence, and 
numbers of them became disheartened and M'ithdrew, 
greatly weakening the force which had been assembled 
under Gen. Smyth's pretentious proclamations. Under 
all these discouraging circumstances, it is not surprising 
that, on consultation with his ofiicers. Gen. Smyth found 
many of them doubtful of the propriety of any further 
attempts under the then existing circumstances. 

Gen. Smyth became the object of general ridicule. 
His grandilocjuent proclamations were done into poetrj^ 
and published in the Buftalo Gazette, and that paper 
contained several articles and communications, animad- 
verting, in the strongest terms of reproach, upon the 
character and conduct of Gen. Smyth, Dr. Chapin 
came out, over his own signature, in an article pub- 
lished in the Gazette, several columns in length, of 
great severity. Our limits do not allow its re-publica' 
tion ; a single paragraph will serve to show its character 
and spirit : 

'• The disgraceful attdmpt by Gen. Smyth to invade 
Canada has everywhere excited astonishment ; and, 
though much has been said and written respecting it, 
yet no statement has been laid before the public calcu- 
lated to make the impi*ession which the public mind 
ought to feel. The official dispatch of Gen. S. is in 
many instanc3S erroneous ; and, so far from being a 



294 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

dignified statement of facts, is but a pitiful attempt at 
personal abuse, containing little more than the sug- 
gestions of bumbled arrogance and pride. From Gen. 
Porter a statement was expected tbat would enable the 
public to form an opinion of the shameful transaction of 
the 28th Nov. and the 1st inst. ; but the affair of Grand 
Island has induced Gen. P. to deviate from his original 
intention, and he has merely given a detail of facts so 
far as they came within his knowledge, without once re- 
ferring to the causes of the extraorclinary conduct of 
Gen. Smyth. The public have, therefore, a right to ex- 
pect a statement of somewhat different features from 
those of one whose pen lias been shackled by an ' affair 
of honor.' Under this impression, the writer of the fol- 
lowing article feels that he need not further apologize to 
his fellow-citizens for thus intruding upon their at- 
tention." * "" 

Under date o± Nov. 24th, the following article ap- 
peared in the Buffalo Gazette, showing the hopeful state 
of affairs at that time : 

" The most active and indefatigable exertions are 
making to forward the enterprise on foot. Volunteers 
from different })arts are coming in daily to join the 
American army. The town of Batavia has been patriot- 
ic; a subscription of seven hundred dollars, we under- 
stand, has been made for the purpose of paying volun- 
teers an extra price for coming fi.irward and joining the 
army. 

Capt. Stevens' " Greys," from Willink, and Capt- 
Bemus' " Greys," from Hamburgh, have arrived in this 



SMYTll's ARMY DISPERSE. 295 

village. Gen. P. 13. Porter, we learn, is to take com- 
mand of the volunteers. Doctor C. Chapin is appointed 
Major; Samuel Pratt, Esq., Adjutant, and J. E. Chaplin, 
Quartermaster. The names of other officers are not in our 
possession. Brigadier Gen. Smyth has now the com- 
mand on the lines." 

On the StJi of December, after thu failure of Gen. 
Smyth's expedition, the Gazette says : 

" The militia Tolunteers who came forward under the 
invitation of Gen. Smyth, have all returned home, curs- 
ing their stars because they have not "seen " or "felt " 
a battle. The Pennsylvania volunteers, consisting of 
nearly seventeen hundred men, have nearly all gone 
home for winter quarters. These troops were much dis- 
satisfied. Since their arrival here they have been ex- 
posed iu' tents ; we understand that last week they were 
ordered to build huts which they would not comply with. 
The United States twelve month's volunteers are to be 
stationed in this village with the exception of Swift's 
regiment. Several families in this village have relin- 
quished their houses for the comfort of the troops. The 
articles of forage and provisions are now very dear and 
scarce."* 

On the 29th December, the following notice appears 
in the Buflalo Gazette : 

" Messrs. Salisbury — I was desired yesterday evening 
to request you to insert in your paper an invitation to 
the good people of the County of Niagara, to meet on 



*Sce AppL'iulix No. (> 



296 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Friday, next, at the Louse of E. Cook, in this village at 
10 o'clock, A. M., to consult on measures of public safety, 
and if possible concert some means to avert the impend- 
ing dangers which are so visibly threatning our once 
peaceable and happy dwellings. 
"Yours, &c., 

" raCHARD SMITH. 
" Buffalo, December 25th, 1812." 

The close of the year 1812 left the military situation 
of affairs on the Niagara frontier, particularly at Buffalo, 
in a very unpromising condition, and the few inhabitants 
remaining began to feel as if they were left with very 
little dependence except upon themselves. Early in 
January, 1813, the following appeared in the Buffalo 
Gazette : 

" Arrangments are in great forwardness, we understand, 
for completely guarding the lake coast, since the lake 
has closed. During the last week several families have 
removed out of the country ; we think their fears are 
groundless. We have no doubt but we shall be effectually 
guarded ; however, it would not be inconsistent with 
principles of self preservation that every citizen have 
his arms in good order, with a supply of amunition."' 

Active measures had alread}^ been taken to organize a 
fleet of armed vessels on Lake Erie, and several had 
been purchased by the Government and during the win- 
ter several vessels had been in process of repair and con- 
struction at Erie. Ilitlierto very few American vessels 
of any size had been built on Lake Erie, while the Brit- 



1813 — SUCCESSFUL OPENING OF THE CAiU'AIGN. 297 

isb had both war and merchant vessels in considerable 
numbers. In March, 1813, the following notice appeared 
in the Buffalo Gazette : 

"Last week, Capt. O. II. Perry, of the Uuited States 
Navy, lately commanding at Newport, Rhode Island, 
arrived in this village, on his way to Erie, Penn., to su- 
perintend the completing and fitting out a naval force at 
that place. The Captain, we understand, will command 
the naval force on Lake Erie, the ensuing summer." 

The mortification of the country at the results of the 
first season of the war on the Niagara frontier, led to 
more strenuous efforts on the part of the Government to 
enter upon the campaign of 1813, under better auspices. 
Major Gen. Lewis and Brigadier Gen. Boyd were sent to 
the Niagara frontier, early in the spring. Their arrival at 
Buffalo is announced in the Gazette, April 20th, 1813 : 

" On Saturday last, arrived in this village, Major Gen- 
Lewis, accompanied by Brigadier Gen. Boyd ; Capt. 
Gibson is one of Gen. Lewis's Aids. On their arrival, 
they were very handsomely saluted by the troo])s sta- 
tioned in this village — the flying artillery, under Capt. 
Leonard, the infantry under Col. Milton." 

A force had been assembled atSackett's Harbor under 
Gen. Dearborn, and embarked on the fleet of Commo- 
dore Chauncey, early this spring, crossed over to Little 
York, (now Toronto,) and captured that place ; after 
which the fleet returned and in May assisted at the cap- 
ture of Fort George, opposite Fort Niagara. In this 



298 msTOKT OF buffalo. 

affair Gen. Lewis had the immediate command, although. 
Gen. Dearborn was on board the fleet disabled by sick- 
ness. Gen. Porter went as volunteer Aid to Gen. Lewis, 
and it is said in the published account that Doctor Cha- 
pin led the van-guard. The British army retreated be- 
fore our victorious forces, after the blowing up of their 
magazines and destroying all the public property, and 
were pursued towards the head of Lake Ontario. The 
following is from the Buffalo Gazette, of the same date : 

"About four o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, 
(of the capture of Fort George,) an express arrived at 
Fort Erie from the British commander below. It is un- 
derstood the express brought orders for all the regulars to 
march immediately to join Gen. Vincent, on his retreat, 
and also for Major Warren, (of the militia) to open a fire 
upon Black Eock, and continue the same until next 
morning and then burst his guns, blow up the magazines, 
and dismiss his men. He executed his orders. The bat- 
teries below the fort immediately opened a fire upon 
Black Rock, which Avas returned and continued at inter- 
vals during the night. Early in the morning the destruc- 
tion of their military stores commenced ; all their mag- 
azines, all their barracks, public stores and store-houses 
from Chippewa to Point Abino have been blown up or 
burned. Not a jierson was injured at Black Rock, 
during the whole cannonade. The barracks received a 
few shot. In the evening of the following day Lieut. Col. 
J. P. Preston, commandant at Black Rock crossed over 
with his regiment and entered Fort Erie. From the hu- 
mane and salutary measures adopted by Col. Preston, 
on his entrance into the enemy's territory, in discrimina- 



BURNING OF NEWARK V.Y GEN. m'cLURE. 299 

ting between friends and enemies, and securing those 
well disposed in their persons and property, we antici- 
pate that he will be very favorably received by the in- 
habitants of Canada." 

The capture by the British of Gens. "Winder and. 
Chandler, at Stoney Creek, and other disasters, com- 
pelled our army to fall back upon Fort George, and ulti- 
mately to abandon that place. "When Gen. McClure, 
then in command of the American forces, decided to 
abandon Fort George, he ordered the village of Newark 
(formerly Butlersbury) to be burned. This was con- 
sidered at the time to be a most wanton and unjustifiable 
act, and, as the result proved, was made the pretext for 
the burning of Buffalo. Under date of December 14:th> 
1818, the Butfalo Gazette thus speaks of the trans- 
action : 

" Fort George was evacuated and lN"ewark burned on 
Friday last. Gen. McClure evacuated Fort George, 
blew up the magazine, and burnt the fort. The village 
of Newark was ordered to be burnt, and in the evening 
it was fired, and, we understand, every house was 
consumed. "We have no particulars of the above dis- 
tressing intelligence, but have our information from gen- 
tlemen who witnessed the awful conflagration. Newark 
was formerly a fine, flourishing village, and commanded 
the most beautiful i)rospect on any of our western 
waters. Before the war it contained above one hundred 
and fifty houses." 

Early in July, symptoms of greater activity l)egan to 



300 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

be exhibited by the enemy all along the Niagara River. 
They crossed in the night and captured a guard of 
twenty or thirty men at Schlosser, carrying off some 
public and private property, and soon after appeared in 
considerable force opposite Black Eock. Our forces 
having been sent to aid the invading army at Fort 
George, Buffalo was left in an exposed condition. A 
volunteer corps, under Capt. Joseph Bull, was enrolled 
for the defence of the place, and a battery was erected 
on the point of the terrace fronting the lake, mounting 
one long twelve, and one six pounder. Every man 
capable of bearing arms was enrolled and regularly 
drilled every day, under. Capt. Bull — Col. Chapin and 
many others being absent with the army in Canada. Col. 
Brady arrived very opportunely, with two hundred and 
fifty regulars and fifty horse, from Pennsylvania. 

On Sunday morning, July 11th, just before dajdight, 
the British, under Cols. Bishop and TVarren, crossed 
the river a little below Squaw Island and landed a force 
of about two hundred and fifty regulars, and marched 
up to what was called the Navy Yard, near the head of 
the Island, before they were discovered. The few militia 
stationed at Black Rock, being surprised, retreated and 
left the enemy in undisturbed possession of the village. 
The alarm was immediately given, and all the force, 
regular and irregular, that could be mustered, marched 
down to Black Rock, met the enemy, and after a sharp 
engagement of about fifteen minutes, repulsed him, 
driving the enemy into their boats, and inflicting upon 
them severe punishment.* 

* For a full account of this transaction, coi)ied from the Buffalo 
Gazette, see Appendix No. 7. 



COM. pekky's victoey on lake eeie. 301 

Although affairs on the Niagara frontier bore a dis- 
couraging aspect in the fall of 1813, yet the news of the 
victory of Com. Perry on Lake Erie was no where re- 
ceived with greater enthusiasm than by the citizens of 
Buffalo, and the event was celebrated in a suitable man- 
ner, as appears by the following record in the Buffalo 
Gazette of Sept. 28th : 



" On Wednesday, at ten o'clock. Major Chapin fired 
a salute at the battery, in honor of the victory. In the 
evening the village was brilliantly illuminated. A 
large procession formed and marched through the streets, 
preceded by music." 

Upon the arrival of Com. Perry and Gen. Harrison, in 
October, they were suitably honored by a public dinner. 
The following is a notice of the event, copied from the 
Gazette of Oct. 26th, 1813 : 

" Yesterday the citizens of Buffalo, in conformity to 
some previous arrangements, gave a public dinner to 
Com, Perry and the naval officers in port, and Gen. 
Harrison and the officers of the army at this place. In 
our next, we shall give the outline of the proceedings." 

At the meeting. Col. Chapin was chairman, and II. 
B, Potter secretary. At the diimer, Gen. P. B, Porter 
presided, assisted by Col. Chapin, Judge Townsend 
and Dr. J. Trowbridge, as Yice-Presidents. 

It was well understood that preparations were making 
on the opposite side of the river to invade our territory, but 
as these preparations were carried on principally at Fort 



302 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Erie it was very uncertain at what point the attack would 
be made, and when on the night of the 29th of December, 
a report was given that the British had landed down the 
river, below Squaw Island, it was suspected to be only 
a femt to draw off the force at Buffalo, where it was an- 
ticipated the principal attack would be made, conse- 
quently reinforcements from Buffalo were not immedi- 
ately sent in any numbers or strength. 

As the enemy had landed under cover of an extremely 
dark night, his force could not be ascertained. The 
mounted parole or ])icket in that direction was soon dis- 
persed, or driven in, and the enemy slowly and cau- 
tiously, under cover of the darkness, advanced up the 
river. The company of Buffalo volunteers under Capt. 
Bull were ordered forward to reconoiter ; when it had 
advanced nearly to Conjockety Creek, a volley from 
about fifty muskets, drawn up in line, directly in front, 
gave the first warning of the whereabouts of the enemy. 
The company was thrown into utter confusion, and in 
spite of all that the officers could do by threats and per- 
suasion, most of them took to their heels. The darkness 
of the night, the close proximity of the enemy and the 
profound silence which reigned around was too much for 
raw recruits. Not a word was heard before or after the 
first fire which ran in a feu-de-joie from right to left of 
the enemy's line. All was uncertainty until the daylight 
revealed a large force embarking in boats higher up the 
river, and the whole American force was directed against 
this new invading party. As soon as this movement 
was observed by the force of the enemy that had landed 
down the river, it began to move up, and was not ob- 
served until it commenced an attack upon our forces in 



BURNING OF BUFFALO. SOS 

rear. This attack from an iinexi^ected quarter caused 
our forces, mostly volunteers and militia to give way and 
it became impossible to rally them.- After this the 
enemy had an almost unobstructed march to Buifalo, 
taking the direct road, now Niagara street, throwing out 
their Indians as skirmishers upon each flank under cover 
of the woods. 

The adult male population of the village had gone 
down to Black Rock, early in the morniug, leaving the 
women and children, under a strong belief that the en- 
emy would be repulsed as he had been upon a former 
occasion, and when the alarm was given that the Brit- 
ish and Indians were advancing in full force to Buffiilo, 
a universal panic seized every breast, and self preserva- 
tion, the first law of our nature, became the ruling mo- 
tive of action. It is true there were many examples of 
self abnegation and sacrifice for the benefit of others ; 
one well authenticated instance deserves to be recorded. 
On the morning of the flight of the inhabitants from their 
burning dwellings, a farmer from one of the south towns, 
on his way to Buffalo with a load of 'cheese for market, 
met the retreating mass of women and children on the 
beach of the lake, a short distance out of town. He im- 
mediately threw his cheese out upon the ground, aban- 
doned it, and loaded his wagon with the most helpless of 
the women and children, and helped them on in their 
flight. Horsemen took up females behind them, and in 
some instances, children before them, and thus aided 
them in their escape. Families were thus separated and 
in some instances, did not re-unite for weeks. So sudden 



For official account, aucl other jiarticulai's, see Appendix No. 8. 



30i HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

was the surprise, and so destitute were those who were 
left in the village of the means of escape, that very few 
saved anything except what they had upon their persons. 
A few families had taken the precaution to remove a day 
or two previous to the attack, but the great mass of the 
families remained. Some few took the old road to Bata- 
via; some, took the Cayuga Creek road, as it was called ; 
some fled to the Indian village, but the greater number 
took the road across the Ferry, to the lake, and up the 
road on the beach, this being considered the safest route. 
A few men who were in the battle at Black Rock, in the 
morning, were able to reach the village, in advance of the 
enemy. Among these M^as Doctor Chapin, and when he 
arrived near the junction of Niagara with Main street, 
he found a small squad of men and boys, with a cannon 
procured from a vessel that had been beached near the 
mouth of the creek, mounted on a pair of cart or wagon 
wheels. He joined them, and a few shots were fired at 
the advancing foe, doing considerable execution; but the 
gun becoming •disabled, Doctor Chapin, with a white 
handkerchief on his cane, advanced to meet the enemy 
to obtain terms of capitulation, but his efforts only served 
to retard the advance a little, which gave more time for 
the people to escape. Tlie torch was soon applied, in re- 
taliation it M'as said for the burning of Newark, and on 
the next day every building in Buffalo, witli two excep- 
tions,* was burned to the ground. 

It would seem that the Buffalo Gazette office had been 
removed some days before the burning, as the last paper 
on file before that event was published the 14th of De- 
cember. The next paper on file is dated the 18th of Jan- 
uary, 1814, at " Harris' Tavern, near Williamsville." 
*Mri?. St. John's dwelling and Reese's blacksmith shop. 



MAP OF 
BUFFALO VILLAGE 

OUTER LOTS. 



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MAP OF 
BUFFALO VILLAGE 



LXNER LOTS. 



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APPENDIX. 



ISTARRATIVE OF COL. THOMAS PROCTOR. 

[Concluded from Volume One.] 

The foregoing speech of Red Jacket, as done by the advice of the Young 
King and Fish Carrier, (for they sat one on either side of him and prompt- 
ed him. ) plainly demonstrates that most of the chiefs of the Six Nations 
are under the influence of the British, as no business of consequence will 
be undertaken, to the advantage of the United States, but what must first 
be sifted by British counsel. These suggestions, which were pressed on 
my mind at this time, gave me to fear that I should not meet the wished 
for assistance, that I had a right to expect from the Six Nations ; but 
fully determined to persevere in my endeavors, till I should gain the sum- 
mit of difficulty, which I saw arranged before me. 

April 30th. No business to-day, but private counselling among them- 
selves. In the evening Captain Powell invited me to go with him to a 
store about four miles distant, in which he was interested, and his part- 
ner who kept it, a Mr. Cornelius Winney of Fishkills. With the last 
named gentleman I staid till the Monday following, through a very press- 
ing, polite invitation, which at length I accepted of, being lame and 
much indisposed through fatigue and change of diet, such as from poor to 
•exceeding poor indeed ; but with him there was plenty of every necessa- 
ry, and given with so good a grace that I shall seek occasion to return the 
compliment. 

May 2. No further business with me, but the Indians still continue their 
councils, keeping their fire burning, waiting the arrival of Col. Butler, 
and by information which I received that leaked out of the cabinet of the 
sachems, the council were much divided upon my account. About two 
in the afternoon a messenger arrived from Niagara informing them that 
Col. Butler, &c., had set out from Niagara for this place. Among other 
circumstances in their private council, by the friends of the British in- 
terest, that the place where I was desirous they should accompany me, 

.20 



306 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

was ou the verge of the ocean ; that it would take them twelve months 
to reach the place of treaty ; but those falsaties were soon explained to 
my friends, and through which I plainly showed them, by my draughts, 
that the distance rom thence to Fort Washington, did not exceed six hun- 
dred miles, and that half that distance we should go by the waters of 
Lake Erie, and that, when I was satisfied of their going with me, I 
would charter one of the trading vessels on the lake for that pui-pose. 

May 3. Finding, upon inquiry, that there was no general council to be 
held this day, waiting the coming of Col. Butler, I sent the interpreter 
to invite the chiefs to my cabin, as I had some matters to communicate 
to them, previous to their going to general council. They soon attended 
me and I opened my map before them, and showed from our situation at 
Buffalo, the trace we should make into the Miami Nation ; from thence 
to Fort Washington on the Ohio ; the first by a transport on Lake Erie, 
to the Miami, which, with anything of a fair wind, could be completed in 
less than two days and two nights. From the mouth of the Miami to the 
Missasagoe Nation, situate on the same, and from thence to the Miami 
and Wabash tribes, at such place where they might generally be assem- 
bled ; plainly demonstrating to their satisfaction, that the whole tour 
could be performed in a short time ; and, therefore, enjoined them, under 
the friendship which they professed to bear to the thirteen fires, that they 
would, in their next council, promote and further my business, that I 
came to receive their assistance to peiform ; so that I might go on my 
journey without further hesitation, as my orders were not to remain at 
any council longer than two or three days, if I could possibly do other- 
wise, so that it might be reasonably expected that my stay here could not 
be much longer, this being the seventh day since my arrival. I hoped 
therefore, they would be silent with me longer, as I plainly saw that they 
were not to exercise their own opinions, but the opinion of the British 
agent. These remarks I made, with intention that they should feel the 
force of my observations ; upon which Red Jacket desired that I should 
hear him speak, as I had been speaking along time. " Tell him (said he 
to the Interpreter,) that some of his language is soft, but that other parts 
of it are too strong ; for the danger that is before us is great, and our en- 
emies are drunk ; and they will not hear what we say, like a man that is 
sober, and we consider that whatever number of the Six Nations accom- 
pany him, will be in the same danger with himself, and it is likely that 
we shall not live long, when the bad Indians shall see us. Therefore as 
it is a business of such weight to us, we must take counsel, in order to 
save ourselves and him, from falling by their hands. Moreover, the In- 



APPENDIX. 307 

dians are not like white men, for they must think a great while. He 
must therefore attend our councils, and look, and hear, till we shall speak 
on his business ; and to-morrow our head men will meet together, and 
try what can be done." While we were in conversation together, a run- 
ner came to the Young King, acquainting him that Col. Butler, with 
several ofiBcers from Niagara, had arrived at the store house on Lake 
Erie, where. Col. Butler said that the sachems and head men of the na- 
tion should meet him in the morning, hut did not advise that I should at- 
tend with them. This the Young King desired might bo told me, that I 
might know that Col. Butler had called them together. The cii'cumstance 
of their moving the council fire from home to Lake Erie had never been 
attempted before, and may with propriety be said, that their being called 
together without my being present, was intended to answer some i^rivate 
purpose; perhaps to damp the ardor of such friends as I might have 
gained among the Indians, through the fair and honorable statements 
which I had laid before them in their councils. Since the dusk of the 
evening, Capt. 0"Beel has called a meeting of the chiefs at the cabin of 
Cayassutta, as I understood it, to advise them not to do anything to in- 
jure me in the business I had to do with them. In the course of this day 
Capt. Half-Town and Big-Tree, and several of the head men and warriors 
from O'Beel's Town and Cattaraugus, about sixty in number, and Capt. 
Snake, with about forty of the Delawares arrived, attended by many of 
their women, youth, &c. By invitation, I dined this day (in company 
with Capt. Houdiu. ) with the principal chief of the Onondaga Nation, 
named Big-Sky. His castle lay about three miles east of Buffalo, near 
which were about twenty-eight good cabins, and the inhabitants appeared 
in general to be decent and well clothed, particularly their women, some 
of which were dressed so richly with silken stroud, &c., and ornamented 
with so many silver trappings, that one suit must be of the value of at 
least thirty pounds, some of the latter attended the feast, which princi- 
pally consisted of young pigeons, some boiled, some stewed, and the 
mode of dishing them up was, that a hank of six were tied with a deer's 
sinew round their necks, their bills pointing outward ; they were plucked, 
but of pin-feathers there were plenty remained ; the inside was taken out, 
l>ut it appeared from the soup made of them, that water had not touched 
them before. The repast being the best I had seen for a long time, I ate 
of it very heartily, and the entertainment was given with the appearance 
of much hospitality. Returned about sunset to Buffalo. 

May 4. The whole of the head men and warriors repaired to the place 
yesterday appointed by Col. Butler to open that council they intended 



308 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

holding at the British garrison of Niagara. I pressed my friend O'Beel 
to go forward with them, by all means, lest the United States should not 
be represented. About eleven o'clock, an Indian runner delivered me a 
letter from Col. Butler, through which Capt. Houdin and myself received 
a polite invitation to dine with him and his oflicers, viz : Capt. Burrows, 
Com't of Fort Erie, Col. Street, Capt. Johnson, Capt. Powell, and Capt. 
Butler Shane ; most of which gentlemen appeared to speak the Indian 
language fluently, and all appeared to be busily engaged with the parties, 
holding converse with them ; the tenor of which was, as I since under- 
stood it, that they must be cautious what they should undertake to do, in 
such matters as I had laid before them ; and before they might determine, 
they must repair to Niagara, and receive the instructions of Col. Gordon ; 
Col. Butler speaking to them, in my hearing, to the same effect, also 
mentioning that, as Col. Brant of Grand River, and Mr. McGee, agent for 
Indian affairs for Detroit, were now preparing to go among the Indians at 
war with the Americans, to know what their intentions were, whether for 
war or for peace ; advising them by all means to wait the information 
that would be received from them, and, should it not come as early as 
might be expected, they should not go without it, as thereby they would 
draw war upon their own nations, for they were very angry with them 
already, and would be more so on finding an American among them, and 
that notwithstanding his going among them was to establish peace, they 
would kill them all, without waiting to hear what errand he had come 
upon. This, and the like conversation from Col. Butler, besides what 
was doing by his officers of the Indian department then present, lasted 
till late dinner time, and previous to their going away to their Castle (vil- 
lage, ) at Buffalo. The Young Kuig and Red Jacket remarked to Col. 
Butler, that the speech intended for the Miami and Wabash Indians, con- 
tained threatening sentences, which would be more likely to irritate them, 
than soften them into a compliance. Upon this information being given, 
I undertook to show them to Col. Butler and others present, that on the 
same being read publicly, they acknowledged that they had not under- 
stood it so well before, and appeared satisfied that a mistake rested with 
them. A considerable conversation took place with Col. Butler and my- 
self, in presence of the Young King and other chiefs, entii-ely on the sub- 
ject of a peace, and of my intended progress thi'ough the Miami country, 
which were severally interpreted to them, the tenor of the Colonel's ad- 
vice being to leave the whole of the treaty, and adjustment of the same, 
to the chiefs of Buffalo, Col. Brant and McGee, whom he should engage 
for, to accommodate the disputes between the Indians at war and the 



APPENDIX. 300 

United States, and on no account to attempt the undertaking myself, as 
he was well aware what must be the consequence. Col. Butler having 
given his opinion so fully, gave me the opportunity to explain myself by 
saying, that if I possessed weakness enough to submit to a negotiation on 
the terms he had introduced, that a peace could not be confirmed with 
the thirteen States, but with his Britanic Majesty's subjects in their be- 
half ; that, on the completion of this business due honor would rest with 
the negotiators, and, by such a passive procedure in me, I should justly 
entail on myself lasting disrepute. That for those reasons the chiefs of 
the Six Nations must be decisive in their answers to me, within a few 
days, being compelled, by my duty, to seek assistance by other expedients 
which are in my power, perceiving in some of their cliiefs an indifference 
of conduct in matters which I held to be of the utmost importance. 

These expi-essions having been interpreted to them, they severally re- 
tired to their villages, and I received the invitation of continuing the 
night with these gentlemen, and comi)lying with the same, I received the 
utmost civility and agreeable conversation, till one o'clock in the morning. 

May 5. This morning Col. Butler and his suite took boat from hence, 
which was rowed by six British soldiers, across the lake, for Fort Erie ; 
and previous to their departure, as before mentioned, I saw that each and 
every public paper received by Cornplanter at Philadelphia, together with 
the message that I brought to the Six Nations, was .safely put under the 
care of Col. Butler, and by him to be presented to the commanding officer 
at Niagara, as concluded upon by the council of the Six Nations, so that 
the counsel of Col. Gordon might be obtained by them. In the afternoon 
I wrote a letter to obtain permission from the commanding officer of Ni- 
agara, to freight one of the schooners upon the lake to conduct me, and 
such Indians as were willing to go with me, to Sandusky, in order that no 
time might be lost when I should gain their concurrence, and forwarded 
the same by an Indian, being unwilling to trouble either of the officers with 
its carriage to Col. Gordon. 

May 6. Red Jacket and Capt. O'Beel came to see me, when the former 
acquainted me with the reason w-hy no council would be held to-day, to- 
wit, that it was their pigeon time, in which the Great Spirit had blessed 
them with an abundance. * * This is a matter worthy of observation, 
that at some convenient distance from every one of the Indian settlements, 
the pigeons hatch their young in this season of the year, and the trees 
which they commonly light on are low and of the bushy kind, and they 
are found in such gi-eat abundance, that exceeding a hundred nests, a pair 
of pigeons in each, are common to be found in a single tree ; so that I 



310 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

have seen in one house belonging to one family, several large baskets full 
of dead squabs ; these they commonly take when just prepared to leave 
the nest, and as fat as is possible for them to be made ; when after they 
are plucked and cleaned a little, they are preserved by smoke, and laid 
by for use. 

May 7. Capt. O'Beel called the chiefs together on business concerning 
themselves, to take into consideration when land should be settled for the 
accommodation of certain tribes and families, who had put themselves 
under the protection of the Six Nations, being compelled to leave their 
former situations, dreading the rage of the Shawnese and Miami Indians. 

To Capt. Smoke and the Delawares under his immediate care, the place 
appointed was the village of Cattaraugus ; to the families of Connon- 
doghta, a chief of the Messasagoes, and to the Bear Oil chief and his 
family, who fled from their settlement at Conyatt, all of the same nation, 
had their planting grounds assigned to them near the village of Buffalo. 

May 8. A great dafice was performed here this day, and worship by the 
Six Nations present ; but in the fore part of the day they held council 
and I was present. For particulars see the speech of Fish Carrier, a chief 
of the Cayugas, and is the right hand man of Butler and Brant. 

May 9. The council being convened, I replied to the speech of Fish 
Carrier, delivered yesterday, in which I gave them to understand that I 
thought it was useless for me to stay any longer with them at Buffalo, see- 
ing that those who were in the interest of the British, deterred others 
from serving in the cause of the United States. * * Pi-evious 
to my leaving the council. Red Jacket and Young King desired that I 
would wait their future deliberations, and from a few words which were 
afterward spoken to me by Red Jacket in council, gave me the first rea- 
son to expect their assistance. 

May 10. Worship was performed this day as usual. 

May 11. The great dance that succeeded was attended with a vorj' 
drunken entertaiment, from the Young King to the meanest subject, 
Complanter and some of the elder of the women excepted, but not the 
least insolence was offered me, or any of my people. 

May 12. There was a general alarm took place in all the villages in this 
quarter, the cause of it I judged to proceed from the enemies of the United 
States. * * Capt. O'Beel, on this feigned alarm, sent out early 
in the morning of the 13th, a number of his Indians to discover if there 
were any appearance of an enemy's track ; but they returned in the af- 
ternoon and reported that there had been no Indians where it had been 
said they were seen in numbers. * * 



APPENDIX. 311 

May 14. Private council this day witli Indians as usual, in which they 
strongly debated the jirinciples under consideration between me and Col. 
Butler. 

May 15. Early this morning the elders of the Indian women resorted to 
my hut. (Present a number of chiefs. ) Having heard the general con- 
versation that took place between me and the Young King the evening 
before, addressed me in the following manner : 

''Brother — The Lord has .spared us until a new day to talk together. 
Moreover your sisters, the women, have taken the same into great consid- 
eration, because that you and our sachems have said so much upon it 
Now that is the reason why we have come to say something to you, and 
to tell you, that the Great Spirit hath preserved you, and you ought to 
hear and listen to what women shall speak, as well as to the sachems ; 
for we are the owners of this land — and it is ours ; for it is we that plant 
it, for our and their use. Hear us, therefore, for we speak of things that 
concern us and our children, and you must not think hai-d of us, while 
our men shall say more to you ; for we have told them." 

The above .speech being ended, I acceded to a request they made, that 
I would attend their sachems in council this day, and hear what should 
be said l)y the women's speaker, the Young Prince of the Turtle tribe, 
(Red Jacket.) Soon after their departure, the alai-m gun was fired, 
which was to summon their head men into council. They were soon as- 
sembled from their adjacent villages, and sent some of their sachems to 
usher me and my colleague into their assembly. Being arrived, the first 
matter unusual that presented itself, were the elders of the women seated 
near their chiefs. When, after a short silence, the speech of the women 
was continued by Red Jacket, agreeably to the terms entered into be- 
tween them, and the whole of the leading sachems of the Six Nations, as 
follows : 

'' Brother from Pennsylvania, you that are sent from Gen. Washington, 
and by the Thirteen Fires :— You have been sitting side by side with us 
every day, and the Lord has appointed us another pleasant day to meet 
again. Now listen. Bi-other — You know what we have been doing so 
long, and what trouble we have been at ; and you know that it has been 
the request of our head warrior, (O'Beel, ) that we are left to answer for 
our women, who are to conclude what ought to be done by both sachem 
and warriors. So hear what is their conclusion. 

'^ Brother — The business you have come on is very troublesome, and we 
have been a long time considering on it, even since you came here ; and 
now the elders of our women, considering the greatness of your business, 



312 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

have said that our sachems and warriors must help you over your diiBcul- 
ties, for the good of them and their children. Moreover you tell us, since 
the treaty at Tioga with us, the Americans are strong for peace. Now, 
all that has been done for you has been done by our women, and the rest 
will be a hard task for us ; for the people at the setting sun are bad peo- 
pie, and you have come on us in too much haste for such great matters of 
importance. And now Brother, you must look when it is light in the 
morning until the setting sun, and you must reach your neck over the 
land, and take all the light you can, to show the danger. And this is the 
word of our women to you, and the sachems and warriors who shall ga 
with you. * * Now, Brother from Pennsylvania and from Gen. 
Washington, I have told you what has been directed. * * You 
now know that Col. Butler, of the British, told us that he must take our 
writings down to Col. Gordon, as he is a veiy wise man, and perhaps he 
may have something to say to us that is for our good. And we also want 
his assistance, as he is the man that keeps all the vessels that is on the 
lake. Therefore, my Brother, make your mind easy, for yoiu- request is 
gi-anted, and when we hear from our brothers, the British, then we shall 
know what time we can start. And you must not be uneasy that our 
brother, O'Beel, does not go with you, for he is veiy tired, and he must 
rest awhile, and take charge of our young warriors, while they are play- 
ing, (hunting,) to keep them in peace, for fear of danger. And now, 
while we are speaking, more of our young warriors have given their namea 
to go with you." 

Having received this welcome information, and so firmly authenticated 
by so complete a council, I undertook to write a second letter to Col. Gor- 
don, Commandant of Niagara, making request of him to grant me a pas- 
sage in one of the merchant or other vessels on Lake Erie, for a certain 
number of Indians, and others, intended to accompany me to the Miamies, 
and from thence to Fort Washington, on the Ohio ; and the better to pre- 
vent any miscarriage or delay, I sent it by Mr. Horatio Jones, my inter- 
preter, on the morning of the 16th, enjoining him by all means, to present 
it to the Colonel himself, and to return with an answer to me as speedily 
as possible. Early on the morning of the 17th, he crossed the River St. 
Lawrence to Niagara, and, being well acquainted there, he went through 
any part of the garrison he thought proper, until about 10 o'clock, when 
he went to the Commandent to present my lettei-. Mr. Jones informed 
me, that, as soon as it was known that he was charged with a public mes- 
sage from me, the town Major had orders to put an orderly non-commis- 
•ioned officer to attend him, and to prevent his going through ihe garri- 



APPENDIX. 313 

Bon, or of holding any particular conversation with the inhabitants. And, 
as soon as Col. Gordon sent to him the answer to my letter, he was order- 
ed to return to Buffalo by the same route he had came ; and the orderly 
conducted him to the ferry where he had crossed in the morning, and re- 
turned on the 19th, to mo at Buifalo. 

The answer which Col. Gordon sent in his letter was, that as he had not 
seen those public documents that I had wrote him of, therefore he could 
not enter into a discussion with me on matters of a public nature, viewing 
me only in the light of a private agent ; nor was he authorized to permit 
me a passage for the Indians I proposed carrying to Sandusky, in any of 
the vessels on the lake. This unfriendly denial puts a stop to the further 
attempting to go to the Miamies, as the Indian chiefs who proposed accom- 
panying me, were unable to walk the distance required, and it was held 
by them to be unsafe to go in a large Albany boat, I had contracted for, 
fearing disappointments : as, to gain aharbor for sach a boat in case of 
rough weather, it could not be met with at times, under going the distance 
of twelve or fifteen miles, and all winds from the northeast, and north- 
west, and northerly, made the lake very turbulent, and the watera as 
rough as the ocean. 

While Mr. Jones continued at Niagara, six engineers and twenty-five 
or more artificers arrived there from Quebec, being sent by Lord Dorches- 
ter for the purpose of carrying on some works of fortifications. He like- 
wise saw that fresh work had been done to the face of the garrison, &c. 
I have likewise been informed that the British have laid the foundation ot 
a new fortress on the north side of Lake Erie, at some distance higher 
up the rapids, and I presume (beyond the range of thirteen inch shells,) 
from the present garrison it being evident that in justice they cannot 
maintain it much longer. The reason of their establishing of new garri- 
sons on the lakes is very obvious, they being intended for the purpose of 
the fur trade, which produces abundance of wealth yearly to Great Brit- 
ain. But this revenue, I hope, will be very soon decreased, on the surren- 
der of the Fort of Detroit, the key of the fur trade by the lakes, and such 
posts as may be established by the United States in the Western territory, 
near the Mississippi, and also in the Wabash country, and by the govern- 
ment of Pennsylvania, at the old French garrison at Frosque Isle ; which 
will invite most of the trade from the Grand River that empties itself into 
Lake Erie on the north side, and at a small distance from that beautiful 
etation, of as fertile lands as America produces, of pure air and a health- 
ful climate. 

During the absence of the interpreter, twelve of the chiefs, headed h\ 



S14 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

the Young Kiag, came to the storehouse on the lake, (at which place I 
was writing my despatches for the Secretary of War, ) and informed me 
that they understood that I had intentions of going away from them se- 
cretly in the night, and that I had proffered an extraordinary price for a 
horse for that purpose, and had likewise offered a large sum of money to 
an Indian to carry my letters to Pittsburgh. I then inquired who was 
their informant that I had communicated these things to. They answer- 
ed that John Berry, an Indian, who interpreted for Mr. Ewing, had told 
them so, and they had come to know my reason for my doing so. I re- 
plied that such a thought had not passed my mind ; and that if I had such 
intentions, why should I have sent my interpreter to Niagara to obtain a 
vessel to conduct me and them to the place I so earnestly and so constant- 
ly had solicited them to accompany me ? And that were I disposed to 
leave them in that manner, I should not have sold my horse yesterday to 
a trader, Mr. Winnie, and the sole reason of my having sold, was that we 
could not take a horse to Sandusky by water, for when there, we should 
have the u'.most occasion for them, having to travel a long distance on 
foot. But the mistake or wrong interpretation, rested on this point : my 
intention of going by water, as above related, prompted me to engage one 
of O'Beel's Indians, whom I believed to be an honest man. to carry my 
letters to Fort Franklin, and as well as having offered him certain pay- 
ment for his services, I had proposed to him a horse to carry him to the 
New Arrow's Town, where the horse belonged, and the rest of the way he 
might go by water, if he chose to do so. Moreover, to speak in their own 
language, I was more of a man than to leave my friends in that manner ; 
and that whenever I was about to go from them, I should tell them so, 
and take my leave of the Six Nations. Having so said to them, I gave 
them a treat and they returned to the towns fully pleased and satisfied. 

May 17. Red Jacket and other of the chiefs informed me that my friends 
in the different towns expected I would give them something to drink, as 
they were going to have a great dance before they should leave their 
women. I readily accepted this proposition, and readily ordei-ed eight 
gallons of the best spirits to be presented to them for the entertainment, 
and I desired that the women should be attended to, particularly for their 
valuable conduct during the last great council. 

May 18 and 19. I was engaged in preparing my despatches for the Sec- 
retary of War, and other letters of the same import for Gov. St. Clair, and 
I proposed to foi-ward them by way of New Arrow's Town, thence to Fort 
Franklin and Pittsburgh, and appointed Capt. Stingfish of New Arrow's 
Town to be the bearer, whose wife was the principal governess and leader 



APPENDIX. 315 

of the chiefs among the women, and the principal promoter in gaining 
the sachems over to my interest. It is well known to every person en- 
trusted with a public commission among the Indians, that they are ex- 
pected to possess a liberal hand. Red Jacket, whom we have often spo- 
ken of, called on me this morning to tell me that his house wanted a floor; 
that, as he was going with me, and being desirous to leave his family 
more comfortable during his absence, he expected I would have it done 
for him. Moreover, he wanted some rum for his wife and his mother, and 
that he might drink with them before setting out on his intended journey, 
he wanted a little for himself. The first request of laying his floor, I 
promised to have done immediately before going on board the vessel, and 
to make him and his wife cheerful at parting, gave orders to present him 
with one gallon of rum. 

The Young King was not less pressing in his requests for rum on vari- 
ous occasions ; and although he did not behave so well in their councils 
as I desired, I did not send him away empty handed, sound policy having 
dictated my motives. And as I perceived that Capt. O'Beel's modesty 
prevented him from calling on me in that way, to him and Cuyasatta I 
was not less liberal. To a Shawnese Indian named Chafudet, (or Hot 
Sun, ) one of the chiefs appointed to conduct me into the Shawnese coun- 
try, I gave a blanket, being entreated in a particular manner to furnish 
him, for which I gave 18s 9d. This afternoon, and immediately after Mr. 
Jones' return from Niagara, the Young King and the major part of the 
chiefs came to be (made) acquainted (with) what was the result of Col. 
Gordon's answer to me, upon which I informed them to meet me in gen- 
eral council in the morning, being desirous of communicating some mat- 
ters of consequence to them, and then they should be informed of the 
contents of his letter. About this time I received infonnation that about 
eight days since. Col. Brant had set out from Grand River, with about 
forty warriors to touch at Detroit, to take with him Mr. McGee, agent for 
Indian affairs in that district, from thence to proceed to the great encamp- 
ment of those Indians at war with the United States ; and by those who 
are professed friends of the British family, believed that his motives were 
not to pacify them, but to influence their minds to a more vigorous oppo- 
sition. 

May 20. According to my proposals of yesterday, I met them in gener- 
al council, introduced and explained the sul)stance of Col. Gordon's let- 
ter to me, apprising them that I was sensible of the cause that led him to 
give me such a denial ; that it was replete with envy in him towards the 
United States ; and it bespoke no aftection in him towards the Indians ; 



316 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

and that ultimately it must reflect on his name and station, the unfavora- 
ble epithet of a discerning public, as preferring to cherish the rage of the 
desolating sword of war, to the happiness which flows in such abundance 
through the channels of peace. And perceiving from those causes that 
nothing further can be done by us at this time, I must take my leave of 
the Six Nations, and return with my information to the chiefs that sent 
me, to whose attention I will recommend them, seeing that no fault at 
this time lay at their doors. Having placed our disappointment to the 
fountain from whence it came, and to-morrow being the day I propose 
moving hence, I have now to desire that the chiefs will prepare to deliver 
me their farewell speech, which I will duly communicate to the great 
chief of the Thirteen Fires, and hope that it may be done soon to-morrow. 
May 21. The whole of the chiefs resorted to my cabin, and the Young 
King, by appointment, gave their farewell speech, but not without the 
aid of Fish Carrier, whose physiognomy when speaking, put me in re- 
membrance of the old Roman Senators, possessing so much keen gravity 
in his manner. (For the conclusive speech of Farmers Brother, see sub- 
•equent page. ) Settled with Mr. Cornelius Winnoy for liquors &c., had 
for the Indians occasionally, £26 5s, deducting thirty-two dollars for a 
horse sold to him, bought of Mr. Maxwell at Tioga. Also gave a white 
prisoner that lived with said Winney, nine pounds four and a half pence. 
Having now all matters arranged, I delivered to Capt. Houdin all the pul> 
lie writings I had prepared for his Excellency, the Secretary of War, and 
•ent him by the Genesee, in company with Messrs. Smith and Ewing, 
residents of said place, (in the several villages adjacent to the castle of 
Bufifalo, to-wit, the Cayugas, the Onondagas, &c ; there are more than 
one hundred and seventy tolerable well built huts, ) and proceeded by the 
Terge of the lake for Cattaraugus, with an interpreter and sen-ant, where 
we arrived on the 22d. * * The reason of my taking the route 
for Pittsburgh was, that I was apprehensive that my letters might have 
been intercepted, had I put them into the hands of the Indian before 
named, and taken to a British garrison for inspection ; and that my con- 
ducting them myself might give me the opportunity of meeting with 
Gen. St. Clair, or Col. Butler, and giving them personal information of 
Buch matters as might not have been treated of in my letter. Having 
found myself fully disposed to make a forced march to Pittsburgh, though 
late in the afternoon, I hired fresh horses and an Indian to go to New 
Arrow's Town and to return, for which I paid eight dollars, and for a 
•apply of stores to a British tracer, sixteen pounds ten and a half pence. 
I arrived at the New Arrow's Town on the 24th in the evening, (distance 



APPENDIX. 317 

eighty miles, ) 'having encamped out in the woods the two preceding 
nights. I had no sooner arrived than the chiefs wei-e summoned to coun- 
cil by the sound of a conch shell, which was intended for nothing more 
than to take leave of me. Here I parted with my interpreter, for him to 
return to the Genesee country, the place of his residence, and accounted 
with him for sixty-one days services, allowing him six days to return, at 
ten and a half shillings per day. I gave him my obligation to pay the 
balance found his due at sight, in Philadelphia ; and at a late settlement 
with the Pay Master General of the United States, I left the same, to- 
gether with eighteen pounds payable to Messrs. Hollenbeck & Maxwell, 
for a small horse received of them at Tioga Point, and seven pounds ten 
shillings to the payment of my draft on the Secretary of War to Joseph 
Smith, Indian interpreter. Previous to my leaving this town, 23d of 
April last, I was obliged to send my own riding horse to the Genesee set- 
tlement, it being impossible to procure forage or corn for him, and at 
which place he has remained ever since at expenses. Not having it in 
my power of doing otherwise, and whether the same will be allowed for 
to me, I must submit to the judgment of the Secretary of War. 

Being in private conversation with Capt. O'Beel this evening, and sit- 
ting between him and the New Arrow sachem, I hinted to Capt. O'Beel, 
that if he would go and join Gen. St. Clair with thirty-five or forty of his 
wan-iors, as well equipped as he could make them, purely to counterbal- 
ance the force that Brant had taken with him to the unfi-iendly Indians, 
I would use endeavors with the Secretary of War to procure him' a com- 
mission that should yield to him and his people a handsome stipend. He 
replied that the Senecas had received a stroke from the bad Indians, by 
taking two prisoners, a woman and a boy, from Conyatt, and that should 
the hatchet be struck into the head of any of his people hereafter, he 
would then inform me what he would undertake to do. 

I hired a canoe and two Indians, this evening, to carry me to Fort 
Franklin, and should have set out immediately, but for a heavy rain that 
fell. I agreed to pay them four dollars and thirty cents, and a portion 
of whisky, when we should reach the garrison, and provisions to bring 
them back. I arrived the next morning by daylight at Fort Franklin, 
took breakfast with Lieut. Jeffers, had a canoe prepared with four fresh 
hands put into it, and after adjusting my engagements with the Indiana 
brought to New Arrow's Town, pushed off as speedily as lay in our power 
for Fort Pitt, (distance about one hundred and fifty-six miles by water,) 
and gained the same in twenty-five hours, the men having worked hard 
all night to complete it, and assisted myself, for which I paid extra to 



318 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

each one dollar, and one dollar for entertainment at Pittsburgh, having 
completed in five days and two nights, going by land and by water from 
Buffalo to this place, four hundred and eleven miles. * * Set 
out from Pittsburgh to Philadelphia on the evening of the 29th of May, 
and arrived on the 7th day of June. * * 

THOMAS PROCTOR TO THE HON. SECRETARY OP WAR. 

Philadelphia, June 8th, 1791. 
giR_I left the castle of the Six Nations of Indians at Buffalo Creek, 
the 21st of last month in the afternoon, the fore part of the day being 
spent in council with the chiefs of the above Nations, of which there 
were a full representation ; and by the following, as delivered by the 
Young King and the Farmers Brother, will evidence their friendly dispo- 
sition towards the United States, in maintaining with them an inviolable 
peace, as also with the British, as from the situation of their Nations, 
they are centrally placed between them. The same day I sent forward 
my despatches for your Excellency, under the care of Capt. Houdin, by 
the route of Wyoming, while I should proceed by way of Fort Franklin 
and Pittsburgh, with the letters I had written for the information of Gen. 
St. Clair, and arrived here yesterday afternoon. It is also with pleasure 
I inform you that as to the several posts on the Alleghany Eiver, &c., 
they were under no apprehension of danger from the unfriendly Indians, 
and were in good health and high spirits. 

I am Your Excellency's most Obedient Servant, 

THOMAS PROCTOR. 
To the Hon. Secretary of War. 



NO 2. 



Oration by Samuel Treat, Esq., in 18-11, on the occasion of the exhu- 
mation and interment of the remains of Lieut. Boyd, of Gen. Sullivan's 
army, who was taken by the Senecas and put to the torture in the most 
barbarous and cruel manner, at Little-Beard's Town, on the Genesee 
Kiver, in 1789. From "Notices of Sullivan's Campaign.'' 

ORATION KKSPECTIXG REVOTA-TIOXARY WARFARE IN 
WESTERN NEW YORK. 

With muffled drum and lengthened funeral traia, we have this hour fol- 
lowed from their long and silent resting place, the mouldering remains of 
those gallant men who, in the depths of the wilderness, fell early martyrs 
for American liberty. 

Long have their bones lain, unhonored, beneath the sod moistened by 
their life-blood, whilst the rank grass has waved, unnoticed, above their 
fast-decaying frames. The little stream has flowed gently by, and the 
waters of the neighboring spring gushed forth, unheeded, save when one 
more curious than his fellows, has, in his love of traditionary lore, turned 
aside from the adjacent path, to linger over the grave of these champions 
of freedom. 

And now, after the lapse of sixty-two years, the valiant dead receive 
the honors which they have so long and hitherto fruitlessly claimed. 
(See Note A.) 

From the distant city and all the neighboring towns, an eager multi- 
tude have assembled in this sacred temple "not made with hands,'' un- 
der the broad canopy of heaven, sheltered only by these majestic oaks 
that have, for more than half a century, stood, the silent sentinels of the 
heroes' graves, to pay the last solemn rites of sepulture to the ])rave and 
generous-hearted of another and heroic age. 

Thus it always has been— rit always must be. The noble deeds, the 
self-sacrificing heroism of those who die in the cause of God and their 



-320 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

country, of virtue and liberty, will at length, though it be at a tardy 
pace, receive the just tribute of well-earned praise — of solemn admira- 
tion. The thousands crowded together here at the present moment, who 
have left their harvest-fields and their workshops, their quiet firesides in 
the still country, and the bustling din of the city's varied pursuits — the 
high and honored in station, and the humble laborer — all, inspired by 
one deep and common feeling of i-everence for the valiant dead, speak in 
no faint tones of the immortality of heroism and virtue. 

Standing, as I do at the present hour, in sight of these everlasting 
hills, clothed in many a spot with the richest verdure, and here and there 
covered with the primeval forest — hills once pathless and untenanted, 
save by the wild beasts and the ruthless savage — gazing out upon the far- 
spread valley, "the richest and most- fruitful which the sun, in all his 
course, looks down upon " — the luxuriant crop yet scarcely gathered in 
by its many happy proprietors — an expanse, save in an occasional spot, 
but a few years since an unreclaimed morass, through which nought but 
the prowling wolf and the startled deer had ever threaded their danger- 
ous way ; and where no sound was heard save the gentle murmurs of yon 
lazy stream, broken, ever and anon, by the wild bird's shrill cry, the 
snake's deadly rattle, and the Indian's horrid yell — standing here, at this 
hour, with the scene changed from the desolation of the past, as it were 
by some magic spell, to yellow fields laden with plenty, barns bursting 
with the fruits of the harvest, populous villages sown broadcast over the 
extended prospect — boats, laden with the various products of every clime, 
hurried along yon artificial stream, that has superseded the ancient river 
and robbed it of its former glory — at our feet, too, on the very site of the 
red man's home, a busy mart that has sprung into existence in nearly the 
short space of a single glance — every thing within the limits of the vision, 
instinct with life, industry, and wealth — thus encompassed by all the 
blessings of the joyous present, the thoughts, involuntarily turning back 
to the dismal past, are lost in amazement at the mighty change, and seek, 
in the thousand mementos around, for the great secret of the wonder- 
working power which has thus wrought out a fairy land from the gloomy 
wilderness and the stagnant marsh. 

That sable pall and consecrated urn tell how, and at what cost, all 
these wonders have been wrought. As the eye returns from its wander- 
ings over this far-extended and beautiful scene, and rests upon those sa- 
cred emblems of death, the mind is filled with the traditions of that dire- 
ful hour which we have met to commemorate. With the vividness of 
present reality, imagination calls up the very spot of that awful conflict 



APPENDIX. 321 

— the frightful dangers of that jjainful hour — the sharp and deadly ring- 
ing of the Indian's rifle — the glittering tomahawk and bloody scalping 
knife — the stern yet resolute despair of the gallant few— the short yet 
fierce encounter — the ground reeking with gore, and covered with the 
mangled corpses of the dead ftnd yet-quivering bodies of the dying — the 
painful march and dread suspense — the agonizing torture of the heroic 
leader, and the demoniac rejoicings of the savage foe. 

But let us, for a moment, turn aside from this awful scene, to learn the 
course of previous events leading to these painful calamities, that, with 
the voice of an impartial posterity, we may fix upon their guilty authors 
the deep and damning stain of inflicting upon their fellow-men of the 
same common blood and common country, the most cruel and merciless 
tortures that fiendlike malice ever devised. 

At the commencement of the controversy between England and her 
tranf3-Atlantic colonies, there resided in the fertile valley of the Mohawk, 
in what was then called Tryon county, which embraced all of that part 
of New York west of Scoharie creek, several rich and powerful families, 
that, from their vast possessions and intimate associations with the 
mother-country, could not long remain indifferent spectators of the con- 
troversy. Among these, the wealthiest and most influential were the 
Johnsons and Butlers. Sir William Johnson had endeared himself to the 
colonists, not only by his private character, but also by his great exer- 
tions during the French and Indian AVar. For his gallant services and 
brilliant victories, he had received from his sovereign a baronetcy, and 
the commission of General Superintendent of Indian Aff"airs. 

He possessed an unbounded influence over the savage tribes of this 
State, for whom he ever felt a fatherly care. Bound to the cause of his 
king by the many marks of special favor which he had received from the 
â– royal hand, and equally attached to his neighbors, whom he had so often 
led to battle, and by whose generous aid he had been enabled succes,-fully 
to brave the dangers of the wilderness, and to triumph over their com- 
mon foes, he looked with agonizing emotions upon the fratricidal contest 
which he foresaw must soon commence. Having suddenly exi)ired in 
his castle, in June, 1774, he was spared the heart rending anguish of 
witnessing the atrocious cruelties of the commencing conflict. His son. 
Sir John Johnson, succeeded to the titles and estates of Sir Wm. John- 
son, his distinguished father; and his son-in-law. Col. Guy Johnson, to 
the office of Superintendent. Brant, the celebrated Indian chief, was the 
private secretary of the latter, and rendered him the most important ser- 
vices in his efforts to win over the warriors of the Six Nations to the 

21 



S22 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

cause of England. Col. John Butler and his son, the infamous Walter 
N. Butler, were near neighbors of the Johnsons, and associated with 
them in ofiQcial duties. These men, together with the most infJuential 
loyalists of the county, taking advantage of the gathei'ing at the court in 
Johnstown, in the year 1775, procured the signatures of a majority of 
the Grand Jurors and the Magistrates present, to a declaration in oppo- 
sition to the iH'Oceedings of the Continental Congress, then about to reas- 
semble after the bloody battles of Lexington and Concord. At this 
meeting the discussion ran high ; and, after its adjournment, the patriots 
returned home filled with generous indignation. They soon infused 
some of their own burning spirit of liberty into their neighbors' souls, 
and meetings of the people were held in every town and hamlet. The 
first assembly met at Caughnewaga. Among the three hundred unarmed 
men who had come together to that spot to deliberate on the momentous 
question of their endangered freedom, Sampson Sammons was by far the 
most zealous. He and his two sons, afterwards so celebrated in the bor- 
der warfare, with their associates, were just raising a liberty-pole, the 
emblem of rebellion, when the Johnsons and Butlers, with their armed 
retainers rushed into the crowd- Col. Guy Johnson harangued the peo- 
ple at great length, on the power and resources of England ; and de- 
nounced, in the bitterest terms and with the most unsparing invective, 
the measures taken by the disaffected. Jacob Sammons, unable to re- 
strain his goaded feelings, pronounced the speaker a ' ' liar and scoun- 
drel." Johnson retorted the epithet, and seized gammons by the throat. 
In the scuffle which ensued, Sammons was severely wounded ; and, on 
the retreat of the loyalists, returned home, ''bearing on his own body 
the first scars of the Revolutionary contest in Tryon county." 

One of the most spirited meetings was held in the church at Cheny 
Valley. There the fathers took with them their children, that they 
might early imbibe, at the altar of religion, an undying love of liberty. 
From various indications, the patriots supposed that Johnson was endeav- 
oring to enlist the Indians against the colonists. In consequence of the 
information sent by their committees', Congress took early measures to 
prevent such a fearful result. In the address read by the Colonial Com- 
missioners at the council of the chiefs, held in Albany, Congress said : 
" This is a family quarrel between us and England. You, Indians are not 
concerned in it. We do not wish you to take up the hatchet against the 
king's troops. We desire you to remain at home and not to join either 
side, but bury the hatchet deep." Here, as at a council subsequently 
held at German Flats, the chiefs of the Six Nations promised to remain 
neutral during the pending contest. 



APPENDIX. 323 

After various consultations witli the Indians and the employment of 
every artifice in their power, without success, the Johns(jns and Butlers 
sent runners over the whole Indian country, and visited, in person, 
most of the tribes, to procure their attendance at a council to be held at 
Oswego in the month of July, 1777. The Indians were invited to as- 
semble on that occasion '< to banquet on a Bostonian and drink his 
blood." Walter Butler harangued the assembled chiefs ; and, after por- 
traying, without effect, the great wealth and power of England, stated 
that the king would give a bounty for the enemy's scalps — money and 
food to all who joined his troops; that " his men were as numerous as 
the sands on the sea-shore, and his rum as plenty as the water in Lake 
Ontario." His representations and bribes produced the expected result. 
All of the Indians — with the exception of about one-half of the Oneidas 
— took up the hatchet, in violation of their soleraa pledges at Albany 
and German Flats. 

The foul stain of stimulating the savages to the innumerable acts of 
barbarity exhibited on the frontier settlements during this contest, must 
rest on the escutcheon of England. Indeed, the shameless avowal of 
Lord Suffolk, in the British Parliament, that the ministers had resorted 
to such measures, called forth that burst of eloquent indignation from 
Chatham which stands unrivalled in our language for withering rebuke. 
The emissaries of England traversed the whole Indian country ; and, in 
their endeavors to arouse the savages to deeds of the most horrid cruelty, 
omitted no artifice which could excite their passions — no bribe which 
could tempt — no statement which could influence — no promises which 
could lure them on to the most relentless warfare. 

Burgoyne, in his proclamation, "denounced the most terrible war 
against those who opposed him. He admonished them not to flatter 
themselves that distance or coverts could screen them from his pursuit, 
for he had only to let loose the thousands of Indians under his direction 
to discover, in their most secret retreats, and to punish with condign 
severity, the hardened enemies of Great Britain." 

Thus, whilst Congress, averse to enlisting in the war the merciless 
savages of the surrounding wilderness, employed her agents to procure 
pledges of neutrality, the mother country left no means untried to arouse 
the native ferocity of the Indian warriors against her own children. 
But her own gifted orator and statesman "has damned to everlasting 
fame the pale-faced miscreants " guilty of this inhuman device. From 
the time of the council at Oswego until the close of the war — nay, for a 



524 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

long series of years after — the savages of the North and West continued 
.their depredations and murders on the frontier settlements. 

About ten miles south of the Mohawk river, and fifty-two west of 
Albany, is a fertile valley sixteen miles in length, and varying from one- 
quarter to a mile in breadth. Far away at the north-east, may be seen 
in the dim distance the Green Mountains of Vermont mingling with the 
horizon — whilst, immediately surrounding the valley, and terminating 
in the Catskills on the south-east, are chains of hills whose sides gently 
slope down to the vale, through which, for miles, a small creek flows to 
the south until its waters mingle with the Susquehannah. At a veiy 
early period this lovely spot had attracted the settlers attention; and the 
people who had taken up their abode in this romantic and fruitful val- 
ley, became noted for their exemplary lives and fervent piety. Though 
animated by the most ardent love of liberty, that feeling partook of their 
religious devotion, and was interwoven with the loftiest sentiments of 
duty to God. Of the many families residing at this spot, none was 
more beloved, or more marked for all the virtues that adorn the Chris- 
tian character, than that of Mr. Robert "Wells. His family consisted of 
himself and mother, his brother and sister, his M'ife and four children. 
He had held the office of Judge in the county, and been an intimate 
friend of Col. John Butler and Sir William Johnson. 

On the morning of the 11th of November, in the year 1778, this fam- 
ily, with the Colonel and Lieutenant of the neighboring fort, were as- 
sembled around the domestic altar. AVithout, the snow-storm of the 
preceding night had changed to a heavy rain, and the dense mist 
shrouded all objects in obscurity. All of that little group, on bended 
knee, were joining the husband and fatjicr in his fervent prayer; and, 
absorbed in their devout aspirations, were lost to all earthly objects. 
Whilst the old man's voice, eloquent in prayer, was rising above the 
fierce raging of the storm without, the fierce war-whoop broke upon their 
horror-struck ears; and, with a single bound, the Seneca warriors and 
their more ferocious associates stood, with glittering tomahawks, over 
-that still kneeling group. Ere the half-uttered sentence was closed, or 
the speaker's voice had ceased vibrating on their ears, he — his lips yet 
trembling with the fervent devotion of his morning worship— lay 
quivering in the agonies of death ; and by his side were the mangled 
corpses of all that family save the loved sister. She who had been an 
.angel of mercy to all within the reach of her ever active virtues, was 
now a captive in the'relentless grasp of the savage foe. His tomahawk, 
yet reeking with the blood of her kinsmen, swung over her defenceless 



APPENDIX. 325 

head. As it descends on its death-errand, a tory domestic of her fathers, 
turns aside the falling blow, and claims her as his sister. The merciless 
savage is not thus to be robljed of his victim ; the next moment the tom- 
ahawk is driven through her upturned face. Col. Alden has escaped 
from the house, but the deadly weapon speeds unerringly on its course, 
and he falls, " one of the earliest victims of his most criminal neglect of 
duty." Lieut. Stacia is a prisoner in the hands of the dusky warriors. 
From the adjacent house, the aged father of Mrs. "Wells is led forth, tot- 
tering with age — "the rain falling upon his bare head, and his feeble 
limbs shaking like an aspen," — to meet, in the fury of the storm, the 
taunts and cruelties of his savage captors. Mitchell, a near neighbor 
who had been absent but a few minutes from his home, rushes back, only 
to find his wife and four of his children, silent in death, and his little 
girl quivering in the last agonies of dissolution. As he raises her dying 
frame the foe again approaches ; and Newbury, the fiend like tory drives 
his hatchet deep into her scarcely throbbing temples. 

A few moments thus sufficed to turn a quiet village into a heap of 
ashes, to change the happy villagers into mangled corpses or miserable 
captives. The morning prayer was suddenly changed into the groans of 
the dying and the frantic yells of the ruthless savage. The father, just 
as his lips were teaching his loved children early devotion to God, 
was summoned with his little ones to another and unseen world. Most 
of those who had escaped the first blow, were wretched prisoners, doomed 
to suffer in the remote wilderness the agonies of long and hopeless cap- 
tivity, or perish by the most frightful tortui-es. The few who fled to the 
overhanging hills, turned back to behold those dearest to their affections, 
borne away amid the demoniac shouts of the Indian braves ; or thcir 
reeking scalps waving on the spears of the unsparing foe. On that morn- 
ing, sixty men, women and children of that village, were inhumanly 
butchered, and all others save a mere handful, hurried away to a more 
cniel fate. Of the three hundred troops, most of whom had been quar- 
tered out of the fort, but fifty escaped— one of whom is now by my 
side.* Such, in a few words, is the painful story of Cherry Valley. 

This attack was concerted by Walter Butler and the Indian Brant. 
The former had been taken prisoner the preceeding year, and condemned 
as a spy. By the intercession of his former friends he had been spared, 
and even released from the rigors of close confinement. Having, how- 
ever, treacherously effected his escape, he returned to the Indian country, 
breathing the direst vengeance against the American settlements. When 

* Mr. Elnathan PenT. 



326 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

he had incited the Seneca braves to deadly hatred, and sufficiently urged 
on their enkindled passions, he hurried forward with them and his father's 
Rangers to wreak his burning revenge on the Mohawk settlers. More 
fiendlike than even his savage allies, the most ferocious of the Indian 
tribes, he spared neither age, sex nor condition. Brant had reluctantly 
joined him, and even attempted to save the family of Mr. "Wells. But 
no : his more savage friend, though boasting of a refined and christian 
education, would listen to no suggestions of mercy. His father. Col. 
John Butler, on hearing their unhappy fate, is said to have exclaimed, 
•'I would have gone^miles on my hands and knees to have saved that 
family ; and why my son did not do it, God only knows." But the 
hand of divine justice was not long withheld. Newbeny, the miu'derer 
of the infant girl on that fearful morning, next year suffered by the hal" 
ter for his inhuman rage ; and Butler was spared only till his many 
crimes should call down severe but well merrited punishment. 

Throughout the many painful scenes exhibited during this and the 
preceding year, along the frontiers of Pennsylvania, in the valleys of the 
Mohawk and of the Susquehanna, the tories who composed the corps of 
Eangers and hovered over the unprotected settlements, were giiilty of 
barbarities far more inhuman than those of their Indian associates. 
At the massacre near Scoharie, all of one family, a mother and her many 
children, had been cruelly butchered — one alone, an infant having es- 
caped the general slaughter. An Indian warrior, noted for his cruelty, 
discovered the babe as it slept in its cradle. As, with uplifted toma- â–  
hawk, he was about to do the work of death, the little innocent, awak- 
ing, looked up in his face and smiled. The better feelings of his nature 
triumphed over his savage ferocity, and throwing aside his blood-stained 
hatchet, he took the smiling infant in his arms, and gently caressed it. 
But a royalist, who had witnessed the humanity of his darker but less 
savage comrade, thrust his bayonet through the infant, and, as he held it 
up, straggling in the agonoies of death, exclaimed, '' This, too, is a 
rebel." 

At the destruction of Wyoming, immortal in the numbers of the gifted 
bard, a few having thrown down their muskets, swam to an Island in the 
river, and endeavored to conceal themseves in the brush-wood. A party 
of tories, discovering their retreat, swam the river with their rifles ; and, 
having wiped their firelocks and re-loaded, went in search of the fugi- 
tives. One of the pursuers found his own brother lying unarmed and 
defenceless in a neighboring covert ; and regardless of his entreaties and 
.prayers, the Cain-like monster replied: "All this is mighty fine, but 



APPENDIX. 327 

you are a d — d rebel," and delibeately shot him dead on the spot. So, 
after the battle of Oriskany, where the gallant Herkimer fell, when 
Major Frey was brought a iDriosner into Butler's camp, his elder brother, 
one of the tory rangers, was restrained only by force from the most infa- 
mous fratricide. 

The annals of the world do not furnish more atrocious acts of villainy, 
than those oft performed by the refugees along our frontiers, during therev- 
olutionaiy contest. Scarcely a hamlet was spared the loss of some of its 
best and most honored citizens. Scarcely a family that mourned not the 
death or captivity of some loved member. Danger was in every path. 
Death seemed lurking for his prey, behind every covert. Defenceless 
women and childi'en, the aged grandsire and the sturdy youth, oft fell in 
one promiscuous slaughter. No one dared venture into the open field 
without his loaded musket ; and the farms along the whole frontier were 
left tenantless and uncultivated. Their occupants had fled for safety to 
the neighboring villages. The Indians "hung like the scythe of death, 
upon the rear of our settlements ; and their deeds are inscribed by the 
tomahawk and scalping knife, in characters of blood, on the banks of the 
Mokawk and the valleys of the Susquehanna." 

Congress at length determined to execute the project previously formed 
of carrying the war into the Indian country. Gen. Sullivan was ordered 
to ascend the Susquehanna to Tioga Point ; and Gen. Clinton to pass 
through the Mohawk valley to meet Gen. Sullivan at the place of ren- 
dezvous. After various delays caused by the character of the country 
through which the march was directed, the combined forces amounting 
to nearly five thousand men were ready on the 22d of August, 1779, to 
commence the campaign. Sullivan's orders were to destroy the Indian vil- 
lages, cut down their crops, and inflict upon them every other mischief 
which time and circumstances would permit, and not return until the 
cruelties of Wyoming, Cherry Valley and the border-setttlements had 
been fully avenged. * * 

After the battle of Monmouth, in 1778, Morgan's riflemen were sent to 
protect the settlements near Scoharie. Among those whose term of ser- 
vice had expired before the autumn of '79, was the bold Virginian, Timothy 
Murphy. Instead of returning home, he enlisted in the militia and con- 
tinued to wage desultory war against the savages, then hovering over the 
Mohawk settlements. By his fearless intrepidity, his swiftness of foot, 
his promptness for eveiy hazardous enterprise, he was though a mere pri. 
vate, entrusted with the management of every scouting party sent out. 
He always carried a favorite double barrelled rifle, an object of the 
greatest terror to the Indians, who for a long time were awe struck at its 



328 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

two successive discharges. In the hands of such a skillful marksman, the 
greatest execution always followed its unerring aim. He had been sev- 
eral times surprised by small Indian parties, but with remarkable good 
fortune had as often escaped. When the savages had learned the mys- 
tery of his double rifle, knowing that he must reload after the second dis- 
charge, they were careful not to expose themselves until he had fired 
twice. Once when separated from his troop, he was suddenly surrounded 
by a large party of Indians. Instantly he struck down the nearest foe 
and fled at his utmost speed. Being hard pushed by one runner, who 
alone he had not outstripped in his flight, he suddenly turned and shot 
him on the spot. Stopping to strip his fallen pursuer, he saw another 
close upon him. He seized the rifle of the dead Indian and again 
brought down his victim. The savages supposing all danger now passed 
rushed heedlessly on with yells of frantic rage. When nearly exhausted, 
he again turned, and with the undischarged barrel, fired and a third pur- 
suer fell. With savage wonder the other Indians were riveted to the 
Bpot ; and exclaiming that, ''he could fire all day without re-loading," 
gave over the pursuit. From that hour Murphy was regarded by the 
eavages as possessing a charmed life. When Gen. Clinton passed along 
the valley of the Mohawk, on his way to Tioga Point, Murphy again 
joined his rifle corps to share the dangers of the march into the wilder- 
ness. 

A few Oneida warrors joined the expedition and acted as guides. Cor- 
nelius and Honyerry had distinguished themselves in the battle of Oris- 
kany ; and from the destructive fire of their rifles, had been marked by 
their foes as objects of special hatred. Murphy was placed in the com- 
pany comraanned by Capt. Simpsom and Lieut. Thomas Boyd. This 
was also the company in which the late Mr. Salmon, * * served dur- 
ring the expedition. 

Lieut. Boyd was born in Northumberland, Penn., in the county of the 
same name, in the year 1757. His father and only sister died before the 
commencement of the Revolutionaiy struggle. When that contest began 
the noble hearted widow proved herself a more than Spartan mother. She 
too had learned the great lesson of liberty, and was prepared to make any 
and every sacrifice in her country's cause. In the language of our ven'fer- 
able President, * ' ' When fire and sword had ravaged our frontier, when 
the repose of the defenceless settlements was disturbed by the savage- 
war-whoop, and the bloody tomahawk and scalping knife were doing- 



Major Van Campen. 



APPENDIX. 329' 

their work of death, then this noble matron gave her three sons to God 
and her country, with the parting injunction never to dishonor their 
swords by any act of cowardice, or disgrace them by a moment's fear or 
reluctance, when called to the defence of home and freedom." Lieut. 
William her second son had fulfilled the mothers noble request and laid 
down his life at Brandywine, a willing sacrifice at his country's call. 
The mouldering bones of the youngest, Thomas Boyd, now lie beneath 
that sable pall. 

All the necessary preparations being completed, Sullivan's army left 
Tioga on the morning of the 26th of August, 1779. The Indians when 
first informed of the contemplated expedition, laughed at what they sup- 
posed the folly of a regular army attempting to traverse the wilderness, to 
drive them from their fastnesses. When, however, they had learned that 
the campaign was determined upon, they resolved to make an early stand 
in defence of their crops and their wigwams. Accordingly a large force, 
variously estimated from one thousand to fifteen hundred Indians and 
Rangers collected near Newtown, to risk a general engagement. History 
has fully recorded the particulars of this hard-fought action. The com- 
bined forces of British and Savages at last fled precipitately across the 
river, leaving behind a large number of packs, tomahawks and scalping 
knives. The disasters of this terrible battle spread the utmost consterna- 
tion through all the Indian villages. Many a brave warrior had fallen, and 
the death song was heard in every town. Their warriors seemed struck 
with a panic that nothing could avert. They left their defiles and the 
dangerous marshes open to the advance of their enemies, and fled at their 
approach. 

Sullivan hastened forward without interruption, destroying everything 
on his route. At Iloneoye he left a small force to guard the sick and 
provisions, and advanced with the utmost caution to the head of Cone- 
sus lake. The principal villages of the Senecas were situated along the 
valley of the Genesee. A few miles from this spot, at the fording place 
of the Canasaraga, was a small town and council house, called Williama- 
burgh. Little Beardstown (so named from the chief) was just beneath 
the hill, and stretched for nearly a mile from the bridge, over the creek, 
almost to the cluster of houses on the main road to the valley. In the- 
centre of the little village just at the base of this hill, stood the council 
house of this fierce warrior and his ferocious clan. Along these hillocks 
and for a short distance up the valley, were their largest corn-fields and 
vegetable gardens. From these their favorite haunts their warriors had 
oft, in times of yore, wandered to the far south and brought back tho 



'330 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

â–  scalps of the Catawbas, and ravaged the towns of their foes in the dis. 
tant prairies of the Mississippi and Alabama. The ruin they had often 
carried into the wigwams of the red-men and the huts of the white set- 
tlers, was now for the first time to fall upon their own loved homes. 
They resolved, however, once more to strike in defence of their firesides, 
and, i f possible, avert the impending blow. In pursuance of the resolution of 
their council, they lay concealed in ambush at the head of Conesus lake,near 
an Indian town, on what is at present called ' ' Henderson's Flats. " At the 
approach of the army they rose suddenly upon the advance guard, which, 
after a brisk skirmish, fell back upon the main body. Fearing a repeti- 
tion of the destructive havoc which they had already suffered at Newtown, 
they waited not the attack of the whole army, but, having seized the 
two friendly Oneidas, fled with their prisoners into the adjacent forest. 
One of these captives had been Sullivan's principal guide, and had ren- 
dered many important services to the Americans. He was therefore re- 
garded by his captors as a prisoner of no little consequence. 

There is an incident connected with his fate worthy of note,, as pre- 
senting a striking contrast to the inhumanity of the tory brothers at 
Oriskany and Wyoming. This faithful Indian had an elder brother en- 
gaged with the enemy, who, at the beginning of the war, had exerted 
all his power to persuade his younger brother into the British service, 
but without success. At the close of this skirmish, the brothers met, for 
the first time since their separation, when they had respectively chosen 
to travel different war-paths — the younger a prisoner to the elder. The 
latter had no sooner recognized his brother, after the melee, than his 
eyes kindled with the fierce and peculiar lustre which lights up the eyes 
of a savage when meditating revenge. Approaching him haughtily, he 
spoke thus: 

,^: /' Brother, you have merited death ! The hatchet or the war-club shall 
finish your career. When I begged you to follow me in the fortunes of 
war, you were deaf to my entreaties. 

^'Brother, you have merited death, and shall have your deserts! 
When the rebels raised their hatchets to fight their good master, you 
sharpened your knife, you brightened your rifle, and led on our foes to 
the flelds of our fathers ! 

' ' Brother, you have merited death, and shall die by our hands ! 
When those rebels had driven us from the fields of our fathers to seek 
out new houses, it was you who could dare to step forth as their pilot 
-and conduct them even to the doors of our wigwams, to butcher our 



APPENDIX. 331 

•children and put us to death! No crime can be greater; but, though 
you have merited death, and shall die on this spot, my hands shall not 
be stained with the blood of a brother. Who will strike? " 

A pause of a moment ensued. The bright hatchet of Little-Beard 
flashed in the air like lightning — and the young Oneida chief lay dead at 
his feet. Thus did the red warrior of the wildeness prove himself nobler 
than his civilized associates. 

After the skirmish just alluded to, Sullivan encamped for the night at 
the Indian village, and was detained the next day to build a bridge over 
the inlet and marsh for his artillery. Early on the evening of the en- 
campment, Lieut. Boyd requested leave to advance with a small detach- 
ment and reconnoiter the next town. The Indian guide, Ilouyerry, en- 
deavored in vain to dissuade him from the attempt. The army was near 
the redmen's stronghold, and their warriors lurked behind eveiy covert. 
But the gallant Boyd, fearless of all danger when he could be of service 
to his country, persisted in his request until the consent of his commander 
w^as obtained. He set out upon his perilous enterprise about sunset, wdth 
a small band, the brave Honyerry acting as his guide. Murphy, ever ready 
on a scout, joined the troop to share in the dangers of the attempt and 
enjoy the excitement of fighting the savages in their o^vn way. 

Near the summit of a hill, about one mile and a half from the camp, 
the path divided— one branch leading in the direction of Williamsburgh, 
the other of Little-Beard's-town. Boyd advanced cautiously, and took 
the former path to the Canasaraga. Aware of the dangers with which 
he was surrounded, he proceeded slowly, prepared for instant action. 
So great were the difficulties he encountered that the night was far spent 
before he reached the first village. Here all was silent and deserted. 
The Indians had fled but a short time before, as their fires were still 
burning. His little troop was too much exhausted and the night too far 
advanced for his immediate return. He determined to encamp near the 
village, and at early dawn to dispatch two messengers to the camp with 
information that the enemy had not yet been discovered, and thou con- 
tinue his search until he learned the position of the enemy. 

Surely, a more hazardous enterprise was never undertaken: — about 
thirty men, seven miles from their camp, a dense forest between them 
and the anny, before them a trackless morass, the Indians lurking, per- 
haps, behind every tree, ready to fall upon their prey. But Boyd had 
offered his services for this perilous task, and he would not shrink from 
its performance. Whilst his comrades are yet buried in sleep, taking 



332 HISTORY OF BUFFALO, 

with him the dauntless Murphy, he croei^s cautiously from the place of 
concealment until he gains a view of the village. About its out-skirts 
they pei'ceive two savages stealing along the woods; and in a moment 
their unerring rifles have laid their foes prostrate in death, and Murphy 
shakes in triumph the reeking scalp of his victim. Fearing that this 
occurrence would alarm the Indians hovering near, Eoyd thought it now 
prudent to retire. 

During that night the red warriors had not been idle. Little Beard 
had summoned his braves for the work of vengeance, and the messengers 
of Boyd never reached the camp. Brant, with five hundred warriors, 
and Butler, with an equal number of rangers, at early dawn set forth 
from Beard's-town to intercept Boyd and his party. They selected the 
spot where the two paths united, near the summit of the hill, for their 
ambuscade. Concealed in a deep ravine near the adjacent path, they 
were hidden by the dense forest from the view of the army, and by the 
brush-wood from the path. Whether Boyd returned along the trail from 
Williamsburgh or Beard's-town, they knew ke must pass the spot where 
they lay concealed. They had wisely conjectured that, if he were at- 
tacked farther from the army, he would be prepared for a bloody re- 
sistance; and that the first fire would hasten a large detachment to his 
relief. Whatever was done, must be accomplished in a moment; and 
their success would be certain, if, as they supposed, he should relax hia 
vigilance when so near the camp. 

As soon as Boyd had decided to return, he arranged his little troop to 
avoid being thrown into confusion on a sudden attack. With Honyerry 
in front and Murphy in the rear, their eagle-eyes fixed upon each moving 
leaf and waving bough, they marched foi-ward slowly, and with the ut- 
most caution. Five weary miles had they thus traversed the dangerous 
route, and were beginning to descend the hill at whose base the army 
lay encamped. With rapid march they hurry on, regarding all danger 
as now past. But just as they emerge from the thick wood into the 
main path, more than five hundred warriors, with brandished toma- 
hawks, rise up before them. With horrid yells they close in upon their 
victims on every side. Boyd is not wanting in this fearful crisis. 
Quick as thought, he perceives that against the fearful odds — the foe 
twenty times his own number — one chance of escai^e, and but one, re- 
mains; and that the always doubtful step of striking at a given point 
and cutting the way through the surrounding foe; At the word, his gal- 
lant band fire and rush to the onset. The charge tells fearfully upon the 
duBky warriors, and a ray of hope gleams upon their clouded fortunes. 



APPENDIX. 333 

With unl)rokeii raalcs— not ono of his own comrades yet fallen— lie re- 
news the attack; and still the third time. With only eight now left, he 
braves the fierce encounter once again. The fearless Murphy in- 
deed bears a charmed life. He tumbles, in the dust the huge warrior ia 
his path ; and, while the rude savages are shouting with laughter, he 
and two fortunate companions escape. True to his own dauntless nature, 
he turns to the foe, and, with clenched fist, hurls at them bold defiance. 
Poor Honycrry, noted for the wonders he had wrought at Oriskany, and 
for his unwavering attachment to the American cause, falls, literally 
hacked to pieces! But the unhappy Boyd — he, the gallant and noble- 
hearted, who never had known fear or shrunk from the most imminent 
peril — he and the equally wretched Parker are prisoners in the hands of 
the merciless enemy. At this frightful moment what are the emotions 
of these hapless captives? Does not the stout heart of Boyd now beat 
slowly? Is not his cheek yet blanched with fear? No! — not such 
his spirit! His courage fails him not, even now! "Red men," he ex- 
claims, "where is your chief? Bring me before the brave warrior! 
Aye, brandish your hatchets, ye coward squaws, against the helpless! — 
ye dare not strike! Your chief, I say!" At this request, the upraised 
tomahawk is turned aside, and the Indian chief Brant stands before him. 
At the mystic signal known only to those initiated into the secrets of the 
craft, the stern brow of the warrior is relaxed, and Boyd and Par- 
ker are safe. 

The approach of Hand's brigade causes the immediate flight of the 
Indian foe; and, in mad haste, they hurry away with their prisoners, 
leaving behind their blankets and the rifles of their victims. But this 
friendly succor comes too late! The fearful strife is over, and the red 
men are gone. 

Brant leaves the unfortunate Boyd and Parker in the charge of Butler, 
and withdraws to provide for the coming danger. With painful march* 
the captives pursue their cheerless route, amid the fierce exultation of 
the savage tribe, to the Indian village at our feet. 

Walter Butler — than whom not a more ruthless fiend ever cui-sed the 
human form! — summons before him the two prisoners, to learn, if pos- 
sible, the number, situation and intentions of Sullivan's army. His 
questions remain unanswered. Boyd will not, even by a word. Ijctray 
his country's cause. Perhaps, relying on the plighted faith and gene- 
rous nature of the Indian chief, he has no fears for the result. Around 



•The sinews of their feet had been cut by the Indians. 



334 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

him gather the painted forms of the grim savages; and, with tomahawlis 
catting the air, and reeking knives thrust toward his unprotected breast, 
amid the most hideous yells and frantic gestures, demand" the life-blood 
of their prey. Still the dauntless Boyd trembles not. He disregards 
the threats of his base interrogator, and refuses to reply. Denunciations 
avail not — danger does not intimidate. He has been nurtured in a no- 
bler school than to basely yield when he should be most firm. His coun- 
try calls — his mother's parting charge is still fresh in his memory — he 
cannot falter. She had engraven on his heart of hearts, deeper, far 
deeper than all other sentiments, love of country ; and love of life can- 
not usurp supremacy in this direful hour. But surely it cannot be that 
a man educated in all the refinements of civilized life — early nurtured in 
the merciful tenets of the christian faith, against whom the noble priso- 
ners have been guilty of no more heinous offence than fighting for liberty, 
will — nay, he cannot execute his bloody threat. Do you doubt, ye hap- 
less pair, that such a monster lives ? Ah ! remember the bloody deeds 
of Cherry Valley, and know that such a monster now threatens " to give 
you over to the tender mercies of the savages," clamoring for your blood. 
Again the question is asked, and again Boyd shrinks not. The fate of 
the army and the success of the expedition hang upon his firmness. He 
prefers to die, if it were possible, a thousand deaths, rather than 
betray the lives of his country's soldiers and her holy cause. He well 
knows that their secret must remain unrevealed by his lips — that on his 
decision now rests the safety of the whole army ; and he nobly chooses, 
by his own fall, to preserve the dangerous secret locked in his own speech- 
less and mangled breast. The bloody command is at last given. Little 
Beard and his clan have seized their helpless victims. Stripped and 
bound to that sapling, Boyd hears the death-knell ringing in the air, and 
sees the demoniac ravings of his ruthless tormentors, as madly they dance 
around him. The chief takes the deadly aim ; his glittering hatchet 
speeds through the air. But no — this were too kind a fate. It quivers 
in frightful proximity, just above his uncovered head. Another and yet 
another follows — still they glance within but a hair's breadth of his 
throbbing temples. Their fury becomes too great for so bloodless sport. 
Now they tear out his nails, his eyes, his tongue, and — but the horrors of 
that awful hour are too agonizing for description. The ear is pained at 
the direful tale. The mind revolts at the cruel reality. 

Poor Parker, thine is a milder death. With one blow, your frightful 
suspense, as you lay a witness of your heroic leader's anguish, and ex- 
pect a similar fate, is ended. 



APPENDIX. 335"' 

Noble men ! Could we but conjure up the agonies of your last hour — 
could mortal tongue disclose the secret emotions of your soul, the fierce 
pain of your mangled limbs — every heart in this assembly would cease to 
pulsate, every cheek grow pale with horror. Gallant Boyd ! Thy wid- 
owed mother's sacred injunction has been — oh, how sacredly — obeyed. 
Here, in the depths of the wilderness, you ceased not to cherish the spirit 
of her own noble soul ; and at the immense price of the most lingering 
death, to show that your love of liberty was stronger than all the ties of 
life and kindred. Far away in your native village, perhaps at that very 
hour, your mother's fervent prayer, for her youngest and her darling son, 
was winging its course to the Mercy-seat. Little did she imagine with 
what pious devotion you were fulfilling your high duties to God and your- 
countiy. Oh, what will be the fearful agony of her widowed soul, when 
she learns your cruel fate ! Already has she mourned your elder brother's 
fall ; and now in the bloom of early manhood, twenty-two summers 
scarcely passed over your devoted head, and your mangled corpse lies un- 
buried in the remote wilderness. 

Talk not of Spartan daring, nor Roman firmness, to illustrate his match- 
less heroism. In the excitement of battle, under the eyes of those who. 
will honor his bravery, the soldier may dare the chances of even the can- 
non's mouth, to win undying fame. But to die in the remote wilderness, 
by the most excruciating torture — to die, too, with the power of safety 
in your hands, rather than fail in your duty, even by a word — to die, 
where no ijitying eye can behold your fate, and the last solemn rites of 
sepulture cannot be performed by christian hands, with no one to bear 
youi- dying words to your bereaved mother — to know and feel at that 
dread hour, that her scalding tears will flow in torrents, when as the- 
dreary months drag heavily by, she lingers to hear from some passing 
stranger, if perchance her youngest, her brave-hearted boy, yet lives — to 
die thus, for one's country — where, in the annals of the world, can you 
find a parallel ? 

But your blood, ye gallant men, shall not be unavenged. Ere the mor- 
row's sun shall have gone down behind these hills, the homes of your sav- 
age toi'mentors shall be smouldering in ashes, their crops prostrate, their 
wives and children houseless wanderers. A year shall not roll away, 
before they shall perish by thousands, in all the horrors of the most lin- 
gering and loathsome disease, dependent for the humblest necessaries of 
iife upon the white man's bounty. And he, your merciless betrayer, 
shall flee for life before the Oneida warrior. His pursuer, like the angel 
of death, shall not lose his prey. His horse shall not save him— the- 



536 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

tangled wood shall not conceal his flight— the foaming stream shall not 
hide his foot-prints. In vain shall he beg for mercy— in vain shall he 
conjure the dusky warrior by all that makes life dear, to spare him, if but 
for an hour. The hand of vengeance shall fall upon his head when his 
crimes are thickest and blackest. His tears and prayers shall be lost in 
the remembrance of bis past enormities. Cherry Valley, Cherry Valley! 
shall your captor thunder in your guilt-stricken soul, and deep in your 
brains bury the avenging tomahawk. 

Youi's, ye noble dead, though a cruel, was not an unhonored fate. 
Yours is the glory of marking with your own life-blood, the very limit of 
the great straggle for American liberty. With your martial garments, 
dyed with your own blood, wrapped around your lifeless bodies, you 
found a grave on the spot of your glory. The insignia of your services 
and of that high cause for which you fell,* have remained upon your 
mouldered bones until, when, after sixty-two years have run their round, 
a grateful posterity, in seeking for your battle field and resting place, 
have been thus assured that their warm-hearted efforts have not been un- 
successful. "When your lives were offered up in your country's cause, on 
yon battle-ground, your struggling countrymen had hardly dared hope for 
the wonders which we now behold. That spot seemed the very verge of 
safety — the farthest extreme to which their undaunted troops should ven- 
ture to push their conquests. Now it is but the starting point in the jour- 
ney to its western borders. You perished nearly two hundred miles be- 
yond the remotest western settlement, and now your graves are nearly two 
thousand east of your country's civilization. Many millions of happy 
freemen, crowned with the richest blessings, now crowd her extended 
limits — the few of your day having become a mighty nation. These few 
initials, borne on your heroic breasts, then told of a dim possibility — of 
a mere handful struggling for liberty, against the most powerful and de- 
termined people on earth. Now, how significant, how full of meaning, 
are these three simple letters ! What visions of past honor and of future 
promise do they call up, as the eye rests upon them ! For more than 
a half century have your bones borne in death, as did your martial 
breasts in life, the name of your country, unchanged, by their side. And 
now they reappear, to show us, your honored posterity, that virtue and 
heroism, whatever the cost, however momentous the sacrifice, must re- 
main, in death as in life, inseparable from the American soldier. 



*The three letters " U. S. A." distinctly legible on the buttons which 
the speaker held in his hand, found with the bones. 



APPENDIX. ' 337 

NOTE '"A," PAGE 319. 

The funeral procession, which left the village of Geneseo ou the morn- 
ing of the solemnities, was nearly a mile in length. The remains of 
those who fell on the battle-field at Groveland, had been previously de- 
posited in an appropriate sarcophagus, and were followed by the citizens 
living east of the river to the spot where the bones of Boyd and Parker 
had been found. 

At this spot, the funeral train from the east was met by that from the 
west, and by the military and civic delegations from Rochester. 

Whilst these two processions halted a few rods from each other, the 
Rochester Military Corps being drawn up on two sides of the mound, the 
Committee of Arrangements, with the survivors of Sullivan's army, as- 
cended to the summit; and, during the mournful air played by tbe band, 
raised the urn and bore it to the hearse, where it Mas placed on the sar- 
cophagus by the venerable President of the Day. 

The campaign into the country of the Senecas, in its original incep- 
tion, contemplated a combined movement of three divisions — one from 
Pennsylvania, under Gen. Sullivan, one from New York, under Gen. 
James Clinton, and another from Fort Pitt, under Col. Daniel Broad- 
head. This last was designed to proceed up the Alleghany, destroying 
the settlements of the Mingoes, Miamis and Senecas. on that river, pro- 
â– ceeding northward, and uniting with that of Sullivan on the Genesee, 
and co-operating in an united movement upon Niagara, the great strong- 
hold of the semi-savage army. It would seem, however, that the plans 
of Gen. Washington, in regard to the latter part of the campaign, were 
not carried out. 

Col. Broadhead left Pittsburgh on the Uth of August, 1779, at the 
head of about six hundred, rank and fiie. and proceeded up the Alle- 
ghany, but found most of the Indian settlements abandoned and their 
houses burned. He penetrated up the river only about two hundred 
miles, destroying extensive fields of corn and capturing some booty, 
without encountering the Indians in any force. He returned to Pitts- 
burgh, where he arrived on the l-lth of Sept., having been absent but 
little over a month. The reasons for his not accomplishing the original 
design of the campaign are not very apparent unless they are to bo as- 
cribed to the same cau.se assigned by Gen. Sullivan for not prosecuting 
his successes and capturing Fort Niagara, which was tbe want of sup- 



338 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

plies, as it appears Col. Broadbead'smen were provided -with only thirty 
days' provisions. 

The following papers, relating to the history of Sullivan's campaign, 
procured in Canada, it is believed have never been published, serve to 
throw light upon the history of the time, viewed from a different point 
of observation: 

CAPT. WALTER BUTLER TO MR. GORIX. 

Genesee River. August 8th, 1779. 

Sir:— I received yours of the 28th ultimo, with the articles wanted 
for each of the companies of the rangers here, which must be packed up 
by companies, and then can be divided here. lk»u must charge every 
individual agreeable to the memorandum. The memorandum marked 
for Capt. Caldwell's company, all but two are new comers, and not 
placed to any company as yet; a separate book must be kept for them. 
It is impossible for me to have the things sent in bulk here, and to be 
charged by me in my present situation, and, in fact, in any, would I do 
it without two clerks. After you have eharged agreeable to the memo- 
randum, the non-commissioned officers can divide the articles into small 
quantities. They have copies of the memorandum. 

Please send me two bear-skins. If Capt. Robinson gets up any port, 
please send me a barrel, on my account. 

I am obliged to you for the hooks, for now it is, that he that will not 
hunt or fish, must not eat. 

Give my best respects to Mrs. Robinson. 

I am your very humble servant, 

WALTER BUTLER. 

Mr. Gorin. 

from jxo. stedman to mr. gorixg, niagara. 

Little Niagara, Aug. 27th, 1779. 

Sir : — Yours by the bearer I received last night. I have inclosed to 

you an order to pay the old grey-headed squiea (squaw) fifty dollars for the 

boy I bought of her. As the order is stoale, I dare say you will take notice 

not to pay an order for the same dated Aug. 23d, 1779. I gave two 



APPENDIX. 339 

small onlers, for five dollars each, at the same time. You will pay them 
as they are presented. 

I am, sir. your most and very humble servant, 

JNO. STEDMAN. 
Mr. Gokixg. Niagara. 

ENDOKSED COPT OF A LETTER TO MR. ROK'T UAMILTON'. 

Niagara. S-pt. lOtli, 1779. 

Dear Hamilton : — As you have desired me to communicate to you all 
the news from this, I shall now finish my story. 

Col. Butler, last Sunday morning, went from the village (where he 
lay) to meet the rebels, and meant to attack them at a swamp where 
they were obliged to cross. The Colonel, taking the advantage of a hill, 
lay undiscovered from Sunday till the Tuesday following, though only a 
musket shot from the rebels, and even within sight. The Colonel could 
obseive that they had a great number of men employed making a bridge 
over the swamp, for the canHon and baggage, which they never leave for 
a baggage guard to bring up, but always march in order for battle, with 
their provisions, &c., in the centre. Col. Butler, hearing a firing to his 
right, imagined he was discovered and immediately flew to the place, 
where they saw a party of twenty-six of the rebels and three Indians 
pursuing and firing on an Indian or two, that was a little ways off from 
the rest; twenty-two of those and three Indians was immediately killed, 
and the Lieut, and one private taken prisoners, (two escaped.) The 
Lieut, was examined, and told that they were then about five thousand, 
consisting of continental troops with fifteen hundred riflemen, with four 
six. and two three pounders and a small mortar, commanded by Gen. 
Sullivan and two other general oflicers— one regiment of flve hundred 
men left at Tioga and another at Genesee, whicb completed the whole 
six thousand; and that they had only one month's provisions with them, 
and intended only to destroy the Indian country and then return. 

Col. Butler then retreated back, for by tliis time, the rebels hearing the 
firing, was advancing very fast toward them, and on Thursday was 
obliged to leave the last village, though joined by one hundred and fifty 
regulars from this, and yesterday lie and his whole retinue arrived here. 
The plain is all day covered with Indians, (something like people re- 
turning from English fairs.) Every man, woman and child is coming in. 

I leave you (to) judge how busy we are. Fine times— a compleat as- 



340 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO, 

sortment of goods ia store, and Taylor none. Three bimdred per cent., 
and fifty over. Be kind enough to acquaint Mr. Pollard that his butter, 
when weighed here, was one thousand two hundred and forty-four and 
one-half pounds neat, for which he has credit with Mr. Robinson, at two 
shillings per pound. 

ENDORSED COPY OK A LETTER TO MK. JAMES CRESPAL. 

Niagara, Oct. 10th, 1780. 

Dear Uncle: — Think what anxiety I feel in not receiving a line 
from you this year. I am so desirous of being acquainted with the situ- 
ation of >jiiy sister and friends. Last year I sent you twenty pounds ster- 
ling to pay the tailor, and the remainder to bo shared between my sis- 
ters, as you should think most proper. I now send you fifteen pounds 
sterling more, by the favor of Mr. John Stedman, (brother of the gentle- 
man that was so kind as to bring me a letter last year from you) which 
you will please to dispose of in necessaries for my sisters, as you may 
think most proper for them in their situation. The bearer, Mr. Sted- 
man, will inform you what circumstances I am in, as I am extremely 
hurried at present, and the vessel just ready to sail. I therefore must 
conclude with my love to Nancy, Sally and Charlotte, wishing them 
health to do well. Pray make my respects to my cousins and Mr. Bas- 
tie, and all inquiring friends, and if I have another opportunity, you 
may depend on hearing from me more fully. If convenient, send me, 
next year, two neat German flutes and a collection of all the new songs, 
sot to music, that have been published lately, which will greatly oblige 

Your Nephew, 

F. GORING. 

Direct to me at Niagara, to the care of Mr. Rob'tCruikshank, Montreal. 

Niagara, Dec. 10th, 1781. 
Sir: — I would be very much obliged to you if you would set my ser- 
vant at work to but (put) the corn into bags as soon as possible, and I 
would thank you greatly if you would sent (send) it over the carrying 
place as soon as the servant returns, as I am very much in want of it at 
present. If there is not bags enove (enough,) I wish you would let me 
have some, and I shall sent (send) them back immediately. 

I am. Sir, your humble servant, 

JANE POWELL. 
To Mr. Bennett. 

Superscribed to Mr. James Bennett, at Little Niagara. 



NO. 3. 



Mr. James Duane who bad beoii a delegate from this State, in Congress, 
communicated to the Governor, the following views in regard to the 
treaty at Fort Stanwix : 

Great difficulty arises from the interferance of the proposed ti-eaty 
with the authority and views of Congress. Five of the Six Nations 
of Indians are at open war with the United States. The general 
treaty of peace doth not mention or extend to them ; Congress 
therefore on the ninth article of the confederation claims the ex- 
clusive right to make this peace and if the tribes are to be con- 
sidered as independent nations, detached from the State and abso- 
lutely unconnected with it, the claim of Congress would be uncontrovert- 
able. There is then an indispensable necessity, that these tribes should 
be treated as ancient dependants upon this State, placed under its pro- 
tection with all their terrritorial rights, by their own consent, publicly 
manifested in solemn and repeated treaties, (of this there is sufficient 
evidence) and particularly by the deeds of 1701, and 1726, Avhich though 
in the name of the King, were obtained at the expense of the people of 
the State, and for their benefit. On this ground the tribes in question 
may fall under the character of members of the State with which Con- 
gi-ess have no concern. But the spirit of the message from the Indians 
renders it questionable whether they will submit to be treated as depend- 
ants. The piece bears a strong appearance of a British emissary in its 
manner and composition. The Indians used to be respectful in their ad- 
dress. This is familiar and even impertinent. They assume a perfect 
equality, and instead of contrition for their perfidious behavior, seem 
even to consider themselves as the party courted and solicited for recon- 
ciliation and favor. 

This then, will bo a point to be managed with skill and delicacy. Nor 
will any care bestowed on it be misapplied, for besides the respect 
which we owe to the Union, our own particular honor, interest and safety 
require that those tribes should be reconciled to the idea of being mem- 
bers of the State, depending upon its g<)vernmi'nt and resting upon its 



342 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

protection. If we adopt the disgraceful system of flattering them as 
great and mighty nations, we shall once more like the Albanians, "be 
their tools and slaves, and this revolution in my eyes will have lost more 
than half its value. 

From these observations it will follow that the style, as well as the sub- 
stance of the communications on the part of the Government are very 
material, and I may add, that instead of comforming to the ceremonies 
practiced among the Indians it would be wise to bring them to adopt 
gradually our forms. At an interview with some Southern Indians, a 
committee of Congress adopted this idea, and told the Indians it was not 
the usage of Congress to deliver strings or belts. 

1st. Then, if it will not be too great and hazardous an innovation, 
which I think is not to be apprehended, I would use neither belts nor 
strings in any communication. Instead of it, all messages or communi- 
cations should be signed or sealed or both. 

2d. I would never suffer the word "Nation," or " Six Nations," or 
"Confederates," or "Council Fire at Onondaga," or any other form 
which would revive or seem to confirm their former ideas of independ- 
ence, to escape. I would say nothing of making peace or burying the 
hatchet, for that would be derisive to Congress, perhaps very justly. 
But I would study to carry on the intercourse (for I object even against 
the term treaty which seems too much to imply equality) with as much 
plainness and simplicity as possible, and as if I was actually transacting 
business with the citizens. 

3d. As to the substance of the speech, it may be introduced by observ- 
ing, that the return of the tribes into the State, and the eagerness of oiu' 
citizens to obtain settlements in the â– western countries led to the ajipre- 
hension that mutual resentment, and animosity might break forth into 
outrage and hositility, disturb the peace so lately established and render 
a reconciliation altogether impracticable. That these considerations 
had induced me to consent to the present meeting. * * * 

4th. The style by which the Indians are to be addressed is of moment 
also. They are used to be called Brethren, Sachems and Warriors of the 
Six Nations. I hope it will never be repeated. It is sufficient to make 
them sensible that they are spoken to without complimenting twenty or 
thirty Mohawks as a nation, ami a few more Tuscaroras and Onondagas as 
distinct nations. It would be not less absurd than mischievous. They 
should rather be taught, by separating from the Oneidas and entering 
into a wicked war, they had become wretched and destroyed themselves, 
and that the public opinion of their importance had long since 



NO. 4. 



COPY or A LKTTEK OF ARTHUR LEE AXD RICHARD BUTI-ER TO GOV. 
CLIXTOX. 

New York, August 10th, 1784. 
Sir — As Commissioners appointed by Congress to negotiate treaties 
with the Indians, we wish toliear from your Excellency, if measures are 
taking for raising the armed force recommended by Congress for the pro- 
tection of those treaties. Nothing now prevents the Commissioners from 
entering upon the business, but the want of such force to garrison the 
frontier posts, or protect the negotiation. We therefore beg the favor of 
your excellency to inform us what measures you have taken for raising the 
quota of this State and when we may rely upon its being ready for ser- 
vice. 

We have the honor to be with great respect. 

Your Excellency's Most Ob't Humble S'v't, 

ARTHUR LEE, 
RICHx\RD BUTLER. 
His Excellency Gov. Clixtox. 

REPLY OF gov. CLIXTOX. 

Albaxy, August 1.3th, 178-1. 

Gextlemex — Your letter of llie 10th of this month, by Mr. Monroe, 
has just been handed me. 

The recommendation of Congress to the State to raise from the militia 
a certain number of troops for the purpose of gari'isoning the frontier 
posts and protecting the treaties to be held with the Indians, did not reach 
me till some time in July» The Legislature of the State who alone were 
competent to this business, had then dispersed, after a session, which 
from the peculiar circumstances of the State, had detained them from 
the fall until late in the spring, and it was not only my opinion, but that 



344 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

of every member of the Legislature, whom I had opportunity of con- 
sulting, tljat it would then be impracticable to convene them together, 
nor indeed did the urgency of the case seem to require that they should 
be put to so great inconvenience ; for though they had assembled and 
complied with the recommendation of Congress, it would have been al- 
ready too late in the season to have established the garrisons for which 
the troops were required, and besides I had received information in a 
manner which deserved credit, and which. Congress could not be 
apprised of, at the time, that although the definitive treaty was offi- 
cially received in Canada, no orders had come from Europe for evacua- 
ting the posts, and have good reason to believe that until such orders are 
received, no measures will be taken for that purpose. If therefore the 
Legislature were to raise a permanent force, as recommended, they could 
not be applied to the purpose proposed and would only be a useless addi- 
tion to expenses, which we are already too little able or disposed to dis- 
charge. I conceive myself, however, authorized to draw from the mili- 
tia a force sufficient, should any be necessary, to protect the Commission- 
ers of Congress in any negotiation with the Indians and this will in a 
great measure save the unnecessary expense attending a present perma- 
nent force. The Indians of the Six Nations, whom I have requested to 
convene at Fort Schuyler have advised me that they will be accompanied 
by deputies from other nations, possessing the territory within the juris- 
diction of the United States ; I shall have no objections to your improv- 
ing this incident to the advantage of the United States, expecting, how- 
ever, and positively stipulating that no agreement be entered into with 
the Indians residing within the jurisdiction of this State, (and with^ 
whom only I mean to treat) prejudicial to its rights. 

These engagements being made on your part, you may rely on every 
exertion in my power, and that of my colleagues to promote the interest 
of the United States ; which I flatter myself no State in the Federal 
Union has at any time more cheerfully and efficiently supported than 
this. 

I have the honor to be, &c., &c., 

GEO. CLINTON. 

The Hon. Ricu'd Butler and Arthur Lee, Commissioners of the-^ 
United States for Indian Affairs. 



NO. 5. 



COPY OF A LKTTER FROM MR. GOKING TO MR. E. POLI.iRD. 

Niagara, Sept. 12th, 1779. 

Dear Sir: — Your favor of the 26th July I received per Mr. Forsyth 
of the 26th ultimo ; also a letter from Lieut. Harrow, which I took care 
to forward. Prior to the receipt of yours, I had already credited you 
for the 170 fb oat meal at 6d per pound. You have also another credit 
for 2,000 itj flour, which is charged to Wm. Lyons, the baker, at 40s. per 
cwt. ; that quantity, he informes me, you paid him for, the morning you 
left this. I have waited on Mr. Bliss several times, in order to settle the 
butter account, but have been always put off by his saying he has not 
time at present to weigh it, nor will not take it by invoice. Indeed, he 
is a very litigious, troublesome gentleman to deal with, but hope in a 
few days to bring him to a settlement — I having been very busy drawing 
out another Indian account for £5,808. There is like to be a very great 
change in our house in a short time, having once more taken an account 
of stock, &c., but everything is kept entirely secret from me. 

Yesterday came in Capt. Powell from Canawagoris, -where he left Col. 
Butler two days before in perfect health and spirits. He informs me 
their first attack with the rebels was about fifteen miles from Shimango, 
where Col. Butler made a breast-work, which the rebels observed, and 
with two six. and four three pounders and small mortars, in half an 
hour obliged Col. Butler to retreat. On the same day, a few'miles from 
this. Col. Butler attempted again to stop them, but in vain. In this at- 
tack the Colonel lost four rangers killed, two taken prisoners, and seven 
wounded — three Senecas and one Cyugo (Cayuga) killed. Your son, 
John Montour (not Roland) was shot in the back, and the ball lodges in 
him; however, he is likely to do well, for in a fow days after, he, witfi 
twenty Indians, stopped tho pass of the advanced guard of the rebels, 
which was upwards of one thousand, and obliged them to retreat la 



346 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

this action Col. Butler and all his people was surrounded, and was very- 
near being taken prisoners. The Indians here all run away, being 
struck with a panic, and has not been able to gather till very lately. 
The Colonel retreatel to Canadasagoe, but since that is now come to the 
last village, which is Canawagoras. The number of the rebels is not 
known for certain. Young Clement, from the top of a tree on a hill, 
counted upwards of five hundred tents aud seven pieces of cannon, and 
a great quantity of live cattle which they drive with them, and keep 
such clo.se order that a prisoner cannot be taken, though the Indians are 
often very close to them, which they no sooner see when a whole regi- 
ment fires, even at one man. The rebels has since been joined by 2,800, 
three large parties from Crokin's lake slope-house, and the whole of their 
army is thought to be about six thousand, under the command of three 
Generals — Sullivan, Markfleld and Hnnds. The Indians are deter- 
mined, to a man, to dye with Col. Butler, end have requested of 
Col. Boulton to send all the men he can, which a few days ago he sent 
sixty men, mostly the light infantry, with Lieuts. Coote and Pepyat, 
and two grass-hoppers, and by the next vessels expects one hundred 
from Carleton Island, and as many more from Detroit, which are to go 
immediately to join CoL Butler, as they mean once more to try their 
fait. Live or die — is the word all through their camp. Lieuts. St. Magin 
and Harkimer are expected in every day from the Colonel's with ninety 
rangers, who are all sick, which is a great loss to Col. Butler at this 
critical juncture. 

Lieut. Dochsteder writes from the Ohio that a party of rebels has de- 
stroyed several Indian villages, with all the corn. He also informs me 
that a party of Indians going on a scout in three canoes, was fired on by 
a scout of rebels from the shore, which killed three, among which was a 
son of yours, the eldest and handsomest of the white boys, that was for- 
merly married to your daughter. Belle Montour. 

ENDORSED COPY OF A LETTER TO MR. JAMES CRESPAJ.. 

Niagara, Oct. 14th, 1780. 
Dear Unc£e : — On the 10th inst. I writ you a short letter, which I 
hope will come safe to hand, enclosing a duplicate of the bill which you 
have here enclosed, for fifteen pounds sterling, on James Phyn, merchant, 
which you will please distribute among my sisters in necessaries, as may 
best suit their situation. In my letter of last year I sent you twenty 



APPENDIX. 34:7 

pounds sterling, to be divided in like manner (after paying the tailor) 
which I hope you received, but my not receiving a line from you this 
year, gives me a great deal of uneasiness, especially when I heard that 
Capt. Gibson, of the vessel Montreal, was arrived safe, to whom I 
look most for letters, as Mr. Cruickshank informed me you was particu- 
larly acquainted with him. Still I will not think it any neglect of yours, 
as I am informed that a number of the Quebec fleet are taken, which I 
dare say is the occasion of my disappointment. 

I have quite altered my mind since I wrote you last, when I mentioned 
that I should stay in the same capacity I was then in. I have lately en- 
tered into partnership, by the approbation of some friends, with two 
others ; built a house and have now the pleasure to inform you that I am 
doing business for myself, being determined either to 'â– 'â–  win the horse or 
loose the saddle." 

Though I believe there is no place in America so dangerous as this 
communication for a young beginner, owing to the great losses that are 
sustained in bringing up goods. "When they leave Montreal, they are 
brought near three hundred miles in battoes, and often times obliged to 
be carried in many places, on account of the great rapids which are in 
this river; then shipped on board of vessels in order to cross Lake Onta- 
rio, which is near two hundred miles further, before they reach Niagara; 
therefore, you may imagine to yourself what trouble there is in getting 
goods this length and what the experience must be. 

I expect that you will receive this per the hands of Mr. Thomas Rob- 
inson, my late employer, who has resigned business here. If he should 
call, pray show him all the civility you can, on my account, as he has 
always showed a great deal of kindness to me, and he will give you a 
particular account of my conduct ever since I have lived at Niagara, 
which is now upwards of four years, which when I think of the liberty 
and pleasure I had when at home, and compare them with the confine- 
ment which I have had ever since I have ))oen here, where there is not 
the least thing that affords amusement, often makes me very serious ; to 
be confined in this country among hardly anything but Indians which we 
have at times thousands, these arc employed at a very extravagant rate 
by Government to massacre the poor inhabitants of the frontiers of the 
Colonies. The scenes that are daily practiced by these inhuman butch- 
ers dare not be described. In short this place is shut up from all society 
of human creatures, therefore if ever chance should throw me in your 
way, you must expect very little from one who has lived among savages 
so long, however, I shall do all in ray power to help my poor unhappy 
family. 



348 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Mr. Craickshank lias lost a considerable venture this year by the ves- 
sels being taken, in which was his cargo, which has been a disappoint- 
ment to me as I every year had a quantity of silver work from him, such 
as buckles, spoons, cups, ear-bobs, &c. If you can supply with such arti- 
cles the next year, you may depend on the payment in the fall. Let me 
know and I will send you a list of such articles as I shall want. For the 
present, if you can conveniently, send me three dozen of the neatest and 
newest fashioned shoe and knee buckles, one dozen good and neat silver 
table spoons and two of tea spoons, with four pair of sugar tongs. I 
must entreat of you to let me know this as soon as possible, and pray write 
a little oftener and by more opjiortunities as I am sure you may be of 
great service to me in other matters as well as this. You can send any- 
thing to me by Capt. Gibson of the Montreal, and direct them to the 
care of Mr. Cruickshank, who I am sure will serve us both in anything of 
this kind. 

I cannot at present say much of my health. I am troubled with the 
ague which has pulled me down very much, but the cold weather is now 
coming on which will drive that away, as it has done often before. 

I cannot help mentioning that last winter was the severest that was 
ever felt here. Our river was frozen over for seven weeks, so that horse 
and sley could pass, which was never known to be froze over before, ow- 
ing to the great rapidity of the water from the falls. The snow in the 
woods eight feet on a level ground. 

Believe me dear Uncle, in comity, 

Your Most Affectionate Nephew, 

F. GORING. 

EDWARD POI.LARD TO MR. F. GORIXG. 

MoxTRAL, 6th October, 1781. 
Dear Sir— On the arrival of Mr. Street, I was surprised and con- 
cerned at being informed at your having dissolved the connection you 
so lately had engaged in which by every account, (for a beginner,) was 
advantageous and in particular at a season of the year that must put 
you out of emjjloy six months and that in an expensive place. Mr. 
Street told me you intended to write me by the next opportunity after he 
came away, but as that hath elapsed and my stay will be only a few days 
longer here, I enclose you the order for the company's next year's supply, 
and am with wishing you success, 

Your friend and humble servant, 

EDWARD rOLLARD 
Mr. F. Goring. 



APPENDIX. 349 

Niagara, March 7th, 1781. 

By the anthority I have received from His Excellency Gen. Haldemand, 
Governor and Commander-iu-Chief in and over the Province of Canada 
and the frontier thereof, &c., &c., &c., I hereby permit Messrs. Goring, 
Street and Bennett to erect a store-house on a parcel of ground at the 
lower landing, measuring sixty feet in front and thirty feet in depth, 
bounded by the bank of the river on the west, by the foot of the hill on 
the south, and by the head of the cradle-ways on the north. But the 
condition of this permission is such that the said Messrs. Goring, Street 
and Bennet, their heirs, executors, administrators or assigns, shall not 
in any wise consider this ground as private property, but as entirely in- 
vested in the Crown, and the building lialjle to be removed or burnt at a 
moment's warning, whenever the commanding officer of this post, for the 
time being, finds it essential for his majesty's service so to do. Nor is 
the aforesaid Messrs. Goring, Street and Bennett, their heirs, axecutors, 
administrators or assigns, to sell or dispose of any part of the building 
they may erect, without a permission in writing from the commanding 
officer of this post. For all provisions, stores, &c., stored in said store- 
house on account of government, the said Messrs. Goring, Street and 
Bennett, shall l)e paid six pence, New York currency, per barrel. 
G. H. AVATSON POWELL, 

Brigadier-General. 

We agree to the above. 

GORING, STREET & BENNETT. 

TO Mil. GOKING, NIAGAKA. 

LiTTi.K Niagara, Nov. 23d, 1779. 
Sir: — Mr. Abbet desired me to mention to you and Jlr. Hamilton of a 
box of candles he left at Niagara as he passed. Mr. Hand, his clerk, 
has wrote, if it can be found, you will be good enough to forward it by 
the same opportunity you will have, as there is some things to be sent 
up to the officers at Detroit, and to go by this vessel. 

I am, Sir, youi-s, &c., 

JNO. STEDMAN. 

ENUORSKI) I,i;rTKI{ KKOM M K. .lOII.V WAKKK.V. 

Four EuiE, 1st .January, 1780. 
Drar Sir: — I promi'^ed to let \i)n know how I got up, but have, till 



350 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

now, not been able to write, occasioned by one of the horridest fingers 
that ever took the place of a left hand. 

How it came I know not; only this I know — that I have got very little 
rest ever since I left Niagara. From the upper joint to the entire point 
it is one piece of proud flesh, which does not a little surprise me, as I 
was of opinion (until hereby convinced) that I had very little of that 
kind in my composition. 

I beg you will be so good as to send by Corporal Reed, two and one- 
half yards second cloth, with buttons, lining, twist, &c., <fec., to make a 
coat and waist-coat, as I entirely forgot it when I was below. The color, 
if blue or inclining that way, will best answer; if not, any other color 
which you yourself would fancy for a winter suit, will answer. This 
and one pound stone blue, and half a dozen pounds of raisins, if to be 
had, the Corporal has promised to take care (of,) which please to let 
him have, and at the bottom of your letter please send me account, as I 
want to keep my debts in view, to prevent their swelling imperceptibly 
beyond my reach. 

I hope St. John used you all well while he staid. Had I remained, 
this ugly finger of mine would not let me have bawled one single verse 
in his praise, for I assure you I did nothing but grin the whole day, and 
grew so sulky that I did not so much as drink one glass to congratulate 
his arrival. 

I wish you could spare us one doctor from Niagara — one would 
hardly be missed among so many — but not any of your commissary kill- 
ing ones. I forget that gentleman's name that stops with you — the man 
with the two heads, both of which wear his wig by turns. However, 
without any joke, I at present stand much in need of one. I was think- 
ing of sending my finger down by the Corporal, but have deferred it, as 
he is to bring me up some blue stone, from which, and some salve I 
brought up with me, I promise myself to effect a cure. 

I have said enough to tire any man of more patience than you, and all 
about a rotten finger. Perhaps many people would not have said so 
much about a whole hand. Well, I wish any person had mine, and they 
may be welcome to say what they please. I shall say no more than 
that I am. Sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

JOHN WAEREN. 

Mr. Francis Goring. 



KO. 6. 

[PAOE 155.] 



NUMBER AND DATE OP SALE BY DEED, OF ALL THE LOTS IN THE ORIGINAL 

SDRVET OP NEW AMSTERDAM, OR BUFFALO, BY THE HOLLAND LAND 
COMPANY, WITH THE NAME OF THE PURCHASER OF EACH LOT. 

Inner Lot, No. 1, Zerah Phelps, September 11th, 1806. 

do No. 2, Samuel Pratt, April 20th, 1807. 

do No. 3, William Johnston, October 27th, 1804. 

do No. 4, Jane Eliza Lecouteulx, July 28th, 1815. 

do No. 5, Richard M. Green, February 1st, 1805. 

do No. 6, Vincent Grant, July 8th, 1808. 

do No. 7, Samuel Tupper, August 28th, 1805. 

do No. 8, Oliver Forward, May 24th, 1813 

do No. 9, Asahel Adkins, September 5th, 1806. 

do No. 10, John Mullett, November 16th, 1812. 

do No. 11, John Landis, October 10th, 1811. 

do No. 12 and 13, Ebenezer Walden, September 1st, 1810. 

do No. 14 and 15, James W. Stevens, September 10th, 1810. 

do No. 16, David E. Evans, April 2d, 1810. 

do No. 17. Oziel Smith, December ISth, 1809. 

do No. 18, William Wood, May 23d, 1815. 

do No. 19, John Gilbert, Febniary 21st, 1816. 

do No. 20, Joseph Stocking, August 28th, 1826. 

do No. 21, Aaron Brink, January 10th, 1811. 

do No. 22, Asa Coltrain, May 25th, 1814. 

do No. 23, Oliver and Susan White, May 7th, 1829. 

ho No. 24, Moses Baker, May Sth, 1826. 

do No. 25, Elias Ransom, April 23d, 1813. 

do No. 20, Moses Baker, August 23d, 1833. 

do No. 27, Jonathan Sidway, Januaiy 3d, 1826. 

do No. 28, Charles Davis, April Sth, 1830. 



352 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

Inner Lot No. 29, Silas A. Forbes, April 16th, 1831. 

do No. 30, William Johnston, August 15th, 1804. 

do No. 31, Brastus Granger, July 31st, 1805. 

do No. 32, William Johnston, October 27th, 1804. 

do No. 33, Birdsey Norton, October 7th, 1807. 

do No. 34, Nathaniel Norton, July 15th, 1806. 

do No. 35, James McMahan, May 17th, 1823. 

do No. 36, Samuel McConnell, May 19th, 1813. 

do No. 37, John Ellicott, May 6th, 1811. 

do No. 38, Abel M. Grosvenor, May 30th, 1812. 

do No. 39, Samuel Pratt, Jr., November 17th, 1810. 

do No. 40, Cyreneus Chapin, January 17th, 1810. 

do No. 41, Eli Hart, September 1st, 1810. 

do No. 42, St. Paul's Church, June 14th, 1820. 

do No. 43. First Presbyterian Society, December 12th, 1820. 

do No. 44 and 45, William Peacock, June 2d, 1810. 

do No. 46, Elijah Leech, November 10th, 1812. 

do No. 47, John Haddock, April 29th. 1814. 

do No. 48, Letitia Ellicott, May 6th, 1811. 

do No. 49, Juba Storrs, January 10th, 1811. 

do No. 50, Bennett Stillman, January 16tb, 1811, 

do No. 51, Benjamin Ellicott, May 6th, 1811. 

do No. 52, Joseph Ellicott, May 6th, 1811. 

do No. 53, Gamaliel St. John, January 24th, 1810. 

do No. 54, Otis R. Hopkins, April 22d, 1814. 

do No. 55, James Miller, Oct, 25, 1824. 

do No. 56 (part of,) William Wood, June 20th. 1816. 

do No. " " Elihu Pease, May 7th, 1818. 

do No. " '' Lester Brace, May 8th, 1818. 

do No. '' " Seth Grosvenor, April 24th, 1818. 

-do No." " Gilman Folsom, May 28th, 1817. 

do No. 57, David Burt, November 20th, 1830, &c., &c. 

do No. 58, Moses Baker, January 1st, 1822. 

do No. 59, William J. Wood, May 22d, 1823. 

do No. 58 and 50, James Chapin, August 5th, 1811. 

do No. 60, Elias Ransom, June 14th, 181 1. 

do No. 61, Asa Fox, December 18th, 1813. 

do No. 62, Ruben B. Heacock, November 13th, 1813. 

do No. 63, Ebenezer Johnson, April 25th, 1814. 

• do No. 64, Henry Roop. August 29, 1831. 



APPENDIX. 353 

Inner Lot No. 65, 66, 67 and 68, Benj. EUicott, April 2(1, 1810. 

do No. 69, Smith H. Salisbury, September 16th, 1812. 

do No. 70, R B. Heacock, December 27th, 1821. 

do No. 71, Seth Grosvenor, April 21st, 1818. 

do No. 72, Oliver Forward, December 18th, 1813. 

do No. 73, Benjamin Haines, August 19th, 1815. 

do No. 74, Nathan Dudley, March 29th, 1815. 

do No. 75, Gilman Folsom, April 2d, 1814. 

do No. 76, Cyrenius Chapin, March 8lh, 1811. 

do No. 77, Walter P. Groosbeck, May 20th, 1813. 

do No. 78, David Burt and G. H. Goodrich. June 24th, 1823. 

do No. 79, Levi Strong, April 16th, 1810. 

do No. 80, George Keith, April 17th, 1810. 

do No. 81, William Baird, May 16th, 1814. 

do No. 82, Nathaniel Vosburgh, October 16th, 1824. 

do No. 83, Trustees M. E. Church, October 15th, 1821. 

do No. 84, Sylvester Mathews, January 20th, 1830. 

do No. 85 and part of 86, S. H. Salisbury, March 20th, 1820. 

do No. 85 and 86 (part of,) P. Bennett, Feb. 6th, 1826. 

do No. 85 and 86 (part of,) Erastus Gilbert, Feb. 5th, 1826. 

do No. 85 and 86 (part of,) Miles P. Squier, July 13ih, 1825. 

do No. 87 and 88, A. H. Tracy%ind John Lay, Jr., Dec. 28, 1829» 

do No. 89 (part of,) Geo. R. Babcock, November 16th, 1830. 

do No. " " Archibald S. Clark, Sept. 20th, 1819. 

do No, 90, " Barent L Slaais, January 5th, 1830. 

do No. " " Piatt and Clary, September 27th, 1829. 

do No. 91, " Sylvester Chamberlin, April 26;h, 1826. 

do No. " '• Moses Baker, November 17th, 1825, and 

June 10th, 1835. 

do No. 92, Thomas C. Love, January 20th, 1823. 

do No. 93, First Baptist Society, January 17th, 1822. 

do No. 94. (part of,) Deuison Lathrop, July 2d, 1823. 

do No." " Walter M. Seymour, Jamia.y 5th, 1827. 

do No. 95 and 96, Ebenezer Johnson, December 20th, lo25. 

do No. 97, 98 and 99, G. H. Goodrich, June 6th, 18.'9. 

do No. 100 and 101, Ebenezer Johnson, August 9 h, 1 )24- 

do No. 102 and 103, David E. Evans, April Sih, 1611. 

do No. 104, Jesse Bivens, Sept. 25Ji, 1813. 

do No. 105, Gilman Folsom, April 24th, 1818. 

do No. 106, Oliver Newbury, Dec. 13th, 1825. 

23 



354 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Inner Lot No. 107, Sally Groosbeck, August 27th, 1829. 

do No. " (part of.) Charles T. Hicks, January 7th, 1825. 

do No. 108 and 109, quit-claim to Trustees Buffalo Tillage, 
September 20th, 1821, and to city, January 2d, 1833. 

do No. 110, Amos Callender, December 19th, 1816. 

do No. Ill and 112, Trastees Buffalo village, September 20th, 
1821, city of Buffalo, January 2d, 1833. 

do No. 113, (part of,) Stephen K. Grosvenor, April 21st, 1818. 

do No. " '• George W. Fox, January 20th, 1817. 

do No. 114, E. Johnson and S. Wilkeson, January 18th, 1825. 

do No. 115, (part of. ) Wm. Keane, June 8th, 182G. 

do No. " '' S. G. Austin, January 3d, 1828. 

do No. 116, Henry Lake, December, 26th, 1809. 

do No. 117, R. B. Heacock, May Uth, 1814. 

do No. 118, John B. Stone, August 8th, 1827. 

do No. 119, E. Johnson and S. Wilkeson, December 20th, 1825. 

do No. 120, (part of,) Albert H. Tracy, September 9th, 1828. 

do No. '- '• Daniel Bristol, September 9th, 1828. 

do No. 121, Joseph Clary, September 28th, 1825. 

do No. 122, George Stow, April 26th, 1826. 

do No. 123, James Demarest, February 22d, 1830. 

do No. 124, John Laji^ Jun., September 1st, 1825. 

do No. 125 and 126, Ezekiel Folsom, September 12th, 1829. 

do No. 127, Ebenezer Johnson, July 28th, 1826. 

do No. 128, do do November 5th, 1829. 

do No. 129, Jonathan Sidway, November 11th, 1828. 

do No. 130, 131 and 132, Thomas C. Love and Henry H. Sizer, 
July 1st, 1828. 

do No. 133, (part of, ) William Williams, September 10th, 1831. 

do No. " " Roswcll Chapin, October 30th, 1830. 

do No. 134, 135, 136, 137, and 138, Ebenezer Johnson and Sam- 
uel Wilkeson, January 18th, 1825. 

do No. 139, Samuel Wilkeson, December 17th 1825. 

do No, 140, (part of,) Moses Fcrrin, September 14th 1825. 

do No. " " Samuel Wilkeson, September 14th, 1835. 

do No. 141 and 142, Jonathan Sidway, January 3d, 1826. 

do No. 143, Guy H. Goodrich, February 22d, 1830. 

do No. 144 and 145, Belinda Lathrop, April 16th, 1825. 

do No. 146, Elizabeth A. Barnes, August 20th, 1830. 

do No. 147 and 148, Christopher and John D. Woolf, March 
26th, 1826. 



APPE]SDIX. 355 

Inner Lot No. 149, 150 and 151, Emanuel AVinter. June 12tb. 1:^12. 

do No. 152, 153 and 154, Jeremiah Staats, Februaiy 4th, 1833. 

do No. 155, Barent I. Staats, March 12th, 1829. 

do No. 156 and 157, Myndert M. Dox, January 5th, 1825. 

do No. 158, Ontario Insurance Company, June 22d, 1825. 

do No. 159, William Keane, September 14th, 1827. 

do No. 160 and 161, Jonathan Sidway, November 11th, 1828. 

do No. 162, Stephen G. Austin, September 13th, 1830. 

do No. 163, Walter M. Seymour, January 5th, 1S27. 

do No. 164 and 165, John C. Lord and Hiram Pratt, October 

12th, 1829. 

do No. 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174. and 175, 

Peter Huydekoper, August 8th, 1825. 

do No. 176, David Resse, June 21st, 1808. 

do No. 177, Joseph D. Hoyt, June 21st, 1815. 

do No. 178, Moses Bristol, January 14th, 1825. 

do No. 179, (part of.) Theodore Coburn, January 13th, 1832 

do No. '' '• J. and J. Townsend, January 13th, 1830. 

do No. 180, Samuel Bell, December 23d, 1819. 

do No. 181, William Keane, July 8th, 1815. 

do No. 182, Nath. Wilgus, September 1st, 1831. 

do No. 183, Ebenezer Walden, December 9th, 1830. 

do No. 184 and 185, Supervisors Niagara County, November 

21st, 1810. 

do No. 186, Horace Griffin, February 27th, 1826. 

do No. 187, Noyes Darrow, January 26th, 1832. 

do No. 188, H. J. Redfield, March 31st 1843. 

do No. 189 and 190, Jonas Harrison, March 16th, 1814. 

do No. 191 and 192, do do May 11th, 1819. 

do No. 193 and 194, Townsend & Coit, December 11th, 1816. 

do No. 195 and 196, John E. Marshall, April 12th, 1816. 

do No. 197, Seth Grosvenor, November 10th, 1818. 

do No. 198, Gilman Folsom, Jr., July 22d, 1830. 

do No. 199, Caleb Gillctt, August 31st, 1825. 

do No. 200, (part of, ) Gilman Folsom, Jun., January 22d, 1828 

do No. " '' Richard E. Sill, January 22d, 1828. 

do No. 201, Denison Lathrop, November 3d, 1825. 

do No. 202 and 203, M. A. Andrews, July 26th, 1828. 

do No. 204, Elon Galusha, June 21st, 1824. 

do No. 205, Henry H. Sizer, July 16th, 1833.. 



356 ^HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Inner Lot No. 206 (part of), Elijah D. Elner, November 2d, 1822. 

do No. " '' Elias Hubbard, " " " 

do No. 207, E. Jobnson and S. Wilkeson, January 18th, 1825. 

do No. 208, " " July 1st, 1824. 

do No. 209, John A. Lazell, January 27th, 1826. 

do No. 210 and 211, E. Johnson and S. Wilkeson, Jan- 
uary ISth, 1825. 

do No. 212, Abner Bryant, January 27th, 1826. 

do No. 213, Jonathan Sidway, January 31st, 1822. 

do No. 214, Elias Hubbard, August 19th, 1825. 

do No. 215, Thomas Coatsworth, June 30th, 1823. 

do No. 216, Ira A. Blossom, May 16th, 1827. 
Water Lot No. 5, Abraham Larzelere. November 18th, 1823. 

do No. 6, Samuel Barber, October 13th, 1823. 

do No. 7, 8 and 9, Chas. Townsend and George Colt (part of,) 
September 26th, 1823. 

do No. 9, (part of,) C. Townsend, Geo. Coit, S. Wilkeson, E. 
Johnson, September 26th, 1823. 

do No. 10, S. Wilkeson and E. Johnson, November 1st, 1823. 

do No. 11, Jonathan Sidway, April 23d, 1824. 

do No. 13, Hiram Tratt, September 24th, 1823. 

do No. 14, Elisha C. Hickox, September 24th, 1823. 

do No. 15 and 16, S. Thompson, H. Thumpson and J. L. Bar- 
ton, Dec. 2d. 1823. 

do No. 17, G. B. Webster, February ISth, 1824. 

do No. 18, 19 and 20, Samuel Wilkeson, May 8th, 1828. 
Outer Lot No. 1, Louis LeCouteulx, Dec. 6t.h, 1821. 

do No. 2 and 3, Benjamin EUicott, April 2d, 1810. 

do No. 4, Joshua Gillett, September 1st, 1810. 

do No. 7, 8, 9 and 10, Wra. Peacock, April 2d, in^). 

do No. 11, David E. Evans and J. Ellicott, Jr., Sept. 21, 1821. 

do No. 12, Asa Coltrin, May 25th, 1814. 

do No. 13, David E. Evans and J. Ellicott, Jr., Sept 21, 182L 

do No. 14, Asa Coltrin, May 25lh, 1814. 

do No. 15 and 16, David E. Evans and J. Ellicott, Jr., Sep- 
tember 21st, 1821. 

do No. 17, Henry Ketchum, Jane 18th, 1812. 

do No. 18, Slephen Stillman, February 15th, 1811. 

do No. 19, E. Ensign, July 8th, I8l3. 

do No. 20, C. R. Sharp, May 10th, 1816. 



APPEiNDIX. 857 

Outer Lot No. 21, Samuel Tapper, May 5th, 1812. 

do No. 22, '< - June 21st, 1815. 

do No. 23 and 24, Juba Storrs, January 30th. 1811. 

do No. 25, Louis LeCouleulx, November 22d, 1815. 

do No. 26, John White, April 7th, 1810. 

do No. 27, John B. Ellicott, Jr., and David E. Evans, Sep- 
tember 21st, 1821. 

do No. 28, SylvettLU- Mathews, October 5th, 1825. 

do No. 29, Ebenezer Johnson, August 9th, 182-1. 

do No. 30, do do November 14th, 1814. 

do No. 31, John Desparr, April 20th, 1807. 

do No. 32, Gilman Folsom, September 28th, 1829. 

do No. 33, Jabez Goodell, April 23d, 1830. 

do No. 34, Thomas Day, April 23d, 1830. 

do No. 35, Louis Le Couteulx, May Uth, 1816. 

do No. 36, (part of,) Jos. and Benj. Ellicott, Feb. 29th, 1812. 

do No. " " United States, September 29th, 1819. 

do No. 37, " Jos. and Benj. Ellicott, Feb. 19th, 1812. 

do No. •' " Horatio J. Stow, July 16th, 1844. 

do No. 38, 39, 40, and part of 41, Jos. and Benj. Ellicott, Feb- 
mary 29th, 1812. 

do No. 41 and 42, (parts of,) Letitia M. Bliss, June 15th, 1837. 

do No. 42, (part of,) 43, 44, 45 and 46, Jos. and Benj. Ellicott, 
February, 29th, 1812. 

do No. 47, 48, 49, and 50, Elijah Leech, July 19th, 1815. 

do No. 52, Jonathan Sidway, November, lltb, 1828. 

do No. 53, Hiram Pratt, December 1st, 1830. 

do No. 54, do do April 11th, 1833. 

do No. 55 and 56, Joseph Ellicott, February 28th 1811. 

do No. 57, (part of,) Jonathan Sidway, November 11th, 1828. 

do No." " Sherwood & White September 29th, 1829. 

do No. 58, Theodore Coburn, November 27th, 1826. 

do No. 59, (part of,) Geo. Stow, December 29th, 1825. 

do No." " Heman B. Potter, September 27th, 1827. 

do No. 60, 61, 62 and 63, Joseph D. Hoyt, December 26th, 1825. 

do No. 64, Elijah D. Efner, December 21st, 1821. 

do No. 65, Stephen Clark, March 9th, 1832. 

do No. 66 and 67. Thomas Coatsworth, August 25th, 1830. 

do No. 68, Martin Daley, November 29th 1830. 

do No. 69, C. Tappan and J. Mansfield, November 27th, 1829. 



358 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

Outer Lot No. 70, Stephen Champliu, May 23d, 1825. 

do No. 71 and 72. Robert Pomeroy, April 6th, 1820. 

do No. 73, Hiram Hanchett, June 9th, 1810. 

do No. 74, Elijah Leech, December 23, 1808. 

do No. 75, Ebenezer "Walden, November 26th, 1817. 

do No. 76 and 77, Zenas Barker, August 1st, 1814. 

do No. 78, Vincent Grant, July 21st, 1807. 

do No. 79 and 80, William Grant, July 8th, 1808. 

do No. 81 and 82, J. M. Landon, July 28th 1825. 

do No. 83, Jane E. Le Couteulx, July 28th, 1825. 

do No. 84. Isaac Davis, January 29th, 1814. 

do No. 85, Wm. Johnston, Febmary 5th, 1804. 

do No. 86, Hydraulic Association, November 21st, 1827. 

do No. 87, Amasa Ransom, November 20th, 1824. 

do No. 88 and 89, Apollos Hitchcock, December 6th, 1809. 

do No. 90, 91 and 92, Erastus Granger, December 31st, 1809. 

do No. 93, Wm. Johnston, October 27th, 1804. 

do No. 94 and 95, R. B. Hoacock, December 15th, 1826. 

do No. 96, Townsend & Coit, May 31st 1813. 

do No. 97 and 98, Noah Folsom, Januaiy 12th, 1825. 

do No. 99, 100, 101, 102 and 103, Samuel Pratt, June 7th, 

1813. 

do No. 104, Joseph Ellicott, October 2d, 1810. 

do No. 105, Hiram Pratt, July 21st. 1829. 

do No. 106, Silas A. Fobes, April 16th, 1831. 

do No. 107, Noyes Barrow, January 13th, 1830. 

do No. 108, (part of,) Nath. Vosburgh, December 11th, 1829. 

do No. 108 and 109, (parts of,) John Laj-, Jun., July 27th, 

1827. 

do No. 109, (part of,) Ebenezer Walden, April 4th, 1828. 

do No. 110, David E. Evans, September 10th, 1821. 

do No. Ill, do do April 5th, 1811. 

do No. 112 Jos. Stocking and Jos. Dart, September Sth, 1829. 

do No. 113 and 114, G. H. Goodrich, October I9th, 1830. 

do No. 115, E. A. Bigelow," November 30th 1827. 

do No. 116, James W. Stevens, April 2d, 1810. 

do No. 117 Heman B. Potter, May 18th, 1815. 

do No. 118. David E. Evans, April 5th, 1811. 

do No. 119, Isaac Davis, October 9th, 1812. 

do No. 120 and 121, M. A. Andrews, July 28th, 1831. 



APPENDIX. 359 

Outer Lot No. 122, (part of.) Walter M. Seymour, January 5th, 1827. 

do No. " " Jouas Harrison, May 17th, 1814. 

do No. 123 '• Ira A. Blossom, June 30th, 1828. 

do No. •' ■• Ozicl Smith, June 2Gth, 1815. 

do No. 124, Oziel Smith, February 26th, 1813. 

do No. 125, (part of,) William Williams, April 13th, 1830. 

do No. " '< Ira A. Blossom, June 30th, 1828. 

do No. 126, Isaac Davis, October 9th, 1812. 

do No. 127, 128, 129 and 130, M. A. Andrews, July 28th, 1831. 

do No. 131 and 132, M. A. Andrews, March 19th, 1828. 

do No. 133 and 134, James Rough, October 9th, 1812. 

do No. 135, Jabez Goodell, November 11th, 1834. 

do No. 136, do do Juno 14th, 1817. 

do No. 137, do do July 22d, 1825. 

do No. 138, Jas. and Henry Campbell, June 22d, 1815. 

do No. 139, Eli Hart, April 1st, 1815. 

do No. 140, Anion Teft, October 23d, 1815. 

do No. 141. Matilda Sharp, July 26th, 1814. 

do No. 142 Philo Andrews, April 16th, 1810. 

do No. 143, Henry Lake, March 16th, 1810. 

do No. 144, Samuel Helm, December 22d, 1809. 

do No. 145, Jabez Goodell, April 8th, 1816. 

do No. 146, do do July 22d, 1825. 

do No. 147, do do December 1st, 1823. 

do No. 148, Silas A. Fobes, November 8th, 1834. 

do No. 149, James Sweeney, August 23d, 1825. 

do No. 150 and 151. Walter M. Seymour, December 1st, 1827. 



NO. 6. 

[page 295.] 



[From the Buffalo Gazette, December 1st, 1812.] 

From the time the armistice expired until Saturday last, the weather, 
with the exception of one day, inclement and extremely unfavorable 
to military movements and warlike operations. However, on Friday 
last, a movement being resolved upon, the troops removed from their 
several encampments and concentrated their forces in the vicinity of 
Black Rock. On Saturday morning, a party of about two hundred sailors 
and soldiers, under the command of Capt. King, made a descent upon 
the enemy's shore — attacked and carried three several batteries, dis- 
mounted and spiked their cannon, and destroyed their gun carriages. 

The most determined and intrepid braveiy was displayed on this occa- 
Bion. About thirty prisoners, among whom were two British ofiBcers, 
were captured. A large two-story house was burned, in which was a 
quantity of ammunition. A barn near the house was also fired and con- 
sumed, in which, it is said, were the enemy's light artillery. Several 
horses, already harnessed, were also destroyed. 

The loss of the British, in killed and wounded, is uncertain; it is 
rated at between twenty and thirty. Our loss consists of four or five 
killed and (say) twenty wounded; Capts. King and Dox taken 
prisoners — the latter wounded and retaken. Sailing-master Watts wae 
killed. The party returned to Black Rock about six o'clock. 

A short time after this achievement, Col. Wynder, with a column of 
three hundred regulars from his regiment, embarked (whether to cross 
the river, or to reconnoitre, we know not, ) at the mouth of Conjockety 
Creek, behind Squaw Island, and after passing the foot of the Island, 
dropped a few minutes down the river on the enemy's shore, when the 
boats were furiously attacked with grape and musketry from a consider- 
able force on the shore, which had lain in ambush ; the fire was very spirit- 
edly returned from the boats for several minutes. Seeing, however, the 
danger of efl'ecting a landing against a superior force on shore, possessing 



APPENDIX. 36 1 

every advantage, the boats returned, with small loss in killed and 
wounded. 

A detachment of Col. Porter's light artillery had now passed over to 
Squaw Island, where two pieces played upon the enemy with some eficct. 
From an early hour in the morning until twelve o'clock, the several bat- 
teries at Black Rock, mounting twenty-four, eighteen, twelve and six 
pounders, played upon the opposite shore. The enemy returned but a 
few shots — from a six pounder which had escaped spiking. Between 
nine and ten o'clock, three sailors embarked in a boat, passed over to 
the enemy's shore, and set fire to the house of B. Ilardison and the store 
of Mr. Douglass, which were consumed. After remaining on that shore 
about two hours, they returned, with a boat loaded with articles taken 
from the houses. We understand that this act was unauthorized. 

From seven until ten or eleven o'clock in the morning, there was a 
constant embarkation of troops at the Navy Yard, and before the hour 
of eleven, there were about sixty boats loaded and stationed on shore, 
awaiting the signal to make a descent. The day was fine. The troops 
were in excellent spirits. No opposing force appeared on the shore. A 
flag was now sent by Gen. Smyth to the British commander. The flag 
returned. The troops on the boats were ordered to debark, and the vol- 
unteers who were ready for embarkation, were ordered back to their re- 
spective encampments. 

[From the Albany Gazette, December 14th, 1812.] 
On Saturday last, arrived in this city, on his way from the camp at 
Buffalo to his family at Troy, Capt. Wool, of the Thirteenth U. S. Regi- 
ment, whose distinguished and gallant conduct in storming the batteries 
on the heights of Queenston on the 13th September last, in which he 
was severely wounded, and his subsequent conduct on that day, gained 
him the respect and applause of Major-General Van Rensselaer, and of 
the whole army, and the universal esteem of his fellow-citizens. We 
are happy to observe that he is in good health, and has nearly recovered 
of his wounds. He was a volunteer with Col. Winder in the late unsuc- 
cessful attempt at crossing the Niagara river. 

Capt. AVool has put into our hands, for publication, the following 
paper, containing Gen. Smyth's reasons for not planting the American 
standard on the Canada shore, agreeably to his late proclamations. We 
submit it to our readers without comment: 

Headquarters, Camp near Buffalo, Dec. 3d, l.'^12. 
Gexti. emex: — Your letter of 2d December is before me, and I answer 



362 HI8T0KY OF BUFFALO. 

it in the following manner: On the 2Gth of October, I ordered that 
twenty scows should be prepared for the transportation of artillery and 
cavalry, and put the carpenters of the army upon that duty. By the 
26th of November, ten scows were completed, and by bringing some 
boats from Lake Ontario above the Falls of Niagara, the number was 
increased to seventy. 

I had, on the 12th November, issued an address to the men of New 
York, and perhaps three hundred had arrived at Bufi'alo. I presumed 
that the regular troops and the volunteers, under Cols. Swift and Mc- 
Clure, would furnish thirteen hundred men for duty, and from Gen. 
Tannehill's brigade, (from Pennsj^lvania,) reporting a total of one thou- 
sand six hundi'ed and fifty men, as many as four hundred and thirteen 
had volunteered to cross into Canada. My orders were to "cross with 
three thousand men at once." I deemed myself ready to fulfill them. 
Prepai'atory thereto, on the night of the 21st November, I sent over two 
parties — one under Lieut. Col. Boestler, the other under Capt. King, 
with whom Lieut. Angus, of the Navy, at the head of a body of sea- 
men, united. The first was to capture a guard, and destroy a bridge 
about five miles below Fort Erie ; the second party were to take and ren- 
der useless the cannon of the enemy's batteries and some pieces of light 
artillery. The first party failed to destroy the bridge; the second, after 
rendering unserviceable the light artillery, separated by some misappre- 
hension. Lieut. Angus, the seamen and part of the troops, returned 
with all the boats, while Capt. King, Capt. Sproal and Lieut. Houston, 
and about sixty men, remained. The party, thus reduced, attacked, 
took and rendered unserviceable, two of the enemy's batteries, captured 
thirty-four prisoners, found two boats, in which Capt. King sent the pris- 
oners and about half his party, with the other officers, he himself re- 
maining, with thirty men, whom he would not abandon. 

Orders had been given that all the troops in the neighborhood should 
march at reveille to the place of embarkation. A part of the 
detachment sent in the night having returned and excited apprehensions 
for the residue, about two hundred and fifty men, under the command of 
Col. Winder, suddenly put off in boats for the opposite shore. A part of 
this force had landed, when a force deemed superior, with one piece of 
artillery, was discovered. A retreat was ordered, and Col. "Winder's de- 
tachment suffered a loss of six killed and nineteen wounded, besides 
some officers. 

The general embarkation commenced as the troops arrived, but this 
being a first embarkation, the whole of the scows were occupied by about 



APPENDIX. 363 

one-third of the artillerj'', while about eight hundred regular infantrj-, 
about two hundred twelve months volunteers, under Col. Swift, and 
about two hundred of the militia, who had volunteered their seiTices for 
a few days, occupied all the boats that were ready. The troops then 
embarked, moved up the stream to Black Rock without loss. They 
were ordc'red to disembark and dine. 

I had received from my commanding-general an instruction in the fol- 
lowing words: "In all important movements, you will, I presume, con' 
sider it advisable to consult some of your iirincipal officers." I deemed 
this equivalent to an order, and the movement important. I called for 
the field officers of the regulars and twelve months volunteers embarked. 
Col. Porter was not found at the moment. These questions were put: 
"Is it expedient now to cross over? Is the force we have, sufficient to 
conquer the opposite coast?" The first question was decided in the 
negative by Col. Parker, Col. Schuyler, Col. Winder, Lieut. Col. Boerst- 
ler, Lieut. Col. Colts and Major Campbell. Col. Swift, of the volun- 
teers, alone gave an opinion for then crossing over. The second ques- 
tion was not decided. Col. Parker, Col. Coles and Major Campbell were 
decidedly of opinion that the force was insufficient. Col. Winder, Col. 
Swift, Lieut. Col. Boerstler and Capt. Gibson, deemed the force suffi- 
cient. I determined to postpone crossing over until more complete prep- 
aration would enable me to embark the whole force at once — the counsel 
prescribed by orders. The next day was spent in such preparation, and 
the troops were ordered to be again at the place of embarkation at eight 
o'clock on the morning of the 30th of November. 

On their arrival, they were sent to the adjoining woods, there to build 
fires and remain until three o'clock in the morning of the 1st of Decem- 
ber, when it was intended to put off two hours before daylight, so as to 
avoid the fire of the enemy's cannon in passing the position it was be- 
lieved they occupied below, to land above Chippewa, assault that place, 
and if successful, march through Queenston, to Fort George. 

For this expedition, the contractor was called on to furnish rations for 
twenty-five hundred men for four days, when it was found that he could 
furnish the pork, but not the flour; the deputy quart«r-master called for 
sixty barrels, but got but thirty-five. The embarkation commenced but 
was delayed by circumstances so as not to l)e completed until after day- 
light, when it was found the regular infantry, six hundred and eighty- 
eight men; the artillery, one hundred and seven ty-seven men: Swift's 
volunteers, estimated at twenty-three; six companies of the Federal vol- 
unteers, under Captains Collins, Phillips, Allison, Moore, Mather, and 



364 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Marshall, amounting to two hundred and seventy-six men, commanded 
by Lieut. Col. McClure; one hundred men of Col. Dobbins' militia, and 
a few in a boat with Gen. P. B. Porter, had embarked— the whole on 
board, exclusive of oflScers, amounting to one thousand four hundred 
and sixty-six men, or there-abouts — and it was now two hours later than 
had been contemplated. There were some groups of men not yet em- 
barked. They were applied to, requested and ordered, by the Brigade 
Major, to get into the boats ; they did not. The number of these, the 
Brigade Major estimated at about one hundred and fifty. It was prob- 
ably greater. 

It then became a question whether it was expedient to invade Canada 
in open daylight, with fifteen hundred men, at a point where no rein- 
forcements could be expected for some days. I saw that the number of 
regular troops was declining rapidly. I knew that on them I was chiefly 
to depend. I called together the ofiBcers commanding corps of the regu- 
lar army. Col. Parker being sick, those present were Col. Porter, of 
the artillery. Col. Schuyler, Col. Winder and Lieut. Col. Coles. I put 
to them this question: "Shall we proceed?" They unanimously de- 
cided that we ought not. I fore-saw that the volunteers, who had come 
out only for a few days, would disperse. Several of them had, on the 
evening of the 28th, broken their muskets. I fore-saw that the number 
of regular troops would decrease — measles and other diseases being 
among them; and they were now in tents, in the month of December. 
I informed the officers that the attempt to invade Canada would not be 
made until the army was reinforced ; directed them to withdraw their 
troops and cover them with huts immediately. 

You say that on Saturday every obstruction was removed, and that a 
landing might have been effected "without the loss of a man." This 
proves you unacquainted with the occurrences of the day. Col. Winder, 
in retreating from the enemy's shore in the morning, lost a tenth part of 
his force in killed and wounded. The enemy showed no more than five 
or six hundred men, as estimated by Col. Parker, and one piece of ar- 
tillery, supposed a nine pounder. That force, we, no doubt, might have 
overcome; but not "without loss," — and that, from the great advantage 
the enemy would have had, might have been considerable. 

To recapitulate: My orders were to pass into Canada with three 
thousand men at once. On the first day of embarkation, not more than 
fourteen hundi-ed were embarked, of whom four hundred— that is, half 
of the regular infantry — were exhausted with fatigue and want of rest. 
On the second embarkation, only fifteen hundred men were embarked, 



APPENDIX. 365 

and these were to have put off immediately, and to have descended the 
river to a point where reinforcements were not to be expected. On both 
days, many of the regular troops were men in bad health, who could not 
have stood one days march — who, although they were on the sick report, 
were turned out by their ardent officers. 

The affair at Queenston is a caution against relying on crowds who go 
to the banks of the Niagara to look on a battle as on a theatrical exhi- 
bition, who, if they are disappointed of the sights, break their muskets; 
or, if they are without rations for a day, desert.* 

I have made to you this frank disclosure without admitting your au- 
thority to require it, under the impression that j^ou are patriotic and can- 
did men, and that you will not censure me for following the cautious 
counsels of exjieriencc, nor join the senseless clamor excited against me 
by an interested mau. 

I have some reason to believe that the cautious counsel given by the 
superior officers of my command was good. 

From deserters, we learn that two thousand three hundred and four - 
teen rations were issued daily on the frontiers on the British side. 
Capt. King, a prisoner at Fort George, writes to an officer thus: " Tell 
your friends to take better care of themselves than it ajipears I Lave 
done." 

I am, gentlemen, with great respect. 

Your most obedient, 

ALEXANDER SMYTH, 
Brigadier-General. 
To Messrs. Geo. McCluke, John Griffen and Wm. B. 
Rochester, Committee from the patriotic citizens 
of Western New York. 

GEN'. PETER B. PORTER'S STATEMENT. 

To THE Public: — In the Gazette of last week, I promised to give an 
account of some of the most " prominent transactions of the 28th Novem- 
ber and 1st December." Having, since that time, received from Gen. 
Smyth assuranct>6 — which, as a man of honor, I am bound to believe — that 
the couise pursued by him on those days was such as was required by his 

* Six hundred of Gen. Tannehill's brigade deserted in twenty-four 
hours. A c(.urt-martial of this Itrigado have fined a man twelve-and-a- 
half cents for the cnrao of desertion. 



300 IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

orders and instructions from the Secretary of War and Gen. Dearborn, 
this communication will assume a character quite different from the one 
then contemplated; I am pledged, however, to the public, to give facts, 
which I shall proceed to do, without comment — leaving it to time to de- 
velop the object of military movements which have appeared to me and 
others not only extraordinary, but inexplicable. 

On the 27th November, there was collected at this point a military 
force of about four thousand five hundred effective men, consisting of 
regular troops, New York and Pennsylvania and Baltimore volunteers, 
all under the command of Gen. Smyth. There were lying at the Navy 
Yard near Black Rock, which had been previously prepared for the pur- 
pose of transporting the troops across the river, seventy public boats, 
calculated to carry forty men each,— five long boats belonging to private 
individuals, but which had been taken into the public service calculated 
to carry one hundred men each, ten scows for artillery and twenty-five 
men each — besides, a number of small boats; in all, capable of carrying 
three thousand five hundred and fifty men. At two o'clock on that day, 
I received a copy of Gen. Smyth's order for the march of all the troops, 
the succeeding morning, at reveille, to the Navy Yard to cm- 
bark for Canada. I immediately gave orders for the New York volun- 
teers, who had been placed under my command, to parade at four o'clock 
in the morning, at their encampment, about one-and-a-half miles from 
the Navy Yard. In the evening, I learned that the parties mentioned 
in Gen. Smyth's dispatch, were to cross the river at eleven o'clock at 
night, to attack the enemy's batteries opposite Black Rock. Gen. 
Smyth not being here, I waited on Lieut. Angus, and suggested to him 
the propriety (if within the scope of his orders,) of postponing the en- 
terprise until nearly morning, to give as little time as possible, before 
the passage of the army, for the enemy's troops to collect from their 
stations down the river. They landed at three in the morning, under a 
severe fire of musketry and grape-shot from two pieces of flying artillery. 
Lieut. Angus, with our little band of sailors, assisted by Cspt. Craig 
and a few of his party, attacked the principal force of the enemy, con- 
sisting of about one hundred, at the red house — the seamen charging 
with their pikes and swords against muskets and bayonets — and routed 
them in all directions. Capt. Dox, who took a distinguished part in the 
affair, was severely wounded. After a hard and desperate struggle, the 
enemy was completely dispersed, the two field-pieces sjjiked, and thg 
house, in which the enemy quartered, fired. The seamen returned to 
our shore, bringing off their wounded and several prisoneris. Out Of 



APPENDIX. 367 

twelve naval officers who embarked in this enterprise, nine of them, with 
more than half their men, were killed or wounded. If bravery be a 
virtue — if gratitude of country be due to those who gallantly asserted 
its rights — the government will make ample and honorable provision for 
the heirs of those brave tars who fell on this occasion, as well as for 
those who survived. Capt. King proceeded to spike and dismount the 
guns in the batteries. Lieut. Col. Boerstler dispersed the enemy lower 
down the river, taking a number of prisoners. 

By sunrise in the morning, most of the troops had arrived at the place 
of embarkation, and the day was fine. I marched three hundred of the 
volunteers who had rallied under Gen. Smyth's invitation, well armed 
and provided, and in high spirits. About one hundred and fifty more, 
who came in the evening before, were at Euflfalo drawing their arms and 
ammunition, with orders to join us as soon as possible. I stationed my 
men, as instructed by Gen. Smyth, in a field at the Navy Yard, with di- 
rections to wait for further orders. The parties which had crossed in the 
night, aided by our batteries — which, at daylight, opened a powerful 
and well directed fire — and a piece of flying artillery on the Island, under 
charge of Capt. Gibson, had driven everything from the opposite shore. 
Col. Winder, an officer of great intelligence, zeal and bravery, under the 
mistaken apprehension that the party under Lieut. Col. Boestler were in 
danger of being cut off, made an unsuccessful attempt (though his own 
boat lauded) to land two hundred and fifty men at a difficult point down 
the river, and had, as stated by Gen. Smyth. 

The general embarkation now commenced, but it went on so tardily 
that, at twelve o'clock, the whole of the regular troops and Gen. Swift's 
regiment were not in boats. A considerable number of boats were lying 
upon the shores of the river and creek, having been thrown up by the 
high water of the preceeding day. Several were ia the creek, half filled 
with water and ice. I called on Gen. Smyth, and proposed to occupy a 
part of these boats with my volunteers, many of whom were impatient 
to embark. Being at this moment informed by Col. Porter that the 
boats which had been used by Col. Winder were lying about a mile be- 
low. Major Chapin and myself, with about thirty men, went down the 
shore, brought up five boats, filled them with men, and arrived at Black 
Rock, the point at which it was propot^ed to put off. as soon as any of 
the regular troops. About two o'clock, all the troops which, it ap[)ears, 
were intended to be crossed at first, were collected in a group of boats at 
Black Rock, under cov^of our battel ies. I have no official account of 
the number of men in the boats. My opinion was that the number ex- 



368 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

ceeded two thousand. Most men of observation who were present, esti- 
mated it at two thousand six hundred. The men were in tine spirits, 
and desirous of crossing. 

Gen. Tannehill's volunteers, Col. F. McClure's regiment, some rifle- 
men, cavalry, &c., amounting to about two thousand, were still paraded 
on the shore, and, as I am informed, were ready to cross. Several boats, 
of sufficient capacity to carry one thousand men, were still lying at the 
. Navy Yard unoccupied. I have not been able to learn that any order or 
request was made for the embarkation of the troops, other than the reg- 
ulars of Col. Swift's regiment. The enemy, estimated at about fire hun- 
dred, were drawn up in a line about half a mile from the rivf^r. 

After remaining in the boats till late in the afternoon, an order was 
received to disembark. It produced, among the officers and men gener- 
ally, great discontent and murmuring, which was, however, in some de- 
gree allayed by assurances that the expedition was only postponed for a 
short time, until our boats c Atld be better prepared. 

On Sunday, anothi r order was issued by Gen. Smyth for the march of 
the troops to the Navy Yard, to embark at nine o'clock on Monday 
morning. I was at Buffalo when it was received, and found that, as to 
time aud manner, it was generally disapproved by the officers of the vol- 
unteers. I saw Gen. Smyth in the evening, at Black Rock, with Col. 
Winder, and stated my objections to his plan. 

The enemy had re-mounted his guns on the batteries, so as to render it 
incxptdient to cross at the favorable point which had been laken on Sat- 
urday, above the Island, that covers the Navy Yard. Immediately be- 
low the Island, the enemy lay in force, much angmented in consequence 
of the affair of Saturday, occujjying a line of shore of about a mile, 
where the current is rajiid and the banks abrupt. I did not bele\e it 
possible to effect a landing with raw troops, in any tolerable order, it at 
all, in tlie face of aitilhry and infantry, which a full view of our move- 
ments in the day time would enable them to 0| p.ise to us I propo^ed to 
postpone the expedition till night; to march andembaik the troops silent- 
ly; to put off about an hour aud a half before d^v-lii^ht, so as to pa'^s 
this dangerous line of shore in the dark, when we sliould >utfer less from 
their tire, and to la id about five miles below the Navy Yard, where the 
stream ami t e bniks of the river were peculiarly favorable to a safe and 
orderly landing. Cul. Winder Kecoiided my propo.-als with gr at earnest- 
ness and force, and il was ad.. pled. 

The army embarked about three o'clock on ^e-day morning, and to 
proceed, at half-past four, accorduig to the order of line of battle sub- 



APPENDIX. 369 

mitted a few days before by Gen. Smyth— the regulars on the right, or in 
the front boat, Gen. Tannehill's troops in the centre, and the New Yorl£ 
volunteers on the left. I was to go in the front boat with a chosen set of 
men, direct the landing, and join the New York volunteers on their 
arrival. 

On Monday evening, seven boats for Col. Swift's regiment, and eight 
for the late volunteers, were brought some distance up the river and left 
at different points, to avoid the noise and confusion of embarking the 
whole army in one place. At half past three on Tuesday morning, eigh^; 
boats were filled with volunteers (a corps which has on every occasion 
while on the lines, shown great exactness of diseiiiline, promptitude and 
zeal for the service,) had embarked, and the residue were embarking. 
Not a man of the regular infantry was in the boats for half an hour, 
when Col. "Winder's regiment entered their boats, with great order and 
silence. 

About three quarters of an hour after this, the remaining regulars 
commenced the embarkation, when I dropped down to the front of the 
line, with a flag in my boat to designate it as the leading boat. I was 
accompanied by Majors Cyrenius Chapin and John W. McComb, Capt. 
Mills, of the cavalry, Adjutant Chase and Quartermaster Chaplin, two 
pilots, and about twenty-five volunteers of Buffalo under Lieut. Ilaynes. 
I mention the names of these gentlemen because they had before decided- 
ly objected to passing at the proposed point by daylight, but when day 
appeared and one of the men raised some diSiculty on that account, he 
was induced to remain, and it was unanimously agreed to incur the ad- 
ditional hazard and patiently wait the order of the General to put off. 
At daylight, we discovered the troops disembarking, and were informed 
that the invasion of Canada had been abandoned for this season; and 
the troops were ordered to winter quarters. A scene of confusion en- 
sued which it is difficult to describe— about four thousand men, without 
order or restraint, discharging their muskets in every direction. 

About one thousand volunteers came in under Gen. Smyth's proclama- 
tion, but owing to the state of the roads, which was bad beyond exam- 
ple, many did not arrive until after the 1st of December. 

It is impossible for me to form any estimate of the number of troops 
embarked at any time this morniBg— it yet scarcely light, and I was at 
one end of the line of boats, occupying a distance of half a mile. 

When the vohinteers first arrived at the Navy Yard, it was found that 
the regular troops had not yet appeared. Their officers were instructed 
to permit them to land and keep themselves warm by exercise, as the 

24 



370 HISTORY OF BUFFALO, 

boats were covered with snow, which had faUen during the night; but 
they were instructed not to leave the side of the boats, that they might 
immediately re-enter. 

PETER B. PORTER. 
Black Rock, December 14th, 1812. 

GEN. SMYTH'S PETITION. 

The following is a copy of the memorial of Alexander Smyth, laid be- 
fore the House of Representatives on Tuesday, the 28th December, 1813, 
and by that body referred to the Secretary of "War : 

To THE Honorable the Senate and House op Representatives 
OP the United States in Congress Assembled: — 

The petition of Alexander Smyth, a citizen of Virginia, respectfully 
represents : That having, in 1807, written to an hororable member of 
the House of Representatives that, in case of war with Great Britain, he 
was desirous to enter into the regular service, he received, in 1808, an 
appointment as Colonel of a regiment of riflemen ; that, although war 
had not commenced, yet the event being probable, he abandoned his pro- 
fession, which was then lucrative, left his family, vacated his seat in the 
Legislature of Virginia as the representative of thirteen counties, and 
joined the army of the United States; that your petitioner had the good 
f ortune to give the utmost satisfaction to his superiors — Gen. AVilkinson, 
Gen. Hampton, Gen. Dearborn, and the late Secretary at War— while 
acting under their immediate orders, was promoted to the rank of Briga- 
dier and Inspector-General in July, 1812, given the command of a 
Brigadier in September, and one of the armies of the United States in 
October in the same year; that at the expiration of five weeks, during 
which period he made every exertion in his power to serve the nations 
he found it necessary to put his troops into winter quarters — having de- 
termined on that measure as your petitioner had been absent from his 
home the last eight winters, much the greater part of the last five years, 
and the whole of the last fourteen months, and had been refused leave to 
visit his family in the month of July preceding, and calculating that it 
was probable the campaign of 1813 might terminate his existence, he, 
without resigning his command, asked for leave of absence, which was 
granted, until the 1st of March, 1813, at which time your petitioner was 
ordered to report himself to the Secretary of War; that your petioner 



APPENDIX. 371 

left his troops in cantonments, under an officer of tliirty-six years expe- 
rience, an< in February, 1813, reported himself by letter to the Secre- 
tary of War, and solicited orders; and as the failure of your petitioner to 
take Fort George, York and Kingston, and to winter in Canada, as he 
was instructed, had created some clamor, your petitioner proposed that 
an inquiry into his conduct should take place, which the Honorable Sec- 
retary, through the medium of the Adjutant-General, was pleased to 
promise; since which time, your petitioner has not had the honor to hear 
from the War Office; your petitioner would represent that he has heard 
that some members of your honorable body are of opinion that, by an 
act of last session regulating the staff of the army of the United States, 
your petitioner has become a private citizen — and with this opinion his 
own might perhaps accord, were it not impossible to believe that the 
Congress of the United States, at their last session, could have inten- 
tionally committed an act of injustice; your petitioner aflSrms that he has 
not done or omitted anything to the injury of the nation; that his chief, 
if not his only error, has consisted in expressing too freely his indignation 
against those who had done injuries or omitted to perform duties to the 
nation; the motives which led him astray, he conceives, might procure, 
for this error, forgiveness; that this afBrmation is true, he believes he- 
can satisfy a committee or committees of your honorable body on short 
notice. Your petitioner has assayed to engage again in the pursuits cf 
civil life, but finds that while the din of war continues, it is impossible 
for him to give the necessary attention to any peaceful pursuit. He de- 
sires to serve — to die, if Heaven wills it — in the service of his country — 
a country that has protected him in his infancy, given him a family, and 
at times distinguished him with considerable honors; from whose govern- 
ment no act of wrong, personal to himself, will force his esteem, while 
it maintains with steady perseverance that country's rights. 

Your petitioner confidently trusts that in deciding on his prayer, you 
will be niindfwl of the rule of justice — "To others do (the law is not 
severe) what to thyself thou wishest to be done," and of the rule of 
policy — " The social body is oppressed when one of its members is 
oppressed." The prayer of your petitioner is that you will revise the act 
organizing the staff of the army of the United States, and by a declara- 
tory act, preserve the rank of your petitioner a-- a Brigadier-General in 
the line, abolishing only his authority as Inspector-General. 
And your petitioner, ifec, 

ALEXANDER SMYTH. 



â– 372 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

It is believed G-en. Smyth's application to Congress was as unsuccess- 
ful as his military expeditions had been. He subsequently became a 
Member of Congress, where he soon became so obnoxious for his long 
winded, irrelevant speeches, that whenever he obtained the floor to 
speak, it became the signal for a large number of the members to take 
their hats and leave. The General, upon one occasion, took notice of 
this fact by saying, in his usual pompous manner: "gentlemen can re- 
tire if they please ; I do not wish them to hear me unless they choose ; 
I do not speak to the members on this floor merely, but I speak to poster- 
ity." An old member, not choosing to be driven from his seat, threw 
himself into an attitude of patient endurance and exclaimed: "go on 
sir, go on, your audience will be here, before you get through." 

.COPY OF A LETTER FROM MAJOR CUAPIN TO GEX. DEARBORX. 

Fort George, June 13th, 1813. 

Sir: — I have just arrived from my confinement in Canada, with my 
anen, without my parole. Our return happened in the following man- 
ner: I received orders at Burlington Heights, on Monday morning, to 
go to Kingston ; we set ofi" accordingly, under a guard of sixteen men. 
I had with me twenty-eight men. We all went on very quietly till four 
o'clock in the afternoon, at which time I gave a signal to attack the 
giiard, which was stationed in the following order: a Sergeant and one 
man in the boat with my men, a Lieutenant and thirteen men in the boat 
Tvith me and two officers. At the signal my men run along side of the 
boat I was in. Lieut. Showers ordered them to fall astern. I ordered 
them on board, at which time the officer attempted to draw his sword. 
I seized him by the neck, and threw him on his back ; two of his men 
-drew their bayonets upon me. I immediately seized both bayonets at 
the same instant, and threw them on the top of the officer, and kept all 
'down together ; at the same moment my men seized the guard and wrest- 
ed from them their arms. We then having possession of the arms, 
••changed our course and arrived here this morning, half after two o'clock, 
•.all safe. We have brought two boats with us. 

I have the honor to be very respectfully, 

Your Obedient Servant, 

CYRENIUS CHAPIN. 

jMaj. Gen. Dearborn. 



NO. 7. 



From the Buifalo Gazette, July 13th, 1813. 

On Sunday morning last, just before daylight, Cols. Bishop and War- 
ren, with about two hundred and fifty of the 41st, 49th, and King's Reg- 
iment, crossed the Niagara below Squaw Island, and marched far above 
the Navy Yard before any alarm was given. The detached militia of 
Black Rock being surprised, retreated up the beach, and left the enemy 
in the undisturbed possession of the village, who immediately burned the 
sailor's barracks and block house at the Navy Yard, and barracks at the 
great battery. They then proceeded to the batteries, dismounted and 
spiked three twelve pounders, and took away three field pieces and one 
twelve pounder ; and also took from the beach and store house a quanti- 
ty of whisky, salt, flour, pork, &c., but to what amount is unknown. 
"While part of them were thus engaged in disposing of the public proper- 
ty, the remainder went through the village, entering many of the houses, 
but we have not heard -that they committed any outrages upon private 
property. Messrs. Joseph Sill, A. Stannard, E. Seely, and J. Caskey, 
were taken across the river. Major Adams, at the moment of retreat, 
dispatched an Express to Buffalo ; a part of his men came to Buffalo ; 
the remainder left the beach and made (for) the road leading from Buf- 
falo to Black Rock, and took post near the road. When the Express ar- 
rived at Buffalo, Capt. Cummins of the regular army, with one hundred 
infantry and dragoons, marched for Black Rock ; perceiving however, 
that the enemy was advantageously posted at the iipper battery, with a 
superior force, very prudently returned to Buffalo. Capt. Bull had now 
collected his company, which was considerably augmented by volunteers. 

From the first moment of the alarm, Gen. Porter left Black Rock for 
Buffalo, and was actively employed in arranging the subsequent opera- 
tions, and encouraging volunteers. The alarm came to the neighborhood 
of Maj. Miller's, (Cold Spring,) and Judge Granger's ( Four Mile Creek, ) 



374 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

early, and in a short time thirty or forty volunteers came from the Plains. 
About twenty or thirty Indians, stationed at Judge Granger's, came 
down, and all the forces formed a junction within about one mile from 
the enemy. Gen. Porter, with about one hundred detached militia under 
Maj. Adams, took the left, the regulars and Buffalo volunteei'S (under 
Capt. Bull,) the centre, and Capt. Wm. Hull, with about thirty volun- 
teers from the Plains, and thirty Indians under Farmer's Brother, formed 
the right. It was expected that the enemy had posted two field pieces 
at the barracks to rake the road, and it being therefore imprudent to ad- 
vance the centre until the enemy were forced fi'om their position, the 
right and left moved on the enemy's flanks, the left commenced the at- 
tack, which was quickly seconded by the right, the right being pretty 
well concealed, they suffered but little from the enemy's fire. After a 
contest of fifteen or twenty minutes, the enemy left his position at the 
barracks, and by the time the centre began to move, at the sound of the 
bugle he retreated precipitately, with the utmost disorder and confusion 
to the beach at the lower store house, and embarked in several of our 
boats, and pulled for the opposite shore. All the boats, except the last, 
it is believed, got off without injury ; but the hindmost boat was much 
exposed to our fire, and from the appearance of the boat, the crew must 
have been nearly all killed or wounded. 

The British lost two killed on the field, five wounded, besides those 
killed and wounded in the boat. We took fifteen prisoners, which are to 
pass on to Batavia. Capt. Saunders of the (British) 49th, was mortally 
wounded while stepping into the boat ; he was taken to Gen. Porter's 
(house,) where he now lies. He states that Col. Bishop was badly 
wounded and carried into the boat, and says also that several killed and 
wounded were carried into the boats. 

Our loss, three killed five wounded, and probably a few militia taken 
prisoners. The killed were Jonathan Thompson of Caledonia, Sergeant 
Hartman of Riga, and Joseph Wright of Black Rock. Nearly half of the 
drafted militia (as Maj. Adams informs us,) have gone home ; those who 
remained did their duty like soldiers. Young King and another Indian 
were wounded. The Indians behaved well. They committed no act of 
cruelty. They fought because they were friendly to the United States, 
and because their own possessions, which are very valuable, were in dan- 
ger of invasion. They are opposed to crossing the river to fight, but are 
ready to meet the enemy at the threshold in defence of the country which 
protects them. Major King was at Black Rock over night, and assisted 
in the action. It is now more than a year since the declaration of war, 



APPENDIX. 375 

and this is the first attempt of the enemy to cross at Black Rock, and 
considering the repulse he has met with, it will certainly not redound to 
his credit, when his force was composed of veteran troops who had seen 
service ; and ours consisting of militia and new recruits, who had very 
few of them been in an engagement before. The next attack of the ene- 
my will probably be made at a different point. Some pains ought to be 
taken to give him a suitable reception. During the whole day the roads 
leading to Buffalo were filled with volunteers from the different towns. 

Since the above was in type, we have been informed that the enemy 
took a quantity of goods from Sill's store, and from buildings which were 
deserted some plunder was taken. Two hundred regulars have just ar- 
rived in boats from Erie, and are, as we understand, to be stationed at 
Black Rock. 



NO. 8. 

Headquarters, Fort George, Aug. 27th, 1813. 

Sir : — In the last letter which I had the honor to address to you, I had 
to communicate the information that Com. Chauncey had left this part of 
the Lake. Yesterday an Express ari-ived from the Eighteen Mile Creek, 
stating that he was then off that place in pursuit of the British fleet, 
which was likewise to be seen. A body of volunteer militia and Indians 
under the command of Brigadier General Porter of the New York mili- 
tia, having arrived at this place, and very impatient to engage the ene- 
my, a plan was concerted' this morning to cut off one of his pickets. 
About three hundred volunteers and Indians under the command of Ma- 
jor Chapin, was to effect this object, supported by two hundred regulars 
under the command of Maj. Cummings of the 16th Infantry. A heavy 
rain and other untoward circumstances defeated the primary object, but 
in a skirmish that ensued, in which the enemy was completely routed, 
our Indians captured twelve of the British Indians and four whites. 
Many of the enemy's dead were left on the field, among whom is supposed 
to be the famous chief Norton. Our loss was only two Indians and a few 
.slightly wounded. Those who participated in this contest, particularly 
the Indians, conducted with great bravery and activity. 

Gen. Porter volunteered in the affair, and Major Chapin evinced his 
accustomed;zeal and courage. The regulars under Major Cummings, as 



376 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

far as they were engaged, conducted well. The principal chiefs who led 
the warriors this day were Farmers Brother, Red Jacket, Little Billy, 
Pollard, Black Snake, (Hank) Johnson, Silver Heels, Capt. Half town, 
Major Henry O'Bail (Cornplanter's son,) and Capt. Cold, Chief of On- 
ondaga, who was wounded. In a council which was held with them 
yesterday, they covenanted not to scalp or murder, and I am happy to 
say that they treated the prisoners with humanity, and committed no 
wanton cruelties upon the dead. The Canadian volunteers, under Major 
Wilcox, were active and brave, as usual. 

I have the honor to be 

Your most obedient servant, 

JNO. P. BOYD, 
Brig. Gen. Commanding. 
Hon. John Armstrong, Secretary of War. 

Headquarters, Fort George, Aug. 18th, 1813. 
Hon. John Armstrong: — 

Sir :— Yesterday I had the honor to address you a letter detailing the 
conduct of the Indians in the late skirmish. Their bravery and human- 
ity were alike conspicuous. Already the quietness in which our pickets 
are suffered to remain, evinces the benefit of their presence and assist- 
ance. Permit me to suggest the propriety of immediately depositing 
presents for them, in the hands of Mr. Granger, of whose exertions, and 
those of Mr. Parish, I must express my approbation. 
I have the honor to be, sir. 

Your respectful, obedient sei-vant, 

JOHN P. BOYD, 
Brigadier-General. 

extract op a letter from gov. TOMPKINS TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 

Albany, Dec. 24th, 1813. 
Upon my arrival in this place to-day, I was met by express, bringing 
dispatches, of which I send you a copy. The express further informs, 
that on his arrival at Batavia, he learned from Major Allen, (the con- 
tractor's agent at Niagara) and from Lieut. Loomis, who, with two or 
three others, made their escape, that Fort Niagara had been attacked by 
the British. The garrison was surprised. Capt. Leonard (First regi- 
ment infantry) had the command, but it is nmiored that he was not in 
the fort at the time, but, with his family, some miles ofl. What became 



APPENDIX. 377 

of the rest of the garrison, those who escaped do not know. In conse- 
quence of this information, Maj. Gen. Hall has been ordered to repair 
to that frontier with as many of his division as may be necessary to ex- 
pel or destroy the invaders. The British have with them a number of 
Indians, and continue to sanction their massacres. 

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM BRIG. GEN. TIMOTHY HOPKINS, OF THE NEW 
YORK MILITIA, TO GOV. TOMPKINS, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, iC. 

Headquarters, Buffalo, Dec. 20th, 1813. 
Sir : — I would respectfully represent to your Excellency that on the 
morning of yesterday, the enemy crossed over a little below Lewiston, 
and every house from that place to within two and a half miles of Schlos- 
ser, and the Tuscarora village, is burnt. The last express states that 
the enemy were fortifying on the mountain below Schlosser. 

The force of the enemy is differently represented. It is stated to be 
from four to eight hundred regulars and six hundred Indians. It is fur- 
ther stated that the enemy are still crossing. The force the enemy can 
bring is not precisely known. It is probably from fifteen hundred to two 
thousand, including regulars, militia and Indians. Our force is about 
two hundred regulars at Fort Niagara, and about one hundred and fifty 
near this place. I have ordered out my brigade to repel the invasion. 
I am in hopes of success, with the assistance of the militia of Genesee 
I am, respectfully, &c. , 

TIMOTHY HOPKINS, 

Brigadiei'-General. 

extract of a letter to a gentleman in ALBANY. 

Batavia, Dec. 23d, 181.3. 
I hasten to give you a correct statement of the movements of the ene- 
my on the Niagara frontier, received here by express and by people that 
have removed to this i^lace in consequence of their houses having been 
destroyed by the enemy. The first express arrived here on Sunday 
evening. He left Lewiston in the morning, at which time the British 
were crossing at the five mile meadows. Their force was estimated at 
seven hundred regulars and the same number of Indians. They immedi- 
ately marched to Lewiston, which was commanded by Major Bennett. 
The force under his command is stated to have been forty Tuscarora In- 
dians. The Major, after having given the enemy a few shots, set fire to 



378 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

the buildings that contained the public property, and retreated, leaving 
them in full possession of Lewiston. After having burned the village, 
and, as is supposed, murdered a great number of families who could not 
make their escape, they proceeded eight miles in the country, plunder- 
ing and bui-ning every house. It is said that many women and children 
were murdered by the Indians. After these outrages, they proceeded to 
attack Niagara Fort. The various reports relative to the circumstances 
of this attack, render it impossible to obtain any correct information of 
the manner in which it was made, but it appears that the Indians rushed 
into the fort before our troops had time to discharge a single gun. The 
commander, Capt. Leonard, it is said, was four miles distant when it 
was taken by the enemy. 

After they had taken possession, and murdered several persons after 
they had surrendered, they sent out a party to Schlosser and burnt that 
place, together with Porter's mills, and probably, ere this, they have 
plundered and laid waste the whole country for fifteen or twenty miles 
round. 

By the last accounts, they were at the mouth of Tonewanta Creek, 
twenty-nine miles from this place and ten from Buffalo. The militia of 
this place have all been ordered to repair to the frontier without delay. 
There is fifteen hundred or two thousand assembled in this village all 
ready to march, except the want of arms, which are coming in as fast as 
possible. I have no doubt there will be five thousand men on the march 
in twenty-four hours from this time. 

TO THE IXHABITANTS OP NIAGARA, GENESEE AND CHAUTAUQUA. 

The present crisis is alarming. The enemy are preparing to invade 
your frontier and let their savages loose upon your families and property. 
It is now in your power to avoid that evil by repairing to Lewiston, 
Schlosser and Buffalo. Every man who is able to bear arms is not only 
invited, but required, to repair to the above rallying points for a few 
days, or until a detachment of militia arrives. The enemy are now lay- 
ing waste their own country. Every man who does not take up arms, 
or who are disposed to remain neutral, are inhumanly butchered, their 
property plundered and their buildings destroyed. 

Information has just been received that six or eight of their most re- 
spectable inhabitants between Queenston and Fort George have fallen 
victims to their barbarity. Every man in the province is required to 
take up arms, and he that refuses is inhumanly butchered. What, then, 



APPENDIX, 379 

fellow citizens, have you to expect from such an enemy, should they in- 
vade your frontier ? Think of the consequences; be not lulled into a 
belief that because you live a few miles from the river that you are se- 
cure ; no, fellow citizens, the place to meet them is on the beach ; there 
you will have it in your power to chastise them; but should they be suf- 
fered to penetrate into the interior with their savages, the scene will be 
horrid! If, then, you love your country and are determined to defend 
its rights; if you love your families and are determined to protect them; 
if you value your property and are determined to preserve it, you will 
fly to arms and hasten to meet the enemy, should they dare to set foot on 
our shores. 

Since the above was prepared, I have received intelligence from a 
credable inhabitant from Canada (who has just escaped from thence), that 
the enemy are concentrating all their forces and boats at Fort George, 
and have fixed upon to-morrow night for attacking Fort Niagara — and 
should they succeed, they will lay waste our whole frontier. In that 
case our supply of arms, which are deposited at Niagara, will be cut off. 
Therefore, all who have arms, accoutrements or ammunition, will do 
well to bring them; and all who have horses, will come mounted. 

GEORGE McCLURE, 
Brig. Gen. Commanding Niagara Frontier. 

Headquarters, Buffalo, 18th December, 1813. 

GENERAL M'cLURE'S EXFLAXATIOX. 

To THE Public: — The late descent of the enemy on our frontier, and 
the horrid outrages committed on our defenseless inhabitants by the 
British allies (Indians), being laid to my misfortune as commanding of- 
ficer of the American forces on the frontier; and although my conduct 
has been approved by the Secretary of War, the commander-in-chief of 
this State, and by Gen. Harrison before his departure, still I deem it a 
duty which I owe to my own reputation, in order to put a stop to the 
evil reports which are propagated against me, without knowing my or- 
ders, or the means which I had in my power to execute them, to give a 
brief statement of my most prominent acts since I had the honor of so 
important a command. On my arrival at Fort George, and previous to 
the departure of General Wilkinson, with his army, from that post, I sug- 
gested to the General the necessity of marching out against the enemy 
at Cross Roads and Four Mile Creek; that his anny, with my militia, 
were sufficient to take or destroy all the British forces in the neighbor" 



380 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

hood, which wouki leave nothing more for the militia to do, than to 
protect and keep in order the inhabitants of that part of the Province, as 
otherwise our frontier would be liable to be invaded. This i^roposition, 
however, was not agreed to, as the General's instructions were of a dif- 
ferent nature. 

The General left with me Col. Scott and 800 regulars, who were to re- 
main until I considered my force sufficient to hold the fort without them, 
when they were to march to Sacket's Harbor. 

About the 12th of October, the British army commenced their retreat 
towards the head of the lake. I issued orders for my militia to pursue, 
which was promptly obeyed. We advanced as far as the Twelve Mile 
Creek, and within a short distance of the enemy's rear guard, when Col. 
Scott sent an express, requesting me to retiirn, and said he would aban- 
don the fort the next day and march with his troops for Sacket's Harbor; 
and at the same time detained my provisions and ammunition wagons, 
which compelled me to abandon the further pursuit of the enemy, and in- 
duced them to make a stand on the Heights of Burlington. I was then 
left with about one thousand effective militia in Fort George, and two 
hundred and fifty Indians, a force not moi-e than sufiicient to garrison the 
post. On the arrival of Gen. Harrison's army, I was elated with the 
prospect of uniting our forces, of driving the enemy from Burlington, 
taking possession of that post, and giving peace to the upper province 
and our frontier. 

"We were prepared to march in twenty-four hours, when the arrival of 
Commodore Chauncey, with orders for that excellent officer. Gen. Har- 
rison, to repair immediately, with his army, to Sacket's Harbor, frus- 
trated it. I remonstrated against his going off, as will be seen in a cor- 
respondence between the General and myself; but in vain. 

By this movement all my expectations were blasted, and I foresaw the 
consequences, unless a reinforcement was immediately sent on to supply 
the place of the drafted militia, whose term of service would shortly ex- 
pire. I considered my force, which had become ungovernable, as then 
insuflScient to go against the enemy. The object of the last expedition 
to the Twenty Mile Creek is fully explained in the general order which 
I issued on my return. 

For six weeks before the militia were discharged, I wrote, and con- 
tinued writing, to the Secretary at War the necessity of sending on a 
detachment of militia and regular troops; that I found it impossible to 
retain the militia in service one day beyond their term; I also stated, 
from the best information, the enemy's forces. I offered a bounty of two 



APPENDIX. 332 

dollars per month, for cue or two months, but without effect. Some few 
of Col. Bloom's regiment took the bounty and immediately disappeared, 
and I was compelled to grant a discharge to the militia and volunteers^ 
which left me about sixty effective regulars of the Twenty-fourth United 
States Infantry, under Capt. Rodgers, to garrison Fort George. I sum- 
moned a council of the officers and put the question, " Is the fort tenable 
with the present number of men?" They unanimously gave it as their 
opinion that it would be madness in the extreme to attempt to hold it 
and recommended its evacuation immediately, as the enemy's advance 
was then within eight miles. I accordingly gave orders for all the arms, 
ammunition and public stores of every description to be sent across the 
river, which was principally eff'ected, [though the enemy advanced so 
rapidly that ten of my men were made prisoners,] and ordered the town 
ot Newark to be burnt. This act, however distressing to the inhabitants 
and my feelings, was by order of the Secretary at War, and, I believe at 
the same time, proper. The inhabitants had twelve hours notice to re. 
move their effects, and such as chose to come across the river, were pro- 
vided with all the necessaries of life. I left Capt. Leonard in command 
of Fort Niagara, with about one hundred and fifty eff'ective regulars, and 
pointed out verbally and particulariy in a general order how he should 
prepare for an attack, which would certainly take place. I stationed 
Col. Grieve's artillerists, consisting of about twenty men, with two pieces 
of artillery, at Lewiston, under command of Major Bennett, and made 
them a present of four hundred dollars for volunteering their sei-vices 
three weeks; but before the place was attacked they neariy all deserted, 
except the officers, who bravely defended themselves and cut their way 
through the savages. The Canadian volunteers, about forty in number, 
under Major Mallory, an officer of great merit, I stationed at Schlosser, 
and went myself to Buffalo to provide for the safety of that place and 
Black Rock, which I trust are out of danger, having called out the mili- 
tia en masse. 

The public are now in possession of some of the leading facts which 
have governed my conduct in the discharge of the trust assigned me, and 
I appeal to the candor of all dispassionate men to determine with what 
justice to my feelings as a citizen and pride as a soldier, have been 
wounded and my character aspersed. If insubordination to the ordei-s 
of sui^eriors are justifiable, then, possibly, I may have failed in my de- 
fense. If to have suppressed the risings of mutiny is reprehensible, then 
also am I not justified. If to have enforced the disciplinary laws of camp 
is a proceeding unwarranted, then have I been in error. But, fellow 



382 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

citizens, I do not think so meanly of you as to credit the monstrous sup- 
position that you deliberately advocate such a strange hypothesis. Your 
prejudices against me have been the result of feeling, misled by the acts 
of my enemies, and not the result of your own sober judgment operating 
upon facts and principles. Those facts are now before you. By them 
judge me in candor, and I will abide the decision. 

GEORGE McCLURE. 

GENERAL ORDERS. 

Headquarters, Fort Niagara, Dec. 12th. 
Capt. Leonard will, as soon as possible, have a proportion of hand- 
grenades in the diflferent block houses ; and give directions to the officers 
of the infantry where they should be posted, with their men, in case of 
an attack. And should they not be able to maintain the out work, to 
repair to the block and mess houses, and have everything arranged in 
such a manner as though he expected an immediate attack. Much is 
expected of Capt. Leonard, from his long experience and knowledge of 
duty ; and the General feels confident that he will be well supported by 
Capt. Loomis, of the Artillery, as well as the officers of the Infantry. 
By order of. 

Brigadier General McCLURE. 
Donald Eraser, 

Lieut. 15th U. S. Infantry, and Vol. Aid de Camp. 

From the Manlius Times, Jan. 4th, 1814. 

BUFFALO burned. 

This distressing occurrence, which has been anticipated ever since 
Niagara was taken by the enemy, took place last Thursday forenoon. 
We have seen no official account of this affair, but have conversed with 
the express, Mr. Landon, who passed through this village on Saturday 
morning last; and since, with several gentlemen who have left Williams- 
ville since that time, from whom we have obtained the following partic- 
ulars: On Thursday morning, about one o'clock, it was discovered that 
a detachment of the enemy had landed just below the Navy Yard, about 
a mile from Black Rock. A skirmish immediately commenced with our 
Indians and a body of militia, who were stationed there as a corps of 
observation, which lasted several hours. Towards daylight, a body of 



APPENDIX. 383 

regulars, from eight hundred to one thousand, with cannon, Ac, landed 
at the mouth of Buffalo Creek, directly above the village, when, by a 
a signal made, the party below commenced a violent attack on the ad- 
vance. Our men — finding themselves attacked on both flanks— imme- 
diately retreated, or rather fled, through the woods on to the road near 
Major Miller's. Here General Hall rallied them and conducted them 
towards Buffalo, where they met the enemy, and considerably hard fight- 
ing took place. But what availed courage or numbers. Our troops were 
not organized — had no cannon. Their muskets could not be depended 
on, and but few had but four rounds of ammunition when they took the 
field. They were soon put to flight. It is said that Gen. Hall con- 
tinued upon the field until he was almost entirely deserted, when he was 
obliged to retire. The village was then burnt, with the exception of a 
few bouses, which are probably destroyed before this time. The village 
at Black Rock is also destroyed. The enemy are said to be in the vicin- 
ity of Black Rock. The inhabitants are scattered in every direction — 
most of them have come off to Williamsville, eleven miles this side of 
Buffalo, where our force is assembled. No particulars of our loss in this 
affair have been received; but it is believed to be considerable. Amongst 
the slain is Col. Boughton, of Ontario Dragoons. 

A gentleman in high standing in the Quartmaster's Department, in- 
forms that the loss the United States must have sustained in the cap- 
tiu-e of Niagara, cannot be less than two million five hundred thousand 
dollars. There were in the fort when taken, ten thousand stand of arms 
and two hundred and seventy tierces of clothing. 

A general order of Gen. Provost, dated December 12th, directs that 
all the American officers and non-commissioned officers, prisoners of war 
in Canada, be put in close confinement, on the principle of retaliation. 

From the Ontario Repository. 

It is said the whole frontier, from Niagara as far up as Schlosser, and 
several miles wide from the river, is laid waste, and the inhabitants 
either killed, taken or fled into the interior. The number of the enemy 
that has eflTected so much in so short a time, or the name of their com- 
mander, is not known. From the varied opinions expresssed, there were 
perhaps twelve hundred, including Indians. A friend has obtained 
and handed us the fellowing account of the invasion of the Niagara fron- 



•384: HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

tier by the British aad Indians, the capture of our fort, and the atroci- 
ties committed on our territory. It appears to us the most probable of 
any that we have heard. It comes from a soldier who deserted from the 
British at Lewiston on Sunday evening, after the event which he relates, 
•took place. Gen. Drummond, with between ten to eleven hundred regular 
troops, two hundred Canadian militia, and two hundred and fifty In- 
dians, landed soon after midnight at the Five Mile Meadow, from seven 
boats which they had brought by sleighs from Burlington Heights. The 
regular troops consisted of a part of the 100th regiment, part of a regi- 
ment of Scotch Royals, and a few of the 49th. After they had landed, 
orders were given and prejiarations made for attacking Fort Niagara, 
with the first appearance of daylight, and, in the meantime, Col. Mur- 
ray, with five or six hundred regulars, was sent toward the fort to recon- 
noitre. Instead of reconnoitering with intelligence, as â– was expected, by 
daylight in the morning he informed Col. Drummond that he had taken the 
fort; that two of the Scotch Royals had surprised our outermost sentinel and 
compelled him to communicate the countersign, with which he had been 
^ablc to enter the gates of the fort without opposition; that after he had 
entered the gate he had little difficulty in possessing himself of the place; 
that not much American blood was spilt, and that the assailants had not 
a man killed. The Colonel himself was wounded in the right arm. The 
deserter further says, that a stone house, and two others, were saved at 
Lewiston; that the British army had in their possession a considerable 
number of men, women and children, as prisoners, who they have placed 
in a building nearthe fort, around which they had planted a guard of 
regular troops. He says that some of our people were murdered by the 
Indians, but he thinks not near so many as we supposed. 

In speaking of the above distressing event, the Editor of the Geneva 
Gazette remarks : Fort Niagara was the grand depot of military stores 
for the northern and western frontiers. A great quantity of arms, am- 
munition and clothing, besides the cannon and other munitions of war, 
have fallen into the hands of the enemy. Various estimates have been 
made of tbe amount of public property in the fort. Some have estimated 
it at five hundred thousand dollars; others a million. At the time these 
events happened, Gen. McClure was at Bufialo, and the last we heard Of 
him was at Batavia. "We forbear to remark upon the military career of 
this commander. The times are too gloomy for subjects of a trifling 
nature. One circumstance we cannot omit to mention — which is, that 
• as often as the movements of the enemy indicated an intention to dis- 
-tress our frontier or attack our army, our Genei'als are found absent from 



APPENDIX. 385 

fhe sticking place," or surrendering — especially those of the proclamation 
«lass; witness, Hull, Smyth, &c., &c. From the spirited manner in 
which the militia turned out on the first news of these disasters, we are 
in hopes that the village of Buffalo is safe, and that the enemy will be 
checked in committing depredations in the country. 

New York, Tuesday, Jan. 11th, 18U. 

From the Niagara Frontier the accounts continue to be distressing in 
fhe extreme. Want of room compels us to give only the heads of the 
principal events. 

A party of the enemy, on the 30th December, crossed the Niagara, 
near Black Rock. They were met by the militia, under Gen. Hall, who, 
being overpowered by numbers, was forced to give way. The enemy 
burnt the villages of Black Rock and Buffalo, Col. Charles and Major 
Chapin were taken prisoners, and Mrs. Lovejoy, whose husband was 
serving in the militia, was murdered by the British Indians. 

After the destruction of Lewiston by the British, the bodies of William 
Gardiner, John E. Low, E. St. John, (whose family can not be found.) 
Doctor Alvard and others, were found scalped and horribly mangled; 
many others, it was supposed, had been thrown into the flames. It is 
said that the enemy are marching towards Canandaigua, for the safety of 
which place great fears are entertained. 

COPT OF AN ARTICLE IN' A NEW YORK PAPER, JAN. IStH, 1814. 

Surprises. — After the surprise and capture of Winchester's army — 
the surprise and capture of Ogdensburgh last winter, with its valuable 
stores — the surprise and capture of Gens. Winder and Chandler — and 
numerous other surprises, so disgraceful to our arms — we had fondly 
hoped that common prudence and vigilance had been beat into our mili- 
tary officers, and that we should no more witness such disgraceful scenes. 
But, to our surprise and mortification, we have to confirm the molan- 
cholly fact that the Fort of Niagara, which was entrusted to a garrison 
of only three or four hundred men, has l>een surprised in the very mo- 
ment of an expected attack, and taken possession of by the enemy, with 
all its valuable stores, among which, we regret to say, wore several 
thousand stand of arms belonging to this state. Whether the evident 
misconduct of making this exposed post a depot for military stores, 
clothing, &c., is to be attributed to Gov. Tompkins or the Secretary- Of 
War, we will not pretend to know, but if our militaiy affairs are not 

25 



386 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

conducted better in the future than they have hitherto been, we shall 
not be surprised to learn, before the ensuing spring, that every frontier 
post has fallen before the superior activity and vigilance of the enemy. 

LETTER OF NATHANIEL SILL TO GEX. PORTER, AT ALBANY. 

Lima, 3d January, 1814. 
Dear Sir :— Last Thursday morning the British made an attack at 
Black Rock. Their plan of operation was so well concerted that they 
could not fail of succeeding. From the best information I could get, it 
would seem that our ofiQcers were apprised of the design, and, in conse- 
quence, took measures to repel the attack. 

The enemy first landed a detachment below the Navy Yard, which 
caused an alarm and drew the attention of our whole force to that quar- 
ter, at which time their main force was discovered to be approaching our 
shore near the ware-house. Our whole force was then ordered to oppose 
this landing. It is said they fought well, but by the time they found 
themselves well engaged, the detachment of the enemy which first 
landed, fell upon our rear with such impetuosity as broke the linej 
threw the whole force (about five hundred, ) into confusion, and those 
who escaped, escaped by flight. 

The enemy then marched to Buffalo — a detachment taking the road to 
Granger's mills. Chapin, with a few volunteers, fought with a field 
piece till his"men mostly deserted their post, when he surrendered. Our 
army retreated to Eleven Mile Creek, and left the enemy in full posses- 
sion of the whole country beyond that. We have as yet been able to ob- 
tain but a very imperfect account of the affair. We suppose our loss 
must have been severe. What the fate of the women and children must 
have been who remained at Buffalo, is not yet known. We must have 
lost all our goods. They were deposited at Mr. Atldn's. Joseph (Sill) 
was with them. I have this morning heard from him, that he was try- 
ing to save such articles as he could, but I think he could save but few. 
The inhabitants were flying from Batavia. We know that the whole 
country, as far as this place, is in imminent danger. It is full of men 
who would defend it, but they are destitute of arms and ammunition. 
One thousand horsemen would burn Canandaigua, and return with little 
loss. The event rests only in the counsels of the all-wise governor of 
worlds. 

In haste, your servant, 

NATHANIEL SILL. 



APPENDIX. 3S7 

P. S. — The volunteers who turned out on this occasion from ihis (quar- 
ter, have been returning since the action, and we are told lliat Gen 
Hall is left with a very small force. I shall be at Albany, if I am pros- 
pered, in a few days. 

EXTRACT OF AX ARTICLE IX A NEWSPAPER. 

Dated Batavia, Jan. 8th, 1813. 

To the want of discipline, of subordination and proper concert, is to 
be attributed the fate of Buffalo and Black Rock. Our forces were not 
only sufficient to have repelled, but to have captured the invaders. Our 
frontier, from Buffalo to Niagara, now presents one continued scene of 
ruin. The buildings that now remain in Buflfalo are the jail (built of 
stone) and a small wooden dwelling belonging to the widow St. John, 
who had the address to appease the ferocity of the enemy so far as to re- 
main in her house uninjured. 

Since our last publication, the enemy have evacuated Black Rock. 
Their last detachment crossed the river on Tuesday, since which time 
the alarm so generally spread through this section, has in a great meas- 
ure abated, and a degree of calmness succeeded that of bustle and con- 
fusion. Previous to evacuating Black Rock, the British fired every 
building in that place but three. Two of these — a stone dwelling-house, 
belonging to Peter B. Porter, and a store-house on the bank of the river, 
— were blown up by a quantity of powder placed in them for that pur- 
pose. A log house, in which some women and children had taken ref- 
uge, was suffered to remain. This is an act of humanity in the enemy 
not to be expected after the barbarous assassination of about twenty of 
our wounded who had been carried into a barn near that jilace. We 
have not been able to procure a list of the names of our men who have 
been made prisoners. Of the killed, thirty-three have been found, but 
being stripped of their clothing, few of them have been recognized. 
This number, together with the wounded said to be inhumanly butchered 
in a barn at the Rock, swells the list of killed to upwards of fifty. 

The schooners Ariel, Little Belt, Chippewa, and sloop Trippe, lying 
near Buffalo Creek, fell into the enemy's hands, and are probably de- 
stroyed. 

AX APPEAL TO BEXE VOLEXCE. 

Caxaxdaigua, 8th Jan., 1814. 
Gextlemex:— Niagara county, and the greater part of Genesee 



388 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

which lies west of Batavia, are completely depopulated. All the settle- 
ments in a section of country forty miles square, and which contained 
more than twelve thousand souls, are eflfectually broken up. These facts 
you are undoubtedly acquainted with, but the distresses they have pro- 
duced, none but an eye witness can thoroughly appreciate. Our roads 
are filled with peoi^le, many of whom have been reduced from a state of 
competence and good prospects to the last degree of want and sorrow. 
So sudden was the blow by which they have been crushed, that no pro- 
vision could be made to elude or to meet it. The fugitives from 
Niagara county especially, were dispersed under circumstances of so 
much terror that, in some cases, mothers find themselves wandering with 
strange children, and children are seen accompanied by such as have no 
other sympathies with them than those of common suffering. Of the 
families thus separated, all the members can never meet again in this 
life; for the same violence which has made them beggars, has forever de- 
prived some of their heads and others of their branches. Afflictions of 
the mind, so deep as have been allotted to these imhappy people, we 
cannot cure ; they can probably be subdued only by His power who can 
wipe away all tears. But shall we not endeavor to assuage them? To 
their bodily want we can certainly admiiiiSter. The inhabitants of this 
village have made large contributions for their relief in provisions, 
clothing and money; and we have been appointed, among other things, 
to solicit further relief for them from our wealthy and liberal minded 
fellow-citizens. In pursuance of this appointment, may we ask of you 
gentlemen to interest yourselves particularly in their behalf ? We be- 
lieve that no occasion has occurred in our country which presented 
stronger claims upon individual benevolence, and we humbly trust that 
whoever is willing to answer these claim'; will always entitle himself to 
the precious rewards of active charity. 

We are, gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your very obedient servants, 
Z. SEYMOUR, WILLIAM SHEPARD, 

MYRON HOLLEY. THADDEUS CHAPIN, 

THOMAS REALS, MOSES ATWATER, 

PHINEAS P. BATES. " NATHANIEL GORHAM. 

Committee of Safety and Relief at Canandaigua. 

To the Hon. DeWitt Clinton, Col. Robert Trocp, Gen. Matuew 
Clarkson, John B. CotES, Esq., Thomas Morris, Esq., Moses 
Rogers, Esq., Robert Bowne, and Thomas Eddy, New York. 



APPENDIX. 389 

Nkw York, Jan. 22cl, 1814. 
The Committee to whom this communication was addressed, are per- 
suaded that a publication of this atlecting appeal to the benevolence of 
the community, is alone sufficient to insure the most liberal contribu- 
tions; and they therefore inform their fellow-citizens that they will rc- 
cieve subscriptions at the places annexed to their names, for the relief 
of our distressed brethren on the wastern frontiers, and that subscription 
papers for the same purpose will be left at the Tontine Cotfee House and 
City Tavern. 

De'WITT CLINTON, City Hall. 

MATHEW CLARKSON, 26 Pearl street. 

MOSES ROGERS, 7 State street. 

ROBERT BOWNE, 256 Pearl street. 

THOMAS MORRIS, 84 Chambers street. 

THOMAS EDDY, 220 William street. 
N. B. — Col. Troup and Mr. Coles are absent from the city. 

EXTRACT OF A PROCLAMATION- OF HIS EXCELLENCY LIEUTEXAXT-GENERAL 
GEORGE PREVOST, COMMANDER OF UIS MAJESTY'S FORCES IN NORTH 
AMERICA. 

Dated at Quebec, 12th January, 1814. 

The complete success which has attended his majesty's arms on the 
Niagara frontier having placed in our possession the whole of the ene- 
my's posts on that line, it becomes a matter of imperious duty to retali- 
ate on America the miseries which the unfortunate inhabitants of New- 
ark had been made to suffer upon the evacuation of Fort George. The 
villages of Lewiston, Black Rock and Buffalo, have accordingly been 
burned. 

At the same time that his excellency, the commander of the forces, 
sincerely deprecates this mode of warfare, he trusts that it will be sufiQ- 
cient to call the attention of every candid and impartial person, both 
among ourselves and the enemy, to the circumstances from Avhich it has 
arisen, to satisfy them that this departure from the established usages of 
war has originated with America herself; and that to her alone are justly 
chargeable all the awful and unhajtpy consequences which have hitherto 
followed and are likely to result from it. * * * It will hardly 
be credited by those who shall hereafter road it in the page of history, 



390 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

that in the enlightened era of the nineteenth century, and in the inclem- 
ency of a Canadian winter, the troops of a nation calling itself Christian 
had wantonly, and without the shadow of a pretext, forced four hundred 
helpless women and children to quit their dwellings and to be the mourn- 
ful spectators of the conflagration and total destruction of all that be- 
longed to them; yet such was the fate of Newark, on the 10th of Decem- 
ber, a day which the inhabitants of Upper Canada can never forget, and 
the recollection of which cannot but nerve their arms when opposed to 
their vindictive foe. 

On the night of that day, the American troops, under Brig. Gen. Mc- 
Clure, being about to evacuate Fort George, which they could no longer 
retain, by an act of inhumanity disgraceful to themselves and to the 
nation to which they belong, set fire to upwards of one hundred and fifty 
houses, composing the village of Newark, and burned them to the 
ground — leaving without covering or shelter those " innocent, unfortu- 
nate and distressed inhabitants," whom that ofiicer, by his proclamation, 
engaged to protect. His excellency would have ill consulted the honor 
of his country and the justice due to his majesty's injured and insulted 
subjects, had he permitted an act of such needless cruelty to pass unpun- 
ished, or had he failed to visit — whenever the opportunity offered — upon 
the inhabitants of the neighboring American frontier the calamities in- 
flicted upon those of our own. The opportunity has occurred, and a full 
measure of retaliation has taken place — such as (it is hoped) will teach 
the enemy to respect, in future, the laws of war, and recall him to a sense 
of what is due to himself as well as us. 

In the future prosecution of the contest to which so extraordinary a 
character has been given, his excellency must be giiided by the course 
of conduct which the enemy shall hereafter pursue. 

Lamenting, as his excellency does, the necessity imposed upon him of 
retaliating upon the inhabitants of America the miseries inflicted upon 
Newark, it is not his intention to pursue further a system of warfare so 
revolting to his own feelings and so little congenial to the British char- 
acter, unless the future measures of the enemy should compel him again 
to resort to it. 

To those possessions of the enemy, along the whole line of the fron- 
tier, which have hitherto remained .undisturbed, and which are now 
within his excellency's reach and the mercy of the troops under his com- 
mand, his excellency has determined to extend the same forbearance and 



APPENDIX. 891 

the same freedom from rapine and plunder which they have hitherto ex- 
perienced; and from this determination the future conduct of the Ameri- 
can government shall alone induce his excellency to depart. « * * 



Adjitaxt-General's Office. ) 

Headquarters, > 

Quebec, 8th January. ISli. ) 

general orders. 

His excellency, the commander of the forces, has the satisfaction of 
announcing to the troops that he has received a dispatch from Lieut. 
Gen. Drummond, reporting the complete success of an attack that was 
made at daybreak on the morning of the 30th December, on the enemy's 
position at Black Rock, where he was advantageously posted with up- 
wards of two thousand men, and after a short but severe contest, the en- 
emy was repulsed in the most gallant manner, and pursued in his retreat 
to Buffalo, where he attempted to make a stand; but, upon i-eceiving a 
few rounds from the British field-pieces, he abandoned that post also and 
fled with precipitation to the Eleven Mile Greek, on Lake Erie, leaving 
seven field-pieces and four schooners and sloops, with a considerable 
quantity of ordnance and other valuable stores, which have fallen into 
©ur hands. 

The enemy suffered severely, but from the rapidity of his flight, 
seventy prisoners only were taken, among whom is Doctor or Lieut. Col. 
Chapin. 

The corps under Maj. Gen. Riall consisted of detachments of the 
Hoyal Scots Eighth (or King's) Forty-first, and the flank companies of 
the Eighty-ninth and One Hundreth regiments— the whole not exceeding 
one thousand men. 

The Lieutenant General bestows the highest pruise upon the undaunt- 
ed courage and patient submission of the troops, in contempt of the in- 
clemency of the weather and hardships to which they were exposed. 

No British officer has fallen on this occasion. Lieut. Col. Ogelvie, 
Eighth, (or King's) and Capt. Fawcett, One Hundredth Grenadiei-s, 
were wounded; and it is supposed our loss does not exceed twenty-five 
killed and fifty wounded. 

Black Rock and Buffalo were burnt, previous to their evacuation by 
<ow troops, together with all the public buildings and the four vessels. 



392 ^ HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

A considerable quantity of stores were sent away previous to the con- 
flagration. 

EDWARD PAYNES, 

Adjutant-General N. G. 

TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. 

Headquarters, Niagara Frontier, Jan. 6th, 1814. 

Sir — The confusion into which everything was thrown by the events 
of the 30th December, and the imperious necessity of taking precaution- 
ary measures against the advances of the enemy, put it out of my power 
to furnish at an earlier period a detailed account of the operations on 
this frontier during my hitherto unfortunate and embarrassing command; 
add to this the extreme difficulty of collecting authentic facts relative to 
our loss, since the forces under my command were of that multiform des- 
cription, which they necessarily were, being composed almost wholly of 
volunteers, militia and exempts, hastily and confusedly assembled in the 
moment of alarm, and dissipated by the events of a battle. 

The storming of Niagara and the burning of Lewiston, presaging fur- 
ther devastation, threw this whole country into the most violent agita- 
tion. On the moment, and without any previous preparation, I hastened 
to Batavia with a view to take such measures as might be within my 
power to repel the enemy and protect the frontier. I hastily collected 
from the militia and volunteers of Genesee county, and the brigade of 
Gen. Wadsworth, of Ontario county, a considerable force; but generally 
deficient in arms and ammunition, and the necessary conveniences of a 
camp. 

In the evening of the 22d December, Gen. McClure, with the regulars 
under command of Major Riddle, arrived in Batavia, and on the morning 
of the 23d signified by a letter his desire that I would take the command 
during this moment of general alarm. I accordingly proceeded to or- 
ganize, in the best manner in my power, the forces then in Batavia; and 
with the arms collected from different sections of the country, and what 
little could be procured from the arsenals at Canandaigua and Batavia, 
I was enabled to get under march on the 25th, for Lewiston, a body of in- 
fantry about 150 strong, under Lieut. Col. Lawrence, supported by one 
company of cavalry, under Capt. Marvin, with orders to proceed and 
join a corps of militia, said to be two hundred strong, under the comr 
mand of Lieut. Col. Atchinson, which was stationed at Forsyth's, on the 
ridge road, fifteen miles east of Lewiston, to collect and save all. the am- 



munition in his power, which had been removed from the arsenal at 
Lewiston, and was then dispersed on the road and different parts of the 
country, and with instmctions to act as circumstances and the nature 
of his force would permit, against the enemy; and, if practicable, to' 
effect a junction with the main force at Buffalo, by the way of Manches- 
ter and Schlossor, and thence up the river to Black Rock; leaving, as a 
reserve, the corps under Col. Atchison at their station near Lewiston. I 
then ordered the remainder of the troops to Bufialo, with the exception 
of the regular forces, over whom I assumed no command. 

On the morning of the 25th, I proceeded to Buffalo, leaving General 
McClure at Batavia, with instructions to organize such detachments of 
volunteers as might arrive, and direct their march for Buffalo. I arrived 
in Buffalo on the morning of the 26th, and there found a considerable 
body of irregular troops of various descriptions — disorganized and con- 
fused — and everything wore the appearance of consternation and dismay. 
On the same day, I issued an order to the several commandants of corps, 
for a return of the number of effective men under their' command; and 
an order to Capt. Camp, A. D. Q. M. General, for a return of the ord- 
nance stores, in the Quartermaster's Department; a copy of which return 
I have heretofore had the honor to forward to your Excellency, and 
which sufficiently exhibits the destitute condition of the department. 
On the 27th, I ordered a review of all the troops under my command at 
Buffalo and Black Rock, when I found my numerical force to be as fol- 
lows: At Buffalo, under Lieutenant Colonel Seymour Boughton, of 
the cavaliy and mounted volunteers, one hundred and twenty-nine; 
Lieut. Col. Blakeslie, of the Ontario exempts and volunteers, four hun- 
dred and thirty-three; Lieut. Col. Cyrenius Chapin, of the Buffalo mili- 
tia, one hundred and thirty-six; Lieut. Col. Mallorj-, of the Canadian 
volunteers, ninety-seven; Major Adams, of the Genesee militia, three 
hundred and eighty-two. At Black Rock were stationed, under command 
of Brig. Gen. Hopkins, three hundred and eighty-two effective men, 
composed of the corps commanded by Lieut. Col. Warren and Lieut. 
Col. Churchill, exclusive of a body of thirty-seven mounted infantry, 
under command of Capt. Ransom; eighty-three Indians, under command 
of Lieut. Col. Granger, and one piece of field artillery — a six jjounder — 
and twenty-five men, under command of Lieut. Seely; making my ag- 
gregate nominal force on the 27th to be one thousand seven hundred and 
eleven men; add to this a regiment of Chautauqua militia, under com- 
mand of Lieut. Col. McMahan, which arrived at Buffalo on the 20t4i, 
about three hundred men, which swells my force to two thousand and 



394 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO, 

eleven, which was reduced on the morning of the alarm, by desertions, 
to less than twelve hundred; and so deficient were my supplies of ammu- 
nition, that a greater part of the cartridges for Col. McMahan's regiment 
were made nnd distributed after they were paraded on the morning of 
the battle. The movements of the enemy already indicated their inten- 
tion of attacking the village of Buffalo or Black Rock, which left me 
not a moment's repose from the arduous duty of preparing the most effec- 
tive means in my power for meeting the enemy with the crude force 
under my command. 

On the 27th I was so fortunate as to procure such information as to the 
enemy's movements — from a citizen who made his escape from Canada — 
•as to leave me no doubt as to their intentions. 

In the evening of the 29th, at twelve o'clock, I received information 
that our horse patrols had been fired on a short distance below Conjoka- 
ties Creek, and one mile below Black Rock. Lieut. Boughton, an enter- 
prising and brave officer, had his horse shot under him. The enemy 
advanced and took possession of the Sailor's Battery, near Conjokaties 
€reek. The troops were immediately paraded and stood by their arms. 
I was yet uncertain at what point the enemy would attack me; for the 
darkness of the night was not favorable for making observations. I was 
apprehensive the enemy designed to make a feigned attack below Black 
Rock, for the purpose of drawing off my force from the village of Buf- 
falo, preparatory to a landing above the village, intending thereby to 
take me by surprise. At the same time being anxious to anticipate the 
enemy's landing, and meet him at the water's edge, I gave orders to the 
troops at Black Rock, commanded by Cols. Warren and Churchill, (Gen. 
Hopkins being absent from camp, ) to attack the enemy and endeavor to 
dislodge them from the battery and drive them to their boats. The at- 
tempt failed through the confusion into which the militia were thrown, 
on the first fire of the enemy and the darkness of the night. They were 
dispersed, and not again embodied under the proper officers through the 
day. I then ordered the corps under Major Adams, and the corps under 
Col. Chapin, to make the attack. This was attended with no better suc- 
cess. The men were thrown into confusion by the enemy's fii-e, and after 
skirmishing a short time fled, and were not again embodied through the 
day. I then ordered the corps under the command of Col. Blakeslie to 
advance to the attack, and at the same time I put the remainder of my 
troops in motion for the same point, and proceeded by the hill road to 
Black Rock. On approaching the village at Black Rock, I discovered a 



APPENDIX. 395 

detachment of the enemy's boats crossing to our shore, and bending their 
course toward's Gen., Porter's house. 

The day was now beginning to dawn. I immediately countermanded 
the order given to Col. Blakeslie, to attack the enemy's left, and directed 
them to form and attack the enemy's centre, at the water's edge. 

I now became satisfied as to the disposition and object of the enemy, 
which I ascertained to be as follows: Their left wing was composed of 
about eight hundred regular troops and incorporated militia, and one 
hundred and fifty or two hundred Indians were disposed below Conjoka- 
ties Creek, and had been landed under cover of the night. AYith this 
force the enemy designed to cover their left, out-flank our right, and cut 
off our retreat by the woods. 

With their centre, consisting of lour hundred Royal Scots, commanded 
by Col. Gordon, the battle was commenced. The right — which was pur- 
posely weak — was landed near the main battery merely to divert our 
forces; the whole under the immediate command of Lieut. Col. Dnim* 
mond, led on by Maj. Gen. Riall. They were attacked by four field 
pieces in battery at the water's edge ; at the same time the battery from 
the other side of the river opened a heavy fire upon us of shells, hot shot 
and ball. The whole force now opposed to the enemy was at most not over 
six hundred men, the remainder having Hed, notwithstanding the exer- 
tions of the officers. Those few brave men disirated every inch of ground, 
with the steady coolness of veterans, at the expense of many valuable 
lives. The defection of the militia, by reason of the ground on which 
they must act, left the forces engaged exposed to the enemy's fire in front 
and flank; and after standing their ground for half an hour, opposed by 
an overwhelming force, and nearly surrounded, a retreat became neces- 
sary to their safety, and was accordingly ordered. I then made every 
effort to rally the troops, with a view to attack their columns as they en- 
tered the village of Buffalo, but all in vain. Deserted by my principal 
force, I fell back that night to Eleven Mile Creek, and was forced to leave 
the flourishing villages of Black Rock and Buffalo a prey to the enemy, 
which they have pillaged and laid in ashes. 

At the Eleven Mile Creek I collected between two and three luindred 
men who remained faithful to their country. With these I i)resorved the 
best show of defense in my power, to cover the fleeing inhabitants and 
the advances of the enemy. The enemy have gained but little plunder 
from the public stores. The loss has fallen upon individual siiffercre. 
Eight pieces of artilleiy fell into the hands of the enemy, of which but 
one was mounted on a traveling carriage. What little remained of the 



396 HISTORY OF BrrFFAI.0. 

public stores, capable of being removed, is presei-ved, through the exer- 
tions of Capt. Camp, of the Quartermaster's Department, whose bravery 
is only equalled by his active zeal for the public service. 

It is not in my power to give a particular account of our loss in killed 
aad wounded, as the wounded generally got off by the aid of their friends 
and taken to their homes, and our dead were mostly buried by the ene- 
my ; but from the best information I can collect, our loss is about thirty 
killed and, perhaps, forty wounded. In prisoners, our loss is ascertained 
to be sixty-nine — twelve of whom are wounded. 

The enemy's loss must be much greater, as many were killed in their 
boats before landing. Their loss may reasonably be presumed, in killed 
and wounded, at not less than two hundred. 

Lieut. Col. Boughton, of the Light Dragoons, is among our slain. He 
was a good officer and a valuable citizen. I regret it is not in my power 
to do justice to all those who were engaged on this day. The veteran 
Blakeslie and his corps were pre-eminently distinguished. There were 
of the broken remains of other corps many officers and soldiers whose 
bravery and good conduct deserve my warmest praise; but having fought 
irregularly in detachments, I cannot designate to them the justice they 
deserve. The good conduct of Lieut. Seely and Lieut. Farnum, who 
had charge of the artillery, was particularly noticed. The cavalry, un- 
der Col. Boughton, and the mounted volunteers, under Major Warren, 
receive my thanks for the prompt obedience of orders, and the valuable 
services rendered in the fatiguing duty of patroling. And it is a matter 
of regret that the nature of the ground deprived me of that support 
which I might confidently expect from their bravery. To Lieut. Fraser, 
of the United States Infantry, I tender my thanks for the volunteer ser- 
vice which he rendered me as one of my staif. To my two aids-de-camp. 
Majors Holmes and Norton, I cannot withhold my warmest thanks for 
their cool, deliberate bravery, and the alacrity with which they executed 
my orders fi-om the first movement of the troops in the morning to the 
close of the day. 

I have the honor to be, 
Your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant, 

A. HALL, Major General. 

LIST OF AMERICAX PRISONERS TAKEX AT BLACK ROCK. 

Allen H. Millard, aid to Gen. Hopkins, Lieut. Col. Gardiner, wound- 
ed in the thigh. Ensign C. Stewart, Rueben Peirce, Eli Shattuck, Jona- 



APPENDIX. 397 

than Putnam, S. Towler, John Amsden, Jonathan Alger, Bloomfield; 
Capt. J. Rowley, Lieut. John Lusk, Ilezekiah Parmelee, Ira Smith, Sam- 
uel Perkins, Samuel Gillis, Henry Pardy, Orris Turner, Luther Hawley, 
Victor; Lazarus Church, William Miller, (wounded in the cheek), — . 
Whiting, Abram Whitney, John Conant, Samuel Clark, Seth Chappel, 
Amos Jimeson, Anson Murray, Dennis Frost, (wounded in the shoulder), 
Avon; Dr. Jonathan Cammel, Asa Woodford, Asahel Martin, Jonathan 
Richardson, Socrates Swift, (wounded in the belly), Benjamin Barrett, 
(wounded in the body), Livonia; Capt. R. McKay, Levi Broughton, Wm. 
Martin, Samuel Burgis, Stephen Peabody, (wounded in the head). Thos. 
Grant, (wounded in the thigh and body), Chester Noramore, Caledonia; 
Levi Farnham, Willis Buell, Wm. G. Hathaway, Leroy; Wm. Hutch- 
inson, Holdcn Allen, Black Rock; Friend Johnson, Oliver Stetson. 
Chautauqua; Ensign Wm. Martin, EUicott; Heman Willcox, Bethel; Wm. 
Kickox, Jacob C. Loomis, Canandaigua; Daniel C. Gould, Daniel S. 
Cole, Pomfret; James Lyon, Joel Allen, Sylvester Blodgett, Apollos 
Fordham, Levi Wright, David Palmer, Anson Bristol, Lemuel Chipman. 
Jr., Jacob Jackson, (wounded in both thighs), Sheldon; Lodowick 
Champion, Mathew Peck, Benjamin Russell, Heniy Dorsey, Daniel Vail, 
Bethany; John Harris, Clarence; Jesse Warner, (wounded in the thigh), 
Amos Thompson, Wanton Brownell, (wounded in the arm), Phelps; 
Jabez Smith, (wounded in the thigh), Bristol; Wm. Lyon, Honeyoye; 
Col. C. Chapin, John Lay, Charles C. Wells, William Wilbur, Rufus 
Botsford, Joseph D. Hoyt, Robert Keane, Timothy Strong, Benjamin 
Hodge, Jr., Daniel Buxton, Captain R. Harmon, George Stow, Daniel 
Pcny, Buffalo. 

Killed at her house, in the village of Buffalo, by the British Indianf, 
Mrs. Sally Lovejoy, wife of Joshua Lovejoy, Esq., aged about 35 years. 

The editor of the Buffalo Gazette informs his former subscribers that 
1 tie Gazette is again established at Harris' Tavern, near Williamsvillo. 
VU letters, communications, &c., may be directed Williamsville, Niag- 
.ira county, N. Y. 

The following persons have been identified among those (hat fi-ll on 
iC morning of the 30th December and the 1st inst., in the attack on 
•lack Rock and Buffalo: Col. Seymour Boughton, Avon; Major Wm. 
'. Dudley, Calvin Carey, Peter Hoffman, Eden; Adjutant Jo.'shua Tott- 
uin, Canadian Volunteers; Aaron Nash, Hanover; Dennis Bracket, 



398 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Esq., Chautauqua; Mr. Smiley, near Chautauqua Lake; Job Hoysing- 
ton, John Roop, Samuel Holmes, N. D. Keep, John Trisket, Jas. Nesbit, 
Robert Franklin, (colored) and Mr. Myers, Buffalo; Robert Hill, Adam 
Lawfer, Black Rock; Newman Baker, Parley Moffat, Wm. Cheesman, Ham- 
burgh; Jacob Vantine, Jr., Moses Feno, Clarence; Mr. Reed, Willink; 
— . Lindsay, of Livonia; — . Wilson, of Bloomfield; Bethel Martin, a 
transcient person. 

"We had collected materials to give a short narrative of the battle of 
Black Rock, but on reflecting that a month has already elapsed since 
that event; that several accounts coming from officers in the action have 
been published; that all the statements disagree in essential particulars, 
and that any statement we might make would be liable to inaccuracies, 
we have determined to omit any publication at present. The official 
account may soon be expected. 

FROM THE OXTARIO REPOSITORY, MARCH 13tH, 1814. 

The Committee of Supplies and Relief at Canandaigua, have received 
for distribution among the inhabitants of the Niagara Frontier, who suf. 
fered by the late invasion, one thousand three hundred and forty-seven 
dollars and ten cents. 

THADDEUS CHAPIN, 
ilYRON HOLLEY. 

The Legislature appropriated fifty thousand dollars for the same pur- 
pose. 

ANTHONY LAMB TO GOV. TOMPKINS. 

Albany, Jan. 20th, 1814. 

SiK :— Agreeably to your excellency's orders, I left this city on the 4th 
instant, and proceeded with all possible dispatch to the Niagara frontier. 
On my arrival at Bloomfield, in the county of Ontario, I met Gen. Hall, 
who was on the point of returning to Batavia, to collect the troops who 
had been detached under your excellency's order of the 26th November, 
which amounted to one thousand, which he had ordered out on authori- 
ty subsequently given him. 

On my arrival at Batavia, I found that the inhabitants of that place 
and the country west as far as Bufi'alo, on the main road, had, on receiv. 



APPENDIX. 390 

ing information of the landing of the encmj', fled and Icfi llicii- hdmcs 
but were generally returning. I proceeded to Buttalo and found that 
flourishing village totally destroj-ed. The only buildings remaining in 
it are the goal, which is built of stone, a small frame-house and an ar- 
morer's shop. All the houses east of Butfalo on the Batavia road, for two 
miles, excepting log houses, are also destroyed, and almost eveiy build- 
ing between Buffalo and Niagara, along the river, had, I was informed, 
shared the same fate. 

The enemy had with him at Black Rock and Buffalo a number of In- 
dians, (the general opinion in that country is al)out two hundred,) who 
pursued their accustomed mode of horrid warfare by tomahawking, 
scalping and otherwise mutilating those who fell into their hands. 
Among the victims of their savage barbarity was a Mrs. Lovejoy, of 
Buffalo, who was tomahawked and afterwards burnt in her own house. 
The conduct of these savages has struck the minds of the people on the 
Niagara frontier with such horror as to make it absolutely necessary that 
a more efficient force than ordinary militia of the country bo employed 
for its protection, to prevent its becoming entirely depopulated. 

There was, when I left Batavia, betv\-een five and six hundred militia 
at Williamsville and in its vicinity, under the command of Gen. Hop- 
kins, and about the same number on the Ridge Road, near the ai-senal,. 
under the command of Col. Hopkins. It was the intention of Gen. Hall, 
who was at Batavia, to make up a number at each of these stations to 
one thousand men. There was also at Batavia about one hundred regu- 
lars, under the command of Major Riddle, who had received orders to 
march to Williamsville. 

As the enemy had re-crossed into Canada, leaving no part of his force 
on our territory, except the garrison of Fort Niagara, I did not think it 
necessary for me to remain in the country, or to exercise the jilenaiy 
powers with which you were pleased to invest me, especially as the au- 
thority given to Gen. Hall appeared to me to be amply suflicicnt to en- 
able him to give a temporary protection to that frontier. I am decided- 
ly of opinion, however, that it is absolutely necessary that a force of a 
more permanent, substantial natiu-e should be provided, with as little 
delay as possible, 

Sir, I have the honor to be, 

AVith the greatest respect. 

Your most obedient servant, 
ANTHONY LAMB. 

His Excellency Gov. Tompkins. 



400 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

MAJOR LEE TO THE SECRETARY OP WAR. 

Fort George, Sept. 18th, 1813. 
Sir :— I am ordered by Gen. Wilkinson to forward the enclosed papers 
— one a letter from a committee of three, of which P. B. Porter is the 
first, and the other a letter from Daniel Eodman, the organ of an associ- 
.ation of residents in and near Canandaigua. 
I have the honor to be 

Your most obedient seiwant, 

H. LEE, Jr., 
Major of Infantry and 
Aide-de-Camp to Maj. Gen. "Wills^nson. 
Gen. Armstrong, Secretaiy of War. 

letter to GEX. WILKIXSOX, at fort GEORGE. 

Black Rock, Sept. 17th, 1813. 

Sir : — In consequence of encouragements from Gen. Boyd that a gen- 
eral and decisive movement was about to be made by the army, and that 
an additional force was desirable, we repaired to Fort George, about 
five weeks ago, with five hundred men, consisting of volunteers, militia 
^nd Indians. Most of us remained there twelve or fourteen days, but 
•our hopes not being realized, the men continually dispersed and went 
home, not, however, without expectations again encouraged by Gens. 
Boyd and Williams, that we should be shortly called on again to aid in 
operations which the people in this part of the country, so long harrassed 
by the calamities of war, feel so strong an interest in forwarding. 

Under similar expectations, many of our friends in the interior have 
intimated to us their readiness to join with respectable reinforcements, 
on the shortest notice, and we are informed that one company, about 
seventy strong, is actually on its march, and will be here to-day or to- 
morrow. 

We are, at this moment, much at a loss how to act, and our difQculty 
is increased by the various rumors and conjectures circulated by the vari- 
ous officers daily arriving at headquartei's, some of whom represent that 
no offensive operations are to be undertaken on this frontier, but that 
the regular army is immediately to be marched either to the east, to at- 
tack Kingston, or to the west to join Gen. Harrison. Others state that 
an attack is to be made upon the British forces in the vicinity of this 
.place. Under these circumstances we are induced to inquire of you 



APPENDIX. 401 

whether such a force as we have in our power to raise, is desired l>v you 
to effectuate your plans, and if so, in wlmt numbers and at what time. 
If it be your object to sally out upon the enemy at Fort George, we 
â– could bring you a respectable force; ))ut, on the contrary, if you medi- 
tate an attack at some other point, and the withdrawal of the regular 
troops at Fort George, and placing this frontier on the defensive only, 
by means of militia, we would observe that our prepared force is of such 
a character as could not be engaged in this service. Upon the sujjposi- 
tiou that you intend to withdraw the regular troops from this frontier, 
we beg leave to submit a proposition for your consideration. 

We believe that we are not incorrect in saying that it would require 
nearly or as great a force to defend this line of frontier against a given 
force of the enemy, as it would to attack and subdue him. Sir Goorge 
Prevost has ordered the militia of Upper Canada to be ordered out en 
masse. They are to assemble on Sunday next. And if, after your de- 
parture, the enemy opposite here should take it in his head to retain all 
his regular force and play off his skill against the inexperience of our 
militia, we might have occasion to fear a repetition of former scenes in 
the present war. Our proposition (in case of your leaving this place) is 
that we be permitted to raise, between this and the first of October, a 
volunteer force of from one thousand to twelve hundred men. exclusive 
of Indians; that we add to it as many of the militia stationed <>n the 
lines as may be willing to join us; that we he furnished with a small 
train, (say four pieces) of field artillery, with exi)erienced oflicers and 
men to fight them; and that with this force we be authorized to invade 
the enemy's country. Should you think proper to confer such authority 
on us, and direct that the volunteers shall be furnished with urnis. am- 
munition, provisions,&c., and receive pay w hile in aelnal seivice.w e jiledge 
ourselves that before the close of the season, iliat we will oerdj.y tlie 
whole of the valuable and populous peninsula o])p(>site this iiv<'r. and 
either capture, destroy or disperse, all the enemy's force in tliis (puirter. 
You may, perhaps, make it convenient lo sen<l an answci' by the 
bearer, Capt. Hall. 

â– \Ve arc. sir, most re:-pecirully, itc. 

i'KTEH 15. I'nirtKK. 
rVUENlL'.- < IIAI'IN, 
.lO.-^Kl'll Mr; I.I KE. 
Gen. "Wilkinson. 

2Q 



402 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

GEX. WILKIXSOX'S EEPLY. 

Fort George, Sept. 18th. 1813. 
Gentlemen :— Your letter of yesterday, which reached me last eve- 
ning, gives you a claim to my acknowledgments, and to those of your 
country. But as I am altogether unauthorized by law or instructions to 
sanction your plan for the levy of a body of volunteers, and as your an- 
ticipations, propositions and suggestions embrace a range and character 
upon which I have neither right nor authority to deliberate, I have con- 
sidered it my duty to present a copy of your letter to the Secretaiy of 
War, now at Sacket's Harbor, by express, for his deliberation and deci- 
sion. I hope he may find it convenient and proper to meet your views, 
and have only to add that you shall be advised of his answer without a 
moment's delay, after it reaches my hands. 

With high consideration and respect, 

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, 

Your most obedient servant, 

JAMES WILKINSON, 
To P. B. Porter, Major Chapin and Joseph McClure. 

FROM the buffalo GAZETTE, FEB. 8tH, 1814. 

Fortunate Escape. — It is with pleasure we inform our readers of the 
escape of Mr. Jacob A. Barker, son of Judge Barker,, and Lieut. Isaac 
Warner, son of Deacon Warner, of Phelps, from captivity in Canada. 
Mr. Barker, it will be recollected, was taken at Pierce's tavern, Schlos- 
ser, and Warner was wounded and taken at Black Kock. 

On Tuesday evening last. Barker and Warner were in the hospital, 
two miles up the river from Fort George. According to some previous 
arrangements, they left the hospital, which was guarded, and proceeded 
two miles up the river and formed a raft, with rails, and proceeded, at 
much hazard, to cross the river. The river being some choked with ice, 
they were obliged, in a measure, to take the current of the river, and 
landed only about a mile and a half above Fort Niagara. They then 
went on in safety to the American camp. 

From Mr. Barker, we learn that the force assembled for the invasion 
of Black Rock and Buffalo was about two thousand, including Indians 
and militia; that, from the best information he could gain, the British 
lost, in killed, one hundred and fifty, and out of between eighty and a 
hundred taken across the river, two thirds died of their wounds; that 



ArpENDix. 403 

no public or private property of any amount was taken across tlie river 
by the Britisli army from any part of our frontier, save M'hat was taken 
at Fort Niagara and wliat the savages curried on their backs. The Can- 
adian militia plundered consideraljle. 

The British have removed ihe pickets of Fort George, and are 
strengthening Fort Niagara. All their wood they obtain from the Cana- 
da side since Gen. John Swift captured their choppers. 

Maj. Gen. Riall commands on the Niagara frontier — has his head(piar- 
ters at Queenston Mountain. The One Hundredth regiment is at present 
stationed from Chippewa to Fort Erie. Lieut. Gen. Diiimmond has gone 
to Kingston, and is understood to be preparing a force to go against 
Sacket's Harbor. He only waits the arrival of two regiments of High- 
land Scots, which were on their march from Quebec a fortnight since. 
A great effort will unquestionably be made to destroy our shipping at 
that place. It is said that Gens. Proctor, DeRottenburg and Vincent, 
are ordered home to England. It is rumored that the One Hundredth 
regiment, with all the British Indians, are to be sent against Maiden. 

The British give our militia credit for the spirited manner in which 
they commenced the action, and had stated unreservedly that had they 
held out half an hour longer, the British would have been defeated. 

DANIEL RODMAN TO GEN. WILKINSON. 

Canandaigua, Sept. 14th, 1S13. 

Sir : — A large number of the patriotic citizens of this and the adjoining 
towns, anxious to do their duty in a crisis so interesting to the nation in 
general, and to this part of the country in particular, have associated 
themselves to volunteer their services to the United States for tlie residue 
of the campaign at least. 

In order to effectuate their intentions, however, it will bo necessary 
that their movements should receive your approbation and sanction, and 
that they should be assured that the corps, whether a company, or 
battallion, or (as is possible) a regiment, should be received, organized, 
and countenanced by your ordor and authority. 

The lateness of the season, and the anxiety of the membors. induce us 
to request an early and authoritive reply, that the association may be 
equipped according to law, and be useful to their country this season. 

It may not be hardly decorous for us to say it, but we must observe 
that the subscribers will prove to be excellent and brave soldiers. 
In their behalf, I am. etc., 

DANIEL ROOM AX. 

Maj.-Gen. Wilkinson, Commanding Fort George. 



404 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

From the Buffalo Gazette of Jan. 25th, 1814. 

iXTERERTlXG PARTICULARS OF THE FALL OF FORT NIAGARA. 

Robert Lee, Esq., late of Fort Niagara, has just returned from the 
Province of Upper Canada, where he had been taken as a prisoner on 
the surrender of Fort Niagara. Not having seen anything like a correct 
account of the loss of our fort, cf the slaughter of our brave soldiers, or 
of the enemy's treatment of them and our fellow citizens whom they had 
taken prisoners, we feel it a melancholy satisfaction that we have it now in 
our power to give the particulars of that tragical event, from a gentle- 
man so intelligent and so well acquainted with the situation of Fort 
Niagara, and of the subsequent conduct of the enemy. 

The fort was attacked, or rather entered, by the enemy about four 
o'clock on the morning of the 19th ult. So silently was this done, that 
the garrison was not alarmed when the enemy entered the gates of the 
fort. On their entering, some tiring took place between the guard at the 
southeast block house, and the sick in the red barracks, on the part of the 
Americans and the enemy that had, and were, entering the gate. The 
whole American force in the fjrt at that time was, at least four hundred, 
including men of all descriptions; three hundred and fifty of those were 
able and willing to defend the fort to the last extremity, in the way the 
impotent and convalscent were able to do, viz : firing on the enemy from 
the block house, barracks, &c. The principal, and in fact the only re- 
sistance the enemy met with, was from the sick in the red barracks, and 
the guard at the southeast block house. 

From the order of congratulation isfcued by the enemy the same 
morning, it appeared we had lost sixty-five in killed, and fifteen 
wounded — the wounds, as the order said, were by the bayonet, but this 
order was issued veiy soon after the enemy got possession of the fort, 
and did not include fifteen of our poor fellows that were afterwards 
bayoneted in the cellars of the houses. Our whole number killed was, 
at least eighty. The British force that took possession, was about four 
hundred, commanded by Col. Murray, who was wounded in the arm on 
entering the gate; the command then devolved upon Col. Hamilton. 
The private property in the fort was given up to plunder. He does not 
believe that any individual saved anything, except the clothes he had 
on. Capt. Leonard, the American commander, was at his house, about 
two miles distant from the fort, and, hearing the attack, rode towards 
the fort and was made prisoner, and was kept in close confinement two 
days and a half— how much longer our informant does not know. A 



APPENDIX. 405 

non-commissioaecl officer aud about twenty privates made their escape 
about the time of the attack, Ly scaling the pickets. Our soldiers were 
kept two days in close and miseral^le confiuenaent, without the use of pro- 
visions and with a very scanty supply of wood and water; at the expiration 
of which, both the citizens and soldiers were crossed over the river and 
lodged in a part of what had been the British magazine at Fort George, 
and in oijen plank and board huts, in either situation it was impossible 
to lie down. The magazine was so filthy that many of the prisoners be- 
came infested with vermin. They remained there seven days. The 
citizens were then removed to a brick building near Queenston, where 
they were so much crowded that it was impossible to take any kind of 
comfort either by day or night. The supply of provisions was no only 
scanty, but of the worst kind. Meat of the most inferior and repulsive 
quality, and bread that cannot be described, both at this place and at 
the magazine, &c. What water the prisoners used they had to purchase. 
Our informant believes that through the influence of a gentleman resid- 
ing in Upper Canada, himself, with ten other citizens, were picrmitted to 
cross over to the United States. 

On the 13th inst., the residue of the citizens, to the number of about 
seventy, were marched under a strong guard to Burlington Heights, and 
from thence, it was said and believed, would be sent to Kingston. It 
was a matter of frequent conversation and exultation between the British 
non-commissioned officers and the privates, while our informant was a 
prisoner under guard, that the Americans cried out and begged for quar- 
ter, but that they bayoneted, or in their language skivered them, notwith- 
standing. The women and children that were taken at and near 
Lewiston were stripped of the principal part of their clothing and taken 
across the river. After our informant was allowed to cross, he applied 
for some kind of protection from the British commander from parties of 
their Indians and others scouting on the American side of the river, but 
was ansv/ered he could have none; he, and the rest, must make the best 
of their way to the American line. 

COL. CUAPIX TO TIIK PriU.IC. 

The distressing scenes exhibited on the Niagara frontier last fall and 
winter having excited many i)ainful sensations and anxious inquiries for 
the causes which led to those di.'jgraceful disasters, have induced me to 
lay before the public some of the most conspicuous actors of those base 
exploits. 



406 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 

"While the American regular forces continued at Fort George nothing 
occurred to effect our security till that strange phenomenon, George 
McClure appeared. He, with much pomp and parade, however, kept out 
of harm's way by riding up and down upon the east side of the Straights 
of Niagara, till I had with a small force of volunteers, militia and Indians, 
routed the enemy from his encampment at the Four Mile Creek. Then 
this mighty man crossed the river with all the wind of a Hull or a 
Smyth, aided by the foetid breath of J. C. S., who burst forth with terror 
and rage upon the defenseless inhabitants of Canada. These terrible 
heroes, however, very cautiously avoided any engagement with the ene- 
my. They conceived it sufficient for them to war with women and chil- 
dren; to lay waste their dwellings; to ' ■ burn up the d— d rascals " was 
their favorite maxim. 

Their march from the Beavei- Dam to Queenston, will long be remem- 
bered by the distressed victims of that march. Property of almost every 
description was plundered, and buildings burned under his own eye. 
This, however, was a mere prelude to the tragedy he was destined to enact. 

The ill-fated town of Newark was burnt, under his orders, the night 
of the 10th of December, 1813. Here was exhibited a scene of distress 
which language would be inadequate to describe. Women and children 
were turned out of doors in a cold and stormy night; the cries of infants, 
the decrepitude of age, the debility of sickness, had no impression upon 
this monster in human shai^e ; they were consigned to that house whose 
canopy was the heavens, and whose walls were as boundless as the wide 
world. In the destruction of this town, he was aided by the most active 
exertions of Joseph Willcox, who had for a number of years resided in 
this pleasant village, and had been patronized far beyond his merits; and at 
that time, Avhen it became his duty as a man of justice and as a subject 
of His Majesty, whose government he had sworn to protect and defend? 
he, like a cowardly sycophant, deserted the cause of his country and 
actually led a banditti through the town, setting fire to his neighbor's 
dwellings and cursing every American — applying the epithet of tory to 
every one who disapproved of this flagrant act of barbarity. It will be 
remembered that this town was burned when the British forces were 
not in any considerable force within the distance of thirty miles. 

The General next selected the American side of the river for the 
theatre of his operations. He took up his quarters at Buffalo. 
A small force of about two hundred regulars was called from Canan- 
daigua, which we should have supposed ought to have been sent to the 
protection of Fort Niagara, as that place was menaced by the enemy. 



APPENDIX. 407 

Instead of this, the General ordered them to remain at Buffalo. Fort 
Niagara was taken on the morning of the 10th of December, 1S13. The 
day previous, the General was informed by a citizen — who had made his 
escape from Canada— that an attack would he made on Fort Niagara at 
the time it was made. Here, then, is something veiy remarkable in the 
conduct of Gen. McClure; instead of dispatching an express with this 
very important intelligence, he omitted it, if not altogether, until it 
was too late for the express to reach there. 

As soon as the capture of that post was known at Buflalo, the General 
removed himself and men from Buffalo to the Cold Springs, a distance of 
two miles. This movement appeared to be made, that the redoubtable 
General should have time to retreat, without hearing the whistle of 
British balls — which, by the bye, we suppose would have been very un- 
pleasant to the General's organs of hearing, as he was totally unused to 
such sounds. Here he remained for a few days, but, finding from intel- 
ligence which he received from Canada, that the enemy were preparing 
to attack Buffalo, he took up his line of march to Batavia, a distance of 
forty miles, no doubt conceiving that, a place of greater safety, as there he 
could not hear the report of the enemy's guns. Froiu Batavia, I was 
told, he made good his retreat to his own home in Steuben county, hav- 
ing covered himself and his associates with laurels of disgi-ace. As to 
his assertions, that he was fired upon by men who, he said, were under 
my command, I believe to be utterly false. The inhabitants of Buflalo 
all felt deeply interested in the protection of that place, apprehending 
full well the consequences of an invasion of it by an enemy whose char- 
acter had been marked with acts of outrage and cruelty, and who was 
now stimulated to the most desperate measures of retaliation by the 
conduct of aicClure in the burning of Newark. They repeatedly re- 
quested him to afford them the necessary protection. The public are al- 
ready acrpiainted with the protection he afforded. The ruins of the 
Niagara frontier, the tears of the Midows and the cries of orphan chil- 
dren, still testify to his cowardice and villainy. As it rcgard.s myself, 
and the command I held in the army, while it was under Gen. McClure, 
I think proper to state the principal reason that induced me to resign. 
After having been repeatedly exposed lo much danger by his order, es- 
pecially when he ordered me to the Forty Mile Creek, in Upper Canada, 
and while I remained there, under his orders, with about forty men, he 
said, in presence of ;Mr. Curtiss. whose aflidavit I procured, "that he 
regretted I had not been taken by the enemy; that he wished I hn<l l)ecn; 
and that he hoped the damned rascal would be." Now, the public will 



^08 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

observe that I was acting imder the orders of Gen. McClure, and had 
taken a commanding position at that place. He ordered Col. Hopkins 
to command the men in rear of me, who were twelve miles from that 
place. I was ordered to remain at the Forty Mile Creek till I was rein- 
forced, but contrary to the assurances which McClure gave me. Colonel 
Hopkins was ordered to remain twelve miles in rear of me. Should any 
person concerned, reply to these observations, further facts will be devel- 
oped; meanwhile, the public are requested to peaise the subjoined docu- 
ments. Others are in my possession, and will be jmblished next week, 

CYUENIUS CHAPIN. 
JuxE 13th. 

Niagara County, ss. — Benjamin Caryl, of Buffalo, being duly sworn, 
deposes and says : that he, in company with Capt. Frank Hampton, of 
the 24th regiment of United States Infantry, on or about the third day 
of January last, at Batavia, then and there heard the said Hampton de- 
clare that he most cordially rejoiced at the burning of the village of 
Buffalo — that he regretted the loss of two or three of its inhabitants only ; 
and in the same conversation he heard him say he wished he had the 

power of the Almighty, he would exercise the same in d g the greater 

part of the inhabitants of Buffalo to all eternity. Further this depo- 
nent saith not. 

BENJAMIN CARYL. 
Sworn to, this 141h day of March, 1814, before me, Samuel Tuppek, 
First Judge of Common Pleas for Niagara county. 

STATE OF NEW YORK, ? 
Niagara County. y ' 

Asa Ransom, of the town of Clarence, in said county, being solemnly 
sworn, deposeth and saith: that on the 23d or 24th of December last 
past, he (this deponent) was at the house of Frederick Miller, near the 
late village of Buffalo. Brig. Gen. McClure and his aids, and several 
gentlemen from Buffalo and elsewhere were there. In a conversation 
with Erastus Granger, Esq., this deponent heard Gen. McClure publicly 
declare that he would take away the regulars, and was going away him- 
self. Judge Granger asked him if he meant to take away the ammuni- 
tion. Gen. McClure answered that he did. Judge Granger observed, 
"for God's sake, don't do that, for we shall all be destroyed. Buffalo 
will be burned, and we shall have nothing to defend ourselves with." 
Gen. McClure said: " I will stay and defend you, if the inhabitants wiU 
arrest and bind that d— d rascal (Chapin) and bring him to me; if they 



APPENDIX. 409 

will not do tbat, tbey may all be destroyed, and I don't care bow soon.'" 
And tbis deponent furtber saitb, tbat be bad understood tbat McClure 
and Chapin bad quarrelled Tiolently about tbe burning of Newark, and 
tbat be believed tbat animosiiy continued to exist up to tbe lime of 
McClure's departure from BuL"alo, wbicb was on or about tbe day above- 
mentioned. And furtber ibis deponent saitb not. 

A^^A PANSOM. 
Sworn, &c. 

Niagara County, !~s. — Dudley Friuk and Jacob L. Fort, being duly 
sworn, say tbat ou or about tbe 2od day of December last, tbey were in 
company witb Capt. Jobn A. Rogers, of tbe Twenty-foui tb regiment of 
United States Infantry, tben acting aid to Gen. McClure, at Key's tav- 
ern, in Batavia; tbese deponents beard tbe said Rogers solemnly declare 
in tbe ijrescuce of a number of otber gentlemen, tbat be wisbed to God 
Buifalo was burned, and that be would give one bundred dollars to any 
person wbo would bring bim information tbat Buffalo was actually 
burned. And furtber tbese deponents say not. 

DUDLEY FRIXK. 
JACOB L. FORT. 

Sworn to, tfcc. 

STATE OF NEW YORK, J 
County of Niagara, y'^' 

Nehemiah Seeley, late a resident of tbe village of Buttalo, being duly 
sworn, says tbat on tbe 22d or 23d day of December last, tbis deponent 
bad a conversation at tbe bouse of Frederick Miller, witb Donald Frazcr, 
a Lieutenant in tbe regular seiwice, wbo was tben acting as an aid to 
Gen. McClure, in wbicb conversation tbe said Frazer said that if Buffalo 
should be burned, be bad no doubt tbe inhabitants would be remunerated 
by government; that he believed tbat it would bean advantage to tbe 
country to have it burned; it would make hundreds of soldiers; it would 
stimulate men to enlist— to prosecute tbe war with more vigor; he said, 
if be had a house in Buffalo, he should be glad to see a fire brand in it 
in two minutes. And furtber saitb not. 

NEIIEMIAII SEELEY. 

Sworn to, etc. 

Niagara County, ps.— Reuben B. Heacock, late of Buffalo, in Iho 
county of Niagara, on oath, saith that on the 3d or fourth day of Janu- 



410 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

ary last past, he saw Capt. Hampton, of the Twenty-fourth regiment 
United States Infantry, four miles east of Batavia, in the county of Gen- 
esee, and heard the said Hampton say that he rejoiced that Buffalo was 
burned; that he did not regard the loss of any, except one, and all he 
regretted was that some of the inhabitants of Buffalo were not burnt in 
the village. And further deponent saith not. 

R. B. HEACOCK. 
Sworn to, &c. 

Niagara Couxty, ss. — Edmund Raymond, being sworn, saith that 
on or about the 23d day of December, at Porter's tavern, in Clarence, he 
fell in with Gen. McClure and Capt. John A. Rogers, the Geueral's 
aid, on their march with the regular troops from Buffalo to Batavia, at 
which time and place he heard Capt. Rogers say (in the hearing of Gen. 
McClure) that he hoped Buffalo would be burned, and if he could save 
it by lifting up his hand, he would not do it, at which remark the Gen- 
eral made no reply. 

E. RAYMOND. 

Sworn to, &c. 

Niagara County, ss. — Frederick Miller, iu the county of Niagara, 
being sworn, deposes and says that on the 21st or 22d day of December 
last. Gen. George McClure was at the house of this deponent, and while 
he was at his house, this deponent heard him say that he hoped to God 
the village of Buffalo would be burned by the British ; that he would do 
nothing to save it, and that he would march the regiilar troops to Batavia. 
And this deponent further saith that Gen. McClure marched the regular 
troops from Buffalo to the house of this deponent, on the 19th day of 
December last, and marched said troops from this deponent's house to 
Batavia on the 22d day of December. And this deponent further says 
that at the time Gen. McClure ordered the said troops to Batavia, it was 
not ascertained whether the enemy were proceeding up this side of the 
Niagara river towards Black Rock and Buffalo, or remained at Schlosser, 
as this deponent understood and verily believes. 

FREDERICK MILLER. 

Sworn this 12th day of March, 1811. 

Samuel Tupper, *" 
First Judge of Common Pleas for Niagara County. 

State op New York, ss.— Mosely "\V. Abell, late a resident of the late 



APPENDIX. 411 

village of Buffalo, being solemnly sworn, deposeth and saith tliut a few 
days previous to the burning of Buffalo by the enemy, he saw Gen. Mc- 
Clure, with his aids, at Porter's tavern, in Clarence; they were then on 
their march from Buffalo towards Batavia Avith regular troops; that he 
heard Capt. Rogers, one of the aids of Gen. McClure, publicly declare 
that he believed the village of Buffalo would be destroyed, and he hoped 
it would be, for the inhabitants were all a pack of d — d rascals; that he 
hoped that would wake them up. Gen. McClnre was at the same time 
standing by the side of Rogers, and observed that he did not know of 
but one d— d rascal, and that was Chapin. And this deponent further 
saith that there was a number of the militia present, who were on their 
march to the frontier, and heard the above mentioned declaration. And 
further, this deponent told Rogers he ought to be arrested for his conduct. 
And further saith not. 

M. "\V. ABELL. 
Sworn, &c. 

STATE OF NEW YORK, > ^ 
Niagara CofXTY, y^' 

William T. Miller, of the town of Buffalo, of the age of twenty-tv.o 
years, being solemnly sworn, deposeth and saith that Lieut. Riddle, of 
the United States service, came into the house of Frederick stiller, 
(father of deponent) soon after the discharge of the alarm guns at Black 
Rock, on the night of the 29th of December last past; that the said Rid- 
dle called for a brandy sling and drank part of it. lie then went to 
sleep in his chair, before the fire, in a room adjoining the bar-room. 
After the said Riddle had slept some time, on this deponent's going into 
the room he woke up, and began to pull bank notes out of his coat 
sleeve; this deponent believes he pulled out to the amount of eighty or 
a hundred dollars, and ol)seiTcd that he had won so much that night at 
playing cards. This deponent believes that he again drank of his 
sling, lay down on the floor and went to sleep. lie continued to sleep 
until nearly or quite daylight, when he awoke, drank the remainder of 
liis brandy sling, mounted his horse, and started for the Eleven Mile 
Creek after his men. And this deponent further saith that the said Rid- 
dle did not return from the Eleven Mile Creek, with the regulai-s. on the 
morning of the 30th of December, till after the British had entered Buffa- 
lo village. This deponent further saith that the said Frederick Miller 
did then (and still continues to) keep a tavern, two and a half miles 
from the village of Bu.'Talo. And farther saith not. 

WILLIAM T. MILLER. 



412 HISrOKY OF BUFFALO. 

BATTLE OF BEAVER DAM. 

July 29th, 1813. 

On â– \Vediiesclay night last, Major C. Chapin arrived in this village, to- 
gether with his company, escaped from the enemy on Monday preceding. 
The Major has given us the following narrative of the action at the Bea- 
ver Dam, &c., which we now lay before the public: — 

On the 22d of June last, a party of the regular troops, consisting of 
five hundred infantry and twenty light dragoons, under the command of 
C. G. Boerstler, together with forty-four mounted riflemen, composed of 
militia from the country, under Major C. Chapin, were detached from 
the American encampment at Fort George, for the purpose of cutting off 
the supplies of the enemy and breaking up the small encampments they 
were forming through the country. On the 2tl:th, about nine miles west 
of Queenston, they were attacked by a body of about five hundred Indi- 
ans and nearly a hundred regulars, who lay concealed in the woods near 
the road they were passing. The attack was made upon the dragoons, 
who were placed in the rear. The infantry were soon brought into a 
position to return the enemy's fire to advantage, and succeeded in driving 
them some distance into the woods. In a short time, the Indians, having 
taken a circuitous route, appeared in front and opened a fire upon the 
mounted rifliemen, who were stationed there. Here they met with so 
warm a reception that they were compelled a second time to retreat in 
much haste. After this, every exertion was made to drive the Indians 
from the woods to the open ground, but without much effect. The few 
who were bold enough to venture, were handled so roughly that they 
soon returned to their lurking places. In the meantime, the enemy were 
receiving considerable reinforcements, which at length gave them a great 
superiority. A retreat for a short distance was ordered, and effected 
with very little loss. 

The Indians soon made their appearance on our right and left, and the 
regulars and some militia in front. Our troops were formed into close 
columns, for the purpose of opening for themselves a way through the 
enemy with their bayonets. At this juncture a British officer rode up 
and demanded the surrender of the American party. The demand, he 
said, vras made to prevent the further effusion of blood. Ho asserted, 
upon his honor, and declared in the most solemn manner, that the British 
regular force was double that of the American, and that the Indians 
were seven hundred in number. Lieut. Col. Boerstler, under a belief of 
these facts, and thinking it impracticable to get off the wounded, whom 



APPENDIX. 413 

lie was unwilling to aliamlun to llic mercy nf tin- savages, and deeming 
it extremely uncertain wlietlier a retreat could Ije etFected, thought 
proper to agree to terms of capitulation, wliieli were at length signed Vjy 
himself, on the one part, and Lieut. Col. CislKip on the other. By these it 
was stipulated that the wounded should lie taken good care of; the officei-s 
pei-mitted to retain their side arms; private jjroperty to lie respected; 
nnd the militia paroled and permitted to return home immediately. 

The articles of capitulation were no sooner signed than they were vio- 
lated. The Indians immediately commenced their depredations, and 
plundered the ofBcers of their side arnis. The soldiers, too. were 
stripped of every article of clothing to which the savages took a fancy, 
such as hats, coats, shoes, &c. It is impossi)>lc to give any correct ac- 
count of the killed and wounded, as the enemy did not furnish a list. 
The loss of the enemy is supposed to be much greater than our.-. Be- 
tween thirty and forty Indians were counted that lay dead on the Held. 
From their known practice of carrying off their killed and woinuU'd. it 
is believed they must have suffered severely. 

The regnlar troops were, in a few days, sent to Kingston, from whence 
it is probable they have proceeded to Quebec. J\Iajor Chapin and his 
corps were detained, under guard, at the head of Lake Ontario, and no 
attention paid to the article of capitulation, which provided for their 
being paroled. 

On the 12 !h instant, they were ordered down the lake to Kingston, for 
which place they were embarked in two boats, accompanied by a gtuird 
of fifteen men, under the command of a Lieutenant. Tiiirtecn of the 
men, with the Lieutenant, were stationed in the fonvard bont with 
Major Chapin and the other officers, while the remaining Iwo (a sar- 
geant and one man) took the direction of llie other boat, which con- 
tained the soldiers. 

An agreement had been entered into previous to their dci:arlure. of 
seizing the first opportunity that offered, to regain their liberty, which 
they determined to effect, or die in the attempt. When they were within 
about twelve miles of York, the boat which was filled with the jirisonei-s 
was moved by them alongside the other, under pretense of taking .sonic- 
thing to drink. The signal being given, they sprang upon the guard, 
who little expected such a mana-uvre. and, in a short time, disanned 
them and gained possession of the boats. 

They immediately altered their course from Kingstf.n to Fort Niagara: 
and after rowing hard for most of the night, and escajung with difliculty 



414: HISTOKT OF BUFFALO. 

from one of the enemy's schooners, which gave them chase, arrived in 
safety, with their prisoners, at the American garrison. 

When the Major and his company arrived in this village, they were 
welcomed with suitable demonstrations of public feeling. 

The following appeared in the Buffalo Gazette, April 5th, 1814, estab- 
lished at Harris' Tavern, near Williamsville : 

Buffalo village, which once adorned the shores of Erie, and was pros- 
trated by the enemy, is now rising again. Several buildings are already 
raised and made habitable. Contracts for twenty or thirty more are 
made, and many of them are in considerable forwardness. A brick com- 
pany has been organized by an association of the most enterprising and 
public spirited citizens, with a sufficient capital, for the purpose of ren- 
dering the price of brick so reasonable, that the principal streets may 
be built up of that article. All that is required to establish Buffalo in 
its former prosperity, is ample remuneration from government, and peace; 
peace, if not obtained by negotiation, must be obtained by a vigorous 
and successful prosecution of the war. 

Buffalo had its charms; the situation, the prospects, and the general 
health of the inhabitants; to which we may add the activity and enter- 
prise of the trade, the public spirit of the citizens, and the state 
of society, all conspire, to render it a chosen spot for the man of busi- 
ness, or pleasure. 

ADDRESS TO THE CANADIANS. 

The commandant at Fort Erie, finding the people in its vicinity anx- 
ious to obtain special protection, deems it necessary to make a public 
declaration, that all those who may come forward and enroll their names 
with him, and claim thei protection of the United States, shall have their 
persons and property secured to them inviolate. 

He invites all who mean to pursue this course, to take it immediately, 
that they may be distinguished from the enemy. And while he assures 
them that their interests and happiness will be regarded by the United 
States, he solemnly warns those who obstinately continue inimical, that 
they are bringing on themselves th§ most rigorous and disastrous conse- 
quences, as they will be pursued and treated with that spirit of ret alia- 



APPENDIX. 415 

tion, which the treatment of prisoners in the hanils of the BritiBli so 
justly inspires. 

JAMES P. PRESTON, 
Lieut. Col. 12th Regiment Infantry. 

Commanding at Fort Erie. 

[From the Buflalo Gazette. Juno 17tli, 1814.] 

Maj. Gen. Jacob Brown, and suite, arrived in Buffalo on Sunday last. 

July 5th, 1814. 

Maj. Gen. Brown has the satisfaction to announce to the troops of his 
division on this frontier, that he is authorized by the orders of his gov- 
ernment to put them in motion against the enemy. The first and second 
brigades, with the corps of artillery, will cross the streight Ijcfore them 
this night, or as early to-morrow as possible. The necessary instructions 
have been given to the Brigadiers, and by them to the commanding offi- 
cers of regiments and corps. Upon entering Canada, the laws of war 
will govern; men found in arms, or otherwise engaged in the service of 
the enemy, will be treated as enemies; those behaving peaceably and 
following their private occupations, will be treated as friends. Private 
property will be in all cases held sacred. Public property, wherever 
found, will be seized and disposed of by the commanding General. 

Our utmost protection will be given to all who actually join, or who 
evince a desire to join us. Plundering is prohibited. The ilajor Gen- 
eral does not apprehend any difBculty on this account with the regular 
army, or the honorable volunteers who press to the standard of their 
countiy to avenge her wrongs, or to obtain a name in arms. Profligate 
men who follow the army for plunder, must not expect that they will 
escape the vengeance of the gallant spirits who are struggling to exalt 
the national character. Any plunderers shall be punished with death, 
who may be found violating this order. 

By order of the Major General. 

C. K. GARDNER, 

Adjutant General. 

FORT KRIE CAPTlREn. 

In pursuance of the above order, the army passed the Niagara River 
on Sunday morning last. The brigade of Gen. Scott, and the artilleiy 



-.416 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

corps of Major Hindman, landed nearly a mile below Fort Erie, between 
two and three o'clock, while Gen. Eipley, with his brigade, made the 
shore, about the same distance above. 

The enemy was perfectly unapprised of these movements. Gen. Scott 
led the van, and was on shore before the enemy's pickets, stationed at 
this point, fired a gun. The guard discharged their guns and retreated. 

In the morning a small Itulian force was crossed over. The fort was 
approached en the right and left, and the Indians skirted the woods in 
the rear. Gen. Brown now demanded a surrender of the garrison, and 
gave the commander two hours for consideration. In the meantime, a 
battery of long eighteens was planted in a position to command the fort. 
The enemy sirrrendered as prisoners of war — marched out of the fort at six 
o'clock, stacked their arms — and were immediately sent over the river to 
the American shore. There were upwards of one hundred and seventy pris- 
oners, of the Eighth and One Hundredth reg'ments, among which were 
seven officers. Major Burke commanded the fort. The schooners 
^Tigress and Porcupine assisted in crossing the troops, and lay all day 
within cannon shot of the fort. Capt. Camp, of the Quartermaster Gen- 
eral's Department, volunteered on the expedition, and crossed in the 
boat with Gen. Scott. During the morning, the enemy fired two or three 
cannon from the fort, which killed one man and wounded Iavo or three 
others. We learn the enemy had one killed. There were several pieces 
of ordnance in the garrison and some military stores. 

Thus had the Niagara been crossed and a fort captured, without the 
-loss of scarcely a man. We understand the army commenced its march 
down the river yesterday morning. 

BATTLE NKAR CHIPPEWA. 

[From the Buffalo Gazette, July 12th, 1814.] 
On the 4th instant. Brig. Gen. Scott, with the First brigade, took up 
his line of march from camp near Fort Erie, and proceeded to Black 
Creek, about three miles above Chippewa, where the enemy appeared in 
force. 

Gen. Scott went immediately against the enemy, who retreated to 
Chippewa and burnt several buildings — as well, perhaps, to secure his 
.retreat, as to clear the way for his cannon to play upon our columns. 
The enemy crossed Chippewa Creek and entered his fortifications, and 
our forces fell back to Black Creek. During the afternoon. Gen. Brown 
-.marched down with the remaining regular force; and in the evening, 



APrENDIX. 417 

Gen. Porter, with a few of liis own and the IV'nnsylviinia voluntoers, 
together with a band of Indian warriors, passed down. 

The enemy, from the first moment of alarm on Sunday, liad hoen con- 
centrating his forces at Chipjiewa Creek— that position from that creek, 
which is wide, deep and unfordal)le for many miles, being the un)st de- 
fensible between Forts George and Erie. Burlington, Forts George and 
Niagara are said to have been almost entirely deserted, to enlarge the 
enemy's forces at that point. 

Maj. Gen. Riall commanded the British forces. About noon on the 
6th, his reinforcements had come in, among -which was a heavy body 
of Indians. The British commander came out of his entrenchments with 
a confident expectation of victoiy, and between two and three o'clock 
made his disposition of attack, resting his left on the Niagara River, his 
centre in the open fields, supported by several pieces of artillery, and 
extending his right, composed principally of Indians, some distance in 
the woods. These movements were anticijjated. The American forces 
were at Black Creek. Gen. Porter, with the vohmteei"s and Indians, foraied 
in the woods on the left, and soon came in contact with the enemy's right. 
In a short time after the action commenced on the left. Gen. Scott, 
with the first brigade, composed of the Ninth, Eleventh. and Twenty- 
second Infantry, and Major Hindman's train of field and battering artil- 
lery, moved upon the enemy's centre and left. A part of the troops had 
to cross the bridge at Black Creek, under the fire of the enemy's artillery. 
The action in the centre was commenced and continued with great im- 
petuosity, and with little or no iniermission for two hours. The enemy's 
Ivoyal Scots, One Hundredth, Eighth, and several other regiments who 
had conquered in Europe, had now to turn their backs upon an inferior 
force in point of numbers, and fought on their retreat to their entrench. 
ments across the Chippewa, after which they pulled up the l)ridge. The 
enemy was hard pressed in his retreat, until he was under cover of his 
batteries, and sufl'ered severely. 

In this battle the enemy are rejiresented to have had the advantage of 
the ground in the onset. As a field action, this battle, witliout doubt, 
wa.s better fought than any in the annuls of this war. The brigade of 
(ien. Ripley was not brought inti) action. The ariillny niaintaincil its 
former high reputation. 

The steady and luMseveriug bravery of Gen. Scott, and the undaunted 
firmness of his officers and men. produced unbounded enthusiasm. 

The skill, the bravery and activity of Maj. Gen. Brown, and the whol« 
«talf, were every where conspicuous. Gen. Porter, ami the officere and 



4:18 HISTORY OF BUFFALO, 

men, generally, of the volunteer and Indian corps, contended nobly 
against the enemy's savages, routed and cut them on their retreat, and 
acquitted themselves with honor. In fine, there was scarcely an officer 
or soldier in the engagement who does not deserve well of hi5 country. 

The enemy's loss in killed, wounded and prisoners, is reported to be 
at least five hundred. Between one and two hundred were found dead 
on the field; among them a Major and several other officers; one hun- 
dred and twenty-five prisoners — mostly wounded. Many of their killed 
were taken off the field before the retreat. Nearly five hundred muskets 
were found on the field. 

Our loss, in killed, is about fifty, including several Indians; one hun- 
dred and thirty or forty wounded, and a few taken prisoners, among 
whom are Lieut. Col. Bull, (reported to have been killed,) Major Gallo- 
way and Captain "White, of the Pennsylvania volunteers, Lieut. Col. 
Campbell, Lieut. Barron, Eleventh, Capt. Harrison, Ninth, Capt. King, 
Twenty-second, Capt. Reed, with his two Lieutenants, Twenty-fifth, all 
severely wounded. 

On Friday, Gen. Brown caused a bridge to be thrown across the Chip- 
pewa Creek, about two miles from the mouth. The enemy, while the 
bridge was preparing, took up several pieces of artillery and fired upon 
the bridge party. A battery — which had been previously planted— was 
opened upon them, and, after a few shots, they retreated. The enemy 
evacuated his fortifications, and, it is said, has entered Forts George and 
Niagara. 

On Sunday morning. Gen. Brown, having crossed the Chippewa, pur- 
sued the enemy, and halted at Queenston. AVe learn that on Sunday 
morning, the army moved from Queenston and marched for the vicinity 
of Fort George. 

Since the action of Chippewa, the army has been reinforced by several 
detachments of regulars, a corps of bombardiers, (attached to the en- 
gineers, ) and a body of Gen. Porter's volunteers — about six hundred 
strong— of infantry and mounted men. The American and British 
wounded have been removed from Chippewa to Buifalo. 

May 3d, 1814. 

The troops at Buifalo, under Brig. Gen. Scott, are generally in good 
health, in excellent discipline, and behave remarkably well to the in- 
habitants. The greatest activity and enterprise continues in building 

up and improving that place. 
^ May lOtli. ISU. 

The postoffice for the village of Butt'alo will be opened for the present 



ArrENDix. 419 

at Judge Granger's house. In a sliort lime it will be reniovol to the 
village. 

Mav 2III1. 1S14. 
The village of Buffalo continues to advance in building willi great 
spirit. We have taken some pains to ascertain the number of buildings 
which have been recently erected, which follow: twenty-three houses, 
occupied principally with families; three taverns, four diy-goods stores, 
twelve grocer and other shops, three oflSces, thirty or forty huts or 
shanties. 

RED jacket's SPEECU TO TUE SECRETARY OF WAR, IN 1812. 

Brother: — As you are appointed the gi-eat w.ar chief of your nation, 
wo are told that it is to you that all communications from the different 
tribes of Indian.? residing in the United States must be made; therefore 
we, the delegates of the Six Nations of Indians, have come fonvard to 
the great council fire of the United States to make known our wishes, 
and we hope you will listen with attention to our voice, and hear what 
\ve have to say. 

Brother— There has been, from time to time, treatii's made l)otween 
the United States and the Six Nations; but the principal treaty whicli 
now governs us, and which binds us together, was made at Canandaigua 
about fifteen years since. To this treaty we now call your attention. 
At the time it was formed, all the disputes between us were settled. It 
also pointed out the way in which difiBculties or disputes which might 
afterwards arise, should be adjusted. After this treaty was formed, 
your government appointed an agent to keep bright this chain of friend- 
ship. We were also told by your Commissioner, Col. Pickering, that if 
the chain became rasty, and your agent could not make it bright, wo 
should have liberty to send some of our chiefs to the seat of your gov- 
ernment, and there make known our complaints to our great father, the 
President of the United States. 

Brother— We were told by your commissioner that, in time, diiliculties 
might arise to disturb the peace and friendship then to be established. 
He said " We have some bad men among us, and so have the Indians, 
who will, perhaps, commit unfriendly acts on both sides, such as stealing 
property from each other."' In order, therefore, to i)re.«ervc our peace. 
it was agreed in the treaty that no private revenge or retaliation should 
take place, but if either party was injured, complaint should be made to 
the offending party of the injury done; and that compensation should be 
made to the satisfaction of the sufferers, and their minds made ea.<;y. 



420 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

For some years this great chain -was kept bright. Compensation was 
made for damages done, to the satisfaction of the injured party. On 
our part, we have to this day complied with the treaty, and we still 
wish to hold fast to it. 

But, Brother — Let me remind you that your part has become nisty. 
For three years past we have received injuries from the white people. 
Our cattle and horses have been stolen and carried off; and although we 
have made complaint to your agent, yet we have received no compensa- 
tion for our losses. 

Brother: — We have thus far made known to you our minds; and in be- 
half of the Six Nations, whom we represent, we now call upon your 
government to fulfill this part of the treaty and make good the damages 
to our people. 

Brother: — Why should you hesitate to comply with a treaty which 
you yourselves have made? With you it is but a small thing; to us it is 
of consequence. And will you suffer us to return with heavy hearts ? 
Shall it be said that the government of the United States are the first to 
violate their treaties? We acknowledge that every part of the treaty 
has been faithfully fulfilled on your part, except that part of which we 
now complain, and as we believe there has been some mistake about it, 
we have no doubt that when you come to understand the thing, you will 
not be slow in doing us justice. 

Brother: — We have often made complaints to the agents whom you 
have appointed. They have told us they had not the means to 
make satisfaction. We want to know whether the fault is in them. If 
it is not, we wish you now to instruct them that whenever we make sat- 
isfactory proof of losses sustained by the bad conduct of the white peo- 
ple, they should immediately satisfy our minds by a reasonable com- 
pensation — thereby forever maintaining that peace and friendship so 
necessary to both nations. 

Brother: — We still ask your attention to what we further say. We 
often meet with our agents to do business, but have no proper place to 
hold councils. Sometimes they are held in a blacksmith's shop; at other 
times in a kitchen or a bar-room. You must be sensible how inconven- 
ient it is to do business in such places. As we are poor, we hope you 
will consider our case, and feel willing to build us a suitable house for 
doing business. 

Brother: — At the time we were making bright the chain at Canandai- 
gua, the Commissioner on your part told us that the time might come 
when your enemies would endeavor to disturb and do away the friend- 



APPENDIX. 



421 



ship Avo had then I'ormeJ witli you. That lime Hrollicr. has alnnnly 
come. Since you have had some disputes with the liritish governinont, 
their agents in Canada have not only endeavored to make tlie Indians 
at the westward your enemies, but they have sent a war lielt anion;,' our 
warriors, to poison our minds and malce us hreak uur faith with yoii. 
This belt we exhibited to your agents in council, and then sent it to the 
place from whence it came — never more to be seen amongst us. At the 
same time, we had information that the British were circulating like 
belts among the western Indians, and within your territory. We rested 
not, but called a general council of the Six Nations, and resolved to let 
our voice be heard among our western brethren, and destroy the effects 
of the poison scattered among them. We have twice sent large deputa- 
tions to their council fire, for the purpose of making their minds strong 
in their friendship with your nation;' and, in the event of war between 
the white people, to sit still on their seats and take no part on either 
side. So far as our voice has been heard, they have agreed to hearken 
to our counsel and remain at peace with your nation. 

Brother:— If war should take place, we hope you will inform us of it 
through your agents, and we will use our influence with all the Indians 
with whom we are acquainted, that they shall conduct according to 
your wishes. 

MR. (iranger's memorandtm ot a council at BUFKAI-O. 

At a council held at Buffalo May 25th, 1812. with the chiefs of the Six 
Nations— after a congratulatory speech l)y the agent— Ked Jacket, in l)e- 
half of the chiefs, spoke as follows : 

Brother:— We thank you for your speech. AVe thank you lor advis- 
ing our young warriors to listen to the counsels of the old chiefs, and not 
to listen to inexperienced young men. 

Brother:— I wish the interpreter to be very particular and listen to 
what I say, that no mistakes may be made. The appearances now aro 
the same they were at the beginning of the last war. Wo were told that 
the Great King would punish liis disobedient children. We were invited 
to assist him, and wefc promised many good things if we woul<l do so. 
Each one of our warriors was promised a new suit of clothes and a largo 
sum in gold, and abundancc^of rum, as long a.s the grass should grow 
and water run. A great council was held. An ox was roasted. Sir 
Guy Johnson took the head and threw it into the fire, saying—" Tliis is 



422 niSTOKY OF buffalo. 

the way we sliall ininish the reljcls.'" A belt was then produced, repre- 
senting the British and the Indians— a heart in the middle. The Mo- 
hawks first took it up, and abused the rest ; at last they all took, and 
danced the war dance. The Senecas were invited to go with the British, 
for "amusement," to see them punish their rebellious children, and were 
at length drawn into the war. 

We have related what took place in the last war. You spoke then 
as you speak now. The British now speak as they spoke before. We 
are now determined to listen to your words. We have appointed a dep- 
utation to go to Canada, to speak to our brothers on that side of the 
river. This deputation is before you. This is not private; we wish the 
British to know it — the sooner the better for us. The British have tried 
to persuade us to cross. They showed us a map of the country; offered 
us great seats if we would come over and take an active part. We have 
refused. We like our seats among you, and are determined to remain 
with you. The men we have selected to visit our brethren at Grand 
Eiver, to persuade them to agree with us, are wise men. Their voice 
will be strong. It will be heard not only by our brothers there, but by 
others to the westward ; they will listen to us. It is true, we have re- 
ceived a message from the Mohawks that they have agreed to take up the 
hatchet, but we hope they will listen to us. Our deputies have received 
instructions. They have family connections on that side. Some of 
them may come here to live, if they are not prevented from getting over. 

If war takes place, we hope you will be candid with us; let us know 
all your mind; what regulations you adopt. Let it be Avritten down, 
that our delegates may take it to Grand River. 

Brother — We want the money received from Phelps placed whore it 
will bring us interest; take land as security, and be sure to take enough. 

MIXUTBS OF A COUNCIL HELD AT BUFFALO, 

September 8th, 1812. 

Council oijcned, and the war-chief Little Billy spoke — first a compli- 
ment to the agent; thanks to the Great Spirit for health, and for bring- 
ing them together; is glad that the chiefs from a distance aro present, 
prepared to attend a protracted council, <fcc. 

Brotuek (addressing him.self to the agent): — You recollect, after we 
were collected as a body, you made a communication to us, upon which 
we then deliberated. You sent us a letter from the President. This 
gave us a new subject for our delilK'ralion, and now we come forward to 
reply to that communication. 



APPENDIX. 423 

Brother:— At the council at the village, you told us you should have 
further to say. We considered this council important. We. the Sene- 
cas, took up the business separately. * * * * \Y(, ^y,y ,„j\v jn-opared 
to give an answer. 

Brother:— You must be sensible we have been for a number of yeai-s 
in the path of peace. Our exertions have been great to keep in this 
path. We tried to keep peace. We thought the western Indians would 
listen to our voice, but they would not. Perhaps you arc to ])lame. 
Your commander gave up Detroit before the western Indians had time 
to decide. 

Brother: — I have spoken of the pains we have taken to preserve 
peace. Your agents have done the same, but in vain. AVe went to 
Grand River (in Canada) lately, to keep peace, but in vain. The path 
of peace is broken in eveiy part. We find no place to flee to, where 
there is peace, now. Upon this subject we have been deliberating. 

Brother: — I have said we have come with all the others to seek the 
path of peace. We find there is no path left for us but between us and 
the United States. It is cut off in eveiy other direction. Agreeably to 
your communication, we, the Senecas, shall now prepare to defend our- 
selves against the common enemy. It is true, we have friends on the 
other side, but we are exposed to the blow as well as you, and must pre- 
pare to meet it. We know of no other way to preserve peace but to rise 
from our seats and defend our own fire-sides, our wives and our children. 
We hope you will not ask us to cross over. Those that go over must go 
at their own risk. If our men go, they must go voluntarily. We wish 
to act only on the defensive. Part of the Onondagas and Capigas who 
live amongst us, agree with us. We volunteer; we must act under our 
own chiefs, according to our own customs; be at liberty to take our own 
course in fighting; we cannot conform to yoiu' di.scipline in camp. So 
far as we can, we will conform to your customs. When you see a boat 
with a white flag, you do not fire; we shall do the same; but when a 
boat comes over without, we shall then l)egin the attack. 

Brother: — We have no secrets; let the enemy know what we have 
done. Our council on the othor side began privately; we are willing 
our position should be known. The deputation we sent over after war 
was declared, were not permitted to go up the coimtry. Wo did not 
have an interview with our Canada friends. We were told that friend- 
ship was at an end. We hope, if jou take Canada, wo should enjoy our 
land on that side. 

Brother:— If the British shuuld come over and make a stand, we that 



424 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

are on the lines want you to point out a place where ouv women and 
children can retreat to, as you own the country to the eastward ; for it 
will be necessary that our women and children should have refuge, and 
what provision will be made for the women and children of those who 
fall. 

Brother: — You have told us you were strong, and could conquer them. 
You have said they would not fight you; that you had friends among 
them, &c., How shall we distinguish between friends and enemies. 

Brother: — We volunteer for this service. We wish you not to place 
us in forts, where we cannot act. You know what took place at Detroit; 
an army was sold; we wish not to be sold. 

PAPERS RELATiXG TO THE COXXECTIOX OF THE SEXECAS, &C., WITH THE 
WAR OP 1812. 

To THE President op the United States: 

Brother: — The undersigned, chiefs and warriors of the Oneida, On- 
ondaga, Stockbridge and Tuscarora tribes of Indians, as far west as 
Tonawanda, regularly deputed by our respective tribes, have this day 
lighted up a council fire at Onondaga, the ancient council ground of the 
Sfx Confederate Nations of Indians, and have invited our white brothers 
of Onondaga to meet with us and hear what we have to say. 

Brother: — We see that the tomahawk is lifted up between you and 
the British; we are uneasy about it, and, therefore, we have met and de- 
termined to tell you our minds about it. 

Brother: — At the close of the late war. Gen. Washington told us to be 
sober, and attend to agriculture, and to refrain from shedding blood; 
this advice was good. Our good prophet* of the Seneca tribe, who is now 
with us in this council, has given us the same advice, and our tribes 
have entered into a league to follow that advice. We wish to hold fast 
to it, and not to take any part in the contest between your people and 
the British. 

We have been repeatedly told, by your agents, that it was your wish 
that we should remain neutral, and, therefore, we are much surprised 
and disappointed in the council lately held at Buffalo Creek, at being 
invited to take up the tomahawk. 

Brother: — You must not suppose, from what wo have now told you, 
that we are unfriendly to you, or your people. We are your decided 
friends. We reside among your people. Your friends are our friends; 
and your enemies are our enemies. 

^Brother of Cornplanter. 



APPENDIX. 425 

In the former war between your people and the Brilisb, some of us 
took up the tomahawk on their side. A\'hen the peace took jtlace. wo 
buried it deep, and it shall never again he raised against you and your 
people. 

Brother: — "We are few in number, and can do but little; but our hearts 
are good, and we are willing to do what we can; and if you want our 
assistance, say so, and we will go with your people to battle. 

We are anxious to know your wishes respecting us, as soon as jiossible. 
because some of our young men are uneasy, and we fear they may dis- 
perse among different tribes and be hostile to you. Pray direct your 
communication to the chiefs and warriors of the respective tribes, to be 
left at Onondaga Postoffice. 

OxoxDAGA, Sept. 28th. 1812. 

Signed by sixteen chiefs and warriors. 

We, the subscribers, do certify that we were present at the council 
hereinbefore mentioned; that the same is as interpreted, and that the 
same was subscribed in our presence. 
OxoxDAGA, 29th September, 1812. 

EPHRAIM WEBSTER. 
Interpreter and agent for the Onondagas. 
JOSEPH HOPPER, 

Clerk of Onondaga County. 
TIIADDEUS PATCIIIX. 

Cajitaiu of .Vrtill.'ry. 
POLASKl KING. 

Justice of the Peace. 

AXSWER OF THE SECHKTAKY OK WAK. 

War Departmkxt, Oct. I21h. 1812. 
Sir:— Your letter of the 30th September, addressed to the President, 
has been received and transmitted, with the enclosed talk to Erastu.s 
Granger, Esq., agent for the Six Nations, with directions to inquire into 
the facts therein stated, and instnictions to keep the Indians quiet, if 
possible. Should this be impracticable, he is authorized to organize and 
report them to the commanding officer at Niagara. 

Respectfully, sir, your obedient servant. 

AV. EUSTIS. 

Epuraim Webster, Esq. 



426 



HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 



MEMORAXDUM OF A COUNCIL HELD AVITH THE CHIEFS OF THE SIX XATIOXS, 

at Bufifalo, February 2d, 1813, by Erastus Granger, agent, &c.,— Lit- 
tle Billy, speaker. 

Brother :— Pay attention to wbat I say. It is the voice of the Six 
Nations that speaks to you. I am appointed to speak. 

Brother : — I feel inadequate to the task, but shall proceed. We now 
are about to reply to your talk some days since, on the subject of your 
going to Washington. We are unanimous in the ansAver atc are about 
to give. 

Brother : — Perhaps you will not be pleased with the manner in which 
our minds are made up. We have been told that all communications be- 
tween us and your government must be made through the agent. At the 
same time, we were told that in any business of an important nature we 
might be permitted to send a deputation to Washington. 

Brothei-: — What the President meant, we know not; but we believe 
this is one of those cases in which we are permitted to go. What can be 
more important than our present situation? Since the declaration of 
war, we have received nothing direct from the President. We think we 
ought to be permitted to go, and have a full understanding as to the 
course we shall pursue if the war continues. 

Brother : — It would be more satisfactory to those who remain if we 
could see the President. We do not doubt but you will do all you can 
for us; but if a few chiefs go, the warriors will be better satisfied. 

Brother: — Since the declaration of war, your exertions have kept us 
all united. Your measures have kept us bound to the United States. 
The enemy are near ; we do not think proper for you to leave here. 

Brother: — Another reason : you are unwell; it is along journey; we 
fear that you are unable to perform it— and your loss to us would be 
great. Capt. Parish lives at Canandaigua; there is less danger there. 
He can be better spared to go with us. 

Brother: — We have selected three from the Seneca Nation, one from 
the Onondaga, one from the Oneida, and one from the Tuscarora Nation. 
We think we can raise money for the expense of taking us to Washing- 
ton, which we think the government will refund. 

Red Jacket, in reply to my answer, said: We have agreed to post- 
pone going to Washington, under the idea suggested by you that a com- 
missioner will be appointed to meet us and come to a firm understanding 



APPEiSDIX. 427 

between us and the United State*. Ld a man hv aiiiji^inled who is ac- 
quainted with Indian customs and with us. 

SPEECH OF THE Pi'.KSIDEXT OK T|[K rXITKI) STATES TO THE SIX NATIONS. 

BuoTHEiis OF THE Six Natiiins :— Tliiough your sulj-agent and in- 
terpreter, Jasper Parish, you have expressed some uneasiness in regard 
to the attaclcs of the Britisli upon your wives and children. Be not dis- 
quieted. Should the enemy cross the Niagara river, you will be re- 
moved to a place'of safety. Others of your brothers have been removed. 
They were honest to us. and therefore were hated and menaced by the 
British. They are now eating our bread in the State of (Jhid and in 
places of safety. 

My Brothers: — While upon this subject, let me offer to you my advice, 
'hat during the war you should gather yourselves together and remove to 
your reserved tract, on the head-waters of tlie AUegliany, where you 
may work and sleep in safety. 

Brothers: — You have also expressed some fears lest your annuities and 
the interest on your bank stock would not lie punctually paid. Bad men 
have raised in your minds these doubts. Listen to such no longer. 
Have not your claims upon us been punctually paid hitherto? And can 
you have a better assurance of our conduct towards you than what is 
furnished by your own experience of that which is past? It is true that 
this year's list of goods, payable as part of your annuity, is somewhat 
less than formerly, but this is the effect of the war forced upon us by the 
British. They, therefore, are the true cause of this evil. 

My Brothers:— Continue your good faith U> the I'liitcl Stat<'.s and 
be true to their justice and kindness. 

By order of the President. 



JOHN AKMSTKONG. 
Secretarv of AVar. 



"War Department. April 8th. 1S13. 



LETTER OF JASl'ER I'ARISl 



Caxani.aicia. May 2d. lsi:j. 

Sir :— I received your letter of the 27th ult. At the time of d.-liverinj; 

your letter to the Secretary of AVar. I had some conversation \\'u\\ him 

on the subject of the vnr. and of employing such of the Indians as have 

fire-arms, and were offering their Fcrvices to the United Stalts last fall. 



428 



HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 



He observed that they may be of service to our army, and he would refer 
the matter to the President. 

The President has given no permission to employ the Indians, or even 
to accept of their services. He has sent a speech to the Six Nations by 
me, in writing, giving his advice to them to retire from the lines, during 
the war, to Alleghany, where they may sleep in safety. 

I am, sir, your most humble servant, 

JASPER PARISH. 
Gen. Lewis. 

LETTER OF MR. GRAXGER TO THE CHIEFS AT ALLEGHANY. 

Buffalo, June 22d, 1813. 
Brothers: — I have just received a speech, in a letter from Gen. 
Dearborn, the commander-in-chief at Niagara, requesting one hundred 
and fifty of the young warriors of the Six Nations to meet him at Fof t 
George. It is therefore my request that forty or fifty of the young men 
of your village should turn out and come to this place as soon as possi- 
ble. Let a suitable number of chiefs come with them. Bring your guns 
along with you, and come prepared to stay one or two months. "When 
you get to this council fire, the business shall be more fully explained. 
Call on the Cattaraugus Indians, and get as many of their young war- 
riors to turn out as you can. I wish you to l)e here immediately. 
Your friend and brother, 

ERASTUS GRANGER. 
To the chiefs of the Alleghany village. 

reply of the chiefs. 

Cattaraugus, 30th June, 1813. 

Brother:— We received yours of the 22d instant, two days after date, 
requesting us to turn out and come to Buffalo, in order to aid in the 
present contest. We have turned out and come as far as Cattaraugus, 
where we are requested, by the runner sent by Mr. Parish, to return 
home. This is twice that we have been called from our business, and 
traveled near one hundred miles at our own expense, and leaving our 
own business, in obedience to your calls, and when we arrive here, di- 
rected to return home, without any explanation on the business, or any 
reward for our troubles. 

We feel ourselves injured with the treatment we receive at your hands, 



APPENDIX. 439 

and shall return home to our business, and there remain until we receive 
some explanation of the cause of such trouble and disaijjidintment. We 
feel ourselves ready to turn out and defend our country, but cannot be 
•treated in this way, as your brothers. 

HENRY (/BEAL. 
ins 

BLACK x; SNAKE. 

.M.VKK. 

HIS 
JOHNSTON y. .-ILVEUIIEEL.S. 

MAKK. 
Ills 

BIG X.IOliX. 

MARK. 
MINUTES OF A COUNCIL UELD AT HUKFALO KY ERASTUS (iRAMJKK, 

J I l.V 2Jth. IM.l 

Farmers Brother opened the council by an address to the Indians, 
and one to me by way of compliment. He then addressed himself to 
the Indians, and said that as it resi)ected the great question before them 
of peace or war, each village must speak for thciuselvcs. • 

Red Jacket spoke for the Senecas, as folhjws: 

We are once more met in council to give an answer to the speeches 
made by you and Gen. Porter. It has taken time, the snlijecl being im- 
portant. 

Brother: — We have heard your speeches. Your wanted us to assist 
â– end watch to the edge of the wafer. We of Butfalo have agreed to 
what yon requested. You will now hear the decision of the old men. 
I speak for the Indians of Buttalo; a part will be here for a time; olhei-8 
will then take their places. We count the whole at Butl'aio village. We 
count all who are to be on guard. We cannot designate numliei-s. Those 
who live in the little village will be on the ground in ca.se of an alarm. 
The pay will be distributed among the whole, and l)e divided according 
to the number employed. We, the old men. who have seen war. will 
from time to time instruct and regulate the young warriois. \Se. the 
chiefs of Buffalo, (Senecas) turn out one hundred and si.\iy-t\vo warriors 



430 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

to be under aiTas. This is all I have to say. The next who speak are 
the Cattaragiis. 

A Cattaragus chief spoke : 

Brother: — You will now hear what the Senecas and Delawares from 
Cattaragus have to say. We have always been ready to assist in defend- 
ing your boats upon the lake. We are not deceitful. We hope you will 
not suspect us of any want of friendship to you. We of the Cattaragus, 
under Capt. Half Town, have for some time been in your service, watch- 
ing at the mouth of Cattaragus Creek. You will now hear how many 
we have turned out from our village, including Delawares. The num- 
ber is twenty-one. If we hear you are in danger, we will all rise from 
our seats and come forward to your defence. We expect to add to our 
numbers when we retiirn home and let our young men know. We shall 
continue to jjrotect your boats as they go up the lake, and we wish to 
know if we shall be paid for this. 

Capt. Shongo, from Canakedea, on Genesee River, spoke, etc. He 
said that eleven from their village intended to stay and fight. We have 
been here almost one month, and we mean to stay one month longer. 

Sharp Shins, from Squakie Hill, will stay alone. 

John Sky, from Tonawanda, spoke as follows : 

We turn out none at present, but will return to-morrow and consult 
the rest of the chiefs. Our friendship is great for the United States. 

Cornplauter spoke for the Indians at Alleghany: 

We turn out seven. We have a great deal of work to do in our vil- 
lage. If the danger increases, we will turn out more. 

He then addressed himself to those who are to stay, which was not in- 
terpreted. He then add.essed himself to me, and said: 

You must pay well. You must open your purse. You must pay some 
now; and do not let your taverns supply oiu- warriors with spirituous 
liquor. We feel some anxiety that there is no provision made for the 
families of our men who fall in this war. There is no promise of com- 
pensation. Brother, we expect you to do your best in our behalf. 

Eed Jacket again spoke : 

Brother: — You are now writing what has taken place this day. The 
part we take in this war is not voluntary on our part ; you have persuaded 



APPENDIX. 431 

US iato it. We hope you will say so to the President. You must not be 
displeased with what we say. Your voice was tor us to sit still, when 
the war began, but ypu have beat us — you have got us into the war. 

Brother: — If any of our friends of the Six Nations, except the 
Mohawks, fall into your hands, we hope you will treat them well; de- 
liver them up to us; we will do the same Ijy white persons we take. 
Write to the commander-in-chief, and let him know this. 

LETTER FROM E. GRANGER TO TlIK SECRETARY OK WAR. 

Bi-KFALO, Aug. 9th, 1813. 

Sir:— A letter from Gen. Dearborn, dated at Fort George, June 21st. 
1813, was received by me, and in it a request was contained that I 
would immediately bring forward to Fort George one hundred and fifty 
Indians, on condition they were willing to join our army and enter into 
the service of the United States. The Indians did not choose to give a 
positive answer as to what part they would take in the war until they 
had seen the General. A few of the principal chiefs, with some warri- 
ors, repaired with me to Fort George. The General wished them to 
stay, but as they had, at the request of our government, taken a neutral 
part, and the unfortunate atfairs at Stoney Creek and the Beaver Dams 
had recently taken place, the Indians thought their safest course was to 
continue their neutrality. They urged, in their private councils, that the 
invitation for them to go to war did not come through the right channel) 
that it was necessary that it should come from the great war chief of the 
United States, meaning the Secretary of War. They, however, agree 
to return home and call a council of the confederacy and take up the 
question, and let Gen. Dearborn know the result. 

In the communications which I had heretofore received from tlie War 
Department, I had been instructed to use my inliuence in keeping the 
Indians quiet, by telling them that they had nothing to do with the war; 
that the quarrel was ours, &c. 

In the situation I was placed, anylliing 1 would say in favor of llieir 
taking an active part in the war, would come with an ill grace frnin me. 
unless I had something to show from you on the subject. Believing, 
however, that Gen. Dearborn was authorized to acceiU their services, I 
was determined to promote his wishes. 

The Indians returned and sent runners to the distant villages, inviting 
them here, with their arms, to attend a council for the ])uriiose of Ho- 
ciding the question of peace or war. 



432 msTOKY OF buffalo. 

Sooa after my return from Fort George, I was informed from deserters 
and others who came from Canada, that an attack was meditated on 
Black Rock and Buffalo, and that my person and property were threat- 
ened by the British — a reward offered for my head, &c. 

The evening before the attack was made at Black Rock, I invited a few 
Indians to come to my house, being convinced the British would be over 
the next morning. As our force was small, and a large quantity of pub- 
lic property at Buffalo and its vicinity, I thought the step a pnident one. 
Thirty-seven Indians, with Farmers Brother at their head, came to my 
house on Saturday evening at eleven o'clock. So confident was I of a 
visit from the enemy the next morning, that I got the Indians armed 
that night. 

About sunrise the next morning. Major Wm. King came to my house 
through the woods from Black Rock, and informed me that the enemy 
had landed a considerable force. My residence is three miles from 
Buffalo and two from Black Rock. 

Farmers Brother, on being informed that the enemy were on our 
shores, told the warriors they must go and fight the red-coats. He told 
them that our country was invaded; that they had one common interest 
with the people of the United States; that they had everything dear at 
stake; that the time had an-ived for them to show their friendship for their 
brethren of the United States, not only in words, but in deeds. He led 
off his little band, and when they came in sight of the enemy they pre- 
pared for action, and he directed the warriors to follow his example. He 
was instantly obeyed; and the action was commenced and continued on 
the part of the Indians with tho greatest coolness and intrepidity. 
Their personal bravery greatly contributed in routing and defeating the 
enemy. They showed no disposition to commit any improper acts on 
the field of battle — not offering any abuse to the wounded prisoners. 

LETTER OP CAPT. JASPER PARISH TO MR. GRANGER. 

CAXAXDAiurA, Sept. 18th, 1813. 
Dear Sir: — Yours of the 12th and 14th instant is received. The On- 
ondaga Indians left here yesterday morning — thirty, including some wo- 
men. I explained your letter of the 14th, and was able to satisfy them 
that the President had now requested all the Six Nations should take up the 
hatchet immediately and join our army at Fort George; that they should 
receive rations and pay, itc. ; the war chiefs who would bo their leaders, 
to be commissioned according to our rules, and receive pay according to 



APPENDIX. 433 

rank. I stated to them, if tliey wt-ro real fik-iuls to our JIo^•o^nl)u•rlt 
they would not hesitate one naoment; it' they wore to hesitate, and be a 
long time counselling on the sul>ject, it would be said by some that they 
were friends to the British. 

I stated to them that it was my wish and yours that they would go di- 
rect to Buffalo; not to call on the Old Prophet, for ho must not interfere 
with the wishes of our great chiefs. The chiefs requested mc to inform 
you that they would go that way, but it was for a religious purpose; 
they should stay there but a short time, and then go on to Buffalo. 
They further requested me to inform you that they were as ready to turn 
out and join our army as any other of our Indians, and had been when- 
ever the President of the United States had requested them so to do. 

There were two Indians here yesterday from the Genesee river. I 
sent a message to Sharp Shins, Bill Shanks, and other chiefs and warri- 
ors, to turn out, with their arms, and to bo at Buffalo in five days; then, 
from there, go to Fort George, where they may have some •• amusement,"' 
as they term it. 

In your letter you seem to doubt my integrity and exertion in this ob- 
ject of government; from what cause, is best known to yourself. I have 
always made it my duty to obey my orders, directions and instnictions 
from my employers, as far as in my power to do so. In nineteen days, 
yesterday was the first day that I have missed the intermitting fever. I 
sweat so very much every night that I am very weak. It Avcarics nie to 
ride two miles in my carriage. I shall start for Buffalo as soon as I am 
ready to ride, and attend to the Indian business. 

Mr. Fox has returned to this place; is waiting for the Oneida Indians 
to come on. Mr. Smith and your mother just arrived here on a visit. 
In a few moments after tliey arrived, the Postmaster-General passed my 
house. 

I am, sir, your friend and huml>le servant, 

JASPER PAUISII. 

Ekastus Gkaxukr, Esq., Buffalo. 

By Capt. Cotton. 

SPEECH OF RE» JACKET AT A C0l-.\Cri, UKl.D AT lU Fl'AI.O. 

OcTOliEH 21.-f, l!*l'i. 

Addressed to Erastis Granger. Es(i., Agent. Ac: 

Brother: — We are rejoiced to meet you in health, for which we arc 
grateful to the Great Spirit. Brother, our feelings were hurt that after the 
28 



434 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

willingness we have shown to assist our brethi'en of the United States in- 
the war in which they are engaged, that our friendship should he sus- 
pected. Our dissatisfaction arose from another cause. 

Brother: — Gen. Porter and myself had promised our warriors that 
they should have pay for one month's services, for guarding the lines. 
Gen. Wilkinson also promised them pay for their services, but went 
away, and told them that Gen. McClure would fulfill the promise made 
to them. We have not received pay, according to promise. Wo think 
you wei-e not authorized to promise us. We think we are trifled with. 
We were promised that all horses and cattle should be free plunder. We 
took horses; we had to give them up. We have been deceived. We, 
the Senecas and Onondagas, gave iip the property we took. The Onei- 
das, whom you have educated and taught your habits, gave up nothing. 
We want you to state this to the President. We want permission to gO' 
to Washington. We are an independent nation. We have taken irp 
arms in your favor. We want to know on what footing we stand. We 
know not how long the war will last. It was agreed by all at Fort 
George that we should send word. We want a small deputation from 
the friendly Indians at the westward to meet us at Washington. Let us 
unite, and in one season more we will drive the red-coats from this Is- 
land. They are foreigners. This country belongs to us and the United 
States. We do not fight for conquest, but we fight for our rights — for 
our lands — for our country. We hope our request will be granted. We 
trust you will make known our request to the President, and that v/e 
shall not be deceived. 

ERASTUS granger's LETTER TO GEX. m'CLURE. 

Buffalo, Dec. 11th, 1813. 
Gen. George McClure:— 

Dear Sir: — The various reports in circulation this day on account of 
the approach of the enemy on these frontiers, has induced the citizens of 
this place to assemble for the purpose of taking into consideration the 
alarming situation in which they are placed. 

Gen. Peter B. Porter and myself have been requested to transmit the 
proceedings of the meeting. The proceedings or resolutions will speak 
for themselves. I would briefly observe that the immense amount of 
private property in this place and Black Rock, as well as that belonging 
to the United States, is well deserving of the immediate protection of 
government. 



APPENDIX. 435 

I have had a conversation with Farmers Brother and other chiefs. 
They say they are ready to turn out, do duty and defend this place, as 
their wives and children are here, but that they arc unwilling to go to 
Fort George (in Canada.) It is a fact that Indians are of no conse- 
quence in doing garrison duty, nor can they he compelled to he shut up 
in fort. I think they would form a part of an elTicient/orce at tliis place, 
and at less expense to the government than the same nuni1)er of militia. 
If you think proper to direct the raising two hundred Indian voliinteei-s. 
to he stationed at this place and Black Rock instead of Fort George, at 
the same pay and rations as the infantry of the United States troojis. I 
think I shall he able to procure that number shortly. 

I feel devoted to the service of my country, and having received a 
military appointment, I shall impatiently await fnrtlier orders from you. 
I am, very respectfully. 

Your oliodient. Iiumble .'^ervant, 

E. GRANGEH. 

GEX. porter's TXVITATIOX TO TIIK INDIANS TO JOIX HIM AT Cllirri: WA. 

Chippewa, July 25th, 1814. 

Brothers: — It is the wish of "Gen. Brown and myself that as many 
of your warriors as are disposed to fulfill your engagements to the United 
States will come on and join us by to-morrow night. Those who live 
more remote, and cannot reach here so soon, will join us as soon there- 
after as possible. "We are strong, and in great spirits. AVe shall soon 
drive the enemy, who dare not show their heads where we go. We want 
your aid to assist us in the pursuit. You have already lost one glorious 
opportunity by being absent. We are aware of the conduct of three of 
your chiefs — Red Jacket, Cornplanter and Blue Sky. If they do not 
choose to act for themselves, they should not dissuade othei-s. They 
should know that the President will bo informed of their proceedings; 
and he has the power to reward and to punish. 

Col. Hopkins, who is now at Butfalo, and the bearer hereof. Cajit. 
Frazer, my aid, will see and explain to you many things more at largo. 
We wish you to come on with them, and be assured that the United 
States will be your friends. 

Your friend and bnithrr. 

r. I!. roiITER. 
Farmers Brother, Capt. Bii.nY. Yorxc; Kin(i. 
Major Berry, Shoxco, Col. Lewis. 



INDEX. 



Abeel. Capt. — Speaker of the Four Nations at Fort Stanwix, 11. 

Adkins Asahel — Purchased land in Buttalo, 233. 

Alexander. Rev. John — Sent to establish amission at Buffalo Creek, 211. 

Allen, Nathaniel — Appointed paymaster. 2(i)S. 

Angus, Lieut. Samuel — Of the Navy, the second of Gen. Porter. 21)1. 

Articles of the Treaty at Fort StaBwix with the United States Commis- 
sioners. 2(5. 

Autrechy, Mens. — A French Surveyor employed by the Holland Land 
Company, 13!), IK). 

Barton. Benjamin — liember of the Niagara Genesee Land Company, 45. 

Babcock. Rev. Theodotas — Rector of St. Paul's Church, 215. 

Barker. Judge Zena« — Notice of. 198, 199. 
Jacob A. — Notice of, 198. 

Baj^ard and Linklaen — To attend the Indian treaty, CO. 

Beekman. J. J. — Appointed to attend the tre.-ity at Fort Stanwix, 10. 

Benton, Dr. Caleb — Mem)>er of the New York Genesee Land Company, 
45; present at Buffalo C)-eek. 53. 

Best, •\Villiam— Purchased in Buffalo. 233. 

Bishop, Col. — Crossed ;it I'.hick Rock, wounded and taken prisoner. 300. 

Big-Tree — Head- a dflr-;iiion of Senecas to Albanj-. 40; his address to 
New York Ci.inuiii>si(ji!rrs,40. 41. 

Black Rock— Ferry at. 142: spoken of by Mr. Ellicott. 152: (jfliceof Col- 
lector at Bulialo Creek removed to. 247; a lire ojiened uinm liy 
Major Warren, 298: cross the river at. in the night. 302; ))attle at, 
3(12. 

Bough ton Hill— Sold by Phelps and Gorham, 58. 

Boyd. Brig.-Gen.— Sent to the Niagara frontier, 297; arrived at Buffalo. 
297. 

Brady, Col.— Arrived at Buffalo with troops, 200. 

British vessels — Captured at Fort Erie, 266. 

Bristol, Daniel— Notice of. 246. 

British held Fort Niagara after the peace of 1783, 33; capture a Pmall 
vessel off thenmuth of Buffalo Creek. 269; cross at Black Rock and 
are repulsed. 300; cross the river. 301. 

Brant. Joseph— Am))itious views of, 2; speaker at the treaty of Fort 
Stanwix, 10; not at the treaty held with the United States Commis- 
sioners. 32; alias Thayendanegea, 32; his letter to Peter Shciiylor, 
37; treaty at Buffalo Creek, 53. 

Buffalo Gazette— Besan to l)e published. 241; notice of Gen. Smyth. 2H9, 
295. 29(5; removed to Hairis's tavern, near Williamsville. 3u4. 



438 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Buffalo Ci'eek — A Collection District established at, 64; not open, 246 ^ 

war parties sent out from, 4; council fire liindled at 52. 
Buffalo— Origin of the name of, 63; spoken of, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68,69, 

70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75 to 89; burned by the British. 203- 
Butler, Richard — United States Commissioner at the treaty of Fort 

Stanwix, 12; his journal, treaty of Fort Stanwix, 14; proceeds west 

to negotiate peace with the Shavrnees, &c., 34. 
Bull, Capt. Joseph — Notice of, 245, 246; a volunteer company under. 

300, 302. 
Butler, Col. John— Member of the Niagara^ Genesee Land Company, 45; 

present at council at Buffalo Creek, 53. 
Burgar, George — An early purchaser of land near Buffalo, 154. 
Carleton, or Buck Island, 2. 
Cayugas — Compelled to abandon their settlements, 2; send deputies to 

the treaty at Fort Stanwix, 10. 
Cazenove, Theophilus— Agent-general of the Holland Land Company, 

59. 
Callender, Amos — Teaches school in Buffalo, 203; meetings in his house, 

212; notice of 218. 
Camp, Major John G.— His brother teaches school, 214. 
Caryl, Benjamin— Notice of, 230. 
Clinton, Governor — Forsees diflticulty with United States Commissioners, 

9; charges the Indians with duplicity, 39. 
Commissioners of Indian Affairs appointed, 6; address to the Seneca 

delegation, 42. 
Commissioners of the United States — Their speech in reply to Captain 

Aaron Hill and Cornplanter, 23; remarks upon the treaty at Fort 

Stanwix, 28. 
Corplanter, or Capt. O'Bail — Resumed and closed his speech at, 21;^ 

complains of Mr. Phelps who is exonerated, 57. 
Coltrin, Asa — Purchased land in Buffalo, 233. 

Coffin Jared — Member of the New York Genesee Land Company, 45. 
Coit, George — Notice, 250; and Townsend & Coit. 
Cook, Raphael — Notice of, 256; meeting called at his house, 296. 
Commissioners of New York — Address tho Six Nations in regard to the 

lesees, 46. 
Colt, Peter H. — At Black Rock, his vessel captured by the British, 269. 
Commerce on the Lakes — Its origin, 186; "Weld's notice of, &c., 186 to 

190. 
Chauncey, Commodore — His fleet on Lake Ontario, 297. 
Chapin, Daniel — Purchased lands near Buffalo, 216. 
Chamberlin, Hinds — His notice of Bufl'alo, 128. 
Chapin, General Israel, 51. 
Chapin, Dr. Cyrenius— Visited Buffalo, 143; writes Mr, Ellicott, 143; 

notice of, 156 to 167; publishes an article in the Buffalo Gazette, 

293; appointed major, 295. 
Clark, Rev. Walter — Pastor of First Pre,sbyterian Church, 213. 
Chapin, Henry— An early resident of Buffalo, 145; left Buffalo, 221. 
Chapman, Asa — An early purchaser of land near Buffalo, 154. 
Cotton, Rowland — An early purchaser of land near Buffalo, 155, 216, 220, 

notice of, 222. 
Crow, John — settled in Buffalo, 144; notice of, 144. 
Crawford, Rev. Gilbert — Pastor of the First Presbvtcrian Church, 213. 
Clark, Rev. W. A.— Rector of St. Paul's Church, 215. 
Chaplin, J. E. — Pronounces a eulogy upon Major Cuyler, 279; quarter- 
master, 295. 



INDEX. 439 

'Chaadler, Gen.— Captured by llio British, 20:). 

Court-house and jail— To ))e built by the lloliand Land Company, 231. 

Comity meeting at the court-house in Buffalo. 2".'). 

Gushing, Judge Zattu. 231. 

Ciiyler, Major Howe— Killed at Black Rock. 278; obituary of. 270, 280. 

Davis, Isaac— Notice of, 230. 

Dearborn, General— A force assembled at Sackett's Harbor under. 297. 

Dean, James— Interpreter present at Buffalo Cieek. 53. 

Dennis, George — His receipt to Phelps »fc Gorham, Jj. 

Deshay, William—Early settler near Buffalo, 154. 

Despar, John — Notice of, 197. 

Dodge. Alvin— Purchased land near Buffalo, 210. 

Drafted Militia— From the Buffalo Gazette, 280. 

Dudley, Gideon— An early purchaser of land near Buffalo. l.').'>. 

Dwight, President Timothy— His remarks on his visit to Buffalo. 170 to 

174. 
Eaton, Rev. Sylvester— Pastor of the First Presbyterian Church. 213. 
Eggleston, George — One of the as.sistant surveyors of Mr. Ellicott, 36; 

writes to Mr. Ellicott from Buffalo Creek, 37: his letter to Mr. Elli- 
cott, 39. 
Ellicott, Joseph — Appointed ])rincipal surveyor of the Holland Land 

Company, 59;his letter to John Palmer, 1.3"2; his journal 146 to 150; 

Outer Lot, 104, taken up by him, 150; his letter to Mr. Cazenove, 

151; lays off a school lot, 2tl3. 
Elliott, Capt.— His official report of the capture of the brigs Adams and 

Caledonia, 283. 
Ensign, Elisha — Purchased lands in Buffalo, 220. 
Express sent on to Niagara with the news of the declaration of war. 

268. 
Farmers Brother, or Ho-na-ye-was— Notice of. Ill to 112; appointed to 

command the Indians. 273. 
Fillmore, Elder Glezen — Organized the first Methodist Church in Buffalo, 

215. 
Fort Erie — Occupied by a British garrison in 1783-4. 35; Imilt in 1764. 

142; Indians supplied at. 143; strengthened, 270; two vessels cap- 
tured at, 27((; abandoned by the British, 298. 
Fort George— Caj)tured. 297; abandoned by the Americans. 299. 
FortHill — Near Kanadesagea, 49. 
Fox, Asa — Purchased lands in Buffalo. 220. 
Forward, Oliver — Notice of. 257. 
Folsom, Gilman — Purchased land in Buffalo. 220. 

Gansevoort. Gen.— Appointed to attend the treaty at Fort .^tanwix. 10. 
Gilbert. Ezekiel— Present at Buffalo Creek. 53. 
Gilbert, Abner — An early jnirchaser of land near Buffalo. 155. 
Gillett, Joshua — Purchased lands near Buffalo. 210. 
Gorham. Nathaniel. 50. 

Goodell,Jabez— Notice of. 219; purchased lands in Buffalo. 220. 221. 
Grant, Vincent— An early purchaser of land near Buffalo. 1.54: notice of 

198. 
Granger, Erastns— Notice of, 168 to 170; appoint«-d judge. 231: holds 

a council with the Indians. 266. 
Griffin. Zachariah— Purchased lands near Buffalo. 210. 
Grosvenor, Abel M.— Notice of, 241 to 24.3. 
Haldimand. Gov. — Of Canada. 2. 
Ilanchett — A school-teacher in Buffalo. 203. 



44:0 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. 

Hauclecour, Mons. — A French surveyor employed by the Holland Land- 
Company, 139. 141. 

Hall, William— His notice of Buffalo, 177. 

Hart, Eli— purchased laud in Buffalo, 233; notice of 234. 

Hall, General Amos of Ontario, wpon the frontier, 287. 

Heacock, R. B. — Trustee of school district, 214; notice of, 243. 

Harrison, Gen. W. H. — Honored with a public dinner by the citizens of' 
Buffalo, 301. 

Hill, Capt. Aaron — Speaker for the Mohawks at the treaty with the 
United States Commissioners at FortStanwix, IS; his speech at the 
treaty of Fort Stanwix, 18 ; one of the hostages demanded by the 
United States commissioners, 38. 

Holt, Elijah— purchased lands near Buffalo, 216; notice of, 216; 217. 

Hodge, Joseph, or Black Joe — An early resident of Buffalo, 135. 

Hodge, William — An early purchaser of land near Buffalo, 154, 216. 

Hopkins, General — Ordered out his entire brigade, 271. 

Hoops, Major, 50. 

Hopkins, Rev. A. T.— Pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, Buffalo, 
213. 

Holmes, Elkanah — A Missionary. 203 ; his son teaches school in Buffalo, 
203; preached to the inhabitants of New Amsterdam, 204; notice of, 
209; his son marries Miss Chapin, 210. 

Hostilities commence on the part of the British, 269. 

Holland Land Company— Purchase two miles square at the mouth of 
Buffalo Creek, 61; surveyors arrive at Buffalo Creek, 138. 

Hoysington, Job — Notice by B. Hodge, 261, to 264. 

Hurlburt, Isaac — An early purchaser of land near Buffalo, 154. 

Hull, William— Purchased lands in Buffalo, 220. 

Hull, Capt.— His company of militia rendezvous at Buffalo, 272. 

Hyde, Jabez B.— Sent as teacher to the Indians at Buffalo Creek, 211. 

Instructions to Peter Ryckman, 6. 

Irvine, Gen. Cadwalader — First Surveyor of Customs at Buffalo Creek. 
64. 

Johnson Capt, or Johnston Wm., 2; resided at Buffalo Creek, 35; mem- 
ber of the Niagara Genesee Company, 45, interpreter present at 
Buffalo Creek) 53; Indian Agent and interpreter, settled at the mouth 
of Buffalo Creek, 60; had procured by gift to his son, two squara 
miles at the mouth of Buffalo Creek, 61 ; the first land owner in Buf- 
falo, 141; died in Buffalo, 221. 

Johnston, John— Son of Wm. Johnston, 141, 142; died in Buffalo, 221. 

Johnson, Samuel— First rector of St. Paul's Church, 215. 

Johnson, Doctor Ebenezer— Notice of, 224, 225. 

Kirkland, Rev. Samuel — Missionary, 2; present at Buffalo Creek, 53 j- 
interpreter, 53; Kanedasaga, 49, 50; his journal, 97 to 110. 

Karongyote, alias Aaron Hill, 32. 

Karney, Rev. Ravarard — Rector of St. Paul's Church, 215. 

Ketchum, Henry— Notice of, 222. 

Ketchum, Zebulon— Notice of. 222. 

Ketchum, Jesse— Notice of, 223, 224. 

Kibbe, Gains — Erects a brick tavern, 212. 

La Fayette at Buffalo, 30; at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, 33; his letteiv 
to Gen. Washington. 33. 

Lay, John— Notice of, 235. 

Lane, Ezckiel — Son-in-law of Middaugh, notice of, 134. 

Le Couteulx, Louis— Purchased spring lot of Johnston, 62; notice of,.. 
178 to 183; clerk of the county of Niagara, 231. 



INDEX. 441 

Landou, Joseph— His tavern, 212; notice of, 221; lirst court held in tav- 
ern, 231. 

Laincoiirt, Duke de Rochefoncauld— His notice of Buttalo. 132. 

Leroy, Herman, and others— As agent for parties residing in Holland, 
purchase four tracts of land of Koljert Morris. 5S. 

Leach, Elijah— Purchased Outer Lots 55 and 5(;, 155; notice of, 201. 

Lee, Elisha, Esq.— Present at Bulfalo Creek, 53. 

Lee, Arthur— Commissioner of the United States, at the treaty at Fort 
Stanwix, 12; proceeds west to negotiate peace v.ith the Shawneese, 
&c., 34. 

Letter of Joseph Brant to Gov. Clinton, 56. 

Letter of the United States Commissioners to the Six Nations, 13; Col. 
Butler to Oliver Phelps, 54. 

Lessees petition the Legislature to recognize their leases, 45. 

Legislature pass an act appointing a Board of Commissioners of Indian 
Affairs, 46. 

Lewis, Gen. Morgan— Sent to the Niagara frontier, 297; at Buflalo, 297. 

Little York (Toronto)— Captured, 297. 

Livingston, John — Member of the New York Genesee Land Company, 
45; proposes on behalf of the lessees to procure a conveyance of 
all the land owned by the Indians, 47; present at Buffalo Creek, 53. 

Leget, William — An early purcliastr of land near Buffalo, 155. 

Lovejoy, Joshua — Notice of, 22G. 

Mohawks — Settled in Canada, 2; Send dc'iiutics to the treaty at Fort 
Stanwix, 10, 

Maybee, Sylvanus — An early settler in Buffalo, 130; An Indian trader, 
134; purchased Inner Lot No. 35, l.j5; left Buffalo, 221. 

Mather, David — An early blacksmith in Buffalo, 137; his notice of Buf- 
falo, 183; purchased lands, 220. 

McConnell, Samuel— Purchased Outer Lot. 84, 155. 

Middaugh, Michael — A Dutchman from the North River, at Buffalo. 129; 
built a house upon Johnson's land. 134; his death. 134. 

Miller, Frederick— Purchased lands, 21G; notice of, 235; appointed com- 
mander of the forces at Black Rock, 271. 

Montour. Rowland— mortally wounded, buried at Painted Post, 5. 

Morris, Robert — Becomes the purchaser of Indian Lands, 57. 

Murphy, — Member of the Niagara, Genesee Land Company, 45. 

Mullett, John— Purchased land in Butfalo, 233. 

New Amsterdam— Name given to the village at the mouth of Buffalo 
Creek, 03; survey of completed, 143; first murder at, 153; fears of 
the inhabitants of the Indians groundless, 154. 

New York and Pennsylvania, nuirders in, 4. 

New York Genesee Land Company— Its origin, 44. 52. 

Newark— Ordered to Ije burned by Gen. McClure. 299. 

Niagara, Fort— The seat of British power, 3. 

Niagara Genesee Land Companj' — Its origin, 45. 52. 

Niagara County — Organized. 231. , • * 

Onondagas— Obliged to abandon their .settlement.*. 2; send deputies to 
the treaty of Fort Stanwix. 10. , - ^ 

Ogden, Samuel— Agent of R. Morris. purcha.ses Indian lands. d&. 

Ohio — Lands in sold to a company, 34. 

Old Castle— Near Geneva, 49. 

Oneidas— Not molested by Sullivan's expedition. 2. , ,, , 

Osgood, Rev. Thaddeus— Organized the first Church in Buflalo. '.U. 

Palmer, John— Built a house in Buffalo, 129. 



44:2 HISTOEY OF BUFFALO. 

Parker, N. H.— Letter of, 88. 

Palmer, Joseph R.— A brother of John P., his letter to Mr. Ellicott, 130. 

Parrish, Jasper — Indian interpreter, &c., 142. 

Pease, — One of the Surveyors of the Holland Land Company, 139. 

Peacock. Hon. Wm.— His notice of Buffalo, 137, 138. 

Perry, Capt. 0. H.— Arrived at Buffalo, 297; victory on Lake Erie, 301. 

Phelps, Oliver, 50. 

Phelps cfe Gorham, 51; report to the Legislature of Massachusetts, 57; 

sell the balance of the lands to Robert Morris, 58. 
Phelps, Zerah— Brother-in-law of John Crow, purchases Inner Lot No. 

1, 144. 
Pollard, Capt., or Ka-oun-do-wana— Notice of, 122 to 127. 
Potter, H. B.— School trustee, 214; Notice of. 244. 
Powell, Miss— Extracts of a letter from, 90, to 97. 
Powell, Capt. 35, 36, 45. 

Pomeroy, Ralph M.— Notice of 236; mob in Lis tavern, 238, 239, 240. 
Porter, Augustus — First Judge of Niagara county, 231. 
Porter, Augustus— Surveyor for Robert Morris. 60; his notice of Buffalo, 

133; his paper on the early commerce of the lakes, 191 to 197. 
Pratt. Capt. Samuel, 05, 15G; notice of. 174, to 177. 
Pratt, B. W. 65, Pratt. Hiram, 177. 
Proctor, Col- At Buffalo Creek in 1791. 35. 
Porter, Gen. P. B. 271, 289, 290, 291, 298. 
Pratt, Samuel — appointed adjutant, 295. 
Pnltney, Sir V\'m.— Purchases a tract of Robert Morris, 58. 
Queenston — Battle of, 285. 

Ransom, Asa— Settles in Buffalo, notice of, 135, 136; Sheriff, 231. 
Ransom, Elias— Notice of, 137; trustee of school district, 214. 
Ransom, Amasa — Notice of, 137. 
Reese, David— Notice of, 184 to 186. 
Reed, Seth— At Geneva, 50; at Erie, 129. 
Red jacket, 12, 13, 29, 30, 31, 211, 272. 
Reservation, Indian, 59. 

Robbins, Wm.— An earlv blacksmith in Buffalo, 147; left Buffalo, 221. 
Roop, John— Purchased lands in Buffalo, 220; killed, 220. 
Root, John— Notice of, 264 to 266. 
Ryckman, Peter — Sent to Niagara, 6 ; at Geneva, 50, 
Senecas, &c.— Settled at Buffalo Creek, 2, 3, 10. 
Salisbury, S. H. &H. A., 258; notice of, 259, 260. 
Schlosser— Captured by the British, 300. 
Schuyler, Philip, 11. 

Schools — First movement in regard to, in Buffalo, 13, 214. 
Seaver, Nathan W., 155. 

Searle, Rev. Addison— Rector of St. Paul's Church, 215- 
Seneca warriors — Perform a war dance in the streets of Buffalo, 27 5. 
Six Nations, 5, 9, 48. 

Shelton, Rev. Wm.— Rector of St. Paul's Church, 215. 
Smith, Joseph — Interpreter, present at Buffalo Creek, 53. 
Smyth, Gen. Alexander, 288, 292, 293. 

Smedley, James— One of the Holland Land Company's surveyors, 13 9. 
Squicr, Rev. Miles P. — Visits Buffalo, is ordained, 212. 
Stocking & Bull— Notice of, 244. 
Stocking, Joseph — Notice of, 245. 
Street, Samuel, 45, 53. 
St. John, Gamaliel. 233, notice of, 233, 234. 



INDEX. 443 

St. Paul's Episcopal Church— Organized. 21-1. 

Storrs, Jiiba— Notice of, 22(5 to 230. 2;:;2. 

Sweeney, James— Partner of J. Mullett. 233, 

Sweeney ct Efner— Notice of. 233. 

Swift, Col. — Resumes command on Niagara Frontier. 2G.S. 

Tayler, John, 46, 48. 

Tenbroeck. Abraham. 10. 

Thompson. Rev. M. P. L. P.— Pastor of First Presbyterian Church, 213. 

Toles, Nathan — An early purchaser of land near Buffalo. 154. 

Tomlinson, Mr. — A school teacher in Buffalo, 203. 

Townsend & Coit — Notice of. 24'J, to 250.. 

Trowbridge, Dr. Josiah — Notice of. 257. 

Tupper, Samuel, 154, notice of. 197, 198, 216. 

Van Rensselaer, Col. Solomon — Notice of, 285. 

Van Rensselaer. Gen. Stephen — Upon the frontier, 287. 

Visscher, Mathew — Attend treaty at Fort Stanwix. 10. 

Vinton, John A.— His letter, 204 to 209. 

Wadsworth, Gen. "Wm. — Upon the frontier, 287. 

Walden, Judge Ebenezer, 199, 200, 210. 

War threatened, 267; events at Black Rock. 280 to 283. 

Walker, William, 51, 275. 

War Department Circular, 248. 

Wells. Joseph. 155, 216, 221. 

Wells, Marmaduke, 224. 

Williamson, Capt. Charles — Agent of Pultney estate. 58. 

Wells, Captain, 271. 

Winney, Cornelius. 35, 36, 37. 

Winder, Gen. W. H.— Second of Gen. Smyth. 291. captured. 299. 

Wolcott, Oliver. 11. 

Warren. Col. John, of Fort Erie. 300. 

Yates. Robert, 10. 

Yates, Peter, 10. 



fiOOKBINDINS CQi, 
CERTiFlEO 

TOLEDO. OHIO