SIR A. HENRY LAYARD
G.C.B., D.C.L.
1 1 A
SIR A, HENRY LAYARD
G.C.B., D.C.L.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND LETTERS FROM
HIS CHILDHOOD UNTIL HIS APPOINT-
MENT AS H.M. AMBASSADOR AT MADRID
EDITED BY THE HON. WILLIAM N.
BRUCE, WITH A CHAPTER ON HIS PAR-
LIAMENTARY CAREER BY THE RT. HON.
SIR ARTHUR OTWAY
IN TWO VOLUMES VOL. II.
WITH PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1903
LW3
I/,
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
LETTERS FROM BAGHDAD AND PERSIA
(1840-1842)
PAGE
A Mesopotamian Caravan With the Persian Army Ruins
of Manjanik An Adventure with Robbers Mehemet
Taki Khan Visit to Luristan Return to Constantinople 1-15
CHAPTER II
WESTERN TURKEY, AND SIR STRATFORD CANNING
(l8 4 2)
Diplomacy and Manners Sir Stratford Canning Bosnia
and Servia Salonica Ambelakia Governor of
Thessaly Servian Leaders Ride to Constantinople
Policy of Canning .... . 16-41
CHAPTER III
POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN CONSTANTINOPLE
(1842-1845)
Dishonoured Bills Canning Offers Work Ahmed Vefyk
Ruh-ed-din Effendi A Turkish Dinner Domestic
Habits Sympathy with Reformers Canning's Irrita-
bilityThe Spanish Minister Life at Pera Armenians
in Constantinople Turkey and Persia Boundary Dis-
pute Importance of Muhammerah Boundary Com-
missioners Armenian Wedding Mr Charles Alison . 42-80
vii
viii CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV
POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN CONSTANTINOPLE continued.
(1843-1845)
PAGE
Reshid Pasha Sir S. Canning's Methods Reshid Pasha
Riza Pasha The Christian Question Fuad and Ali
Position of Women Kiamil Bey Canning and the
Reformers Ambassadors and the Press Residence at
Candili Life at Candili Sultan Abdul-Mejid Pre-
sentation to the Sultan 81-111
CHAPTER V
CONSTANTINOPLE MISSION TO ALBANIA
(1843-1845)
Vin D'Olympe Voyage with Lord Somers A Storm in the
vEgaean Mount Athos American Missionaries Desire
for a Consulate Greek Ecclesiastics Dervish Czar
Among Albanian Insurgents Conference with Dervish
Czar The Albanian Camp Repulse of Insurgents
Treachery of the Turks Intercourse with Canning
Lord Cowley Baron de Behr Romantic Adventure
A Mysterious Beauty The Mystery Revealed . . 112-150
CHAPTER VI
THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES
(1845-1851)
Preparations for Nineveh Arrival at Mosul A Chaldean
Wedding The Pasha of Mosul Discoveries at Nimroud
Recreations A Desert Storm Language of the In-
scriptions A Fight on the Tigris Fanatical Plots
Hunting Adventure Assyrian Art Removal of Sculp-
tures Mosul to Constantinople Dangerous Illness
Ferment in Italy Address to the Institute France in
1847 Revolution of 1848 "Nineveh and its Remains"
Influence over Arabs . . . . -'. . . . 151-194
CONTENTS ix
CHAPTER VII
POLITICS AND ART
(1851-1869)
PAGE
Letters from England Letter to Mr Ross The Eastern
Question The Arundel Society Ruin of Frescoes
German Art Tour in Lombardy Arundel Society
Tour in India Mode of Travel British Rule Rock
Temples Liberation of Italy State of Italy Priestly
Tyranny State of Venice Progress of Italy Millais
at Florence Liberation of Venice Paris Exhibition
Revival of Mosaic 195-237
CHAPTER VIII
THE PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF SIR HENRY LAYARD
(1852-1869)
First Term of Office Letter from Lord Granville Return to
Constantinople Speech on Eastern Question Letter
to Lady Huntly The Dundas Incident Administrative
Reform Speeches on Foreign Affairs Abyssinia Site
of the Law Courts Attack by Mr Raikes Don Layardos
in Madrid " A Superior Person " His Place in Politics 238-267
APPENDICES . . . . . . . 269-297
INDEX . ........ 299-305
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD. From a drawing by G. F.
WATTS, R.A., in the National Portrait Gallery
(Photogravure} . . . . . Frontispiece
LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE. From the picture
by G. F. WATTS, R.A., in the National Portrait
Gallery (Photogravure} . . . To face page 56
THE DITCH AND WALL OF NINEVEH. From a
drawing by COOPER . . . . 158
SKETCH OF NINEVEH from the S.E., showing part of
the Inner Walls and the situation of Mosul Nebbe-
unus and Kouyunjik forming the middle dis-
tance. From a drawing by COOPER, 17 tA Dec.
1848 . . . . . 164
INTERIOR OF A YEZIDI HOUSE 176
YEZIDI DANCE . . . . . 178
SIR AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD. From a photograph
by FRADELLE (Photogravure) . . . 238
DON LAYARDOS IN MADRID . . . ' . . 263
MAP OF GREECE, TURKEY, ASIA MINOR, AND PERSIA At the End
SIR A. HENRY LAYARD
CHAPTER I
LETTERS FROM BAGHDAD AND PERSIA
1840-1842
HE story of the next two years, from his leaving
Baghdad in June 1840 to his return to Constan-
tinople in July 1842, embraces the most adventurous and
romantic episodes of Layard's career. It has been told by
him in his " Early Adventures," and occupies the greater
part of that delightful book. It cannot be repeated here ;
but the following selections from his letters to his mother
and to his uncle, Mr Austen, will serve to carry on the
present narrative, at any rate in outline, and to give some
examples of his manner of telling his story to his own
family.
He was travelling, it will be remembered, with Mr
Mitford, and their object still was to reach India by land,
and to journey through that country to Ceylon.]
To his Mother.
Between BAGHDAD and KERMANSHAH,
22nd June 1840.
We are at last on our way to Isfahan. . . We were
detained at Baghdad much longer than we expected.
The recent descent of the Persians upon Suleimanje
rendered the roads rather unsafe, and the regular inter-
course by caravan with Kermanshah was consequently
stopped for a period. These casualties are constantly
occurring in the East, and thus travelling is rendered
VOL. II. A
2 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
slow and uncertain. As we enjoyed the kind hospitality
of Colonel Taylor during our stay, we were put to little
expense ; and I have only to regret a loss of time,
particularly as we are driven into the hot days, and,
until we reach the mountains, we shall have to resign
ourselves to no moderate degree of heat the thermometer
in the shade standing at 107 to 108 ! . . . Since our visit
to Babylon we have remained stationary at Baghdad in
daily expectation of the departure of this abominable
caravan, which made several false starts before it finally
got off. The heat prevents our travelling by day. As
the sun sets we form our order of march ; and as the sun
rises we reach a village, where, in a garden, under the shade
of palm and orange trees, or in the less agreeable shadow
of an old wall and such a tent as a turban and a cloak will
make, we sleep and pass the day. To-day (24th) I am
continuing my letter in a beautiful garden of the small
and picturesque village of Kanaki, which, being on the
northern side of the river Diyala, is actually in Persia,
although I believe it pays tribute to the Porte. The
mountains of Kurdistan rise abruptly in the distance,
forming a fine background to the prettiest place I have
seen since crossing the Euphrates.
Our caravan is composed of a motley set, chiefly
pilgrims on their return from Meshed Hussein and
Mecca ; men, women, and children, mounting horses,
mules, and donkeys in all about seventy persons and
fifty-five animals. The procession is generally headed by
two old Turks abreast, perched on very small donkeys,
whose apparent duty it is to find the way during the
early part of the night when there is no moon. These
pioneers are followed by five or six men on foot, who keep
up a chaunt far from melodious during our progress.
Next appears a koujiava a pair of boxes, somewhat
resembling the body of a sedan-chair, slung across a
strong mule, each containing a young lady. They are the
wives of an old Turk, who keeps so good a look-out after
them that I haven't yet been able to find out whether any
beauties may be concealed by the obstinate veil which is
down night and day. After the koujiava follows the
body of the caravan, each member on his own peculiar
animal, striving for precedence; and as the horses and
mules are for the most part well-laden, and have only a
halter which does not guide them, the confusion and con-
tinual concussions are highly amusing.
1842] A MESOPOTAMIAN CARAVAN 3
Our caravan is chiefly composed of poor pilgrims
and their wives. One or two, however, boast the title
of Mirza, a writer (equivalent to our ancient term " clerk "),
and consider themselves considerably above the common
herd. They are attended by their hookah-bearer, a man
whose sole employment, day and night, is to light the
hookah and present it to his master. This he does on
horseback with great dexterity, carrying the pipe with all
its fragile appendages at arm's length, when at full gallop.
As these good priests and pilgrims are returning with a
bellyful of religion, and the Persians are notoriously
more fanatic than the Turks and Arabs, we are looked at
with no little contempt: a sort of Turkish friend and
compagnon de voyage has been frightened out of eating with
us by sure promises of the pleasure of eternal damnation
if he dips his hand into the same dish with a Giaour, or
touches any vessel that may have been put to his lips.
Were it not for a thick stick that I have been compelled
to use once or twice, with the chance of having my head
broken by a brickbat, we should be continually insulted.
Amongst the higher classes in Persia these ridiculous
scruples do not prevail, but the ignorance and fanaticism
of the lower is perfectly inconceivable
2$th. Last night our caravan was almost doubled by
the junction of a second caravan and numerous persons
who had been waiting, until they considered a sufficient
force was mustered, to attempt the passage of the moun-
tains to Kasri-Shizin, from whence I now write. Although
we had promise of robbers and Arabs, the night was only
disturbed by continued discharges of fire-arms from our
own party, to acquaint any persons that might be lying in
wait for us that we possessed at least the means of defence ;
the moral certainty, however, being that those who held
them would throw them away on the first appearance of
an enemy, and take to their heels. A caravan of pilgrims
to Ureshed was plundered last week, and the unfortunate
travellers came off in a very pilgrim-like fashion, their
shirts being their only worldly possessions. To-morrow
we reach Pul-i-Zohab, a very remarkable place, as it
occupies the site of the Persian Holwan, the Calah of
Asshur, one of the primeval cities, and the Haleh of the
Captivity. Major Rawlinson, 1 one of our best living
Eastern scholars and geographers, is inclined to believe
1 The late Major-General Sir Henry Rawlinson, G.C.B., the
famous Assyriologist.
4 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
that the inhabitants of the modern place, and of the moun-
tains in the neighbourhood, are the descendants of the
Israelites.
To his Mother.
HAMADAN, \yhjuly 1840.
I can scarcely depend upon this letter reaching you, as
I am compelled to send it rather a roundabout way, and to
trust it to a man who is going to Tebreez, where there is,
I believe, an English merchant, into whose hands he
promises to place it.
We reached Kermanshah on the ist of July. We had
made arrangements for proceeding to Hamadan and
Isfahan, when we were suddenly sent for by the Governor,
and informed that, as our Government was no longer
friendly to that of Persia, we could not be permitted
to proceed without the Shah's express permission. We
were much surprised at this step, as we had never contem-
plated that the difference existing between the two
Governments would be the cause of difficulties to travellers
We were detained for two or three days under surveillance,
and were then sent to join the Shah with a guard. We
met His Majesty three days from Kermanshah at Kan-
go war, at the head of an army of 15,000 men. We
followed the army to this place, which we reached the day
before yesterday. After several interviews with the Shah's
ministers, we have at length been permitted to proceed, and
are promised a Firman. I believe I mentioned in my last
letter that a moonshee had accompanied us from Baghdad ;
this man was the cause of our being stopped at
Kermanshah. By his indiscreet loquacity he induced the
Governor to believe that we were spies from the English
Government. The Shah was then marching secretly on
Baghdad, and the Governor, supposing that we had been
sent to watch his movements, arrested us. Fortunately we
had taken the precaution of having our English passports
translated into Persian, and they relieved us from our
difficulties. We have, of course, parted with our friend,
the moonshee, whose length of tongue might get us into
other scrapes. I am not, however, sorry that things have
turned out as they have, for we are now furnished with
letters from the Shah for Yezd and the Seistan, which may
1842] WITH THE PERSIAN ARMY 5
be highly useful to us. I have also obtained permission to
proceed to Isfahan through Luristan, instead of taking the
high road, the Shah sending a man with us. We shall now
visit a most interesting country, and, I hope, reach Susan,
the "Shushan the Palace" of the Scriptures, which no
European has yet visited. Without a strong recommenda-
tion from the Shah it would be impossible to traverse this
country, which is inhabited by the Baktiyari and Lurs, the
most wild and savage races in Persia. Major Rawlinson
is, I believe, the only European who has seen much of
Luristan. We have also seen a Persian army and the
Persian great men to more advantage than we could have
expected. . . . The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mirza
Ali, speaks French, and has a secretary who speaks
English and has been in England. We found several
other persons in the camp who speak our language, and
had therefore no difficulty in making ourselves understood,
and in coming to an explanation as to our character.
From what I have yet seen of the Persians, I am in-
clined to form a very unfavourable opinion of their
character. Indeed, I never met with a more consummate
set of rascals. There are few vices to which they do not
seem prone, but the most remarkable is an utter disregard
for truth truly wonderful. A Persian will invariably tell
a lie, even in a matter which is of no importance whatever
to him. He is, moreover, insolent and vain to a degree.
Notwithstanding that many Persians of rank have been to
England and other parts of Europe, and the Government
has adopted many institutions of civilised nations, still its
mode of procedure is as barbarous as it was one hundred
years ago. In their modes of punishment they exhibit
extreme ingenuity. Some prisoners were lately made at
Isfahan ; one of these had all his teeth drawn and then
knocked into his skull ; another was shot with his own
teeth, and then, having his head forced into a bag of hay,
was thus left to die. The Persians look upon us as impure,
and will neither eat nor drink out of the same vessels.
To his Mother.
ISFAHAN, 26th August 1840.
I reached Isfahan last Thursday, but suffering under
so severe an attack of ague and fever, that until to-day I
6 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840
have been unable to commence a letter. Mr Mitford and
myself were detained at Hamadan for nearly a month with-
out being able to obtain the papers necessary for the pro-
secution of our journey. Had it not been for the season-
able arrival of the Baron de Bode, the principal Secretary to
the Russian Embassy, God knows when we should have
escaped from the hands of the Ministers. This gentleman
behaved with the greatest kindness, assisted us in every
way, and finally succeeded in procuring our Firman. Mr
Mitford, disgusted with the want of faith of the Persians,
and worried by the delay, determined upon making for
Herat and renouncing his journey into Persia. As my
funds were still in pretty good condition, I persevered in
my original plans, and we separated. ... I hope to visit
the Southern provinces of Persia, which are the least known,
and to reach Kabul or Kandahar by the winter.
I trust my health will improve as I get more accustomed
to an Eastern climate, but I find my strength much de-
creased since I left England. The fever I had at
Constantinople has never left me, and when suffering from
it and ague I find myself incapable of any exertion. Still,
however, my spirits are as good as ever they were,
and I feel a resolution which would carry me through
anything. . . .
I have been very lucky in the period of my arrival.
The brother of Mehemet Taki Khan, the great Baktiyari
chief, is now here, and has promised to send me to his
brother, who will give me such a guard as will enable me
to visit any part of the Baktiyari mountains I may think
proper. . . .
You would scarcely know me in the Persian dress, with
black hair, mustachios and beard, for my disguise would not
be perfect without dyeing, and I go into the mosque now
like a good Mussulman.
To his Mother.
, \Wi December 1840.
I will now give you an account of my movements since
my letter from Isfahan. I quitted that city on the 23rd
Sept., having been detained there nearly a month for want
of an opportunity to penetrate the Baktiyari mountains :
to have ventured alone would have been most imprudent.
1842] RUINS OF MANJANIK 7
At length Shefi'a Khan, a Baktiyari chief, accompanied by
a strong party of armed men started for the mountains.
At our third day's station we were attacked by a tribe
at enmity with the tribe of Shefi'a Khan, and during our
fourth day's march were compelled to keep a good look-out,
as the enemy sought for an opportunity of doing us
mischief. We reached Semirun, however, without loss,
and, being in a friendly country, had no longer any cause
for alarm. On the 5th October we reached Kala Tul, the
residence of the great Baktiyari chief, Mehemet Taki Khan,
having crossed the most precipitous and lofty mountains
by roads which appeared scarcely practicable to the
mountain goat. I could trace the line of route by the
blood from our horses' feet. Such roads if roads the per-
pendicular face of a mountain can be called nowhere else
exist. During our journey we have been living and sleeping
in the open air, the chiefs everywhere receiving us in the
most hospitable manner. The weather was delightful.
Mehemet Taki Khan was absent from Kala Tul on our
arrival.
I proceeded immediately to the ruins of Manjanik,
which are situated about six miles from the Castle of Tul.
Major Rawlinson had heard of, but not visited them.
There are here the remains of a very considerable town,
but I do not count them to be of a very remote date, and
can scarcely even refer them so far back as the Sassanian
dynasty. Major Rawlinson had been informed that Baby-
lonian mounds existed here, but such is not the case. The
remarkable tradition which attaches to this place, however,
renders it interesting. You are aware that the Jews and the
people of the East believe that Abraham was cast into a
fiery furnace by Nimrod, and they translate " Ur of the
Chaldees " by " fire of the Chaldees." It was at Manjanik
that the Lurs assert that this event took place, and the
place is so called from the celebrated Manjanik, or
Mangonel, the instrument by which the Patriarch was cast
into a fire too intense to be approached by man. The
ruins are now occupied by a tribe of Baktiyaris during the
colder months, and their black tents and reed huts were
scattered amongst them at the time of my visit.
On my return to the castle, satisfied with a man given
me by the Mehemet Taki Khan's brother as a sure guard,
I set out for the ruins of Susan, which had excited con-
siderable interest in consequence of a notice of them in
Major Rawlinson's pamphlet. No European had as yet
8 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
been able to reach them. On the first day I reached an
encampment in the plain of Mai Emir. In a rocky ridge
forming the western boundary to the plain I found four
tablets sculptured in the rock with several colossal human
figures, accompanied by several long inscriptions in the
most complicated of the cuneiform character, a great part
of which was unfortunately effaced. I believe these
sculptures, from their appearance and accompanied as they
are by this character, to be of the most remote antiquity.
In the plain are mounds which mark the site of a city.
The following day I quitted the encampment for
Susan. A high range of mountains separate Susan from
Mai Emir. On crossing them I was attacked in a narrow
gorge. Unfortunately I had been prevailed upon to leave
my arms at the castle, and had only a small dagger. I
defended myself, however, as well as I could, but was soon
forced to submit, and to deliver up my watch and the little
money I had in my possession. Many circumstances made
me suspect that my host of the preceding night had some
knowledge of the matter ; but I was determined to conceal
my suspicions until I reached the castle. I proceeded on
my journey, and reached the banks of a large river, the
Kuran, towards nightfall. There were no means of cross-
ing, and my guide declared it unfordable. I rode to some
tents and there put up for the night. In the morning I
found that my guide had deserted me, and I was alone.
Susan lay on the opposite side of the river. Men were
swimming across on skins, but they seemed in no way
inclined to assist me. Only one course remained, and I
plunged my horse into the water, determined to swim the
river at all risks. To my surprise I found the river
fordable, the water scarcely reaching to my saddle ; but the
current was rapid, and my horse had much difficulty in
keeping his legs. Having reached the opposite bank, I
rode to the tents of Mullah Feraj, the chief of Susan, for
whom I had a letter. In the course of a couple of days I
visited the ruins and the tomb of Daniel, but these two
days were spent in considerable anxiety, as the suspicions
which the visit of a Frank excited in the minds of the
Baktiyari were far from being of a satisfactory nature.
The most ridiculous causes were assigned for my arrival.
Some asserted that I had come to spy the country previous
to an attack projected by the King of England ; whilst
others asserted that my object was the acquisition of a
treasure which my forefathers, who had once occupied the
i8 4 2] AN ADVENTURE WITH ROBBERS 9
land, had deposited there, and the site of which had been
written in our books. However absurd these suspicions
may appear, they proved sufficient to prevent my examin-
ing the place with as much minuteness as I could have
wished. I heard the people of the place consulting as to the
course to be adopted towards me, and, had not the chief
proved decidedly inclined to protect me, I might have
received rough treatment. I was not sorry to turn my
back on the inhospitable land.
On my return to Kala Tul I acquainted Mehemet
Taki Khan with my loss. He immediately sent off a
horseman to the chief with orders to bring back all my
property, or he himself would proceed thither and cut off
his nose and ears. On the following day the horseman
returned with my watch and all that had been taken from
me.
To his Mother.
BAGHDAD, 9^ September 1841.
You will be surprised to find me again writing to you
from Baghdad. In explanation I will only say that, after
leaving Karak in the winter and returning to the Baktiyari
country, I still remained in Persia with the hope of being
able to carry out my original plan of reaching Afghanistan
through the Seistan. Kirman, however, and the neighbour-
ing country still continued in a most disturbed state ; the
road through Herat from recent events also got blocked up ;
and I found it was scarcely possible to leave Persia by a
land route. I consequently came down to Busrah, and a
few days ago reached Baghdad. My principal object in
returning to this place is to write to yourself and my uncle
upon my future plans, and to remain here until I receive an
answer. There have been so many changes, since I left
England, in our family, that I have seriously and after
much reflection determined to return to England if my
uncle and yourself should approve of my so doing. . . .
I have now been absent from England about two years,
and have visited many of the most interesting countries in
the world, and during that period I have scarcely spent two
hundred pounds. ... I can live here at a very trifling
expense, and I have very pleasant society in the house of
Colonel Taylor, the Resident. I shall not, howeve^ remain
io LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
in Baghdad, and in fact to-morrow I start for an exploring
trip down the Tigris with Captain Selby, commanding one
of the Euphrates Expedition Steamboats.
To his Uncle, Mr Austen.
BAGHDAD, qth September 1841.
Nearly eight months have elapsed since I last wrote
to you, and I fear that my long silence will have
caused you some anxiety ; but the fact is, I have been
unable not only to communicate with you, but to leave the
Persian territories. On my return to the Baktiyari country,
the chief engaged in a war with the Persian authorities,
which ended in his being taken prisoner. I was compelled
to become a sort of actor in the affair, and when Mehemet
Taki Khan was treacherously delivered into the hands of
his enemies, I accompanied him, and was afterwards
detained until nearly the middle of August, when I
fortunately succeeded in leaving the Persian camp and
reaching Busrah ; but in a curious condition without a
farthing in the world and with scarcely a shirt to my back,
having been plundered some half a dozen times and
exposed to the vicissitudes of war, etc.
I found an English ship at Busrah, the captain of which
received me very civilly, and, having remained with him
two or three days, I started off for Baghdad. I was now in
hopes that all my troubles were at an end, but it turned out
otherwise. Between Busrah and Baghdad I was plundered
by the Arabs three times ! And at length, after various
escapes, I astonished our worthy Resident here by in-
troducing myself to him in my shirt. But I am now
accustomed to these things, and, as I have excellent health
and spirits, they pass off as common occurrences. . . .
Thank God I am again among Europeans and country-
men : long absence had rendered me a complete Persian.
But I must now explain my reasons for returning to
Baghdad. You must have seen from my last letter that I
was proceeding but slowly towards India. The receipt of
your letter at Karak, informing me of the events which had
taken place since my leaving England, induced me to
remain here a few months longer, and to await other
letters from England. I felt that my mother's position was
so different to what it was when I left England, and that
1842] MEHEMET TAKI KHAN n
indeed all the circumstances of my family were so much
changed, that the reasons which induced me to leave England
no longer existed. I was on the point of writing to you
from Karak, and asking your sanction to my returning. . . .
But I felt a strong desire to remain a short period in the
interesting country I had been visiting, and where I had
strong hopes of being able to confer some benefit upon
mankind by contributing towards the amelioration of a
semi-barbarous people. The character of their chief gave
me the most sanguine hopes of success ; his generosity
enabled me to live there without any expense whatsoever,
and his friendship secured me a residence in that difficult
country unattended with danger. I had introduced
vaccination amongst the tribes with success ; I had written
to India, and probably should have been able to bring
Mehemet Taki Khan into correspondence with the Govern-
ment and merchants of Bombay, and to engage them to
enter into economical relations with a country so admirably
calculated for commerce as Khuzistan and Susiana.
I had scarcely, however, returned to the country from
Karak, when events put an end to all these anticipations.
The Persian Government, as usual, fearing that Mehemet
Taki Khan was gaining too great an ascendency over the
inhabitants of this part of Persia, and knowing that he had
no inconsiderable wealth in flocks and cattle, determined
upon his destruction. Under the mask of friendship they
at length succeeded in bringing him into their power, and,
violating the most sacred oaths, deprived him of his country
and threw him into chains. Thus, all the interest I had
felt in the country was at an end, and I determined upon
proceeding immediately to Baghdad, and writing to you
with the proposal I had wished to make at Karak. I can
live at Baghdad without expense, and I have here the most
intellectual society in the family of our Resident, Colonel
Taylor ; and I intend remaining here until I hear from
you.
12 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
To his Mother.
BAGHDAD, 24/7* January 1842.
[After touching upon family circumstances which had
again made his future plans uncertain^ he continues] :
I regret that I have been unable to make drawings ;
the state of the country would not allow me to do so, and
indeed it was very seldom that I was able to make a note,
or to take a bearing by the compass. During my last
trip I discovered other sculptures and the sites of several
ancient cities. I luckily escaped very well, having only
been plundered once, although the journey was a very
dangerous one, and, succeeded in visiting every spot of
any interest that, during my former excursion in Khuzistan,
I had left unexamined. I found my poor friend Mehemet
Taki Khan still in chains, with his family in a most dis-
tressing state. One of his brothers, with whom I had spent
many happy hours, had been cruelly murdered, and on
entering Shushter one of the first things I saw was the
head of an old friend rotting in the Bazaar ! The number
of persons that have perished in this province is scarcely
credible. I visited the great robber Baktiyari chief, who
received me very civilly in his celebrated mountain strong-
hold, and, contrary to my expectations, gave me every
opportunity of visiting the country. I had the honour of
being introduced to all his wives (he has twelve), and of
getting well drunk with him on some Shiraz wine. In
fact, we were sworn friends, and I only regretted that
time would not allow me to join him in a few plundering
expeditions, and other parties of pleasure, which he very
kindly offered to bring about for my amusement. I also
spent a few days with the Wali of Luristan, the celebrated
mountain prince of the Faiti, who received me with much
kindness and treated me with great hospitality. The only
two Englishmen who had ever ventured into this country,
Captain Grant and Mr Fotheringham, had been murdered
by the predecessor of the present Wali, and, as Major
Rawlinson had strongly warned any European against
attempting to enter the country, I was somewhat anxious
as to the result of my journey. I am now, however, so
well acquainted with this curious people that I had little
1842] VISIT TO LURISTAN 13
difficulty in forming a friendship with him. The only
scoundrel that ill-treated me was the Sheikh of the Beni
Lam Arabs, in whose tent I had been a guest, and whose
bread I had eaten. Whilst among the tribe I was daily
in the greatest danger, and had I not luckily been in
company with a Seyyid, a descendant of the Prophet, I
scarcely know how I should have succeeded in passing
through the country. As it was, I was attacked, and
robbed of the little money that I possessed. The Matameh,
the commander of the Persian troops, had also left orders
at Shushter to have me arrested ; but I dared the Governor
to do so, and remained in the town and travelled about the
country without noticing his threats or remonstrances.
I have avoided living with the Colonel or any of the
residents here, although I dine with them every day, and
have taken a small house to myself, where I sit alone and
am busily occupied during the day, writing and putting my
notes in something like order. I have every reason to be
most grateful to Colonel Taylor, who is a most amiable
and worthy man. It would be well for England if every
city in the world had such a Resident. During the thirty
years he has resided here it is impossible to describe the
mode in which he has established the English name and
character. A few days back we celebrated the birth of the
Prince of Wales with great eclat. The steamer on the river
was dressed with flags and fired a Royal Salute. In the
evening the Resident's house was illuminated, and the
street hung with lamps. Who a few years back would
have anticipated this?
To his Mother.
BAGHDAD, 26^ May 1842.
I am glad to say I was completely successful, and re-
ceived the highest gratification in being able to carry out
a scheme to which I had directed much time and labour.
When I told you of our intended trip up the Karun, I
mentioned a month as the probable period of our absence.
Unfortunately, although we succeeded admirably in our
enterprise, the vessel was, through carelessness, run aground
in the immediate neighbourhood of Shushter, and, the
river being at the time much swollen from recent rains
and daily decreasing, we were soon left high and dry. The
i 4 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
steamer was dug off after great labour, and after a deten-
tion of thirty days. This incident, however, in no way
interfered with the success of the undertaking, and I have
completely established the practicability of the navigation
of the Karun.
We ascended that river, the Aub Gargar, or celebrated
canal, and the Run of Dizful. I had examined all these
rivers on several occasions and at a very great personal
risk, and it was in consequence of my urgent representations
to Colonel Taylor that the vessel was sent up the river.
I had assured the Colonel that I had conciliated all the
chiefs, and that our reception would be flattering and
hospitable. I was not deceived, and I can assert that never
were persons received with greater kindness than we were
at Shushter in the steamer Assyria. The chiefs vied with
one another in showing us attention ; we had continual
presents of sheep, and of the produce of the country, and
the house of every one was open to us. ... I am still in
a Persian dress, and have not an article of European
apparel ; I must get a fit-out at Constantinople.
To his Mother.
CONSTANTINOPLE, lothjuly 1842.
I arrived here yesterday, after a very pleasant though
somewhat fatiguing journey through Asia Minor. ... I
was not sorry to leave the sultry heats of Mesopotamia and
get into a cooler climate of Diarbekir. From Iskah to the
sea coast the mountains of Asia Minor are thickly wooded
with gigantic oaks, elms, and birch trees. I fancied myself
again in Switzerland. As I travelled tatar, I had not, of
course, much time to examine the country which I traversed.
Mosul and Mardin I must have described to you in former
letters. At Mardin you leave the great plains of Assyria,
and enter the lower undulating uplands of Taurus. From
Mardin to Diarbekir is a delightful valley, and the road
leads along a small stream, thickly wooded with poplars
and willows. It would be difficult to describe the pleasure
such a scene as this affords to a traveller who has been
traversing the treeless waste between Baghdad and Mardin.
I accompanied Dr Floyd as far as Diarbekir ; we separated
there, the Doctor going to Aleppo. In this city, however,
I found three English engineers who had left Baghdad
1842] RETURN TO CONSTANTINOPLE 15
about twenty days before me. With them I continued my
journey, and reached Samsoun in nine days without any
very hard riding. . . . We had to remain a day at Samsoun
for the arrival of the Trebizond steamer, which calls here on
its way to Constantinople. I was not sorry to find myself
once more in the atmosphere of a European steamer, after
having been devoured for days past by all manner of
vermin. There is a great enjoyment in sleeping out in
the open air, and I regretted the necessity of sleeping in a
dirty room. In the north of Asia Minor the dews are
heavy, and one risks a fever sleeping out of doors. I
reached Samsoun in a Baktiyari dress, and was compelled
to borrow a European suit to make a decent entry into
Constantinople.
I have to start afresh in the world. Of all my European
property the old cloak alone remains, and a small carpet
which I purchased three years ago here. These have re-
mained staunch to me in all my adventures, and have been
in the hands of robbers and thieves, but have in some way
stuck to me. They have encountered all the dangers of
St Paul, and must be preserved as relics.
CHAPTER II
WESTERN TURKEY, AND SIR STRATFORD CANNING
1842
I HAD promised Colonel Taylor to lose no time in deliver-
ing the despatches which he had entrusted to my care,
and which were of urgent importance. Accordingly, on
the morning of my arrival at Constantinople, I engaged a
caique with two rowers to take me to Buyukdere, where
Sir Stratford Canning, the British Ambassador, was then
residing, and proceeded to the Embassy as I had landed,
with only such European garments as I had been able
to procure at Samsoun, and bronzed and unkempt after
my long and arduous journey in constant exposure to
heat and cold, rain and sun.
In those days there were no passenger steamers on the
Bosphorus, and it took about three hours for two stalwart
caikjees to row to Buyukdere. On arriving there I
presented myself at the Embassy with my despatches.
I was told to wait, which I did for a considerable time.
At length a fashionably-dressed young gentleman appeared,
asked me cavalierly for the despatches of which I was
the bearer, informed me that the Ambassador was too
much occupied to see any one, and turning on his heel
left the room without deigning to listen to what I had
to say.
10
1842] DIPLOMACY AND MANNERS 17
I felt very indignant at this rude and uncourteous
treatment, which I thought scarcely justified by my
personal appearance, although the attache might have
been warranted in looking with some contempt upon an
unknown traveller who had only just emerged from
barbarous regions, and who bore but few marks of European
civilisation either in his dress or his complexion. Having
endeavoured in vain to obtain an audience of some other
member of the Embassy, to whom I could explain my
position, and the necessity I was under of asking for a
passport to enable me to travel over the Continent to
England, I left the house and returned at once to Pera.
I determined to apply to the British Consul-General for
a passport, without which it would have been impossible
for me to pass through any part of Europe, and to leave
Constantinople as soon as I had obtained it. Mr Cart-
wright, who then filled that office, received me with the
blunt kindness and good-nature for which he was well
known to all English travellers in Turkey. He at once
promised to send me the document I required for my
journey. I returned to my hotel to prepare for my de-
parture, bul, before leaving Constantinople, I was determined
to inform the Ambassador of the manner in which I had
been received at the Embassy. I accordingly wrote to
Sir Stratford Canning, expressing in somewhat intem-
perate terms the indignation that my treatment had
caused me. I had no right to expect any reply to my
letter, which was written under a sense of offended dignity
and resentment for what, in my anger, I considered a
personal affront. I was the more hurt and offended by
my reception at the Embassy, as, in order to deliver the
despatches with which I was charged to Sir Stratford, and
to afford him information which the British Resident at
Baghdad considered of importance to the public service,
I had put myself to no little inconvenience, and had
VOL. II. B
i8 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
suffered considerable fatigue in travelling night and day
on horseback from Baghdad. I have no doubt that I
exaggerated the matter ; but I was young and impetuous,
and the manner in which the members of an Embassy
were in those days accustomed to treat British subjects
who were not supposed to enjoy an equal position in
society with themselves may have justified, to a certain
extent, the warmth of my remonstrances. What happened
to me on this occasion served as a lesson in after years.
In this respect, great changes have since taken place.
Diplomacy has become more of a profession, and public
opinion has been brought to bear upon it in a manner which
renders it necessary for its members to discharge in a
becoming way their duties to the public. I afterwards
became intimately acquainted with the young men who
had treated me, as I considered, so rudely. They were
amiable, kind-hearted and gentlemanly, and were un-
conscious of the offence given by the supercilious and
arrogant bearing which they considered it necessary, as
belonging to an aristocratic vocation, to assume towards
strangers, and especially towards their own countrymen.
We often laughed together over the indignant protest
which my offended susceptibility had called forth.
Amongst them were more than one with whom I
afterwards formed a warm and affectionate friendship,
which lasted until we were separated by death for they
are now no more. I may have occasion to refer to them
hereafter.
I was not a little surprised when I received a kind and
courteous answer to my letter from Sir Stratford Canning,
expressing his regret that he had not seen me, and that I
had cause to complain of my reception at the Embassy,
thanking me for having brought the despatches for him
from the British Resident at Baghdad, and begging me to
call at once, as he was desirous of communicating with me.
1842] SIR STRATFORD CANNING 19
I could not do less than comply with his request, and on
the following morning I returned to Buyukdere.
Sir Stratford received me immediately. I was greatly
struck by his appearance, and thought him one of the
handsomest men I had ever seen. His hair was already
grey, or rather white. His tall and spare form was not
altogether erect, as he had the habit of stooping forward,
and he was a little awkward in his gait. There was a
somewhat too evident assumption of dignity and reserve in
his manner, which was intended to impress people with the
utmost respect for the Queen's Ambassador, and, if the
occasion required it, with awe. His earnest grey eyes
seemed to penetrate into one's inner thoughts. His
complexion was so fair and transparent that the least
emotion whether of pleasure or anger was at once shown
by its varying tints. A broad, massive and overhanging
brow gave him an air of profound wisdom and sagacity.
He was altogether a very formidable-looking personage,
and he made upon me the impression which he no doubt
intended to produce.
His manner towards me was, however, kindly and con-
siderate. He admitted and lamented that strangers had
frequently good cause to complain of their reception at the
Embassy, adding that he had reprimanded " the gentlemen
of the Chancery " for the manner in which they had treated
me. He then began to question me upon the state of the
country from which I had recently arrived, and especially
as to the events on the Turco-Persian frontier of which I
had been a witness. He appeared to be satisfied with the
answers that I was able to give him. After a long conver-
sation, and when I was about to retire, he remarked that
my knowledge of the territory in dispute between Turkey
and Persia might be of considerable use to him, as he had
reason to believe that the advance of the Persian troops to
Muhammareh and into territory watered by the Euphrates,
20 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
which was claimed by Turkey, might lead to war between
those two States. It had occurred to him, he said, that
the mediation of England might be employed to prevent
a rupture between them, and asked my opinion. I did not
hesitate to approve of his idea, offering, at the same time,
to furnish him with such information as I had acquired by
my journeys to Khuzistan.
On parting with me he expressed his hope that I
would remain for a short time in Constantinople, as he was
desirous of seeing me again, and of obtaining further
information from me, as soon as there was a prospect of
the mediation of England being accepted by Persia and
the Porte.
I returned to Pera, and some days passed without my
hearing from Sir Stratford Canning. My means were now
nearly exhausted, and I had scarcely more money than
was required for my journey to England. I therefore
wrote to the Ambassador to inform him that unless he
desired to see me again, and to avail himself of my
services, I should leave Constantinople in a few days.
Not receiving a reply to my letter, I completed the
preparations for my departure and took my passage on
board a steamer bound for Galatz whence I intended to
make my way by the Danube to Vienna.
I was descending the steep street leading from Pera
to the wharf at Tophand where I was to embark, when
I was overtaken by a cawass from the Embassy. He
had followed me from the hotel with a note from Sir
Stratford Canning, telling me that he thought he saw his
way to make use of my proposed services, adding, " instead
of going away, come and dine here to-morrow, and I will
try to arrange a plan with you." After a moment's re-
flection I determined to return to the hotel and to accept
Sir Stratford's invitation.
On the following day I went to Buyukdere". Sir
1842] BOSNIA AND SERVIA 21
Stratford Canning informed me that negotiations for the
joint mediation of England and Russia between Turkey
and Persia were in progress, but that some time would
probably elapse before the two Powers would finally
accept it, and before he might be in a position to make
use of the information which I possessed. He proposed
to me that in the interval I should visit the Western
part of Turkey in Europe, and especially Bosnia and Servia.
Much agitation then prevailed in both these provinces,
and there were grounds for believing that political events
of importance were about to occur in them. He suggested
that I should travel through them, and report to him on
their condition and the state of affairs. It was, however,
to be clearly understood that I was to have no official
character or mission.
I readily accepted Sir Stratford's proposal. The few
preparations that I had to make for my journey were soon
completed, and on the 2Oth August I left Constantinople
by a small steamer, called the Maria Dorotea, for Salonica.
I was furnished with letters of introduction to the Turkish
authorities and to our Consuls and Consular Agents
in the districts which I proposed to visit, and arrangements
were made for me to correspond directly with the
Ambassador.
The rest that I had been able to take at Constantinople
had recruited my health, which had suffered from the
hardships and privations to which I had been exposed
during my wanderings in the Baktiyari Mountains and
the desert, and from the fatigue of my tatar journey
from Baghdad. I was still, however, liable to constant
returns of the intermittent fever, which I had contracted
three years before in the plains of Philippopoli at the
commencement of my travels in the East. I had not
been able to shake it off; but I had become almost
accustomed to its attacks, from which I soon recovered,
22 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
although they produced their effect upon my constitution,
and frequently left me in a state of great debility, mental
and physical. But I was young, energetic and adventurous,
and never allowed these attacks to interfere with my plans.
Many and many a day had I ridden for hours, shivering
and shaking when the ague fit first came on, dismounting
and lying on the bare ground in a semi-delirious state
when the hot stage supervened, and returning to the saddle
when abundant perspiration brought the attack to an
end, leaving me so weak and exhausted that I could
scarcely keep my seat.
I left Constantinople in high spirits. My taste for
travel and adventure had not been satiated, and I
was further excited by the idea that I was engaged in
an important though secret mission, which, in the event
of my discharging it to the satisfaction of the Ambassador,
would in all probability lead to my permanent official
employment in the East, the great object of my ambition.
On the second day, after a beautiful passage on a waveless
sea, coasting along islands and headlands rich in immortal
traditions, I landed at Salonica. Forcing my way through
a clamorous crowd of porters, Jews and beggars, I proceeded
to the British Consulate. Mr Blunt, the British Consul
for whom I had letters, received me cordially, and procured
a room for me in the house of a native Christian family.
Mr Blunt had been for many years in the British
Consular service, and was a man of great knowledge
and experience of Eastern affairs, and intimately ac-
quainted with Turkey, its various populations and their
languages. As he had married a Greek lady like many
other Englishmen employed officially or engaged in
commerce in the Levant he was classed by his country-
men amongst " Levantines," a term which is intended
to convey mingled contempt and reproach. But he was
an English gentleman of good family and education.
1842] SALONICA 23
During my short stay at Salonica I passed most of my
time with him and with the French Consul, M. Gillet, in
whose house I had been hospitably received nearly three
years before at Tarsus where he held the same office. I
had letters for some Levantine merchants of the name
of Abbots, who were largely concerned in the export
trade, and had extensive financial dealings with the local
authorities and the populations of the province, as farmers
of the tithes and in other capacities. From them and
other gentlemen residing in Salonica I obtained informa-
tion on commercial and political subjects which I con-
sidered of sufficient interest to communicate to Sir
Stratford Canning.
Omar Pasha, Governor of the province, was a Turk of
the old school, who could neither read nor write. The
populations complained of his government as arbitrary and
oppressive. He had established monopolies of various
articles of primary necessity, such as salt, notwithstanding
the treaties between Turkey and England and other
European Powers, by which the Porte had engaged to
abolish them. These monopolies weighed heavily upon the
poor and upon those engaged in trade. Whilst through
them he accumulated wealth, they brought ruin upon the
country, which was already suffering from secular mis-
government. He was courteous and dignified in his
manners, like most Turkish officials of rank, and was con-
sequently favourably spoken of by the Consuls, whose
representations and remonstrances were patiently listened
to although they may have produced but little effect.
Salonica was already a rising port, and gave promise
of becoming the principal one for the trade of the
European provinces of the Turkish Empire. But at that
time there were no roads, and the produce of the soil was
brought down, and European merchandise conveyed into
the interior, on the backs of mules and horses, by rugged
24 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
and difficult paths which were frequently interrupted
altogether. Brigandage prevailed, and the country in
general was insecure in consequence of the political
agitation which had already commenced amongst the
Christian populations of Roumelia, mainly caused by the
intrigues of Russian Agents. 1 One of the objects of my
mission was to enquire into the movement, which was
alleged to be in progress amongst the Bulgarians, and the
means by which it was brought about. Secret Societies
were known to exist, which had for their object to excite
an insurrection against the Turkish Government, and
which were directed and supported by secret Committees
in Russia and by Russian Agents. There had already
been more than one attempt at rebellion, which had been
suppressed by the Turkish troops. However, at that time,
the Bulgarians formed but a small minority of the
Christian population of Macedonia and of Salonica, its
capital, and being of the Greek faith were included by the
Turkish authorities amongst the Greeks. It was not
until many years afterwards that the Christians to the
south of the Balkans speaking the Bulgarian language
were recognised as a distinct nation, and were no longer
classed with the Greeks. At the time of my visit to
Salonica, no part of the Christian population was known
as Bulgarian. It was said by the Turkish authorities to
consist of 15,000 Greeks. The town then contained no
less than 25,000 Jews, who exceeded in number even the
Mussulmans. They were the descendants of those who
had been driven by persecution from Spain, and had taken
refuge in the dominions of the Sultan, where they were
hospitably received, and allowed the free profession of
1 The " Bulgarian Question," which was destined in after years to
assume such grave proportions, and to lead to a great war, which may
prove to be one of the principal causes of the fall of the Ottoman rule
in Europe, was already appearing on the horizon.
1 842] SALONICA 25
their faith. They still spoke the Spanish language, and
were to be distinguished from the Turks and Christians
not only by their peculiar dress and the long locks which
the men wore on either side of their foreheads, but by
their fair complexions, blue eyes, and light hair and
beard.
During the short time that I remained at Salonica I
was much impressed by the abuses which were to be
attributed to the capitulations, or ancient treaties or
conventions between Turkey and the European Powers,
which were rapidly undermining the authority of the
Turkish Government, and rendering its continued existence
under the state of things which they were calculated to
produce almost impossible. The principal were the
privileges claimed by foreigners exempting them from
dues and taxes paid by Ottoman subjects, the monopolies
in trade which they were thus able to secure, the inter-
ference of the foreign Consuls in all local affairs and in the
administration, and the facilities afforded to Turkish
subjects of throwing off their Ottoman nationality and
obtaining that of some other country. Even the smallest
European State had its Consul or Consular Agent at
Salonica. These officials were in the habit of selling
passports to native Christians. Most of them trafficked
in these documents, and lived upon the profits they made
out of the sale of their protection. One of the principal
offenders in this respect was the Greek Consul, who
claimed a large portion of the indigenous Christian
population of the town as subjects of the Hellenic
Kingdom.
A privilege at that time enjoyed by the foreign Consuls
was the cause of no little loss to the Turkish revenue,
and of legitimate complaint on the part of the Turkish
authorities and population. Each Consul claimed the
right to keep one bakehouse, one butcher's shop and one
26 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
tavern. This claim was founded upon an ancient custom
which allowed the representatives of foreign nations to
provide for the supply of the shipping of their respective
countries.
Upon these various subjects, and upon the opening for
British commerce which Salonica appeared to me to
present, I dwelt in my letters to Sir Stratford Canning,
sending him such statistics as I was able to procure from
the official sources accessible to me.
On the 25th August I left Salonica in a small sailing-
boat bound for the village of S. Teodoro on the coast of
Thessaly. We set sail in the evening, and crossing the
gulf with a light wind arrived at our destination soon after
sunrise. After some difficulty I was able to obtain a horse
to take me to Platamona. I had fallen in with a Prussian
doctor named Auerbach, in the Turkish service, who was
going to Larissa to take charge of the quarantine
establishment in that place. We rode together along the
sea-coast at the foot of Mount Olympus, and through the
Vale of Tempe, with the beautiful scenery of which, and
the wonderful luxuriance of its vegetation, I was greatly
charmed. It reminded me strongly of the pictures of
Claude, who in his classic subjects has well divined the
peculiar characteristics of the Thessalian landscape. But
we found the country almost deserted. The mountain-
range of Olympus and Ossa was the refuge of bands of
brigands who, descending into the valleys and plains,
infested the mule-tracks, robbed travellers and caravans,
almost put a stop to trade, and compelled the inhabitants
of the villages to abandon their homes and to seek for
security in the towns. The soil consequently remained
uncultivated, and one of the richest districts in European
Turkey was reduced to the condition of a desert. Reports
of the presence of the brigands on the road we were taking
were rife and we were warned against the danger to which
1842] AMBELAKIA 27
we were exposing ourselves. But we performed our
journey without meeting with any adventure.
We crossed the Peneus by a ferry-boat, and followed
its winding course through a thickly-wooded valley, in
which the pomegranate, the vine and the fig tree, the
remains of former cultivation, mingled with forest trees.
We entered a narrow and difficult gorge through which the
river forces its way, and arrived at nightfall at Baba, a
small village almost deserted, in which we found a dirty,
half-ruined coffee-house, where we took up our quarters for
the night.
On the following day we passed through the ruined
town of Ambelakia, situated on the slope of Mount Ossa
about an hour's ride above Baba. This was once a place
of considerable importance, and the remains of large, well-
built houses, and of spacious buildings used in the manu-
facture of cotton goods, bore evidence to its former
industry and prosperity. I was greatly interested in
Ambelakia from the story which I had read of it in
Urquhart's " Spirit of the East," a book which had made
a great impression upon my imagination, and which con-
tains some of the most delightful and truthful pictures
of Oriental Turkish life. Ambelakia was inhabited by
a Greek community which, high up on the almost in-
accessible sides of Ossa, had enjoyed an almost complete
independence from Turkish rule. Some enterprising and
ingenious inhabitants of the place formed the idea of
constituting the population into a kind of joint stock
company for the manufacture of cotton prints, such as were
used in Turkey. The enterprise was for a long time
successful, and Ambelakia became one of the most
prosperous communities in the Sultan's dominions. It
was unable, however, to compete with foreign manu-
factures when the markets of Turkey were opened to
Europe, and especially to England, by the Treaties of
28 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
Commerce. The administration of the affairs of the
community fell into incompetent hands. Frauds were
alleged to have been committed by its officers. Failure
was the result; the manufactories were closed, and, the
principal inhabitants having quitted the place, Ambelakia
soon fell into ruins.
From Ambelakia I descended the southern slope of
Mount Ossa to Larissa, a town of some importance,
situated in a rich and extensive plain, and at that time the
residence of the Governor of the Province of Thessaly.
Namik Pasha, who held that post, had, however, gone
to Tchataldja the ancient Pharsalia to be present at
the annual fair held there. Having letters for him, I
determined to follow him. As Tchataldja was situated
near the Greek frontier, and the fair would be frequented
by people from both sides of the borders, I hoped to be
able to obtain information as to the state of the country,
which might prove of some importance.
A ride of six hours on post-horses took me to
Tchataldja or Pharsalia. Namik Pasha received me cordi-
ally, and having quartered me upon the Greek bishop, who
here, as elsewhere, was expected to entertain travellers
recommended to the Turkish authorities, invited me to
dine and spend my time with him as long as I might
remain in the town. He was then a young man of pre-
possessing appearance, and of considerable intelligence.
He was one of the foremost among the young Turks who
had been brought up in the school of Reshid Pasha, and
who had been selected to carry out the great reforms
introduced into the administration of the Ottoman Empire
by Sultan Mahmoud. He spoke French with fluency.
After serving for some time in the army, in which he had
rapidly risen to the rank of a Ferik or major-general, he
had been sent as Turkish Ambassador to London. On
his return he had been named Governor of the frontier
i8 4 2] GOVERNOR OF THESSALY 29
province of Thessaly, a post of considerable importance
on account of the critical state of the relations between
Turkey and Greece, the frequent violations of the
territory of both States by brigands, and the endeavours
of Greek and other agents to excite the Christian popula-
tions to rise against their Mohammedan rulers.
Namik Pasha had rendered himself popular amongst
both Mussulmans and Christians by his just and liberal
administration. He professed very enlightened views and
an earnest desire to improve the condition of the province.
As was usual in Turkey, he was not left long enough in his
government to carry them out. He made a very favour-
able impression upon me. I was disposed to look upon
him as one of the men who, by their honesty, abilities and
enlightenment, might carry out the reforms initiated by
Reshid Pasha, and save his country from the fate which
even then appeared to menace it. But I was disappointed
in him. He was afterwards employed in many high and
important missions, but abandoned his early principles,
and joined the fanatical and revolutionary party in
Turkey. The friendship which I formed with him during
my short residence at Tchataldja continued, and I have
always experienced great kindness and attention from
him.
At the time of my ^visit to Thessaly, the province was
apparently in a state of repose. Outwardly the Christians
constituting by far the largest portion of the populations
seemed satisfied with the Turkish rule, and, with the
exception of the usual acts of brigandage on either side of
the frontiers, outrages occasionally committed by Greek
patriots who crossed into Turkish territory to perpetrate
them on Christians as well as on Mohammedans, when they
could do so with impunity, public tranquillity and order were
not disturbed. But the Pasha was seriously alarmed at
the intrigues and conspiracies of foreign Agents, who, he
3 o WESTERN TURKEY [1842
was convinced, were seeking to incite the Greek subjects of
the Sultan to rise against his rule. He was especially
suspicious of the designs of France, and anxious about the
proceedings of several Frenchmen, who, upon various
pretexts, were travelling about the country. He had in-
tercepted a correspondence which, he alleged, proved that
the French Government were endeavouring to bring about
not only a rising in Thessaly, but a revolution in Greece,
with the object of dethroning the king and of placing a
son of Louis Philippe on the throne. He communicated
his suspicions and fears to me, begging that I would
acquaint Sir Stratford Canning with them. As Sir Strat-
ford had given me a letter of introduction to the Pasha, I
considered that, without giving him any cause to suspect
that my object in visiting this part of Turkey was to
furnish information to the Ambassador, I could accede to
his request.
On the following day I accompanied an old Albanian
Bey, named Abdullah, to whom I had been recommended
by the Pasha, to Karditza, a village which, with the sur-
rounding lands, he farmed for the Government, I was
struck by the fertility of the plain of Pharsalia and its
numerous villages, inhabited almost exclusively by
Christians. At Fricala, a town of some importance, which
I reached next afternoon, I was, as usual, lodged at the
house of the Greek bishop.
Between Fricala and Janina are the remarkable con-
vents of Meteoro, built upon isolated masses of rock.
They have been described by several travellers, amongst
others by my friend Robert Curzon, who visited them some
years after me, and described them in his " Monasteries of
the Levant."
Shortly before my arrival at Belgrade a revolution
had taken place in the Principality which had led to the
expulsion of Prince Milosh and the election by the
i8 4 2] SERVIAN LEADERS 31
Servians of the son of Karageorge, the chief to whom
they owed their independence, as his successor. The
Principality was still in a very disturbed state. It was
expected that Russia or the Porte would interfere to
restore the fallen ruler, and the population, determined
to resist an attempt to impose him upon them, were under
arms. A considerable force was assembled at Belgrade,
which was in a state of siege.
The principal leaders in the movement which had
ended in the expulsion of Milosh were Petronievitch,
Wutchich and Zuban. I had letters for them which
I presented on arriving at Belgrade. They had all three
been prominent chiefs and patriots in the revolution which,
principally under the direction of the popular hero Kara-
george, had freed Servia from Ottoman rule. Petronie-
vitch was a man of some culture and knowledge, and had
received a European education, and spoke more than one
European language. Wutchich was a brave and rude
soldier of the pure Servian type, unacquainted with any
tongue but his own. Zuban was a lawyer by profession,
and had some pretensions to a knowledge of literature.
He had indeed, although unacquainted with the English
language, attempted a translation of Gibbon's "Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire" into Servian. My
communications with him were carried on in a kind
of dog Latin. The three had a high reputation for
honesty, capacity, and patriotism amongst their country-
men, and were considered the chiefs of the party which
resisted the interference in their affairs of Russia, under
whose influence Prince Milosh was accused of being, and
which desired for their country a more complete in-
dependence than that which it enjoyed under foreign
control and dictation. Wutchich wore the Servian dress,
which consisted of a jacket, vest, and baggy trousers, with
leggings of brown coarse cloth, embroidered with black
32 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
braid, and the Turkish fez. In the huge belt of leather
encircling his waist he carried a pair of enormous pistols,
and a sword dangled by his side. Petronievitch and
Zuban were dressed in European costume ; but, like all
their countrymen who still considered themselves subjects
of the Sultan, wore the national head-dress, the fez.
The English Consul-General at Belgrade was, at that
time, Mr Fonblanque, the brother of the well-known
editor of the Examiner newspaper. He had taken a
prominent part in opposing the popular movement against
Prince Milosh, and when it proved successful he had
lowered his consular flag, suspended his relations with
the authorities, and had left Servia for Constantinople
to protest against it to the British Ambassador. This
conduct, which was considered by the Servians as an
unwarrantable interference in their affairs, was deeply
resented.
The private letters which had been given me for the
three Servian leaders and for the Pasha, who commanded
the Turkish garrison which then occupied the fortress of
Belgrade, and represented and maintained the suzerainty
of the Sultan over the Principality, enabled me to obtain
full information as to the object of the recent revolution,
the intentions of its promoters, and the condition of public
opinion in Servia. I soon convinced myself that the
British Consul-General had acted hastily and injudiciously
in taking so decided and hostile a step as to refrain from
entering into relations with the popular Government and
to lower his flag. It appeared to me that, if England
was called upon to take any part in the affairs of Servia,
her true policy was to give her support to those who
were struggling to obtain liberal institutions, to uphold
the independence of their country, and to resist the
undue interference of Russia in its government and
administration.
1842] RIDE TO CONSTANTINOPLE 33
Having formed these views, I felt that even in the
capacity of a private traveller a character which I care-
fully maintained during the time of my residence in
Belgrade I was committing no act of indiscretion in
acceding to the request of the Servian members of the
Provisional Government that I would inform Sir Stratford
Canning on my return to Constantinople of the true state
of affairs, and communicate to him copies of various docu-
ments which they believed would justify the expulsion of
Milosh, and the election of the son of Karageorge as his
successor.
As upon the decision which Sir Stratford Canning
might take upon the representations of Mr Fonblanque
might depend a war undertaken by Russia, or, upon her
demand, by the Porte, to crush the popular party in Servia
and to restore Milosh, a war which could not fail to cause
infinite bloodshed and misery, I determined to proceed at
once to Constantinople. The quickest mode of doing so
was by riding post. The Queen's Messengers, who in
those days carried despatches between Downing Street
and the Turkish capital, and the Cabinet couriers of other
Powers, as well as the tatars employed by the Porte,
performed their journeys in this fashion. Consequently
there was then a good supply of post-horses on the road
which formed the main line of communication through
the European provinces of Turkey.
The Pasha of Belgrade offered to send a Government
tatar with me as far as Nissa, and to give me a letter to
the Governor of that place, who would provide me with
another tatar to Constantinople. The Servian authorities
were instructed to afford me any assistance of which I
might be in need, and peremptory orders to all the post-
masters on my route insured me an immediate supply of
horses at all the post-stations. It was the middle of
October, and the weather, especially at night, was already
VOL. II. C
34 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
cold in the mountains and bleak plains of Servia and
Bulgaria. I prepared myself for it by having my old cloak,
which had served me through my wanderings in the East,
lined with sheepskins. I bought a pair of huge boots
also lined with fur, a pair of ample, baggy shalwars, such as
were worn by the tatars^ and which for long rides I
thought more comfortable than light European trousers,
and an ample shawl wound in many folds round my waist,
and, equipped with a tatar saddle and heavy shovel
stirrups which served for spurs, I started from Belgrade on
my tatar journey to Constantinople.
The gates were being closed in consequence of the state
of siege when I left the city at sunset. A surejee, lead-
ing a horse on which were placed my saddle-bags and those
of the tatar, led the way. The tatar himself followed
with his long whip, which he used incessantly to keep the
animals in front of him to their full speed. I brought up
the rear. Notwithstanding the darkness of the night and
the state of the tracks, which were deep in mud, and were
frequently lost altogether, we galloped as fast as the horses
could carry us over rocky hills and through dense forests.
I was more than once nearly swept off my saddle by the
overhanging boughs and branches. Frequently my horse
stumbled on the stony ground, and my neck was in
imminent peril. But the horses were strong and active,
and the post-stages short. We lost no time in changing
our animals, and we neither stopped to eat nor sleep
until we had crossed the Servian frontier. We had been
frequently challenged during the night by the guards
which were posted along the road in consequence of the
anticipated invasion of the Principality and the dis-
organised state of the country owing to the recent revolu-
tion. But the tatar was furnished with the necessary
password, and we passed on without interruption.
I have still a very lively recollection of that ride
1 842] RIDE TO CONSTANTINOPLE 35
through the forests of Servia in the night one of the most
breakneck and fatiguing enterprises in which I was ever
engaged. In the afternoon of the following day we
reached the considerable town of Nissa, passing, as we
entered, a pyramid of human skulls, a trophy of a Turkish
victory over the Servians which was then still preserved.
We rode through the narrow streets and bazaar still at full
gallop, and scattering the thick black mud over the
passengers and the shopkeepers and their stalls, the
surejee, as was the custom when preceding a tatar, warn-
ing the crowd of his approach by loud discordant cries
and by cracking his whip.
My letters to the Pasha secured me a welcome and,
what I even more required, a dinner. He sent at once for
a fresh tatar to accompany me to Constantinople, and
ordered horses to be prepared without delay to enable me
to continue my journey. As an attempt had been made
to construct a road from Nissa to Sophia, he offered me the
use of his carriage for the first two or three stages. As I
thought that I could thus obtain a few hours' sleep after
my fatiguing journey through the night, I accepted his
offer.
After a substantial meal, I took leave of the friendly
Pasha, and left Nissa in his carriage, followed by the
tatar and the surejee leading a horse for me to mount if
necessary. I soon found that this had been a wise pre-
caution. The Pasha's carriage was drawn by four small
active horses driven by a Bulgarian coachman who urged
them with his long whip and his cries to their full speed,
utterly regardless of the state of the so-called road and
the stones and the rocks which encumbered it. The
carriage itself was a rickety, nondescript vehicle, with
rude primitive springs, constructed in Hungary. To
sleep was utterly impossible. I was soon so much
shaken and jolted that I could bear my sufferings no
36 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
longer. So, dismissing the coachman with a present and
complimentary message to his master, I mounted the
.spare horse which had fortunately been provided for
me, and resumed my journey on my spacious and com-
fortable tatar saddle.
I remember little of my journey. The only incident
that I recollect was that, when following the yelling
surejee and tatar at full gallop through a narrow and
crowded bazaar in one of the towns through which we
passed, my horse stumbled on the slippery stone pave-
ment, and that I flew over his head and found myself in
the midst of a circle of tailors, seated cross-legged at their
work in an open shop. They were not a little alarmed
at this sudden intrusion, and I was no less surprised at
finding myself in such company fortunately without hurt
or injury.
We reached Adrianople in the morning, having
galloped without stopping day and night, except to
change horses at the post-stations, which were then
about eighteen miles, or six Turkish hours apart. My
tatar, who had been accustomed to travel, as was the
habit of his profession, at a jog-trot pace, exceedingly
fatiguing to one not accustomed to it, and which was
only increased into a gallop when a town or a post-
house was approached, declared that he could go no
further. He accordingly took me to the Konak, or
residence of the Governor, to whom I had a letter.
Whilst a fresh tatar was being found and horses made
ready, I adjourned to a neighbouring Turkish bath. After
a short but sound sleep on the soft cushions and white
linen of the outer hall, surrounded by couches on which
the bathers repose after their ablutions, I felt thoroughly
refreshed, and ready to continue my journey, and in a few
minutes was in the saddle again.
The vast undulating plains of Rumelia, smooth as a
1842] RIDE TO CONSTANTINOPLE 37
race-course, were soon crossed. The balmy, bracing
October air, with a cloudless sky overhead, and the
rapid motion, produced an exhilarating effect which soon
made me forget my fatigues and privations. In these
long tatar journeys I usually found that I suffered most
on the second night. The difficulty of keeping awake
was intense, and the efforts to do so most distressing
and painful. It was impossible to sleep when going at
a gallop. When the pace was slackened, as in descending
a hill, I could doze ; but I generally found it better to
dismount, and to snatch a few minutes' slumber lying on
the bare ground. It is almost hopeless to struggle against
a drowsiness which overpowers one in spite of every
effort to throw it off. After the second night, I generally
suffered less from the effects of want of sleep and the
excitement of passing through a new country, and the
various incidents which occurred during the ride, and
when changing horses at the stations, sufficed to occupy
the attention almost without interruption, and to drive
away the desire of sleep.
I reached Constantinople before dawn on the sixth day
after leaving Belgrade. I had performed this journey of
some six hundred miles in less time by some hours than
Colonel Townley, a Queen's Messenger, whose tatar ride
over the same ground had been mentioned by Lord
Palmerston in the House of Commons as the fastest on
record. I was consequently very proud of my feat. As
some time had yet to elapse before the Adrianople Gate,
at which I had arrived, would be opened the gates of
Stamboul were then closed until sunrise I dismounted,
and, lying on the ground, slept soundly until I could enter
the city. It was a ride of full an hour through the narrow
and ill-paved streets of the Turkish quarters, and after-
wards of Galata and Pera, before I could reach Roboli's
hotel.
3 8 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
Having breakfasted and made myself as presentable as
my limited wardrobe permitted, I hired a horse and gal-
loped to Buyukdere where Sir Stratford Canning was still
residing. He would scarcely believe that I had only left
Belgrade six days before. The dates of letters which I
had brought to him convinced him, however, of the fact.
I found that he had already, from the reports he had
received from trustworthy sources, and from the statements
of the Consul-General himself, come to the same conclusion
as I had as to the revolution in Servia, and as to the policy
which it behoved the English Government to pursue with
regard to it. He had condemned the hasty step taken
by the British Consul-General in lowering his flag, and in
thus making almost a declaration of war against the popular
party in Servia, and had directed him to return to his post
without delay. Mr Fonblanque had already left Constanti-
nople for Belgrade before my arrival.
Sir Stratford Canning was highly satisfied with the
accounts which I was able to give him of the state of
affairs in Servia, as they confirmed him in the opinion
which he had formed, and which he had expressed in his
despatches to Lord Aberdeen, H.M. Minister for Foreign
Affairs. He was desirous of entering into direct communi-
cations with the leaders of the recent movement in the
Principality, in order to obtain full and trustworthy infor-
mation as to their views and as to the events which were
occurring there. The personal acquaintance which I had
formed at Belgrade with the principal persons concerned
in the revolution enabled him to make use of me to this
end. Shortly after my return to Constantinople, Zuban,
whom I have mentioned as being Minister of Justice in the
Servian provisional Government, was sent to represent the
newly-elected Prince, the son of Karageorge, at the Porte.
I established intimate relations with him, and through him
I was able to obtain all the information that Sir Stratford
1842] POLICY OF CANNING 39
Canning required, and to be the means of communicating
his views to those who had been entrusted with the direc-
tion of affairs in Servia, and to influence to a certain
extent their conduct.
One of the charges made against the revolutionary
leaders in Servia was their cruel treatment of persons
belonging to the opposite political party. Mr Fonblanque
had accused them of placing their prisoners in deep open
pits dug in the soil. There was unfortunately a sufficient
foundation for these charges. I had seen, when at
Belgrade, and in company with Wutchich, who had the
command of the revolutionary army, a large square
excavation in which several prisoners were kept, without
protection from the inclemencies of the weather. I had
ventured to remonstrate against their treatment, and in
consequence they were removed to other quarters the
provisional Government stating that they had only been
thus temporarily placed, as there was no other means
of keeping them in safe custody in Belgrade, and they
were dangerous men whom it was necessary to retain
in confinement. But the Servians were at that time
but little less barbarous and uncivilised than their
recent rulers the Turks. One of the objects which
Sir Stratford Canning had in view was to induce
the new Servian Government to act with justice and
humanity towards the followers and partizans of the fallen
family, and so to conduct the movement which had
hitherto proved successful, that it might be justified in
European public opinion by affording proofs of its
having the support of the great majority of the Servian
population.
In these views we were warmly and ably seconded
by Zuban. Although of a somewhat rough exterior,
and having received the very limited education at that
time accessible to a Servian, he was a humane and in-
40 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
telligent man, and a good and honest patriot. I was
accustomed to see a good deal of him, and spent many
an evening in his company. In the dog Latin which we
were compelled to use in our oral and written communica-
tions, he would relate to me stories of Servian history, and
especially of the wars with the Turks, and of the struggles
for his country's independence, in which he had been per-
sonally engaged. He would usually end by singing, in a
monotonous and plaintive tone, the popular ballads in
which Servia and the other Slav provinces watered by
the Danube are rich, accompanying himself on a rude
fiddle with one string, and afterwards translating them to
me from the Servian dialect. In these songs, now that he
was far from his native land, he took great delight. They
stirred his inner soul, and as he sang them, with their
dreary accompaniment, the tears would roll down his
cheeks, and he would interrupt his performance to give
way to sobs. Upon me, too, his primitive music produced
an indescribable feeling of melancholy.
Russia had determined to crush the popular movement
which had taken place in Servia. It was, in fact, mainly
directed against her interference in the affairs of the Princi-
pality, and against Prince Milosh, who was accused of being
her tool and of endeavouring to destroy its popular and
free institutions, and to replace them by an arbitrary and
despotic rule. She resented the encouragement which,
she alleged, Sir Stratford Canning was giving to the
revolutionary party. The remonstrances and representa-
tions of the Russian Government induced Lord Aberdeen,
who was known to be very favourable to Russia, to adopt
the opposite view to that of the British Ambassador.
Sir Stratford Canning was deeply mortified and angered
by being thus " thrown over " by his own Government ;
but with his usual independence and energy, and, no
doubt, to some extent influenced by his animosity to
1842] POLICY OF CANNING 41
Russia and his deep suspicions of her designs, he held
to the policy which he had adopted upon what he
considered just grounds, and continued to give all the
support in his power to the popular party in Servia, which
was seeking to uphold and develop free institutions in the
Principality.
CHAPTER III
POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN CONSTANTINOPLE
1842-1845
IT was, of course, soon known to the English Foreign
Office that it was partly in consequence of my reports
that Sir Stratford Canning had been induced to give
his support to the popular party in Servia, and that he
was employing me unofficially and privately as the medium
of communication with its leaders. I was accused, too,
of having announced myself to the Servian Ministers as
an official agent of the British Ambassador at Con-
stantinople, and of having allowed myself to be paraded
by them about the Servian capital in that capacity in a
state-carriage. These charges, and others to the same
effect, were sent both to Lord Aberdeen and to Sir
Stratford Canning. I had no difficulty in proving to
the latter that they were unfounded, and in exposing
the motives which led to their being put forward. He
expressed himself fully satisfied by the explanations that
I was able to give him. But upon Lord Aberdeen they
produced an unfavourable impression. The prejudice
which, in consequence, he formed against me was not
for a very long time removed, and stood very much in the
way of my official employment by Sir Stratford Canning,
who was anxious to make use of my services as a member
1842-45] DISHONOURED BILLS 43
of his Embassy, and had suggested that I should be
appointed to an unpaid attacheship.
Circumstances which occurred soon after my return
to Constantinople added to my anxieties and to the
difficulties of my position. When I left England in the
summer of 1839, on my projected journey to India through
Central Asia, I had deposited in the Bank of Messrs
Coutts & Co. half of the small sum of money which my
mother had advanced to me out of my share in certain
funds under her marriage settlement, amounting to .300.
For this sum I received from these bankers a letter of
credit, which was directed by them to Colonel Taylor, the
British Resident at Baghdad. Colonel Taylor had en-
dorsed it to a correspondent or agent at Isfahan, but
had omitted to give notice to Messrs Coutts that he had
done so. When I was in want of money in Persia, the
Baron de Bode, the Secretary of the Russian Mission at
Teheran, was good enough to advance me a small sum,
when I met him in the Shah's camp near Hamadan, upon
a bill of exchange which I drew upon Messrs Coutts. A
further sum, of equally small amount, had been given to
me upon a similar bill by Colonel Hennell when I was at
Karak, of which island he was then the Governor. I
received a few pounds upon the same letter of credit,
which had not been exhausted, from the Queen's Messenger
whom I had seen at Semlin. The three bills which I had
thus drawn were dishonoured by Messrs Coutts, on the
plea that they had not been advised that their letter of
credit had been endorsed to the persons to whom I had
given my bills. I was in entire ignorance of what had
occurred until I learnt it by letters from home, and by
a communication from Sir Stratford Canning, to whom I
had been denounced as a swindler. Unfortunately, when I
lodged my money at Coutts, I had done so without ap-
prising my uncle, Mr Benjamin Austen, He was conse-
44 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
quently not a little surprised and concerned when he
learnt, by mere accident, that I had drawn bills upon
bankers in whose hands he was not aware that I possessed
any funds. He could naturally only draw one conclusion ;
but he at once took measures to have their holders paid
the amount that had been advanced, together with the
expenses of protest, etc.
When I first learnt through Sir Stratford Canning that
I was thus exposed to the suspicion of having fraudulently
obtained money, I was overwhelmed with grief, and made
up my mind that this unfortunate affair would have the
effect of destroying his good opinion of me, and of putting
an end to the career in the East to which I had looked
forward with so much hope. I begged him to wait before
forming a judgment, until I could receive explanations
from England in answer to letters to my friends. Those
explanations were unfortunately some time in reaching me,
as the post then took many days between Constantinople
and England. Consequently, I had to remain for some
time under a cloud. When they came, they were such as to
completely satisfy Sir Stratford Canning. Messrs Coutts,
although alleging that they had acted strictly according
to custom and rule, admitted that, considering the places
from which my bills were drawn, and the impossibility of
communicating with me, and that I had ample funds in
their hands to meet them, the bills ought to have been
honoured. They expressed much regret at what had
happened, and tendered me an ample apology.
My letter of credit was now almost exhausted, not-
withstanding the extreme economy which I practised.
Considering the extent of my travels and all that I had
done and gone through, it was indeed somewhat surpris-
ing that in two years and a half I had not expended
300. Sir S. Canning had paid the expenses of my
recent journey in the Turkish European provinces to
i45] CANNING OFFERS WORK 45
which he had sent me. I found myself now in severe
straits. Sir Stratford, who had been instructed by
Lord Aberdeen to propose, in conjunction with the
Russian Ambassador at the Porte, the mediation of
England and Russia to prevent a war between Turkey
and Persia, and to suggest a scheme for the settlement
of the differences which had arisen between those two
Powers, relating to their southern frontiers, was desirous
of availing himself of the information which I possessed
in preparing it. He requested me, therefore, to remain
at Constantinople, promising that the services which I
might render to the Government would enable him to
press upon Lord Aberdeen, with every prospect of success,
my official appointment as an attache to his Embassy.
He was not, however, in the position to offer me any
salary or remuneration for my work. Nor should I have
received any, had I been named one of his attache's, as
the place would have been an unpaid one.
I was at a loss to know how to maintain myself in the
position which it would be necessary for me to occupy.
But I determined to trust to fortune, and to face the
difficulties which were before me in the best way I could.
I accordingly agreed to Sir Stratford Canning's pro-
posal to remain at Constantinople. He had now moved
with his family from his summer residence at Buyukdere
to Pera for the winter. The palace belonging to the British
Government had been burnt down, and had not yet
been rebuilt. Two houses in the principal street of Pera
had been united for the accommodation of the Embassy.
In one of them I was assigned a room to which I came
daily to carry on the work I had undertaken for Sir
Stratford.
On my first visit to Constantinople, in 1839, I had
formed the acquaintance of Mr Longworth, who had then
recently returned from Circassia, to which country he had
46 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
been induced to go by Mr Urquhart, to encourage the
mountain tribes in their resistance to Russia, and to advise
and assist their chiefs in the heroic defence of their country
in which they were engaged. He had published in England
an account of his adventures, with a description of the then
almost unknown country which he had visited. He had
remained at Constantinople as the correspondent of The
Morning Post. He was a man of considerable literary
acquirements, a good Turkish scholar, of a childlike
simplicity, and one of the most upright, honest, single-
minded creatures I have ever known. He lodged in a
house kept by an Armenian widow, who had three
daughters, Katinka, Louise and Marinaka all three re-
markably handsome, but -the youngest, Marinaka, a girl of
about sixteen, of exceptional beauty. They were of the
pure type of their race, with large lustrous eyes, regular,
well-formed, but rather strongly marked features, thick eye-
brows almost meeting over the nose, and an abundance of
raven black hair. The pleasure of Longworth's society and
the attraction of three pretty faces induced me to engage
a small vacant room in the widow's house. I was to
board with my friend, the cooking being done by the
family. It was of a very primitive but wholesome kind,
consisting almost entirely of Turco-Armenian dishes, such
as pilaf, kababs y various stews of meat and vegetables, and
fish.
Our mess was joined by Colonel White, also a news-
paper correspondent, a most amusing and genial companion,
possessing much wit and humour, and an excellent mimic.
He was a man of good family, was at Eton with Sir Strat-
ford Canning, had been an officer in the Guards, and aide-
de-camp to a Royal Duke, from whose service he was said
to have been summarily dismissed on being detected by
his patron in mimicking his movements behind his back
for the amusement of his colleagues in the Ducal household.
i8 4 5J AHMED VEFYK 47
He had unfortunately failed to observe that H.R.H.was walk-
ing up and down the room in front of a large mirror in which
all his antics were faithfully reflected. He had written one or
two fashionable novels, which had obtained some success
one of them was, I believe, called "Almack's Revisited."
In addition to writing letters for his newspaper, he was
occupied in preparing a book upon Constantinople, which
he afterwards published. It contains the best and most
complete account of the manners and customs of the
various inhabitants of the Turkish capital, and of their
occupations, trades, etc., which has ever appeared. It is
now the more interesting as it describes much which has
passed away.
In compiling his work Colonel White had received the
help of Ahmed Vefyk EfTendi, who was able to supply him
with trustworthy and accurate information upon domestic
subjects connected with Turkish and Mussulman life, which
was otherwise inaccessible to a European. This remark-
able man, who rose to be Grand Vizir, and of whom I shall
have hereafter frequently to speak, was then a youth of
sixteen or seventeen years of age. His father, Ruh-ed-din
Effendi, had been for some time Ottoman Chargd cT Affaires
at Paris. His son had been with him, and had learned the
French language, which he spoke and wrote like a French-
man. On returning to Constantinople he had continued
the studies which he had commenced at Paris, and had in-
duced his father to form a library, including the English
and French classics, which subsequently became the most
valuable and extensive in the Turkish capital. His
acquaintance with English and French authors would even
have been remarkable in one who had received the best
European education. He was, moreover, a good Turkish,
Persian and Greek scholar, and was well versed in Oriental
literature.
Ahmed Vefyk Effendi was at that time employed in
48 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
the Foreign Department at the Porte, where his father held
a high official position. They resided together in a large,
old-fashioned, wooden house near the great Byzantine
Aqueduct which traverses Constantinople, and still
supplies the city with water. The Effendi and Mr Long-
worth were in the habit of dining and spending two nights
a week in each other's houses. No one was allowed to
cross the Golden Horn from Galata after sunset, the gates
of Stamboul and the bridge of boats being closed. In
those days Europeans were not allowed to be in the
Mussulman quarters after dark, and the very fact that an
Englishman was allowed to pass the night in Ruh-ed-din's
konak, afforded a convincing proof of the enlightened
and liberal character of its owner, as he ran the risk of
seriously offending the religious prejudices of his neigh-
bours, and, had he not been a man of rank and authority,
would have been exposed to the interference of the
Mukhtars, or chiefs of the quarter, who were charged with
its superintendence and its police. 1
The evenings which the two friends thus spent together
were devoted to reading and study. I soon formed an
intimate friendship with Ahmed Vefyk, and was invited to
join the party at his house. During the time that I spent
at Constantinople, I went there as regularly as I was able,
twice a week, to his konak in Stamboul when he was in
the city, and to his yali or country house, on the Bosphorus
during the summer months.
We read together the best English classics amongst
them the works of Gibbon, Robertson, and Hume and
studied political economy in those of Adam Smith and
Ricardo. My friend Lo x ngworth had strong Protectionist
1 The Mussulman quarters of Stamboul offered a striking contrast
to those occupied by the Christians and Europeans in their immunity
from crime and vice. The Turks had no wish that the civilisation of
Galata and Pera should be extended to that part of the capital which
was inhabited by themselves and their families.
i8 4 53 AHMED VEFYK 49
views : I was an ardent Freetrader. We spent many an
hour in fierce argument, in which the Effendi joined with
great vigour and spirit, lighting up the dry matter in
discussion with an infinity of jokes and quaint illustrations.
We also made him read, and read to him, the plays of
Shakespeare, which he understood and appreciated, and
the novels of Dickens, into the spirit of which he
thoroughly entered roaring with laughter over the comic
scenes. There was something catching in his merry
and boisterous laugh, and even the solemn Turks who
were present when he indulged in it, and did not
comprehend the reason of it, could not resist joining in it.
He took so much delight in "Pickwick" and the other
works of Dickens which had then appeared, and was so
well acquainted with them, that he was constantly in the
habit of quoting from them in after days. He had a
singularly retentive memory, and rarely forgot what he
had read. He was a perfect store of information on all
manner of subjects, Western and Oriental, and had even
then acquired a smattering of scientific knowledge, which
he afterwards considerably extended. His remarkable
capacity, his great acquirements, and his upright and
honourable character, led his friends to believe that he
would rise to the highest offices in the State, and he
himself would talk as if he were persuaded that he would
one day become Grand Vizir. 1 He was the most cheerful,
the most merry, and the most entertaining of companions.
As he was always ready to impart information, and had
none of those scruples and prejudices which prevented Turks
from speaking to strangers, and especially to Europeans,
of their domestic affairs, I learnt from him many
1 The prediction was fulfilled many years after, and when I, who
had been the companion of his youth, was the Queen's Ambassador at
Constantinople.
VOL. II. D
50 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
interesting details of Turkish life and habits which sub-
sequently proved of much use to me. His father was
equally communicative and free from prejudice. He
spoke French indifferently, but sufficiently well to
make himself understood. He was a perfect Turkish
gentleman, of the most refined manners, and of very
dignified appearance, with his snow-white beard and
his turban and robes, which the chief civil functionaries
at the Porte still wore, the nizam, or European uniform
and dress, not having then been generally adopted by
them.
The life led by a Turkish gentleman in Stamboul was,
at that time, a very simple one. Ruh-ed-din Effendi's
konak, or mansion, was provided with no European
luxuries. It was divided, like all houses in the East
inhabited by Mussulman families, into the apartments in
which the owner sat during the day, and in which he
received his visitors, and those occupied by the ladies and
their female attendants, or the harem. Chairs and
tables, and other European articles of furniture were not
then in general use, as they subsequently became in
Turkish houses. The floors of the rooms were covered
with a simple but finely made matting, upon which were
laid Kurdish or Persian carpets of beautiful texture, and
exquisite in colour and design. Around, against the walls,
were placed very low divans, covered with Brousa or
Damascus silk, and provided with large and comfortable
cushions and bolsters to lean against. To sit upon them
it was necessary to sit Oriental fashion, cross-legged, or to
stretch one's legs on the floor very awkwardly and ungrace-
fully. Every one on entering a room, and before treading
on the carpets, took off his boots or shoes. I always ad-
hered to this custom when visiting Turkish gentlemen,
wearing, as they did, inside my boots and over my stock-
1845] RUH-ED-DIN EFFENDI 51
ings, the thin, black, leather mests, a kind of slipper or
covering for the foot Everything was kept scrupulously
clean, and the interior of the house was a model of
neatness.
The EfTendi and his son had, as was then the custom,
numerous servants or hangers-on. Neither of them could
go to the Porte, or elsewhere, without being followed by at
least two attendants, one carrying the long chibouk, or pipe
of cherry or jasmine wood, in a bag, the other, papers,
books, and other things which his master might require
during the day. The other servants remained to look
after the house, in a room provided for them on the ground
floor, where they spent the day in smoking pipes and
drinking coffee. They wore no livery, but were dressed like
their masters, and went about slipshod, as they had to
leave their shoes at the door whenever they entered a
room. When the Effendi was at home, they were princi-
pally occupied in serving visitors with coffee and pipes.
There was no bell in the house, and when they were
required their master summoned them by clapping his
hands.
In the harem, to which the male servants had not access,
the work was done by female attendants. They cooked
the dinner and other meals, being superintended in these
occupations by the ladies of the family, who themselves
were in the habit of making any special dish, and espe-
cially sweetmeats. Neither Ahmed Vefyk nor his father
would tolerate the presence of a eunuch in their house-
holds, and their harems, unlike those of most Turkish
gentlemen of their station and rank, were not guarded
by these wretched beings. Nor had they any slaves,
male or female, such as were then almost invariably found
in Turkish families.
Ruh-ed-din Effendi had but one wife. His son, when
52 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
he married, followed his example. Most of the leading
Turkish statesmen of the liberal and reforming party, to
which both of them belonged, such as Reshid, AH and
Fuad Pashas, Cabouli Effendi, and other enlightened men,
did as Ruh-ed-din, although they still maintained very
strictly the harem system their wives, with their female
attendants, living in a part of the house, generally the
largest and best, especially set apart for them, to which
no male, except a very near relation, such as a father or
brother, was admitted.
Longworth and I usually went over to Stamboul, when
we spent the night at Ruh-ed-din EfTendi's, early in the
afternoon. We read with Ahmed Vefyk until sunset, when
he retired into the harem to say the prayers obligatory
upon all Mussulmans at that time. An hour after, he and
his father and generally several guests for, like all Turkish
gentlemen, they kept open house and were very hospitable
assembled for dinner, which was served in the old Turkish
fashion. A low stool was first brought in and placed in
the centre of the room. A servant then appeared bearing
an immense metal tray, which he placed upon this stool.
He was followed by a number of other attendants, each
carrying a metal bowl or dish, of various sizes, each with its
cover.
A servant then went round with a kind of ewer, called
an ibryk, from which he poured water over the hands of
those present into a basin held beneath, in which was
a piece of soap. After they had thus washed, the master
of the house and his guests squatted on the carpeted floor
round the capacious tray. A richly embroidered napkin was
then thrown over their right shoulder, for them to wipe
their hands and mouth during the repast. One of the
attendants then placed in the centre of the tray a metal
bowl containing soup. Each person took a few spoonfuls,
1845] A TURKISH DINNER 53
and the bowl was speedily removed. A number of dishes
then succeeded each other, each being rapidly removed
after the guests had helped themselves to a few morsels
with their fingers, for knives and forks had not yet come
into common use in Turkey, and even Turkish gentlemen
of the rank of Ruh-ed-din Effendi still ate in this primitive
and barbarous fashion, only metal spoons for the soup
being provided. Sometimes a knife and a fork were given
to a European guest, who was supposed not to be able to
use his fingers, or to be reluctant to do so. It was
certainly difficult for one not accustomed to eat in this
manner to gather up rice from a pilaf without scattering
the greater part of it over the tray, or to convey to his
mouth with decency and cleanliness made dishes, in which
rich sauces and melted butter were the principal in-
gredients.
At a formal Turkish dinner to which guests were
invited, the regulation number of dishes served was, I
believe, no less than forty-two. But at Ruh-ed-din
Effendi's house on ordinary occasions they rarely ex-
ceeded thirty. They came in succession, but each dish
was so rapidly removed the guest only having time
given to him to dip his fingers once or twice in it,
and, if he were not very alert, not being able to do so at
all that the repast did not last as long as might have
been expected.
After the soup, came stewed meats, fish dressed in
various ways, pastry, sweet and savoury, made dishes
of eggs, and vegetables of different kinds, kaimak, a
thick cream from buffalo's milk, prepared with sugar
and honey, and a variety of other Turkish messes,
served apparently without order fish, meat, vegetables
and sweets alternating. Some of these dishes were ex-
ceedingly good and well cooked, especially those con-
54 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
sisting 01 fi sh, and the pastry. They were all prepared in
the harem, and, when ready, were placed in a revolving
cupboard or box which enabled the women to pass them
to the men-servants without being themselves seen. The
appearance of a huge pilaf was the sign that the dinner
had come to an end, with the exception of a great china
bowl filled with sherbet, or sugar and water flavoured
with prunes, irom which the guests helped themselves
with wooden spoons of pear-wood tastefully carved by
Persian craftsmen.
When the last dish had been removed an attendant
again appeared with the ewer and basin. When we had
washed our hands we returned to the divans round the
room, and pipes, narguiles, and coffee were served. Only
water had been drunk during dinner, and no wine was
served. In many Turkish houses it was the custom to
hand small glasses of raki, a strong, warm, native brandy,
and dried fruits and nuts to the guests to whet the appetite
and frequently something more before dinner. But
in Ruh-ed-din Effendi's house spirits were not drunk.
Amongst the guests at Ruh-ed-din Effendi's tray were
generally some functionaries at the Porte mostly from the
Department of Foreign Affairs and very frequently some
influential personage from the provinces, who had come,
or had been summoned, to Constantinople on business with
the Government, sometimes too, a Circassian Chief, or a
Turcoman Beg from central Asia on his way, as a pilgrim,
to Mecca. Ahmed Vefyk sought to see and entertain
such strangers, as he obtained from them useful and
frequently important information on the state of far
distant Mussulman countries and upon political matters
of consequence.
I was also often able to obtain political and other in-
formation, which proved of much use to Sir Stratford
1845] DOMESTIC HABITS 55
Canning, from the persons I thus met in the Effendi's
house, as well as materials and news for the letters which
I was then writing to the Morning Chronicle and other
journals.
The guests who had been invited to dinner, or who
had availed themselves of Ruh-ed-din Effendi's hospitality
without invitation, usually sat for an hour after the tray
had been removed, talking, smoking, and drinking coffee.
They then left the house. Longworth and I then resumed
our readings, our studies, or our discussions with Ahmed
Vefyk. They usually lasted until a late hour, as he
rarely went to bed before one or two o'clock in the
morning, although he was a very early riser, like most
Turks. When he retired to the harem for the night,
the servants took mattresses, pillows, sheets, and coverlets
from a spacious cupboard in the room in which we had
been sitting. Two beds were made on the floor for
my companion and myself. Everything was scrupulously
clean and exceedingly comfortable, and we slept soundly.
The household were usually astir by the Mohammedan
hour of prayer, at sunrise. We rose also. The ewer and
basin were brought to us to perform our ablutions. The
mattresses and the remainder of the bedding were rolled
up and replaced in the cupboard. We drank our coffee
and smoked our morning pipes, and then returned on
foot, generally leaving the house before our hosts had
emerged from the harem.
I frequently passed a night in the same fashion, except
as to the reading and study, in other Turkish houses, for
I had a good many friends amongst the leading Turks.
Armenian families, many of them of great wealth and
of considerable influence at Constantinople, and even some
of the leading Greeks who had not lived or travelled
in Europe, or had not adopted European customs and
56 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
manners, then lived in the same way as the Turks ; their
beds were kept in a cupboard, rolled up during the day
and spread on the floor at night. They ate with their
fingers, and sat upon low divans with their legs curled
up under them.
A struggle for power was at this time taking place
at Constantinople between the reform party, of which
Reshid Pasha the author of the celebrated Hat-i-Sheraf
of Gulhane, or new constitution for the Turkish Empire,
was the head, and those Turkish statesmen who were
opposed to the European institutions, which Sultan
Mahmoud had attempted to introduce into the govern-
ment and administration of his Empire. The most active
and powerful amongst the latter was Riza Pasha, an
able, unscrupulous and corrupt man, who, at times,
exercised great influence over the Sultan, Abdul-Mejid,
which he used to thwart the policy of his rival Reshid
Pasha.
Sir Stratford Canning supported the reform party
with characteristic energy and vigour. He was in constant
and intimate communication with Reshid Pasha and his
principal followers such as AH and Fuad EfTendis, men
of remarkable abilities, who afterwards rose to the highest
offices in the Ottoman Empire. These communications
were frequently of a very secret and confidential nature.
Sir Stratford, availing himself of my knowledge of the
Turkish character, and of my slight acquaintance with the
Turkish language, was in the habit of employing me in
them. The task he imposed upon me was a very delicate
and difficult one, and, even in those days, not un-
accompanied with danger. But it suited my adventurous
and somewhat romantic disposition. The visits I had to
pay to these statesmen on Sir Stratford's behalf, whether
they were in office, or living in retirement and apparent
m
c.r
i4S] SYMPATHY WITH REFORMERS 57
disgrace when out of it, were usually made at night and
always in the greatest secrecy, as it was of great importance
that it should not be known that they were in communica-
tion with the English Ambassador, and that they were
acting upon his advice and encouragement. Sir Stratford
himself was fond of mystery, and nothing pleased him
better than this kind of underground correspondence not
to call it intrigue which he would carry on with the
Ministers, or with their opponents, through a person not
officially connected with the Embassy, but in whom he
had complete confidence. Many a night I have spent at
Constantinople, or on the Bosphorus, engaged on these
secret missions, sometimes meeting the person to whom I
had been sent in out-of-the-way places sometimes
introduced surreptitiously into their harems, where I
could see them without risk of interruption or discovery.
I thus became well acquainted with the leading men
of the reform party and the enlightened and able states-
men who were then at its head, and who were earnestly
endeavouring to regenerate their country, and to bring its
institutions into conformity with those of the most
civilised and liberal of the European States. I obtained,
moreover, a knowledge of Turkish politics which sub-
sequently proved of great use to me. My opinions with
respect to the Ottoman Empire entirely agreed with those
of Sir Stratford Canning. I was convinced, as he was,
that, unless its government was thoroughly reformed by
the introduction of European institutions, by a funda-
mental improvement in the administration, which was
deplorably corrupt in all its branches, and by the better
treatment of the Christians, and by placing them on an
equal footing with the Mussulmans, its fall would not be
far distant. To induce the Sultan and his Ministers to
adopt those reforms was the object of Sir Stratford
58 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
Canning. As far as my humble ability and position
permitted me, I seconded him with all my heart and soul.
Every effort was made by Russia through her
Embassy at Constantinople, and through her agents,
secret and avowed, to frustrate these attempts. At every
turn he had to encounter and baffle her intrigues. Count
Boutanieff, a crafty, vigilant, far-seeing and unscrupulous
diplomatist, ever active in intrigue, but carefully abstaining
from bringing himself into too much notice, or from in-
terfering too openly in the affairs of the Porte, was then
the Russian Minister at Constantinople. Between him
and Sir Stratford Canning there was an incessant struggle
carried on, however, by each of them in a different way :
the one, impetuous, and dictatorial ; the other, cautious
and restrained. The English Ambassador imposing him-
self upon the Turks, seeking to inspire them with awe,
and to drive them into doing his bidding ; the Russian
endeavouring to obtain his ends by cajolery, and by
leading his victims by gentle and persuasive means to
their destruction.
Whilst the Turks respected Sir Stratford Canning
for his honesty, sincerity and truthfulness, and were
persuaded that he was their friend, they resented his
haughty interference in their affairs, and the incessant
trouble and humiliation to which they were exposed
by his line of action. On the other hand, they knew
well enough that the Russian representative was working
for their ruin, and that his soft and persuasive words
were but the means by which he sought to effect it.
But they preferred being led to being driven. In the
end the more cautious and subtle policy of the Russian
triumphed. It is reasonable to suppose that the treatment
to which the Turkish Ministers were exposed from Sir
Stratford was the cause of subsequent mischief by de-
i4S] CANNING'S IRRITABILITY 59
stroying their self-respect and self-confidence, and im-
pelling them to oppose or frustrate if not openly, at
least indirectly and not the less effectively the reforms
which, in the true interests of their country, he desired
them to adopt. By using more conciliatory means he
might have succeeded in his object.
The French Ambassador was, at that time, the Baron
de Bourqueney a conciliatory diplomatist of polished and
very courteous manners. He did not enjoy the reputation
of being a man of very commanding abilities. There was
then, as there has been ever since, on the part of France,
a great jealousy of England in the East, and a deep
suspicion of her presumed designs. This led to constant
misunderstandings between them, and was the cause of
much mischief; for the Turkish authorities were not slow
to take advantage of these jealousies, rivalries and dis-
agreements of the representatives of the two Powers who
ought to have acted cordially together. They played
them off, with their usual cleverness and cunning, one
against the other, and were thus able to persevere in
their evil courses. Baron de Bourqueney was of so mild
and amiable a disposition that it was difficult even for
Sir Stratford Canning to come to an open quarrel with
him. But the choleric English Ambassador did manage
to do so especially on one occasion, when he so lost
his temper and used such violent language to his colleague
that he exposed himself to a personal challenge.
The circumstances to which I now allude happened
some time after I became first acquainted with Sir Stratford
Canning. In consequence of a demand from M. de
Bourqueney for an apology for certain expressions which
Canning had used in the heat of discussion, the latter
asked my advice as to the course he should take. I
felt bound to tell him that in my opinion he was in
60 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
the wrong, and that it became him to withdraw the
words to which exception had been taken, and to offer a
full and ample apology. After a long discussion, he
ended by accepting my advice, and agreed to write a
letter of explanation to his French colleague as I had
suggested. But the terms of this letter gave rise to
serious questions. He wrote several drafts, none of which
was satisfactory. Each succeeding objection that arose
increased his anger, and the tone of his voice became
so loud and menacing that Lady Canning rushed into the
room fearing that some catastrophe had occurred. The
letter, as finally amended, was sent, and the explanations
given in it were accepted. A question which might have
led to very disagreeable and serious results was thus
satisfactorily settled, and friendly relations were resumed
between the two Ambassadors.
The Austrian Empire was then represented at the
Porte by the Baron de Sturmer, who had the title of
" Inter - nuncio," with the rank of Ambassador. The
Baron was a veteran diplomatist of much experience.
He had been Austrian Commissioner at St Helena to
watch, with others sent by the allied European Powers,
over the security of Napoleon. He had there married
a French woman, who held, I believe, a subordinate
position in the household of one of the French Generals
who had accompanied the Emperor in his captivity.
She was a good-natured, kindly lady, much liked and
esteemed in the small society of Pera for her generosity
and hospitality. The Baron was a man of a quiet, un-
assuming disposition, who took no very prominent or
active part in politics, and who had acquired a good
deal of influence at the Porte by the dispassionate and
friendly advice he was always ready to give when required
of him, and by his habit of carefully refraining from
1845] THE SPANISH MINISTER 61
any interference in the affairs of Turkey except when
the interests of his country were immediately concerned.
The position that he thus held at Constantinople enabled
him to obtain much exact and valuable information as
to the policy and proceedings of the Turkish Government,
which was of no little value to a foreign representative at
the Porte, and especially to Sir Stratford Canning. He
consequently maintained very friendly relations with the
Inter-nuncio, which were, however, occasionally interrupted
by some outburst on his part. It was, indeed, sometimes
very difficult for even the most enduring and forbearing of
men entirely to avoid misunderstandings with the quick-
tempered English Ambassador.
The colleague of whom Sir Stratford made the most
use was the Spanish Minister, Senor de Cordova. Spain
had but few interests in Turkey those which she had
being almost exclusively connected with Roman Catholic
convents and churches in the Levant which she claimed to
be under her protection ; and, as she abstained from any in-
terference in Turkish affairs, her representative was trusted
and treated with confidence by the Porte, was often con-
sulted by it on international questions, and had ready
access to the Ministers and leading members of the
Ottoman Government. Senor de Cordova was sincerely
attached to the English Ambassador, whose remarkable
qualities and loyal and sincere character he fully appreci-
ated. He was ready to place his influence and services
at Sir Stratford's disposal, and became on many important
occasions the secret and indirect channel of communication
between Sir Stratford and the Turkish statesmen, and
even the Sultan himself. Many weighty and urgent
matters were treated through him, and brought to a
satisfactory conclusion, which could not have been dealt
with by the usual diplomatic means.
62 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
Sefior de Cordova was a man of good sense and excellent
judgment, qualities which commended him to Sir Stratford
Canning. He had been for many years representing his
country at the Porte, and was intimately acquainted
with its traditions and mode of conducting business, and
with the intrigues in which its leading functionaries, from
the highest to the lowest, Mussulmans and Christians, were
incessantly engaged, and upon which, far more than upon
the merits, the direction and settlement of almost every
political question in Turkey depends. He was a man
of an ancient and noble family, small in stature, and
somewhat insignificant in appearance, and, like all
Spaniards, very proud and susceptible and easily tak-
ing offence. It showed the value that Sir Stratford
Canning placed upon his services, and the esteem that
they felt for each other, that a quarrel should not have
taken place between them.
On one occasion, when at a dinner-party at the British
Embassy the place inadvertently assigned at the table to
M. de Cordova was not that to which he considered
himself entitled from his rank and diplomatic precedence,
he left the dining-room, took his hat, and quitted the
house. It was some time before his absence was observed,
and the cause of it ascertained. I was sent to make
proper excuses and to beg him to return. He was
already half-way down the street before I overtook him,
and I had to use all my powers of persuasion to induce
him to turn back.
On another occasion, Dr Wolff, the well-known Mission-
ary, was maintaining at Sir Stratford Canning's table
that the best families in Spain had Jewish blood in their
veins, and, addressing himself to the Spanish Minister
who was present, declared that even the Cordovas were
not exempt from it. The little man bounded from his
1845] LIFE AT PERA 63
seat as if he had been shot, and drawing himself up, denied
with the greatest indignation, and in the most pompous
terms, a statement so offensive to his dignity and to his
faith. The Doctor, turning to me, who was sitting next to
him, observed in a stage whisper loud enough to be heard
by the company : " That's all very fine, but what I have
said is nevertheless perfectly true." The Don did not for-
tunately understand English, or the consequences might
have been serious.
Pera was at this time, as it has always been, and as it
will always be, the centre of every manner of intrigue.
Europeans, Turks, Armenians, Greeks, and all the outcasts
of various nationalities who form the population of that
polyglot and cosmopolitan suburb of Constantinople, were
engaged in little else, whether political or personal. The
representatives of the Great Powers, contending for
influence, or seeking by every means at their command to
promote the interests or policy of their respective govern-
ments, had their secret agents in every quarter. What
little society existed was not exempt from them. The
most numerous and most active of these agents and spies
were those in the pay of the Russian Embassy. They
literally swarmed in the Turkish capital, and amongst
them were known to be men in high position in the
Sultan's palace and at the Porte. They were equally to
be found amongst the best native Christian families, and
even, it was suspected, amongst the Europeans who formed
what might be termed the upper class in the social strata
of the Frank quarters of the Turkish capital. The Greeks,
principally those who were employed by the Turkish
Government or those who had held high office under it,
were the agents chiefly engaged in these intrigues. The
Armenians did not then take the same active part in
political affairs, nor occupy the same important offices as
64 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
they have since done. They were far less active than
the Greeks, and had not the same relations with the Foreign
representatives as their ambitious and more restless fellow-
Christians. The Turks, consequently, trusted them more.
The great functionaries of the Porte employed them chiefly
as their bankers and agents, and but few of them held high
offices. They were, however, cunning and skilful in money
matters, and managed to make large fortunes out of those
whom they served by advancing them money at usurious
rates of interest. Every Pasha and high Turkish functionary
had in those days his Armenian banker, who supplied him
with funds when he received an appointment, and sometimes
accompanied him when he was named to the Governorship
of a town or province. As it may easily be imagined, these
crafty financiers knew how to take advantage of the ignor-
ance and reckless carelessness of their Turkish patrons, and
soon availed themselves of these opportunities to enrich
themselves at their expense. But they were not infre-
quently made to disgorge their wealth by the summary,
and frequently cruel, measures to which, before they could
appeal, as now, 1 to European protection and interference,
they were exposed.
When I was first at Constantinople the manner of living
of the Armenians was nearly similar to that of the Turks,
except in the case of those families which had been con-
verted to Roman Catholicism, and in which European
habits and customs to a certain extent prevailed. Their
women went abroad veiled, and were almost as carefully
watched and guarded as the inmates of a Mohammedan
harem. Their houses were built and furnished after the
Turkish fashion. This similarity of manners was an
additional recommendation to their Mussulman fellow-
subjects, with whose language, moreover, they were far
1 This was written between the years 1883 and 1885. Ed.
1845] ARMENIANS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 65
better acquainted than the Greeks, speaking it with
greater correctness and fluency.
The principal private political agent of Sir Stratford
Canning he could scarcely be called his " secret " agent, as
his connection with the British Embassy was generally
known was Vogorides Bey, a Greek gentleman of a
distinguished Fanariote family, who had held high offices
under the Turkish Government, and who had been the first
Prince of Samos, after that island had obtained its
autonomous constitution. This rank and title were
consequently always given to him. He was a man of
considerable shrewdness and intelligence, unscrupulous,
and an accomplished intriguer, intimately acquainted
with the Turkish character, and thoroughly familiar with
the way of transacting business with them. He was on
very intimate relations with most of the leading Ottoman
statesmen, and had means of access to the members of the
Sultan's household who enjoyed His Majesty's confidence
and exercised the most influence over him. Sir Stratford
had no great respect for the Prince of Samos' character,
and was well aware of the danger of placing too much
trust in him ; but he found him a most useful agent, and
employed him in delicate and difficult negotiations. He
had never, I believe, reason to suspect that the Prince
did not serve him honestly, or to regret that he had trusted
him.
Whilst the Prince of Samos was thus employed by the
British Ambassador, the Grand Logothete, or official head,
of the Greek community, was the principal secret agent of
the Russian Embassy. He was a man of considerable
capacity, very active and utterly unscrupulous. There was
a constant rivalry between him and the Prince of Samos,
and a struggle for influence in the palace and at the Porte.
Their success varied, and it was not easy to say to which
of the two public opinion gave the superiority. It was,
VOL. II. E
66 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1841-
however, generally believed that the Prince of Samos
exercised the more solid influence over the Turks, and
was the more esteemed of the two, and especially by the
Sultan.
The state of things that I have described was not
calculated to render Pera a pleasant residence for those
who were not required by their occupation or business to
remain there. I loathed the place and its intrigues, and
went very little into society, except at the British Embassy,
where I passed much of my time, and where I was received
with the utmost kindness by Sir Stratford and Lady
Canning a kindness for which I have ever been the more
sensible, the more grateful, as it was shown to one who was
a stranger to them, and who had at that time no claims
whatever to it.
Soon after my return to Constantinople from my
mission to the Western provinces of European Turkey,
the joint mediation offered by the English and Russian
Governments to Turkey and Persia to prevent a war,
which was then on the point of breaking out between
them, was accepted by the two Powers. Sir Stratford
Canning was thus able to carry out his intention of avail-
ing himself of the knowledge I had acquired during my
travels in Mesopotamia and Khuzistan, and to employ me
in the correspondence and negotiations which were to take
place. The principal matters in dispute were certain parts
of the frontiers between the two States Persia claiming
the left bank of the Shat-el-Arab, or united waters of the
Tigris and Euphrates, from about sixty miles of their
junction with the Persian Gulf, and certain districts in the
mountains of Kurdistan which had been occupied by the
Turks. Since the Matamet ed Dowleh's expedition
against the sheikh of the Chaab Arabs, who had given an
asylum to Mehemet Taki Khan, the Persians had occu-
pied Muhammerah and some territory to the north of that
i8 4 5l TURKEY AND PERSIA 67
town. This territory was claimed by the Porte, and,
as Persia refused to withdraw from it, the Turks were
about to have recourse to war to enforce their claims.
They were already fitting out an expedition against
Muhammerah.
It was necessary for the Representatives of the media-
ting Powers at Constantinople to make a careful investiga-
tion into the claims of the contending parties, and to pro-
pose to them for their acceptance a fair and equitable
arrangement, founded upon their respective rights and
interests. Sir Stratford Canning entrusted me with this
duty on his part. I had to examine the evidence furnished
by the Porte and the Persian Government in proof of their
pretensions, consisting of a large number of documents,
maps and surveys, many of them of ancient date, and to
prepare a scheme for the settlement of the matters in
dispute to be submitted to the British and Russian
Governments for their approval before being presented to
the two Powers.
I took great interest in the work, which was very
congenial to my tastes. The knowledge which I had
acquired of the territory in dispute, and of the history
and traditions of the tribes which inhabited it, proved
of much use to me. I was able to prepare a project of
settlement which appeared to me just to both parties,
and warranted by the proofs which they had produced
in support of their respective claims. It was entirely
approved by Sir Stratford Canning, and sent by him to
Lord Aberdeen to be communicated to the Russian
Government. He fully expected that he would speedily
receive authority to submit it to the Porte for its
acceptance.
The result of my examination of the evidence and
maps furnished to me was that the claims of Turkey to
the left bank of the Shat-el-Arab and to Muhammerah
68 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
were well founded. Persia had never exercised more
than a nominal jurisdiction over the territory in dispute,
the right to which had always been asserted by the Porte.
The Arab tribes which inhabited it were semi-independent,
acknowledging at one time the supremacy of the Sultan,
at other times that of the Shah. The question was
much complicated by a change which had taken place
in the lower part of the course of the Karun. In the
early part of this century, as may be seen by maps of
the time, this river discharged itself into the Persian
Gulf by more than one outlet, the principal of which was
known as the Bahmehshire. As it rose in the mountains
of Luristan, and the whole of its course was through
Persian territory, it was unquestionably a Persian river,
and Persia had undoubted claims to the lands on both
its banks.
But a canal had been cut to unite this river and
the Shat-el-Arab, known as the "Hafar" (a name which
denotes its artificial origin), and upon its banks
Muhammerah had been built by the Sheikh of the
Chaab Arabs. In the course of time the waters of
the Karun, which frequently descend from the mountains
in a rapid stream, had enlarged this canal, and the main
body of the river came to discharge itself into the Shat-
el-Arab through it. Consequently, Persia now claimed
the left bank of the Shat-el-Arab below the Hafar, with
the town and district of Muhammerah as Persian territory.
The original mouth of the Karun, the Bahmehshire, was
still open and navigable at least to vessels of moderate
draught as I had proved by descending it to the Persian
Gulf in the East India Company's steamer Nitocris
with her commander, Lieutenant Selby. The earlier
mouths of this river, to the east of the Bahmehshire, had
been gradually deserted by it, and were silted up and dry.
In fact, the Karun had for centuries been forcing its
i8 4 5] BOUNDARY DISPUTE 69
way westwards, until it found a convenient outlet for the
principal portion of its waters through the Hafar Canal,
or the Shat-el-Arab, or Euphrates.
The Porte contended, not without reason, that as the
Euphrates was a Turkish river, running through the
dominions of the Sultan from its source, it was unjust,
and against universally recognised principles, to give to
Persia one of its banks, and consequently the control of
its outlet into the sea, merely because a Persian river had
changed its course, and had invaded a territory which did
not appertain to the Shah. A command of the trade and
navigation of a great river which had flowed for more
than 1000 miles through the Turkish dominions would
thus be given to a Power which might, if hostile to Turkey,
close it at its mouth. The Bahmehshire, the Porte main-
tained, was the true outlet of the Karun, and might,
without much trouble or expense, be rendered navigable
to any vessel engaged in the trade of that river, and that
consequently the possession of the entrance to the Shat-
el-Arab was in no way necessary to Persia for her water
communication between the sea and the province of
Khuzistan. It was further able to show by ancient maps
and documents that the frontiers of Persia had never
reached the Shat-el-Arab, and that the whole of the delta
between the mouth of that river and the Bahmehshire
had originally belonged to Turkey.
I considered the contention of the Porte just and well-
founded. I consequently proposed in my scheme, as a
fair compromise, that the new frontier line should be
drawn through the desert country to the west of Hawizah,
at some distance from the Shat-el-Arab, and, crossing the
Hafar in the centre of its course, should be carried midway
down the delta to the sea. Turkey would thus have
remained in possession of the two banks of the Euphrates
throughout the whole of its course.
70 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
My suggestion, approved and adopted by Sir Stratford
Canning, was submitted by Lord Aberdeen to the Russian
Government, which declined to accede to it. It not only
upheld the claims of Persia to Muhammerah and the left
bank of the Shat-el-Arab from the Hafar to the sea, but
actually insisted upon the cession to her of territory on
the east bank of the river, which she had not even claimed,
to almost the junction of the Euphrates and Tigris at
Kurna thus giving her the control of the navigation of
both those rivers, which were destined to form the means
of communication with the very heart of the south-eastern
provinces of Asiatic Turkey.
Lord Aberdeen, who was desirous of deferring to
Russia, adopted her views, and instead of authorising Sir
Stratford Canning, as he had expected, to submit the
project which I had drawn up, and which he had approved,
to the Porte, and to the Persian Government through its
representative at Constantinople, instructed him to recom-
mend to them the adoption of the scheme advocated by
Russia. Canning sent for me after the arrival of Lord
Aberdeen's despatch to this effect. I found him walking
up and down his study like a lion in his cage his brows
knit, his lips compressed, and his delicate complexion
flushed and indicative of great anger. Without saying a
word he handed me the despatch. I read it, and remarked
that I was deeply grieved to find that Lord Aberdeen
had come to a decision which was not consistent, in my
opinion, with justice and right was not in the interests
of England, and might at some future period have serious
consequences.
This aroused his righteous indignation. He broke into
a violent tirade against Lord Aberdeen, whom he accused
of being subservient to Russia, and of considering her
interests more than those of his own country, and of being
hostile to him personally, because he had considered it his
IMPORTANCE OF MUHAMMERAtt 71
duty to oppose her ambitious designs in the East. He
denounced in vehement language the Emperor Nicholas,
who, he declared, had a personal enmity to him, and was
determined to thwart his policy on every occasion, to which
determination he attributed the rejection of his suggestion
for the settlement of the Turco-Persian difficulty. It was
long before he recovered his temper and became somewhat
calmer. He directed me to draw up an answer to Lord
Aberdeen's despatch, pointing out the objections to the
arrangement proposed by Russia, and the injustice that
would be done to the Porte, and the discredit that would
fall upon England as an arbitrator and mediator, if she
showed so flagrant a spirit of partiality to Persia.
I wrote the draft of a despatch in this sense, which was
adopted by Sir Stratford Canning. But it failed to produce
the desired effect, and nothing remained to him but to
carry out the instructions he had received from his chief.
The Porte protested against the decision of the mediating
Powers, and against the sacrifice of territory It was called
upon to make. But It was in the end compelled to
yield in the face of the threatening insistence of two such
Powers as England and Russia.
I was deeply impressed with the importance of the
position of Muhammerah, of which, I was firmly convinced,
any Power having great commercial and political interests
in the East would at some future time endeavour to take
advantage. It commanded the entrance to the Euphrates
and Tigris, which are navigable to the very heart of the
Turkish dominions in Asia, and that of the Karun, which
flowed through one of the richest, though one of the most
neglected, provinces of Persia, and which I had proved
to be also navigable as far as Shuster and Dizful. These
rivers were consequently destined, in my belief, to become
great military and trading highways. It was to the interest
of England that their mouths should not be in the posses-
72 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
sion of a Power which might be hostile to her. In those
days Turkey was her old and faithful ally, and the
influence she possessed at the Porte was predominant, and
far greater than that of any other European nation for the
Turks believed that she was their friend, and was really
desirous of maintaining the independence and promoting
the prosperity of the Ottoman Empire. All classes of the
Turkish populations, whatever their race or creed, had then
this conviction, and England was in a privileged position
which might have enabled her to establish communications
and trade by those great rivers, which would have been as
advantageous to her interests as to those of Turkey herself,
and would have contributed to the order and civilisation of
a great tract of country, which was reduced to a desert in
consequence of the depredations and lawlessness of wild
Arab tribes. The only way to induce them to form
permanent settlements, to cultivate the soil, and to become
peaceful and revenue-paying subjects of the Sultan, was by
creating a market for their produce. This could only
be done by the introduction of foreign enterprise and
capital in the navigation of these rivers. It was of no
less importance to the political interests of England that,
in the event of need, she should be able to send troops by
water almost to the foot of the great chain of mountains
which separates the high lands of Asia Minor and of Persia
from Syria and the vast Mesopotamian plains.
The Porte having been compelled to accept the
Russian project for the settlement of the differences with
Persia, the next step was to appoint a Commission to
delineate the new frontier between that country and
Turkey. It was to consist of Commissioners appointed
by those two Powers, and by the mediating Governments
of England and Russia. It had been Sir Stratford
Canning's intention to employ me as one of them, in
recognition of the services which I had been able to
i45] BOUNDARY COMMISSIONERS 73
render him, and he accordingly proposed my appointment
to Lord Aberdeen. But my views on the Turco-Persian
and Servian questions had not been such as to induce the
Foreign Office to look upon me with favour. Colonel
Williams, afterwards known as Sir Fenwick Williams of
Kars, 1 was selected for that office : Mr Robert Curzon, the
author of a popular and pleasantly written book on the
convents of the Levant, who had accompanied Sir Strat-
ford to Constantinople in the capacity of private secretary,
was appointed to be his colleague. 2
Colonel Williams, with Lieutenant Collingwood Dick-
son, 8 had been sent to Constantinople by the British Govern-
ment at the request of the Porte, to instruct the Turks in
the manufacture of explosives. They were both officers in
the Royal Artillery, and in after years distinguished them-
selves greatly by their military achievements. They were
gentlemanly and amiable men, with whom I contracted
a close and lasting friendship. Williams had already
reached middle age. He did not possess remarkable
abilities, but was honest, straightforward, trustworthy, and
thoroughly loyal to his friends. Dickson, who was of
my own age, was a brave, cool, and daring soldier, much
cleverer than his colleague, full of life, spirits, and fun,
and with the simplicity of a child. He was well
acquainted with the details of his profession, possessed
an excellent memory, and had all the qualities required
to render him successful in his career, in which he
acquired distinction and eminence.
The two brother officers resided together in a house
belonging to an Armenian family, in the village of Ortakiui,
on the Bosphorus. I spent many happy hours with them
1 General Sir William Fenwick Williams, Bart, G.C.B. (1800-83).
2 I was afterwards named by Lord Palmerston joint Commissioner
for the delimitation of the Turco-Persian frontier with Sir Fenwick
Williams, but I resigned the appointment to undertake my second
expedition to Nineveh for the Trustees of the British Museum.
3 General Sir Collingwood Dickson, V.C., K.C.B.
74 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
there. They were both excellent companions, and their
society enabled me to wile away many weary hours that I
was destined to pass in the Turkish capital. A merry
and, it must be confessed, a somewhat reckless and riotous
party used to meet in their apartments, and very frequently
turned " night into day." Amongst those who used to join
it were several young Turks, and foremost amongst them
-for fun and frolic was my gifted friend, Ahmed Vefyk
Effendi, who was always ready for any wild prank, and
who, in European society, laid aside the grave and dignified
demeanour which he knew so well how to assume when in
company of his grave and sedate Mussulman fellow-country-
men. His contagious laugh was the loudest in the com-
pany, and his enjoyment of some silly practical joke was
unbounded. I remember an occasion when he was himself
the victim of one. He had joined our merry party on the
eve of the Bairam, the great annual feast-day, when the
Ministers and the great functionaries have to appear before
the Sultan to offer him their respects. The ceremony
takes place early in the morning. As Ahmed Vefyk
already held a high office at the Porte it was necessary for
him to join in it. Intending to pass the night at Orta-
kiui, he had dressed himself in readiness to present himself
with his colleagues, and wore the large diamond plaque
or star, which denoted his rank.
It was our habit, when we remained for the night with
our military friends, to do as the Armenians usually did
to divest ourselves of our coats and to sleep on the divans
which surrounded the spacious rooms. When we had all
retired to rest after a merry and riotous evening, one of
the party bethought himself to remove and conceal the
Effendi's diamond star. When it was morning, and he
had made his simple ablutions preparatory to leaving the
house for the Imperial Palace, where the ceremony was
held, and which was not far distant from Ortakiui, he
i45l ARMENIAN WEDDING 75
missed his plaque. Search was everywhere made for it,
but in vain. The person who had taken it had completely
forgotten where he had concealed it. As the hour for the
ceremony approached, the Effendi was compelled to leave
in haste to borrow a similar " decoration " from an ex-
Minister who lived hard by for without it he could not
present himself before the Sultan, and his absence would
have been noted against him.
It was not until many days after that the missing
plaque was found by a servant when cleaning the room,
beneath the mattress of a divan, and restored to its anxious
owner.
I remember, too, when the marriage of a daughter of
the owner of the house was celebrated. The festivities
lasted for three days and three nights, and Williams and
Dickson had very good-naturedly allowed the revels to
take place in the apartments which they occupied. The
dancing and singing and drinking of raki were carried on
incessantly. There were relays of musicians who kept
up their discordant noise of riddles and hautboys. When
the dancers could dance no longer, they stretched them-
selves on the divans and went to sleep, and were suc-
ceeded by others. Raki and sweetmeats were constantly
handed about, and occasionally the guests adjourned to
the great hall, where abundant pilaj, kibaubs (bits of
meat roasted on a skewer) and dolmas or vegetables
stuffed with minced meat, were served to them. Such
orgies were then the fashion amongst the Armenians on
the occasion of the celebration of a marriage.
Soon after my arrival at Constantinople I became very
intimate with Mr Charles Alison, who was then attached
as Chief Interpreter, and afterwards became Oriental
Secretary, to the British Embassy. The friendship which
we then contracted lasted until his death, and was never
clouded. He had real genius, and was singularly gifted.
76 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
He was perhaps the man most highly endowed by nature
that I have ever known. His qualities of head and heart
were equally remarkable. He was generous, affectionate,
unselfish, of the most amiable disposition and the most
equal temper, and modest and retiring. He was an
accomplished linguist, speaking and writing Turkish,
Persian, Greek, and several European languages, with
perfect facility, and having a sufficient knowledge of Arabic.
He was a skilful musician, playing on several instruments,
and would have been an accomplished artist had he given
himself seriously to art. His memory was singularly
tenacious, and, although he had not read much, he had
retained all that he had read.
All these great gifts were unfortunately marred to a
certain extent by an eccentricity of conduct and an uncon-
ventionality in what he said and did an attempt to conceal
them and an apparent desire to appear the very opposite
to what he really was which rendered him unpopular and
almost offensive to those who only judged him by his
somewhat rough and forbidding manners and appearance.
His features were singularly refined and expressive, but
his fine brow and highly intellectual countenance were dis-
figured by a bushy, dishevelled head of hair and a capacious
beard, which he had the habit of pushing upwards so as to
conceal his face.
His various talents and his really splendid intelligence
had never been cultivated. He had received no education
whatever, and was entirely self-taught. He had acquired
by himself, and almost by intuition, his numerous and
varied accomplishments. He seemed able to do, without
effort and instinctively, anything that he desired to do. I
have seen him take up a musical instrument which was
new to him and obtain a mastery over it in a few hours.
He was very reticent concerning himself and his family.
Although we were intimate friends and companions for
x84S] MR CHARLES ALISON 77
many years, and I enjoyed, I believe, his entire confi-
dence, he never spoke to me on the subject. Nor did
he, as far as I know, to any one else. I have heard that
he was the son of a paymaster in an English regiment
stationed at Malta, where, it was said, he had been born.
As a mere boy he showed that independence and
originality of character which distinguished him in after
life by running away from his home. He embarked with
a lad of his own age in a small open boat, and, hoisting
sail, put off to sea. They were driven by the wind to
the coast of Sicily, which they reached without
accident. The authorities of the district where they
landed arrested the two youthful adventurers, who were
unprovided with passports and other necessary docu-
ments, and they were confined in prison until their
story was confirmed by explanations from their parents,
who had given them up for lost. They were then sent
back to their friends.
Shortly after this adventure young Alison was sent
to a Mr Mayor, a distant relation, who held the post of
British Consul-General in Albania, and resided at Janina.
He remained in the office of this gentleman for some
years, and there acquired that intimate knowledge of the
language, manners, and character of Turks and Greeks
which afterwards distinguished him, and led to his appoint-
ment as Oriental Secretary to the British Embassy at
Constantinople.
His remarkable talents were at once recognised by
Sir Stratford Canning, who soon took him into his entire
confidence, and made use of him in his most secret and
delicate negotiations with the Turkish Ministers and the
Porte. But he never put himself forward, and it was
only those in the secret who knew how important his
services were, and to how large a share he was entitled in
the triumphs of Sir Stratford.
78 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
Whilst thus keeping himself in the background from a
strong sense of duty, and leaving all the credit of what he
might accomplish to his chief, his independent character
led him to "stand up" to the impetuous Ambassador.
He always met his outbreaks of temper with imper-
turbable calm, boldly told him truths which it was
frequently very disagreeable to him to hear, and allowed
his wrath to work itself out. Although Sir Stratford was
little accustomed to tolerate opposition, which usually only
further excited his quick temper, he could not but respect
and admire Alison's perfect truthfulness, loyalty, and
independence. He consulted him upon every question,
usually acted upon his advice, and in his presence became
as gentle as a lamb, although a few minutes before he was
as a roaring lion.
Alison exercised the same influence over the members
of Sir Stratford's family. His inexhaustible good-nature
made him ever ready to promote their amusements, to
execute their various commissions, and to accompany
them in their picnics and expeditions. He would play
the harmonium in the chapel for Lady Canning, or the
piano upon which he was a most skilful and delight-
ful performer to amuse herself or her guests. He
would play with the children, and devise new entertain-
ments for them. They were all consequently devoted
to him.
In his intercourse with Turkish officials he maintained
the same calm and equal demeanour as he showed in his
intercourse with the Ambassador, was perfectly straight-
forward and truthful, and scorned the petty intrigues upon
which the agents employed by the foreign representatives
at the Porte have generally relied to carry out the policy
and instructions of their chiefs. This mode of dealing
with the Turkish statesmen and officials pleased and
gratified them, and enabled him to obtain far greater
i84S] MR CHARLES ALISON 79
influence over them than any of his rivals. At the
same time, he always showed a spirit of independence
in his dealing with them, and made them feel that
he was capable of resenting any attempt to deceive
him.
Many amusing anecdotes were current in Constanti-
nople of his way of treating those, Mussulmans or
Christians, who gave him cause of offence, and did not
treat him with the respect which he considered his due.
Amongst them I remember the following. Sir Stratford
Canning had sent him to transact some business of moment
with the Grand Vizir, who was a Turk of the old school,
notorious for his bigotry and intolerance. In the middle
of a discussion the Prime Minister rose from his seat and
proceeded to say his customary prayers on a carpet
which an attendant had spread for him on the floor. He
concluded them with the usual curse, very audibly and
significantly uttered, upon all giaour, or infidels the
name then given to all Christians indiscriminately and
went through the motion of spitting over his right and
left shoulders to show his horror of them ; he then resumed
his seat, and renewed the conversation as if nothing had
occurred to interrupt it.
After a short interval Alison left the divan, and going
into a corner of the room, began to repeat in Turkish an
extemporary prayer in which he invoked similar curses
upon the followers of Islam. The Pasha jumped up in a
violent passion, and reminded him of the fate which,
according to the Mussulman law, was reserved for those
who dared to blaspheme the religion of Islam and its
Prophet. Alison very quietly replied that, like the Pasha
himself, he had only performed a duty by saying his
prayers at that particular hour, and that he had no doubt
that the denunciations they contained against Mohamme-
dans were as much a matter of form, and of as little
8o POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-45
significance, as the curses which His Highness had a short
time before launched against those who professed the
Christian faith. 1
1 A man of Alison's character and original and somewhat eccentric
habits was not likely to be a favourite at the Foreign Office. Although
for many years, and under successive Ambassadors, he had had the
almost exclusive conduct of the affairs of the Embassy at Constanti-
nople, and had carried to a successful issue, by his extraordinary
diplomatic skill, many questions of the utmost delicacy and moment,
and had acquired the esteem and confidence of his chiefs, who had
strongly recommended him for promotion and for employment in an
independent position worthy of his abilities, and at the head of an
important mission, it was not until 1860 that he was named H.M.
Minister at Teheran, where he died in 1872.
CHAPTER IV
POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN CONSTANTINOPLE contitmed.
1843-1845
As Sir Stratford Canning had failed to obtain for me the
appointment on the Turco-Persian Commission, I thought
of returning to England ; but he advised me to remain
at Constantinople, holding out hopes that he would be
able to overcome the prejudice which Lord Aberdeen
evidently entertained against me, and that he would in the
end get me permanently employed at the Embassy as one
of his attaches. The prospect of entering the diplomatic
service, which was then the great object of my ambition,
induced me to act upon his advice. Sir Stratford was
the more anxious to avail himself of my services, as
Reshid Pasha, the author of the celebrated Hat-i-Sheraf of
Gulhane, which was intended to endow the Turkish
Empire with liberal institutions similar to those of the
Constitutional States of Europe, had become Grand Vizir.
This eminent statesman was eager to carry out the reforms
of which this imperial " Hat," or Decree, was to form
the basis. He relied upon the support of the English
Ambassador, who had contributed in no small degree,
through his influence with the Sultan and at the Porte,
to obtain Reshid's appointment as Prime Minister, and
who warmly approved of his policy, as the only one
VOL. II. F 81
82 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
which, if acted upon with vigour and sincerity, could save
the Ottoman Empire from the fate which he could not
but perceive was impending over it.
He was ready to give Reshid Pasha his aid and advice
in all that related to the introduction of reforms in the
administration and government of the Empire. It was
necessary with this object to be in constant communication
with the Grand Vizir. But it was of equal importance
to both, in consequence of the jealousy and susceptibilities
of the Representatives of the other great Powers, and of
rival Turkish statesmen, that these communications should
be carried on as secretly as possible. Sir Stratford would
not, therefore, employ in them any member of the
Embassy, whose comings and goings would be speedily
known in a place so full of intrigue and spies as Constanti-
nople, and especially its European suburb of Pera. He
determined to avail himself of my services in his inter-
course with Reshid, with whom I had become acquainted
through Ahmed Vefyk Effendi, and for whose political
views I had an ardent admiration, being convinced that
the only way of " regenerating " (the term then employed)
the Ottoman Empire was to put into execution the
contemplated reforms.
I was constantly passing backwards and forwards
between the Embassy and Reshid's house in Stamboul, or
his konak on the Bosphorus. I frequently passed the
night under his roof, and sometimes in the middle of it
had to go in a caique to Buyukdere", when Sir Stratford
with his family was in the country, at the great risk of
being arrested and carried off to a Turkish guard-house by
the water-police. This kind of semi-diplomatic, semi-
political work was of great interest and of great use to me.
It gave me the opportunity of seeing much of two re-
markable and eminent men ; and it enabled me to obtain
1845] RESHID PASHA 83
much valuable information with respect to Turkish
politics and the condition and prospects of the Turkish
Empire, which subsequently proved of much service to me.
It was eminently congenial to my opinions and feelings, as
I entered, heart and soul, into Sir Stratford Canning's views
and policy for the reform of the administration of the
Turkish Empire, and especially for the better government
and improvement of the condition of the Christian subjects
of the Sultan, to whom the Hat-i-Sheraf of Gulhane had
promised equal liberties and rights with the Mussulmans
a promise which had unfortunately been evaded, and of
which it was one of the main objects of Sir Stratford's
policy to obtain the accomplishment.
I have a lively recollection of the many hours spent in
discussions on these matters with Reshid Pasha dis-
cussions which frequently lasted far into the night. It was
not easy to satisfy Sir Stratford Canning, to carry out
his instructions, and to obtain all that he required from the
Grand Vizir. Reshid had, I believe, a sincere respect,
even admiration, for the English Ambassador, and a
perfect trust in his loyalty and good faith, and was
desirous of acting as much as possible upon his advice.
But he had great and serious difficulties to contend with,
both in the Palace and the Porte, and he was wont to
complain that Sir Stratford did not make sufficient
allowance for these difficulties, and treated him in too
overbearing and imperious a fashion. This complaint was
not, I thought, without foundation. I was always of
opinion that the manner in which Sir Stratford was in the
habit of treating Turkish statesmen even men so anxious
to satisfy and please him as Reshid did more harm than
good. I did not hesitate on more than one occasion to
brave his anger by telling him so. His demeanour towards
them was of such a kind that the Turkish Ministers were in
84 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
the utmost dread of him, and availed themselves of every
possible excuse to avoid a personal interview with him if
matters of an irritating nature were to be discussed. I was
more than once present at painful scenes between him and
Reshid and other members of the Government. If some
demand which he had made was not acceded to, he would
rise to his feet, knit his brows, and pour upon the un-
fortunate Pasha, who, frightened out of his wits, would
cower in the corner of the divan, a torrent of invective,
accompanied by menacing gestures.
Alison, who knew his chief better than any one, used to
say that these ebullitions of temper were assumed in order
to produce an effect, and that they were completely under
his control, and could be put aside at once when his object
had been gained. But I have always doubted if this was
so, and am convinced that when he was excited by what
he believed to be an act of wrong, injustice, or bad faith,
or when his moral sense or dignity was in any way
offended, he lost command over himself, and allowed his
excitable nature to get the better of him. His secretaries
and attaches were so much in fear of these scenes that
when they were called into his room, especially on
"messenger days," when they were more than usually
liable to occur, they would keep hold of the handle of the
door so as to be ready to beat a retreat at the first
signs of a storm.
The habit of Sir Stratford Canning of browbeating and
domineering over the Turkish Ministers and the Porte was,
in my opinion, productive of very evil consequences. It
compelled even the most honest and straightforward of
them to have recourse to every manner of subterfuge in
order to deceive him, and to avoid scenes to which their
sense of dignity forbade them to submit ; whereas they
were really ready to meet his views and to act upon
i84S] SIR S. CANNING'S METHODS 85
his advice, if he would only make some allowance for
the difficulties of their position, and permit them to do
as he required in their own fashion.
Moreover, the success which was supposed to have
attended Sir Stratford's method of treating the Turkish
Ministers, and the credit for energy and spirit that he
was believed to have acquired by it, induced other foreign
Representatives to have recourse to the same means to
obtain their ends. But these ends were not always as
honest, and as advantageous to the interests of the Ottoman
Empire and of its various populations, as those of the
English Ambassador, who had the good of Turkey and the
improvement of her administration sincerely at heart.
Thus he set that fashion of using threatening language in
order to obtain concessions from the Turkish Government,
which was too readily followed by his colleagues, although
with less justification. The natural consequence was that
the Turkish Ministers, who found themselves under the
necessity of submitting to this kind of treatment, in course
of time lost all sense of dignity and self-respect, and, if
they had retained any spirit of independence, it soon
disappeared. I am convinced that, had Sir Stratford
Canning shown a more conciliatory and appreciative
disposition in his dealings with Turkish statesmen, he
would have accomplished more, and might have saved
the Empire from some of the disasters which subse-
quently befell it. The system he adopted was calculated
to destroy the little prestige and authority which remained
to the Porte, and it gradually undermined its independ-
ence, till each foreign Representative was endeavouring
to outdo his colleagues in worrying the unfortunate
Turks who were charged with the administration of
public affairs.
The terror which Sir Stratford Canning inspired in the
86 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
Turkish Ministers and Pashas was amusing to witness.
The only one amongst them who ventured to stand
up against him, and to brave his frown, was Ahmed
Vefyk Effendi. He consequently soon fell under the
Ambassadorial displeasure. I remember on one occasion,
when he dined at the Embassy, a discussion arising
between him and the Ambassador as to the imprisonment
by the Turkish police at Galata of some British subject,
a rascally Ionian or Maltese, who had, no doubt, been
seized flagrante delicto^ when committing some crime
richly deserving punishment. The Effendi attempted to
justify the conduct of the Turkish authorities. Sir
Stratford maintained that they had violated the capitula-
tions by apprehending a British subject without going
through the required formalities, which, it may be observed,
usually enabled the criminal to effect his escape. The
dispute waxed warm, and the expression on the counten-
ance of the Ambassador announced an approaching storm.
Suddenly striking the table with his fist, he exclaimed :
" And supposing I went down myself to Galata with a
cawass to effect the release of the prisoner, what would your
authorities venture to do?" "Why," replied the Effendi
with his imperturbable calm, " they would probably put you
and your cawass in the prison to join him and they
would only be doing their duty!" It would be difficult
to describe the burst of anger to which this somewhat
audacious answer gave rise. Although Sir Stratford could
not but admire the singular abilities of this remarkable
man, he looked upon him as much too independent in
his opinions, and as unmanageable, and consequently as
a dangerous Minister should he attain to high rank and
to power.
If I have ventured to express doubts as to the wisdom
and prudence of the mode in which Sir Stratford Canning
i84Sl RESHID PASHA 87
dealt with the Turkish Government, I am bound to say
that he was always actuated by the highest and purest
motives, and that in all he did, and attempted to do,
he had but the interests of his own country and the
welfare of the Turkish Empire in view. The Turks
themselves were convinced of this, and whilst they
personally feared and even perhaps disliked him, they
respected his honesty, and believed him to be their
true friend. And such is the reputation which he left
amongst men of all classes.
My constant intercourse with Reshid Pasha, in conse-
quence of my employment by Sir Stratford Canning as
a means of communicating confidentially and secretly
with him, enabled me to form a judgment upon the
character and qualities of this remarkable man. He was
morally courageous and resolute, but physically timid and
weak. He had convinced himself by the study of European
history, and by a practical acquaintance with the principal
countries of Europe which he had visited, that it was abso-
lutely necessary for the preservation of the Turkish Empire
that it should be endowed with the political institutions
which had given power and strength and wealth to civilised
nations. He had acquired the French language, and through
it had studied much of the political literature of Europe.
He had thrown off most of the prejudices and traditionary
superstitions of his creed and race. He sought the society
and conversation of well-informed and instructed Euro-
peans, and was amongst the first Turkish statesmen who
adopted, to a certain extent, European manners and habits.
When I first made his acquaintance, he was building his
fine Yali at Balta Liman on the Bosphorus, which he
fitted up in the European fashion with every comfort and
luxury, and adorned with beautiful gardens laid out in the
European style.
88 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
He had warmly entered into the schemes of Sultan
Mahmoud for the introduction of various reforms, upon
the European model, into the Turkish army and civil
administration of the Empire. He was soon recognised
as the head of the liberal party, of which he was the most
enlightened and able, and at the same time the most
earnest and conscientious, member. He had the welfare
and regeneration of his country sincerely at heart, and he
was as patriotic and honest as a Turkish statesman could
be who lived in the midst of so much intrigue, treachery
and vice. Few men in Turkey who have attained any
power or authority have been insensible to a bribe, or
have obtained the property they might possess by strictly
legitimate means. Although Reshid Pasha may have
acquired his considerable fortune in a manner not alto-
gether consonant with our ideas of integrity and public
duty, he was never, I believe, accused of having betrayed
the interests of his country, or of promoting those of her
enemy from unworthy and corrupt motives.
The position of Reshid Pasha was one of very great
difficulty, like that of all really honest Turkish statesmen
who have sought to reform the corrupt and demoralising
administration which has gradually brought the Empire
to decay and ruin. He had against him all those who
from bigotry, ignorance and self-interest were opposed to
the introduction of all reforms, and especially of those
derived from a European and Christian source. They
formed a very great and powerful party. Supported by so
energetic and determined a sovereign as Sultan Mahmoud,
Reshid Pasha might have held his ground successfully
against his enemies. But Mahmoud's successor, Abdul
Mejid ,who was on the throne at the time of which I
am writing, although a well-meaning and honest man and
really desirous of protecting the rights and promoting the
happiness and welfare of all classes of his subjects, was
i8 4 5] RIZA PASHA 89
of a more weak and yielding nature than his father and
predecessor, and more ready to yield to the remonstrances
and intrigues of those who were opposed to the policy
of Reshid Pasha and to the reforms which he was
endeavouring to introduce.
At the head of this retrograde party was Riza Pasha,
a man of considerable ability, but without education,
having risen from a very low origin, ignorant of European
languages, and opposed to all progress except that which
might improve the condition and increase the strength of
the army, of which it was his object, for his own purposes,
to place himself at the head. He was well-versed in every
kind of Oriental intrigue, thoroughly unscrupulous, and of
great activity and energy. As the leader of the opponents
of Reshid Pasha's liberal policy, he had the support of the
Ulema, the professors of Mussulman religion and law, and
of all those and they were many and powerful who
looked upon the reforms which that statesman was seeking
to introduce as at variance with the creed of Islam, and
as an insult to their faith. In addition to those who acted
from conscientious motives, and who really believed that
their religion was in danger, was that always vast crowd
of public functionaries and others, who found in the existing
abuses and maladministration the means of acquiring power
and wealth, and who were determined to resist to the
utmost any attempt to abolish or reform them.
To the opponents of Reshid Pasha may be added a
small body of able, enlightened, thoughtful and honest men,
of which Ahmed Vefyk Effendi became the type, who,
whilst anxious that the corrupt and incapable administra-
tion of public affairs should be reformed and purified, were
of opinion that the necessary reforms could only be safely
and effectually accomplished upon Turkish and Mussulman
lines, and that great prudence and caution were required
in putting them into execution. They were of opinion
90 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
that an attempt to introduce, wholesale, European in-
stitutions into Turkey, and to engraft European civilisation
upon the ancient traditionary Turkish political system,
before it was prepared for so great an innovation, could not
possibly prove successful, and must inevitably so weaken
the Ottoman Empire that it would lose the little strength
and independence that it still possessed. They main-
tained, at the same time, that the ancient Turkish political
system and institutions, and the Mussulman religion,
contained the elements of progress, civilisation, and good
and just government, if they were only honestly and justly
developed. These men have been proved by the result
of the attempt to reform the Ottoman Empire on European
lines to have been to a great degree in the right. Although
they thought that Reshid Pasha was going too fast, and
that his endeavours to Europeanise the Turks were unwise
and dangerous, they did not join the corrupt, ignorant and
fanatical men who were banded together against him,
under Riza Pasha and other Turkish statesmen of the
old retrograde school. They held as much as possible
aloof from public affairs, although for the most part
functionaries of the Porte, or employed in other public
departments of the State. I was acquainted with, and
saw a good deal of several of them, and learnt much
from their conversation and the arguments and statements
with which they supported their views. I must confess
that I was disposed to agree to a great extent in them. I
shared their doubts as to the possibility of engrafting a
European and Christian upon an Oriental and Mohammedan
civilisation, and as to the consequences to the Ottoman
Empire of forcing upon its varied populations, of different
races and creeds, the institutions of European constitutional
States.
But, although I might have agreed in many of their
views, I could not but express my earnest conviction
i8 4 s] THE CHRISTIAN QUESTION 91
that unless greater liberty was accorded to the Christian
populations in the Ottoman Empire ; unless they were
accorded equal political rights to those enjoyed by their
Mussulman fellow-subjects ; and unless they received that
protection for their honour, lives, and property, to which
they were entitled, but of which, unhappily, they were too
often deprived, the sympathies of European nations and
peoples in their behalf, and the feeling of indignation to
which their wrongs and sufferings must of necessity give
rise, would inevitably unite the European Powers against
Turkey, would deprive her of the friendship and support of
England, and of her other allies, and bring upon her in
the end the most fatal calamities.
The only argument used by those who disputed my
views was that it would be impossible to grant to the
Christian populations and especially to those inhabiting
the European provinces of the Turkish Empire complete
liberty, and all the political rights enjoyed by their Mussul-
man fellow - subjects, without placing in their hands the
means of rising against the Turkish rule, and of over-
throwing it. They admitted that the condition of the
Christians was very far from satisfactory, that they had
good cause to complain in too many instances of ill-
treatment. But they maintained that this was not the
fault of either the Turkish laws or institutions, which, if
justly and properly administered, were amply sufficient
to secure to all the Sultan's subjects alike all the justice,
protection, and good government which were necessary
to secure their happiness and prosperity, to remove all
valid grounds of complaint on their part which could
justify foreign interference, and to render them content
with their lot. The real cause of the suffering and dis-
content of the Christians they attributed to the corruption
and incapacity of public functionaries, in the capital and
the provinces ; and they maintained that the remedy for
92 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
this state of things did not consist in the introduction of
political and social institutions opposed to the feelings and
habits of the people, but in the thorough reform and puri-
fying of the administration, and in the employment of
honest and capable men in the conduct of public affairs at
Constantinople and in the provinces.
Reshid Pasha had also his ardent followers and
disciples, who were imbued with his political ideas, and
who were sincere and earnest advocates for the introduc-
tion of European constitutional institutions in the adminis-
tration of the Ottoman Empire. He founded a school of
Turkish statesmen, who were destined after his death to
take the leading part in the government of the country.
They were for the most part enlightened and able men,
who were acquainted with at least one European language,
generally French, who had been employed in a diplomatic
or some other official capacity by more than one Euro-
pean nation, and who had made the political history and
institutions of other countries their study. Amongst the
most remarkable of these rising men were Ali, Fuad, and
Cabouli Effendis, who each in turn rose to the rank of
Pasha, two becoming Grand Vizir (Ali and Fuad), and the
third filling important diplomatic posts abroad, in which he
rendered important services to the Porte.
I was well acquainted with these three statesmen, and
especially with Fuad, of whom I saw at one time a great
deal, frequently dining with him, and spending the night
at his Yali at Candili. We used to have long discussions
upon political questions, chiefly concerning the reforms to
be introduced into the administration, and the better treat-
ment of the Christian populations. Our relations were of
the most friendly and intimate kind. He professed great
friendship for me, and gave me many proofs of it. He was,
with the exception of Ahmed Vefyk Effendi, the most
informed and most enlightened Turk that I ever knew.
i845] FUAD AND ALI 93
But he had qualities fitting him for practical statesman-
craft, in which Ahmed Vefyk was deficient. He was less
brusque, self-opinioned, overbearing, and dictatorial. He
was ready to listen to arguments and reason, and to
abandon his views when persuaded that they were
erroneous. He had a fine presence, his countenance
was handsome and intelligent, and his disposition and
bearing were singularly conciliatory and dignified, uniting
the refined courtesy of a European gentleman with the
simple but high-bred manners of a Turkish statesman of
the old school. He possessed much wit and humour, and
his conversation was as entertaining and delightful as in-
structive. His library was extensive and well -selected,
comprising a large collection of MSS. in the Turkish,
Persian, and Arabic languages, and the best editions of the
French classics. He was well-read, and intimately ac-
quainted with the history of his own country, as well as
with that of Europe. His father, whom I frequently met
at his house, but whose name I now forget, had been, I
believe, the official historiographer of the Divan. He was
an amiable and well-learned old man of simple manners,
living the quiet, retired life befitting an honest Mulla, and
wearing the dress then peculiar to his order. Fuad Pasha
unlike Ahmed Vefyk, who had Greek blood in his veins
was a pure Turk by descent.
Ali EfTendi, subsequently holding with Fuad high
offices in the Turkish Ministry, and alternately with him
Grand Vizir, offered a striking contrast in many respects
to his colleague. Like him, his opinions were liberal and
enlightened, he was well acquainted with the French
language, well-read and well-informed, and his abilities
were of a high order. But he was of so meek, retiring,
and sensitive a disposition, that it is not a little wonderful
that he should have risen to the high rank and distinction
to which he ultimately attained. He was very small in
94 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
stature, and his countenance was commonplace and with-
out expression. He always spoke in a low voice almost
in a whisper and even when Grand Vizir, would sit,
when he gave audience, crouched in the corner of his
Divan in the humblest of attitudes. But there was a
charm in his conversation, and an apparent honesty and
straightforwardness in his manner, which made the most
favourable impression upon those who were brought into
contact with him.
Cabouli Effendi, the third rising Turkish statesman
with whom I was intimate, was perhaps the most truly
liberal in his convictions, and the most thoroughly honest
of the three. Both Ali and Fuad, and especially the
latter, were suspected of having received, on more than
one occasion, when in public employment, considerable
sums of money after the Turkish fashion. But I never
heard the integrity of Cabouli impugned. He was, like
Ali and Fuad, well acquainted with the French language,
and with the literature of Europe. He gave a proof of
his liberal opinions, and of his desire to introduce social
as well as political reforms amongst his Mussulman fellow-
countrymen, by having his wife taught French and the
piano. She was a very beautiful and very intelligent
woman a Circassian by birth. I was allowed the privilege
of seeing her more than once ; but her husband could not
venture to violate the precepts of his religion, and to
offend the deep-rooted prejudices and the customs of
Mussulmans, by permitting her to mix freely in the society
of men.
The three Turkish statesmen whom I have mentioned
had each but one wife, and such was the case with most
of the young men of character and respectability who,
like them, had joined the liberal and reforming party of
which Reshid Pasha was the head. It was a great mistake
to believe as it was the fashion in European countries
1845] POSITION OF WOMEN 95
to believe that every Turk had a harem containing a
multitude of wives, concubines, and female slaves who
served as such. It was indeed an exception to find a
Turkish gentleman, except one belonging to the old
school, who possessed more than one wife. One of
the many reasons against it was the great cost of
the several establishments which a plurality of wives
required. But the harem system was still strictly
enforced, and the women were still kept in careful
seclusion. There were then very few even amongst
the most liberal-minded and independent Turks who, like
Cabouli Effendi, would permit a European much less
a brother Mussulman not a very near relative to see his
wife. When Fuad Pasha was employed on a diplomatic
mission at Paris, his wife would frequently send for me
when I was living in the same village on the Bosphorus,
to interpret and explain letters and newspaper articles in
French which she used to receive from him. On these
occasions the interview usually commenced with a screen
being placed between the lady and myself in a room in
the harem. But, as the conversation became more ani-
mated, the protection of the screen was gradually aban-
doned, and I found myself face to face with her. She
was a handsome, kindly woman of middle age the
mother of several children very dignified in her manners,
and very intelligent, but without any European ac-
complishments.
An incident occurred, about the time of which I am
writing, that the more indisposed the Turks to allow
European ladies to have access to their harems. A certain
Mumtaz Effendi, who was then Mushteshar, a kind of
Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had a very beautiful
wife. I had accompanied Lady Canning to the " Sweet
Waters of Asia " one Friday the day on which Turkish
ladies assembled there to pass the afternoon, seated on
96 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
their carpets spread on the grass, and indulging in sweet-
meats and gossip. As they then lower their veils, the
groups which they form are not intruded upon by the men,
who are kept at a distance by guards stationed on the
spot. The English Ambassadress was, however, a
privileged person attended as she was by the cawasses
of the Embassy and the gentlemen who accompanied her
sometimes ventured to walk with her through the
assembled Turkish women. On the occasion to which I
am referring, we were both struck by the extraordinary
beauty of one of the ladies, who had lowered her veil and
was enjoying with her companions the usual Kef, her
attendants bringing them coffee, narguiles and sweet-
meats.
Lady Canning went up to her and addressed her,
whilst I remained at a respectful distance lost in admira-
tion at her great loveliness. She proved to be the wife of
Mumtaz Effendi, with whom Sir Stratford Canning was
in official relations. I was invited to approach to serve as
interpreter, which my little knowledge of Turkish enabled
me to do. The conversation ended by an invitation to
Lady Canning to visit her an invitation which was at
once accepted and the English Ambassadress became a
frequent guest in the harem.
One morning Turkish Society was greatly surprised
and scandalised by the report that Mumtaz Effendi's
beautiful wife had thrown herself from the window of her
husband's Yali into the Bosphorus, which it overhung at
a point where the stream sweeps rapidly round a project-
ing part of the Asiatic shore. She had been with difficulty
rescued alive by a fisherman. It then became known that
she had been detected in an intrigue with a Greek Doctor
bearing the historic name of Paleologus. The old Turks
shook their heads, saying, "This is what comes of allowing
Frank ladies to visit our harems " a reflection which caused
1845] KIAMIL BEY 97
infinite amusement to those who knew Lady Canning the
best and most estimable of women.
The hero of this adventure was not put to death, as he
would have been in olden times, but was banished to an
island in the Archipelago. The lady, too, escaped the fate,
which in less enlightened times would have awaited her.
She was, I believe, placed somewhere in confinement ;
what ultimately became of her I never knew.
Another Turkish gentleman of the liberal and reform-
ing school of Reshid Pasha with whom I became intimately
acquainted, and with whom I passed many pleasant hours,
was a certain Kiamil Bey, the brother-in-law of Fuad.
He carried his liberal opinions to a somewhat extreme
extent professing to be above all religious scruples and
prejudices, indulging more than freely in wine and raki
and in delicacies such as were forbidden to true believers,
and leading a somewhat riotous life.
Kiamil Bey at that time held some subordinate
position in the Palace. Although possessed of a good deal
of humour, and not wanting in intelligence, he was not un
homme serieux, but was looked upon as a farceur.
He spoke an atrociously bad French, and was constantly
making the most ludicrous mistakes in it which caused no
little amusement. He was a general favourite on account
of his good-natured and jovial character. Many years
after I had first known him, and when I was the British
Minister at Madrid, the Sultan sent a special Ambassador
to congratulate King Alfonso on his accession to the
Spanish throne. The person selected to represent His
Imperial Majesty was Kiamil Bey. On his arrival in the
Spanish capital, and before taking any official steps to
carry out his mission, he was anxious to take the advice of
some one acquainted with the etiquette and customs of the
Court, and who might be able to direct and counsel him.
He bethought himself of turning for advice and help to the
VOL. II. G
98 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
British Minister for were not the English then the true
friends and ancient allies of the Turks ? He accordingly
called upon me before making any other visit, official or
private. He was not aware that his old Constantinople
friend and companion was then the Representative of
England at the Spanish Court. Shown into my room, his
delight and emotion when he recognised me were amusing
to witness. He embraced me over and over again in the
Turkish fashion, pressing me in his arms. He knew that
he had found a friend, and that the difficulties he had
anticipated were surmounted. I am afraid that now few
Turks would have this feeling. We saw much of him
whilst he remained at Madrid. He dined with us every
day, except when obliged to be present at official entertain-
ments. He was the same amusing companion that he had
been in years gone by, spoke the same broken French, and
retained his same love for a glass of champagne.
When I went to Constantinople as the Queen's
Ambassador, I found Kiamil Bey installed in the palace
as Grand Master of the Ceremonies and in high favour
with Sultan Abdul Hamid, who, whilst he laughed at his
eccentricities and looked upon him somewhat in the light
of a buffoon, admired his honesty and boldness in telling
the truth, although it might prove distasteful, and in .giving
information which others feared to give, or from interested
and personal motives sought to conceal from their Imperial
master. He was almost the only Turk that I met at the
Imperial dinner- table who ventured to converse freely with
the Sultan the Ministers and other high functionaries
who were present on these occasions maintaining a solemn
silence and keeping their eyes fixed on their plates, only
answering the Sultan's questions when spoken to, and then
with outward signs of the greatest humility.
The Sultan, who greatly enjoyed a good story and a
joke, would draw out Kiamil Bey, laughing heartily at his
i8 4 53 KIAMIL BEY 99
anecdotes and ridiculous remarks. His Majesty was more
tolerant with him than with his other guests, and allowed
him to indulge in his favourite beverage of champagne,
whilst wine was only served to the Europeans who sat at
the Imperial table, and was forbidden to the rest. The
Sultan also tolerated the violation on the part of the Bey
of the precepts and observances of the Mussulman faith,
although in such matters he was himself, outwardly at least,
very strict, and expected others to be so. I remember on
one occasion the Sultan looking at the menu of the dinner
which was prepared under the direction of the Grand
Master of the Ceremonies, and being greatly amused by
finding that a mistake had been made in the date of the
day according to the Mohammedan month. " Kiamil Bey,"
he said laughing, " has brought us into Ramazan (the great
Mussulman fast) ; but what does he know of Ramazan or
any other Mussulman fast ; he is a shabkuu (a scamp) and a
framasan (freemason), and has no religion." He was prob-
ably the only man about the Court of whom the Sultan
would have said this, and have retained him in his service.
In consequence of the favour which he enjoyed with
the Sultan, the access he had at all times to His Majesty,
and his courage in speaking openly to him, he proved of
great use to me during the time that I held the Embassy
at Constantinople. I frequently employed him in convey-
ing messages and information to the Sultan which I could
not confide to others, or which I knew that others would
not venture to repeat to him. I found him honest and
trustworthy, and he was a warm and sincere advocate
of the " English policy," and anxious that the advice of
England should be followed on all occasions ; for he was
one of those Turks who looked upon England as a true
friend of Turkey, and who were convinced that, if her
counsels were sometimes unpalatable, they were intended
for the good of his country.
ioo POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
Kiamil Bey died suddenly from apoplexy, to my great
regret, during my short absence from Constantinople on
leave in the spring of 1879. He had brought up his
children in the same political and religious principles
that he had himself professed. One of his daughters,
who had married Hilmi Pasha, a general in the Turkish
Army, was the first Turkish lady of rank who ventured to
brave Mussulman prejudices and openly to violate one of
the fundamental precepts of the faith of Islam by assuming
a Frank dress and accompanying her husband to Europe,
passing some months with him at Paris, and mixing freely
in French society. Availing herself of the pretext that
her European physician had recommended a course of
waters at one of the European baths, she went with her
husband to Smyrna, where she threw off the veil and
yashmak, adopted the Frank costume, and embarked with
him on a French steamer for Marseilles.
Thus to violate Mohammedan laws and prejudices was
an act, at that time, showing no little courage. She
returned to Constantinople after some months' absence, and
resumed Turkish attire. The Sultan, when informed of
her " escapade," showed his high disapproval of it by dis-
missing her husband from the high military office which
he held, and it was long before he was restored to favour.
Her sister, who had married an Egyptian functionary of
rank, professed the same indifference to Mohammedan
scruples and Turkish opinion. They were both young
and handsome women, of engaging and ladylike manners,
and were often visitors at the Embassy, where they did not
hesitate to discard their veils and dine or breakfast with us.
I was also admitted with my wife to her apartments in her
father's house, where she was educating her daughters in
the European fashion and with European ideas under a
French governess. These ladies were amongst the first to
endeavour to break through those rules which, by separa-
i845l CANNING AND THE REFORMERS 101
ting the two sexes, and by maintaining the rigid seclusion
of women from the society of all men except their husbands
and their nearest relatives, have been the great obstacle
to the progress of Mussulman peoples. Until a radical
reform is effected in the social relations between men and
women, true civilisation cannot be said to exist in any
Mohammedan nation. Unfortunately, of all the necessary
reforms, it is the one most difficult to carry out amongst
Eastern peoples.
But to return from this long digression. At the time
in which I was brought into relation with Sir Stratford
Canning a desperate struggle for power was taking place
between the liberal and reforming Turkish party, of which
Reshid Pasha was the head, and the Turks of the old
school, who, violently opposed to the introduction of
European institutions, and desirous to maintain the ancient
Turkish system of Government and ancient traditionary
Turkish institutions, had Riza Pasha for their most
capable and active leader. Sir Stratford Canning used
all his great influence in favour of the former, and sup-
ported Reshid with all his well-known energy and
ability. He was convinced that the policy which he
advocated was the one best calculated to promote at the
same time the interests of Turkey and of England : the
interests of Turkey, by ensuring the prosperity and con-
tentment of its varied populations ; the interests of England
by maintaining and strengthening a Power which had
proved to her, and might still prove, a most valuable and
important ally. Upon these two convictions his policy
was founded. I heartily concurred in them. It was,
therefore, a labour of love in me to second, as far as
my humble position would allow, his efforts to carry out
this policy, and I became a willing and zealous inter-
mediary between himself and Reshid Pasha, and the
followers of that distinguished statesman.
102 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 11843-
Although this occupation was very congenial to me
and I took the liveliest interest in it, my position was a
very difficult and delicate one. I was not a recognised
member of the Embassy, my services were given entirely
gratuitously, and I only acted as a friend of the
Ambassador. My means were very restricted indeed I
may say that I had little or nothing of my own and I
could not expect my mother, who had numerous calls upon
her, or my friends in England, to assist me. Sir Stratford
Canning had in vain endeavoured to obtain for me a paid
attache"ship, or some other remunerated post connected
with the Embassy.
Lord Aberdeen, who was then Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs, evidently entertained a strong pre-
judice against me, and resolutely declined to listen to
any recommendation of Sir Stratford Canning in my
favour.
My position in consequence became so embarrassing,
and caused me so much anxiety, that I had decided
in despair upon abandoning the career that I had
chosen for myself in the East, and on returning to
England and the profession of the law. I was in com-
munication with my uncle on the subject, with* a view
to learning whether he would receive me again into
his office in Gray's Inn, when my friend Colonel White
informed me that he was about to return to England
and to give up the correspondence of the Morning
Chronicle, which he proposed to hand over to me, the
proprietors of that journal having authorised him to do
so if I would undertake it. But at the same time they
intended to reduce the salary of their Constantinople
correspondent from .300, which had been that of Colonel
White, to the half of that sum. After consulting Sir
Stratford Canning I accepted the offer. It was of much
importance to Sir Stratford that he should have the
i84Sl AMBASSADORS AND THE PRESS 103
support of the English and European press. My friend-
ship with Mr Longworth, who was then the correspondent
of the Morning Post, and my acquaintance with many
other newspaper correspondents enabled me to hold out
good hopes to him that I should be able to obtain from
them that support, and induce them to write favourably
of his policy, and to put forward any views with regard
to it which he might desire should be generally known.
I was as good as my word, and for some time I had
under my control the Constantinople correspondence of
the most influential journals in England and on the
Continent. I succeeded at the same time in obtaining
a small subsidy for the Malta Times a newspaper
published in that island and conducted with some ability,
and which was then widely circulated in the Levant.
The unanimity of so large a portion of the public
press in approving the policy of Sir Stratford Canning
greatly strengthened his position and influence in Constanti-
nople, and secured for him the support of public opinion
in England. He was thus enabled to carry out many
of his own views which were not always in accordance
with those of Lord Aberdeen and the English Government
and to compel the Porte to adopt measures and to in-
troduce reforms which he conscientiously believed would
tend to promote the well-being of the Ottoman Empire,
and especially of its Christian populations, and, at the
same time, the interests of England.
There was thus a chorus of praise of the English
Ambassador in the European Press, and I learnt by
experience how much the success and reputation of a
diplomatist may depend upon his skill in obtaining the
support of newspaper correspondents and their incessant
and exaggerated approval of all that he says and does.
The public can only be guided by reports coming from
such quarters, and is only too ready to believe everything
io 4 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843.
that is written concerning a man who is so universally
commended.
Although I had early obtained this experience, I did
not in after life profit by it. I have always had a dislike
to newspaper publicity, and have never taken the slightest
pains to conciliate newspaper writers and correspondents
with a view to obtaining their praise and to influence
public opinion in my favour. I had no great reason
to think highly of the correspondents of the English Press
from what I had seen of them abroad. The race may
improve in the course of time, and I have known some
highly cultivated, upright and independent men amongst
them ; but I could never bring myself to take them into
my confidence, and to make them believe that they have
influenced my views and directed my policy in public
matters.
Although the remuneration offered to me by the
proprietor of the Morning Chronicle was small, I believed
that it would be sufficient, with strict economy, for my
wants, which were very few and simple. I agreed with
my friend Mr Longworth to take lodgings in the village
of Candili, situated in perhaps the most beautiful spot
on the Asiatic shores of the Bosphorus. We could live
there more cheaply than in Pera. There was an addi-
tional advantage in our residing there. Fuad Pasha (then
Fuad Effendi) occupied a Yali in Candili, and Ahmed
Vefyk Effendi a house on the same side of the Bosphorus
easily accessible. It was important that we should be in
constant communication with them, in order to obtain
political and other information for our respective news-
papers. Most of our other Turkish friends passed the
summer months in their Yalis immediately opposite to
Candili. Our chief expense would consist in boat hire
in calling upon them ; but it would be much less than
if we had remained in Pera, or moved to Therapia or
iS 4 5l RESIDENCE AT CANDILI 105
Buyukdere, the places of resort for the members of the
diplomatic body, and for the principal European families
during the hot season. The hire of a one-oared caique,
which we usually employed in our excursions on the
water, was, in those days, a mere trifle very different
to what it subsequently became with the great increase of
prices in the Turkish capital.
An additional reason for my selecting Candili was that
Count Pourtales, then Prussian Minister at the Porte, had
taken a house there for the summer. He was a delightful
companion, abounding in fun and wit, and at the same
time in the learning and accomplishments which are
usually found in a highly educated German gentleman,
and especially one destined for a diplomatic career. I had
seen a good deal of him, and our relations were of the most
friendly character. 1
I found an Armenian and his wife who were willing to
receive Mr Longworth and myself as lodgers. They
possessed a small house, built, like all the rest in the
village at that time, of wood. It was situated high up
in a kind of ravine, and overlooked the Bosphorus, with
a beautiful view of the opposite coast the Bay of Bebek,
the castles of Europe, and the richly-wooded hills above
them. The house itself, within and without, had a cleanly
appearance, and the owners seemed decent and respectable
people. They only spoke Armenian and Turkish, which,
like the Armenians in general, they usually employed.
This was an advantage, as it enabled us to improve our
knowledge of this language.
They offered us two rooms one for Longworth and
1 Count Pourtales died suddenly from apoplexy many years after-
wards when Prussian Ambassador at Paris a very great loss to his
country and to his profession, of which he was a most distinguished
ornament. I was at Paris at the time, and had been with him only a
few hours before his death,
io6 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
one for myself. The house was furnished in the usual
Turkish style, which was then that also of the non-
Catholic Armenians. In each room was a low divan
and a table, with one or two rush-bottomed chairs, and
the floor was covered with a clean matting. There were
no beds. We slept upon the divans, upon which a
mattress and sheets, kept in a cupboard during the
day, were spread when the time for rest came.
We were to board in the house, and for our food and
lodging, everything included, we agreed to pay 12 each
for three months. Our fare, as might be supposed, was
not luxurious or over-abundant. We had coffee and milk
in the morning, a breakfast at eleven o'clock, consisting
usually of boiled rice with sour curds (or yaouf) and kibabs,
or bits of boiled and roasted meat. We dined at sunset
upon soup, fish, meat and vegetables cooked after the
Turkish fashion.
The few months that I spent at Candili were amongst
the pleasantest that I spent in Constantinople. Mr
Longworth was a delightful companion, of imperturbable
good humour, cheerful, well-informed, taking a lively
interest in Turkish politics and devoting himself to the
study of the language and literature of the people amongst
whom he lived. Candili occupies one of the most
beautiful, if not the most beautiful, position on the
Bosphorus. The heights above the village command
the most enchanting views, extending from the Sea of
Marmora almost to the Euxine with the blue waters
covered with shipping sweeping beneath between the
two seas, and the European and Asiatic coasts lined with
palaces, kiosks, villages and gardens. There were in-
numerable delightful walks in the neighbourhood, and
after the day's work was over, my companion and I
were in the habit of strolling over the hills, engaged in
talk, and enjoying the varied and lovely prospect. On
i8 4 s] LIFE AT CANDILI 107
a Friday afternoon, we usually went to the " Sweet Waters
of Asia," which were within a short walk from Candili,
and where Turkish ladies, still wearing their gay national
costume, were in the habit of congregating, seated in
picturesque groups on the grass, eating sweetmeats,
drinking sherbet, and smoking their narguiles, surrounded
by their children and slaves. The brilliancy and variety
of the colours of their garments gave the place the
appearance, from a distance, of a vast parterre of flowers.
The beauty of our village and of the surrounding
scenery attracted many visitors. Friends came frequently
to see us Alison and others from the Embassy, Colling-
wood Dickson, and an occasional traveller. They were
willing to put up with our humble fare, and to pass the
night on a divan like ourselves. We spent many happy
hours, seated after sunset on cushions on a wooden terrace
or platform which overlooked the winding Bosphorus,
smoking our narguitts and pipes, and sipping coffee, not
infrequently until morning dawned.
My life was not, however, an idle one. My friend M.
Botta had continued his excavations amongst the Assyrian
ruins, and had commenced those great discoveries at
Khorsabad with which his name will be ever connected,
and which have given him lasting fame. With a
generosity and liberality rare amongst discoverers, he
had allowed me to see his letters to his official superiors
in France, describing the remains that he had uncovered,
and accompanied by copies of cuneiform inscriptions
and by drawings of the bas-reliefs found in the buried
Palace of Sargon. These letters were sent to the care
of M. de Cadalvene, a highly accomplished French gentle-
man who was then at the head of the French Post-Office
at Constantinople, and who, after allowing me to see
them, forwarded them to their destination in France.
I was, at the same time, in constant correspondence with
io8 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
M. Botta, who kept me fully . informed of his discoveries.
I was thus enabled to be amongst the first to announce
them to the public and to give a full account of them.
This I did in a series of letters to the Malta Times ;
which were republished in Galignants Journal and in
many European newspapers. I endeavoured in these
letters to fix the period of the wonderful monuments
which my friend had unearthed, and to connect it with
the great Empire which, before the fall of Nineveh, had
flourished in the vast plains of Mesopotamia.
The success of M. Botta encouraged me to persevere in
the design that I had formed of returning some day to
Mosul, and of exploring the great mounds on the left bank
of the Tigris, supposed to occupy the site of Nineveh,
which I had only hastily visited on the two occasions when
travelling in that part of the Turkish dominions. I deter-
mined, therefore, to prepare myself, as well as I was able,
to undertake the work, and to turn such discoveries as I
might make, if the plans I had formed were eventually
carried out, to the best account in my power. I accord-
ingly set myself to the study of the Semitic languages
one of which, I was convinced, was represented in the
cuneiform inscriptions existing in the Assyrian ruins. I
obtained from England such dictionaries and elementary
works as my limited means allowed me to purchase, to
enable me to acquire some knowledge of Hebrew, Chaldee,
and Syriac. I worked industriously many hours a day at
the study of these languages which, I hoped, might assist
me in the decipherment of the inscriptions that I might
hereafter discover in Assyria. I wrote at the same time
an essay on the Nestorian Christians, their history, their
religion and their language, which I sent to England with
the intention of publishing it an intention which I did not
carry out.
I also endeavoured to make myself acquainted with the
i84Sl SULTAN ABDUL MEJID 109
history and language of the Sassanian dynasty, which ruled
over the greater part of western Asia until it fell before
the conquering Arabs and the flood of Islam. I was
assisted by my friend M. de Cadalvene, 1 who had collected
a large number of Sassanian coins, which he allowed me to
arrange and catalogue for him, lending me several valuable
works, published in France, relating to the Pehlevi language
and to the history of the Sassanian kings.
These studies and my correspondence with the English
newspapers, with frequent visits to Sir Stratford Canning
and his family at Buyukdere, fully occupied my time,
which passed swiftly and pleasantly the only drawback
upon my enjoyment being the uncertainty of my position,
and the delay which, notwithstanding all Sir Stratford's
efforts in my favour, was taking place at the Foreign
Office in finding the promised official employment for me.
Sir Stratford did the best he could to reconcile me to
this continued disappointment, preaching patience and
confidence, both which virtues it was, under the circum-
stances, very needful to possess. To give me a proof of
his desire to serve me, he offered to present me to the
Sultan, and having succeeded in borrowing an attache's
uniform from a member of the Embassy, I accompanied
the Ambassador to an audience of His Majesty in one of the
Imperial palaces on the Bosphorus. Sultan Abdul Mejid
was then on the throne. He differed in every respect from
his bold and resolute father, Mahmoud. He was a kind-
hearted, well-intentioned man, desirous of promoting the
prosperity and welfare of his subjects, but weak and
constitutionally feeble. His appearance agreed with his
character. He was small in stature, thin and pale, and sat
with downcast eyes ; but the expression of his counten-
1 M. de Cadalvene who was a man of general accomplishments, and
a distinguished numismat soon after my acquaintance with him lost
his reason, and died insane after lingering for some years.
no POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
ance, although melancholy, was kindly and benevolent, and
when lighted up with a smile, which it frequently was
when the conversation took a turn which pleased him, was
very attractive and sympathetic. Like several of his
predecessors, and like his successors, he had the taint of
madness which has existed in the family since Sultan
Ibrahim, who was known as "the madman." It showed
itself particularly in him in a kind of exaggerated horror of
anything which he imagined to be unclean. If a plate or
glass were brought him which appeared to his excited
imagination not to have been scrupulously cleansed, he
would order it to be thrown out of the window at once ;
and an attendant upon whose garments he could detect a
speck of dirt was at once banished from his presence. He
was constantly haunted by the dread of impurity.
Sir Stratford Canning thought very highly of Abdul
Mejid, of whose character, he told me many years after, he
had written a sketch, describing it in very favourable terms.
It was, at the time of which I am writing, the etiquette
for the Sultan, when receiving an Ambassador or any other
distinguished personage in public audience, to speak in a
very low voice, almost indeed in a whisper, and to address
himself solely to the Chief Interpreter of the Palace, who
in a very humble and deferential manner stood near him
and translated what he had said into French. That office,
which was one of much importance and dignity, was then
held by Safvet Pasha, a rising statesman of great promise,
known for the honesty and simplicity of his character, and
generally respected and esteemed. He was one of those
functionaries at the Porte who belonged to the school of
Reshid Pasha, and had made himself acquainted with the
literature, institutions and languages of European nations.
He subsequently rose to the rank of Grand Vizir, an office
which he worthily filled at a very critical period when I
was Ambassador at Constantinople,
1 845] PRESENTATION TO THE SULTAN in
The head Dragoman of the Embassy was also present
on those occasions. It was his duty to translate what fell
from the Ambassador, always speaking in a low and
almost inaudible whisper. The post was then held by
the aged Frederick Pisani, an old, honest and faithful
servant of the British Government, and a member of a
family which has long been connected in this and other
capacities with the British Embassy at Constantinople.
Sir Stratford, whom he had served on many occasions and
during the troublous and dangerous times of the massacre
of the Janissaries and of the Greek War, had the highest
esteem for him, and the most complete reliance upon his
fidelity and his tact and ability in managing the Turks, of
whose character, language and modes of thought he had
the most thorough knowledge. He was gifted with the
most imperturbable patience and long-suffering, and was
never moved by the violent outbursts of anger to which he
was constantly exposed, and which broke harmlessly upon
him an additional recommendation to his fiery and im-
petuous chief.
Nothing of special importance occurred at this my first
appearance at an Imperial audience. I was presented to
the Sultan as an English traveller who had visited a large
part of his Empire, and who desired to express person-
ally to His Majesty the gratitude he felt for the protection
and hospitality he had enjoyed whilst residing in his
dominions. 1
1 On my return to Constantinople, after my first expedition to
Nineveh, I was again presented to Sultan Abdul Mejid by Sir Strat-
ford Canning, who made some eloquent remarks upon the illustrations
of history furnished by my discoveries, and upon the advantages of
civilisation. They were pithily summed up by old Frederick Pisani
when he simply informed His Majesty that I was "the man who had
found the old stones."
CHAPTER V
CONSTANTINOPLE MISSION TO ALBANIA
1843-1845
IN the summer of 1843 I made a trip to Brusa, with
Count Albert Pourtales, then Prussian Minister at the
Porte, his brother the Count William, and his mother,
an old lady who held a very high position in the Prussian
Court, and who still retained more than traces of the
great beauty for - which in her youth she was famous.
We spent some pleasant days in the ancient capital of
the Ottomans, visited its principal monuments in which
my companions took an intelligent interest ascended
Mount Olympus, and made excursions in the beautiful
districts at the foot of the mountain. But our visit to
Brusa is principally remembered by a somewhat ludicrous
incident. In those days there was no carriage road
between the city and Mundania, a village on the gulf
of that name, where travellers usually disembarked.
The journey was performed on horseback, and took
between six and eight hours.
The road was dusty, the heat intense. Our horses,
hired at Mundania, were sorry beasts, which we had great
difficulty in urging onwards. We arrived at Brusa weary
and parched with thirst, and were taken to the house
of a native Armenian, which had been prepared for us.
The owner immediately brought in some wine, which
he called " Vin d' Olympe," by way of refreshment. Being
112
1843-45] VIN D'OLYMPE 113
overcome with thirst, and the wine being of a very light
colour, and consequently, as we supposed, of no great
strength, we drank freely of it.
The " Vin d' Olympe," however, proved to be some
horrible compound which, combined with the intense heat
from which we had suffered during our ride, had the
effect of stupefying those who had drunk of it. The
English Consul, a staid solemn Scotchman, impervious
to fun or a joke, had in the meanwhile been informed
of the arrival of the distinguished visitors, and thought
it necessary to wait upon them in full uniform. He found
them, to his surprise and horror, stretched upon the divan
apparently in a hopeless state of drunkenness. I re-
membered afterwards a dim vision of something re-
splendent with silver and gold passing before my eyes.
It was the only knowledge I had of the honour paid
us by the Consul.
The result of this involuntary intoxication was two
days' intense headache, accompanied by fever, from which
all the party suffered. We afterwards carefully eschewed
" Vin d' Olympe."
Early in the autumn of 1843 I made a most delightful
excursion with Lord Somers, 1 then Lord Eastnor, to Mount
Athos and the Archipelago. A more agreeable and
better-informed travelling companion it would have been
difficult to find. He was highly accomplished, a good
scholar, well-read in all departments of literature, gifted
with an excellent memory, so excellent a draughtsman
and painter in water-colours, that, had he adopted art
as a profession, he might have attained to the highest rank
in it, witty and humorous, of a joyous, genial, and lovable
disposition, and of a truly honest, loyal, and noble nature
he had all the qualities which might have enabled him
to obtain distinction as a public man, and to have filled
1 Third Earl Somers (1819-1883).
VOL. II. H
H4 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
the highest posts in the public service. Unfortunately,
a fall from his horse in Hyde Park had seriously injured
his health, and had incapacitated him from steady applica-
tion to work. This, added to a natural listlessness and
indifference to worldly success, and an extreme modesty
and want of confidence in himself, unfitted him for public
life, and he never took the place to which, from his great
abilities, his rank, and the high esteem in which he
was held by all those who knew him personally, he was
entitled. He was frequently offered office but declined to
accept it, and only filled for a short time a place about
the Court.
He was somewhat younger than myself. When I first
made his acquaintance he was a Member of Parliament,
but had been travelling for some time in Egypt and in
different parts of the East for the benefit of his health.
He had come to Constantinople in the summer of 1843, and
was on a visit to the Cannings at Buyukdere when we
met. A friendship was formed between us which lasted
until his lamented death in 1883. I was never more
intimate with any man, or loved any more. He was my
dearest and truest friend.
He had hired a small Greek brig which, like most
Greek vessels, was called the Panaiyah " The Virgin,"
with the object of visiting the coasts of the Sea of Marmora,
Mount Athos, and some of the islands of the ^gaean
Sea. He invited me to accompany him. He had with
him a medical attendant, a Dr Mitchell, and Demetri, a
Greek, who acted as servant and dragoman. The doctor
practised " Mesmerism," which was then much in vogue. As
he wanted a subject upon which he could perform experi-
ments, he prevailed upon Lord Eastnor to seek a cook
who had epileptic fits, which he thought he could cure. A
Greek offered himself for the place, who alleged that he
was so afflicted, and was engaged. I believe the fellow to
1845] VOYAGE WITH LORD SOMERS 115
have been an arrant impostor : but he afforded the doctor
an opportunity of exercising his skill, and Eastnor and
myself much amusement. Frequently, in the midst of
breakfast or dinner,*we were suddenly called away to see
Giorgio, for such was his name, who was writhing on the
deck in violent contortions and foaming at the mouth.
After a few passes from the doctor the fit passed away,
and Giorgio was as well as ever. By the end of our voyage
he declared himself to be perfectly cured, and asked for
a handsome bakshish for having submitted to the experi-
ments which had ended so satisfactorily a pretension to
which the doctor, although satisfied with his success with
his patient, indignantly refused to listen.
The vessel had only one small cabin, which was occupied
by the master, and a picture of the Virgin, before which
a lamp was constantly burning. Eastnor had fitted up
the hold with a flooring of planks. Divans on three sides
of it and a table in the middle served us for sleeping and
for our meals. He had provided himself with a small
but well-selected collection of such books, including the
Classics and standard works on Eastern geography and
history, as might prove of use to us in our explorations.
We left the Golden Horn on the 1 5th September, and
sailed in the first instance to the opposite coast in the Gulf
of Ismid, where our captain thought it necessary to take
in ballast, as his vessel, being without cargo, was high out
of the water. The ballast consisted of the shingle, which
the sailors there were, I think, six of them shovelled into
the hold after the planking had been removed. This shingle
swarmed with small insects, which were declared to be
" sea-fleas." They invaded our beds, and every part of the
cabin, hopping into the dishes and our plates when we
were at meals. They proved a serious nuisance, and it was
several days before they died out, and we were rid of
them.
u6 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
After taking in our ballast we set sail along the
Eastern shores of the Sea of Marmora, landing where we
saw mounds or other indications of ruins, and endeavour-
ing to identify the site with that of some ancient
city. We spent two or three days in the small Porte of
Ardak or Artake, where we explored the remains of the
ancient city of Cyzicus, the theatre, naumachia, the tombs
and numerous monuments of marble almost hidden in the
luxuriant vegetation. I was immensely struck with the
fertility and great beauty of the country, the peninsular
parts of which were highly cultivated with vineyards and
olive-groves by the Greek inhabitants of the large village
of Artake. We also ascended Mount Dindymum, which
forms a kind of lofty promontory rising boldly from the
sea, and clothed almost to the summit with forests of oak
and chestnut trees. We fancied that we could trace in
some huge stones on the top of the mountains the remains
of a celebrated temple of Cybele, which once occupied
this site. Whether this was so or not, we were well
rewarded for the fatigue and difficulties of the ascent by
a glorious view over the Sea of Marmora and its islands,
the coast of Thrace, and of the Asiatic shores, bound by
the great range of the snow-capped Olympus.
We passed through the Dardanelles, and spent a couple
of days in exploring the plains of Troy. Thence we
sailed to Imbros and Tenedos, landing on each of these
islands. On approaching Samothrace we were taken for
pirates, and we saw the men and women who were
working in the fields running off as fast as their legs could
carry them to their solitary village high up on the
mountain-side. We succeeded in capturing a native, an
old man too infirm to escape, and through him we were
able to assure the inhabitants of our pacific intentions, and
to obtain provisions and a guide. We ascended the
mountain through the forest with which it is clothed,
1845] A STORM IN THE JEGJEAN 117
discovered some important Pelasgic remains, including a
Cyclopean wall and gateway, and many fragments of
Greek sculpture, marble, bas-reliefs, and statues. We
were greatly interested in this island, with which
some of the most ancient traditions of Greek mytho-
logy are connected, and delighted with its wild and
beautiful scenery.
In Thasos, one of the most flourishing and well-
cultivated islands in the Archipelago, at that time under
the government of Mehemet AH Pasha of Egypt, we
passed some very pleasant days, riding through its
beautiful woods, and discovering ancient Greek and
Roman remains. After returning late one evening from
an excursion, we directed the captain of our craft to set
sail for Mount Athos. He declared that it was contrary
to universal usage to put to sea in the ^Egsean before
midnight, as, however fine the weather might be, no one
knew how it would be at that time. As there was a
light breeze and a cloudless sky, we insisted that we should
leave the little harbour in which we had anchored. At
last he yielded to our remonstrances. But he proved to
be a true prophet. We were but a short distance from
the shore when the wind fell, and there was a dead calm.
Suddenly a tempest of extraordinary violence arose.
Fortunately, we were able to obtain shelter behind a head-
land, and to ride out the gale in safety. It lasted but a
few hours, and was succeeded by a beautiful morning ; but
it had done enormous mischief, and we subsequently heard
of numerous wrecks which had taken place in the Archi-
pelago. It had extended as far as Constantinople, and
several vessels had gone down at their anchors in the
Bosphorus and Golden Horn. These sudden hurricanes
are not uncommon in this part of the Mediterranean, and are
exceedingly dangerous to shipping, especially to the small
Greek coasting vessels, such as the one which we had
n8 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
engaged. Had we not been able to obtain shelter we
should in all probability have foundered.
We reached Mount Athos without accident, and anchored
in very deep water off its rocky and dangerous coast.
There is no harbour in any part of the promontory
formed by "The Sacred Mountain," and vessels must
be ready to slip their cables in case of threatening weather.
We landed, and having obtained mules from the neighbour-
ing monastery, we spent several days in visiting the
convents and all parts of this enchanting region.
At that time Mount Athos was little known to
travellers. It is indeed rarely visited even now. Yet it
contains some of the most beautiful and varied scenery
in the world a combination of architecture, forest, moun-
tain and sea, unequalled. Its numerous convents, con-
structed during the period of the Byzantine Empire, are,
for the most part, grand and picturesque structures,
perched upon rocks overlooking the sea, or rising in
the midst of magnificent forests. They furnish inex-
haustible subjects for the pencil and brush of the artist.
Lord Eastnor made many admirable sketches of them,
and whilst he was engaged in drawing, I spent my time
in conversing with, and obtaining information from, the
monks, and in visiting the libraries and examining the
interesting monuments and mural paintings which abound
in the monasteries. The weather was perfect, and our
enjoyment very great.
I remember one or two incidents connected with our
visit. One morning, soon after our arrival, the naked
bodies of several men, who had been shipwrecked in the
storm which we had encountered on leaving Thasos, were
washed ashore at a short distance from one of the
convents. The monks proceeded to prepare to bury
the corpses, having first informed the Turkish authorities,
who reside on the promontory for purposes of police.
i8 4 5l MOUNT ATHOS 119
An officer was sent down to enquire into the circumstances,
who, rinding that the drowned sailors were Greeks, de-
manded the teskerehS) or receipts, showing that they had
duly paid the kharag, or poll-tax, levied on the Christian
subjects of the Sultan. As they were stripped of their
clothes, and had been some days in the water, the
required documents were, of course, not to be found. The
Turkish official consequently declared that the adjacent
convent was liable for the tax, and proceeded at once
to extort it from the monks who loudly and vehemently
protested against the injustice of the proceeding.
One day when riding through a forest with my com-
panions, I learnt by accident from one of the muleteers,
that the Greek dragoman was defrauding us by charging
us more for the mules than we had agreed to pay for
them. I threatened to expose him unless the proper
charge were made. He got into a violent passion, and,
dismounting, came close to me and levelled a large
pistol, which he habitually carried in his belt, at my
head. It fortunately hung fire, and I had time to
ward off a second attempt, which might have ended
fatally. Demetri was made to apologise, and I accepted
the apology ; but it would have been better had he been
immediately dismissed from the service of Lord Eastnor,
who, some years after, was exposed to serious danger from
a similar outburst of passion on his part.
I remember being struck with the fact that the huge,
fat, overfed cats, which I saw in the convents, were shorn
of their tails. On asking for an explanation of it, I was
informed by the monks that as their meals were served
to them on trays placed, Turkish fashion, on low stools,
round which squatted those who ate, the cats, who
were constant guests at dinner and breakfast, were
in the habit of sweeping off the viands and the wine-
glasses with their tails, which were consequently docked.
120 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
From Mount Athos we sailed for the Gulf of Adramyti,
landed on the Island of Mytilene, and visited its two
great natural harbours, explored the fine and extensive
Greek ruins of Assos, and ultimately reached Smyrna,
where I left Lord Eastnor and returned by steamer to
Constantinople, after a most [delightful cruise and a tour
full of interest and enjoyment.
During the winter of 1843-44 I passed most of my time
at the Embassy working for Sir Stratford Canning and
obtaining political information for him, corresponding with
the Morning Chronicle, and continuing my studies in the
Turkish, Hebrew, and Chaldean languages.
I was anxious to promote the establishment of schools
amongst the indigent Christian and Jewish populations
of the Turkish capital a matter in which Lady Canning
took a very lively interest. We were able to open some
schools in the poorest quarters of the city, and eventually
one was founded for the education of children of the better
classes without distinction of faith, it being meant for
Christians and Mohammedans alike. To conduct it Lady
Canning obtained the services of two ladies from England,
the Misses Walsh, who managed the establishment very
creditably and successfully, and devoted themselves to
the work. Later on, the Sultan generously presented Sir
Stratford Canning with a large house in the main street
of Pera, which belonged to the Turkish Government or
to the Imperial domain, and to which this school, previously
existing in a bad and inconvenient locality, was transferred.
In it the children of many of the English engineers, who
were then employed in the Turkish Arsenal and elsewhere,
as well as those of Ionian and Maltese families and of
Greeks and Armenians, received a fairly good education.
This school still exists, and is now managed by English
residents in Constantinople.
At that time the only schools in Constantinople where
1845] AMERICAN MISSIONARIES 121
children could obtain anything like a European education
were under the direction of the Jesuits, and of the
American Missionaries. The former, who succeeded in
making many converts, principally among the Armenians,
were under the protection of the French Government, and
were used by it for political purposes and to spread the
influence and promote the interests of France. The latter,
who had no political objects in view, and who did not
profess to make converts to the Protestant faith, although
the instruction they gave often led indirectly to that
result, were a most zealous, devoted, and learned body
of men. They had spread themselves over the greater
part of the Ottoman Empire in Europe and Asia, and
in parts of Persia especially in the provinces occupied
by the Nestorians and everywhere opened schools for the
instruction of the native Christians. I was intimately
acquainted with many of them, in Constantinople and
elsewhere in Turkey, and received much kindness from
them. After long struggling against the opposition and
persecution they incurred, chiefly from the Christians, and
notably from the Greek and Armenian clergy, who were
jealous of their influence and hostile to the spread of
knowledge amongst those whom it was their interest
to maintain in complete ignorance, the labours of the
American Missionaries were rewarded by no inconsiderable
success. To them may be attributed in a great measure
the movements which have since taken place in European
Turkey, and in Armenia, in favour of national independence
and against the rule of the Turks. Most of the leaders
of the Bulgarians in their struggle against the Porte were
educated in the American College, known from its founder
as " The Robert College," a vast and commodious edifice,
situated near the village of Bebek, and commanding one
of the most beautiful and extensive views over the
Bosphorus and its shores. There they acquired their
122 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
knowledge of the institutions, laws, and customs of civilised
countries, and those principles of political freedom which
they sought to carry out in the rising against the Turkish
rule, which led, many years after the time of which I
am writing, to the independence of the Bulgarian race.
Another important result of the endeavours of the
American Missionaries to establish schools amongst the
native Christians was that, whilst it excited the jealousy
and hostility of the Greek and Armenian clergy, it
compelled them to make efforts to spread education
amongst their own flocks, and so to prevent their having
recourse to the teaching of foreigners, who were looked
upon as heretics, and who were accused of the design
of making converts to the Protestant faith. Nothing has
contributed more to the improvement of the Christian
races throughout the Ottoman Empire in an educational,
and perhaps a political, point of view, than these early
efforts of the American Missionaries to open schools and
to disseminate knowledge amongst those populations by
means of translations of standard works of all kinds, and by
teaching the elements of science in their various establish-
ments. They were amply supplied with money from
the United States chiefly, I believe, through the Board
of Foreign Missions. Braving the climate, and the persecu-
tion and ill-treatment to which they were not infrequently
subjected, they established themselves in the most re-
mote and least frequented parts of the Turkish Empire,
where they lived with their families not forgetting the
comforts of their native land, especially rocking-chairs
and pumpkin- pie. I frequently, in the course of my
wanderings, partook of their hospitality, and always received
a warm welcome from them. Several whom I knew
fell victims to their devotion, and to the hardships, exposure,
and vexations to which they were subjected.
Although Sir Stratford Canning was doing his best to
18451 DESIRE FOR A CONSULATE 123
obtain for me permanent diplomatic employment, Lord
Aberdeen, although holding out some hopes, was still
obdurate, and would not even give me the appointment
of unpaid attache to the Embassy. I had, therefore, to
pass the winter in a state of uncertainty and expectancy
which weighed considerably upon my spirits, and was only
alleviated by the extreme kindness of the Ambassador and
Lady Canning. I was more than once on the point of
abandoning all hope of entering the diplomatic profession,
and of leaving Constantinople, but they encouraged me to
persevere. I would even willingly at that time have
accepted a Consulate, or even Vice-Consulate, in the East,
so much attached had I become to the independence and
freedom of Oriental life. I was, indeed, not without hopes
that the Foreign Office might have been persuaded to
name a Vice-Consul to Shushter with a view to develop
British trade in that rich and fertile Province of Persia, and
to open the navigation of the river Karun, questions in
which I took a very lively interest. I considered that I
had special qualifications for such an appointment from
my acquaintance with the country and with the most
influential inhabitants of Shushter, and with the chiefs of
the neighbouring Arab, Lur, and Baktiyari tribes. Had
such an appointment been offered to me, I should probably
have accepted it, and my subsequent career would have
been very different from what it eventually proved to be ;
but I might have been of some use in making known the
resources of a country then unexplored, and in promoting
the influence and interests of England. Moreover, the
adventurous life amongst the wild inhabitants of Khuzistan
would have been to my taste, and I should have had
opportunities of pursuing my archaeological researches in a
region abounding in ancient remains and rich in historical
traditions.
The spring of 1844 came, and I was still without definite
i2 4 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
employment, and very sick at heart from continued dis-
appointment and hopes deferred. My means, too, were very
restricted, and scarcely sufficient for me to live even with
the greatest economy. I had given up the correspondence
with the Morning Chronicle, as my friends were of opinion
that my connection with the Press, if known at the Foreign
Office, would stand in the way of my prospects of obtaining
a diplomatic appointment. The work I did in the Chancery,
and for Sir Stratford Canning, who continued to employ
me in confidential and delicate negotiations with the
Turkish Ministers, and in various other ways, was without
remuneration.
In the early spring of 1844 a serious rising against
the Turkish rule had taken place in Northern Albania.
Rumours reached Constantinople of shocking cruelties to
which the Christians in that part of European Turkey had
been subjected by the Albanian rebels, who, it was
reported, had defeated the Ottoman troops in repeated
engagements, and had succeeded in driving the Ottoman
authorities out of the Province. Sir Stratford Canning
was desirous of ascertaining the real state of affairs in the
revolted districts, and proposed to me to visit them and to
report to him fully on the subject. He undertook to pay
my expenses, and he further believed that, if I performed
my mission to his satisfaction, and furnished him with in-
formation which might prove of value to the British
Government, I should have an additional claim upon the
Foreign Office for permanent employment.
I joyfully agreed to his proposal, glad to return again
to active life, and to find occupation which would distract
my thoughts from dwelling continually upon the apparent
hopelessness of my position. I left Constantinople on the
ist May for Salonica by one of the small steamers belong-
ing to the Austrian Lloyds' Company, which traded with
that port.
i8 4 5J GREEK ECCLESIASTICS 125
My ride from Salonica to Monastir was a perilous one,
owing to the unsettled state of the country, the roads being
infested with brigands, who plundered caravans and carried
off travellers for ransom, or murdered them for their
property. The Turkish authorities furnished me with
guards ; but they were little to be depended upon, being,
for the most part, themselves robbers, and the Dirband
Aggassis, as the guards who were stationed to guard the
mountain defiles were called, being in league with the
brigand chiefs. However, I accomplished my journey in
safety. At Monastir I lodged in the house of the Greek
Bishop, where I spent two or three weeks, and had an
opportunity of learning something about Greek ecclesiastical
life. I was not very favourably impressed with the morals
or manners of the priests and dignitaries of the Greek
Church. For the most part they led, very openly, dissolute
lives, were wretchedly ignorant, thoroughly corrupt, and
given to the grossest superstition.
At that time the question between the Bulgarians and
the Greek (Ecumenical Patriarch, which subsequently gave
rise to a grave schism in the Greek Church, and which has
led to serious consequences, had recently taken an acute
form. It arose in this wise. The Christian population of
the Province of Rumelia, of which Monastir was then the
capital, and of the country between the Balkans and the
Danube (with the exception of Servia), was composed of
Bulgarians, but as they professed the Greek faith, and
recognised the Greek Patriarch as their religious head,
they were generally known as Greeks. They, indeed,
affected to be Greeks, as the name of " Bulgarian " was
held to be one of reproach and contempt. Their Bishops
and Clergy were appointed by the (Ecumenical Patriarch,
who selected for all the ecclesiastical dignities and offices
Greek priests who were entirely ignorant of the Bulgarian
language, which was the one exclusively spoken by their
126 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
flocks. This state of things caused great dissatisfaction to
the Bulgarians, who demanded that these appointments
should be given to men of their own race, with whom they
could communicate, and who were acquainted with their
habits and customs. The Greek Patriarchate, however,
refused to consent to this very just and reasonable demand,
and persisted in imposing Greek ecclesiastics upon the
Bulgarians.
The Greek Bishops were, moreover, for the most part,
more tyrannical, grasping, and corrupt, than even the
Turkish officials, and it was more difficult for the un-
fortunate Christians to escape from them than from their
Mohammedan oppressors. The Porte left to them the
entire administration of 'the affairs of the Christian com-
munities over which they presided, and did not interfere so
long as the Kharag or poll-tax, and other Imperial
taxes, were paid ; and even these, after being apportioned
by the Turkish authorities, were frequently collected by
the Bishop and his Council. The tithes and taxes required
for the maintenance of the Church, the Clergy, such schools
as existed, and for charitable and other objects connected
with the Christian community, were also raised by the
Bishop, who had, moreover, jurisdiction in all ecclesiastical
questions, over marriage, disposition of property, and all
other matters relating to those affairs of the Christian
populations which did not come within the Turkish or
Mussulman law. He had every means of extorting money
from those who were thus placed under his jurisdiction,
and he generally availed himself of them pretty freely. I
have often heard Christians say that, whilst they were able
to deceive the Turkish authorities and to evade the
payment of the Imperial taxes, it was impossible to escape
from the Bishop, who, through the priests and his other
agents, was intimately acquainted with their affairs, and
knew how to wring the last para out of them.
1 845] DERVISH CZAR 127
Omar Pasha, a renegade Croatian Christian, who
became famous during the Crimean War, was in command
of a small army corps, which had been sent against the
Albanian insurgents. He was marching upon Uscup, which
they had then invested. I joined him, and accompanied
him in his expedition, living with him, and consequently
seeing much of him. I was struck by his ability and by
his great superiority over the Turkish officers of rank whom
I had previously met, and, foreseeing that he would dis-
tinguish himself if an opportunity was offered to him, I
strongly recommended him to Sir Stratford Canning,
who contributed much towards his promotion and to his
subsequent employment in important commands.
The insurgents, who were of the Great Northern
Albanian tribe of the Gheghas, were led by one Dervish
Czar, a petty chief, who had placed himself at the head of
the insurrection. They had taken up arms to resist the
conscription, which was now being enforced in most parts
of the Ottoman Empire, and the introduction into their
country of the Tanzimat, or constitutional reforms,
which had been promulgated at Constantinople, and which
were opposed in many respects to their ancient rights and
privileges. The Gheghas were a wild and warlike clan,
who had hitherto maintained in their mountains a kind
of semi - independence, the Porte being rarely able to
establish its authority over them. They were well-armed
and brave, but without discipline, and when they ventured
into the plains were unable to withstand even a small
body of the Turkish regular troops furnished with artillery,
in which the Albanians were entirely deficient.
Dervish Czar, with his followers, who were said to
number between ten and fifteen thousand men, had
descended from the mountains, in the district of Dibra,
into the fertile plains watered by the Vardar; had occupied
a large number of villages mostly inhabited by Christians; and
128 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
had extorted large sums of money from them, besides driving
off the cattle and flocks of the inhabitants. It was reported
that the insurgents had committed great atrocities upon the
Christians, and stories had reached Constantinople of men,
women, and children roasted alive, and subjected to other
horrible tortures. As usual, these reports were greatly
exaggerated, if not altogether unfounded. From what I
could learn, the Christian villages had been robbed and
plundered, and in some instances, when refusing to give up
their money or to disclose where it was concealed,
subjected to ill-treatment. But I was unable to verify
any of the shocking stories of outrages to women and
children which had reached Pera, and had been con-
sequently circulated by the European Press, although I had
opportunities of seeing and questioning a large number of
persons who would have had personal knowledge of them
had they been actually committed.
When Omar Pasha advanced towards Uscup, all the
low country, with the exception of the towns in which
there were Turkish garrisons, was in the hands of the
Gheghas. But Dervish Czar and his followers retreated
before the Turkish troops to the mountains above Dibra.
Thence they sent emissaries to open communication with
Omar Pasha, with a view to coming to terms and stopping
his further advance into their country. He accordingly
encamped between Koprili and Uscup, and entered into
negotiations with the insurgents, which, however, ended in
nothing, as he refused to listen to their demands to be
exempted from the conscription, and they required
guarantees for the fulfilment of his promises, which he was
unable to give.
In order to make a last attempt to come to an arrange-
ment and to avoid bloodshed, Omar Pasha proposed to me
to see Dervish Czar, and to endeavour to induce him to
accept the conditions which had been offered to him. In
x84S] AMONG ALBANIAN INSURGENTS 129
those days the influence of England was great in the East,
and the word of an Englishman was accepted by even the
wildest tribes, as a pledge which would never be violated.
The Turkish Commander believed that the insurgents
would be willing to lay down their arms and submit, if I
gave my personal assurance to them that the conditions
he offered would be fulfilled, and that their lives and
property would be respected.
I was willing to accept the mission proposed to me,
as I was not without sympathy for these brave and in-
dependent mountaineers who had good reason to fear and
mistrust the Turks, and I was desirous of doing all that
might be in my power to avoid bloodshed. Omar Pasha
was to give me an escort as far as the outposts of the
Albanians at the foot of the mountains. Thence I was
to make my way as I best could to the headquarters of
the insurgent chief. I was accompanied by a tried and
trustworthy cawass, himself of Albanian origin, in the
service of the British Embassy, who declared that he was
ready to follow me wherever I might go.
I accordingly left Omar Pasha's camp early in the
morning, and after a ride of about two hours across the
plain, we perceived a group of Albanians on a rising
ground. My escort refused to accompany me any further,
stating that they had received orders to return as soon
as the first outpost of the insurgents was in sight, so as
to avoid a conflict. The officer with his Bashi-bazouks
then turned back. I rode on, followed by my faithful
attendant, who, in view of the fact that a Turk falling
into the hands of the Gheghas would have but little chance
of escaping with his life, showed considerable courage.
As we approached the Albanians, I could see them
levelling their long guns at us, as if with the intention of
firing upon us. I made signs that I wished to com-
municate with them, and as I wore the European dress,
VOL. II. I
I3 o MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
with a cap with gold lace, which then distinguished the
Consul in the East, they allowed me to approach. I found
assembled a wild and savage set of fellows wearing the
long, dirty fustanella> or linen skirt, descending to the
knees, and the shaggy white coat which, together with a
long gun and the belt carrying inlaid pistols and dagger,
formed the costume of the Ghegha tribes.
They seemed at first disinclined to allow me to com-
municate with them evidently mistrustful of the cazuass,
whom they took for a Turkish soldier. I managed,
however, to explain to them that I wished to see Dervish
Czar, with whom I had business of importance to transact.
After some discussion, in which I was fortunately helped
by my attendant, who spoke Albanian, they allowed me to
proceed, informing me that their chief was in the
mountains at some distance, and warning me that there
were guards posted in all directions, who, ignorant of my
object and character, and seeing me accompanied by
a person in Turkish uniform, might fire upon me before
I could have time to explain. They at last consented
to send one of their number with me as a guide, and to
protect me in case of accidents.
We rode over very rough and broken ground for several
hours, armed men constantly springing up from behind
the rocks, or from gullies by the side of our path, and
fixing me with their guns. Fortunately the presence of
the Albanian guide prevented them from firing, and, after
having learnt who I was and where I was going, they
allowed me to proceed.
In the afternoon I reached Dervish Czar's headquarters.
I found him with a large number of followers in a forest,
without any other shelter than the wide-spreading oak
trees beneath which they were assembled. A more savage
and truculent, and, at the same time, a more picturesque
set of fellows could not be well imagined. They crowded
1845] CONFERENCE WITH DERVISH CZAR 131
round me, eager to learn the object of my mission, and
eyeing with angry looks my cawass, whose Turkish dress
excited their suspicions and anger. Their chief was only
distinguished from his men by a richly embroidered jacket
and waistcoat such as the Gheghas wear, and by his arms,
which were elaborately inlaid with silver. He was accom-
panied by several chiefs, who, like himself, were covered
with gold embroidery.
He received me civilly and courteously ; for, although
an ignorant man, of no rank amongst his people, who by
his courage and influence had taken the lead in the rising
against the Turkish Government, he had, like his country-
men in general, dignified manners and striking self-
possession. Finding that I had not breakfasted, he ordered
a meal, which consisted of black bread and some boiled
rice all that his camp afforded to be provided for me.
After I had eaten, I retired with him and one or two of the
chiefs to a distance from the crowd of warriors who had
gathered round us, and, seated on the grass beneath an oak,
proceeded to discuss the business upon which I had been
sent.
After having stated the numerous complaints that the
Gheghas had against the Porte, Dervish Czar declared that
they were resolved not to receive any Turkish officials in
their mountains, nor to submit to the new laws of the
Tanzimat, nor to furnish conscripts to the Nizam, or
regular army. In all other respects they were ready
to obey the Padishah^ of whom they were the faithful and
devoted subjects, and to furnish him with any number of
irregular troops under their own chiefs that he might
require. If their terms were not accepted, they were de-
termined, he said, to fight to the last, and to defend their
almost inaccessible mountains against the troops of the
Sultan.
I represented to them that it was impossible for the
i 3 2 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
Turkish Commander to listen to these terms, and that,
if they persisted in demanding them, their country would
be invaded and subdued by the Sultan's armies, and that
they would be compelled to submit to such terms as the
Porte might then think fit to impose upon them. I then
stated to them the conditions which I had been authorised
by Omar Pasha to propose to them, which were fair and
reasonable enough, and urged them to accept them to
prevent bloodshed, and, what they most dreaded, the
complete subjugation of their country, and the destruction
of what remained to them of their ancient independence.
After many arguments and much discussion, they agreed
to accept all the terms offered by Omar Pasha except that
relating to the conscription. Upon this point they were
not to be moved. They declared that to give conscripts
to the regular army, to be drilled and clothed according to
the European fashion, was opposed to their religion, their
traditions, and their tribal habits. They were ready to
serve as irregulars, as they had always been, but they
would never consent to be enrolled in the regular army.
They declared that they would resist to the last rather
than give way.
Night was now approaching, and large platters filled
with boiled rice mixed with scarce bits of meat were
brought to the chiefs, which, with a little black bread,
formed their simple meal. When it became dark, pre-
parations were made for a dance. We moved to an open
space in the forest where the warriors had assembled.
Several hundreds of them then joined hands and began to
move round in measured steps to the sound of drums and
a kind of rude and shrill oboe, stamping their feet and
swinging their joined hands to and fro. It was a kind of
" Romaica," or Pyrrhic dance.
A vast crowd of men surrounded the dancers, many
of them holding torches made of pine- wood, which threw a
i8 4 5l THE ALBANIAN CAMP 133
lurid glare over the performers, others brandishing their
arms and raising warlike cries. The white fustanellas of
the Albanians, their glittering arms, their savage counte-
nances lit up by the red uncertain light, the gloom of the
forest beyond and the starlit sky above, formed a wild and
picturesque scene never to be forgotten.
After the dance had continued for nearly two hours,
the circle being constantly recruited by fresh dancers to
replace those who were tired or wished to withdraw, the
assembly broke up, and the warriors, scattering themselves
in the surrounding forest, laid themselves down for the
night. I followed the example of the chiefs, and stretched
myself under an oak, wrapped in my cloak. I soon fell
asleep, and slept well, although the night was bitterly cold.
I was roused at dawn by a general movement in the
rude camp. The Gheghas were preparing for the day and
buckling on their arms, which they had taken off during the
night. I observed that very few performed their devotions,
as good Mussulmans are required to do on rising in the
morning, although a mulla had intoned the usual call to
prayers at daybreak. But the Albanians, although pro-
fessing to be good Mohammedans, are very lax in the
performance of their religious duties, and are neither
fanatical nor intolerant to those who differ from them in
creed.
Immediately after we had risen, my conversation of the
previous night with Dervish Czar and the other chiefs was
renewed, and the same arguments repeated, but with the
same result. They were willing to give way upon every
point except the conscription. On this subject they were
not to be moved. Finding that it was useless to press the
matter any further, I remonstrated with them upon their
treatment of the Christians, referring to the reports which
had reached Constantinople of the cruelties to which they
had been subjected. The chiefs indignantly protested
i 3 4 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
that there was no truth in these reports, which, they main-
tained, had been invented by their enemies, the Turks, to
damage their cause, and to set European nations against
them. They declared that, with the exception of raising
the taxes, to which, as occupying the country, they con-
sidered themselves entitled, and which they had collected
from all classes and creeds alike, they had in no way inter-
fered with the Christians, who were their brothers, and had
not been in any way molested in consequence of their
faith. I was inclined to believe that what they stated was
true, as in those days Mussulmans and Christians lived in
such friendly relations in Albania that in the mixed villages
they could scarcely be distinguished from each other, and
intermarriages, husband and wife retaining their respective
religions, were by no means rare. However, I exacted a
solemn promise from the chiefs that they would protect
the Christians and not suffer them to be molested or
ill-treated.
My mission to Dervish Czar having thus proved un-
successful, I returned to Omar Pasha, to whom I gave an
account of what had occurred. I dined with him, and
retired early to rest in a small tent which he had assigned
to me near his own. In the middle of the night I was
awoke by the report of firearms, and by the bugle-call to
arms resounding in the camp. Fortunately, Omar Pasha
had not neglected, as Turkish Commanders usually did,
to take the necessary precautions to meet a night attack,
and the pickets had given timely notice of the approach of
the enemy. His dispositions were soon made. His troops
formed a square enclosing our small encampment, at the
angles of which he had placed his artillery. The attack
soon became general on all sides. The Albanians vastly
outnumbered the Turks ; but, ill-armed and without
discipline, they failed to make any impression upon
regular troops, and were beaten back whenever they
i8 4 5 REPULSE OF INSURGENTS 135
attempted to charge the square, which they did with
great courage and determination, throwing themselves
upon the bayonets, and discharging their long guns and
pistols almost in the faces of the Turkish soldiers.
Dawn beginning to appear, the Albanians, repulsed in
every attempt to break the square, retired to their
mountain stronghold. I had been by the side of Omar
Pasha during the struggle. He had no misgivings as to
the result, having perfect reliance upon his troops, which
was justified by the discipline and calm courage they
displayed during the attack. Like others who have had
the command of Turkish soldiers, he maintained that they
were the finest troops in the world, and only required to
be properly led to achieve anything. His losses were
small, those of the enemy very considerable, and the
ground round our encampment was strewed with the dead
and wounded.
As soon as the necessary preparations were completed,
Omar Pasha resumed his march, and late in the afternoon
reached Uscup, which was held by a Turkish garrison, and
had been fortified so as to resist any attack that the
Albanians might make upon it.
I remained a few days at Uscup, and then accompanied
the Pasha to Prisrend and Pristina, which were also
garrisoned by Turkish troops. After the failure of their
attempt to surprise the Turkish camp and their disastrous
repulse, the insurgents had again opened negotiations
with Omar Pasha. These negotiations were mainly carried
on through influential Albanian chiefs and mullas who
resided in those towns. As they dragged on, and I had
nothing to do with them, I returned to Uscup, where I
could obtain better information as to the state of affairs
in Albania, as it was the capital of the province in which
the Ghegha insurrection had taken place. I lodged in a
respectable Christian house, and had thus an opportunity
136 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
of hearing any complaints that the Christians might have
to make, and of interceding in their behalf with the
Turkish Governor of the place, when their complaints
were well founded. I rarely failed in obtaining redress
and proper protection for them, as the Pasha knew that
I was in correspondence with Sir Stratford Canning, and
a representation to the Porte from the English Ambassador
would inevitably lead to the dismissal and punishment of
an official who had neglected his duty or misconducted
himself.
The Governor of Uscup was a dignified Turk of the old
school. Not a bad man, and of an honest, kindly dis-
position, but an adept in all the arts and wiles which
characterised Turkish policy and diplomacy. I was in the
habit of going to him at his breakfast time to learn the news
of the day, and especially to ascertain what progress the
negotiations with the Albanian insurgents were making.
One morning I found him in unusually good spirits. When
I was about to take my leave of him, he begged me to stop,
"for," said he, "the principal Ghegha chiefs have agreed
to submit to the Government, and I have given them a
safe conduct to come to Uscup to arrange as to the terms
of surrender. I expect them every minute, and as they
are all men of influence with their tribe, and the principal
promoters of the insurrection, their submission will put an
end to it."
I accordingly resumed my seat and my pipe (in those
days the grateful jessamine, or cherrystick, was still in use,
and the choicest tobacco was procurable for a few paras
throughout European Turkey). After a short time a
discharge of firearms was heard, which marked the
approach of the Ghegha chiefs and their attendants. In
the meanwhile the Pasha had given orders that the gates
of the fort, in which was his Serai, or Palace, should be
closed, and that only the chiefs, after depositing their
1845] TREACHERY OF THE TURKS 137
arms, should be admitted, their followers having to remain
outside.
To these conditions the chiefs for some time refused to
comply, suspecting treachery ; but after some negotiation,
and reassured by the promise of safe-conduct from the
Pasha, which was solemnly repeated to them by a mulla
sent by him for the purpose, they consented to give up
their arms, and to leave their followers outside the gate.
They were ushered into the Governor's presence, and
invited by him to be seated. They were twelve or fourteen
stalwart, truculent-looking fellows, with a bold independent
gait, very different from the cringing demeanour which
was usually assumed in Turkey by those who were per-
mitted to approach so great a man. They were served
with the usual coffee and pipes, and the Pasha then
addressed them in a set speech, extolling the infinite
clemency and goodness of the Sultan and the heinousness
of the crime of rebellion against him.
He had scarcely got to the end of his discourse when,
upon a preconcerted signal which he gave, a number of
armed men caw asses and soldiers rushed into the room
and seized the Ghegha chiefs, who were without means
of defence. They were hurried out of the room, and,
after having been bound hand and foot, were consigned
to prison until nightfall, when, placed on mules, they were
sent off under a strong guard to Constantinople.
During this scene the Pasha sat with an unperturbed
countenance, smoking the pipe which rarely left his lips
as if nothing extraordinary had happened. I was sitting
near him, and was lost in astonishment, and beyond
measure indignant at this gross act of treachery. After
wishing him good-morning, and showing him by my
manner and countenance what my feelings were, I left
the Serai not to return to it. The next day I left
Uscup for Monastir.
138 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
Similar violations of the most solemn pledges, and of
safe-conducts given by Turkish officials have been so
frequent and so notorious, that it was surprising that the
Albanian chiefs should have been deceived and have
been entrapped as they were. The successful treachery
of the Pasha of Uscup had, however, the effect of putting
an end to the rebellion. Dervish Czar, without the
support of the most influential insurgent leaders who
had thus been made prisoners, and deserted by his
followers, soon after surrendered. In the following year,
as I was one day riding from Pera to Buyukdere, I
passed a gang of convicts in chains engaged in mending
the road. One of them approached me, and holding out
his hand, asked me to give him someflaras to buy tobacco.
I thought I recognised his countenance. The convict was
Dervish Czar, the leader of the Gheghas in their unsuccessful
rebellion. I exchanged a few words with him, gave him
the tutoon paras (tobacco money) for which he had asked,
and then passed on. I never saw him afterwards, and am
ignorant of his fate.
After passing some very agreeable days at Ochrida, I
returned to Monastir, and, taking post-horses, rode to
Salonica, whence I embarked for Constantinople, where
I arrived soon after the middle of July.
On my return to Constantinople I was invited by Sir
Stratford Canning to take up my residence with him
at Buyukdere". I was very pleasantly and comfortably
lodged in a small kiosk, overlooking the Bosphorus, in a
garden adjoining the Embassy house. As I now worked
regularly in the Chancery, and performed all the duties of
an attache*, besides being constantly employed in confi-
dential and delicate political business by the Ambassador,
he considered it right that I should receive some remunera-
tion for my services, and accordingly allotted to me a
small periodical payment out of a fund at his disposal.
1845] INTERCOURSE WITH CANNING 139
Had it not been for the uncertainty of my position,
my life was at this time a very delightful and enjoyable
one.
Frequently of an afternoon I took long rides with
Sir Stratford through the forest of Belgrade, with its
fine trees, grassy glades, and enchanting views over the
Bosphorus and Black Sea. During these rides the
Ambassador would dwell upon his long and varied ex-
perience of the diplomatic service, and would describe his
missions to different countries Switzerland, the United
States, Spain and Russia and the remarkable historical
events of which he had been a witness, and in most of
which he had taken a prominent part, during his embassies
to successive Sultans. We discoursed on politics in
general, and especially on the foreign policy of England in
relation to the European Powers. He would refer to his
own experience of English political life, and his connection
with his eminent cousin, George Canning, of whom he was
fond of relating anecdotes, and of whom he was justly
proud. We talked of art and literature, and especially of
poetry, of which he was very fond, employing his leisure
hours in writing verses. These rides were as instructive
and useful to me as they were pleasant and healthful.
Sir Stratford had the bad habit of working very
late at night. He retired to his study soon after
dinner, which was usually served very late, as he in-
variably kept his guests waiting for an hour at least, and
we rarely sat down to table before nine o'clock or half-past.
He then read and wrote despatches and letters, and
transacted the business of the Embassy until long after
daylight, sometimes until even six or seven o'clock in the
morning. Before retiring to bed, he would by way of
relaxation, and in order to compose himself for sleep, take
out a MS. poem from a drawer, and read me a canto
of an epic poem he had composed upon King Alfred.
MO MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
This was a great trial to me, his usual victim, and it
was with no little difficulty that, after the labours of the
night, I could keep my eyes open and pay any attention
to his verses. He did not rise till late in the day. His
unfortunate attaches frequently never went to bed at all,
but, after taking a bath in the Bosphorus and a nap
on a divan, would go about their day's work or amuse-
ment. But it was principally Count Pisani and I who
remained in attendance on His Excellency during these
long and weary nights. The poor Count seemed actually
to live in the Chancery in the midst of despatches and
papers, of which he was the most trustworthy and jealous
guardian, and in which his whole existence, all his pleasure
and hopes, seemed to be concentrated. 1
Sir Stratford Canning was very proud of his poetry,
and fond of reading it or reciting it to his attaches, who
were bound to listen and to admire. He probably
doubted the sincerity of their approval and praise, and on
one occasion exposed me to a rather unfair test on the
subject. He put into my hands a copy of verses, which
he said had been written by a somewhat enthusiastic
and romantic lady, who was his daughter's governess,
and asked me to read them, and tell him what I thought
of them. They described, in very bombastic and inflated
language, the passage of a locomotive, belching forth
fire and smoke, through a tunnel. I returned them to
the Ambassador, observing that they appeared to me
exceedingly ridiculous, and that, in my opinion, the
authoress would do well to occupy her time otherwise
than in writing poetry.
1 He served the British Government well and zealously for above
sixty years, without other reward than his very meagre salary, and
was retired by the Foreign Office with a well-earned pension when I
was Ambassador at Constantinople. A more simple-minded, trust-
worthy, and honest creature never lived.
i8 4 5J LORD COWLEY 141
Sir Stratford burst out into a fit of laughter, admitted
that the verses were his own, and good-naturedly re-
marked that for the first time he had listened to an inde-
pendent and conscientious criticism. I considered that
he had played rather an unfair trick upon me ; but it had
no evil result he was too fair and just a man to be
offended by the truthful expression of an opinion.
In the summer of 1844 the Honourable Mr Wellesley l
(afterwards Lord Cowley) arrived at Constantinople as
Secretary of the Embassy. He was accompanied by
his wife and family. It was generally reported that
the Government at home, being anxious with regard
to the policy pursued by Sir Stratford Canning, and
suspicious that his high-handed proceedings might get
them into difficulties especially with Russia had sent
out Mr Wellesley as a check upon him. This report, of
course, reached the Ambassador, who was consequently
exceedingly jealous and suspicious of the new Secretary,
declined to communicate with him on public affairs, and
almost went so far as to forbid him access to the Chancery,
where he might see the despatches that passed between the
Foreign Office and the Ambassador, and other documents
relating to political affairs. This unfortunate state of affairs
interfered with that cordial understanding and confidence
which had hitherto existed between the members of the
Embassy and their chief, and led, occasionally, to some
misunderstanding between them. It did not prevent me,
however, from forming a friendship with Mr and Mrs
Wellesley, which has lasted throughout my life. They
have been amongst my kindest, truest and dearest friends.
He became subsequently Charge a" Affaires and Minister
at the Porte, when Sir Stratford Canning went to England
on leave, and, as Lord Cowley, represented his country and
Second Baron, first Earl Cowley (1804-1884). Ambassador Extra-
ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to France, 1852-1867.
142 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
worthily upheld her dignity, her honour and her interests,
as the Queen's Ambassador at Paris during many critical
years. He was truly an upright, honourable, straight-
forward Englishman, and a perfect gentleman. Although
he was eminently successful as a diplomatist, he was never
accused of having recourse to any of the tricks, subtleties
and deceits, which are popularly believed to be necessary
in the craft.
In the month of September I was invited by the Baron
de Behr, the Belgian Minister at the Porte, to accompany
him on an exploring trip he had planned along the shores
of the Sea of Marmora and in the Archipelago. The
Baron was a very eccentric and choleric individual, but
a man of considerable learning an archaeologist and
numismatist. He had quarrelled with nearly all his diplo-
matic colleagues in consequence of the violence of his
temper, which led him to commit many undignified and
reprehensible acts, causing them just offence. But I had
kept on good terms with him, and as we had congenial
pursuits, especially in matters connected with archaeology
and ancient history and geography, I was in the habit of
spending a good deal of my time with him. One of his
eccentricities consisted in an exaggerated hatred of all
noises, especially the barking of dogs or the crowing of
cocks, during the night or whilst he was engaged in his
studies. He was so exasperated when thus disturbed
that he would seize a gun which he always kept ready
near him, and deliberately shoot the beast or the bird
that had been guilty of the annoyance. He thus shot a
favourite poodle belonging to Mr Wellesley, who lived
next door to him, which led to a quarrel between them,
and further embittered his relations with his colleagues.
His scheme was to coast along the Asiatic shores of
the Sea of Marmora, to land wherever we could see traces
of ruins, and to endeavour to identify the sites of several
1845] BARON DE BEHR 143
ancient cities mentioned by the Greek and Roman
geographers. These shores had not then been explored
with this object, and I took a great interest in questions
connected with ancient history and geography. The
Baron proved an agreeable and instructive companion,
and nothing occurred to mar the pleasure of our trip
except an occasional explosion of rage against some
petty Turkish official who did not receive him with the
respect and consideration he considered due to his rank
and diplomatic position, or against the captain of the
small Greek brig in which we had embarked, whom we
once detected retracing by night what he had done during
the day ; as he was paid by the day, and we had a certain
distance to go, this was not unnatural on the part of a Greek.
Baron de Behr subsequently published an account of
some of our discoveries, with speculations and theories of
his own on Hellenic myths and traditions, which, although
ingenious enough, would not stand the test of modern
scientific criticism. Our days and evenings were pleasantly
passed in discussing these matters, and we had many
delightful walks amongst the ancient sites. We explored in
the midst of the beautiful scenery of the Asiatic coasts of
the Sea of Marmora and the Dardanelles. I visited Cyzicus
with him, and spent some days in examining the ruins
and the surrounding country, ascending again Mount
Dindymum to determine, if possible, the site of the temple
of Cybele, renowned in ancient Greek times. The pre-
Hellenic settlements of the Phoenicians on these shores was
a subject which much interested us both, and we thought
we could trace in the ancient name of the Peninsula near
which Cyzicus is situated, Artake, retained in that of the
modern village of Ardak, two Semitic or Phcenician words,
Ar Dag, " the city of the fish," a conjecture which appeared
to be confirmed by the fact that a fish is represented on
its early coins.
144 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
In the month of December I was sent by Sir Stratford
Canning, in company with Lieutenant Collingwood Dickson,
to settle a question which had arisen between the Mudir, or
Turkish Governor, of Rodosto, and a British subject, a
native of the Ionian Islands. We availed ourselves of the
opportunity to visit a farm in the neighbourhood, which had
been purchased by Captain Fenwick Williams, Sir Baldwin
Walker (then an admiral in the Turkish service), and Mr
Charles Hanson, a leading British merchant in Constanti-
nople: a speculation which ended ill, like most such specula-
tions then did in Turkey. We spent two or three days in
a kind of tower, the only building on the property which
afforded any kind of protection. The col was intense, and
our food of the most meagre and poorest kind. Although
the ground was covered with snow, and the weather more
than usually severe, even for the exposed and barren
plains of Thrace, we determined to visit Adrianople. We
rode there on post-horses in about fourteen hours, arriving
late at night. We went at once to the British Consulate,
relying upon the hospitality of the Consul, Mr Kerr, who
was my personal friend. We found that he was dying,
and not expected to survive until the following day.
Under these circumstances we had to put up at the khan
which served as a post-house, and I shall never forget our
sufferings from cold during that night, which, starved and
without having eaten during the day, we had to pass
without sleep or food. On the following day we visited
the principal monuments and sights of the city, and then
rode back to the farm whence we had started.
By the end of the year I was again at Buyukdere"
with the Cannings. Early in January they moved to
Pera, and I accompanied them. Sir Stratford con-
tinued to employ me on special duties, such as the
investigation and settlement of certain claims of the
British Government on the Porte, known as "the Tripoli
i8 4 5i ROMANTIC ADVENTURE 145
claims," and other public matters. I lived almost en-
tirely with Mr Alison. He was in every respect a
most delightful and entertaining companion, and, as we
had the same tastes and pursuits, we agreed very well
together. His perfect knowledge of the Turkish language
and character were of great use in our frequent walks in
Stamboul and our excursions in the neighbourhood of the
city. Many were the adventures we had together, some
amusing, some not without risk and danger. One of these
adventures may be worth relating.
We were in the habit of going on Friday afternoons to
the " Sweet Waters of Asia " to look at the gay and
picturesque groups of Turkish women, who assembled
there on that day in spring, and, seated on the grass with
their children, enjoyed a kind of picnic, smoking their
narguilh, drinking sherbet, and eating sweetmeats. We
were returning from one of these excursions in Mr
Alison's caique, which was rowed by three of the
most stalwart and skilful Turkish caiquijis on the
Bosphorus, when we perceived some ladies in very bright-
coloured ferigis? evidently of high rank, standing on the
marble steps of an imperial kiosk, built on the water's
edge, and about to enter an eight-oared boat. We stopped
for a time to observe them. One, who was the most
richly dressed of the party, stepped into the caique followed
by the others, who were evidently her attendants, and,
seeing that we were looking at her, cautiously lowered her
veil, and showed her face, which appeared to us, from the
glimpse we obtained of it, surpassingly lovely, and made a
sign which we interpreted as an invitation to follow her.
Accordingly, when her caique left the stairs of the
kiosk, we directed our boatmen to keep as near to it
as they prudently could. As it had a larger number
1 A kind of cloak worn by Turkish women when they leave their
houses.
VOL. II. K
146 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
of rowers than ours, we had some difficulty in keeping
up with it, especially as our caiquijis were evidently un-
willing to continue the pursuit, and did not row their best.
When we came to the spot where the Golden Horn
meets the two streams one coming from the " Sweet
Waters," the other from the direction of the sacred suburb
of Ayoub the lady's caique turned into the latter. We
were about to follow, when our caique struck against
something, and a dead body rose to the surface of the
water close to us.
Our boatmen now threw down their oars, and refused
to go any further. The appearance of the corpse was
an evil omen, warning them, they said, against taking
any part in an adventure, which might have grave con-
sequences both to us and to them. The ladies, they
declared, belonged evidently to the harem of a person
of high rank, and if we were caught by the police, or
were seen following them, we might incur the greatest
possible danger. As they could not be persuaded to con-
tinue the chase, we had to return home much disappointed.
The following morning a Turkish woman, closely veiled,
called at Mr Alison's house, when I chanced to be there,
and requested to speak with him. Having assured herself
that no one except ourselves was present or could hear
what she had to say, she told us that she had been sent
by the lady, whom we had seen and followed on the
previous day, to invite us to visit her. She refused to
disclose the name of her mistress or to say who she was.
If, she said, we would go to a garden wicket in a street
in the Ayoub quarter which she described, at a certain
hour on the following day, we would be admitted and
the lady would receive us. She then left us.
Although the adventure was not without peril, and
it was even possible that a trap might be laid for us,
we determined to run the risk. The following day we
1845] A MYSTERIOUS BEAUTY 147
accordingly went to Ayoub at the appointed hour. We
had no difficulty in finding the wicket the messenger had
described, in a narrow, solitary street in an out-of-the
way part of the quarter. The gate was at once opened
by a woman, and we entered it, apparently unobserved.
She led us across a garden to a large kiosk of old Turkish
architecture, with broad, overhanging eaves. We were
ushered into a large hall, the walls and ceiling of which
were sumptuously and most exquisitely decorated with
gilding and painted ornaments in the Oriental style, whilst
the ceiling was inlaid with pieces of looking-glass, which
produced a rich and lovely effect. Such in those days,
before Turkish taste was corrupted by European influence,
were the decorations seen in the palaces of the Ottoman
nobles. On a very low divan at the further end of this
hall was seated a lady, whom we recognised at once as
the one we had seen at the " Sweet Waters." We had not
been deceived by the glimpse she had allowed us to
obtain of her face, when she furtively lowered her veil
as she stepped into her boat. She was young and
singularly beautiful, with the large almond-shaped eyes,
the delicate and regular features, and the clear, brilliant
complexion, somewhat too pale perhaps for perfect
beauty, peculiar to Turkish women of mixed Circassian
descent. She was splendidly clad in the dress then worn
by wealthy Turkish ladies, before it was rendered vulgar
and unbecoming by the introduction of French fashions.
Round about her stood a number of girls, all richly clad,
and for the most part exceedingly pretty, who were
evidently her attendants.
She invited us to be seated on the divan beside her,
and entered at once into conversation. She asked
numerous questions upon all manner of subjects, politics
included, said that she knew who we were, and that, seeing
that we had observed her at the " Sweet Waters," she had
148 MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-
resolved to make our acquaintance, but that she had
been imprudent in inviting us to follow her, and was
glad that we turned back when we did. She then ordered
nargUiUS) coffee and sweetmeats to be brought, which
were handed to us by some of her damsels, she herself
partaking of them with us.
We were soon engaged in a very lively discourse.
The ladies were delighted with Alison, who spoke their
language perfectly, and laughed uproariously at his jokes
and anecdotes. No one knew better how to entertain
and amuse Orientals than he did.
After we had talked for some time, the lady directed
some of her attendants to play on the usual Turkish
instruments, and others to dance, which they did very grace-
fully. But the dance soon degenerated into a kind of
romp in which all the girls took part pelting each other
with comfits, and tumbling over each other on the floor
and divans amidst shouts of laughter, to the great amuse-
ment of their mistress, who encouraged them in their
somewhat boisterous play.
After we had passed nearly two hours very agreeably
with our fascinating hostess and her ladies, we thought
it time to withdraw. When we took leave of her, she
made us promise that we would repeat our visit, telling
us that she would send the same messenger as she had
already employed to communicate with us, to let us
know when she would receive us. We were taken through
the garden to the same wicket by which we had been
admitted, and issued, by the small street into which it
opened, into the main thoroughfare of Ayoub. In those
days this sacred quarter of the Turkish capital, which
contains the tombs of the first Mussulman martyrs who
fell before Constantinople, was rarely visited by Europeans,
who were exposed in it to insult and molestation from
its fanatical inhabitants, chiefly Mullas and Softas, or
1845] THE MYSTERY REVEALED 149
students of the religious law. We were glad, therefore,
to escape from it unobserved, and to regain our caique,
which we had left at some distance in the Golden Horn.
The lady, whose acquaintance we had thus made, had
given us no clue as to who she might be ; nor would the
attendant who admitted us to the garden answer any
questions on the subject. She was evidently of high rank,
from her distinguished manners, the richness of her dress,
and the luxury in which she lived. Our curiosity was
greatly excited, and we determined to satisfy it. With
this object we sent for an old Italian woman, generally
known as " La Guiseppina," with whom we were well
acquainted, and who kept a small hotel in Pera. She
had access to most Turkish harems, and was much em-
ployed by Turkish ladies in executing commissions for
them.
We informed her of our adventure, and described the
lady and the house in which she had received us. " La
Guiseppina " undertook to discover our mysterious beauty
and to communicate with her, and to return with the
information we required before the end of the day. Ac-
cording to her promise she reappeared after a few hours,
but with a face pale with terror. The lady, she declared,
belonged to the Palace, and was, she had reason to believe,
a sister of the Sultan. She implored us not to persist
in the adventure, or to meet the lady again under any
circumstances. If we were found with her, our lives would
unquestionably, she said, be forfeited, and even if a suspi-
cion arose that we had visited her, the consequences to us
might be most serious.
We were quite ready to follow the advice of "La
Guiseppina," as the scandal of an exposure to say nothing
of the danger we might run would have been very great,
especially in the case of Alison who held a high diplomatic
post. We, therefore, determined not to repeat our visit
i 5 o MISSION TO ALBANIA [1843-4$
to our lovely friend. She continued for some time to
send her messenger to reproach us for not having fulfilled
our promise to see her again, and to appoint a time for
meeting her. But we persisted in our resolution not to
expose her or ourselves to further risk.
This Princess for the lady was, no doubt, the Sultan's
sister subsequently made herself notorious by not wearing
a yashmak, or veil, and by throwing off many of the re-
straints placed upon Turkish women, and especially upon
members of the Imperial family and harem, who were not
then permitted to appear in public without precautions
being taken to prevent any man from approaching them,
and to maintain for them the strictest privacy. She was
accustomed to appear at the "Sweet Waters" and other
places of public resort without concealing her features,
and even to mix with the crowd. Europeans were led
to believe that the Princess was " a strong-minded " person
who was seeking to reform the condition of women in
Turkey, and who was herself setting an example of
freedom and independence of the restraints placed upon
her sex which would soon be followed by others. But
the Mussulmans were much scandalised by proceedings
contrary to their religion and their customs, and the
Sultan was soon compelled to interfere to put an end
to them. The Princess was ordered not to appear any
more in public, and, when it was necessary for her to do
so, to wear the thickest of yashmaks. She disappeared
from the scene, her vagaries were soon forgotten, and I do
not know what became of her.
CHAPTER VI
THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES
1845-1851
LADY CANNING and her three daughters had left Con-
stantinople for England at the beginning of the summer
of 1845, and Sir Stratford had received permission from
the Secretary of State to return home on leave of absence,
and had determined to avail himself of it, as soon as he
considered that the state of political affairs would permit
him to be away from his post. There were some important
questions still pending, such as the obtaining of the Sultan's
firman authorising the erection of a Protestant Church at
Jerusalem, which he was anxious to settle before going
home, and in the negotiations for which I was much con-
cerned. The firman was obtained in September, and the
successful issue of the negotiation added much to the
credit and reputation of the Ambassador, especially in
religious circles in England. The concession had been
resolutely opposed by the French and Russian Embassies,
which used all their influence, and had recourse to every
intrigue, to prevent its being given. Sir Stratford was
consequently highly pleased with the triumph he had
obtained.
In the meanwhile I was still kept waiting for my
promised attache"ship. Sir Stratford felt convinced that,
when he had an opportunity of communicating personally
on the subject with Lord Aberdeen, the difficulties which
151
152 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
still stood in the way of my appointment would be re-
moved. But the time of his departure for England was
uncertain, and he might still be delayed until the winter at
Constantinople. 1 I had never given up the hope of re-
turning on some future day to Mesopotamia and exploring
the ruins of Nineveh, which I had visited on two occasions
with so much interest, and which had so greatly excited
my imagination. The success of M. Botta's labours at
Khorsabad had added to my desire to make researches and
excavations in the mounds of Nimroud and in others
which, I felt convinced, covered monuments of great
antiquity and importance. He had written to me regularly,
giving me an account of his discoveries, and, as I have
already said, had generously allowed me to see the letters
and reports which he had sent to France through M. de
Cadalvene, his friend and agent. M. Flandin, the
draughtsman who had been sent by the French Govern-
ment to make drawings of the monuments of Khorsabad,
had returned to France, and on his way through Con-
stantinople had permitted me to examine his admirable
representations of the Assyrian sculptures. M. Botta
himself, having brought the excavations at Khorsabad to a
close, had left Mosul, and was on his way home through
Syria.
As Sir Stratford Canning might leave Constantinople
any day, I was not desirous of remaining there after his
departure, and I was anxious to find some means of
spending my time profitably, until he had been able, after
his return to England, to obtain for me from Lord
Aberdeen the permanent appointment in the Constanti-
nople Embassy, of which he had the promise. I, therefore,
suggested to him that I might proceed to Mosul and
continue the excavations in the Assyrian ruins, which M.
Botta had now abandoned. I was confident that there
1 He did not, after all, go to England until the following summer.
i8 5 i] PREPARATIONS FOR NINEVEH 153
were other mounds on the supposed site of Nineveh, such as
Nimroud and Kouyunjik, which M. Botta had not explored,
but which, if adequately examined, would yield no less
important archaeological treasures than those discovered
by him at Khorsabad.
Sir Stratford not only agreed to my proposal, but
offered to share in the expenses which would be incurred
in making tentative excavations in the mounds I had
indicated. I was able to contribute a small sum from my
own resources, which, added to the sixty pounds he was
ready to advance, would, if employed with the strictest
economy, meet the expenses of my journey to Mosul, and
of experimental researches amongst the ruins. I was
persuaded that, if the results proved such as I expected
them to be, funds for carrying on the explorations on an
adequate scale would be forthcoming in England, where
M. Botta's discoveries had already created considerable
interest.
As I did not consider it prudent to start upon my
journey through Asia Minor to Mosul until the hot weather
was over, I did not leave Constantinople until early in
October. I employed the interval in taking lessons in sur-
veying and mapping, and in learning to make a few simple
astronomical observations to enable me to determine lati-
tudes, etc., from an Englishman in the Turkish service. I
spent a good deal of time on the heights around Con-
stantinople with my instructor, learning the use of the
theodolite and other instruments, to enable me to make
plans and surveys of any ruins that I might discover,
and of the many remains on the banks of the Tigris,
which were believed to represent the site of Nineveh.
I required very little preparation for my journey. My
personal effects were as limited as possible, consisting
of a little linen, a change of clothes, and a few books and
maps and instruments, which would be necessary to me
154 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
in my researches. To avoid expense, I did not take a
servant with me, but determined to travel alone by post.
This was a very economical mode of travelling, when
the number of horses was limited, and when the traveller
was furnished with a proper bouyourouldi or government
order for post-horses. As I was not accompanied by a
tatar, three horses were all that I required, one for myself,
one for my baggage and coverlet for sleeping, and one for
the surejee or post-boy.
I left Constantinople by an Austrian Lloyds' steamer
for Samsoun. I dined with the British Vice-Consul, Mr
Stevens, with whom I had been previously acquainted,
having ordered the post-horses to be ready in the evening,
as I was determined to lose no time in commencing my
overland journey. Mr Stevens and Mr Holmes (after-
wards Sir William Holmes, who many years after rendered
good service as the British Consul-General in Bosnia), who
happened to be staying with him, offered to accompany me
as far as Amasia, merely for the sake of the ride. We
accordingly left Samsoun after dark on the I4th October,
and, urging our horses to the utmost of their speed,
galloped over every bit of level ground, and scrambled as
we best could through the dense forests which clothe the
mountains that border the Black Sea. The post-stations
at which we changed our horses were about eighteen miles
six hours according to Turkish post-time from each
other, and as my baggage was of the lightest possible
description, we were able to make good progress. We
reached our destination about ten o'clock in the morning,
having travelled about sixty miles.
We stopped at the house of a Swiss merchant, who,
with his wife, received us very hospitably. We were able
to obtain a little rest and some food, of which we were in
much need. My companions, who were not accustomed to
so much rough travelling as I, had suffered considerably
i8si] ARRIVAL AT MOSUL 155
from their long ride, and were scarcely able to sit in their
saddles by the time that we arrived at Amasia. They
decided, therefore, to remain there for a couple of days, and
to return leisurely to Samsoun. I determined to lose no
time, and, having ordered the post-horses to be ready in
the afternoon, I slept for a few hours, visited the tombs of
the ancient Kings of Pontus, and then resumed my journey.
Although I was quite alone, and a part of the country which
I traversed was in a very disordered and dangerous state,
and overrun by brigands and plundering Kurds and Arabs,
I met with no adventures, but reached Mosul in safety on
the morning of the 2/th October, having performed the
journey of about 900 miles by the post-track in a little
more than twelve days, and none the worse for my arduous
journey, although the rain had fallen during the greater
part of it, and I was usually wet to the skin. I was very
kindly received by our Vice-Consul, Mr Christian Rassam,
in whose house I remained until I had hired a residence
for myself in its immediate vicinity.
I have, in my " Nineveh and its Remains," published
so full an account of the excavations carried on amongst
the Assyrian ruins, and of my residence at Mosul, and
journeys in the desert and Kurdistan during the years
1845, '46, and '47, that I have nothing to add to it here.
Some few additional details and particulars which I may
have omitted will be found in letters written at the time to
my mother, which are amongst my papers, and to Mr and
Mrs Austen and other persons, if they have been preserved.
It was generally believed in England that the expenses of
my first journey to Mosul, and of the excavations previous
to the grant made by the British Museum for continuing
my researches of which I did not avail myself until the
month of October 1846 were entirely borne by Sir
Stratford Canning. Such was not the case. He con-
tributed, as I have already mentioned, 60 towards them,
156 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
when I left Constantinople on my expedition, 1 and he may
subsequently have advanced some small sums (all of which
were repaid to him out of the grant). I received, moreover,
;ioo a year out of public funds at his disposal as a re-
muneration for my services in the Embassy. But the
greater part of those expenses were met from my slender
means, and by borrowing from my mother, who most
generously advanced to me out of her very small income
the little she could spare, in order to enable me to con-
tinue my work. I subsequently discharged my debt
to her. I received no remuneration for my labours.
The sum that was allowed me for personal expenses was
entirely spent in carrying on the excavations, and it was
not until my return to England after my second expedition
to Nineveh, in 1852, that I was repaid by the Trustees of
the British Museum the money that I had advanced out
of my own pocket.
The firman which Sir Stratford had obtained for me
from the Sultan, to enable me to make excavations, and to
remove, and send to England, the sculptures I might
discover, was in my name. Consequently I might have
claimed all that I found in the ruins as my own property.
I made over my claims to the British Museum and the
nation. In justice to myself these facts should be placed
on record.
\The following are extracts from the correspondence above
alluded to. EDITOR.]
To his Mother.
MOSUL, ^rd November 1845.
You will perceive that I have not been long on the
1 See "Nineveh and its Remains," ch. ix. p. 225, abridged edition of
1867.
1851] A CHALDEAN WEDDING 157
road between Constantinople and this place. I left
Samsoun on the night of the 1 3th, and arrived here on the
morning of the 27th. ... I have not yet commenced
work, but intend doing so in three or four days. I have
every reason to hope that I shall be to a certain degree
successful. But M. Botta's great discovery 1 makes one
despair a little. . . . The weather is now delightful, and
will probably continue so through the winter, as there is
little real cold here. The houses, however, are not at all
calculated to keep out the little there is, and the intense
heat of summer causes the cold weather to be felt more
severely. The mountains of Kurdistan and Jebel Judi,
the Ararat of the Armenians and of all the Easterns
which are visible from the terrace, are already covered with
snow, and the autumn showers have already induced the
parched mounds of Nineveh to show a little green. I have
a delightful terrace overlooking the whole town and
country, from which I can look down and spy into the
most secret doings of my neighbours. I have already had
several requests to keep from this commanding position,
but have replied to the petitions that the husbands must
trust to my discretion.
Last night I was invited to a grand Chaldean wedding,
and held a wax taper as thick as my arm until I was fairly
tired out, and my ears completely deafened with the din of
cymbals, and the screeching of the women. During the
ceremony they sound what the Arabs call the Hellel, and
the Baktiyari the Kel a most detestably shrill quaver,
which no one could attribute to a human soul, but which
excites the men in war, and is particularly patronised on
festive occasions. Add to this the clatter of tom-toms and
the nasal twang of two dozen priests, and you have some
idea of a Chaldean wedding. The ceremony is, moreover,
extremely tedious ; the bride's clothes are blessed, her ring,
the seat she is to occupy in the house, the furniture, etc.,
etc. The blessing on the couple takes a good half-hour.
The Almighty is requested to give her fine eyes, eyebrows
meeting over the nose, good teeth, etc., no particular being
omitted. These are the Catholic Chaldean forms. The
ladies marry very young ; in this case the bride was
scarcely ten years old.
The Pasha had been very civil to me. He is about the
1 Sculpture in the Mound of Khorsabad, about fourteen miles
N.N.E. of Mosul.
158 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
ugliest old gentleman I have had the pleasure of knowing
in my wanderings, with one eye and one ear, and most
intensely marked with the smallpox. In character he is
an improved edition of Nero, and has committed atrocities
very pleasant to relate. A month or two ago he caused a
report to be spread that he had died during the night, and
his own servants answered enquiries at the palace to that
effect. He re-appeared in perfect health about mid-day,
had half the town thrown into prison, and compelled the
remainder to collect all their ready cash for his use, as a
punishment for spreading reports tending to shake his
authority. Having occasion to speak of another report a
day or two since, he mentioned the circumstance to me in
his own way. I could scarcely retain my countenance, and
he was particularly desirous of learning the cause of my
mirth. He has given the coup-de-grdce to a place already
half ruined by his predecessors. . . .
To his Aunt, Mrs Austen.
NIMROUD, loth November 1845.
You will probably not before have heard of the
miserable village from which I am writing to you, which
still bears the name of the " mighty hunter," and which
stands near the ruins of what tradition declares to be his
peculiar city. Whatever the old may have been, the new
Nimroud is a very wretched place, and I can scarcely find
the courage to write you even these few lines ; for my
hovel is almost roofless, has more windows than wall, and
is the place of resort of all the idle people Mussulmans
and unbelievers in the neighbourhood. However, I must
tell you that I came down here five days ago, and im-
mediately began excavating in the great mound which
forms the nucleus of the ruins.
I have been hitherto sufficiently fortunate to find several
chambers of white marble covered with cuneiform inscrip-
tions ; as yet no figures ; but, from fragments discovered in
the rubbish, I ha^ve no doubt they will come ; at any rate, I
shall have a very rich collection of inscriptions.
The ruins called Nimroud are situated near the Tigris,
about 1 8 miles from Mosul. They consist entirely of
artificial mounds, and are very extensive. The great
mound into which I am digging is about 1800 feet in
i8si] THE PASHA OF MOSUL 159
length, 900 in breadth, and 60 or 70 in height. It appears
to be one great palace, principally built of marble, which
has been plundered, destroyed as far as possible by fire,
and has remained ever since under the accumulated dust of
ages. I believe the city to be Resen, mentioned in Genesis x.
12, as between Nineveh and Calah, a great city, built by
Ashur. And it is curious that tradition still assigns to it
this origin ; the Arabs around calling the great mound
the palace of Asur or Athur. This city was probably after-
wards known as Larissa, and under that name mentioned
by Xenophon. . . . Near the mounds is a village called
Darouseh, or Darius, and the Arabs pretend that in it
Darius slept the night before the great battle which
decided the fate of his empire, and his own. This country
is full of interesting traditions, and I hope to make out
many curious particulars.
Before coming here, I resided ten days at Mosul, which
place is still my headquarters. The town is less Frankified
than other towns of the East, and has the Oriental character
in its purity. It is, moreover, the resort of a great variety
of people, differing in race and creed, and as much in
costume. There is constant intrigue, and the Pasha still
enjoys the good old power of cutting off the heads and
ears and noses of those who are at all in his way. Ladies,
too fond of roaming, are occasionally sent floating to
Baghdad. No Arabian Night hero could have been a more
appropriate Governor than our Pasha. On his arrival here
a year ago, he installed himself by strangling the three
principal men of the town upon principle, and appropriated
their cash and tangible property. Since then he has not
forgotten his subjects. A few days ago, having plundered
an Arab tribe of their sheep, he sold all that could be sold,
and the remainder, a mangy set which no one would even
accept, he endeavoured to force upon the corporation of
butchers at the highest market prices. This respectable
body immediately took to flight, and the town has since
been without meat. The assurance of the Pasha, that he
will hang them all up at their own doors when he catches
them, does not lead to a very lively hope of their return.
The Cadi is even a greater scamp than the Pasha, with,
unfortunately, a more promising outward appearance. He
is the declared enemy of all Europeans, and indeed of the
whole race of Giaours.
The Mussulman population is chiefly composed of
Arabs, Kurds, and renegade Christians. The real Mosuli
160 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
is the offspring of a renegade Christian and a Yezidi, or
Devil- worshipper. A happy mixture ! The Christians are
Syrian Jacobites, Catholic Jacobites, Chaldeans, Catholic
Chaldeans, and Nestorians. In this Babel I have a
respectable establishment, indeed a house bordering upon
the splendid, with double courtyards, rooms of sculptured
marble, stable and back-door ; rent, one pound per month,
six months paid in advance. I dine with our Consul, 1 a
native of the place, married to an English wife, and receive
visits chez mot. We have an Italian doctor in the place,
and, with his assistance, get up a rubber of farthing-point-
whist, which has already called down the vengeance of the
Cadi, who declares that such gambling has never before
been known at Mosul, is directly against Chapter V. of the
Koran, and should be punished, in the case of an infidel,
with the loss of the nose and both ears.
The Mussulmans were formerly divided into many
parties, always at open war. There is not a respectable
man here whose father was not murdered. Fortunately,
the present generation are too much afraid of the Pasha
to think of their private quarrels. Such is the town in
which I propose to pass the winter. There can be no
doubt as to its Oriental character, and I hope to have some
good stories to send you.
To his Mother.
SELAMIY, 29^ November 1845.
Since I last wrote to you I have been employed like
the veriest mole in grubbing up the earth, and with such
success that, after having discovered several chambers built
of slabs of white marble, I yesterday alighted upon
sculptures resembling in character those of M. Botta's
monument at Khorsabad. I have now no doubt that the
whole mound of Nimroud, vast as it is, contains the ruins
of one great palace, and that, if I am able to continue my
excavations, I shall be richly rewarded. Unfortunately,
that old rascal the fasha has taken it into his head to
stop my operations to-day, and I must ride up to Mosul
to-morrow morning to fight a battle, and, if he will not
listen to reason, I presume I must remain inactive pending
1 Mr Rassam, Vice-Consul. ED.
iSsi] DISCOVERIES AT NIMROUD 161
a reference to Constantinople. I suppose he has got
some ridiculous notions about treasure. Botta was twice
exposed to this inconvenience, of the suspicions of the
then Pasha. Nous verrons.
The slabs I have uncovered, forming the side of a
chamber, are pretty well preserved. One represents
warriors fighting in chariots ; another, the siege of a city ;
others, men on horseback ; all executed with much spirit.
The inscriptions already discovered are exceedingly
numerous, amounting fully to one hundred, and I have been,
as you may suppose, fully occupied in copying these
extraordinary specimens of penmanship. I need scarcely
say that they are all in the cuneiform character, very long
and very complicated.
I am now living at a village two miles from the mounds
for the convenience of a hut with a door, eggs and milk and
bread, things unheard of in the wretched hamlet I first
occupied. I ride every morning to the excavations,
starting before sunrise, and not returning until after sun-
set. My workmen are chiefly Nestorians, the remnant from
the massacre, starving from want, and glad enough to find
employment. Although we have occasional rain, the
weather is delightful. In a month's time we shall have the
grass and flowers out our spring. . . .
MOSUL, ist December 1846.
I finish my letter in haste from this. I am again
resuming my excavation, and my horse is at the door
waiting for me to start for Nimroud. I have just heard
that my old friend Mr Hector, of Baghdad, has run up to
pay me a visit, and that he is waiting for me at the mounds.
His stay with me will be very agreeable, as it is some-
what dull to be all alone. I hope soon to set to work in
good earnest in digging and removing sculpture, and that
some day you will have the pleasure of seeing some of the
fruits of my labour in the British Museum or some other
public place in England. You can scarcely form an idea
of the perfection of the art, even in those remote days ;
the warriors and horses are really beautifully executed. In
digging into a small chamber, I found one or two small
figures in ivory, amongst which was a sphinx which has
puzzled me exceedingly. The whole building seems to
have been pillaged and burnt, and nothing besides the
slabs remains, except a few copper nails.
VOL. II. L
i62 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
To his Mother.
NiMROUD, list February 1846.
I am sure you will be glad to hear that my excavations
are proving as successful as I could possibly have antici-
pated. Every day brings fresh discoveries, and I am now
anxiously waiting for instructions to begin on a large scale.
The corner of the mound which I first opened appears to
have been destroyed by fire ; the marble used in the
building is much cracked, and, being almost on a level with
the surface, is otherwise much damaged. But further in
the mound the blocks begin to be perfect, and I have now
many fine sculptures beautifully preserved. The first and
damaged corner is, however, very interesting, as the build-
ing appears to have been constructed with the remains of
a more ancient edifice, and many of the marble slabs even
those with sculptures are reversed in the walls. The
figures represented have mostly pointed caps, and have
other peculiarities in their costume.
I have now found the king who constructed the build-
ing of which the actual ruins are the remains. He is
evidently of the same race as the kings who constructed
the Palace of Khorsabad. At his feet, as a prisoner, is a
figure with a pointed cap. The inference, therefore, is that
the sculptures in the damaged corner belong to a more
ancient period than Khorsabad, and they become con-
sequently very interesting, and ought to be preserved.
This, perhaps, may have been really the Palace of Sardana-
palus, rebuilt under the second Assyrian Dynasty. How-
ever, it is no use speculating at present ; as I work on, I
hope for many interesting results, and we may ultimately
be able to form some opinion.
I am exceedingly busy with drawing and copying in-
scriptions. There will be an immense number ; but a very
small part of the mound is yet explored. I have just
discovered two beautiful lions, but unfortunately they have
lost their heads, which appear to have been human, like
those of the two great bulls already uncovered ; also like
them they have wings. The two lions form a gateway or
entrance on the west. The bulls are in the centre of the
mound, and without further excavation it is impossible to
make out what their position and use in the building
originally was. These extraordinary animals are sculptured
i8si] RECREATIONS 163
in very high relief upon a solid block of marble, 14 feet long
and 1 6 or 17 feet high ! Unfortunately, the two I have now
discovered are much damaged. Should I discover one
sufficiently preserved to deserve removal, I shall have
pretty work to move it. Those of Khorsabad, which were
much smaller, could scarcely be dragged along by 500 men.
Mechanical power in these countries is unknown. How the
Assyrians moved these immense blocks, I cannot conceive.
There are no marble quarries, that I know of, within seven
or eight miles, and they must have had good ropes to stand
the actual brute- force necessary to move such weights.
The Palace of Nimroud must have been of considerable
beauty. The chambers were of different levels, but, as far
as I can make out, there could only have been one base-
ment and no upper storey. The chambers, which are small
and narrow, are constructed of slabs of marble about 9 or
10 feet in height. Above the slabs are placed layers of
painted bricks, of which I have found many specimens.
Each slab has either a large figure, occupying the whole
surface, or is divided horizontally by an inscription into two
compartments, each of which contains a relief, the figures
being from 2 to 3 feet in height. The walls appear to have
been built of mud bricks which supported the slabs.
I have left the village of Selamiyd in which I had
hitherto resided, and am now living in a little mud hamlet
near my mound. The weather is delightful, and I can go
on in this until the heat of summer sets in, and I must then,
if I remain here, build me a house on the mound itself. . . .
I have two beautiful greyhounds of first-rate breed. I wish
I could send them to you, for, with their feathery ears and
tails, they are quite drawing-room dogs. They catch hares
capitally, but are too young yet for gazelles. At Nimroud
there are a great many boars. I spear them sometimes, but
have no horse on which I can trust myself for this kind of
work.
Our new Pasha having adopted a conciliatory feeling
towards the Arabs, the lands around Nimroud are now
covered with their tents and flocks. They are very pic-
turesque, but at the same time very troublesome neighbours,
as they steal everything within their reach, for the mere
love of pilfering, and are as mischievous as monkeys. I
have just been to call upon the Sheikh of the principal
tribe, and have given him a silk dress in the hope that it
will induce him to keep his people a little in order, and will
bring back such stray things as may reach his tents.
164 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
To Mrs A usten.
NIMROUD, 22nd March 1846.
You are kind enough to ask me to write about myself;
I fear, however, that my personal history would make but
a very poor chapter. I am, at the same time, so com-
pletely identified at the present with the object of my visit
to Mosul, that I and your much-dreaded antiquarianisms
are but one and the same thing. I live among my ruins,
and dream of little else. For the time being, my hopes,
fears and joys centre in them. You may therefore conceive
that it is not easy for me to separate myself from them,
even for an hour, when writing to you.
Botta has just informed me that he gets 60,000 francs
from his Government for his Khorsabad discovery. I have
vague apparitions of 3000 gold pieces fleeting before my
eyes, and for the first time in my life have become intent
on the prospect of accumulating riches. But these happy
visions are always backed by the hideous skeleton of
Government generosity, and not much improved by the
retrospection of time, health and labour thrown away upon
empty pockets. ... I am still in ignorance of the inten-
tions of the Government with regard to Nimroud, whether
the excavations are to be carried on, or whether the field
will be abandoned to the French. The discovery is so full
of interest that it would be really a disgrace not to make
the most of it. . . ..-.
The life I am now leading is so monotonous that I
really know not what to write to you. Fancy me in a mud
hut in the centre of a deserted village, for my neighbours
have wisely taken to their tents. I have no companions in
misfortune, and am rapidly losing the little I once knew of
the English language. From my door stretches a vast
plain only interrupted by this great mound of Nimroud,
now all clothed in green and thickly covered with black
tents, and flocks and herds. Arabs and Kurds have en-
camped on the pastures, and I am surrounded with a
thoroughly primitive population, who profess the most
liberal opinions upon community of goods. It is with
great difficulty that I have just got rid of a highly respect-
able Kurdish chieftain, who, after taking possession of my
apartments for some days, on the plea of the most perfect
friendship, finished by making a request for my razors and
A DESERT STORM 165
all disposable articles of dress. I had to prove to him that
I had nothing worthy of his acceptance, and got him away
on the promise of providing liberally for him when I next
visited Mosul.
I am off in a few days into the desert on a visit to
Sofuk, the great Bedouin Sheikh, who is now encamped
near the remarkable ruins of Al Hadhar (Hatra) to which
I paid a hasty visit with Dr Ainsworth some years ago.
As I wish to visit them, and at the same time to see Sofuk,
the present is a good opportunity. I am anxious to get
a good colt out of Sofuk, who has the finest horses in the
desert. I have been getting up a silk coat for him, which
would match Joseph's for diversity of colour and elegance
of pattern. It cannot fail to take his fancy if he possesses
any taste, and I am in hope of the result. I hope he will
not take it into his head to make free with the whole of my
property without adequate return. A certain amount of
doubt exists on the subject. 1
To his Mother.
NiMROUD, 2ist April 1846.
I began a letter to you from my tent amongst the ruins,
in the midst of one of the most tremendous storms of
wind and rain, thunder and lightning, that I have had the
pleasure of witnessing, and in the full expectation that,
before I get to the end of it, I, letter and all, will be buried
beneath my canvas walls. If I get to the end of my
epistle, you will know that I have escaped in safety. But
I am fully reconciled to my fate, for we have all been pray-
ing for the rahmet, or blessing, as the Turks usually term
rain, night and day for the last two months, and were well-
nigh in despair for the crops, a failure of which would have
entailed a second year's famine. However, we may all eat,
drink, and make merry now, unless perchance we have a
second Deluge in this same land of Shinar. I particularly
rejoice at the prospect of a roast gazelle to-morrow; for
after such rain the gazelles fall easy prey to my grey-
hounds. . . .
I spent three or four days at Mosul after our return from
the Al Hadhar expedition, and then hastened to Nimroud,
1 This visit is described with much detail in "Nineveh and its
Remains," pp. 65-74, of the Abridged Edition (1891). ED.
1 66 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
where I was welcomed by two of the most magnificent
specimens of Assyrian sculpture that could be well found
above or under ground a pair of winged lions with
human heads, about 12 or 13 feet high, and 10 long. I
have been unable as yet to make a drawing of either of
them, in consequence of the narrowness of my trenches,
which I am now widening to get a satisfactory survey of
my distinguished visitors, and I hope to be able by next
post to send you a tracing of a drawing I shall attempt
It would be difficult, however, to convey an idea of the
imposing effect they make. They form an entrance into a
temple, into which I am now going to dig, and which, I
have already ascertained, is covered with sculptures.
Nothing so beautiful as these lions was discovered by
the French. Indeed, the sculptures at Nimroud far exceed
those of Khorsabad in the richness and variety of the
details. Ezekiel, who wrote from the Hebrew settlement
on the banks of the Chebar either the Khabour of Meso-
potamia, or the river of the same name that runs into the
Tigris a little distance from Mosul appears continuously
to have had the sculptures of the Assyrians or Chaldeans
in his eye when he wrote his prophecies. I am much
inclined to suspect that the figures of his vision 1 were
suggested in some measure by them ; and those curious
passages in the xxiiird chapter (verses 14 and 15) are exact
descriptions of the bas-reliefs of Nimroud. 2 There are many
other passages of the same kind in the Book. Ezekiel
probably saw the Assyrio-Chaldean palaces in their glory
before their destruction by the combined armies of Media
and Babylon ; and from the remains which exist, one need
not be surprised at the impression which their vastness and
magnificence made upon him. The inhabitants of Assyria
must at that time have exceeded all the nations of the
earth in power, riches and luxury. Their knowledge of
the Arts is surprising, and greatly superior to that of any
contemporary nation. Their style I believe to be purely
their own, and not Egyptian, as some would have it. There
is as much difference between their sculptures and those of
Egypt as exists between those of Assyria and Greece. The
i Ezekiel, chapter i.
a " For when she saw men pourtrayed upon the wall, the images of
the Chaldeans pourtrayed with vermilion, girded with girdles upon
their loins, exceeding in dyed attire upon their heads, all of them
princes to look to, after the manner of the Babylonians of Chaldea, the
land of their nativity,"
iSsi] LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS 167
lions lastly discovered, for instance, are admirably drawn,
and the muscles, bones, and veins quite true to nature, and
portrayed with great spirit. There is also a great mouve-
ment as the French well term it in the attitude of the
animal, and "sa pose est parfaite" ; excuse the phrase ; we
have no equivalent. The human head, too, is really grand.
It is curious that the artist has given the animal five legs.
He has done this in order that, whether you look at him in
front or at the side, he may appear to have the proper
number ; for although the figure is in relief, yet at the end
of the slab it is in full. Between the legs are long inscrip-
tions in the cuneiform character.
I have been very busy lately with this strange character,
and I am happy to say, not without results. For instance,
I have got at the proper names, the names of cities (without
being yet able to decipher them), the ends of words, etc. ;
and with the assistance of the materials furnished by the
joint stock of Major Rawlinson and myself, I hope very
shortly to have the alphabet ; we have already many letters.
Then for the language ; is it Chaldean, in the common
acceptation of the term, and plain sailing ? Or is it some
dialect, long forgotten, of one of the existing family of
languages, and to be made out by persevering comparisons
and research ? Or is it some unknown language, which will
have to be reconstructed ?
In my correspondence allusions will be found to an
incident in which I was concerned during the time that I
was at Mosul, and which threatened, at one time, serious
consequences. 1 I did not refer to it in the published
narrative of my first expedition to Nineveh for obvious
reasons. The following are the circumstances of the case.
Whilst I was excavating in the mound of Kouyunjik, I
had to cross the Tigris twice a day on my way to and
from the ruins. When the river was at its ordinary
level, a bridge of boats enabled persons to pass over it,
but when it was swollen by the floods caused by the spring
rains in the Kurdish mountains, this bridge had to be
removed, and a ferry was established between the town
and the opposite bank. On one occasion, when the Tigris
1 It was, I think, in the spring of 1846.
168 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
was unusually high, and had overflowed its banks, I had
remained so late at the mound that the ferrymen had left
off their work, which could not be carried on after dark,
and only one boat remained on the eastern side of the
river. I reached it just as the boatmen were about to put
off. Having engaged it, as I was in the habit of doing,
for myself and my overseers and some of the workmen
who accompanied me, I invited two Albanian irregulars
who would otherwise have been unable to cross, and were
anxious to do so, to join us, which they did, expressing
their thanks for the assistance I thus gave them.
We had already left the bank, but had not yet reached
the stream, which flowed very rapidly, when I perceived in
the distance a party of men on foot hurrying down to the
river, evidently for the purpose of crossing to Mosul.
Thinking that they were travellers, and that they would
have to remain out for the night, unless I gave them a
passage, I ordered the boatmen to return to the shore, and
to wait for them. When they arrived, I found that the
party consisted of the Cadi of Mosul and his attendants,
who were coming from Nebbi Yunus, the so-called tomb
of Jonas. I told him that I had engaged the boat, but
offered to take him over. He eagerly accepted my offer
and embarked with his people.
The boats in use upon the Tigris are of the rudest
construction. They have a pointed prow rising high
out of the water, and a lofty poop upon which stands
the man who steers, with a rudder in the shape of a
long and heavy oar. By his side there is only sufficient
space for one more person. In the body of the boat,
which was deep, spacious, and usually very dirty, stood
the passengers frequently crowded together with horses,
donkeys and other beasts. The oarsmen sat on high
benches.
I had taken my place, as was my custom, with the
i8si] A FIGHT ON THE TIGRIS 169
steersman on the narrow prow. The Cadi stood just
beneath me. We were making the best of our way over
the river, which was then fully half a mile broad, and in
parts running with dangerous velocity, when he said in
a loud voice, alluding to me, "Shall the dogs occupy
the high places, whilst the true believers have to stand
below ? " and then mumbled some curses on Christians in
general.
This gratuitous insult, and the ill return that the Cadi
thus made for my civility to him, provoked me so much
that I lost my temper, and dealt him a blow on his head
with a short hooked stick, such as the Bedouin Arabs
use when riding their camels, and which I always carried
with me. As he wore a thick turban, I did not believe
that the blow would have had much effect, and I was
surprised to see the blood streaming down his face. His
followers drew their arms, and an affray which might
have ended seriously was about to occur, when the two
Albanians to whom I had given a passage, and who were
better armed, rushed to my protection. In the meanwhile,
seeing that the Cadi's attendants were preparing to use
their swords and pistols, I had jumped from the poop
into the centre of the boat, and had seized him by the
throat, threatening to throw him into the river, if they
ventured to attack me. This menace and the interference
of the Albanians and of my workmen, who were, however,
unarmed, checked them, and I kept my hold upon the
Cadi until we had reached the opposite bank. Then we
all landed.
The Cadi, with the blood still on his face, proceeded
at once to the town, which was at a short distance from
the landing-place, and rushed through the bazaars and
streets, exclaiming that he had been assaulted and beaten
by a Giaour an Infidel and that the Prophet and his
faith had been insulted, in the person of the head of the.
1 7 o THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
Mussulman religion and law. His bloody face and his
appeals to the Mohammedans caused great commotion ;
and an outbreak on their part, in which the Christians
might have been ill-treated, and even massacred, was
apprehended.
As I anticipated that the Cadi would endeavour to
stir up the Mussulman population of the town against
me, I proceeded, immediately after landing, to the serai
or residence of the Pasha of the town, and related to him
what had occurred. I then called upon him to take
sufficient precautions for my safety, and warned him
that he would be held responsible by the British Govern-
ment, and by the Ambassador at Constantinople, for
anything that might happen to me.
Fortunately the Pasha had a feud with the Cadi, who
was a notorious fanatic, and was constantly engaged in
inciting the inhabitants of Mosul against the Turkish
authorities making himself the leader of the opposition
against the reforms which the Porte was seeking to intro-
duce into the administration of the Province. He was
not, therefore, disposed to take that worthy's part, but
denounced him as an ill-conditioned fellow in no very
complimentary terms, and declared that he had been
rightly punished for the insult of which he had been
guilty, not only to myself the Sultan's guest but to all
His Majesty's Christian subjects who, by the Tanzimat,
or Turkish Constitution, were now placed on a perfect
equality with their Mohammedan fellow-citizens. He
then summoned the chief of the police, and gave directions
that measures should be at once taken to prevent any
demonstration against me on the part of the Mussulman
inhabitants of the town, and for my protection in the
event of an outbreak. He begged me, however, not to
return for the present to my house, but to remain in
the serai, where he offered me a room until the excite-
i8 5 i] FANATICAL PLOTS 171
ment, which my castigation of the Cadi had caused, had
subsided.
I refused to comply with his request, and, mounting my
horse, passed through the gate, and rode through the streets
to my house followed by the two Albanian irregulars, who
seemed determined to stick to me, and to see me safely
through the affair. Although I observed angry and
menacing looks on the part of some of the Mussulmans
I met on my way, no attempt was made to molest me.
As soon as I had reached my residence, I informed Mr
Rassam, the Vice-Consul, of what had taken place. He
lost no time in seeing the Pasha himself, and in urging
upon him the importance of taking effective and im-
mediate steps for my protection and for that of the
Christians in general.
I continued, notwithstanding the excitement which the
affair had caused amongst the Mussulman population, to
pursue my usual habits riding every day through the
streets, and crossing the Tigris to the mound of Kouyunjik
to superintend the excavations. The military and police
measures, which the Pasha had taken to prevent any
attack upon me, had proved effective ; but a fanatical
party, under the influence and direction of the Cadi, were
secretly devising plots against me, which might have
ended in my assassination. Of these plots I got informa-
tion in a curious way, and was thus able to denounce
their authors to the Pasha, who arrested and imprisoned
some of those principally concerned in them. I had, by
a singular chance, made the acquaintance of the daughter
of the Cadi himself, who came frequently to see me, not-
withstanding the great risk she ran. As she knew all
that was passing in her father's house, she kept me fully
informed of what was going on against me.
My life was, I believe, for some time in danger, so
much so that Rawlinson, at the suggestion of the Pasha
172 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
of Baghdad, ordered me to leave Mosul and to live with
him until the matter had blown over. But I declined
to do so, thinking it in every respect advisable for my
future security to face the consequences of my act, and
not to show any misgivings as to the power of the
Turkish authorities to protect me. I, therefore, made no
change in my usual habits, and as the Cadi was, on
account of his arbitrary conduct and his notoriously
corrupt character, very unpopular in the town, his de-
nunciation of me had but little effect, and was soon
forgotten.
A complaint was, I believe, addressed by the Porte
to Sir Stratford Canning against me, but he took no notice
of it. As he was, of course, unable to approve officially
of what I had done, he directed Alison to tell me privately,
that, although he considered that the Cadi had deserved
the punishment I had inflicted upon him for insulting
me and my faith, he hoped that I would be more cautious
in future in not exposing myself to the fanaticism of the
Mohammedans amongst whom I was living.
To Mrs Austen.
MOSUL, 2-jtkJuly 1846.
.... I am happy to say that I have just packed up and
embarked for Busrah, on their way to England, twelve
cases of antiquities from Nimroud. I have been about
twenty days occupied in effecting this, continually exposed
to the most powerful sun, and to all the annoyance which
the most intense stupidity and obstinacy could inflict.
Remember that I have had to move immense blocks,
some nearly 9 feet square and I foot thick, of the most
fragile material covered with delicate sculpture; without
even a rope capable of sustaining an ordinary weight, and
without any machinery, and you may form some idea of the
trouble I have had. These blocks have been sawn in
various directions to reduce them to a transportable size,
i8 5 i] HUNTING ADVENTURE 173
and have been removed to the river in carts which in
England would scarcely be used for carrying a load of hay.
I am happy to say that I have succeeded in sending them
all off without the smallest accident ; but I felt so com-
pletely exhausted after the termination of my labour that
I am now spending a few days in Mosul to pick up a
little. . . .
As I advance further into the mound, the sculptures
become more perfect in preservation, and superior in
execution to those in the chambers on the edge of the
building. I have another chamber opened, and God
knows when the ramification of rooms and passages will
stop. The discovery is already beginning to make a noise
in Europe, and every post brings me letters from people
wanting information and offering (scientific) assistance. I
only hope that as much interest will be excited in England
as on the Continent, and that the Government will not be
able to back out of the matter. Mr Powers, the sculptor,
has been kind enough to send me the fullest instructions
for taking moulds and then casting. He did this very
kindly without any application from me. I find ray papier
mdche moulds so good that I shall adopt them as soon as
I get to work. I have not yet seen any of the plaster casts
taken from them, but Rawlinson, to whom I sent one or
two of the moulds to make the experiment, writes me that
they succeed admirably.
The weather is so hot that for the next month I must
give up hard work. The Arabs can hardly stand the
digging, though accustomed to the climate, and I am com-
pelled to release them for three hours during the middle of
the day. It is no joke, I can assure you, to draw with the
thermometer at 115, and even 117, in the shade. At Mosul
I take refuge in the cellar, and have enough to occupy me
during the day. I generally hunt every morning, leaving
the town two hours before daybreak, and never return
without a wild boar or two. I had a most desperate
encounter two days ago, in which Mr Ross, my only fellow-
countryman here, got very nearly "settled." His horse
threw him upon being gored, and the boar, a most ferocious
animal, was rushing upon him when stunned on the ground.
I had but time to place myself between them, and received
the animal upon my spear, which unfortunately struck him
between the eyes and glanced off. He caught me on the
sole of my boot, and then ripped my horse in the belly.
He recovered himself and made a second charge, and
i 7 4 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
although my spear entered above a foot into his shoulder,
he succeeded in shaking it out and goring my horse a
second time. He then " took up a position," charging
furiously whenever I approached. We faced each other
in this way for about half-an-hour, when at length he made
a desperate plunge at me, leaping several feet from the
ground. My horse, notwithstanding his wounds, stood
admirably, and I received him upon my spear, which passed
completely through his neck and laid him dead at my feet.
This was the most desperate affray I have ever had in this
country with the pigs. ... I find that the exercise and
excitement keep me in good health.
At Nimroud I have enough to do with my excavations.
In the evening I receive the Arabs and others of the
neighbourhood, hear complaints, and dispense justice ; for,
you must know, I have a kind of Cadi's power down there.
My judgments are never appealed against, and are generally
executed with great promptitude and alacrity. I am sorry
to say that the chief litigation arises from quarrels connected
with the fair sex, who appear in the semi-civilised state to
be the great fomenters of dissensions, and the principal
source of violence and wrong. Cases of abduction occur
very frequently, and it is a melancholy fact that scarcely a
day passes without a Helen and Paris case. I visit such
cases of misconduct with appropriate severity, and have
raised the value of a respectable female to twenty sheep,
which has produced a good effect, and placed a decided
check on these enlevements. It is curious to see a Christian
thus appealed to ; however, they find it cheaper, as they
have neither to give a bribe or pay fees, which they would
have to do, did they go to their own authorities.
Things are going on far better than they were. In the
place of the old Pasha with the one eye and one ear, described
to you in a former letter, we have now a very venerable old
gentleman, actuated by the best intentions, benevolent, and
anxious to do all in his power to increase the happiness
and prosperity of the people. Unfortunately, he has no
money, and the Treasury of the Pashalik is an empty box.
He paid me a visit some days ago at Nimroud, and although
I have a great respect for him, I wished him at the ,
for, with his attendants and hangers-on about two hundred
in all he completely devoured the provisions intended for
six months' consumption, and which an excess of frugality
and economy had led me to lay up.
i8 5 i] ASSYRIAN ART 175
To Mrs Austen.
MOSUL, $th October 1846.
I received your long and kind letter of the 23rd July
on my return from a short trip to the Nestorian Mountains.
When I last wrote to you, I mentioned, I think, being on
the point of starting for the Sinjar Hills. I was compelled
to change my plans at the moment of starting, on account
of a sudden incursion of the Aneyza Arabs, who had taken
possession of the roads. . . .
I am glad you liked the sketch of the lion ; I wish I had
time to send you tracings from other drawings I have made,
the subjects of which would probably interest you more,
and give you a better idea of the state of the Arts among
the Assyrians. But my hands, at this moment, are so full
that I despair of being able to do so. I wished particularly
to trace a lion hunt for you (the bas-relief is among those
already sent to England), which is a most remarkable pro-
duction. It proves that the Assyrians, even at this remote
period, had acquired sufficient knowledge of and taste for
the fine arts to make them no longer subservient to the
mere representation of events, but to aim at composition.
Of this essential feature in what may properly be termed
the fine arts, the Egyptians appear to have been entirely
ignorant. The Greeks were acquainted with it only at a
comparatively recent period. Even Polygnotus of Thasos,
the contemporary of Phidias, appears to have treated his
subjects in painting, by beginning at one end of the canvas
and finishing at the other. I compare the Assyrian sculp-
ture with painting, as they comprised both branches, and
it appears highly probable that the sculptured reliefs were
merely subservient to the colour laid upon them. I think
the Nimroud bas-reliefs will furnish new ideas on the history
of the Arts, and throw great light upon that interesting
subject. . . .
I enjoyed my trip into the Nestorian Mountains greatly.
I am the first traveller who has visited the mountains since
the massacre. 1 I was also able to reach the independent
tribes who escaped the attack of the Kurds. ... I found
1 In 1843, Beder Khan Bey invaded the Tiyari district and
massacred, it is said, some 10,000 of the inhabitants professing the
Nestorian faith. He also carried off many captives, a large number
of whom were afterwards released by the intervention of Sir Stratford
Canning. ED.
176 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
the unfortunate Nestorians preparing for a second massacre,
as the Kurds had again entered into a powerful combination
against them. I trust, however, that I have been able to
save them from the impending danger. 1 The slaughter on
the last occasion must have been immense. In one spot I
saw the bones of about 800 persons, men, women and
children (the Nestorians say 2000) still exposed, heaped up
with the tresses of women, ragged garments and old shoes.
The villages are deserted, the houses in ruins, and fine old
trees level with the ground. In the districts which escaped
the massacre the scene is very different ; the valleys are
crowded with smiling villages ; every spot of ground
capable of cultivation is covered with verdure. The scenery
is in many parts magnificent reminding me strongly of
Switzerland. I was most hospitably received, and returned
to Mosul with regret.
There is a simplicity in the religious observances of the
Nestorians which offers a remarkable contrast to the super-
stitions and ridiculous ceremonies of the Roman Catholic
and other sects of the East. They truly deserve in this
respect the name of Protestants of the East, and I regret
that they have not created more interest in England, and
that more has not been done for them. Unfortunately,
their most ancient books, with the entire library of the
Patriarch, were destroyed by the Kurds in the late attack ;
and I could find no MS. of interest amongst them.
I am going to start in an hour for Sheikh Adi, the great
temple of the Yezidis, or devil-worshippers. This is the
time of their annual festival, and I am very desirous of
witnessing their religious rites, which are completely un-
known to Europeans. . . .
I have this moment returned from Sheikh Adi ; but as
I have brought the ague with me, and am shivering away
to my heart's content, you must excuse my bringing my
letter to an abrupt close. Had I caught twenty agues,
with a typhus to boot, I would not have considered my
visit to the devil-worshippers' festival dearly bought. I
never witnessed a more curious or interesting sight. About
6000 persons were assembled in the wild-wooded valleys
of Sheikh Adi ; under every tree was a family. The
ceremonies, particularly at night, were exceedingly im-
pressive and dramatic, and have no doubt given rise to all
those absurd stories which have been invented by the
1 This proved a vain hope. ED.
-
vd
1^
i
<
i8 5 i] REMOVAL OF SCULPTURES 177
Mussulmans and Christians of the East, and have destroyed
the good name of the poor Yezidis. I saw everything
except the adoration of the King-Peacock, which is Satan
himself; to this ceremony only the initiated are admitted.
I never received more kindness than from these poor people,
and there was so much good-humour and quiet enjoyment
everywhere displayed, that I feel very much inclined to turn
devil-worshipper myself. 1
To his Mother.
NIMROUD, 22nd March 1847.
.... You need not be vexed about my affairs with
people at home. 2 I think I shall be able to do as much as
I wish, and fully as much as, if not more than, the Trustees
of the British Museum can reasonably expect. The last
post has brought, in some respects, more satisfactory com-
munications from England, and, on the whole, I think I
ought to be content with what I have got, and endeavour
to finish my work as soon as possible.
Everything is going on prosperously here, and I have
fully enough to occupy the time, and to employ the money
which I have at my disposal. I have just moved one of
my great winged bulls to the river, and he is now ready to
be embarked. The worst part of this business is conse-
quently over, and I Tejoice that I have succeeded in my
attempt with the small means at my disposal, while the
French bull is still sticking half-way between the river and
Khorsabad, although such large outlays were made in the
endeavour to get it to the Tigris.
The block of Mosul marble on which the animal is
sculptured is about 10 feet square. My chief difficulty
was to remove the large mass from its position, and lower
it on the rollers of wood which I had prepared to receive
it. I had procured cables from Baghdad, and ropes from
Aleppo. These were passed round the bull, and round
masses of earth about 20 feet square. I then dug
under the bull, and placed props to support it. When I
1 A full account of the tour among the Nestorians and of the
Yezidi Festival will be found in " Nineveh and its Remains," chapters
vi. vii. viii. (Ed., 89). Ep.
' 2 This refers to his dissatisfaction with the terms upon which the
Trustees of the British Museum had offered assistance. ED.
VOL. II. M
178 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
had everything ready, the props were withdrawn, and the
bull went over. He descended pretty well to within about
5 feet of the rollers, when all my cables and ropes went
with a smash. However", I had taken precautions in case
of such an accident, and although- 1 was somewhat nervous
as to the result, he descended safely upon the place made
to receive him. I had previously dug a road from the place
where the bull stood to the edge of the mound, and con-
structed a kind of railroad of wood upon which ran rollers.
In a day we managed to get him to the foot of the mound.
I then placed him on a cart, which I had constructed for
the purpose, and my Arabs and Nestorians dragged him
to the river with ropes. We had one or two sticks by the
way, the wheels sinking above the axles in the soft earth
and sand, but in a few hours we reached the river ; the
Arabs singing their war-songs, and the women accompany-
ing the procession, making what they called the Haleyil,
the Haluliyel of the Bible, to encourage the men. About
130 men thus dragged the cart without much difficulty.
We had a grand feast afterwards, three cows being slain on
the occasion, and the men and women made merry until
morning.
I have removed the bull so well, that I shall now set
to work at a lion, and endeavour to send a pair to England.
The only difficulty is the embarkation on a vessel, but I
think that that can be accomplished with proper care.
Altogether, I shall be able to send between 70 and 80 bas-
reliefs to England. I shall have above 200, perhaps 250,
finished drawings, and a large collection of inscriptions.
I left Mosul on the 24th June, and travelled by
easy stages to Samsoun, where I embarked for Con-
stantinople. I followed the same track that I had
taken on my journey to Mosul in 1845 which was then
the post-road between Baghdad and the capital. I was
accompanied on part of my journey by my excellent
friend, the Nawab Ekbal-ed-Dowleh an ex-King of
Oudh the most cheerful and entertaining of companions.
Mr Hormuzd Rassam, my faithful and invaluable friend
and assistant during the excavations at Nimroud, was also
with me. I had proposed to his brother, the Vice-Consul,
i8$i] MOSUL TO CONSTANTINOPLE 179
to take him with me to England, where he could improve
his knowledge of the English language and obtain an
English education. Although the country through which
we passed was in a very insecure state in consequence of
the rebellion of the great Kurdish chief Beder Khan Bey,
against whom the Porte had sent a large force, we met
with no adventures on the way. But we had to take a
strong escort of Bashi-bazouks, or irregular troops, during
every stage until we reached Tokat, and found ourselves
in a part of Asia Minor where the authority of the Turkish
Government was fully established. I had also with me
the Bairakdar, who had been converted into a cawass,
and upon whose courage and devotion I had the fullest
reliance.
As the heat was intense, it being now the middle of
summer, we had to travel by night until we reached the
mountains and high lands of Asia Minor. I remember
that, whilst still in the plains of Assyria, I had left my
caravan, and, with the Bairakdar and one or two horsemen,
made a short cut to a village in which we were to pass
the following day, and which it would take many hours
for the rest of my party, with their heavily laden mules,
to reach. There was some danger in following the track
I had taken, which greatly shortened the journey, in
consequence of the Arab marauders who were infesting
the low country, but who did not venture into the hills,
over the spurs of which the ordinary road was led. But
as the night was very dark we hoped to escape them.
We had ridden for some hours when suddenly I heard
a great noise of horses, and a clatter of what appeared
to be pots and pans, at some distance in front of me. I
put spurs to my horse, and soon reached a flying crowd
of horsemen, baggage, mules, and men on foot. They
proved to be a Turk on his way to a government to
which he had been appointed, and his attendants. Hear-
i8o THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845.
ing us approach, and taking us for a party of Bedouins
out on a plundering expedition, they had turned and
were endeavouring to make their escape as fast as their
animals could carry them to the hills. The clatter I had
heard was from the cooking utensils and the various metal
vessels which a Turk usually takes with him when on
his travels. The mules which carried them had taken
fright, and were galloping over the plain. It was some
time before the confusion which we had caused came
to an end, and the flying beasts were recaptured. After
smoking a pipe together and laughing over the adventure,
the Governor and I continued our respective journeys.
I arrived at Constantinople on the 3ist July. Sir
Stratford Canning had been for some time in England,
and Mr Wellesley, who had now succeeded, on the death
of his father, to the title of Lord Cowley, was in charge of
the affairs of the Embassy with the rank and title of
Minister. He received me with the greatest kindness, and
invited me to take up my residence with him at Therapia.
I learnt on my arrival that Lord Palmerston who had
replaced Lord Aberdeen as Minister for Foreign Affairs
had at once acceded to Sir Stratford's request that I
should be officially attached to the Embassy, and that it
was in contemplation to appoint me a member of the
joint English and Russian Commission, with Captain
(afterwards Sir Fenwick) Williams, for settling the
boundaries between Turkey and Persia, according to the
terms of a treaty recently concluded between those two
Powers.
I was very anxious to go to England without delay.
I had brought with me a large collection of drawings
which I had made of the sculptures and other objects I
had discovered in Assyria, and of cuneiform inscriptions
which I had copied. I was desirous of publishing, or of
otherwise making known to the public, these results of
i8si] DANGEROUS ILLNESS 181
my explorations and indeed I considered that, after the
grant of public money upon which they were carried on,
it was my duty to do so. But, as I considered myself
officially connected with the Embassy, I would not absent
myself from my post without obtaining formal leave to
do so from the Foreign Office. I accordingly applied for
that leave, and wrote on the subject to Sir Stratford
Canning. But he was evidently unwilling that I should
return to England, and I received no answer to my
application. He probably desired that, as he was about
to return to Constantinople in order to complete the
negotiations which were in process for the settlement of
the Turco-Persian question, I should be on the spot to
assist him.
However that may have been, I was kept lingering on
at Constantinople, uncertain as to my position, and with
a mind as ill at ease as when I was there in a similar state
of uncertainty before my expedition to Assyria. In the
month of September I accompanied the Cowleys and
some members of the Embassy on an excursion in Asia
Minor. We landed from an English gunboat at Nico-
media, and rode through a very picturesque and well-
wooded country to Niciea, or Isnik. There we encamped
on the borders of the lake, attracted by the extreme
beauty of the scenery, and unmindful of the malaria which
notoriously prevailed in the locality. The result was that
most of the party on their return to Constantinople
suffered from intermittent fever. I was amongst the
victims, and my attack was so severe that the physician
of the Embassy who attended me insisted that I should
leave the country without delay and return to Eng-
land, or he would not answer for my life. As he
gave me a certificate to that effect, I did not hesitate,
with Lord Cowley's approval, to follow his advice ; and
at the end of October I embarked on board a French
182 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
steamer for Malta, where I had to perform seven days'
quarantine.
Wishing to revisit the scenes of my childhood, I took
a steamer to Naples, and thence to Civita Vecchia, spent
a day or two at Rome, where I had an opportunity of
showing my drawings of the monuments of Nineveh, and
describing my discoveries to Visconti and other of the
leading archaeologists, and then went by the post-carriage
to Florence. There I found many old friends of my father
and mother, Italian and English, still living, who
warmly welcomed me. I passed three days with them,
and then drove to the mines of Montecatini, near Volterra,
of which Mr Sloane, who had been intimate with my
family and had known me when I was a boy, was principal
proprietor.
To Mrs Austen.
LEGHORN, loth December 1847.
I had promised to write to you before leaving Malta,
and here I am at Leghorn without having sent you a line !
My misfortunes must be my excuse. Since leaving
Constantinople, I have scarcely been a day, except during
my short stay at Florence, without fever. . . . You may
easily imagine that my journey has proved anything but a
pleasant one. At Naples I found Lord Napier l in charge,
and he kindly made up all manner of pleasant and interest-
ing parties for me, none of which I was able to enjoy.
Here also I found Lord Eastnor, and under his guidance
managed to crawl to Pompeii and Cumae during short
intervals in my fever ; but the few days I spent in Naples
were chiefly passed in bed. I had hoped for better things
in Rome, and well-provided with letters for Lord Minto, 2
1 Francis, tenth Lord Napier, K.T. (1819-98) cr. Lord Ettrick. A
distinguished diplomatist, Governor of Madras, and Acting Viceroy of
India after Lord Mayo's assassination.
a Gilbert, second Earl Minto, G.C.B. (1782-1859), Lord Privy Seal
in Lord John Russell's Cabinet of 1846, and at this time executing a
special political Mission in Italy.
1851] FERMENT IN ITALY 1^3
had made up my mind to see the Pope, 1 one of the great
objects of my curiosity. But here, too, I had a very severe
attack, and was too weak and unwell even to call upon his
Lordship. The Paynes were most kind, and by their
assistance I was able, when not under actual fever, to visit
things most worthy to be seen, and which I had particularly
set my mind upon seeing. They were also good enough
to collect together the persons most interesting to me ;
Campana, Visconti, Gibson, 2 Piccoluomini, and I was
able to gather some information from them. Since leav-
ing Rome I have been better, and am picking up
strength. . . .
But enough of my ills ! You will like to hear some-
thing about Italy. I find that I have still sufficient re-
collection even of Florence to compare its present state
with its former. Great changes have taken, and are taking,
place. At this moment the Italians are but little removed
from downright craziness. Where all this is to stop, it is
difficult to foresee. In Tuscany and the dominions of the
Pope nearly every change asked for or desired by the
people has been made. This success has led to the most
extravagant hopes particularly amongst a certain class,
the lawyers and " hommes de lettres." Nothing short of a
general confederation of the Italian States appears to be
their aim. These views are extending to the lower classes
in the great cities ; in Florence there is not a coffee-house
keeper who has not taken down his good old sign, and
substituted the " Fratellanza Italiana," or the " Italiani
Uniti," or something of the kind. Every one is mad for
the Civic Guard, and endless uniforms strut up and down
the street. I am much inclined to think that all this,
except amongst a certain class, is a mere amusement, good
for the moment as the Carnival in its season, and that few
really know what they want, or could appreciate much that
they require. However, one thing is certain, that both the
Tuscan and Papal Governments have placed themselves
in very critical positions by consenting to the organisation
of a National Guard. The whole country is now armed,
and will shortly be disciplined, and there is nothing to
oppose these national forces. In fact, the people will
shortly be able to dictate what terms they like, if they are
1 Pio Nono.
2 John Gibson (1790-1866), the Sculptor, went to Rome in 1817,
studied under both Canova and Thorwaldsen, and made it his home
for many years.
184 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
really seriously disposed to enter into the views of the few
who are now endeavouring to form and lead public opinion.
All this may lead to a great deal of good or a great
deal of mischief. As a sincere lover of Italy, I hope for
the good ; but I confess that the issue appears to me very
doubtful. There is something wanting in the Italian
character, as formed by the present system of education,
and, of course, by a long period of misgovernment ; and as
yet one hears of no serious, sober man competent to form
and control public opinion. In Naples things are going on
very ill, and there is every probability of disorder and
bloodshed, unless the king follows the example of his
neighbours and gives in.
I embarked at Leghorn for Marseilles, and continued
my journey without stopping to Paris. There was then
no railway between those cities, and I was confined for
four days and three nights in the coupt of a diligence.
At Paris I met my good friend M. Botta, who welcomed
me most heartily, and without any feeling of jealousy or
rivalry introduced me to his friends, and brought my
discoveries, as much as possible, to the notice of the
French public. I was introduced through him to the
leading members of the French Institute, who gave me a
special sitting in order that I might describe and explain
to them the result of my explorations in the Assyrian
ruins. I then made the acquaintance of Baron Humboldt,
who was present at the seance, and who showed the
liveliest interest in my discoveries. My acquaintance with
the French language enabled me to make an hour's
discourse before this critical assembly, and to acquit
myself of the somewhat difficult task sufficiently well.
To Mrs Austen.
PARIS, igth December 1847.
.... My short residence here has been very agreeable.
I discovered Botta immediately ; he received me with more
kindness than I could have expected, even from him, and
i8 5 i] ADDRESS TO THE INSTITUTE 185
rushed off to the Institute to announce my arrival. The
consequence was an invitation to attend the sitting of the
" Academic descriptions et Belles Lettres," on the follow-
ing Friday an invitation that I willingly accepted, as
I am as anxious to obtain information as I am
willing to communicate the little I know. I called during
the day on Burnouf, Mohl, and others well known in
Asiatic literature, and was received by all most cordially.
I also found my old Turin friend, Bonafons ; very old, but
as ardent and enthusiastic as ever, and engaged on a
costly work concerning various branches of agriculture.
On the following day I was confined to my bed by fever ;
on Friday I left my bed to attend the sitting of the
Academic.
The meeting was opened by an old lawyer, too well
known, it appears, to the Institute; hair white, ears well
stuffed with cotton, too toothless to be intelligible. He had
written, and was to read, a paper on the origin of
Parliaments and "Etats Ge'ne'raux" (perhaps something
on their use would have been more helpful to his country-
men), but when, after an hour's preliminary discussion, he
proceeded to divide his subject into five parts, with each
of which the Academic was to be entertained in detail,
the patience of that learned body became exhausted, and
there was so strong a demonstration in favour of the
opposition the Nimroud antiquities that the President
was obliged to bring up the indignant lawyer ;n the middle
of his course. I was still suffering from my attack of
fever, and those who have had the advantage of experience
in these matters know that one of the results of fever is a
considerable excitement of the brain, consequent audacity,
and no small additional loquacity, only controlled by
physical debility. Consequently, when placed in the
middle of this rather formidable assembly, I contrived to
make them, without nervousness, a moderately lengthy
speech, probably in very bad French, but to all appearances
perfectly intelligible. The drawings, of which I took only
a small selection, created general surprise ; particularly
those which have reference to the mythology of the
Assyrians a subject untouched by the Khorsabad monu-
ment. On one side, M. Lagard, in ecstasies, convinced me
by frequent, as I thought at the time very unnecessary,
digs in the ribs, that I had established fully to his satisfac-
tion theories which, in spite of the sneers of the learned, he
had been building up for nearly half a century. On the
i86 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
other, M. Raoul Rochette looked serious and perplexed, and
was apparently not much gratified by the look of triumph
with which M. Lagard asked him what had now become of
his speculations on the origin of Greek Art. From all sides
poured questions and compliments, from MPvi. Letronne,
Mohl, Lenormand, etc. From opposite, old Humboldt,
with all the quiet blandness of a German philosopher, en-
deavoured, but in vain, to put a question. What German
could be heard amongst fifty Frenchmen ? It was equally
in vain that I endeavoured to isolate myself in imagination
from the mass to catch the words, real golden words, of
M. Burnouf, who never says anything not worth hearing.
Equally in vain the President agitated himself and his
small bell to restore order, but his indignation fell harm-
lessly on the backs, for he could see nothing else, of the
learned. All this was very gratifying, and, had I not
remembered that I was on the banks of the Seine, I might
have left the Acad6mie very well satisfied with myself, and
fully convinced that I had bestowed upon some fifty most
intelligent Frenchmen the happiest day of their lives !
However, the substantial and, to be serious, the most
influential members of the Academic were kind enough to
propose that an Extraordinary meeting should be held on
the following day for the further discussion and examina-
tion of the drawings, and informed me that it was their
intention to propose me as a Corresponding Member of
the Institute (an honour, I believe, much coveted in
Europe) on the next vacancy. In fact, if the results of
the Nimroud excavations create half as favourable an
impression in London as they have done in Paris, I may
hope that something may be done towards publishing them.
I had fully expected that the mythological part of the
drawings would be a subject of astonishment here, as this
subject is so new, gives rise to so many new ideas, destroys
so many old ones, and resolves so many long-disputed
questions. M. Lenormand remarked to the Academic
that hereafter no one could venture to enter upon the
subject of Greek Art or Mythology without being
thoroughly acquainted with the details of Nimroud.
M. Burnouf and others were very desirous that I should
see the King, and proposed to arrange the matter, but, as
His Majesty does not return to Paris until to-morrow, I
was glad to avail myself of the excuse of immediate de-
parture, and to sacrifice His Majesty to a Christmas
dinner in England.
i8sO FRANCE IN 1847 187
On Saturday there was another meeting of the
Acade'mie which I was obliged, of course, to attend, and
which occupied the greater part of the day. I have conse-
quently been unable to see any of the political folk de
Tocqueville, Michelet, etc., for whom I had letters, and
with whom I had wished to have a little talk. I have just
called on M. de Tocqueville, and find him a very agreeable
and communicative person. From all I see and hear, the
country does not appear to be in a very happy condition.
Discontent is general, and every one speaks with contempt
of the King ; and this strong feeling against the Royal
Family prevails even in the Army and Navy. I have heard
officers of the latter at a public table speak in the most
offensive terms of His Majesty. All this, it is to be feared,
can lead to no good. A change in every department does
certainly appear to be wanted. In the Government there
appears to be actual retrogradation ; in that which strikes
the eye, but little improvement. There is some change for
the better in roads, public conveyances, etc., but that is
little, and not up to the day. In taste, in most departments
of literature, in art, no improvement ; everything daily
getting worse. But what can one expect when such
men as Dumas are recognised by the Government as
the heads of French literature, and receive money and
employment.
I have seen the " Salle de Ninevd," and, with the
exception of four very fine specimens, it contains scarcely
anything worth notice. The bulls, which were divided
into eight pieces each to be transported, have been
admirably united. They are considerably larger than
those I have sent. People here were very much inclined
to dispute the superior antiquity of Nimroud, and advanced
many arguments in proof of that of Khorsabad ; but I
showed the Academic, or rather made them prove them-
selves, that they were greatly in error on the subject. . . .
The strongest desire is expressed here that both the draw-
ings and the inscriptions should be published as soon as
possible. I confess that I cannot see how they are to be,
and so told Burnouf and his colleagues. Burnouf was
kind enough to propose at once that I should avail myself of
the types, and most beautiful types they are, which have
been made for Botta's work. However, without having
first seen the Museum people, I can say nothing on these
subjects.
i88 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
I remember walking one evening in the Palais Royal
with Botta and some of his friends who were in public
offices and engaged in the politics of the day after dining
with them at one of the principal restaurants. They
described to me in vivid terms the unsatisfactory con-
dition of France, and the general discontent and mistrust
which prevailed, and expressed their conviction that a
crisis was impending which would end in the fall of the
reigning dynasty, and lead through anarchy and blood-
shed to a Republic. Their forebodings were justified by
the events which occurred a few months afterwards.
I arrived in London on the 22nd December, after being
absent from England for nearly eight and a half years.
[Layard spent the greater part of the year 1848 in
England, preparing his well-known book, " Nineveh and its
Remains," and recruiting his health, which had suffered
considerably from the strain he had put upon it during his
eight years' absence. He met with a most flattering reception
in Society and from the learned, and, amongst other
marks of honour, received the honorary D.C.L. Degree from
the University of Oxford.
The following letter, which gives a glimpse of him
during this period, is one of many addressed to Mr Henry
Ross, with whom he had begun in the East a lifelong friend-
ship. Mr Ross was then staying at Mosul, and had taken
charge of the excavations at Nimroud.]
To Henry Ross, Esq.
CANFORD, 1 7th March 1848.
.... Pray order the sculptures at Nimroud to be
covered in. The Museum people are very desirous that
what remains should be preserved. I think I mentioned
in my last letter that they wished to continue the excava-
1 The seat of Sir John and Lady Charlotte Guest.
i8si] REVOLUTION OF 1848 189
tions, though not to spend more than 10 a month at
present. . . . The state of the finances, and the events
occurring on the Continent, 1 have driven Nineveh and all
other antiquities out of people's heads. The recommenda-
tion of the Trustees that 4000 should be given by Govern-
ment for the publication of my drawings, which would have
been attended to at any other period, has been rejected,
and I am inclined to think that nothing will be done. I
am now trying to see what may be done in the way of
subscriptions and personal sacrifices, but my stay in
England is so limited that I do not expect I shall be able
to settle anything.
You have, of course, heard of all the wonderful occur-
rences in France. Every one is anxious as to the result ;
and the general opinion seems to be that the Republic will,
in the end, involve all Europe in a war. The main point
seems to be, whether the Provisional Government will
succeed in settling any Executive sufficiently powerful and
firm to keep the lower classes in subjection ; and whether,
to maintain themselves by diverting public attention, they
will not be compelled to gratify the warlike propensities of
the French. Hitherto a good feeling has been shown
towards England, and there appears to be a general wish
to keep on a friendly footing with all Europe ; but God
knows how long this will last ! I was quite prepared for
the Revolution which has taken place, by what I heard
when at Paris, and announced it in England, but no one
would believe me. It is to be hoped that public morality
will improve, or else little can be hoped for in France.
I have been spending a few days with my relations in
different parts of England, and am now with Lady
Charlotte Guest, 2 at Canford, a fine old mansion in Dorset-
shire. These comfortable places, and the pleasure of
English country life, spoil one for the adventures and
privations of the East. I find a great improvement in the
upper classes ; much more information, liberality of
opinion, and kindness towards those beneath them. I
think that, on the whole, things in England are much
better than could be expected.
1 The Year of Revolutions.
2 Lady Charlotte Bertie, daughter of the ninth Earl of Lindsey,
married, first, Sir John Guest, M.P., and secondly, Mr Charles
Schreiber, M.P. She was related to Sir H. Layard (see vol. i. p. 8) who,
in 1869, married one of her daughters.
I 9 o THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
[In December 1848, Layard returned to the Embassy at
Constantinople as an unpaid attache, but in the following
April Lord Palmerston promoted him to a paid post, ex-
pressing at the same time a desire that he should return to
Nimroud, and placing his services at the disposal of the
Trustees of the British Museum. The Trustees at once
requested him to resume his excavations as soon as possible ;
but, mainly on account of his loyal wish to be useful to Sir
Stratford Canning, his departure from Constantinople was
delayed till the end of August, when he once more made
the toilsome journey to Mosul, travelling this time by
Trebizond, Erzeroum and Bitlis. He was accompanied
on this occasion by the late Dr Humphrey Sandwith, Mr
Cooper, an Artist, who was to assist him by making
drawings of the excavated sculpture, and Mr Hormuzd
Rassam, brother of the British Vice-Consul at Mosul, who
had visited England with Layard, and, after taking a most
active part in the subsequent work of excavation, returned
to this country where he still lives. The story of this
second expedition has been fully related by Layard in
" Nineveh and Babylon " (1853).
The following letter is addressed to Mr Mitford, in
whose company he had made his first journey to the East.
Mr Mitford was at this time residing in Ceylon.]
MOSUL, 22nd March 1850.
MY DEAR MITFORD, I do not wonder that you have
made up your mind that I have forgotten you, especially
when your letters make the grand circumnavigation before
they enable me to answer them. I have only just received
yours of the /th July of last year which has been I know
not where. However, although late in arriving, it has afforded
me great pleasure, in the first place, as the sermons say,
because it assures me that you have not forgottten me, in
the second, because it gives so gratifying a picture of your
own health and domestic felicity, and in the third, such
excellent accounts of your advancement and rank, all most
i8si] "NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS" 191
pleasing intelligence to an old friend. I must certainly
apologise for not having sent you a copy of the book in
red, 1 but I have behaved equally shabbily to most of my
friends. The reason whereof is that I left England before
the work was published, and have since then been wandering
about without any power over my adventurous volumes.
If you have by chance seen a copy, you will perceive that I
have alluded to you, though not by name, in the opening. I
did so through delicacy, not knowing whether you would
much like to be introduced to the public more formally,
and not having time to write to you for permission ; but,
if you will let me know your wish, I will take care (and it
will give me great pleasure) to record in print who my
enthusiastic fellow-traveller really was whether a Mr
Harris or no a question which, since my unexpected
notoriety, I have frequently been asked. I had very little
idea of publishing when I returned to Europe after my
Nineveh explorations, but my friends pressed the thing so
much, the Trustees adding their request, and Murray was
so kind, that I nolens volens felt bound to rush into print.
I can assure you that I did so tremblingly, and had very
great doubts indeed as to my probable success. But the
time was favourable, the subject interested all parties, and
there were no books in the market owing to the state of
political matters at the time three very material elements
in success. In every way the most sanguine expectations
of my friends (I will not say my own, for I had none) have
been surpassed. Of notoriety I have plenty, and the very
liberal arrangement of my publishers' has enabled me to
realise a very handsome sum. Nearly 8000 copies were sold
in the year a new edition is in the press, and Murray an-
ticipates a continual steady demand for the book, which will
place it side by side with Mrs Rundell's Cookery, and make
it property. In the meantime Rawlinson is in England,
propounding theories, and delighting and astonishing numer-
ous audiences with his versions of the inscriptions, and his
novel views on the ancient world in general. The correctness
of which time and further discoveries must test The British
Museum, elated at the success of the first expedition and de-
lighted at the crammed houses which the new entertainment
brought them, determined upon producing something new ;
and, well imbued with the economical spirit of the times,
determined to do the thing as cheaply as possible. So
1 " Nineveh and its Remains."
i 9 2 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-
they have sent me back with a ridiculously miserable grant
to satisfy the exalted hopes and demands of the British
public. The consequence is, that I am terribly crippled,
and without my own resources could really do nothing at
all. I left England in November of '48, remained a few
months at my post in Constantinople, and started for this
in August last. I have since been very busy excavating,
have made some important discoveries, and have added
as much as I could reasonably expect to our knowledge
of the Ancient Assyrians. I am now starting on an ex-
ploratory expedition to the Desert and the Khabour, where
I hear of many ruins, and I hope to succeed in examining
them. I have now an Artist and an M.D. with me, so that
the party is more complete than it formerly was. The
season of the year is delightful, and we shall, on the whole,
have a very pleasant journey. I shall probably visit our
old friends at Al Hadhar, though there is nothing sufficiently
ancient there for me. I look at nothing which did not
come under the immediate cognisance of Noah or his
sons. Your old friend Rassam is still flourishing, a very
portly influential Vice-Consul. He has really done great
good here, and is a hospitable good-natured creature. His
wife is with him. I hope you will meet my brother ; I
hear very good reports of him from all sides, and you know
there is nothing in a name. I hope you will allow me to
send my kindest regards to your wife and such of your
descendants as are capable of receiving them.
[Layard remained in Mesopotamia till April 1851.
His expedition was fruitful in archaeological discoveries
and personal adventures, which are fully told in his book. It
bears abundant witness to the old indomitable energy and en-
durance, and to the sympathetic understanding of the native
mind, which brought him safely and successfully through
so many trials. In the words of Mr Hormuzd Rassam :
" He was an extraordinary friend, sincere and true. He
hated humbug and underhand intrigues ; he had a knack
of being kind, yet firm, and the wildest of the people with
whom we came in contact looked on him with great respect
and affection." The same impression is given by the
following extract from a letter written by an English
1851] INFLUENCE OVER ARABS 193
traveller, who also had been an eye-witness of his
labours.
Christmas Day, 1849.
We arrived in Mosul the next day, and were most
kindly received by H.B.M. Vice-Consul-General Mr
Rassam, in whose house we stopped during our stay in
Mosul. We met here Mr Layard, whose name is so well
known to you, and whose wonderful discoveries have
caused such a sensation in the literary world. He has been
exceedingly kind to us, and we are now staying with him
at Nimroud, where he is still carrying on excavations, the
results of which are more astonishing than those that are
known about. People in England little know the difficulties
he has to overcome, the presence of mind he has to have,
and the immense tact and knowledge of the people it
requires to manage tribes so jealous of one another as
those he has to deal with. He requires no small nerve to
be able to settle their differences in such manner as to be
satisfactory on both sides, for in a hour of heat and rage,
it might cost him his life, if he did not please. The power
he has over these wild sons of the Desert is perfectly
astonishing, as you will perceive by a circumstance which
happened yesterday. Part of the tribe of the Jebour
Arabs are here working for him. Those that are not here
have been for some time past stealing camels from the tribe
of the Ti Arabs. Yesterday it was rather a damp, heavy
day : we were quietly sitting within doors when we heard
the war-cry of the Arabs, the screaming of women, horses
neighing, clattering of arms commence, as it were simul-
taneously. Mr Layard, Stewart, Dr Sandwith and Mr
Hormuzd Rassam ran out and found about eighty of the
Ti Arabs, well mounted, had come down, and were plunder-
ing the village ; they had in a semicircle surrounded all
the cattle, sheep, horses and donkeys, and were driving
them before them. The Jebour who were working at
the mound heard the cries of the women, and came rushing
in all directions to get their lances and guns ; the young
women, arming themselves with sticks and stones, joined
their husbands and brothers who were throwing off their
clothes and rushing with the most frantic gestures after
the Ti, leaping in the air and brandishing their weapons like
mad creatures. The ground being heavy, the Ti could not
drive their spoil fast, so Mr Layard, seeing there was every
chance of a fearful fight ensuing, rode, accompanied by all
VOL. II. N
194 THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES [1845-51
the gentlemen, unarmed, to try and get back some of the
spoil. By the greatest difficulty he prevented them falling
on each other, and after a long harangue on both sides his
influence was such that the Ti, at the very moment of
victory, actually gave back all a thing never before heard
of ! Such is the extraordinary influence he has over this
strange people ! but who can say how long it will last ? . . . .
. . . The village has been in a complete uproar the whole
morning. Some person brought word that the Ti Arabs
were again coming down, not to rob as the other day, but
this time to murder, for a month ago two of their men
were killed in an affray, and they were coming for revenge.
All the cattle were driven into the centre of the village.
The men armed themselves, the women shrieking, tearing
their hair, beating their breasts, got stones and sticks, and
when everything was ready for defence, they began shout-
ing their war-cry, dancing their war-dance, firing their guns
in the air. After each explosion the shrill tahlehl of the
women was almost deafening. As no enemy made his
appearance, Mr Layard again used his influence to appease
them, and promised they should have the Tubel in the
evening. Accordingly he has sent off for the drums and
musicians, so I suppose they will dance out their excite-
ment.
[But in spite of much successful work, it appears from
his correspondence that private troubles and anxieties,
combined with frequent attacks of fever, rendered this
period far less enjoyable than the former one had been,
and, when he took his departure in April 1851, he
had made up his mind not to go back. He went from
Mosul to Constantinople, and returning to England in the
summer decided to take an active part in political life. In
1852 he was elected Member for Aylesbury in the Liberal
interest]
CHAPTER VII
POLITICS AND ART
1851-1869
IT will appear from the final chapter of this volume that
Layard pursued his Parliamentary career with characteristic
energy, and with no small measure of success. But he was
far from allowing politics to engross his attention to the ex-
clusion of other interests. In one respect his new life fitted
in very well with the old. Sturdy Liberal and Reformer
as he was at home, his main interest in politics, and his
chief claim to the attention of the House of Commons,
lay in the direction of our foreign relations. He had
acquired his first knowledge of that subject by personal
experience, and he did his best to keep abreast of the
times by pursuing the old method of travel, and of
personal intercourse with the people with whose destinies
our own happened to be mixed at the time. A keen interest
in the Imperial Ottoman Bank, as a means of developing
the material resources of the Turkish Empire, took him
back more than once to Constantinople. He was one
of the first non-combatants to visit the Crimea. He was
in India before the work of suppressing the Mutiny was
half over. He was in Italy in 1859, directly after the
campaign of Magenta and Solferino, and while the
effects of the Treaty of Villafranca were still a matter
195
196 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
of doubt and conjecture. He was in Venice in 1866
when the last Austrian soldier left Italian soil.
But, amid these exciting scenes and events, it seems
doubtful, after an examination of his correspondence,
whether his mind was not more occupied with Art than
with politics. Not a year passed without a visit to Italy
or to the great picture-galleries of Germany ; and his
return to the favourite study of his childhood meant
something more than the enthusiasm of the amateur and
collector, and a considerable output of literature on the
subject. It was characterised by a great and con-
tinuous effort to bring the enjoyment of Art within
the reach of the mass of his countrymen who had not
the leisure or the opportunity for travel, and to restore
it, in Italy itself, to its proper influence over the
productive energy of the people. For some time he
was busy with the Arundel Society, organising the
diffusion of a knowledge of little-known works by the
great Italian masters. He was a zealous fellow- worker
with Sir Charles Eastlake in making the additions to
the National Gallery which illustrated the reign of its
first Director. Later on he turned his attention more
and more to the attempt to revive in Venice and the
islands of the Lagoon, the ancient arts of glass-blowing,
mosaic, and lace-making, the fostering of which was the
favourite occupation of his later years.
Had he filled this gap in his Autobiography, he would
have had much of interest to relate about persons and
things. It has not seemed advisable to attempt any
description of his life on the scale of the earlier part of
this book, but the following extracts from an extensive
correspondence will serve to throw some light on his
experiences and occupations down to the period beyond
which it is considered that the time has not yet come for
publishing the story of his career.
i86 9 ] LETTERS FROM ENGLAND 197
To Mr H. Ross.
ORTON LONGUEVILLE,
ysth November 1851.
. . . Whenever you may have a spare moment write
me a few lines and let me know what you are doing, and
give me at the same time some little idea of what is going
on in Egypt, and your opinion upon the state of the
country. My plans are still so uncertain that I cannot
give you the slightest idea of them. I shall certainly
not leave England again if I can help it, but I may
be forced to do so, as, at present at any rate, I have
no means of making ends meet without some employment.
I shall make a desperate effort not to return to the East,
not even to Stamboul, which does not agree with me in
any way the climate always disagrees with me, and I can
find neither books nor society. I should like to get into
Parliament in England, and think that, if once there, I
could push my way. My book 1 is still far behind, and
there is no chance of its being ready before the spring. It
will contain some account of my different wanderings in
Armenia, Kurdistan, and the desert besides particulars
of the most recent discoveries at Nineveh. I have just
published an abridgment of the first work in one volume,
which has sold exceedingly well and will bring me in
something. I have been spending some days with M ,
whom I think you met on his return from Mosul. He is
a most versatile genius knowing everything. I have
seen and have promised to go to his paternal seat. His
book is out, and an extraordinary affair it is, as you will
say when you see it. He appears to be labouring under
strange delusions amongst others that his life has been
constantly in danger, and that he speaks Arabic and other
Oriental languages !
To Mr H. Ross.
9 LITTLE RYDER STREET,
loth April 1852.
I have two very interesting letters of yours to acknow-
ledge, the last of the 1 5th March. I am truly obliged to you
for the details you send me. I shall not fail to turn them
to advantage. Whenever you have a few idle moments,
which I am afraid is not often the case, pray continue to
1 " Nineveh and Babylon,"
198 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
give me information with regard to the state of things in
Egypt. I was able to be of some use through your last
letter, and I should gladly have your opinion on the
probable result of the negotiations with the Porte, and on
anything that may occur with regard to the question of the
introduction of the Tanzimatf I should also be glad of
your opinion, and that of the most intelligent merchants
amongst your acquaintance, as to the effect, if any, on
British trade caused by our free commercial policy and by
the repeal of the navigation laws. Any information on
these subjects will be very acceptable. I am also much
obliged for the information about the Consular body. I
hope the time may come when I may turn all this to good
account. . . . Things are so uncertain now in England
that it is difficult to say how soon a change may take
place. There is, however, every prospect of a Liberal
Government soon returning to office, and in every prob-
ability I shall then again be included in the list. I am
now making arrangements for entering Parliament. Several
very advantageous offers of seats have been made to me,
but it was only to-day that I found myself in a position to
accept one completely to my taste. It is very difficult to
avoid entering public life in England, at a time of political
excitement like the present, without giving pledges which
may hereafter fetter a man, or give him a character for
want of sincerity, or want of political consistency. Had I
chosen to take such pledges, I might have represented
some of the largest and most important constituencies in
England. I have decided upon accepting Aylesbury, a
town in which I am not quite unknown, and with a
large and sufficiently important constituency to render it
far from a close borough. My election is almost a
certainty, and I come forward under very advantageous
circumstances. 2 Once in the House I have a career open
to me, and an opening which may be considered exceed-
ingly favourable. Of course it will depend upon myself
how far I shall be able to take advantage of it.
To Mr H. Ross.
CONSTANTINOPLE, 2nd April 1853.
You will have been surprised to hear of my sudden re-
turn to this place. It is merely a temporary absence from
1 Decree establishing Constitutional system of Government.
2 He was returned for Aylesbury in 1852.
1 869] LETTER TO MR ROSS 199
England, and I am holding no official appointment. The
state of things in the East, and a desire to be of any use
in my power to Lord Stratford, led me to give up much
that was pleasant and useful at home, and to encounter all
the disagreeables of Pera life. Matters now seem to be
quietly settling down, and I shall probably return again to
England very shortly. I shall not be sorry, I can assure
you. You are perhaps aware that I was offered the
Egyptian Consul-Generalship. I declined it for several
reasons. . . .
Your father was good enough to send me your account
of the race in which you beat the Arabs. I rejoiced at
your success. I have never had the slightest doubt as to
the superiority in speed of the English horse over the
Arab even of a very second-rate English horse. Their
stride is so much greater, and their bone so much more
powerful. I am sorry the Pasha's challenge was not taken
up, in order that the question might have been completely
set at rest. Merjian was one of the swiftest horses I ever
rode in the East. I never saw a horse that could beat
him. Had he been properly trained for the purpose, he
would have made a capital hunter. His leap, too, was
capital.
I hope on my return to England to spend a day or two
en route with your family at Malta. 1 It is an old promise
that I made to pay them a visit, and I am very anxious to
perform it. As you may suppose, I am not a little
desirous of being back again in my place in the House of
Commons. The difficulties here will, I think, be soon
settled. Those relating to the Holy Places are almost so
already. The real danger lies in the pretensions of Russia
and her determination to acquire the most complete power
over the Greeks. As you must be well aware, the Greeks
are beginning to show a thirst for knowledge, and a
commercial activity, which must eventually raise feelings
of independence and a love of liberal institutions, little con-
sistent with the views of Russia with regard to the Christian
populations of this country. Even the Armenians are
improving and beginning to show considerable independ-
ence in religious matters.
Whenever you have a few minutes to spare, send me a
few lines upon the state of things in Egypt. I am very
much interested in all that is passing in that country, and
your letters have always been most acceptable. It appears
1 Mr Ross's father was Consul for the Netherlands at Malta.
200 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
to me that there is every hope of Egypt becoming a
flourishing and prosperous country, and I confess that it
was with a feeling of regret that I found myself under the
necessity of refusing the Consul-Generalship. But there
were many reasons, my seat in Parliament amongst others,
which led me to do so. I fancy the English Consul-
General might have great influence, and be the author
of much good. There are proposals for railways to
Adrianople, etc., before the Turkish Government, but I
fear that, as usual, the intrigues of Armenians and others
will prevent the schemes being carried out. It would be
of immense advantage to the Porte in every way to have
a direct line of communication with Europe, and it would
at the same time be a great blessing for those who have
to reside here.
To Mrs Austen.
CONSTANTINOPLE, iyh April 1853.
I promised to write to you at the first opportunity ; but
although we have continual communication with England,
we have only two Embassy bags a month, and it is of no
use putting you to the expense of postage when I have
nothing to say of any interest. You will have heard of
our safe arrival here, and of the perils and sufferings of our
journey through Europe, by my letter to my uncle, sent by
the last messenger.
When I wrote, nothing had happened to change our
usual life here. The French and Russians have settled
their quarrels, and I hope to hear nothing more of the
Holy Places and the ridiculous squabbles about Greek and
Latin Saints and apocryphal tombs. One of the great
subjects of discussion was, whether the Saints were to be
painted with glories like plates round their heads, after the
Byzantine fashion, or with simple circles of gold, which,
according to the Fathers of the Catholic Church, are the
more authentic symbols of beatification. Two great Powers
actually threatened to go to war about such absurd matters.
The Turks are now going to build the cupola themselves.
The best thing they could do would be to turn all the
Christians out of Jerusalem.
The Russians, however, still threaten mischief. They
have other questions to settle with the Porte, and they
seem determined to resort to every manner of intimidation
i86 9 ] THE EASTERN QUESTION 201
to carry their point. We hear of great armies on the
Turkish frontiers, and there is no doubt that very hostile
demonstrations are being made in that quarter. But I
have every reason to believe that even these difficulties
will be overcome, and that before long the rumours of wars
will have passed over. I see so little chance at present of
any disturbance of the peace, that I have made up my
mind to return home very shortly, and you will not be
surprised if you should see me walk into Montagu Place
before the end of May.
To Mr H. Ross.
9 LITTLE RYDER STREET,
iZthJuly 1853.
I was very greatly disappointed, I can assure you, on
being compelled to put off my visit to Malta. Still more
so when I heard that you had been there, and that we
should have met. I was unfortunately compelled to take
the shortest road home, having dispatches of great im-
portance with me, and I did not even remain a few hours
at Vienna. When I left Constantinople I had no idea that
matters were likely to prove so serious, and soon not that
I was not fully persuaded that Russia would gain her point
if she could, and even go to extremities if necessary, but I
scarcely thought Menschikoff would take a step so calculated
to open the eyes of the world to the duplicity of his
Government, and to the utter injustice of her demands.
As you will have seen by the papers, as soon as I reached
England I endeavoured to bring the question before
Parliament, but the Government have hitherto been so
averse to publicity that I have been compelled to defer
my motion. It will, however, come on sooner or later,
and will, I hope, expose completely the danger of allowing
Russia to persevere in this course, and the impolicy of
meeting it by half measures. We have been sadly wanting
in firmness had we taken up the question properly in the
first instance, I do not think Russia would have ventured
as far as it has ventured. As it is, I scarcely see how we
are to bring matters to a peaceable termination without
conniving at the designs of Russia in the East, and sacri-
ficing our dignity and interests. It was a fatal mistake to
allow Russia to cross the Pruth, without considering it a
casus belli. Where is this to end ? She may next enter
Bulgaria or Servia upon the same terms, and we shall have
202 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
no right to complain. I am afraid that we shall ere long,
whatever may be the end of the present question, have to
meet these difficulties under a very different aspect, and
when we shall be less able to contend with them than we
are now. Although this country has the greatest stake in
the maintenance of peace, and there is an earnest desire
that it should be maintained ; yet there has been but one
expression of opinion upon recent events, and, had we men
at the head of the Government who could have met them in
a proper spirit, I am convinced they would have received
such unanimous and effective support, that the Emperor
would have hesitated before taking the steps he has taken.
My own position, as far as that of a public man and an
independent member of the House of Commons is con-
cerned, is a very good one. The greatest interest is felt in
the present state of the East, and my long connection with
it makes me, in public opinion, an authority upon the
subject. My position is, however, a delicate one. Taking
an independent line, I cannot, of course, expect much from
the Government that is now in power, and, on the other
hand, I have completely broken off with the other party.
However, all this does not much signify, if by prudence
and moderation I obtain the support of the public, who
are as yet quite with me. Public life in England is a
tempestuous sea, in which it is difficult to steer clear of the
rocks and sand-banks. It has been, on the whole, fortunate
for me that on my first public appearance I have been
connected with a subject which commands for the first
time immense attention.
You will, I am sure, be glad to hear that my last work
has had a great success. Nearly twelve thousand copies
have already been sold, and three thousand more will be
shortly printed. As it was published at a very cheap rate,
it does not pay so well as the first. A second work is a
formidable undertaking, as it is not easy to sustain a
reputation which, from one cause or another, has been
much exaggerated. It has been fortunate for me that I
have not broken down.
The following letter shows that Layard was now be-
ginning that careful study of Italian Painting which has
already been referred to, and results of which he embodied
in his editions of Kugler's " Italian Schools of Painting,"
which is almost re-written by him, besides numerous
i869l THE ARUNDEL SOCIETY 203
contributions to Periodicals. It also brought him into
connection with the Arundel Society, which had been
founded in 1 848 for " the preservation of the record, and
the diffusion of the knowledge of the most important
monuments of painting and sculpture, by engravings and
other mechanical means of reproduction."
In an article on the Society in the Nineteenth Century
(April 1884) the late Sir William Gregory, after describing
its origin, says :
"It must, however, be confessed that the success of the
Society seemed for some time after very doubtful. But
succour, effective succour, was at hand. About the year
1852, Mr (now Sir Henry) Layard, having returned from
the exploration of Nineveh, turned his energies to Italian
Art. Traversing Central and North Italy, he made
tracings in outline with his own hand from the most
interesting groups and figures in the frescoes of the
masters of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. On
coming to England he was elected to the Council, and at
once proposed that all the Society's efforts should be
thrown into ' chromo-lithography.' Nor was this all ; he
determined to make a strong impression by the splendour
of the publications, believing that new members would
thereby be attracted, additional funds raised, and the
Society placed in an influential and secure position for the
future. Accordingly he volunteered, at his own expense,
to add to the one chromo - lithograph, which the
Committee had agreed on as the annual publication for
1856, a second and no less interesting subject, by obtaining
from Signer Marianecci of Rome a water-colour copy of
Perugino's Martyrdom of St Sebastian at Panicale, hav-
ing this printed in colour by chromo-lithography, with five
heads in the fresco engraved in outline from his own
tracings, and accompanying it with the Memoir of
Perugino and of the fresco which will be more fully referred
to hereafter when the literary work of the Society is
described. Mr Layard carried his colleagues with him ;
his public-spirited offer was accepted, and was attended
with such success that the Council were enabled to act with
almost a profuseness of liberality henceforward to their
Subscribers."
204 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
Other processes of re-production are now more in favour
than chromo-lithography, and the Arundel Society, for other
reasons, has lately ceased to exist ; but the value and
justification of its work, particularly in the direction it took
under Layard's impulse, have been well established by the
sad history of the decay and ruin of so many of the works of
Italian Painters, which has never been more forcibly de-
scribed than by Layard himself in the following passages
from an article on " Fresco-Painting " in the Quarterly
Review of October 1858.
" Although the frescoes of the golden age of modern
art, the I4th and I5th centuries, and the early part of the
1 6th, include the masterpieces of the most illustrious
Italian painters, they have been but recently understood or
appreciated, and are even yet but little known. . . . To
keep them in repair and to preserve them from injury by
weather or men's hands, money was required ; and
money is unfortunately not easily obtained for such
purposes from the Italian citizen. Covering in rich
profusion the sides, within and without, of town-halls,
cathedrals, chapels, and convents, they were exposed to
every process of destruction and decay. The suppression
of religious orders, and of ancient municipal corporations,
during periods of revolution or conquest, had led to the
desecration, the abandonment, and frequently to the
pulling down of these buildings. Such had been the fate
of many of those ' public palaces/ the palaces of the people,
glorious monuments of Italian liberty, throwing heaven-
wards their machicolated towers amid the vine-tangled
valleys or from the olive-clad hills, their massive architecture
casting its cool, dark shade over the narrow streets beneath
stately and stern without, yet within all glowing with the
fairest treasures of art, fit emblems of those who had raised
them when Italy was still their own and the Italian mind
was as yet free. When the deep religious feeling of the
middle ages, that union of child-like faith with an earnest
impatience of the vices and power of priestcraft the
Dantesque of Catholicism gave way to an uninquiring
pietism and a cowardly resignation to priestly authority,
the nimble brush of the academies swept over the solemn,
heartfelt outpourings of the early masters, leaving in their
1869] RUIN OF FRESCOES 205
stead theatrical groups of muscular apostles and anatomic
saints, happily, for the most part, invisible in varnish and
chiaroscuro. Next succeeded the age of whitewash, when
a large portion of mankind seem suddenly to have been
seized with the one idea that all that is not white is dirt.
Then the ' operajo ' of the south, like his fellow the church-
warden of the north, with the lime-pail in one hand, and
a broom in the other, restored the walls disfigured by old
pictures and ' roba di Giotto/ in which popes, monks, and
kings were not always treated with the highest respect and
consideration, to a virgin purity more befitting the morals
and taste of the times. Lastly, the foreign invader and
occupier of Italy still quarters his soldiery and stables his
horses in the desecrated church and convent, wantoning in
the destruction of what little may remain of their priceless
monuments.
" A few noble old frescoes, that, by their almost divine
beauty, may have stayed the hand of even the Italian
destroyer, gradually yielded to the ladder and nails of the
sacristan and the carpenter. Who that has wandered in
the highways and byeways of Italy has not watched the
preparation for a c festa ' ? Garlands of flowers and green
boughs stretching across the street, and the perfume of bay
leaves, trampled under the feet of a listless crowd, invite
you through the curtained doorway of a neighbouring
church. The solemn chaunt of evening vespers, rising
from the dark choir behind the high altar, is well-nigh lost
in the clatter of the hammer. The rays of the falling sun
stream through the jewelled windows upon gorgeous
hangings of crimson silk embroidered with gold, trailing
upon the filthy pavement. Workmen hurry about with
tinkling chandeliers, and acolytes with jugs of fragrant
lilies and roses. The ponderous ladders are raised against
the painted aisles, and huge nails are driven in with re-
morseless hands. Flakes of yielding plaster fall in showers
to the ground, and things that have cost years of earnest
thought and loving labour are gone for ever! On the
following day the fumes of incense and the smoke of a
thousand tapers roll up from the altars, and, uniting with the
fetid exhalations of an Italian crowd, curdle over the walls.
" Talk of London smoke ! why, Italian neglect, in-
difference, and ignorance have done more to deprive the
world of some of its noblest and most precious monuments
of art than could be accomplished by the atmospheres of
ten Londons ! The able and careful editors of the last
206 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
edition of Vasari's Lives have indicated in foot-notes the
fate of the works mentioned by the biographer as existing
in his day. The extent to which the work of devasta-
tion has been carried is amazing. Half, if not more than
half, of the great frescoes of the I4th and i5th centuries
are hopelessly and curtly described as ' sono periti,' * appena
rimane qualche vestigio/ ' dato di bianco/ ' la chiesa fu
disfatta.'
" Some years ago a few zealous men who felt a due
reverence for these records of their country's glory protested
against their barbarous treatment. Intelligent travellers
indignantly exposed it. At last the Italian Governments
and the heads of churches and convents, finding that a
few pence might be gained by the preservation of objects
which attracted the curiosity of strangers, suddenly
appreciated their importance. But they let loose upon the
devoted monuments a plague more terrible than any that
had as yet swept over them. An army of restorers was
raised in every city of Italy, and recruited by every dauber
who had interest or means to obtain the privilege of earning
a miserable pittance by repainting and repairing. Their
work has proved more mischievous than even that of time
and neglect. In the one case the life of the old painter
was taken away, but a pleasant tradition of his worthiness
still remained : in the other, his fame, the thing which had
been dearest to him, and for which he had worked so
earnestly and so well, was destroyed for ever. Ignorant
men and so-called connoisseurs held him responsible for
bad drawing, bad colouring, and bad sentiment, and the
name of many a great master has thus become a bye-word."
Besides the Memoir of Perugino referred to by Sir
William Gregory in the passage quoted above, Layard
contributed to the publications of the Arundel Society
monographs on Ottaviano Nelli, Domenico Ghirlandajo,
Giovanni Sanzio, and Pinturicchio.
To Mrs Austen.
FLORENCE, 24^ September 1853.
. . . We 1 have been a week at Florence, and during
that time have been so completely taken up with sight-
seeing, that I have not had a moment's leisure for more
1 He was travelling with his friends, Lord and Lady Somers.
i86 9 ] GERMAN ART 207
than a few hurried lines to my mother. . . . We had three
delightful days at Genoa, and a good picture and fresco-
seeing. At Leghorn we fortunately found Mr Sloane in
the same hotel with ourselves. We only remained there
one night, and then spent a day of great enjoyment in the
Cathedral and Campo Santo of Pisa. Nothing can exceed
the kindness of the Sloanes. They are living here in great
comfort. He has lately bought the Villa Careggi, and is
now fitting it up. You may remember that it was built by
Cosimo de' Medici, and became the favourite retreat of
Lorenzo ; he died there. Sloane is collecting furniture of
the Medicean period, and portraits of the principal friends
of Lorenzo, and is having pictures painted of some of the
principal events which occurred in the villa. Watts, 1 who
lived in the villa for some time with Lord Holland, has
painted a masterly fresco on one of the walls, representing a
scene which occurred on the death of Lorenzo, when his
attendants resolved to throw the doctor into the well, and
were only prevented by a friar who happened to be present.
The well still exists, and the scene is admirably portrayed.
The position of the villa is delightful.
I have never enjoyed paintings more than I have done
during this journey. Whether it has been from having
Somers to talk them over with, or whether one's taste
improves, I don't know.
[Extracts from LayarcTs Journal in the Crimea in 1854
will be found in Appendix A.]
To Mrs Austen.
SALZBURG, ijth August 1855.
... I was delighted with Nuremberg, which is full of
Gothic monuments of the Middle Ages, and works of the
early German masters. I amused myself with drawing
architectural details and studying the early German masters,
of whose works I was very ignorant. From the old
Germanic we suddenly passed to the new at Munich. The
change was certainly not for the better ; I am no convert
to the modern school, either of painting or of decoration.
Indeed, I was much disappointed, although not expecting
much. It is extraordinary that, with such an opportunity
as the great works undertaken by the late king afforded, a
1 Mr G. F. Watts, R.A.
208 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
school of German art worthy of the occasion should not
have arisen. After all, Cornelius, Hess, and Kaulbach are
but very second-rate indeed, even as compared with the best
English masters. Their miles of frescoes do not, to my
mind, include one remarkable work. The new Pinacothek
contains a collection of the cabinet pictures of these
masters and their scholars, and a collection less respectable
cannot well be imagined.
Nor do I like the Munich decoration. The horror
which the Bavarian artists seem to have of pure colour,
gives all their internal ornamentation a washed-out appear-
ance, which takes away all strength and beauty from their
works. Unfortunately, the taste established at Munich has
spread to England, and Fergusson is one of its most ardent
disciples. I longed to get a brushful of pure red or blue
paint to dab a little over the frescoes in the Pinacothek
and Glyptothek.
The collection of old masters makes up somewhat for
the abominations of the new. Of the early German
masters there are some very fine specimens but you know
the collection.
To Mrs Austen.
HOTEL WAGRAM, PARIS,
i6th December 1855.
I left Florence on Wednesday last, and crossed to
Marseilles from Leghorn by a boat which touches at
Bastia. . . . Florence was cold, but the weather fine and
bracing. I found so many friends, and so much in the
way of art to interest me, that I left with much regret, and
would willingly have spent a month there.
I finished to some extent my collection of tracings by
adding to it from the chapels in the Santa Maria Novella,
and getting all the heads of the celebrated " cenacolo," of
which so much has been said, and which some still believe
to be Raphael's ; so that I have now a pretty complete
illustration of the history of fresco painting from Giotto to
Fra Bartolomeo, and consider my three months in search of
health otherwise profitably employed. I found so many
useful friends in Florence, that I could obtain almost any-
thing, and have serious thoughts of publishing a selection
of tracings, as nobody knows anything about frescoes, which
are, after all, by far the most interesting and most beautiful
of the works of the great Italian painters.
i86 9 ] TOUR IN LOMBARDY 209
To Mrs Austen.
MILAN, iith August 1856.
I am now spending a day or two in Milan, and I have
found here a friend, the Professor of Architecture at
the Brera, with whose assistance I can carry out my art
researches. ... I have not very much to tell you of our pro-
ceedings. After spending a couple of days at Chamounix,
scrambling over the Mer de Glace and visiting some of the
principal passes in the neighbourhood, we l crossed the St
Bernard into the Val d'Aosta and Italy. We then went to
Orta, and passed a day or two on the beautiful lake. From
Orta we crossed the hills by a very delightful mule-road to
Varallo a place I was anxious to visit on account of its
frescoes by Gaudenzio Ferrari and his school. From
Varallo we came on here. We are now going to Saronno
and Castiglione, where there are some very interesting
frescoes of Luini and Masolino ; we then return here and
commence our Lombard tour through Bergamo, Brescia,
Verona, etc. . . .
I have seen a Galignani or two, but am quite in the
dark as to public affairs. It is a great comfort to leave
politics for a season. I have met no one I know, and very
few English indeed except at Chamounix ; where they
always swarm. There I fell in with Ruskin, and enjoyed
a walk with him on the glaciers; he is always eloquent
and agreeable.
To Mrs Austen.
VERONA, 'jth September 1856.
We arrived here last night from Mantua. I forget
whether we had been to Saronno when I last wrote to you.
We spent several days there, at a decent little Italian inn.
I made tracings of some of the most interesting frescoes,
and Mrs Burr, a very good drawing of the exquisite cupola,
painted by Gaudenzio Ferrari no easy work.
I was more delighted even than I had been last year
with the Luinis, which I place among the best works in
fresco with which I am acquainted, and which ought to be
1 He was travelling with his friends, Mr and Mrs Higford Burr.
Mrs Burr at this time made several copies of Old Masters for the
Arundel Society.
VOL. II. O
210 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
sufficient to convert any one of taste to the superiority of
that medium over oil. Luini' worked much, and his
paintings, frescoes as well as oil, are unequal. His scholars,
too, did a good deal for him. Of all his works which I
have seen, I like best the Saronno frescoes, which are of
the highest class.
From Saronno we visited a picturesque little village
called Castiglione d'Olona, where some very interesting
frescoes of Masolino have recently been discovered. I
obtained permission at Milan to make tracings in the
Brera, but had only time to make one, that of St Catharine
placed in the tomb by Angels, in an exquisite work by
Luini. I was delighted with the Certosa of Pavia, rich
in paintings, sculptures, and carving. Here Borgognone
scarcely known elsewhere, has left works worthy of the
greatest masters. So little is this wonderful painter known,
even in Italy, that in a very fair gallery at Brescia I see
him confounded with the painter of battles of the same
name. I think I have succeeded in picking up a couple of
specimens of his. They are not in his best manner, but
the extreme rarity of his works makes them valuable. He
had all the sentiment and devotional feeling of Fra
Angelico, with far greater power and breadth. . . .
I was much disappointed with Mantua, and thoroughly
disgusted with Giulio Romano and his celebrated palaces.
After studying the really great masters of Italy, it is
difficult to understand how the taste of civilised Europe
could have been so perverted and corrupted by Giulio
Romano, and the other scholars of Raphael. We are still
suffering from them, and Ruskin will have to do much
more battle before he can thoroughly expose their vulgarity
and unmeaning exaggerations. Verona, on the other hand,
is full of remains of fine works of the purer period of
Italian art, and there is work here for weeks.
To Mrs Austen.
CONSTANTINOPLE, ind January 1857.
... I shall leave this next week, and probably take the
Marseilles boat, as I wish to pay a short visit to our
Smyrna branch Bank. 1 I have little more to do here. I
1 He took an active part in the establishment and management of
the Imperial Ottoman Bank, of which he was the first Chairman.
1 869] ARUNDEL SOCIETY 211
leave an excellent man in charge of our affairs, and I have
been able to re-establish the position of the Bank, and to
make a good thing, I hope, for the shareholders. You will
probably see by the papers that I have obtained the
conditional concession of a very important railroad, which
will be equally advantageous to this country and to
Europe, and which has already excited the greatest satis-
faction here. I had long projected the union of the
Danube with the Mediterranean, and, finding my friends in
office and the moment opportune, I put the thing forward.
I have just returned from a visit to Mr Calvert at the
Dardanelles. I spent Christmas Day with him. We sat
down, eight-and-twenty to dinner : a large number of
English for so out-of-the-way a place. The two following
days I spent on the plains of Troy, going over the farm
which I have so often described to you. The owner now
asks more than three times the sum that he was willing to
give it for, four years ago, so much has land risen in value
since the war. Of course, purchasing it at the price he
now asks would be out of the question. Calvert's farm is
answering capitally. It is now yielding a very handsome
revenue, the cost having been paid off two or three times
over during the war. It has often struck me that, if I
could find a well-situated farm, I might establish Edgar l
upon it, if he were not satisfied with the Cape. I feel
certain that it would answer exceedingly well. Any one
who could invest ; 10,000 in land, in some parts of Turkey,
would realise in four or five years a certain revenue of
5000 a year. . . .
I am much flattered by Lord Palmerston's good opinion
as conveyed through Lady Eastlake ; but I am afraid we
are destined to have another fight or two, as I certainly
differ from him on much of his foreign policy, and shall
probably have to protest very energetically against it.
... I have very good accounts of the progress of the
Arundel Society's undertaking. You know they have
accepted my offer of the Pietro Perugino. Mrs Burr tells
me that the man who has undertaken to litho-tint it, is
doing his work exceedingly well. Mrs Burr has also been
able to improve her Giotto's Chapel from the notes and
drawings of details she made during our last journey. I
have great plans for the Arundel, which I hope to carry
out : I have already laid my train. We ought to be able
to give to the public, at very moderate prices, a perfect
1 His brother.
212 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
series of the finest Italian frescoes, which are incomparably
the greatest monuments of Italian art, and are the least
known to the British public. I am curious to see Mrs
Burr's copy of the great fresco of Orcagna in the Santa
Maria Novella at Florence, which she seems to have worked
very hard at.
To Mrs Austen.
POONAH, i$th December 1857.
... I am on my way to Hyderabad in the Deccan,
and I leave to-day if I can make some necessary arrange-
ments.
Travelling is so difficult in this country that one's
progress is slow. It is extraordinary that under our rule
the means of intercommunication should be so utterly
wanting. I remained at Bombay a fortnight, and could
have spent six months there pleasantly and profitably.
I was very much interested in the place, far more than
I anticipated. I had rather expected a kind of Brighton,
instead of which I found a strange mixture of Constanti-
nople and Pekin, certainly with a touch of Hampstead,
altogether new to me, notwithstanding my Eastern
experience.
It is indeed difficult to conceive a city containing more
objects of interest ; the curious mixture of races from all
parts of Asia ; the various forms of idolatry at every turn ;
the singular architecture, and the variety of tropical
vegetation, form a picture which no description I have
ever read has given me the least notion of.
Indian scenery, too, is different from anything that I
had anticipated ; the conventional young lady in scanty
attire, with the waterpot on her head ; the bull with the
hump, and the cocoa-nut tree the usual Indian picture is
very different from what one sees. Each is no doubt to
be met with in its proper place, but there are so many
other ingredients in an Indian landscape. The scenery
of the Ghaut between this and Bombay is magnificent.
It is to be regretted that no really good artist comes out
to this country.
I was very kindly and hospitably received at Bombay,
both by English and native gentlemen. I lodged
in a delightful bungalow with Mr Wallace, Mr Frith's
i869] TOUR IN INDIA 213
correspondent. Living is luxurious ; this is the country
for an idle man to spend his time in. At this time of the
year the climate is delicious, and by selecting your resi-
dence you may enjoy throughout the year a perpetual
spring. After seeing as much of Bombay in a fortnight,
owing to my excellent guides, as most people would see
in a year, I started for this place, visiting the great works
in the Ghaut for the railway, and spending a few hours at
the rock-cut Temple of Karli which Mr Fergusson has
described. I am here very hospitably entertained by a
Captain and Mrs Davidson, who, Indian fashion, lodge and
board me on the strength of a letter of introduction alone.
There is a good deal to be seen in this old capital of the
Maharatta Kingdom, now in ruins though still possessing
a considerable population. I have made many native
friends here also, and a Brahmin gentleman of great
intelligence and acquirements was good enough to ac-
company me from Bombay. I have, therefore, seen every-
thing worth seeing, and have much intercourse with the
natives. I had intended, as you know, to go to Lahore
through Scinde, but the prospect of a tedious voyage of
some six weeks up the Indus, and the absence of the
Commissioner, Mr Frere, 1 from Kurrachee, deterred me ;
moreover, the state of the country in the north is such
that I might have been unable to get on. The roads
between this and Agra and Delhi are still closed, but will
probably be opened in about six weeks. Lord Elphinstone 2
has, therefore, advised me to spend the time in seeing this
part of the Presidency and the north of the Deccan, in
which there are many interesting cities and ancient
remains, amongst them Ellora and Ajunta.
I am, therefore, going to Hyderabad, the capital of the
independent states of the Nizam, and from thence I shall
visit Aurungabad, Dowlatabad, and the Rock Temples,
hoping to reach Indore the end of January. Sir Robert
Hamilton 3 there takes me in charge, and promises to send
me to Agra or Delhi.
1 Sir Bartle Frere, Bart, G.C.B. (1815-84); Commissioner of
Sindh (1850-59) ; received the thanks of Parliament for his services
in the Mutiny.
a John, thirteenth Baron (1807-60), Governor of Bombay during
the Mutiny.
3 Sir Robert Hamilton, Bart. (1802-87). The Governor- General's
Agent for Central India ; in which capacity he accompanied Sir
Hugh Rose's force during the important operations in that quarter
for the suppression of the Mutiny.
2i 4 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
1 have an old friend, Sir Hugh Rose, 1 commanding the
troops now marching into Malwar, and I shall probably
join his column.
I travel slowly, having hired a palankeen with twelve
bearers, who will carry me about four-and-twenty miles a
day. My servants and people come in a bullock-cart or
on ponies.
I have a very intelligent young Brahmin with me, a
scholar of the Elphinstone college, and recommended to me
by the Principal. He is to be my interpreter, and to help
me in gaining such information as I want. A very learned
and agreeable Brahmin gentleman, Dr Bahnoo Daji, has
accompanied me hitherto most kindly through his assist-
ance I have seen more than most travellers, or even
residents, in India, and have had access to many natives.
I have been much interested in Poonah. The inhabitants
are expecting Nana Sahib, who has many friends and
relations here ; but they will probably be disappointed. By
the way, there is a Major M living here, who is a very
eccentric man ; he has given up the army because it is
wicked to be a soldier, eats nothing but vegetables,
preaches the Gospel, and is what Lord Somers' friend
called a " Yarmouth bloater " (i.e. Plymouth brother). He
never sees any one, but is a man of considerable acquire-
ments, and has lately published a Maharatta dictionary
which is considered to be a standard work. I have met
with great kindness and civility both here and at Bombay ;
Indian hospitality is unbounded. The country is still in
a very disturbed and unsatisfactory state. Outbreaks may
occur in any part of the country when least expected,
but the really formidable part of the rebellion is now put
down. There was much apprehension in Poonah for some
time, but people are easier now.
To Mr Austen.
MOOMINABAD, near AURUNGABAD,
i -^th January 1858.
Although the mail does not leave India for nearly a
fortnight to come, I may not have another opportunity
of writing or of sending a letter. I may as well, there-
1 Sir Hugh Rose (1801-85), afterwards Field-Marshal Lord
Strathnairn.
i8*9] MODE OF TRAVEL 215
fore, give you some news of myself now that I find myself
in a place which has a post-office a rare thing on my
present line of march. . . .
I wrote to my mother from Hyderabad about a week
ago. I had a week's rest there, and derived both pleasure
and advantage from my visit to the Resident, Colonel
Davidson, who very kindly and hospitably entertained me.
I resumed my journey on the 5th, and am now on my way
to Aurungabad, whence I proceed through Indore to Agra
and Delhi. My movements, however, a good deal depend
upon the information I receive from Sir Robert Hamilton,
our Resident at Indore, who has promised to keep me
informed of the state of the country, and to pass me
through the territories under his supervision as soon as
that may be practicable.
Travelling in this country is dreadfully slow ; it is
impossible to progress, except at an expense utterly beyond
my means, more than twenty miles a day ; that, indeed, is
more than an average. My plans for travelling as free
from encumbrances and luggage as I used to do in Turkey
were soon upset. It is impossible for a European to do so
in this country, where every native house is shut against
him, and he must depend for food, and even for a glass
of water, upon his own resources. Moreover, I am now en-
cumbered with an enormous escort, which is little needed
for my personal safety, neither worth the trouble nor the
display, but which both Salar Jung, the Nizam's Minister,
and the Resident, insisted on my accepting. The former
added to his favours by lending me an elephant and an
ambling pony for my journey through his master's
territories, so that, with my own suite and that of my
cavalry, who have their own servants, camels, and other
encumbrances, I am altogether at the head of a con-
siderable caravan. I hope, however, to be at Indore by
the beginning of February, and at Agra by the end of the
month. I shall make every endeavour to be at Calcutta in
time to leave by the first May boat, so as to escape the
monsoon, and to be in England early in June.
I have no cause whatever to regret my visit to India.
I have already seen and heard enough to repay me for
any trouble or inconvenience. Without studying Indian
questions on the spot, and having opportunities of com-
municating with the natives themselves, it is impossible
to form just or sound opinions. Although my present
mode of travelling is tedious and somewhat irritating
216 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
when one is in a hurry, yet it has the advantage of
enabling me to see a good deal of the country, and to
mix, as much as a stranger can do, with the people. The
weather, too, is delightful, and this kind of life is conducive
to the enjoyment of perfect health. The scenery of the
Deccan is less interesting, perhaps, than that of most parts
of India ; but there is sufficient novelty in all that surrounds
me to occupy my attention, and to prevent the journey
being really tedious. . . .
I have no news to send you of the war in the north. I
have heard none myself since leaving Hyderabad. In the
Deccan, with the exception of bands of Rohillas, who are
plundering right and left, there is no great excitement, and
perfect quiet will, no doubt, be restored as soon as matters
become more settled in the north. We have had, however,
a narrow escape in this part of India. Indeed, the
sympathy of the populations appears to have been with
the rebels in all parts of the Peninsula. The sooner people
in England open their eyes to the truth, and no longer
believe, with the Government and the Times, that this is
a mere military mutiny, the better ; the more chance there
will be of our taking measures to preserve ourselves for the
future.
To Mrs Austen.
BURWAI, near INDORE,
is -t February 1858.
As yet I have performed the first part of my journey
successfully, though somewhat more slowly than I had
expected ; but it has been impossible to get on any faster.
The march of the troops has drained the country of its
usual resources for travelling, and I have been compelled to
creep along at a snail's pace. I should have no difficulty,
had I plenty of time before me, in passing through any part
of India, but I begin almost to fear that it will be difficult
for me to reach Agra early enough to be able to get to
Calcutta in time for the first May boat, by which I had
made up my mind to return to England. The distances in
this country are so enormous that, at fifteen or twenty
miles a day, it requires months to journey from one part
of it to another. I do not object to the marching ; it
enables me to see much of the country and of the people.
I generally start very early in the morning, so as to reach
x869] BRITISH RULE 217
my resting-place soon after ten o'clock. There, I usually
find what is called a " staging bungalow," a small thatched
building with a solitary white-washed room, a chair and a
table very much resembling the solitary cell of a model
prison. I have to take everything with me for bed and
board, the village yielding nothing more than a little milk
and a fowl. During the heat of the day I manage to read
a good deal, exclusively works on the country, of which I
have hitherto had an abundant supply, and in the afternoon
I poke about the village, talk to the Headmen, and pick up
such information as may be obtained as to the condition of
the people, their mode of life, etc.
Thus sauntering along, I have traversed a good part of
the Bombay Presidency and of Central India. I have
found the country, in general, quiet, though the population
is far from well-affected towards us. In fact, I am afraid
that the disaffection to our rule is deep and widespread,
and that there are very few natives to be found who do not
sympathise with those who are in arms against us. I have
run no risk in travelling, as I have generally been provided
with an ample escort.
It is not difficult to understand the causes of this
general hatred of our rule. It is partly deserved, and
partly undeserved, but would have existed under almost
any circumstance. We differ from the people in everything
which might form a bond of sympathy between a conquered
people and their rulers ; in language, religion, manners,
habits, and feelings. We have done nothing to form any
other bond of sympathy, or to create mutual interests. The
people we govern are treated like a distinct race, inferior
to us more, indeed, as if they were of a lower order of
creatures ; not always actually unkindly, though in too
many instances with brutality, but with that sort of
kindness which would be shown to a pet animal. They
are excluded from all share of government, they can never
rise to anything beyond the most inferior posts. We are
endeavouring to force upon them our old worn-out judicial
system, with all its technicalities and delays, which we are
gradually ridding ourselves of at home, and which is in-
finitely more odious to them than it could ever be to us.
We have Sanitary Commissioners and Boards interfering
with all their private and domestic affairs, no doubt, all for
their own good, although they won't so understand it. We
are meddling with customs which are of no real importance,
and yet are clung to with extraordinary tenacity by the
2i& POLITICS AND ART [1851-
people. We are breaking faith in the most scandalous
manner with native princes, and annexing their territories.
We are suddenly demanding proof of title to lands one
hundred years back, and seizing in the most arbitrary
manner men's papers and title-deeds. We allow widow
ladies of the Brahmin caste to marry again (conceive the
atrocity of Palmerston, of his own good-will, permitting a
man to marry his wife's sister !). We are doing a thousand
other things of the kind, and we are then surprised that
our Indian subjects are disaffected. All we have really
given them in return is perfect security, and this is certainly
a great boon. Under it, money-lenders and fat Parsees
and Baboos can make their fortunes and enjoy them ; but
the cultivators and there is no one else in India, our rule
having utterly destroyed the native gentry are reduced to
the utmost poverty. We have done nothing to bring the
people to us. Education, the diffusion of our language and
our religion (it is nonsense to talk of the missionaries being
unpopular), the means of inter-communication, irrigation by
great public works, which would have enriched both the
governed and the rulers, have been neglected to an extent
perfectly incredible. No civilised government has ever
done less for its subjects, and the East India Company is
doubly to be blamed, as it has been the landlord of every
acre of land, and has raised its rents by way of revenue to
the utmost farthing. It is but a sorry justification to say
that the people have been worse off under some native
governments.
The first thing to be done is to get rid of the idea
which still seems to prevail in England, and which the
Government seems industriously to encourage, that this is
a military mutiny. It is a rebellion, in which the Bengal
Army, not, like our army, an isolated body, but part and
parcel of the people and their representative, have taken
the leading part. You will scarcely open an Indian paper
in which you will not read of the execution of a Rajah, or
some native authority, or of the burning of villages in
whole districts. This shows the real nature of the out-
break. Now that the country is to be transferred to the
Crown, we may begin anew. We may do an immense
deal of good upon the change, but we may, at the same
time, do an immense deal of evil, and I very much fear,
knowing who will have to carry out the change, 1 that the
1 The Home Government, and not that of India, is probably in-
tended.
1869] ROCK TEMPLES 219
latter will preponderate. Nevertheless, I think matters had
arrived at a state to render the transfer of India to the
Crown absolutely necessary.
The country through which I have passed, except that
on the coast, is not, on the whole, of much beauty or
interest vast plains, intersected by ranges of low hills,
with a rich soil, in many places cultivated with great
industry, and producing a variety of valuable articles of
export. The vegetation is less remarkable and peculiar
than that which so much struck me on landing at Bombay.
There are magnificent trees around the villages, finer than,
or as fine as, any of our forest trees. The banian, the
peepul, the tamarind, and one or two others, are unequalled
for the magnificence of their growth, and their picturesque
form. The villages in general are miserably poor, and a
temple with any pretensions to architecture is rare in the
Deccan. Between this place and Aurungabad I visited
the well-known rock temples and monasteries of Ellora and
Ajunta. It would be impossible not to be struck by them.
They are altogether different from anything one has seen
before, the scene is altogether so strange and new. They
are not devoid of a certain solemn beauty when taken as a
whole. The dark mysterious gloom of the interior of the
temples has an imposing and religious effect, well adapted
to the purpose of a temple, but, as art, these works rank
low, and are inferior to all prior and contemporary works
of Italy, or of Greece, or even of Egypt and Assyria. The
Indians have had no true feeling for the beautiful. They
have aimed at the mysterious, the terrible, and the
monstrous. Some of the details at Ajunta, especially the
Arabesque paintings, are not without beauty ; unfortunately,
all are rapidly falling away, and although a Major Gill, a
man of considerable ability, has been employed for some
years in making drawings at Ajunta, I fear he will not
preserve that which is, perhaps, most worth preserving. I
have not yet seen any very remarkable Indian city, or
any of the most celebrated of the monuments of the
Mohammedan rulers of India. The tomb of Aurungzebe's
wife at Aurungabad is a bad imitation of the celebrated
Taj at Agra, and, although of great beauty and richness
in the materials, is of very poor architectural taste.
Hyderabad is a ruinous city, with no very fine monuments.
The tombs of Golconda are interesting. Aurungabad is
also in ruins.
[It is much to be regretted that Layard's letters
220 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
describing the remainder of his tour in India have dis-
appeared. On his way to Delhi he had a narrow escape of
falling into the hands of the celebrated Nana, and at that
city he saw many interesting persons and things.]
To Mrs Austen,
ROME, \\th November 1858.
. . . Since I wrote to you from La Cava, I have been
wandering about Tuscany, chiefly engaged in art re-
searches, and in paying visits to some friends. I ought
to have been here five or six days ago, but have been
detained by the least expected of events a heavy fall of
snow! I was caught when staying at the Conestabiles, 1
at their very picturesque country house near Perugia.
Yesterday it snowed in the streets of Rome a regular
case for the oldest inhabitant, especially in this month.
After spending two or three days with the Sloanes, I
fell in with my friend, Mr Tom Taylor, 2 and his sister-in-
law, Miss Barker, a very accomplished artist. We spent
some days together very agreeably, principally at Assisi,
and in the neighbourhood of Perugia. Taylor had not
visited this part of Italy, and I had real pleasure in show-
ing him the many interesting monuments with which it
abounds, and an acquaintance with which is almost
necessary for a proper understanding of the early schools
of Italian painting. He is, you know, a rather dis-
tinguished Art critic, writing most of the articles on Art
in the Times. He has, however, like most Englishmen,
little real knowledge of the subject, and I hope he has
profited by what I have shown him.
I have been very busy making fresh plans for the
Arundel Society, and endeavouring to find some means
of preserving records of the great works of art with which
the sanctuary of St Francis at Assisi abounds, but which
are fast perishing. The neglect and wilful destruction to
which they are exposed is truly lamentable. Every time
I return to Italy I find fresh progress in the work of decay.
In a very few years but little will be left of the frescoes
which covered the walls of the Church of Assisi, and I am
1 Count Gian Carlo Conestabile della Staflfa, a distinguished
archaeologist, died 1877.
8 The dramatist, and editor of Punch (1817-80).
iS6 LIBERATION OF ITALY 221
anxious to find the means of having the most important
copied before it is too late. I have secured for the
Society a beautiful copy of the fine fresco by Raphael's
father at Cagli, which I hope we shall publish next year.
It is very important as a link in the history of Art,
and remarkable for its intrinsic beauty, showing whence
Raphael derived much of his artistic education. I am
beginning to interest some of my Italian friends in our
publications, and I hope to secure a great many sub-
scribers in Italy. My friend, Count G. Conestabile, is an
admirable specimen of an Italian nobleman of taste and
erudition, with much of the character and bearing of an
Englishman. He has been of great use to us in our
undertaking. I spent two or three very pleasant days
at his country house, an ancient palace, very picturesque
and mediaeval, built on a hill in the middle of oak woods
some eight miles from Perugia.
. . . Rome is, fortunately, as yet somewhat empty of
English. Yesterday I passed the whole day in the Sistine
Chapel, undisturbed by a single sightseer, and had ample
leisure to examine with the care I wished the wonderful
works which it contains. My special object in Rome is
to visit the early Christian monuments, especially the Cata-
combs, and to examine the early frescoes and mosaics
which abound here, and which are generally less known and
studied than the later and more renowned works of art.
[As a result of the battles of Magenta and Solferino, a
provisional treaty of peace between the Emperor of the
French and the Emperor of Austria was signed at Villa-
franca on the nth July 1859. Under this Treaty it was
proposed to cede Lombardy to the King of Sardinia, to
establish an Italian Federation under the Pope, and to
restore the Dukes of Tuscany and Modena to their
dominions.]
To Mrs Austen.
ROME, yh October 1859.
I arrived here yesterday from Leghorn, having made
the journey by sea to Civita Vecchia, and thence to Rome
by railway. As far as Florence I took but little time,
travelling generally night and day. There I remained
222 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
above a week, being anxious to ascertain how political
affairs were going on, and wishing to see the men who are
now at the head of the Government. I found great
excitement prevailing in Tuscany, as you may suppose,
but the most perfect order and tranquillity. In all matters
of police and custom-house, great improvements have
already taken place, and one could not but be struck,
even after being a few hours in the country, at the change
for the better which had taken place since the expulsion of
those who governed Tuscany under Austrian dictation.
The towns and villages were everywhere decorated with
tricolor and Sardinian flags, and there was scarcely a
house which had not a portrait of Vittorio Emanuele, or
of Garibaldi, pasted on the walls. The feeling of the
country against the return of the Grand-ducal family seems
indeed almost universal. There are, of course, a few of the
nobles who have held places in the Court, or a few lawyers,
hangers-on upon the Grand Dukes, who lament the
change, otherwise the satisfaction at having got rid of
the House of Lorraine is unanimous. Not so, I think, the
idea of fusion with, or annexation to, Piedmont. The
men who are at present at the head of affairs are all for
such a union, and are taking every step in their power to
carry it out ; such as introducing the name of the King
and his Arms in all public documents, changing the coin-
age, and removing all frontier lines of customs and police.
But there is a very large and influential party in Tuscany
against these measures, and, if I am not much mistaken, it
will be upon this rock that the Liberals will split. The
feeling of autonomy is so strong in Italy especially in
Central Italy that such a city as Florence will never
submit to become a dependency of Piedmont, a city of
second rank, instead of the head of progress and civilisa-
tion in Italy ; nor will Tuscany submit to become a mere
province. The Austrians having been got rid of, the
difficulty will now be to settle their own affairs ; and the
difficulty is increased by the tortuous and disloyal policy
of the French, who, whilst they are jealous of Austrian
influence in Italy, are determined that the Italians them-
selves shall never become a strong and united nation.
There is still an impression that the Grand Duke will be
brought back to Florence. If that should be the case, the
results will probably be very serious. The moderate
constitutional party now in the ascendency will lose all
its influence, and the Mazzinists and "Reds" will commence
i86 9 ] STATE OF ITALY 223
their intrigues again, and there will be endless assassina-
tions, bloodshed, and disorders. Hitherto the revolution
has been brought about with the most perfect order and
moderation. Ricasoli, who is at the head of the Pro-
visional Government, is a very remarkable man. Of one
of the oldest and wealthiest noble families of Tuscany, he
has not before mixed in politics, having devoted his time
to the improvement of his estates, and to the introduction
of English implements into the country. With him are
associated many members of the most ancient historic
Tuscan families, so that the movement is by no means
confined to the middle or lower classes.
... I have had so much to do with politics, that I
have had little time for the arts. We have had some very
beautiful copies of frescoes made for the Arundel Society,
and have obtained leave to get copies of the celebrated
frescoes by Masolino and Masaccio in the Brancacci
Chapel. The time, indeed, was very favourable for this, as
the authorities were anxious to oblige me.
To Mrs Austen.
ROME, \*]th October 1859.
I am now again in Rome, after spending a few days at
the picturesque little city of Subiaco on the Neapolitan
frontier. I had intended, on leaving England, to make a
tour in the Abruzzi, a country little known, and probably
containing many curious remains. But, in going to the
frontier, I found that the state of the country was such that
any attempt to travel in any out-of-the-way part of the
Neapolitan States would be attended by the risk of being
taken up as a spy, and lodged in the not very comfortable
quarters of a Neapolitan prison. Moreover, without going
to Naples, it would have been difficult to cross again into
the Roman States. So, all things considered, I have
thought it best to give up the Abruzzi until the times are
more settled. I am very anxious to ascertain for myself
the condition of Central Italy, so I shall return homewards
quietly through Florence, Bologna, Modena, Parma, and
Turin. Things are in a very interesting state, and I should
like to see the last of them before getting back to England.
Rome is quite empty of travellers, and will probably
remain so during the winter, nobody liking to venture to
224 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
Italy in the present state of politics. And I am not sur-
prised, as anything may happen if the actual state of un-
certainty continues, and Central Italy is left without a
recognised government, and treated by the European
Powers as if she were of no weight or importance whatever.
It is surprising that order and tranquillity have been main-
tained as things have been. The country has never been
so well governed ; there has never been so little crime ;
never so little trouble from police, passports, customs, and
all the old nuisances of Italian travel. The Parma affair 1
alone has unfortunately occurred to interrupt the general
order, and that might have happened in any country. The
only places where the old state of things continues are the
Roman and Neapolitan States in these precious legitimate
Governments, which are the curse of Italy and Europe !
If the French withdraw from Rome, which they will shortly
do, I presume the Pope and his Cardinals must follow
them ; the country would rise to a man. I met here two
days ago Delane, the editor of the Times > and spent a day
with him. He is very much changed on the subject of
Italian affairs, and I see that the articles in the Times are
written in a very different tone to what they formerly were.
I really believe that, if the Italians are only allowed to
govern themselves, and the Austrians prevented interfering,
a new era of prosperity and national independence is open
to them. I find the most moderate people here have joined
the movement, indeed are at the head of it
To Mr Austen.
ROME, 2&h October 1859.
... As to sending back the Grand-Dukes and Dukes
with promises of a Constitution, and making the Pope
promise to govern his subjects better in future, it is a mere
farce. Such promises will be kept as long as it suits those
who make them. With Austria in possession of Venetia
and the fortresses, her influence would always remain
paramount in Italy, if her satraps were restored. The
moment the French troops were withdrawn, we should
have the old state of things over again. The Italians
know this quite well, and are determined to take the
1 The reference here is probably to the murder of Count Anviti in
that city, and his mutilation by the mob.
1869] PRIESTLY TYRANNY 225
present opportunity of resisting the return of the old
Austrian families, and forming an independent govern-
ment of their own. And they are quite right. I only hope
they will persevere, and not be deluded by the Emperor of
the French, or the fine promise of a Congress.
... In matters of art and antiquity, I have been
visiting the old Etruscan tombs of Cervetri, which interested
me exceedingly, and the Catacombs, upon which I wished
to make some notes. I was accompanied to Cervetri by
Castellani, the well-known Roman jeweller, a most in-
telligent and able man. He was kept in prison for three
years, from 1853 to 1856, in a solitary cell scarcely six feet
long, merely because he was suspected of liberal opinions ;
and he was one out of hundreds of the same class who
have suffered the same fate. We were entertained at
Cervetri by one of those great farmers called " Mercanti di
Campagna," a fine specimen of the class, with two sons full
of activity and intelligence. The account they gave of the
constant interference of the authorities, of the difficulties
they met with in carrying on the simplest business, and of
the necessity they were under of leaving the greater part
of the land uncultivated, was a curious expost of the system
of government. A gentleman cannot obtain his passport
for leaving Rome, even to go to another city, without pre-
senting to the police a certificate from the priest of his
parish that he has taken the sacrament ! This the priest
can refuse to give, and frequently does so, if the person is
obnoxious to him or suspected of liberal opinions. I have
seen Cardinal Antonelli ; he is always agreeable and full of
protestations of good intentions. By his condescension
and pleasant manners and flattery, he generally manages
to get over the English who come to Rome.
To Mr Austen.
DRESDEN, gth September 1860.
Thus far I have had a pleasant and interesting
journey. My first stage was Cologne. There I remained
the Sunday. A capital train brought us in one night from
Cologne to Berlin. There we fell in with many friends,
amongst them the Eastlakes l and Lord and Lady
1 Sir Charles Eastlake (1793-1865) ; President of the Royal
Academy, 1850; first Director of the National Gallery, 1855.
VOL. II. P
326 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
Monteagle. We thus made a pleasant party for the
galleries and exhibitions. I was delighted with the Berlin
Gallery, over which I was carefully shown by our old friend,
Dr Waagen, the Director. The arrangement of the pictures
is so admirable, that, although the collection is not of the
first order, yet I never saw a gallery which interested me
more a proof of the advantage of that systematic arrange-
ment in which we are so deficient in our public collections.
The Museum contains all that has reference to art
and antiquity, as our British Museum ought to do. The
building is truly sumptuous, and the beauty and richness
of the decorations of the halls and rooms, the frescoed
walls, the marble columns, and mosaic floors, give value
and importance to the contents ; whilst all the departments :
painting, sculpture, antiquities, and works of art of every
kind, are under one roof, yet each is perfectly distinct and
there is no confusion. All this has been done within the
last few years indeed, the building is not complete yet
and, I suppose, at a third, if not a half, less cost than that
monstrous nightmare of a building the British Museum.
Altogether, Berlin is a fine city, though somewhat dull, I
should think.
To Mr A usten.
VENICE, 24^ September 1860.
I was, of course, delighted with the gallery at Munich,
but I am no convert to the modern school of art. This
German revival is without true life ; their art is but a poor,
weak imitation of a bygone simple art, which was a due
expression of the time in which it prevailed, but which
would now signify nothing. As for their easel pictures,
there is not one in their grand collection to compare with
Wilkie's " Reading of the Will," which one is glad to see
there, to show that, after all, we have something better than
these poor milk-and-water imitations of early art At
Berlin, there is much more that is worthy of praise
especially in the new buildings but even there, one sees
most of the defects of the German School.
From Munich, we took rail to Innsbruck, and thence
crossed the Brenner by the "snail -waggon," as it should be
called, to Trent, whence we had a most charming drive
down the Val Sugana, one of the most beautiful of the
Italian valleys, to Bassano, where a friend of mine, Mr Ball, 1
1 John Ball (1818-89), botanist, traveller, and politician ; first
President of the Alpine Club.
i86 9 ] STATE OF VENICE 227
who is married to the daughter of a gentleman of that
place, was staying. From Bassano, we drove to Con-
egliano, and then spent two or three days in making
excursions to some of the picturesque spots at the foot of
the mountains in the Friuli. The scenery of this part of
Italy could scarcely be exceeded in beauty. Its influence
upon Titian and other painters of the Venetian School is
well-known. We see it continually represented in their
pictures, and many of the little towns and villages on the
spurs of the Alps are to this day as they appear in the
backgrounds of those painters.
Between Bassano and Conegliano, I found a country
house, formerly belonging to the Manin fomily, painted in
fresco, in most of the halls and rooms, by Paul Veronese.
I do not think these frescoes are known. They are ex-
cellent quite worthy of the Master. . . .
One hears on all sides that the city is deserted ; l that
no Italian takes part in any public amusement ; and that
there is a general discontent and agitation which may lead
to an outbreak whenever an opportunity may offer. An
Austrian regimental band played last night in the Square
of St Mark ; there were a good many people present, but
I could distinguish no respectable Italians. The prevail-
ing language seems to be English, and the greater part of
the crowd seemed to be made up of English and American
travellers. Everywhere one hears the same story. It is
impossible that the present state of things can continue.
The country is getting daily more impoverished, and the
expense of keeping it will be greater than even a Govern-
ment far richer than Austria could afford. Nevertheless, I
hope Garibaldi and his friends will not risk the whole
Italian cause, hitherto so triumphant, by any wanton attack
on Austria. The time will come when Venetia must be
united to Italy ; by endeavouring to hasten the union
before the time, the whole cause of Italian independence
may be jeopardised.
To Mr Austen.
VERONA, nth October 1860.
I left Venice last Sunday. During my stay there, I
found myself amidst a number of friends. Besides the
1 Venice and the Venetian territory remained in the possession of
Austria till 1866.
228 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
Drummonds, 1 Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, 2 my old friend Otway, 3
Napier 4 (Lord Derby's Irish Chancellor) and his family
and others were assembled there. We had many pleasant
parties and excursions, and with the lovely weather, which
has not yet deserted us, you may fancy that the enjoyment
was very great. ... I was very sorry not to have met the
Eastlakes again, as I enjoyed the hours we spent together
in Germany very greatly. I should have been glad to have
seen some of the Italian Galleries with them. I have not
heard whether Sir Charles has made any purchases for the
National Gallery. I think I have seen one or two pictures
that would suit him. I have given myself a good deal of
trouble in looking out. I made one purchase for myself in
Venice ; a pleasing picture attributed to Palma Vecchio,
and perhaps by him, with a fine female head in fair pre-
servation and of the grand Venetian type that one sees in
his best work. At Vicenza I was for three days bargaining
after the Italian fashion for a very fine old German picture,
a crucifixion, dreadful to look at, but for expression and
power one of the most extraordinary bits of painting I ever
saw. I believe it to be by Martin Schon. I have not yet
succeeded in getting it, but I hope to do so, as the owner
does not know its value, and only makes a difficulty about
selling it because I picked it out of a number of worthless
pictures he offered me.
I was delighted with Vicenza, a city which I had
neglected during my previous trips under the impression
that it contained little worth seeing, and was less
picturesque than the other cities of Northern Italy. I
found it, on the contrary, full of objects of interest, and
charming both from its situation and from the many
beautiful buildings it contains. My opinion of Palladio is
very much changed since I have seen the architecture of
Vicenza, and I can understand how great an influence his
genius had upon his age. But his imitators, like those of
all men of genius, became mere mannerists, and Palladian
architecture was soon reduced to a servile copy of one or
two of Palladio's adaptations from classic styles. In
Vicenza his buildings show the greatest variety, a wonder-
ful feeling for the picturesque, and a beauty in the pro-
1 The widow and daughter of Thomas Drummond, Under-Sec, of
State for Ireland (died 1840).
2 First Lord Lytton (1803-73), the famous novelist.
3 The Right Honourable Sir Arthur Otway, Bart.
4 Sir Joseph Napier (1804-82), Lord Chancellor of Ireland.
i869] PROGRESS OF ITALY 229
portions which has never been excelled. It is this admir-
able relation of all the parts which gives grace and beauty
to his buildings.
Mrs Burr has been working very hard as usual, and
has made some capital drawings. I was surprised to find
a capital amateur artist in Mr Collier, 1 who does not,
however, wish to endanger his professional reputation by
letting the solicitors into the secret of his accomplish-
ments, only exercised during the long vacation. His
drawings are really masterly especially those of Alpine
scenery, and it is a pity that he executes them in materials
so very perishable as pastelles. He works with great
rapidity, and had made a surprising collection in six
weeks. Bulwer Lytton had not been to Venice for
nearly thirty years, and it was curious to see how different
his first impressions of the city had been. I " ciceroned "
him about for a couple of days. His talk is always
pleasant and original.
To Mr Austen.
FLORENCE, 26M October 1860.
. . . From Verona I went to Padua, where I remained
a couple of days. The Austrians are making immense
preparations for war in all their frontier places. But
whether the Emperor will venture upon so hazardous
and decided a step as crossing the boundaries and going
to war with the Italians, or whether he is merely preparing
to defend himself in case of attack, remains to be seen.
The impression in well-informed quarters is that he will
not wait to be attacked, but will commence the struggle
at once, if he can secure the support, moral or material, of
Russia. No success, however, would repay the dangers of
another war in Italy. Austria never can hold the country
again, except for a time, perhaps, by employing an amount
of force which must ultimately exhaust her.
From Padua I came on to Florence through Ferrara
and Bologna. I was surprised at the immense change
which has taken place in those two cities since they have
been freed from the disgraceful and abominable govern-
1 Sir Robert Collier, first Lord Monkswell (1817-86); Attorney-
General, 1868 ; member of Judicial Committee of the Privy Council,
1871 ; a frequent exhibitor in the Royal Academy Exhibitions and
elsewhere.
230 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
ment of the Pope, backed up by Austrian bayonets.
Ferrara used to be one' of the most melancholy and
deserted cities in Italy. It is now full of movement and
life ; and as for Bologna, it is rapidly becoming one of
the most important and prosperous cities in the Peninsula.
In a year or two all the great Italian railways, uniting the
various provinces of the north with those of the south,
will converge here. More has been done for railways during
the last twelve months than would have been accomplished
during half a century of papal misgovernment. Florence
is very gay. The city is at this moment in a state of
feverish delight at the news, arrived this evening, of
Garibaldi's entrance into Capua. My Italian friends here
are very sanguine of the complete triumph of the con-
stitutional cause. Everything is certainly going on
wonderfully well, considering that this country has only
recovered its liberty within a few months, and was for
the greater part of the time left to govern itself. If
Garibaldi, who is the weakest and most easily influenced
man in the world, can only be kept quiet, and the set of
scoundrels who surround him and lead him be sent about
their business, Austria at the same time being kept within
her boundaries and not allowed to interfere, there is every
reason to believe that, in ten years from this time, Italy will
take her place amongst the great nations of Europe, and
will probably far exceed at least two of them perhaps
even three Russia, Austria, and Prussia in prosperity,
material wealth, and strength. She will have a powerful
fleet as well as an army, and this will at once place her in
the first rank.
To Lady Eastlake}
FLORENCE, 6th November 1865.
. . . Millais 2 is here, and I have had great pleasure in
going over the Pitti and the Uffizi with him. He is very
much pleased with what he has seen, and especially de-
lighted with the Raphael portraits, Titian, the Bronzinos, the
Tintorettos, and greatly struck by the splendid Mantegna
in the Tribuna, and by the allegorical picture by Sandro
Botticelli, " La Calumnia." . . . Millais is anxious that we
1 Wife of Sir Charles Eastlake, President of the Royal Academy.
2 Sir John Everett Millais, R.A. (1829-96), President of the Royal
Academy, 1896.
i86 9 ] MILLAIS AT FLORENCE 231
should get a Bronzino portrait for the National Gallery.
He finds a great likeness between Bronzino and Maclise.
He says that fifty years hence Maclise's pictures will look
like Bronzino's.
To Lady Eastlake.
FLORENCE, i^tk November 1865.
... I have been showing Millais about, and he is
greatly delighted with what he has seen. The painter
who, perhaps, has struck him the most is Sandro Botticelli.
He is delighted with the allegorical picture of " Spring " by
that great Master in the Accademia. We went with
Baron Humbert to see the four pictures by him in the
Pucci Palace which are for sale, and we agree that Sir
Charles must secure these for the National Gallery. I had
not seen them before, and was surprised to find such
magnificent works of this rare master on sale. For
exquisite beauty of execution, for the interest of the
subject, and for illustration of manners and costume of
the fifteenth century, they are unrivalled. Baron Humbert
tells me that Sir Charles has seen them more than once,
and has hesitated about making an offer for them, on
account of the somewhat unpleasant nature of one of the
subjects the lady being cut up ! But if this one be con-
sidered too painful to be exhibited, it can be put into a
chamber of horrors ; although I know many a martyrdom
of a saint much more horrible. I should exhibit them
all, and I think they would be considered amongst the
most interesting and valuable additions that could be
made to the National Gallery. I cannot too strongly urge
upon Sir Charles to consider them. Millais was im-
mensely struck with them, and will write to you on the
subject, and will join with me in urging Sir Charles to get
them.
To Lady Eastlake,
ROME, y>th November 1865.
Neither the Millais nor myself have had any news of
Sir Charles and yourself since we have been in Rome,
which makes me a little uneasy about you, I hope, how-
ever, that we may look upon no news as good news, and
that Sir Charles has been making progress. The Millais
232 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
will be more fortunate than myself in seeing you ; they go
home by Pisa and the Cornice. I have been less able to
go much about here with Millais than I was at Florence ;
the distances are so great, and I have had a great deal to
do, and so many people to see. However, we have seen a
few fine things together. Rome, I think, has pleased him
less than Florence, and this I expected. I confess that I
much prefer Florence as a residence. I have also come to
the conclusion that Rome is not favourable for the de-
velopment of a school of art, either architecture, sculpture,
or painting. The place belongs to the past ; and if art
merely consists in reproducing with some accuracy what
has gone before, an Academy here may be of use. But if
art consists in the embodiment of the feelings, opinions, and
manners of the day, as I think it ought, I should just like
the student to have a good look at the great works here,
and then drive him away to some place where there is life,
national aspiration, and progress. Smoky London is in-
finitely better in this respect than this cloudless sky and
desert waste. Millais, I think, has felt this strongly, and I
find that he looks with indifference upon the works of all
the sculptors here. As to painters, there are none.
To Mrs Austen.
VENICE, itf/i September 1866.
After writing to you from Baveno, I made an excursion
up the beautiful Val Anzasca to Macugnaga, at the foot of
the glaciers of Monte Rosa ; where I found the ex-
Solicitor-General, Sir Robert Collier, and his wife. He, as
you know, ranks very high as an amateur artist. He has
been making a very careful and elaborate oil-study of
Monte Rosa, which you will, I daresay, see in the next
Exhibition. The view of the mountain from Macugnaga
is singularly fine, and the whole valley of Anzasca contains
some of the finest mountain scenery to the South of the
Alps. I made one or two excursions to the glaciers, and
then returned to Baveno, and spent a few days on the lake
of Como, at the pretty quiet little inn of Varenna (the land-
lady of which is not the least attraction of the place), and
then went to Milan. There I learnt that the peace between
Italy and Austria was nearly concluded, and the transfer
of Venetia to the Italian kingdom would take place early
i869] LIBERATION OF VENICE 233
in the next month, so I hastened on here. But now I
find that delays have occurred in the negotiations which
make it probable that matters will not be settled before the
end of September, and that the King will not be here much
before the middle of October.
I am very glad to be able to spend a few weeks here, to
see the last of Venice under the old rule, and the first of
her under the new. Great preparations are being made,
and, the moment the Austrians turn their backs, the city
will be lined inside and out with the tricolor. The entry of
the King will be a splendid sight ; the enthusiasm after the
pent-up feelings of two-thirds of a century will be bound-
less. At present the city is in a mournful condition.
There is great poverty and suffering, and a complete stag-
nation of all trade. To add to the misery, the thousands
who were employed in the Arsenal and other public
establishments have been dismissed, and are starving. The
Austrians, as usual, are doing every manner of mean and
petty thing to humiliate and irritate the people they are
leaving, instead of parting company with them generously
and gracefully. They have stripped the Palace of every
article of furniture, down to the gas and water pipes, tear-
ing up all the parquet floors to make packing-cases ; so
that there is no place for the King to go to. They have
carried away all the Venetian relics from the Arsenal, and
such parts of the public archives as relate to Germany and
Austria, and have gutted the public buildings. Fortun-
ately, they have spared the pictures in the Academy and in
the Churches.
To Mrs Austen.
VENICE, \tfh October 1866.
I am likely to remain here some little time longer.
Having waited so long to see the end, and the entry of the
King, I cannot leave before the last act of this curious drama
is played out. Lord Russell 1 and Lord Clarendon 2 are
coming here shortly, and I should like to be with them for
various reasons. I am well content to stay. I have many
1 Lord John Russell, ist Earl Russell, as Foreign Secretary in Lord
Palmerston's Administration, had proved himself a firm and valuable
friend of Italy in the war of liberation.
2 Lord Clarendon, 4th Earl (1800-70). Foreign Secretary in four
Administrations.
234 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
friends here, and I am always in specially good health
when at Venice. The delays here have been much greater
than had been expected. The French have been giving a
good deal of trouble, and their vanity and susceptibilities
have led to a number of useless formalities in the ceremony
of the cession of the Province and cities to Italy, which
have only caused useless loss of time, and rendered the
French more unpopular than ever in the Peninsula.
Verona is, I believe, to be given up to-morrow, and Venice,
the last of the cities, to be surrendered in the middle of
next week. Then the country, on the demand of the
French, must go through the farce of a " plebiscite," which
will take some days. It is expected now that the King
will not enter Venice before the 2nd of November.
These constant delays have been very trying to the
poor Venetians ; and, considering that there has been really
no government at all here during the last six weeks, it
says much for the character of the people that there have
been no disturbances and no outrage of any kind. The
people began to think that the Italian troops and the King
were not coming at all. Yesterday the first detachment of
Italian troops arrived. I saw them come in, and the sight
was most interesting. In a moment the canals were lined
with flags. The people at last seemed to think they were
really going to be free, after their many disappointments.
The flags were only out for a few minutes, and were then
withdrawn as suddenly as they had been put out, because
the Austrians are still in possession, and these demonstra-
tions are not yet sanctioned.
To Mrs Austen.
VENICE, \oth November 1866.
It has been of importance to me to be here at this
moment, and for many reasons I am glad that I have had
an opportunity of seeing so many persons of political
importance together. The greater number of the Italian
Ministers are here, and many of the principal political men
in Italy besides Lord Russell. I have also met here many
of my Italian friends, and my time passes very pleasantly.
The fetes on the arrival of the King will be over on the
thirteenth, and on that day I start for Florence. The
entry of the King was a very magnificent pageant, although
1869] PARIS EXHIBITION 235
the weather was unfortunately misty, and there was no sun
during the day. The barges and gondolas decked with
silk hangings and rich stuffs, and canopies and sculptures,
and rowed by gondoliers dressed in the costumes of the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, gave a singularly rich and
unique appearance to the Grand Canal. Magnificent as
the sight was, it was less interesting to me than the
departure of the last Austrian ; the raising of the Italian
Standards in the Square of St Mark, and the entry of the
Italian troops. The enthusiasm was more spontaneous
and more touching, and the weather was then magnificent.
Last night the King went to the Fenice Theatre, and for
the first time in this century all the nobility of Venice and
the Venetian provinces was assembled. His reception was
very cordial, and the, sight was certainly a very grand one.
There is to be a masked ball to-morrow night at the Fenice,
and a regatta on Sunday the entertainments for which
Venice in the olden days used to be celebrated.
To Mrs Austen.
PARIS, i^thjune 1867.
What with my working men 1 and the Ottoman Bank
business, I have been at work from early morning till late
at night. The first excursion has succeeded very well.
The working men whom we have brought over are very
much delighted with all that they have seen, and are well
satisfied with the accommodation we have been able to
provide for them. To-morrow I take a couple of hundred
of them over the Louvre, and do the cicerone in the galleries.
I hope to get the Emperor to see them before I leave.
As regards the Exhibition, it is full of beautiful and
interesting things, but it is like an enormous bazaar, or
assemblage of shops. There is no such general view as we
had in our first Exhibition, and which was so grand and
imposing ; you see nothing but what is immediately around
you. We do not, I think, hold so good a position as we
might. The French have made enormous progress in
machinery, and in other departments of manufacture in
which we once were supreme. Their glass, enamels,
bronzes, silver plate, and jewellery, are of the highest
quality, and we are far behind them in all that relates to
1 Layard had taken a party of some 2000 workmen from Southwark,
his constituency, to Paris, to see the Exhibition.
236 POLITICS AND ART [1851-
design and taste. Our furniture is good better, I think,
than the French.
To Mrs Austen.
VENICE, 8M January 1868.
... I spent some days with my friends, the Moriers, 1 in
the melancholy little town of Darmstadt ; but I enjoyed
my visit, and made the most of my time. The Princess
Alice, you know, lives here. I had a very pleasant interview
with her. She is very charming, reads much, takes an
interest in everything, and is an agreeable talker. She is
the centre of a little literary society at Darmstadt, and is
much liked.
One of the objects of my visit to Darmstadt was to see
the great Holbein which belongs to the Princess Charles,
the Mother-in-law of our Princess. It is the original of the
celebrated picture at Dresden that is, they are probably
both by Holbein, but this is the finest of the two, and
probably the one first painted. It is a most noble work,
and fully confirms the highest opinion one could form of
the powers of Holbein. Fortunately, too, it has escaped
the restorer, and is in the finest possible state of preserva-
tion. . . .
I am very busy all day endeavouring to put the Salviati
establishment into order. 2 This promises to be a most
useful thing for Venice. The principal people now seem
inclined to help, but they have little public spirit, and not
much taste. French influence has done immense injury to
Italy in every way. We have now got a contract for fifteen
years to repair the mosaics of St Mark's, and to keep them
in order. This enables us to form a regular school of young
mosaicists, which will be very useful to the art. More-
over, I have now a department for painting on glass, which
promises exceedingly well, and employs young artists.
They have produced some beautiful things. The glass-
blowers have made wonderful progress, and are improving
every day. I have been so much occupied with all these
matters, that I have not been much into society since I
have been here.
J Sir Robert Morier, G.C.B."(i826-93), then Secretary of Legation
at Darmstadt.
2 This refers to the Venice and Murano Glass and Mosaic Work
Company, of which Layard was the founder. Salviati was the
Manager.
1869] REVIVAL OF MOSAIC 237
To Mrs Austen.
VENICE, 2yd October 1868.
. . . Venice has been very full of travellers. Mr Cole, 1
the King of South Kensington, has been here for the last
few days. He is bent upon having a grand collection of
mosaics in the Museum fac-similes of the finest works
here, and at Ravenna, Rome, and Palermo. It is a great
scheme, and if he succeeds in carrying it out, as I doubt
not that he will, he will add a most important and interesting
department to the Museum. These mosaics are to be
executed in fac-simile by Salviati's people, and I have
been busy making out the details with him. I am con-
vinced that mosaic is the only external and internal
decoration on a great scale which will suit our climate. It
resists all the effects of our atmosphere, and is so brilliant
that even our dark days would scarcely interfere with it.
Fresco painting has so completely failed, that I have given
it up.
[The last two letters, recording his successful efforts to
revive a noble and valuable industry in the beautiful city
which was the home of his later years, and to whose people
he gave such patient and loving service, seem to form a
fitting close to this chapter.]
1 Sir Henry Cole, K.C.B. (1808-82) ; Secretary of Science and Art
Department, South Kensington, 1853-73.
CHAPTER VIII
THE PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF SIR HENRY LAYARD
1852-1869
ALTHOUGH Henry Layard will be best known in
History by his discovery of Nineveh and his great work
in the East, yet his parliamentary life, though com-
paratively short, is deserving of more than a mere passing
notice. He was never in the inner circle of Government,
but his work in the House of Commons was important ;
and although it was outside that House that he initiated
his measure for Administrative Reform, and aroused public
opinion so successfully in its favour, he was much aided
in so doing by his position as an independent Member of
Parliament. It is well, therefore, that his brief but active
Parliamentary career should be remembered.
In February 1852, on a vacancy occurring in the office
of Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Earl
Granville, then Foreign Secretary in the Ministry of Lord
John Russell, offered the post to Mr Layard. This offer
created some surprise in political circles, Layard never
having been in Parliament ; but the departure from the
usual custom was received with satisfaction in the country
generally.
In a letter to a relative, Layard refers thus to his
appointment :
1852] FIRST TERM OF OFFICE 239
ATHENAEUM, nth February 1852.
I have just been named Under-Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs. You will, I have no doubt, feel no less
surprise at receiving this communication than I did at
receiving it viva voce from Lord Granville.
I enter upon duties of such great importance with a
deep conviction of the immense responsibility imposed
upon me, and with an earnest desire to discharge them to
the good of my country.
I pray God to assist me, that I may not forfeit the
good opinion of those who have so nobly justified the
confidence of the country in the selection of one who has
nothing but a reputation of abilities, perhaps not justified
by their possession.
You know I have never sought for advancement, and
that I owe nothing to interest and connection.
On the defeat of the Liberal Government, which ensued
a few days after, Layard, at the request of Lord Malmes-
bury, Lord Granville's successor in the short administration
of Lord Derby, with some hesitation decided to remain in
office, for the following reasons, as stated in a letter to his
relative Lady Aboyne :
" I have been waiting until matters were a little settled
before writing to you. My sejour au pouvoir threatened to
be very short indeed, but it has been prolonged for some
little time. Lord Malmesbury has requested me to remain
in office until Lord Stanley returns from India, which will
be in May. After consulting with official friends, and
taking the matter into mature consideration, I have
determined to remain. In many respects this arrange-
ment is very advantageous to me. I am thus enabled to
acquire a better acquaintance with business than a short
insight of six days would have given me, and I am much
helped in my diplomatic career, if I continue in it. On
the whole, my position is a very good one, and I have
every reason to be satisfied."
On this subject Lord Granville writes to his former
Under-Secretary :
LONDON, 27 'th February 1852.
MY DEAR LAYARD,
I spoke to Malmesbury, but he
preferred proposing something to you. I think you ought
240 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1852
not too hastily to determine to refuse anything he might
offer. Ever yours, G.
Parliament was dissolved on July 1852 ; and, after this
brief but interesting experience of office under different
Governments, Layard determined to find a seat in the
House of Commons. His remarkable qualities, his great
work at Nineveh, in which the country showed intense
interest, and his world-wide fame, would have made his
candidature acceptable to any important constituency.
A local connection with Aylesbury, where his parents
had lived and his father had died, induced him to offer
himself as a candidate for that borough. Aylesbury was
considered a safe Tory seat ; but, with Layard in the
field as a Liberal candidate, a vigorous contest was certain.
He was recommended to the electors by his proposer as
a man "who had brought to light with extraordinary
spirit Ancient History, and that which was interesting
to them as religious-minded men a man of powerful
mind, of indomitable courage, and lofty principles."
The result of the election was the return of the two
Liberal candidates, Layard heading the poll with a consider-
able majority, and bringing in with him his colleague, Mr
Bethell, who afterwards became Lord Chancellor Westbury.
In a letter to Lady Aboyne, Layard thus refers to the
proceedings which followed the election :
CANFORD MANOR,
gthjuly 1852.
I never saw such a scene of triumph as our chairing
procession. Every window full of well-dressed ladies,
showering down bouquets of flowers, sending cakes and
wine, waving flags, etc., etc. The procession must have
extended half a mile. Women brought their babies, and
carried them before us. It was a complete triumph and
most gratifying.
In another letter, however, he complains of the conduct
of the clergy at Aylesbury towards him.
LETTER FROM LORD GRANVILLE 241
" Fancy my having arranged to give a lecture in the
Town Hall, when, the day before yesterday, three visiting
justices, two of them clergymen, had the meanness to
forbid the use of the Town Hall, because I was a Liberal !
There is no doubt (experience daily convinces me of the
fact) that the clergy, with some honourable exceptions,
are as a body opposed to the working classes, and to the
spread of knowledge. We fortunately found a school-
room (not nearly big enough to hold half the audience I
should have had), still it answered the purpose, and the
Tory justices have brought themselves into merited
contempt."
Lord Granville writes the following letter to Layard on
his success :
CARLSBAD, 17 th July 1852.
MY DEAR LAYARD,
After my brother's election at
Stoke, the one I looked for with the greatest interest was
that of Aylesbury. I need not say how glad I am at
your success. I am sure you are now in a position in
which you will gain further distinction for yourself, and
be of great use to the public. Notwithstanding your
diffident remark about your speaking, I have no doubt
of your complete success in that art, which, after all, is a
very easy one, and which depends chiefly upon practice.
I believe the best advice which can be given was given
to me by an excellent judge, when I first went into the
House of Commons, viz. : Never, till your reputation is
established, speak on any subject but those that you both
know and are supposed by others to know, and never,
however tempting the occasion may be, condescend to
personalities.
Carlsbad is pretty, narrow, hot, and crowded. The
waters renovate old women, and freshen up faded ones, but
they petrify insects and the human intellect. I have been
taking them vigorously, as if I had every combination of
gout and rheumatism, and feel perfectly stonified ; but they
assure me this is quite what is to be desired. The heat is
intense. As old Esterhazy, who is here, says : " It is a bad
place for Diplomats, car tout transpire"
I hope to see you and read your new work as soon as
I get back. Yours ever.
VOL. II. Q
242 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1852-
The new Parliament met in November, with Lord
Derby as Prime Minister, in time to attend the funeral of
the Duke of Wellington on the i8th of that month.
After the Address in answer to the Speech from the
Throne, the House of Commons considered the question
on which the General Election had been fought, that of
Free Trade or Protection, referred to in the Speech from
the Throne, as " Unrestricted Competition." The remark-
able debates which ensued, and which determined the
future financial and economic policy of the country, ex-
tended over many days. In these debates Layard took
no part ; but he voted for Charles Villiers' resolution on
Free Trade, and against Disraeli's Budget resolution, the
defeat of which caused the fall of Lord Derby's Govern-
ment in December of the same year. In the succeeding
Coalition Government under Lord Aberdeen, Layard had
reason to expect that he would be included. Lord Gran-
ville wrote to him on this subject :
MY DEAR LAYARD,
As soon as I got to Chesham
Place [Lord John Russell's house], I alluded to the circum-
stances which attended your retirement from the F.O. I
found it unnecessary. Lord John had been thinking and
speaking about it ; but from what I have heard to-day,
I am afraid that it will be very difficult to give effect to
his wishes for the present. I should be more sorry than
I am, if I did not think that, as you are perfectly capable
of distinguishing yourself in the House of Commons, it
may be better for you to do so in an independent position
at first.
Layard, writing to a relative with whom he was in
constant and intimate correspondence, thus states his
views :
9 LITTLE RYDER STREET,
$oth December 1852.
After keeping me in suspense all this while, they have
decided, I understand, that I am to have nothing. I have
i853J RETURN TO CONSTANTINOPLE 243
not received one word, however, from any of the great
people on the subject, either by way of explanation or
otherwise. I wish they had made up their minds sooner.
I should then have had the pleasure of spending my
Christmas with you. I have now accepted an invitation
to Bowood (Lord Lansdowne's) for Monday.
I have not yet made up my mind what I shall do.
The present Ministry may last long, although there are
certain elements of dissolution in it. If it lasts, it would
be useless for me with my very limited means to engage
in a long Parliamentary career, without prospect of being
employed in the public service. Of course, had I believed
that, after what passed in the spring, I should have been
left in the lurch, I should have hesitated in refusing Lord
Derby's offer of a mission.
Layard certainly was much disappointed with the
position in which he now found himself, and, on an offer of
employment being made to him by Lord Stratford de
Redcliffe, he makes the following communication to an
intimate friend :
HOUSE OF COMMONS,
\st March 1853.
I do not know what you will say when you hear that I
am off for Constantinople on Thursday, leaving with Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe. It has been a great struggle to me,
and it was only decided last night.
I have endeavoured to do what I believe to be most
consistent with my duty. There is no doubt that this
will be a considerable sacrifice, but what are professions
worth unless you do make sacrifices? After all, I must
remember that I owe very much to Lord Stratford, and
that I am bound to make any reasonable sacrifice to show
that I am not ungrateful for what he has done. More-
over, the state of affairs is undoubtedly very critical, and
my poor services may be of use at Constantinople. These
considerations have induced me to decide upon acceding
to Lord Stratford's wishes. Both Lord John and Lord
Clarendon appear to be glad that I am going.
At this time Eastern affairs were beginning to attract
public notice ; and no member of the House of Commons
had Layard's intimate knowledge of them. Turks, Persians,
244 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1853
Arabs, Kurds, and the wild tribes among whom he had
lived for several years, knew him and recognised his
power. During his stay at Constantinople he had made
himself thoroughly acquainted with the views and policy
of Russia in regard to the Ottoman Empire. There
can be no doubt, therefore, that his appointment to his
former post at the Foreign Office would have been
advantageous to the Government. Unhappily, the re-
newal of his services under Lord Stratford de RedclifTe
did not turn out a success. Difficulties arose, and Layard
complains in a letter to Lord Aboyne that he finds
himself reduced to " a kind of unpaid attach^, that he has
nothing to do, and might as well be in Van Diemen's
Land."
He therefore returned to England on loth May 1853,
and, soon afterwards, he received the following letter from
Lord Granville :
MY DEAR LAYARD,
I cannot say how much interested
I have been by your three letters ; at the same time,
I am glad that there is a chance of their being concluded
by your return to England. You did what I believe
is always right. You went where it was thought it was
good for the public service that you should go, but there
can be no necessity for your staying at Constantinople
in a subordinate position when diplomatic matters have
resumed somewhat of a routine.
Gladstone has won immortal honour by the courage
and ability which he has shown, but his health nearly
broke down under it. Nothing can be more cordial and
united than the Cabinet, and I think the jealousy which
was so strong at first among the supporters of the Govern-
ment is gradually disappearing. 1
On his return to England, Layard, feeling convinced of
the hostile designs of Russia towards Turkey, and that
1 This jealousy was caused by the omission from the Government of
some Whig and Liberal members, in order to find places for the fol-
lowers of Mr Gladstone.
SPEECH ON EASTERN QUESTION 245
war would ensue, tried in vain to awaken in the Govern-
ment a true sense of the impending danger, and plied them
constantly with questions. On I3th June he asked in
the House whether orders for the removal of the Fleet
to Besika Bay, or some point near the Dardanelles, had
been given. He was answered that orders had been sent
to the British Admiral at Malta directing him to proceed
to Besika Bay, and that the British Ambassador had
'been instructed to act, under certain circumstances. In
reply to his question on 1st July, whether the Russians
had blocked the entrance into the principal channel of
the Danube, he was informed that the Government had no
intimation of this.
This state of things was so unsatisfactory to Layard that
he gave notice that he should bring matters formally before
the House by a motion. Lord Palmerston urged him in the
public interest not to take this course, but on 22nd July
Layard stated that during the last fortnight events of
great importance had taken place in the East of Europe,
and, pressing for a day in which these matters could be
discussed, he said :
" I will venture to state that, in the whole history of the
intercourse of nations, acts so unjustifiable, so outrageous,
so dangerous as those which have been committed within
the last three months have never previously been com-
mitted in Europe."
Lord John Russell refused to grant a day, and it was
not till 1 6th August that Layard found an opportunity of
delivering his speech.
He disclaimed any intention of attacking the Govern-
ment by his motion. Public discussion was his sole aim.
He had been accused of urging on war. No one more
fully recognised the blessing of peace than he did, but
England must be prepared for war in defence of her rights.
The point of difference between himself and Her Majesty's
246 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1853
Government was whether Russian conduct was the out-
come of a deep-laid scheme, or only a temporary trouble.
He quoted Prince MenschikofT's mission in support of
his own belief of a deep-laid scheme, and instanced the
duplicity of Russian diplomacy. He referred, as an attempt
had been made to vindicate Russia's claim to interfere in
Turkish matters, to Monsieur de la Valette's intrigues at
Constantinople, gave a sketch of Prince Menschikoffs
mission thither and his insulting demands for the dis-
missal of the Servian Prime Minister.
He then showed how this manoeuvre was followed by
the Russian aggression in the Danubian Principalities
which had become Russian provinces.
He touched on the religious persecution of the Greek
clergy and the support given by Prince Menschikoff, and
spoke not only of the importance of keeping the Turkish
Empire intact, but also of the danger which would occur
to our rule in India with its large and warlike Mussul-
man population by the Russian occupation of the capital
city of the Sultan.
" We have committed," said Layard, " two great errors :
(i) having the knowledge of the Russia-Turkish Treaty and
the information of Russia's vast military preparations on the
Turkish frontier, we should have insisted on disarmament,
as proof of a pacific policy ; (2) on Russia informing us that
she was about to cross the Pruth (at that time the frontier
of the Danubian Principalities) we should have intimated
that her doing so would be taken as a casus belli, and the
fleet should have been sent to Constantinople. As a result
of our action, or inaction, Turkey has received a fatal blow.
The Russian occupation of the Principalities is accepted,
and Great Britain is regarded by the weaker states who
look to her support as helpless against Russian encroach-
ments."
He wound up in these words :
" I have witnessed all these circumstances with extreme
pain and regret. The day will come when we shall see the
i8S3] LETTER TO LADY HUNTLY 247
fatal error we have committed, and repent a policy against
which, as a humble member of this House, I can only
record my solemn protest."
Letter from Layard to Lady Huntly.
ATHENAEUM, i;M August 1853.
You will have seen, of course, an account of our
Turkish debate the other night. The Chronicle has the best
report. Lord John's speech was most unsatisfactory, and
the House felt it so.
They received what I said exceedingly well, and were
evidently with me. I was well cheered throughout by a
very large House for this time of the session.
Cobden's peace harangue was admirable, answered by
Palmerston. His speech was immensely applauded, and
the general impression was that, had there remained much
more of session, he would have been so strong that he would
have left the Government and formed a Ministry of his own.
People felt that he was speaking what he felt, and that he
was leaving his colleagues behind. I find that the feeling
out of doors is pretty well the same as that in the House.
If Ministers continue long in this unsatisfactory state, and
refuse to give information to the public as to the real
position of Turkey and Russia, there will be a very loud
and very general expression of disapprobation.
I was rather nervous when I began to speak, as you
may suppose, and had a kind of general nightmare and the
like conviction that I should break down, but after a few
minutes I warmed up and got on very well, and without
hesitation, to the end. The house was very full. The
split between myself and the Ministers is now complete, and
I suppose all chance of employment out of the question.
I do not mind. I have done what I believe to be my duty,
and I trust I shall always be able to refer back to what has
occurred with conscientious satisfaction.
During the anxious time preceding the war, Layard lost
no opportunity of showing the intense interest he felt in all
that affected the relations of Russia and Turkey, seeing for
the latter a great danger in the case of Russia's success,
and a great advantage to Turkey in the alliance with the
British and French forces. After the war had been declared,
248 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1854
he decided to proceed to the seat of action, and out of this
adventure arose a regrettable incident (to use an expres-
sion now in vogue) which affected temporarily his position
in the House of Commons, and caused ill-feeling on the
part of several members towards him.
On reaching the Crimea he made the acquaintance of
the distinguished officer Admiral Sir Edmund Lyons, then
second in command of the British Fleet, who invited him
to be his guest on board the Agamemnon. From that ship
he viewed the battle of the Alma, and was enabled to
speak in the laudatory terms which he used in his speech on
the Parliamentary vote of thanks to our soldiers and sailors,
recounting feats of valour which he had himself witnessed. 1
Before leaving England, he had promised Mr Delane
(the very able editor of the Times > with whom he was
on friendly terms) to send him occasional letters, and
one of these which reflected on the conduct of Admiral
Dundas, the Commander-in-Chief of the Fleet, was pub-
lished, contrary to his intention. The letter, being dated
from the mast-head of the Agamemnon, caused a painful
sensation, and, as Admiral Dundas had many friends in
and out of Parliament, much ill-feeling was shown towards
Layard, when it became known that he was the writer.
Replying to a bitter attack made on him by Mr
Drummond (the then well-known Member for Surrey),
Layard, in the course of a personal explanation, said that
no one regretted the painful incident more than he did.
The letter was a private one, but, unfortunately, it was
published. It was written on board the ship of a gallant
officer who had shown him every hospitality.
" I went to that gallant officer, told him my letter
had been published, and, if he was called upon to ascer-
tain the writer, he was at liberty to give my name to
Admiral Dundas.
1 See Diary in the Crimea, and letter to Mr Bruce, App. A.
i854] THE DUNDAS INCIDENT 249
" I also, -unfortunately, referred to a letter from Admiral
Dundas which was shown to me by a gallant captain. I
accordingly wrote the following to him :
"'As I have been guilty towards you of a breach of con-
fidence in so far that part of the letter which you read in my
presence has been published in a letter to a friend of mine,
any reparation that you may ask, and that it is in my power
to give, I am willing to afford!
" With regard to Admiral Dundas, I further said :
" ' Express to him also the deep regret I feel that a private
letter should have been published, containing a charge which I
would only have made in the House of Commons, and not in
a newspaper anonymously ; but that, as the charge has been
made, the only reparation I can give him, if he insists upon it,
is to reiterate that charge publicly, giving him the opportunity
of meeting it, and that I am ready to do.'
" I am ready, if called upon by the House, to substantiate
the charge my letter makes, also to substantiate it from the
despatches written by members of the Government and
evidence of those who have served under Admiral Dundas
and have witnessed his conduct in this campaign. If
Admiral Dundas's friends dare me to do it, I am ready to
support the charges I have made.
" With reference to what the Right Hon. Baronet, Sir
James Graham, at the head of the Board of Admiralty
said about Admiral Dundas, I will read a despatch from
the Duke of Newcastle to Lord Raglan, and see what is
the language used by the Government themselves.
" ' DESPATCH.
"' Your Lordship's cordial acknowledgment of the in-
valuable services rendered by Sir E. Lyons and the Officers
and seamen of the Royal Navy'
" So that, in acknowledging after a great battle the
services of the British Navy, the Government omit the
name of the man in the chief command, and mention the
name of the second in command. In the face of this, what
right have you to say that I should never have made the
charge? The question is one that rests between the
Admiral and the Government. I am ready to support the
charges I have made."
250 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1855-
It would have been better if Layard had finished his
speech with the expression of his deep regret and his desire
to make all the reparation in his power. The House of
Commons readily forgives any one who does this, but his
offer to justify his accusations was received with anger by
many, and especially by the military members present.
Subsequently Layard spoke in the highest terms of the
military and naval officers engaged in the war, and he
never failed to point out what he considered neglect, on
the part of the Government, of deserving officers. He
attacked with vigour all that savoured of favouritism, and
cited (not without success) cases where men possessing
social influence were promoted over the heads of those
deprived of that advantage ; and there can be no doubt
that his vigilance in detecting and exposing these instances
was generally beneficial to the army.
Layard's experience in the Crimea, during the war,
of the great suffering endured by the troops, owing mainly
to the defective organisation in England, caused him on
his return to endeavour to bring about extensive adminis-
trative reform. To do this, he proposed to excite public
opinion by denouncing at some great public meetings the
maladministration which had caused the loss of many lives
during the war. The first of these gatherings was held
in the Drury Lane Theatre, and was attended by several
Members of Parliament and distinguished men. Mr
Layard addressed the meeting in a vigorous speech. He
said there was a general and deep-seated conviction that
the country was misgoverned. Around him he saw
eminent representatives of literature, of art, of science.
What was it that drew such persons there from their
ordinary avocations ? It was this, that, whilst, during a
long period of comparative peace, all that concerned the
private relations and the private enterprise of England
had made a progress unexampled in history, the govern-
1856] ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM 251
ment of the country had been standing still. The blue-
books just published by the Sebastopol Committee were
records of inefficiency, records of indifference to suffering,
records of ignorance, records of obstinacy, which had
cast shame upon us and upon our system. After paying
a tribute to the heroic conduct of Florence Nightingale, he
blamed the Administration that for two months, while
the greatest events were occurring, no Cabinet Council was
held ; with the exception of two members, all the Ministers
were away amusing themselves in the country, while the
soldiers were sent to the Crimea with old arms and old
tents, and thousands of lives had been sacrificed on the
shrine of incompetency and neglect. Men were put into
Government offices merely on political grounds. The
offices were overfilled with inefficient men, and enquiry
should be made whether the number of persons in the
Civil Service could not be reduced and the work at the
same time be better done. Layard then attacked Lord
Palmerston, the Prime Minister, who, he said, had jested
at the sufferings of the country. The Association (for
Administrative Reform) would require men who would
enter on the work with honest hearts and unselfish views,
and with the determination to persevere until their object
was secured. If they wanted an honest Government they
must choose their members honestly. Let their motto be
" Fitness not Favour."
This speech, which was greatly applauded, was followed
by one from Mr Otway, M.P., who remarked that it was
not possible always to determine who was the right man
for a post, but it was quite possible to say who was the
wrong one.
This meeting was followed soon after by another, held
also in Drury Lane Theatre, over which Mr Samuel Morley,
an eminent man, much respected in the city of London,
presided. At this meeting Charles Dickens made a very
252 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LA YARD 1856
eloquent and humorous speech, and greatly delighted
the vast audience. There is little doubt that these meet-
ings created a strong sense in the country in favour of
Layard's views, and he followed up the feeling promoted
by them with a motion in the House of Commons. On
1 5th June he moved :
" That this House views with deep and increasing-
concern the state of the nation, and is of opinion that the
manner in which merit and efficiency have been sacrificed
in the public appointments to party and family influence
and to a blind adherence to routine, has given rise to great
misfortunes, and threatens to bring discredit upon the
national character, and to involve the country in great
disaster."
To this motion Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton moved the
following amendment :
" That the House recommends to the earliest attention
of Her Majesty's Ministers the necessity of a careful revision
of our various official establishments, with a view to sim-
plifying and facilitating the transaction of public business,
and by instituting judicious tests of merit, as well as by
removing obstructions to fair promotion and legitimate
rewards, to secure to the service of the State the largest
available proportion of the energy and intelligence for
which the people of this country are distinguished."
The position of the Conservative party in this debate
was of importance. Had the entire party joined the
forces on the Conservative side in favour of Administrative
Reform, as advocated by Layard, the existence of Lord
Palmerston's Government would have been seriously
menaced. Among the Conservative members, however,
there were many who put their faith in Palmerston, and
had no desire to see him removed from power, whilst the
leaders of the party themselves were unable to form a
ministry which would have the confidence of the House
of Commons and the country. Hence the amendment of
Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, which was so worded that,
1856] ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM 253
while associating the Conservative party with the desire
for administrative reform, it could be and was accepted by
Lord Palmerston, and consequently was passed by a
majority of 313. During the debate Lord Palmerston,
who had been greatly offended by the attack on him at
what he called the "Drury Lane theatricals," defended
himself with success. In restating these charges by
Layard, he said :
" To his face I tell him that there is not a word of
truth in the assertions which he then made. I nevtc:
jested at the sufferings of the soldiers. I never made
light of their unfortunate condition, and so far from having
vilified the people of England, the whole course of my
conduct and every word which fell from my lips here or
elsewhere has attested the respect and admiration which
I feel for the people of this country, and the pride with
which I am animated in belonging to a nation so noble
and so distinguished."
After this exhibition of anger, Palmerston proceeded
to deal with some of Layard's arguments, and said with
regard to the inaction of the Government and its indis-
position to make reform in the public service :
"If we do not do a thing, they say, ' Why, here, you
have not done that, the want of which has been remarked
upon for years, which has been recommended by commis-
sions and in debates of this House. How blamable you
must be for not doing it ! ' No sooner is it done than
they say, * Lord 'a mercy ! this has been called for for
years. There is no merit in doing that ! ' '
Layard's motion was defeated, it is true, by a large
majority, but the cause had gained considerably by this
protracted discussion. He had now established a recog-
nised position, and his name will henceforward be insepar-
able from the cause of Administrative Reform.
Had he succeeded in his endeavour to re-organise the
War Office, and to establish there the much - needed
254 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1857-
measures of Administrative Reform, in all probability
many of the disasters and miscarriages which have
occurred (during the war in South Africa), owing greatly
to the inefficiency and want of organisation in that office,
would have been averted.
In March 1857 on the dissolution of Parliament, he
bade farewell to the electors of Aylesbury, and in his
speech said : " It is no disgrace to suffer with Cobden,
Bright, Clay, Otway, Milner-Gibson, Cardwell, and many
others who had been on the side of the people." Evid-
ence was given of the estimation in which he was held
in his constituency by a presentation of plate from his
supporters.
Layard had always interested himself in matters
relating to India, and, being released from Parliamentary
duties, he visited that country, while the Mutiny was still
being suppressed, in order to see and judge for himself of
the condition of the people and their requirements. On
his return he addressed a great meeting at St James's Hall
on the past misgovernment of India and the problems
which had to be faced there.
Desiring to renew his Parliamentary life, he took ad-
vantage of a vacancy in the City of York, which occurred
in April 1859, to present himself as a candidate, but was
defeated by twenty votes. So pleased with him, however,
were his supporters, that they opened a subscription to
defray his election expenses, to which his rival, the success-
ful candidate, contributed 100.
He did not manage to find a seat till December 1 860,
when he succeeded, at a bye-election for Southwark, in de-
feating his Conservative opponent by a majority of 1195.
He represented this constituency for the rest of his Parlia-
mentary career.
In the early part of the Session of 1861 Layard took an
active part in the discussion of foreign affairs, making im-
SPEECHES ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 255
portant speeches on the relations of Russia and the Porte,
and on the Syrian question, on which occasion he gave a
masterly sketch of the state of things which had led to the
French occupation of that country. He also spoke in vin-
dication of his old friend Count Cavour from the charge
of duplicity in regard to the cession of Nice and Savoy
to France. " The one guilty of deception," he said, " was
not Cavour, but the Emperor Louis Napoleon."
In a speech seconding the motion of Colonel Sykes for
enabling British subjects born in India to compete on the
same footing as other British subjects for employment
under the Crown, we find him combining his interest in
the welfare of that country with zeal for Administrative
Reform. The ability, and what is more, the personal
knowledge and experience, which he brought to bear on
these subjects, drew general attention to him ; and, when,
in June 1861, Earl Russell offered him his former post as
Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the appoint-
ment met with general satisfaction.
Addressing his constituents on his acceptance of office,
he paid a tribute to Earl Russell as the leader of the
Reform movement. He alluded to the important measures
passed for the better Government of India, and he said of
Lord Palmerston, that he had preserved the honour and
dignity of England, and had raised her to the highest
position with foreign countries.
In this new term of office, which lasted until the resig-
nation of Lord Russell's administration in 1866, Layard
had many occasions for profiting by his early travels and
adventures. Such were the election of the king of Greece
in 1863 ; a debate on the government of Naples, in which
he must have given a very willing expression to the confid-
ence of the Queen's Government in the great future which
awaited Italy under the Piedmontese dynasty ; and a dis-
cussion of the Servian question, in the course of which he
256 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1866-
gave an account of the Revolution of 1841 in that country,
of which he had been an eye-witness. 1
In the two following years he had still graver matters
to deal with. In April 1864, on a Vote of Censure of the
Government, with reference to their conduct in the affairs
of Schleswig - Holstein and Denmark, moved by Mr
Disraeli, Layard made a very effective speech, in
which he showed that there was no foundation for
the allegation that Denmark had been led to expect
material assistance from England, and he warned the
House of the danger to the country which would be
caused by a change of the Administration at the present
juncture. The Vote of Censure was rejected by a
majority of eighteen.
In 1865 the affairs of Abyssinia attracted the attention
of the country, and in July Sir Hugh Cairns (after-
wards Lord Chancellor Cairns) brought them to the
notice of the House of Commons. 2 In reply to his
speech Layard entered very fully into the matters
referred to. He described the shameful conduct of
King Theodore, who, he said, was not of royal birth
but an adventurer ; his barbarous treatment of the
missionaries and English women, whom he sent to
jail loaded with chains, and the imprisonment of our
Consular officers : treatment which later on led to the
war with Abyssinia and the death of King Theodore.
In July 1865 Parliament was dissolved, and Layard's
return for Southwark was unopposed. Lord Palmerston's
death occurred soon after, and Earl Russell succeeded
him as Prime Minister, holding that office until 26th
July 1866, when his Government, failing to carry their
Reform Bill, resigned. In the new Government formed
1 See Chap. ii. of this volume.
a The Government had been attacked for not answering a letter
from King Theodore. Layard declared that he had never seen this
letter, and it had nothing to do with causing the war.
i868] ABYSSINIA 257
by the Earl Derby, Layard was succeeded as Under-
secretary of State for Foreign Affairs by Mr Egerton.
In 1867 Abyssinian matters were in a very critical
condition, and on a debate of 2;th July Layard, following
Sir H. Rawlinson, alluded to a speech by Lord Chelms-
ford, to the effect that the appointment of Mr Rassam (for
which Layard was responsible) was an insult, and said
that, had the newspapers containing this reached
King Theodore, all the party of prisoners would have
been put to death. It was no use going into the origin
of the quarrel. The question was how to liberate these
unfortunate persons ; and with great reluctance he had
come to the conclusion that there was only one course left
now, namely, an expedition to Abyssinia. No doubt the
captives would incur a certain amount of risk, but they
were willing to run the risk rather than pass their lives in
captivity. The expedition ought to be sent at once,
as September and October were the only months in
which our troops could operate in Abyssinia.
The numerous speeches made by Layard on Foreign
Affairs allow only a very brief and imperfect notice
in these pages, which fails altogether to do justice to
them. 1
In November 1868 Parliament was dissolved and
Layard was again returned for Southwark.
On the formation of Mr Gladstone's Government
in the month of December, the Prime Minister offered
him the post of Chief Commissioner of Works, which
he accepted, and it was said of him by a writer in
the Saturday Review that he was the first expert that
had ever been placed there.
In that office it became part of his duty to superintend
the adornment of public buildings, and this he endeavoured
1 These speeches are very fully reported in Hansard's Parliamentary
Debates, and in the leading newspapers.
VOL. II. R
258 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1869
to effect in a manner befitting a great nation. He turned
naturally for inspiration to Italy, the mother of European
art, and the land of his affection. Difficulties, however,
soon arose between him and the Parliamentary Secretary
of the Treasury, a man of considerable ability, but of
somewhat narrow views. Mr Ayrton, the Minister alluded
to, was opposed to expenditure of public money on works
of art. His views on the subject may be gathered by
a speech to his constituents, in which he stated that
he objected to public expenditure, on those whom
he classified as "painters, sculpturers, architects, and
market-gardeners."
The two most important projects with which
Layard had to deal as Chief Commissioner of Works
were the building of the new Law Courts and the
internal decoration of the Houses of Parliament. For
some time previous to his appointment what has been
called "the battle of the sites" had been waged with
great vehemence by two parties, the one .contending that
the new Law Courts should be in Carey Street, Strand,
the other, that they should be on the Thames Embank-
ment. The question was discussed in and out of Parlia-
ment with what has been described as "great superfluity
and heat." The position on the Thames Embankment
had been advocated by Sir Charles Trevelyan in speech
after speech and letter after letter, and Layard, who
was himself in favour of that site, announced in the
House of Commons, April 1869, that the Government
proposed to erect the new Law Courts on the Embank-
ment site. Their views, as set forth by the Chief Com-
missioner of Works in a speech to the House on 2ist
June 1869, were based on convenience of access for all
parties and the relative cost, while at the same time serious
attention was drawn to the extent to which beauty of
design would be affected by the decision. There was not
1869] SITE OF THE LAW COURTS 259
much difference in the cost of the buildings on either site,
but the approaches in the Carey Street site would be very
costly. On the Embankment the case was just the reverse,
and the light and air would be far better. The Government
could not give undue weight to the alleged convenience
or inconvenience of practitioners in Lincoln's Inn ; the
interests of the public were paramount. But if the
Embankment site was supported by Sir Charles Tre-
velyan, Mr Gregory, Mr Layard, and Mr Lowe, in
opposition to them there was no less an advocate than Sir
Roundell Palmer, afterwards Lord Chancellor Selborne,
who defended the Carey Street site. The opposition to
the Government project, thus re-inforced by one of his own
colleagues, had the effect of inducing Mr Gladstone, in July
1869, to appoint a Select Committee to re-consider the
question of the sites. Layard much regretted this, for he
was convinced that he was on the side of public conveni-
ence, salubrity, and beauty, and he desired to enrich
London not only by a much-needed public building, but
also by a national monument, which should be worthy of
the greatest city in the world.
The public have now an opportunity, when they
look on the cramped, gloomy, ill-ventilated, and enor-
mously expensive building in the Strand, for easily
determining which of the parties was really right in
this battle of the sites.
On a motion being made by Mr Herbert, the member
for Kerry, to remove the grating before the Ladies' Gallery
in the House of Commons, Layard replied that the opinion
of the House was sharply divided on the subject, and he
had thought it right to ascertain the opinion of ladies
who visited the gallery. He applied therefore to 200 of
them, and he thought he could not do better than read
a letter which he had received from a very gifted lady,
a frequent visitor to the Ladies' Gallery.
260 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1869
MY DEAR MR LAYARD, I do hope you will exert
the weight of your official authority to preserve for us
the protection of the grating in front of our gallery,
which some honourable members, no doubt prompted
by mistaken kindness, are disposed to remove. I fully
appreciate the chivalrous zeal of Mr Herbert, but if you
have an opportunity, I hope you will tell him how many
more effectual ways there are of defending our cause
in Parliament and earning our gratitude. Do not suppose
that I mean to say the Ladies' Gallery could not be
improved. The occasional visits we have from our friends
in the House of Commons are too short for them to
be able to judge of our sufferings up there, or of the
quality of the air you provide for our lungs, but the
removal of the grating would be no remedy ; on the
contrary the protection we derive from it enables us to
sit as we like, to talk together, to hang up our shawls
and bonnets, and to sleep as we please these are many
advantages, for you know we are obliged to sit quiet
not to lose our places while bores are addressing the
house. You will not take it amiss, dear Mr Layard,
if I say there are some bores in the House of Commons.
You cannot feel for us, because on these occasions
you can go and talk to your friends and write letters
in the library. The grating also enables us to leave the
gallery in the middle of s dull speeches which we would
otherwise be compelled to sit out patiently, especially
if the orator were an acquaintance, and had obtained
our seats ; and then the grating is of enormous advantage
to honourable members themselves, who would not
come and stretch and sleep and snore as they do
immediately below us in the galleries, if they saw that
we saw them ; and, last but not least, do you not think
that a good many remarks and suppositions are made
impossible by the interposition of this obstacle? Who
can say now that Mr said so-and-so because Lady
was in the gallery, or that Sir always
stammers and breaks down when he is addressing the
House and Miss is in the Ladies' Gallery ? "
Mr Layard submitted to the House that there was
a great deal of truth in this letter, though it was in
favour of improved accommodation and improved ventila-
tion.
i86 9 ] ATTACK BY MR RAIKES 261
About the same time Mr Raikes brought forward a
motion for enquiry into a contract formed with Messrs
Salviati to supply mosaics for the decoration of the Houses
of Parliament, the allegations being that the contract had
been entered into without the knowledge of the House,
and that the Chief Commissioner of Works himself held
shares in the Glass and Mosaic Works of Salviati. The
insinuation against the probity of Layard is obvious, and
needs no comment.
Layard, in answer to Mr Raikes, said he had, in his
passion for Italy and art, been led to help Dr Salviati in
his endeavours to revive the old mosaic enamel.
The Queen herself had been one of the first to recognise
its beauty, and he had applied to friends not to let the
great work fall through for lack of funds.
Some of the most distinguished men in this and the
other House of Parliament had furnished funds, but owing
to his own position, which might lay him open to political
attacks, he had transferred his shares to a gentleman who
was no relation of his. The company was undertaken with
the sole desire to introduce into this country a great and
noble decoration really serviceable to art. Mr Barry had
suggested mosaic, and the Treasury had sanctioned the
expense. It was Mr Barry who had made the arrange-
ment with Dr Salviati. He further added that, with re-
spect to the employment of foreign artists, one of his
great objects in introducing mosaics was to enable English-
men to become proficient in this art.
Layard's explanation completely satisfied both the
House and the country, and it is perhaps only fair to add
that Mr Raikes, in an apologetic reply, said his object in
bringing forward his motion was to give the Chief
Commissioner of Works the opportunity to meet publicly
the accusations that were being widely insinuated, rather
than openly and honestly stated. If he had used any ex-
262 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1869
pression which was offensive, or unfair, he was exceedingly
sorry for it. He was quite satisfied with the explanation,
and he was sure that the right hon. gentleman would
be glad that the opportunity of making it had been
offered.
The differences which have been already noticed
between Mr Ayrton, the representative of the Treasury,
and Layard,the First Commissioner of Works, increased as
the time went on. The divergence of their views, and the
hindrance to his work which Layard constantly experienced
from the action of the Treasury, made his position very
unsatisfactory.
Mr Gladstone was aware of the state of things existing
between these two active and strong-willed members of his
Administration. He took the opportunity, therefore, on a
vacancy occurring in a high diplomatic post, of suggesting
to the Earl of Clarendon (then Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs) that he should submit for Her Majesty's
approval the appointment of Layard to that post. Com-
munication to this effect was accordingly made to Layard
in Naples, where he then was, and he gratefully accepted
the offer ; his satisfaction, however, was not a little
diminished, when he heard that Mr Ayrton was appointed
his successor.
So it came about that Layard, bidding farewell to the
House of Commons, and to his antagonist at the Treasury,
recommenced, as Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of
Madrid, his diplomatic career, which he terminated as
Ambassador at Constantinople.
Layard's love of art was intense, and his knowledge,
especially of Venetian and Florentine art, very great. Had
he been enabled to give effect to his views, London would
have undoubtedly derived benefit, and would have received
some of that improvement which it greatly requires to
raise it to a level with those Continental Capitals, and
1869]
DON LAYARDOS IN MADRID
263
other great cities, whose inhabitants find pleasure and
pride in their adornment.
The following extract from a poem in Punch^ relating
to the removal of Layard from the office of Chief Com-
DON LAYARDOS IN MADRID.
(Reproduced by kind permission of the Proprietors of " PUNCH.")
missioner of Works to that of Minister Plenipotentiary at
Madrid, hits off admirably the political character of Ayrton,
and shows the difference between him and Layard.
264 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1869
" Risk of diplomatic squabbles what if thereby we should run,
Without risk there is no blessing to be purchased 'neath the sun,
From the Works I see a blessing, if Layardos is set free,
It will make a road for shunting Ayrton from the Treasurie.
" To expense, Guerra al cuchillo ! Bills I like to hack and hew,
But where I cut down a penny, Acton Ayrton he cuts two,
In the House he makes as many foes as he gives sharp replies,
If John Bull is oft pound-foolish Ayrton's always penny-wise.
" On demands I fling cold water, Acton Ayrton flingeth hot.
I'm resolved no more to bear his cold abstraction and his rot
Great in Words, I vote we let him try the Works, the Works try him,
While we send stout Don Layardos to Madrid to sink or swim."
It cannot be justly said that Sir Henry Layard's
career in the House of Commons enhanced the high
reputation he had obtained in other fields.
He was not an orator, nor could he be considered
even a powerful speaker in an assembly which contained
at the same time such men as Bright, Gladstone,
Macaulay, Disraeli, Lowe, and Cowen (of Newcastle).
Yet his speeches were always able, earnest, and straight-
forward. They were well delivered, and one could not but
admire, when he was speaking, his leonine head and
manly presence. He was fearless in denunciation of
abuses, and his sympathy was always with the oppressed.
The best of his speeches, while Under- Secretary, was per-
haps that in the great debate of 1866, on the Reform Bill
of Lord Russell. As an ardent Reformer, more advanced
than his Chief, he defended the Government measure with
much vigour and at some length. He was indignant at
the conduct of a small knot of disaffected Liberals, who
formed what John Bright called " the Cave of Adullam,"
and whose secession on the historic division on Lord Dun-
kellin's Amendment to an important clause of the Bill later
on, caused the fall of the Government and the termination
for a time of Layard's official career.
His great knowledge of foreign affairs, recognised
1869] "A SUPERIOR PERSON" 265
as it was by all the Members of the House of Commons,
established his authority in these matters, and was of
much value to the Governments in which he held the
office of Under-Secretary of State.
But in truth Layard did not possess those qualities
(House of Commons' qualities they may be called) which
enabled men, intellectually much inferior to him, to obtain
high office. He was, perhaps, somewhat intolerant of
ignorance in those who pushed themselves forward, and
he hated humbug.
The writer of these pages was present at a meeting
of some six or seven Members of Parliament, 1 mostly
young men, in February 1855, held in Layard's rooms,
who were desirous that he should be included in the
Government which Lord Palmerston was then forming.
Among them was a Member known as " the Superior
Person," having been so named, in one of his sarcastic
moods, by Disraeli. This Member made a speech, and
used the following words : " I think Layard has won the
Cabinet, but perhaps that is too much to expect for
him at once ; but I say, that we ought all to agree to
decline acceptance of office, unless a suitable position is
offered to Layard."
On the same evening " the Superior Person " obtained
the office he desired, and he wrote a letter of several
pages to Layard, which contained a lecture, quite in the
style of the famous Mr Barlow, setting forth the virtue of
humility, the danger of estimating too highly one's own
merits, and the propriety of accepting a very inferior
office, trusting to his talent and good conduct to rise
from it.
The circumstances attending the offer of office made to
1 All these Members, with the exception of one who died shortly
afterwards, held office either in the Governments of Lord Palmerston,
Lord Russell, or Mr Gladstone, two of them being Cabinet Ministers.
266 PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF LAYARD [1869
Layard by Lord Palmerston, are related in the following
letter.
Letter from Layard to Lady Huntly.
9 LITTLE RYDER STREET,
Monday, 27 th February 1855.
I was somewhat premature, as it turns out, in my
announcement of Saturday. After I had posted my letter
I saw Palmerston, who withdrew his offer of the War
Under-Secretaryship (under pressure of the Cabinet, I
believe), and offered me that of the Colonies, which I at
once declined. So that I am now free again, and am not
sorry for it. There is only one place in the Government,
except a Cabinet Office, which I could have taken without
losing my excellent position and forfeiting my reputation,
and that was the conduct of the war in the House of
Commons. Palmerston would have given it to me, but his
Cabinet is too strong for him, and this shows one that
he cannot last. He also withdrew Danby Seymour's
appointment to the Board of Control, and has behaved in
the same way to others. In fact, the Brookite Whigs are
determined to maintain their monopoly of Government,
but it will not do. There is a spirit rising in the country
which will be more formidable than our good, easy
aristocratic families, who look upon Ministers as their
perquisites, can now comprehend. I only hope it may be
changed in time. Circumstances may lead me into leading
the great movement which is now in progress. I have no
wish to ; but if I am forced into it, nothing will turn me
aside from my end ; and an immense struggle will be the
result, in which I do not think I shall fail. Before many
months are over things will change.
As time went on, the ill-feeling created by an unhappy
incident, to which reference has been made, wore itself out,
and Layard regained his popularity. He had, as almost
all public men have, some enemies ; but he had many
more friends, and by them he was much liked, and to
them he was always true.
Endowed with an independence of character, which was
often rather rough in its manifestations, and with utter fear-
lessness of personal or party consequences where his feelings
i86 9 ] HIS PLACE IN POLITICS 267
or convictions were deeply interested, he was also hampered
in his political career by the fact that he represented a
combination of views and opinions which was in his time
quite strange and exceptional. During the greater part of
his Parliamentary career the Liberal Party was led, or greatly
influenced, by Lord Palmerston, who had no sympathy with
the ideas of reform and legislation which developed so
rapidly after his departure, and who entertained views on
foreign policy which were utterly discordant with those of
the most powerful section of his supporters. Layard, on
the other hand, was at once an ardent member of the
Progressive Liberal section in all matters of home policy,
and as sturdy an upholder as Lord Palmerston of the right
and duty of England to take a bold and active part in the
politics of the world. He was therefore never thoroughly
at home in the party system, and may be considered as
a forerunner of a political section which has recently
engaged much attention. He might not unfairly be
described as the first " Liberal Imperialist."
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
JOURNAL
1854
Friday, %th September. Left Therapia with Delane, 1
Kinglake 2 and Sir Charles Edward Colebroke, at a quarter
to two, in the steamer Danube, a small vessel constructed for
the Turks for the navigation of the Danube, and purchased
by the British Government Lieutenant Cator in com-
mand. She was unprovided with a chronometer, her
compasses were out of order, she had but a few feet of
sounding line. The feeding pipe of her engine had broken
down, and the " Donkey " was used to serve the boilers. The
seamen, taken from different vessels, were all bad, inex-
perienced hands, although her crew amounted to thirty-five
men, She only carried one small gig. She was bought as
a tender to the Admiral. The lieutenant in command's
orders were to make Cape Kiliakri and Serpent's Island,
and then to steer across to Cape Tarkan and to coast to
Eupatoria if we did not fall in with the Fleet. A light
breeze in the Black Sea, which freshened towards evening
and blew from the northward strongly during the night,
reduced our progress to 4 and 5 knots. The steamer,
being fitted for river navigation, with flat bottom and large
saloon on deck, rolled considerably
Saturday, gtk. Opposite Varna in the morning light
breeze from north, made Kiliakri about noon steered out
about 50 miles, expecting to sight the Fleet not doing so,
made for Serpent's Island no sail whatever seen our
vessel anchored off Baltchik.
Sunday, loth. Sighted Serpent's Island early no sign
of Fleet steered for Cape Tarkan anxious look-out for
1 Editor of the Times.
2 The historian of the War.
271
272 APPENDIX A [1854
Fleet and for Russian cruisers. Squally during day.
About four, saw smoke of steamer to southward. Doubtful
whether if friendly or Russian soon after, line of battle-
ships appeared in same direction after some doubt, made
them out to be the French-Turkish Squadrons twenty-
nine ships altogether sailing in three lines the Turks led
by the Mamoudeyah, the French by the Ville de Paris. At
sunset communicated with the French Admiral. Found
that the English Fleet with the transports were to the north-
ward about 40 miles ; steamed easily in that direction.
Heavy squalls of wind and rain during the night.
Monday, nth. Lights were seen about three in the morn-
ing proved to be those of the Agamemnon (with Flag of
Sir Edmund Lyons), Samson and Caradoc, with Lyons,
Lord Raglan, Sir George Browne, General Canrobert, etc.,
returning from Sevastopol and the coast. The English
Fleet with transports came in sight at daybreak. A
beautiful sight as we approached, the vessels covering the
horizon all at anchor. Came alongside the Britannia at
eight sent letters, etc., aboard. Soon after the Admiral's
(Dundas) boat came alongside for Delane and Colebroke,
and brought me a letter from Sir E. Lyons inviting me as
his guest on board the Agamemnon. His boat soon followed,
and I left the Danube. Found that a conference had just
been held on board the Caradoc, when it was finally
decided that operations against Sevastopol should at once
be undertaken. Lyons appears to have decided it.
Dundas against still hoping something from the
rumoured acceptance by Russia of the last Vienna
proposals. His strange inactivity a subject of general
comment in the Fleet. Lyons, and those who had
reconnoitred with him, had returned well satisfied with the
result of their visit, and confident of success in case of
immediate action. Complaint that no blockade has been
kept up and that troops have been poured in from Odessa
lately, and that the trade has been carried on as usual. We
ought to have anchored in Eupatoria where we should have
been perfectly safe, have maintained a strict blockade and
opened communications with the natives "which might have
been of the utmost importance in land operations. General
complaints that Admiral Dundas, still hoping for no
hostilities, had neglected every precaution, even to the
extent of not having sufficient supplies of coal. Orders
given for sailing at mid-day. Squadrons and transports
formed lines, according to divisions. The Agamemnon
i854l APPENDIX A 273
leads, keeping to the windward. In an hour, transports
in sailing order.
Tuesday, \2th. Squally with wind and rain during the
night transports scattered at daybreak spreading far and
wide over the sea. Several hours before they collected.
French and Turks signalled to the N.W., but out of sight
of Agamemnon, which again takes the lead. Cape Tarkan
out of sight, and a long line of coast. Anchored about six
15 or 1 6 miles from Eupatoria off low coast with
villages and heaps of cut corn.
The Sanspareil's engine continually breaking down ;
immense sums spent in its repair, but the vessel almost
useless ; most of her lower guns have been taken out, and
she is now little better than a frigate. The Fleet ought to
have blockaded Sevastopol and Odessa by anchoring in
Eupatoria Bay. Communications might then have been
opened with the Tartar chiefs and population.
The Terrible went at full speed within three or four miles
of Sevastopol, during the trip, chasing a small fishing-vessel
struck on a rock, but fortunately passed over it, tearing
off nearly the whole of her false keel and doing great
injury to her bottom. The example of the Tiger does not
appear to have done much.
Wednesday, i^th. Signal made to weigh at daybreak,
but great remissness on the part of the transports some
not ready before ten o'clock. The Agamemnon in beautiful
style whipping them up, and turning in and out like an eel
in the water. The French and Turkish Fleets under full
sail to the southwards a fresh breeze from the land, and
all ships carrying sail a beautiful sight. Steering for
Eupatoria Bay along a low coast. The Apollo, with the
38th and Arthur (my brother) on board, passed close
alongside of us, towed by the Highflyer. Anchored for the
night in Eupatoria Bay. Town summoned, and surrendered
at once. Conference on board the Admiral's ship. Lyons
returned greatly out of spirits. Eupatoria left without
troops. No enquiry made into the position of the enemy,
the disposition of the people, etc. In fact, nothing can be
more careless and ill- managed than the whole expedition
the want of head apparent everywhere.
Thursday, i^th. We weighed soon after midnight, but
great confusion prevailed. The consequence was that the
French reached their anchorage first, the Admiral's ship
anchoring close in, and began to land immediately. Our
vessels thrown into confusion, completely lost their lines,
VOL. II. S
274 APPENDIX A [1854
and anchored without order. Much valuable time was lost
before our landing commenced, Lyons exerting himself
with great energy and bringing transports into line. The
Agamemnon landed so near that there were only six inches
to spare between her keel and the ground. The Fusiliers
were the first to land, with General Browne. Lord Raglan,
the Duke of Cambridge, and most of the officers came on
board the Agamemnon. A few Cossacks were seen on the
beach, and an officer, seating himself within gunshot, re-
mained for some time taking notes ; but there were no pre-
parations for resisting a landing which, with the confusion
in consequence of the change of plans, might have been
done with some success. The Cossacks retired to a ridge
as we landed. General Browne with a party of riflemen re-
connoitred the country, and seized a convoy of arabas es-
corted by Cossacks. Some of the men accompanying the
carts were brought on board. I conversed with them.
They declared that the whole Tartar population was dis-
affected and ready to aid in every way. They gave me
much information with regard to the country, and seemed
honest, quiet people. The landing went on vigorously, not-
withstanding the confusion, and before night nearly the
whole of the infantry, about thirty guns, and a considerable
number of staff horses, had been landed without any very
serious accident. I went on shore with Lyons about five,
and found the Light and 1st and 2nd divisions marching
inland, the rest being on the beach. Arthur, with the
38th (3rd division), landed shortly before sunset. I found
him on the beach.
Friday, \^th. Wind turned to the southward yesterday
evening a heavy swell came in from the south, and this
morning, after several ineffectual attempts, it was found
impossible to land guns or horses or even to approach the
beach. It had rained most heavily during the day, and
the troops, without any protection or covering, had been
thoroughly drenched. It was 12 o'clock before the surf
had diminished enough to permit of an attempt to land.
Only eight guns and a few horses were landed before eight,
and several accidents occurred one man and several
horses being drowned. The time lost at sea the cause of
this. Two days earlier would have saved the southerly
wind fortunately, the landing was not opposed. I went
on shore with Delane and Kinglake about mid-day, and
walked through the French, Turkish, and part of the
English lines, which now extended far and wide over the
1854] APPENDIX A 275
country. The people of the country bringing in arabas,
cattle, sheep and provisions in great quantities a very
favourable feeling existing everywhere unfortunately, the
French had plundered a village and destroyed everything
in it. The English troops drying themselves in the sun
a fine warm day. Arthur on the cliff overlooking the sea.
Saturday, i6th. The surf somewhat less, but still con-
siderable ; disembarkation continuing during the day. Went
on shore with Captain Greville and Delane early ; met
Kinglake ; saw Lord Cardigan start at the head of 300
cavalry, two guns (horse artillery) and 200 riflemen, in
search of a body of Russian troops said to be advancing
horses and men apparently in very good condition walked
up to Lord Raglan's quarters ; much pleased with the re-
ception of the Tartar population several persons of im-
portance had come into camp, and had given reliable
information. The army under tents ; found Arthur. He
accompanied us to the Turkish Pacha in command (Suleiman
Pacha), who received us very civilly, and gave us horses to
return. Returned with Captain Greville to his ship, the
Trafalgar, and dined and slept there.
Sunday, 17 th. Returned in the morning to Agamemnon,
wrote letters to England, and then went on shore. Found
Dickson and Romaine ; offer from them of tent, etc.; a few
horses, artillery, etc., landed, but surf still high. The
Kangaroo in the morning hoisted signals of distress.
When officer of Agamemnon went on board, he found 1 200
sick and dead the decks so encumbered with dead and
dying that he could scarcely walk along them only one
medical officer on board. The mismanagement in this re-
spect very great. Saw De Lacy Evans, General Leyland
and General Cathcart Delane and Kinglake land with
tent, etc. Return to the Agamemnon.
Monday, \$>th. Send letters to England. All troops,
horses, etc., disembarked by noon, and the troops ready to
march. Went on shore ; found that Delane had started for
England in the Banshee. Captain Peel came on board the
Agamemnon in the evening and represented the state of
things on board the Cambrian, now the hospital ship, as
bad as that yesterday on board the Kangaroo, which has
started for Constantinople. Four cases of cholera on board
the Agamemnon ; end fatally.
Tuesday, \gth. The army marched early. The greater
part of the transports made sail for Eupatoria. Agamemnon
weighs about ten. The armies cross the Bulganok River ;
276 APPENDIX A [1854
deploy on the hills above. The Agamemnon advances
midway between Bulganok and Alma Rivers. Russians
seen posted on rising ground to the south of Alma.
Cossacks, about 150, posted among hayricks in a valley
beneath the hill occupied by the allied armies. Bodies of
Cossacks and cavalry stationed en echelon towards Alma.
A large body of Russian cavalry, regular irregular
between 2500 and 3000, twelve guns and some infantry
advance and form line. Our cavalry suddenly appears on
the brow of the hill and in the valleys of the extreme left.
The French advance on right, chasseurs and skirmishers
in front. The advance of our artillery approach first
Cossacks in valley, who retire. Our movement being per-
ceived by the Russians, they advance rapidly and form
within range of our own cavalry, which now appeared in
strength with horse artillery. Fire opens on both sides
a regiment of cavalry white uniforms advance rapidly
towards French, and suddenly perceiving a body of English
cavalry withdraw at gallop. French advance four guns
and fire two shells amongst them. The Russians then
withdrew on all sides and recross the Alma to their
encampment. It would appear that about 20,000 were
encamped on the rising ground one or two earthworks
visible with about fifty pieces of artillery. The position very
strong. Riflemen approach high banks overlooking sea at
the embouchure of the Alma. A French steamer throws
six or seven shells amongst them, not apparently without
effect. During the manoeuvres, a horse soldier in white
uniform advances to the beach and remains stationary,
evidently wishing to attract attention. A French boat
approaches within gunshot he dismounts, makes a mark
in the beach, then retires to the cliff, waving his hand to
the spot from which he had come. The boat turning
towards it, he returns inland to the Russian troops. The
French boat, after some delay, does not approach the
beach, but returns to the ship. In the evening Lyons
sends a boat, and finds an excellent well of water, near
which the horseman had piled a heap of stones his pro-
ceedings not very apparent. A heavy cannonade during
the day to the southward, probably from Samson and
Terrible. The French encamp on brow of hill to the south
of Bulganok the English army, with the exception of a
few outposts, not visible. The Russians light numerous
watch-fires during the night. During the day on the
maintop, from whence excellent view.
i8 S4 ] APPENDIX A 277
Wednesday, 2Oth. Agamemnon shifts her berth early,
and draws nearer in shore and towards the mouth of the
Alma. The Spitfire, Vesuvius, Sanspareil, Diamond, and
three French steamers draw near in shore. The division of
the French army forming the left descends from the high
ground and halts in the valley only a few Cossacks seen
to the north of the Alma, and they are withdrawn. The
Russians remaining in position. Our cavalry seen at the
extreme left. A French General officer, probably General
Bosquet, with a small body of cavalry, advances almost
to the mouth of Alma to take a reconnaissance. Thick fog
out at sea, covering our Fleet, but not reaching in shore.
English infantry not seen before ten, when it appeared
on the crest of the hill, and advanced in two great columns,
flanked by cavalry and rifles.
The English halted, whilst the French division under
Bosquet advanced along the coast. The ford across the
mouth of the Alma was merely the bar, and scarcely wide
enough for more than two or three to cross abreast there
was a heavy surf breaking over the bar. Some time before
the head of the column reached it, a swarm of Zouaves
had crossed the river higher up, and were swarming up the
almost perpendicular sides of the cliffs and through the
ravines. The enemy had raised some earthworks at the
mouth of the Alma, and on the crest of the cliff facing the
sea ; but they could not defend them, owing to the Fleet.
The Agamemnon, Diamond, Sanspareil, Highflyer, Vesuvius,
etc., with several French steam vessels, including Admiral
Bruat's three-decker, being anchored close in. A large
body of Cossacks and infantry were drawn up as near the
edge of the cliff as they could, expecting the division of
General Bosquet. They were surprised by the Zouaves,
who had mounted the cliff in their rear. They retired
rapidly, and fell back upon the large body of infantry and
cavalry on the undulating ground. The Zouaves formed in
line as they reached the summit, partly protected at first by
a tumulus of earth. They continued thus to form under a
very heavy fire, and suffering a considerable loss. They still
held their ground wonderfully well, increasing in number
every moment, and allowing time for Bosquet's division to
mount by a very steep pathway. At length artillery was
brought up the horses could scarcely, however, draw up the
guns, the slope being so steep. For a moment the Zouaves
wavered, but they soon picked up, and opening a most
dreadful fire upon the Russians the tirailleurs and artillery
278 APPENDIX A [1854
joining in, drove them back. The Russian shells fell
somewhat over the French lines. A tumulus, many being
scattered over the country, was occupied by a half-built
octagonal tower of stone, intended for guns. This position
was very warmly disputed ; but at length the French
carried it, and a Zouave springing upon it raised the
tricolor. At length the French main body gained the
heights above the position of the Russians. The English
had halted during the attack of the French, according to
the plan. As soon as the heights were gained, our columns
deployed and advanced in line. A large village with trees
stood on the right bank of the river. To this village the
Russians set fire as they advanced. The smoke was,
however, driven into their faces, and rather concealed our
advance. The English halted as they reached the village,
to allow the smoke to blow off. The Russians, having
tried the range of their guns, opened a tremendous fire,
with considerable effect. The order was then given to
advance. This village broke our line, and the troops
rushed into the ford in some confusion. The Light division
in the centre, instead of waiting to form, rushed up the
slope, which was commanded by the earthwork with
eight or twelve guns, and by the battery of twelve guns to
the left of it. The slaughter was dreadful. The 7th and
23rd lost, the first ten officers, the other twelve (according
to report). They gave way, and fell back. Sir Colin
Campbell then told the Duke of Cambridge that the time was
come for him to place himself at the head of the Guards,
as matters looked ill. This he did, and, supporting the
regiments which were falling back, carried the earthwork, the
Russians carrying off their guns with great speed. Before
this, however, the French, having gained the heights, had
forced the battery to the left to leave its position ; the
guns were dragged off and placed higher up the slope
behind the earthwork. The Russians made a charge upon
our men in the earthworks and we gave way ; but Sir Colin
Campbell at the head of the Highland Brigade advanced
in magnificent style up the hill gained its summit took
the Russians in flank, and, compelling them to retire,
decided the day. Two very strong and dense squares, each
of more than five thousand men, were formed above the
earthworks, and had remained there without firing from the
beginning of the day. Lord Raglan and his staff had
crossed the ford through the midst of a very heavy fire,
three of his aides-de-camp having been wounded and
i8 54 ] APPENDIX A 279
several losing their horses. He then turned down the
stream, and, entering a ravine, ascended a hill overlooking
the Russians. He saw at once the importance of driving
back their square, and sent Dickson for two guns, which
began to play upon the foremost square. It soon broke up
in great disorder, the men running away in the greatest
confusion ; the other square held for ten minutes longer
and then also gave way before the immense line formed
by the Highland regiment with the Light and First
Division advancing up the hill. The Russians now re-
treated on all sides. Our artillery, a battery of Heavy and
another of Horse, followed for some distance, forming and
firing into the retreating enemy with great effect. The
3rd and 4th division, which had scarcely been in action,
were in advance. The enemy's cavalry formed to protect
the rear, and as we were without cavalry we could not
pursue. Had we possessed sufficient cavalry, the retreat
would have been a rout, and nearly all the guns would have
fallen into our hands. The whole affair was over in less
than three hours and a half, the English only having been
in action for a little more than two and half hours. I
witnessed the battle from the maintop of the Agamemnon %
and landed with Captain Mends, Captain Dacres, and one
or two others. Our artillery were engaged with the re-
treating Russians. We found a large number of slain
Russians and French on the heights, and many wounded
very dreadful scene. The French were showing very great
activity, and were already removing and attending their
wounded, so that few must have remained on the field
during the night. We met a staff-officer, Captain Weir,
and an officer of Engineers, wounded severely. The un-
finished tower was surrounded with dead bodies many
horses were scattered about. At night a Russian General
was brought prisoner on board the Agamemnon he could
only speak Russian, and I had much difficulty in com-
municating with him through a Turk, Osman Effendi, who
understood a few words of the language. He stated that
at the head of his brigade he had left Moldavia in August,
and had been twelve days at the Alma, not having even
marched to Sevastopol. He stated the number of Russian
infantry engaged to be 33,000 the number of the cavalry
he did not know, but he believed it to be about 5000 of
the artillery, too, he was ignorant, but gave them a 100
guns placing the whole force at about 50,000. All the
troops 'had been withdrawn from Sevastopol to defend the
2 8o APPENDIX A [1854
passage of the Alma, and even the novices had been
brought away ; so that the place had been left very weak.
Thursday, 2ist. Went with Captain Peel on shore.
Great efforts made by Sir Edmund Lyons and the Navy
to bring off the wounded. Walked with Captain Peel
through the French lines, found the men in high spirits.
Parties burying the dead, making graves with crosses at
head. The Russians still lying about in great numbers un-
buried the whole loss of the French stated to be 1400.
General Canrobert wounded. I saw and talked to him
yesterday. The French took MenchikofPs carriage, which
was coming with correspondence and provisions from
Sevastopol many valuable letters. Found Sir Colin
Campbell on the brow of the hill, brought out by a false
report that cavalry had been seen in the distance ; highly
delighted with the conduct of the Scotch Brigade which he
commanded. Back to headquarters in the valley near the
ford ; found Dickson, and walked with him over the field a
frightful mass of dead and wounded, especially near the
earthworks ; but scattered in every direction. The ground
strewed with packs which the retreating Russians had
thrown away helmets, arms, etc. The wounded had been
left out all night several Russian officers lying one a
very intelligent young man speaking French. Found
Arthur with his division in the front. Beyond, a great
number slain. Our artillery had inflicted great loss upon
the retreating army a dreadful scene, every manner of
wound and mutilation parties of soldiers in all directions
carrying off the wounded and burying the dead ; returned
to headquarters ; saw Lord Raglan, Duke of Cambridge
talking with young Russian officer, Kinglake, many other
friends. Returned to the ship with Captain Peel ; the road
thronged with sailors carrying wounded.
Friday, 22nd. Remained on board Agamemnon.
Army did not move. Wounded still being brought down
in very great numbers great want of proper medical
assistance. The Colombo with 700 invalids, and the
Alfred the Great detained nearly twenty-four hours for
want of medical officers very disgraceful state of things.
The army did not advance a whole day of inactivity, and
valuable time lost. The 4th division had encamped on an
old encamping place of the Russians cholera had broken
out severely. The unfortunate sick were brought down in
bullock carts, packed one above the other like so many
sacks. Lyons had already protested against this, and
i8S4] APPENDIX A 281
lays the blame upon the head of the medical staff and the
complete inefficiency of their department of the service.
Saturday, 2^rd. The armies march early, and reach
the Katcha without opposition. Encamp on the left bank
the British troops about four miles inland. Walk up the
valley to the Highland Brigade and see Sir Colin Campbell
Stirling Sir Colin gives me full details of the battle.
Some firing from the Russian forts to the north of
Sevastopol upon our steamers. Lord Raglan, it appears,
wished to march on to the Bilbek River, but St Arnaud
refused ; and the previous day St Arnaud wished to
march and Lord Raglan declined matters are not in a
very encouraging state.
Sunday, 2^th. The combined armies marched early
and struck inland, soon being out of sight of the ships.
It appears that they crossed the Bilbek beyond the reach
of the Russian forts. Our steamers and the French
exchange a few shots in the morning with the Russian
batteries, without any results. Orders from steamers to
fire at the batteries. Go with Lyons in the Highflyer to
the mouth of Bilbek. Found the Tribune (Captain
Carnegie) anchored there the Russians fire at him, but
their shot falls short. Eight French and English steamers
arrive off Fort about sunset, but remain out of range ; two
French steamers afterwards approach and exchange fire
for some time with Russian batteries ; no damage done.
Monday, 2$tk. Lord Burghersh coming from camp
with despatches for England. Cholera broken out very
severely amongst troops. The French declined to advance.
A change of plans contemplated the army to march
about fourteen miles inland, and then, taking the road to
Balaklava, to invest Sevastopol on the north. It is to be
feared that there is much want of energy, and divergence
of council. We accuse the French they probably do as
much with regard to ourselves. In the afternoon Lyons
gave me a small steamer, the Minna, and with Admiral
Slade I joined three English men-of-war steamers and
three French, firing upon Sevastopol ; most of the shot
and shell fell short. The main mast of the Samson was,
however, hit. We could not ascertain whether any damage
had been done on shore. The Russian guns exceeded
ours in their range.
Tuesday, 26th. Information came in the night that the
British army, by a forced march, had turned Sevastopol,
and had reached the Tchernaya or Black River, and would
282 APPENDIX A [1854
be at Balaklava this morning. Weighed about nine, with
the inshore squadron and a few transports carrying siege-
train and provisions for the army. The Samson and
Terrible take possession of Light House at Kheronese
Summit. Reach Balaklava at about mid-day. Find a
few Russian troops holding the ruined fort at the entrance
of harbour. Soon after our appearance off the coast, our
riflemen were seen coming over the hills, and the in-
habitants of the town flying in every direction. The
Russians in ruin commenced firing from mortars and a
large gingal returned by our riflemen and by a party of
horse artillery, which had reached the summit of a hill com-
manding the fort. We fired a few guns at the Russians,
whereupon they showed a flag of truce and surrendered.
Many of the shots from our guns fell near the Agamem-
non. Entered the harbour in the Niger (Captain Heath).
Found Lord Raglan there with General Burgoyne and his
staff. Explained their movements. Had surprised a large
Russian detachment going to Baktcha Serai and had
seized a large quantity of baggage ; but, owing to there
being no cavalry ready, were unable, as they might have
done, to capture the whole division. The forced march
had been made through very bad country thickly wooded
and abounding in ravines. The troops, the night after they
had left the Katcha, had crossed the Bilbek. Many men
and officers died of cholera and fatigue. Found Kinglake,
Romaine, Dickson, etc., in a house. The people of the
place, all Greeks, return many of them understood
Turkish. The harbour very small and somewhat difficult
of entrance for large vessels, but deep water an exceed-
ingly picturesque spot. The town small. Before night
several large steamers had entered.
Wednesday, 2jth. Lyons brings in the Agamemnon
early, in very gallant style. Lord Raglan and his staff,
with a company of Guards, standing on the beach, cheer
us as we enter. March into village, and some pillaging.
Marshal St Arnaud brought down very ill had, yesterday,
resigned his command to Canrobert, and goes to France
immediately. Lord Raglan and staff go out on recon-
naissance. Commence landing siege artillery.
Thursday, 28^, to \st October. Landing siege artillery,
cavalry from Varna, powder-shot, etc. The army advance
towards Sevastopol and take up position on heights about
if miles from the batteries to the south of the town. The
FYench being chiefly on the left on the lowland, the English
1854] APPENDIX A 283
to the right on the heights one French division on the
extreme right, and behind them the Turks. Go up every
day to heights, which are within range the shot falling in
some instances over the divisions. Mr Upton taken
prisoner at his farm-house the son of the engineer who
constructed many of the public works in Sevastopol, and
consequently well acquainted with the place. The tents
for the army not landed until to-day (ist October) great
inconvenience from this unnecessary delay, which, with
proper management, ought not to have taken place.
General complaints of commissariat. Marines landed
and placed on heights above town to defend harbour.
Monday, 2nd October. Ride to lines with fine French
Officer who commanded first battery that ascended at
Alma, examining defences of Sevastopol. He explained
to me that it was half Sequel's division which had made
the first ascent, and which had separated from the rest
during the march along the beach ; next it was Canrobert's
division, then Prince Napoleon's, and lastly Torcy's. My
informant's battery was long unsupported, and lost twenty-
five horses with many men. Criticised the Russian position
and our attack. Found Arthur unwell no tents yet
delivered ; eight tents for the officers of each regiment
expected this evening, but none for the men illness pre-
valent on account of want of protection.
Tuesday, ^rd October Sanspareil, Tribune and Vesuvius
with three French steamers go to Yalta to take possession
of some wine which Canrobert had heard of as being in
store there. The Sanspareil with only 40 tons of coal, and
another steamer with only 30, and the want of coal general
most serious case of mismanagement. Ride to the lines
to see Arthur, who is better. Find Sir Colin Campbell
at the extreme right the Russians firing at intervals.
The high road to Simpherapol, Baghtali Serai, still left
open, and the town receives supplies and troops by it
only to-day that we think of closing it, but nothing done.
This neglect very extraordinary, but a talk of breaking
ground to-night. Very little communication appears to
exist between French and English Commanders. Lord
Raglan evidently disinclined to it, and professes complete
ignorance of all they are doing.
Wednesday, ^th October. Warcloud transport arrives,
having thrown overboard 70 horses, out of 78 of Enniskillen
Dragoons. In the evening the Wilson Kennedy arrived,
having thrown overboard 100 horses, out of 108 of the 1st
284 APPENDIX A [1854
Dragoon Guards. Both cases owing to carelessness of
those who fitted the transports. Ride to the lines with
Dickson who has command of a battery. The enemy
commenced shelling about 3 o'clock, and their shells fell
into the encampment of the 3rd division, killing a private
and wounding a sergeant. No work yet commenced on
our side, although the siege guns up the men still with-
out tents. The Beagle arrives in the evening.
Thursday, $th October. Lord Raglan and his staff
move up to the vicinity of lines. He ought to have been
there some days ago. The Beagle lands one of the Lan-
caster guns. Our infantry roll to-day 16,000. The French
propose to bring their line of battle-ships under fire of forts !
One of the Beagle's guns sent up. We have not yet broken
ground some shell fall among our troops in the line and
kill some men. Dr Thompson, who remained with his
servant Mayroth for five days with the wounded at Alma,
died of cholera this morning. Captain Staunton surveys
the heights around Balaklava, to propose plan for fortifying
them ; somewhat late.
Friday, 6th October. Sanspareil, Vesuvius, etc., return
from expedition from Yalta unsuccessful obtained
nothing but a few tons of coal the Russians had quitted
the place. The Rip Van Winkle arrives from Varna,
having thrown overboard 50 horses of the Royals, owing
to inadequate fittings. Question of fortifying Balaklava
commenced to-day. Turks to entrench themselves at the
entrance to the valley. Nothing done in camp ; no ground
broken. Arthur comes in unwell.
Saturday, Jth October. Alarm in the morning occa-
sioned by a body of about 5000 Russian cavalry, infantry,
and artillery coming out on a reconnaissance on the bank
of the Tchernaya. Met by English cavalry and Mande's
troop of Horse Artillery. Three of our Dragoons taken
prisoners ; but the enemy fled after the first few shots from
our artillery, many of them throwing away their arms a
large number of swords, lances, and carbines being found
on the field. Several Russians are supposed to have been
killed ; some wounded Cossacks fell into our hands. Had
our cavalry acted well, nearly 1000 men might have been
taken. Rode with Lyons and Captain Drummond of the
Retribution to headquarters. A council of Generals of
Divisions at Lord Raglan's. No plans yet decided upon,
and apparently great indecision. Sir John Burgoyne pro-
posed that our troops should be advanced at once to within
i854l APPENDIX A 285
800 yards of batteries in a ravine, a proposal at once
rejected does not seem to have any definite plan. The
possibility of our being compelled to give up the siege
for this year and to go into winter quarters discussed.
Lyons uncomfortable about the state of things the
Generals admit that the only object in coming round here
was to make a coup de main, and the opportunity now lost.
The Russians not firing to-day. No ground broken by our
Engineers.
Sunday, 8//z October. Send letters to England. A
battery commenced during the night, but the guns not in
position. It would appear that the Generals separated
yesterday without coming to any decision, except that a
regular attack to the right was impracticable. Lord
Raglan this morning suggested a false attack at the right,
and a real attack at the left extremity by the French, we
supplying men and guns to this Canrobert agrees. The
French much in advance of ourselves, and doing the thing
scientifically a great want of zeal and energy on our
side.
Monday, Qth October. Cold high wind from northward ;
rode early to camp. Lord Raglan had stopped pro-
ceedings in the night, and no guns placed in position. A
heavy fire during the day on the French who, however,
continued their work, pushing forward pluckily. Two of
our batteries and earthworks nearly complete. The
Russians did not appear to know of them in the morning ;
towards the middle of the day they discovered one, and
commenced throwing shot and shell amongst working
party, but without any result. Later they sent out some
cavalry and infantry to reconnoitre, but they withdrew
upon our Light, 1st and 2nd divisions turning out under
arms. During the greater part of the day with the 2nd
division. De Lacy Evans unwell criticises operations
condemns the extent of our line without supports.
Fortunately the French are throwing up redoubts and
entrenchments in our rear. Their operations much more
scientific and regular than ours. Our park and powder,
almost at the extreme right, were most exposed to attack
of enemy and actually within range. Agrees that, if a
regular advance anticipated, we should have commenced
from the north. This side not exceedingly strong. A
new work raised to the end of the second tower. Three
batteries and guns in position completed to defend
Balaklava.
286 APPENDIX A [1854
Tuesday, loth. Ambulance carts disembarked from
Cambria. Ride to French lines, and, from a position
where foremost sentinels of French stationed, obtain a
capital view of town, fortifications and harbour, as well
as of works thrown up by the French, which were ready to
receive, according to their account, forty guns. Much
firing from forts of shot and shell, but without doing any
material damage. From French ride across to English
lines ist division and artillery. Shot falling in the
English camp from a new redoubt into which the guns
were only placed this morning (the east of the Round
Tower), and from a steamer moving about the harbour.
One gun (Lancaster), placed by us in position during the
night, works not very forward and complaints of tardi-
ness of Engineers. Chasseurs d'Espagne arrive. Saw
about 300 sick coming down in carts from camp
without any medical attendants whatever. Two had died
on the road. They remained for an hour or two at
Balaklava without necessary assistance. Lord Raglan was
present, and expressed great indignation. Determination
to-day to get forty guns into position about 1500 yards
from forts.
Wednesday, nth. A marine with cholera brought to
beach taken ill on guard yesterday morning, had been
refused admission into the military hospitals because he was
a marine (although the marines are placed under military
authority in Balaklava), and left without any medical
assistance in the open air all night. Yesterday a report
that the Greeks of Balaklava had sent away their wives
and families, and intended to set fire to the place. Lord
Raglan had the priest arrested, and determines upon
sending away the inhabitants to some Greek village on
the coast for the present, a determination which should
have been taken some days ago. Deserters state that the
Russians intend attacking Balaklava on the I4th, and that
the guns taken from Sevastopol during the last few days
are for that purpose. Yesterday two guns taken away by
the Inkerman road, which up to this moment has not
been closed ! With the siege artillery, ist and 2nd
divisions during the day. The trench work impeded last
night by the Engineers having lost their tracing ! Three
guns placed.
Thursday, \2th October. At French lines during the
day. A sortie during the night without result Yesterday
a transport with hay becalmed within shot from the
i8 54 ] APPENDIX A 287
batteries was deserted by her crew, who left her sails set.
She continued her course, and after having been struck by
two shot in the hull, and two through the sails, ran aground
under cover of a projecting cliff. The Firebrand en-
deavoured to come to her assistance, but was prevented by a
heavy fire from the batteries, five shot striking her. She
continued, however, to prevent a Russian steamer taking
or destroying the vessel. Dundas sent orders that the
vessel was to be burnt rather than run the risk of sacrifice
of life. However, Captain Stewart at night takes her off,
and lashing her to the Beagle brought her in the
morning to Balaklava. The Russians sent the steamers
and several armed boats to take possession of her, but too
late. Works, both French and English, made considerable
progress during night. Heavy fire kept up upon them
during the day, with small results one man killed and
three or four wounded in English trenches. Great
superiority of French organisation over ours. Trochu
shows me maps and plans for siege we have nothing of
the kind everything appears to depend upon chance. A
new battery with heavy guns to be erected below the white
house in front of the French camp.
Friday, \^th October. Alarm of Russians advancing
in the morning on Balaklava originated in the fact of
the Cossacks having captured a sergeant of Dragoons on
picket our cavalry have not distinguished themselves as
yet, apparently ill adapted for picket and such service.
Breakfasted with Canrobert, and afterwards, accompanied
by a French officer, inspected the French camp and lines.
Their organisation far in advance of ours the Engineer
department admirable tent with maps, plans, etc.
additions being every day made from field-books of officers.
Commissariat equally well organised bakeries, etc. every
other day the troops supplied with fresh bread. The
engineering, mining and sapping tools, with the park of
siege artillery, admirably arranged ; in all these departments
there appears to be entire neglect on our side. Two
divisions form the lines from our extreme left to the sea,
enclosing the west part of the town those divisions are
General Torcy's and the Prince's. Two in red forming
the supports commanded by Espinasse and Bosquet with
the Turks. A line of works now carried by the French
completely round the rear. The headquarters occupy a
central position, about a mile from Lord Raglan's house.
Canrobert lives, with his staff, in tents. Twelve ambulance
288 APPENDIX A [1854
carts brought out, and now at our headquarters. They do
not appear to me to be well adapted to the purpose. They
carry four or even six inside, but the space very much
confined ; a wounded man could neither sit up nor stretch
or raise his limbs. The blood would drip through from
the upper upon the lower ; in hot weather the heat would
be overpowering, as there are only breathing holes at the
sides. When the cart was ascending or descending, the
position of those dangerously wounded would be exceed-
ingly painful. The carts, too, are made for roads and
could not go across country ; at Alma they would have
been almost useless for removing the wounded from the
field of battle. Six sit outside ; but the seats do not appear
to me comfortable for a wounded man. About 3000
Turks arrive to be employed for the defence of
Balaklava of which Sir Colin Campbell is now appointed
Commandant.
Sunday, i$th. Moved to camp, and took up quarters
with Dickson and the officers of the siege-train. Passed
afternoon in 5 -gun battery on extreme right.
Tuesday, \*jth October. Fire opened.
On the 2$th, the cavalry affair before Balaklava. Mande
wounded.
On the 26th. Sir De Lacy Evan's affair with the column
of Russians.
On the ist November, the French opened their advanced
batteries 91 guns. Muster roll at the end of October,
14,700 rank and file.
Sunday, $th November. Soon after daybreak heavy
Russian guns placed in position during the night opened
upon 2nd division our extreme right. Immense bodies
of infantry came over the hill and drove in our pickets.
The morning hazy, with slight rain, so that little could
be seen at a distance. The action became general, and
lasted until nearly 4 o'clock. Our regiments beaten back
when they charged, crossing bayonets, by the actual mass
ot the Russian columns ; the latter gave way, however, under
very heavy fire of grape, shrapnel shell and round
shot from the English and French artillery. The
Russian artillery covered their retreat, and was at length
forced from its position by the Zouaves and other French
infantry turning it. The French followed up the re-
treating masses and inflicted great loss upon them. The
Russians retired into the valley of the Tchernaya, and then
formed. French artillery brought to the edge of the hill
i8 S4 ] APPENDIX A 289
played upon them they scattered, and in disorder clam-
bered up the opposite hills. Shells and shot from the ship-
ing and two batteries drove in the French artillery. Our
loss very great, and the battle-field infinitely worse than
Alma. De Lacy Evans very ill at Balaklava did not
command, though he joined late in the day. Pennefather
took the 2nd division into action. Cathcart appears to
have fallen into a trap. The Duke of Cambridge went
over the ground with me. During the attack on the
extreme right, a large body attempted to take the 5-gun
battery, but were repulsed with great loss by General
Codrington and a part of General England's division.
They also made a sortie on the French at the extreme left,
but were repulsed, the French driving them back to the
walls a report at one time that the French had entered the
town. The Russians also made a feint on our rear before
Balaclava. The Russian artillery chiefly silenced by two
1 8-pound guns of position brought up by Dickson, after
Gambier was wounded. The bells of the town began to
toll early in the morning, and the batteries opened a brisk
fire ; it would appear that the troops heard prayers, were
made drunk with rum, and then led on to the assault. It
was said that the Grand-Duke Constantine had arrived
and commanded in person. Great re-inforcements had
undoubtedly joined, and Canrobert, who was slightly
wounded in the right arm, estimated the entire number
in the Tchernaya at nearly 100,000 men. The Russians
again bayonet the wounded. The French lent us their
ambulances to carry away the wounded.
Monday ', 6th November. Council of war at Lord Raglan's
came to no decision to meet again to-morrow. A
burial of Generals Cathcart and Strangways Goldy and
Seymour buried on same spot.
END OF JOURNAL
VOL. II.
APPENDIX B
To Henry Bruce, Esq., M.P.
H.M.S. Agamemnon,
BALAKLAVA, CRIMEA,
%th October 1854.
MY DEAR BRUCE, Amongst various letters which I re-
ceived a few days ago from England was an envelope con-
taining the customary cards united by the customary silver
thread. I wished at the moment that I could have sent you
my hearty congratulations by the gale that was then
sweeping over Sevastopol fraught with stories of bloodshed
and misery. My wishes for your happiness will now appear
to you very tardy, and will just arrive when the repetition
of such wishes from every point of the compass must have
become rather a bore ; but still I cannot refuse myself the
gratification of assuring you that they come from the
bottom of my heart, and would be expressed, if I were with
you, with all my soul and with all my strength. But,
writing from such a place as this, and in the midst of such
great events, I must send you something more worth your
receiving than a mere letter of congratulation and of compli-
ment. I lost no time after leaving London in joining the
allied fleets in the Black Sea. I found them anchored out
at sea off Tarkan (Crimea). I was kindly received by
Sir Edmund Lyons on board his magnificent screw line of
battle-ship, the Agamemnon, and have since been his guest.
Sir Edmund commands the "in-shore" squadron, whose
duty it is to cover the advance of the army and to operate
along the coast. I have thus had the best opportunity of
seeing all that has passed, and of being present at all
operations both on land and by sea. Moreover, I have
found myself thrown with the only man in command for
whose skill, energy and vigour I have the least admiration.
He has been and is the life and soul of this expedition ;
i8 S4 ] APPENDIX B 291
without him, it would be difficult to say what would happen.
Lord Raglan is a gallant English gentleman kind-hearted,
sincere, and honourable but he wants the energy and
vigour of intellect which an expedition of this kind demands.
St Arnaud was a buffoon, well deserving the title which
his troops gave him of " le Marechal Polichinelle " ; but a
man of great personal courage and marvellous energy of
character, which the most acute suffering and a state of body
verging between life and death could scarcely subdue.
Canrobert is highly spoken of; but as a commander has
not had an opportunity of distinguishing himself. He
behaved well at Alma, was wounded, and is a great
favourite with the French troops. So much for the
generals. I may add that there is very little sympathy and
very little personal communication between the English
and French commanders a state of things which naturally
breeds mischief. The landing near Eupatoria was effected
under the superintendence of Sir Edmund Lyons, without
any opposition on the part of the Russians, and was a
very remarkable event. They might have inflicted very
great loss upon us, owing to a change of plans on the part
of Admiral Dundas ; but these clouds of Cossacks of
which we have heard so much, did not appear, nor indeed
have they since.
The Russians had taken up a position of very great
strength on the left bank of the Alma. The river winds
under very precipitous cliffs, which open into an amphi-
theatre about three miles from the sea. An earthwork with
guns had been thrown up in this open space, and batteries
were placed in various parts of it. But the heights to the
left of the position were strangely neglected, and, having
been seized with great gallantry by the French tirailleurs
and Zouaves, the flank of the enemy was turned. Nothing
could exceed the want of skill shown by the Russian com-
mander in holding a position which nature had almost ren-
dered impregnable if defended by good troops. Menchikoff
commanded in person. The French attacked the enemy's
left, and our troops were directed against the centre. Only
three divisions of the British army were actually in action
(the Light, ist and 2nd). Our share in the battle has
been much criticised. We had a stream, with high banks,
to cross by a ford, and in some places wading through
water breast high. The Light division crossed first in the
very front of the batteries which poured a murderous fire
over the river. The men were not called upon to form
292 APPENDIX B [1854
under the high bank, but were allowed to rush up the
slope of the amphitheatre in confusion. In fact there
appears to have been no command at all, nor any attempt
at strategy. The men were thrown upon the resource of
their own British pluck ; but the inevitable result was that
the first three regiments (the /th, 23rd and 33rd) were nearly
destroyed. The Russians, seeing them waver, leaped over
their earthworks, leaving their guns, and charged with
their bayonets. Matters were at this moment in a most
critical state, and the battle was saved by the decision and
coolness of our old cosmopolite 1 friend Sir Colin
Campbell. . . . Sir Colin, at the head of his Highland
Brigade, made an admirable flank movement, turned the
battery, and, sweeping everything before him, completely
defeated the enemy. Lord Raglan and his staff behaved
with great courage and were under the heaviest fire ; but
something more was wanted. Unfortunately, the Russians
were allowed to retreat unmolested. Had the defeat been
followed up, which it might have been done, as two
divisions, the 3rd and 4th, had not been in action and were
quite fresh, the Russian army would have been completely
destroyed, and during the panic we might have entered
Sevastopol. Not a deserter or prisoner since taken who
does not confirm this. A perfect panic appears to have
seized the Russians. Menchikoff, as we know from an in-
tercepted despatch, believed he could hold the position for
weeks the boasted power of the Russians had been ex-
posed in three hours ! At such a moment as this the man
of genius a Wellington or Napier was wanting. We
lost two valuable days in looking after the wounded and
dead in all that concerns them our mismanagement was
astounding. Five days after the battle a forced march,
which might have had the most brilliant results, placed us
to the south of Sevastopol, with a splendid basis of
operations, and before that part of Sevastopol which had
been completely undefended. Had this effort been
followed up, we might have been in Sevastopol that even-
ing. But we neglected the opportunity old Burgoyne made
up his mind to a regular siege, and here we are before
the place. Unfortunately we have hitherto done nothing.
We have allowed the Russians to recover from their
panic, to throw up defences of great strength, and to in-
troduce above 20,000 fresh troops into the place. All this
1 Member of the Cosmopolitan Club.
i854l APPENDIX B 293
appears inexplicable. I have no doubt that, as usual, we
shall succeed ; but our loss will, I fear, be very great The
impression is that the place will not be able to resist the
immense weight of metal which will be brought to bear
upon it. The English alone will have nearly 130 guns in
position, the fleet having landed between 40 and 50, the
French about 60. They are all to open, I believe, at the
same time. The defence will probably be desperate, but I
cannot conceive the garrison holding out. It is yet doubt-
ful what part the fleet may take in the great effort ; but I
fear that under such a man as Dundas little is to be expected
of it. This is truly a national misfortune, as our navy
is discouraged, and the finest materials in the world, without
any exception, are not turned to account. I have been
greatly struck at the great superiority of the navy, in all
that relates to details and management, and in energy and
enthusiasm, to the army. This may be a good deal owing
to the want of a military leader who can inspire troops
with confidence, and infuse into them a part of his own
spirit. All the commissariat and medical arrangements
are exceedingly bad. The men are exposed to great
unnecessary suffering, and the ravages of the cholera
have been doubled by the want of common precautions.
Up to this day the men have not had their tents, and
the officers only received them two or three days ago.
You would be surprised at the state of things. The fact
is, there is no master mind to grasp the whole subject to
give orders and to see that they are carried out. I could
not put my finger upon one man (with the exception
perhaps, to a certain degree, of Sir Colin Campbell) and
say, " there is a man to command an expedition." There
are a number of red-waistcoated gentlemen, with their
hands in their pockets, idling about men of undoubted
gallantry, but without a spark of enthusiasm or energy
all voting the thing a great bore and longing for Pall
Mall. At Varna, what with this spirit and the terrible
ravages of the cholera, the army was well-nigh demoralised.
In the navy, on the contrary, all is courage, enthusiasm
and vigour. It is really good for one's soul to see how
the captains and men of Lyons' squadron work ; they
have been invaluable to the army, and have shown a
spirit worthy of the best period of our navy. This is
owing chiefly, of course, to having a man like Lyons at
their head. The contrast with the army is the more
regrettable, as the materials in both are the same, and
294 APPENDIX B [1854
all that is wanted is some one to make the same use of
them. The fault lies at home Dundas will probably
be made a peer, and Lyons not noticed a Guardsman
gets the command of a division, and the man who is
competent is overlooked. Being at headquarters, I
have an admirable opportunity of seeing everything. I
wish Sidney Herbert could have some such experience.
APPENDIX C
LAYARD'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY
List of Articles contributed to the Quarterly Review.
Turkey and Russia . .' . . . . . December 1853
The Turks and the Greeks . , >"; . . March 1854
The Campaign in the Crimea . ... . . December 1854
Objects of the War . June 1855
Results and Prospects of the War .... December 1855
The Peace and its Effects on Turkey . . . March 1856
Persia and its Inhabitants April 1857
The Manchester Exhibition July 1857
Communication with India ..... October 1857
The Condition of India July 1858
Arundel Society Fresco October 1858
The National Gallery April 1859
Architecture of All Countries October 1859
German, Flemish and Dutch Art .... April 1861
Cavour July 1861
Kinglake's Crimea April 1863
Pompeii . . January 1864
Rassam's Abyssinia April 1869
Italian Painters July 1872
Velasquez October 1872
The Eastern Question and the Conference (Layard
and Dr Smith) January 1877
The National Gallery October 1886
The National Portrait Gallery April 1888
Early Life of Lord Beaconsfield .... January 1889
The Italian Condottiere January 1890
295
APPENDIX D
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Nineveh and its Remains : with an Account of a Visit to the Chaldean
Christians of Kurdistan, and the Yezidis, or Devil-worshippers ;
and an Enquiry into the Manners and Arts of the Ancient
Assyrians. 2 vols. 1849
Nineveh and its Remains. A Narrative of an Expedition to Assyria,
during the years 1845, 1846, and 1847. Abridged by the
Author from his larger work. 1867
A Popular Account of Discoveries at Nineveh. Abridged, etc. 1851
Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon : with Travels in
Armenia, Kurdistan and the Desert ; being the result of a
Second Expedition undertaken for the Trustees of the British
Museum. London, 8vo. 1853
Nineveh and Babylon. A Narrative of a Second Expedition to
Assyria during the years 1849, 1850 and 1851. Abridged by
the Author from his larger work. 1867
The Monuments of Nineveh. From Drawings made on the Spot by
A. H. Layard. Illustrated in 100 Plates. Fol. 1849
A Second Series of the Monuments of Nineveh, made on the Spot
during a Second Expedition to Assyria. Fol. 1853
Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana and Babylonia, including a
Residence among the Baktiyari and other Wild Tribes, before
the Discovery of Nineveh. 2 vols. 1887
The Nineveh Court in the Crystal Palace. Described by A. H.
Layard. 1854
296
APPENDIX D 297
Inaugural Address of A. H. Layardon his Installation as Lord Rector
of the Marischal College and University of Aberdeen. 1856
The Massacre of St Bartholomew and the Revocation of the Edict of
Nantes. Illustrated from State Papers in the Archives of
Venice. Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Huguenot
Society of London, 1887. Privately printed. 1888
The Due de Rohan's Relations with the Republic of Venice, 1630-
1637. 1893
The Prospects and Conduct of the War. Speech delivered in the
House of Commons on December 12, 1854. 1854
The Rt. Hon. A. H. Layard and the Anti-Slavery Society. Being a
Copy of a Letter addressed by Mr Layard to M. Laboulaye
. . . together with Remarks on certain Misstatements contained
therein. [1877]
The Turkish Question. Speeches delivered in the House of Commons
on August 16, 1853, and February 17, 1854. 1854
The Condition of Turkey and her Dependencies. Speech delivered in
the House of Commons on Friday, May 29, 1863. 1863
The Danish Question. Speech delivered in the House of Commons
on July 7, 1864. 1864
Handbook of Painting. The Italian Schools. Based on the Hand-
book of Kugler. Originally Edited by Sir Charles L. Eastlake,
P.R.A. Sixth Edition. Thoroughly Revised and in part
Rewritten, by Austen Henry Layard, G.C.B., D.C.L., with
nearly 250 Illustrations. London, demy 8vo. 1891
INDEX
ABDUL HAMID, Sultan of Turkey, ii.
98-100
Abdul Mejid, Sultan of Turkey, ii.
56, 88, 109
Aberdeen, Lord, Foreign Minister, ii.
38, 40; prejudice against Layard,
42, 70-73 ; 102
Aboyne, Lady, ii. 239, 240
Abraham, Mosque of, at Orfa, i. 287-
88 ; legend of, ii. 7
Abyssinia, war with, ii. 257
Acre, i. 264-66
Adana, Egyptian army at, i. 21 1
Adib, Consular Agent at Antioch, i.
216, 230
Agamemnon, H.M.S. , ii. 248
Ahmet Vefyk Effendi, character of,
". 47-55 ; 74, 86, 89, 104
Ainsworth, Mr, of Mosul, i. 306, 308,
310; ii. 165
Ajunta, rock temples of, ii. 219
Akh-Shehr, i. 178-79
Albania, revolt of, ii. 124-38
Albany, Countess of, i. 12
Aleppo, i. 232-33; society at, 234-
35, 283
Alexandretta (Iskanderoon), i. 215-
16
Al Hadhar, ruins of, i. 310, 315 ; ii.
165
Ali, Pasha of Baghdad, i. 344, 347-
49
Ali Effendi, ii. 92-93
Alice, H.R.H., Princess, at Darm-
stadt, ii. 236
Alison, Mr Charles, ii. 75-80 ; 145-
49
Ambelakia, co-operative community,
ii. 27-28
American Missionaries, in Turkey, ii.
121-22
Antioch, i. 216, 218, 224, 230
Antonelli, Cardinal, ii. 225
Apollonia, Lake of, i. 160
Arago. M., aide-de-camp of Suleiman
Pasha, i. 222, 232
Arundel Society, ii. 196, 203, 211,
220, 223
Armenians, in Constantinople, ii. 63-
64
Assisi, frescoes at, ii. 220
Atash Bey, Kurdish Chief, i. 290-
92
Athos, Mount, ii. 116-17
Austen, Mr Benjamin, i. 17, 36, 41,
43 ; character of, 46 ; regard for
Disraeli, 47 ; 99, 103 ; letter to,
ii. 10 ; 43, 214, 225, 230
Austen, Mrs Benjamin, i. 17;
character of, 46-47 ; letters to, ii.
158, 164, 172-76, 182-87, 206-214,
216-25, 232-37
Aylesbury, Layard family at, i. 63 ;
Layard member for, ii. 240
Ayoub Nastalla, his sufferings, i.
252-54
Ayrton, Right Hon. A., ii. 258,
262-63
BABYLON, site of, i. 349-51
Baghdad, i. 326 ; government of,
344-49; letters from, ii. 1-13
Bahmehshire, ancient outlet of Karun
river, ii. 68-9
Ball, Mr John, ii. 226
Barker, Mr, of Tarsus, i. 266-67
Barker, Mr, of Suedia, i. 218-24, 225,
228
Barker, Mr Charles, of Aleppo, i.
230, 233
Barolo, Marquis of, i. 86-87
Barry, Mr, the architect, ii. 261
Beaufort, Captain, i. 206
Beder Khan Bey, Kurdish Chief, i.
299; ii. 175, 179
Behr, Baron de, ii. 142-43
Belgrade, revolution at, ii. 30-32 ; fast
ride to Constantinople from, 33-37
Berlin, Museum of, ii. 226
Beshire, Emir, Chief of the Druses,
i. 243, 264
300
INDEX
Bethell, Mr, ii. 240
Bewsher, Rev. James, schoolmaster
at Richmond, i. 37-41
Beyrout, i. 250-51
Birijik, on Euphrates, i. 284-85
Blunt, Mr, Consul at Salonica, ii. 22
Bode, Baron de, ii. 6, 28
Bombay, ii. 212
Bonafons, Chevalier, i. 76, 86, 89;
ii. 185
Borgognone, ii. 210
Botta, Signor, historian, i. 88
Botta, M., Assyriologist, ii. 107-8,
152, 157, 161, 164, 184, 188
Botticelli, Sandro, ii. 230-31
Bourqueney, Baron de, French
Ambassador at Constantinople, ii.
58-61
Boutanieff, Count, Russian Minister
at Constantinople, ii. 57
Bright, Rt. Hon. John, ii. 264
British Museum, Trustees of, ii. 156,
177, 189, 190, 191
Brockeden, Mr William, i. 47, 54 ;
64-73
Bronzino, II, Millais' admiration of,
ii. 231
Bulgarians, ii. 24, 109
Burghersh, Lord and Lady, i. 35
Burnouf, M., Orientalist, ii. 185-87
Burr, Mrs Higford, ii. 209, 21 1, 212,
229
Byron, Lord, Silvio Pellico's opinion
of, i. 89
CABOULI, EFFENDI, ii. 92, 94
Cadalvene, M. de, ii. 107-9
Cairns, Lord Chancellor, ii. 256
Calvert, Mr, at Constantinople, ii.
211
Candili, on the Bosphorus, ii. 104-7
Canning, Lord, i. 41
Canning, Sir Stratford, ii. 16-18 ;
his appearance, 19, 20-21 ; his
Servian policy, 38-41 ; love of
mystery, 56 ; violence, 58, 83-87 ;
anger with Lord Aberdeen, 70 ;
views on Turkish reform, 101 ;
habits, 1 39-40 ; interest in Assyrian
exploration, 150-53 ; contribution
to, 155-56, 243
Canning, Lady, ii. 60, 78, 95-96,
120, 151
Carmel, Mount, i. 267-68
Cartwright, Mr, ii. 2
Castellani, Roman jeweller, ii. 225
Cattaro, i. 124-26
Catzeflis, Mr, of Tripoli, i. 240
Caumont, Jacques Mompart de, Due
de la Force, ancestor of Layard, i. 3
Cavour, Marquis Benso de, father of
the statesman, i. 68, 69, 70, 76
Cavour, Count Camille, the states-
man, i. 69, 76, 90 ; ii. 255
Cettigne, i. 127
Chesney, General, Commander of
Euphrates Expedition, i. 226-27
Clarendon, Earl of, ii. 233, 262
Clifton Camville, Barony of, i. 2 ;
claimed by Dr Layard, 6
Cole, Mr, of South Kensington
Museum, ii. 237
Collier, Sir Robert, his painting, ii.
229, 232
Comnenus, Dr, i. 286-87
Conestabile, Count Gian Carlo, ii.
220-21
Copenhagen, visit to, i. 94
Cordova, Sefior de, Spanish Minister
at Constantinople, ii. 61
Coutts Co., misunderstanding
with, ii. 43-44
Cowley, Lord. See Wellesley
Crimea, war in the, ii. 248-51
Croze, Layard descended from family
of, i. 34
Ctesiphon, remains of, i. 351
DALMATIA, tour through, i. 112-23
Danielo, Prince. See Montenegro
Danilefsky, General, i. 96
Dante, recovery of portrait of, i. 28
Daphne, groves of, i. 218, 229-30
Delane, Mr, Editor of the Times, ii.
224, 248
Dervish Czar, Albanian insurgent, ii.
127-38
Dickens, Charles, delight of Ahmed
Vefyk in his works, ii. 49, 251
Dickson, Sir Collingwood, ii. 73, 75,
144
Didier, M. Charles, Layard's tutor,
i. 20, 22
Diocletian, i. 118-19
Disraeli, Benjamin, first recollections
of, i. 1 8 ; his friendship with the
Austens, 47; "Vivian Grey," 48-
49 ; his character in youth, 49-51 ;
ii. 242, 256, 264, 265
Disraeli, Isaac, i. 47
Disraeli, Sarah, i. 48
Dundas, Admiral, ii. 248-49
Duport, M., Piedmontese manu-
facturer, i. 69
Duport, M. Camille, his son, i. 70,
7i, 75, 76, 77, 89
INDEX
301
EASTLAKE, SIR CHARLES, ii. 196,
225, 228, 231
Eastlake, Lady, ii. 21 1 ; letters to,
230-32
Ekbal-ed-Dowleh, Nawab of Oudh,
i. 337 ; ii. 178
Elphinstone, Lord, ii. 213
Eski-Kara-Hissar, ruins of, i. 178
Ezekiel, allusions to Assyrian
sculpture in Book of, ii. 166
FELLOWS, SIR CHARLES, i. 47, 105,
157
Fergussqn, Mr, the architect, ii. 213
Fieschi, funeral of his victims, i. 65-66
Florence, childhood at, i. 21-36;
political excitement in, ii. 183 ;
frescoes at, 208
Fonblanque, Mr, Consul- General at
Belgrade, ii. 32, 33, 38, 39 ^
Fox, Mr, Unitarian preacher, i. 56
Fresco, in Italy, ii. 203-6
Frere, Sir Bartle, ii. 213
Fuad, Effendi, ii. 92-93, 104
GALATERI, CAVALiEREandCoNTES-
SINA, i. 77-85
Galli, Canonico, his bird-catching, i.
81,83
Garibaldi, ii. 222, 227, 230
Gaudenzio Ferrari, ii. 209
Germain, M. Vincent, of Aleppo, i.
231, 235
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., i. 138;
ii. 244, 257, 259, 262, 264
Grande Chartreuse, visit to, i. 75
Granville, Earl, ii. 238-39, 241, 242,
244
Gregory, Sir William, ii. 203, 259
Guest, Lady Charlotte, ii. 189
H
HAMADAN, in Persia, ii. 4
Hamilton, Sir Robert, ii. 213, 215
Hannibal, passage of the Alps, i. 72
Hassan Pasha, i. 147-48
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, i. 31
Hector, Mr, of Baghdad, i. 330 ; ii.
161
Holbein, picture at Darmstadt, ii.
236
Horns, in Syria, visit to, i. 237-39
Hook, Theodore, i. 47, 51
Huddleston, Sir John, i. 62
Humbert, Baron, ii. 231
Humboldt, W. Von, ii. 184, 186
I
IASIN, rock tombs of, i. 174-75
Ibrahim Pasha, i. 156, 162, 182, 205,
208, 211, 214, 216, 226, 235-36,
238, 241, 251, 259, 318
Ilian, rock tombs near, i. 171
Indian Navy, value of, i. 329-30
Interlaken, schooldays at, i. 18
J
JAMES, G. P. R., influence of his
novels, i. 41
Jerusalem, i. 273-79
Jones, Captain Felix, i. 329, 353
K
KALAH SHIRGHAT, ruins of, i. 313
Kala Tul, Baktiyari Castle, ii. 7-9
Karak, ii. 6
Karun, river, exploration of, ii. 13-14 ;
68,71
Keogh, Judge, his oratorical gifts,
i. 60-61, 62
Khorsabad, remains of, ii. 107, 152,
162
Kiamil Bey, ii. 97-100
Kilbea, Mr, of Beyrout, i. 251, 253
Kirkup, Seymour, his character and
habits, i. 28-33
Kishon, river, i. 269
Konia (Iconium), i. 168, 181-83
LABORDE, M., the traveller, i. 246
Lamartine, M. de, i. 246
Landor, Walter Savage, at Fiesole, i.
24-25
Layard, Antoine, i. 4.
Layard, Charles, Dean of Bristol, i.
7-8
Layard, Charles, son of the above, i.
9, 99, loo, 1 02
Layard, Charlotte, married 9th Earl of
Lindsey, i. 8
Layard, Daniel Peter, i, 3 ; claims
Barony of Clifton Camville, 6.
Layard, Edgar, i. 13, 20 ; ii. 21 1
Layard, General Frederick, i. 2, 3
3 02
INDEX
Layard, Sir Austen Henry, born at
Paris, 1817, i. 10 ; first visit to
Florence, 1 1 ; schooldays at
Moulins, 14, at Interlaken, 18 ;
return to Florence, 21 ; acquaint-
ance with Landor, 24-25 ; early
taste for books and Art, 26-27 >
return to England, 37 ; schooldays
at Richmond 37-42 ; articled to
a solicitor, 43 ; life in London,
42-46 ; early acquaintance with
Disraeli, 49-52; friendship with
Crabb Robinson, 54-58 ; inter-
course with Polish refugees, 59 ;
debating clubs, 60-62 ; loses his
father, 64 ; tour in the Alps, 64-
73 ; performs in an orchestra, 71 ;
tour in France, 74 ; in Piedmont,
75-92 ; acts with Carbonari, 91 ;
fondness for music, 92; tour in
Scandinavia, 93-96 ; sympathy with
Poland, 97 ; determines to leave
England for Ceylon, 99 ; political
opinions, 103 ; leaves England,
102-9 ; London to Venice, 109-
n; through Dalmatia, 112-23;
visits Prince of Montenegro, 127-
40 ; ride through Rumelia and
Bulgaria to Constantinople, 145-
53 ; ride through Asia Minor,
154-209 ; visit to Mr Barker at
Suedia, 218-30; stay at Antioch
and Aleppo, 230-36 ; visit to
Lebanon, 240-50 ; meets Suleiman
Pasha, 255-61 ; through Palestine,
264-72 ; at Jerusalem, 273-79 ;
journey to Mosul, 283-309 ; visit to
Al Hadhar, 310-20; voyage down
the Tigris to Baghdad, 322-27 ;
life at Baghdad, 328-43 ; account
of its misrule, 344-47 ; expedition
to sites of Babylon and Ctesiphon,
349-53 ; travels in Persia, ii. 1-15 ;
introduction to Sir S. Canning, 16-
20 ; Servian mission, 21-32 ; rapid
ride from Belgrade to Constanti-
nople, 33-37 ; hard times at Con-
stantinople, 42-45 ; report on Turco-
Persian boundary, 66-73 ; employ-
ment on secret service, 82 ;
opinions on Turkish Reform, 90-
91 ; connection with the Press,
102-3 ; life at Candili, 104-7 '>
Assyrian studies, 107-9 ; presenta-
tion to the Sultan, 109-11 ; visit to
Mount Olympus, 112 ; voyage with
Lord Somers in the Archipelago,
113-20 ; educational work in Con-
stantinople, 120; Mission to
Albania, 124-37 ; private inter-
course with Sir S. Canning, 139-
41 ; trip with Baron de Behr, 142-
43 ; romantic adventure at Con-
stantinople, 145-50 ; preparations
for Nineveh, 151-55 ; letters de-
scribing discoveries at Nimroud,
1 56-67 ; adventure on the Tigris,
167-72; hunting adventure, 172-
74 ; moving the sculptures, 177-78 ;
return to Constantinople, 178-80;
dangerous illness, 181 ; return to
Italy, 182-83 J address to the
French Institute at Paris, 185-87 ;
reception in England, 188 ; second
expedition to Mesopotamia, 190-
93 ; return to England, 194 ;
publication of book on Nineveh,
197 ; return to Constantinople,
198-200; his political prospects,
202 ; work for the Arundel Society,
203-6 ; views on German Art, 207-
8; tour in Lombardy, 209-10;
revisits Constantinople, 211; tour
in India, 212-19 > studies for
Arundel Society, 220-21 ; observa-
tions in Italy after expulsion of
Austria, 221-25 ; tour in Germany,
225-26 ; at Venice in 1860, 226-27 >
with Millais in Florence and Rome,
230-32 ; witnesses liberation of
Venice, 232-35 ; starts mosaic
works at Venice, 236-37 ; appointed
Under - Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, 238-39 ; enters Parliament,
240 ; activity on the Eastern
Question, 243-47 ; visit to the
Crimea, 248-49 ; preaches ad-
ministrative reform, 248-54 ; Under-
secretary again, 255-56 ; Chief
Commissioner of Works, 257-62 ;
his place in politics, 264-67
Layard, Henry Peter John, father of
Sir H. L., i. 7 ; his bringing-up,
7-9; ill-health and travels, 10-12;
death, 64
Layard, Mary Anne, married last
Duke of Ancaster, i. 5
Layard, Mrs, mother of Sir H. L.,
her character, i. 9-10, 100 ; letters
to, ii. 1-15, 156, 160-63, 165,
177
Layard, Peter Raymond de, i. 5
Lebanon, i. 242 ; cedars of, 245
Lindsey, o.th Earl of, i. 8
Lippi, Filippino, i. 24-5
Locke, John, Q.C., M.P., i. 53
Longworth, Mr, i. 154 ; ii. 45, 48,
103-6
INDEX
303
Louis Philippe, i. 65-66 ; ii. 30,
187
Lowe, Right Hon. Robert, ii. 259,
264
Luini, frescoes of, ii. 209, 2IO
Luristan, Wali of, ii. 12
Lynch, Captain, i. 285, 328-29
Lyons, Admiral, Sir Edmund, ii.
248-49
Lystra, in Lycaonia, i. 186-88
Lytton, Sir E. Bulwer, ii. 228-29,
252
M
MACLISE, R.A., ii. 231
M'Neill, Sir John, i. 104, 106
Mahmoud, Sultan of Turkey, i. 146,
156, 157, 173, 289, 307, 346
Mahmoud Bey, Governor of Beyrout,
his cruelty, i. 252-54
Malmesbury, Earl of, ii. 239
Mancini, Madame, i. 35
Manjanik, legend of, ii. 7
Mar Antonius, Convent of, i. 246-
49
Marcello, Countess Andriana, i. 78
Mardin, i. 295-96
Maronites, i. 243, 247-50
Masaccio, frescoes of, ii. 223
Masolino, frescoes of, ii. 209, 210,
223
Mathews, Charles, the actor, i. 33,
Medici, Cosimo and Lorenzo de', ii.
207
Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt, i. 156,
205, 225, 243, 251, 253, 254, 256,
258, 263, 265, 279, 346
Mehemet Sujeh Bairakdar, Pasha of
Mosul, i. 308
Mehemet Taki Khan, Baktiyari
chief, ii. 6-7, 9-12
MenschikofT, Prince, ii. 246
Michael Angelo, i. 56
Millais, Sir J. E., at Florence, ii.
2 3-3 I > at Rome, 232
Milosh, Prince of Servia, ii. 30-32
Mitford, Mr, Layard's travelling
companion, i. 102, 104, 106, 107,
108, 109, 139, 155, 156, 174, 241,
250, 263, 270, 281, 283, 305, 323,
347 ; ii. 6 ; letter to, 190
Moab, i. 280-81
Montenegro, Vladika of, i. 113, 125 ;
his palace, 127-28 ; opinions and
habits of, 129-40
Morier, Sir Robert, ii. 236
Morozzi, Cardinal, visit to, i. 85
Mosul, i. 305,320; ii. 159
Moulins, school-life at, i. 13-18
Muhammerah, ii. 66-71
Mumtaz Effendi, story of his wife,
ii. 95-97
Munich, art galleries of, i. no;
ii. 207-8.
Murray, Mr John, i. ill ; ii. 191
N
NABLOUS (Shechem), i. 271
Namik Pasha, Governor of Thessaly,
ii. 28-30
Nana Sahib, ii. 214, 220
Napier, Lord, ii. 182
Napier, Sir Joseph, ii. 228
Natali, Count, Prefect of Sebenico,
i. 117
Nazareth, i. 269-70
Nestorians, ii. 108, 161, 175-76
Nicholaison, Rev. M., at Jerusalem,
i. 276
Nimroud, i. 311, 324; ii. 158, 163-
67, 174
Nineveh, mounds of, i. 305, 306, 321
Nizib, battle of, i. 156, 211, 257, 284,
289
Noe, Comte de, i. 37
OMAR PASHA, Governor of Macedonia,
ii. 23
Omar Pasha, puts down Albanian
revolt, ii. 127-35
Orfa, i. 286-89
Ottoman Bank, ii. 195, 210-11
Otway, Sir Arthur, ii. 228, 251, 254
Ourouk, wandering Turcomans, i.
172-74, 184, 194-95
PACHOT, family servant, i. ii, 20, 22
Palladio, his work at Vicenza, ii. 228
Palma Vecchio, picture by, ii. 228
Palmer, Sir Roundell, ii. 259
Palmerston, Lord, ii. 180, 190, 211,
218, 245, 247, 251, 253, 255-56,
266, 267
Paris, Exhibition of 1867, ii. 235.
Pellico, Signer Silvio, i. 76 ; his
sufferings and opinions, 86-89
Perugino, Pietro, ii. 203, 211
Petra, i. 280
Petronievitch, Servian leader, ii. 31
Pinturicchio, ii. 306
Pisa, ii. 207
Pisani, Count Frederick, ii. in, 140
304
INDEX
Pompeiopolis, ruins of, i. 205
Pourtales, Count, ii. 105, 112
RAGUSA, Republic of, i. 120-22
Raikes, Mr Cecil, ii. 260-61
Rassam, Mr Christian, Vice-Consul
at Mosul, i. 305, 308, 310, 316,
317, 320; ii. 155, 171, 192, 193
Rassam, Mr Hormuzd, ii. 178, 190,
192, 193, 257
Rate, Mr Lachlan Mackintosh, i. 42
Rawlinson, Sir Henry, i. 107 ; ii. 3,
5, 7, 12, 166, 171, 173, 191
Raymond de Toulouse, i. i
Raymond, Calo di Calominti, i. 2
Raymond, Jean, Huguenot martyr, i. 2
Regina, " a medium," i. 30-33
Rellini, Signer, of Florence, i. 23-5
Reshid Pasha, ii. 28, 81-83, 8 7> 92,
101
Rhyndacus, river, i. 159, 161
Ricasoli, Signer, ii. 223
Riza Pasha, ii. 56, 89, 101
Robinson, Henry Crabb, his character
and influence, i. 54-58 ; 73, 103
Romano, Giulio, ii. 210
Rose, General Sir Hugh, ii. 214
Ross, Dr, i. 310, 313, 314, 331, 344,
351
Ross, Mr Henry, ii. 173; letters to,
188, 197-202
Rucellai, their palace at Florence,
i. 21, 22
Ruh-ed-din Effendi, his character and
mode of life, ii. 47-54
Ruskin, John, ii. 209, 210
Russell, Earl, ii. 233, 234, 242, 245,
255, 256, 264
Russia, influence at Jerusalem, i. 277;
hostility to Servia, ii. 40 ; and
Turkey, 20 1
SALAR JUNG, Nizam's Minister, ii.
215
Salona, ruins of, i. 118
Salonica, ii. 23-26
Salviati, ii. 261
Sand with, Dr Humphrey, ii. 190, 193
Schon, Martin, picture by, ii. 228
Schuckborough, The Misses, school
at Putney, i. 13
Selby, Captain, i. 329 ; ii. 10, 68
Seleucia, ruins of, i. 197
Servia, revolution in, ii. 15-26
Seve, Colonel. See Suleiman Pasha
Shat-el-Arab, ii. 66-69
Silpius, Mount, colossal sculptures
on, i. 231
Simeon Stylites, i. 223
Sistine, chapel, ii. 221
Sloane, Mr, ii. 182, 207, 220
Soffietti, Signer, Carbonaro, i. 91
Somers, Lord, tour with, ii. 113-20,
207
Southwark, ii. 254
Spalatro, ruins of, i. 119
Stanhope, Lady Hester, i. 220-21
Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord. See
Canning
Sturmer, Baron, Austrian Minister at
Constantinople, ii. 60
Suedia, i. 218-20 ; value as a port,
227
Suleiman Pasha, i. 222 ; strange
career of, 255-62, 265, 277
Swaboda, M., his strange fortune,
i. 332-36
TARSUS, i. 206-8
Taylor, Colonel, Political Resident at
Baghdad, i. 328, 339-41, 351 ; ii.
2, 9, ii, 13, 14, 16
Taylor, Mr Tom, ii. 220
Texier, M., i. 178, 320
Theodore, King of Abyssinia, ii. 256
Thorwaldsen, i. 94
Tigris, navigation of, i. 322-23
Tocqueville, M. de, ii. 187
Townley, Colonel, ride from Belgrade
to Constantinople, ii. 37
Trasimeno, lake of, i. 35
Trelawny, the friend of Byron, i.
33-34
Trevelyan, Sir Charles, ii. 258
Treviso, Marechal Due de, i. 66
Tripoli, in Syria, i. 339-41
Twopenny, Mr, conveyancer, i. 97,
98
U
URQUHART, MR, i. 155; ii. 27, 46
VALORI, ABATE, schoolmaster at
Florence, i. 23
Venice, first visit to, i. in ; ii. 196,
227; liberation of, 233-35 > mosaics,
236-37
Vernet, Horace, the painter, i. 262-
63
Veronese, Paolo, frescoes by, ii. 227
Vicenza, ii. 228
INDEX
305
Villafranca, Treaty of, ii. 195 ; 221
Villiers, Hon. Charles, M.P., i. 104;
ii. 242
"Vivian Grey," composition of, i. 18,
48-49
Vogorides Bey, Prince of Samos, ii.
65
W
WAAGEN, DR, of the Berlin Gallery,
ii. 226
Wales, Prince of, his birth celebrated
at Baghdad, ii. 13
Ward, Mr Robert Plumer, i. 47, 52
Warren, Mr Samuel, the novelist,
i. 47 ; character of, 52-54
Watts, Mr G. F., R.A., ii. 207
Wellesley, Mr (afterwards Lord
Cowley), ii. 141, 180, 181
White, Colonel, at Constantinople,
ii. 46, 1 02
Wilkie, picture by, at Munich, ii. 226
Willes, Sir James, i. 62
Williams, Sir Fenwick, of Kars, ii,
73, 75, 180
Wolff, Dr, the traveller, ii. 62
Wordsworth, William, i. 55
Worsaae, Professor, i. 94
Wutchich, leader of Servian revolu-
tion, ii. 31, 39
YEZIDIS, or Devil-worshippers, i.
284; ii. 176-77
Young, Mr, Consul at Jerusalem,
i. 274, 282
ZUBAN, Servian statesman, ii. 31,
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