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Full text of "The Autobiography Of Edward Lord Herbert Of Cherbury"

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF 

EDWARD, LORD HERBERT 
OF CHERBURY 



WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, APPENDICES, AND A 
CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE 



B 7 

SIDNEY LEE 



Second Kditton t Revued 




LONDON 

GEORGE ROUTLEDGE & SONS LIMITED 
NEW YORK: E. P. BUTTON & CO 



PREFATORY NOTE 

Tins edition of Lord Herbert of Chcrbury's autobiography 
was prepared by me in 1886, and was published in the same 
year. For the purposes of the present re-issue, I have corrected 
such errors as have come to my knowledge during the twenty 
years interval, and I have introduced a few pieces of informa- 
tion which were not accessible to me when the work was 
01 igiiially undei taken . 

SIDNEY LEE. 



PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL ISSUE 

(1886) 

IT may be of service to the reader to explain the arrangement 
of this volume. In the Introduction which precedes the 
Autobiography, I have attempted firstly, to describe Lord 
Herbert's varied character, as displayed in his own writings 
and in historical records ; and secondly, to review his eminent 
achievements in literature and philosophy, of which he himself 
has given no account. In the essay which succeeds the Auto- 
biogiaphy, I have tried to trace his political career in detail 
from 1624 the year when his own memoirs abruptly terminate 
-to 1648, the date of his death. In an appendix I have 
printed several original illustrative documents, many extracts 
from Herbert's unpublished correspondence, and some historical 
notes on topics to which frequent allusion is made in the 
Autobiography on the assumption no longer justifiable 
that they are matters of common knowledge. Former editors 
have treated the work as a mere curiosity of literature. I 
have endeavoured in my notes and elsewhere to prove that it 
deserves the serious attention of the student, not only of 
English literature, but of Engish social history in the early 
seventeenth century. 

My text is that of the first printed edition issued from 
Horace Walpole's jDrivate press in 1764. I differ from that 



vili Preface to the Original Issue (1886) 

text alone m my tieatment of pioper names. Soon alter 1 had 
yet myself the task of: identifying the persons mentioned by 
Lord Hcrbcit, 1 came to the conclusion that the names had 
very often been wrongly transcribed, and my notes will, I 
trust, justify the changes T have made. Tims, on p. 27, 1 
replace TVlesius by Tdesius, on p. 30 Scordus by Cordus, on 
p 62 William Crofts by William Cross?, and so forth. I 
greatly regret that I have been unable to consult the original 
manuscript, but my search for it, as I explain elsewhere, has 
proved unavailing. 

I have to thank the Eail of Powis, the Rev. T. Haul of 
Chiibury, and the Rev. Dr. Sew ell, Wai den of New College, 
Oxford, foi the readiness with which they replied to the various 
mquiiies I addressed to them while prepaiing the book, L 
also clesiie to acknowledge my obligations to M, de Remusat's 
admit able little volume, Lord Herbert de Ghwhiny, sa l r ie el At\s 
(Euvrcs, and to the \reha v ologk\il Collections published by the 
Powysland Club, which axe invaluable to the student of Welsh 
history and biography. 



CONTENTS 

TAGE 

INTRODUCTION ... xi 

LORD HERBERT'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY ..... i 
A CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF LORD HERBERT FROM 1624 
TO 1648 . . . . . . . . -135 

APPENDIX : 

I The Early History of the Herbert Family . 167 

Genealogical Table 168-9 

II Wales in the Sixteenth Century . . .171 

HI Walton'vS and Donne's Accounts of Lord Herbert's 

Mother . , . . . . .175 

IV Duelling in France and England in the Seventeenth 

Century . . . . . . .179 

V Lord Herbert's Quarrel with Lord Howard of 

Waldcn 182 

VI Lord Herbert's Instructions at the French Court 186 

VII Lord Herbert's Correspondence . . 188 

INDEX ,.....,.. 204 



INTRODUCTION 



' IT would not be altogether absurd if a man were to thank 
God for Ins vanity among the other comforts of life J . Benja- 
min Franklin sets these words in the forefront of his autobio- 
graphy, and they deserve to be set in the forefront of all 
successful works of the kind. A man may think to apply a 
record of his own life to various purposes. He may fashion 
it as a text-book of conduct for his children, as a history of 
his relations with the politics, religion, or literature of his 
time, as a generous panegyric of his friends, or as an ill-natured 
denunciation of those who have shared his life's successes or 
defeats. But from whatever point of view the successful 
autobiographer approaches his subject, unconsciously the 
same spirit moves him. Ife is convinced not merely that his 
life has been worth living, but that he has lived it to eminent 
advantage. He is self-centred ; he is self-satisfied ; he loves 
himself better than his neighbour ; he weighs others in the 
balance, and finds them wanting ; he knows himself to be of 
full weight. All professions to the contrary may safely be 
ignored. Absolute truthfulness is the last thing we expect 
of the successful autobiographer. No man can give an impar- 
tial estimate of himself ; failure is only courted by attempting 
it, and success in autobiography is not attainable unless this 
condition receive practical recognition. But although * vain 
opinions, flattering hopes, false valuations, imaginations as 
one would, and the like ', are the salt of autobiography, sin- 
cerity of a kind we do require of it. The writer must be true 
to his own self-conceit. He must have no self-conscious 
misgivings about his own real value. The austere may con- 
demn his attitude with what warmth they will. The man of 
human sympathies will give vanity fair quarter wherever he 
meet it, and no better reward for his forbearance can be 
promised him than the power of rightly appreciating that 



xii Introduction 

small cncle of htenituie in which Loid Ilcrbci t's autobiography 
holds a eential place 

The ngid moidhsi should devote himselt to the 'poor 
shrunken things' ot autobiography wheie the tiue autobio- 
graphical spnit is held in check, or whence it is altogether 
excluded. Let him not at any rate sit m judgment on the 
vainglorious pci forma ncc ot F-ord Herbert of Chcibuiy. Mr 
Swinburne has claimed for this autobiogiaphy a place among 
the hundred best books ot the world On no other woik of 
its class has the critic contended similar rank. Questions of 
literary pi eccdencc can never hope for final answers, and there 
may be points of view from winch this judgment is disputable. 
But it is tloubtiul if any other autobiography breathes quite 
as freely the writer's overweening conceit of his own woitlu 
which is the primary condition of all autobiographical excel- 
lence. At evety turn Lord Herbert applauds his own valour, 
Ins own beauty, his own gentility of birth. At home and 
abroad he ilatters himself that he is the cynosure of neigh- 
bouring eyes. ITe, m fact, conforms from end to end to all 
the conditions which make autobiography successful, lie is 
guilty of many misrepresentations. No defect is more patent 
in his memoirs than the total lack of a sense of proportion. 
Lord Hei belt's self-satisfaction is built on sand. It is bied 
ol the trivialities of fashionable life, of the butterfly triumphs 
won in court society. He passes by in contemptuous silence 
Ins truly valuable contributions to philosophy, history, and 
poetry. But the contrast between the grounds on which he 
ptofesscd a desire to be remembered and those on which ho 
deserved to be remembered by posterity, gives his book almost 
all its value. Men of solid mental ability and achievements 
occasionally like to pose in society as gay Lotharios ; it is 
rare, however, foi them to endeavour, even as autobiographers, 
to convey the impression to all succeeding generations that 
they were gay Lothanos and not much else besides. Vet it 
is such transparent enors of judgment that givo autobio^iaphv 
its finest flavour. 

Loicl Herbert professes 'to relate to his posterity those 
passages of his life which he conceives may best declare him 
and be most useful to them '. He asserts that he writes 
* with all truth and since: ity, as scorning to deceive or speak 
false to any *. When he took the work iu hand he was more 



Introduction xiii 

than sixty years old, and it was therefore fitting (he argued) 
that he should review his hie so as to reform what was amiss 
and comfort himself with those actions ' done according to 
the rules of conscience, virtue, and honour J . No worthier 
object could he have proposed to himself in his declining 
years ; yet so easily are autobiographers diverted from their 
avowed purposes, that with the exception of the notices of 
his very early life and a digression on education, there is no 
passage m the book which could serve any useful end in the 
hands of the ' young person '. There is nothing very interest- 
ing 111 the record of Lord Herbert's youth l . Born on 3rd 
March 1583 twenty-two ycais after Bacon, and nineteen 
alter Shakespeare he was brought up in the luxury that 
became the eldest son of an old county family. He lost his 
father when he was thirteen or fourteen years old ; was 
' exceedingly inclined ' to his studies and to music ; and at 
the age of fifteen or thereabouts was married, while still at 
Oxford, to a wealthy cousin far older than himself, in accord- 
ance with an unromantic family arrangement, in which his 
own inclinations were not considered. Herbert was not a 
very spirited boy ; and his mother, who took great pride in 
him, governed him and his wife rigorously during his minority. 
When approaching manhood lie avoided ' the evil example ' 
of other young men, but, in the closing years of Elizabeth's 
reign, * curiosity rather than ambition ' brought him to court. 
Then temptation spread its net for him for the first time, and 
he enjoyed the entanglement. He came to recognize that 
he was singularly handsome. Of swarthy complexion, he 
was often called the Black Lord Herbert. Queen Elizabeth 
suggested that it was a pity he should have married so young, 
and twice clapped him gently on the cheek, while he kissed 
her aged hands. He was one of a crowd of persons created 
Knight of the Bath at James I's coronation. ' I could tell ', 
he remarks on this occasion, * how much my person was com- 
mended by the lords and ladies that came to see the solemnity 
then used ; but I shall flatter myself too much ' a tell-tale 
reservation' if I believed it * (p. 44). He affected to take 
sci tously the words of the formal oath, which bound him to 

i Enthusiastic adnuiei of the book ab was Horace Walpole, lie told Mason that he 
had better skip the first fifty pages, and Montagu that the first foity pages would make 
him sick (Letters, iv, 156, 2<$2). This is rathci unf.ur to Loid Herbert, but the unique 
interest of the book is certainly riot to be found in the early pages 



xiv Introduction 

dolend all unpiotected iemales, ami lie soon aitei wauls lesoh ed 
to adopt the piotession oi kmght-eiiantiy. lie had now, he 
boasts, lived with his wife m all conjugal loyalty lor ten yeais, 
and had successfully icsistcd all allurements to the contrary. 
Ho was twenty-five years old, and deemed it desirable to see 
something moie oi the world. He told his wile that it heeame 
him to seek adventures * beyond sea '. Mistress llcibert took 
another view of the situation, but her husband had his way, 
and in the next decade lived a veiy restless life. 

He went first to France ; made li lends with the Due de 
Montmorcncy, an elderly Fiench beau, and while staying at 
his atti active castle of Mcilou tiiccl to find occasion foi his 
fust duel in the playJul endeavour of a Fiench chevalier io 
take *a knot ot ribbon* from a little gill's head-dress. He 
rode the gieat horse, played the lute, and sang with great 
applause He visited Henri IV at the Tuilcncs, and the King 
' embraced him in his arms, and held him some while theie *. 
The divorced Queen Maigaret invited him to her balls, and 
gave him a place next her own chair, to the wonder and envy 
of the assembled company. He ilirted \\ith the Princess oi 
Conti, who had a less than doubtful leputation. The ladies, 
however, did not confine their attention to him ; they admiied 
another man -one M. Balagm ( who could not be thought 
at most but ordinal y handsome } , and the puzzling chcu in- 
stance caused Lord ILeibert no little disquietude. 

Having tasted of foreign tiavcl, Lord Herbert returned 
home, only to set out again on another expedition in Ger- 
many, where theie was a prospect ot war. The town o Juhers 
was to be besieged by Dutch, Fiench, and English troops. 
No command was olfered Herbert, and he performed no seivico 
of real importance in the campaign, although he hints at quite 
another conclusion. But ho had the satisfaction of meeting 
M. JBalagm again. lie dared his gay xival to all manner ot 
boyishly foolish escapades, in which he contrived that the 
Frenchman should come off second-best. But the exploit 
that made him most notorious in this campaign was a quart el 
with Lord Howard of Walden. ' There was liberal drink- 
ing ' one night m Sir Hoi ace Vere's quarters, and Lord 1 lerbei t 
spoke meirily to his companions, so menily that one of them. 
Lord Howard, an English officer, took oflcnce, and came 
towards him ' in a violent manner *. Some days later 1 ler- 



Introduction xv 

6crt's sensitive honour was wounded by a Ficiicliman's taunt 
that he had not demanded satisfaction ol Lord Howard. He 
therefore sent him a challenge, and the duel would have been 
lought had not the principals been arrested before they met, 
and the childish dispute been stayed by the Lords o the 
Council. Such accidents invariably terminated Herbeit's 
duels. Men of sense complained that he was choleric and 
hasty. He admitted that this, generally speaking, was true, 
but with appalling boldness he added, amid all manner of 
protestations, that he never had a quarrel with a man for his 
own sake ; he often hazarded himself ior his friends, but 
when injury was offered him in his own person, he sheathed 
his sword, and contented himself with an inward feeling of 
icscntmcnt. On his return to England he describes himself 
as carrying with him the reputation of a hero : ' And now, if 
I may say it without vanity, I was in great esteem both 
in court and city, many of the greatest desiring my company ' 
(p. 68). The public generally had heard ' so many brave 
things ' of him that his portrait, which he had had painted 
very many times, was in great demand l . Ladies, from the 
Queen downwards, placed it m their cabinets or near then- 
hearts, and gave occasion ' of more discourse ' than he (modest 
man !) could have wished. One lady (Lady Ayres), ' a con- 
siderable person ' according to Lord Herbert although history 
has neglected her altogether -was discovered by the gallant, 
under circumstances reflecting little credit on himself (p. 69), 
looking upon his picture ' with more earnestness and passion 
than he could have easily believed '. He was the more 
surprised at her intense admiration of him, not because Lady 
Heibert was occupying any of his attention, but because 
at the moment his own af lections were engaged by an anony- 
mous beauty, whose attractions caused him. real anxiety. 
But Lady Ayres* passion supplied him with congenial food 
for reflection until her husband treated him to a very nnconi- 



i 1 , 01 d Herbeit describe- i ' i- b r il- >* " . -< r (p. 45) iri the robes of a 
Knight of th H >th, by an <- ' i '. , i , - 53 (pp 59-60} mounted 

on a i\o ii t( 1 MI i , 3 (pp, on ^) a pieuue pauueu uy * one Lailcm,' of which Lord 
H 01 belt mentions seveial copies (of these one in immatuiGwems to be now at Charle- 
rote ami anothei is in the National Portrait Gallciv> London), Isaac Oliver is credited 
with Uie oiigmal painting of Loul Hejbeit lying on tho gunmd altei a duel, an 
en#i axing oi this picture, which ib now at Powis Castle, foimcd tho frontispiece to 
Hoja<e Walpolo *s edition of the autobiography in 1764 Theic is at 1'cubhuist 
Castle u hlth poitiait ol Ixud lloibeit, attiibutcd to Olivet. 



xvl Introduction 

piimenlaiy bulietmg in Whitehall. In one place he piolests 
befoie (loci that he had at coin t mote ia\oius (appaiently 
oi this kind) than ho tiesned, but such, he consoles hnnsell, 
are the penal ties attaching to the possession oi rate manly 
beauty. 

To a volatile nature like Lord Herbert's, stiong passion 
was altogether foreign. At the best oi times his wite leecued 
Irom him conjugal loyalty , true love did not cntei into their 
relations with one anothci ; the lovet's fleeting raptutes \\erc 
excited in him by other women's charms. So Jar as ins 
autobiogiaphy inioims us, he had no near and dear Jtnends. 
Aliabihty he had in plenty, but a liability is not a staple 
commodity, and is a poor substitute loi the endming viitnc 
oi friendship. Auiehan Townsend, Ins companion on Ins 
first joutney, and Ned Sackvillc, whom he tra\ oiled with 
later, proved pleasant company lor a while, but he soon 
weaned of them and sought new associates. Sir Kobeit 
llarley, 'being then my dear fuend ', was once insulted m 
his presence, and the insult was piomptly resented by Loid 
Heibcrt, who m spite oi weak health drew his swoid upon the 
o (lender. But the stoiy in Lord Ilctbert's mouth meiely 
becomes a new testimony to his own adventuious disposition. 
lie was good~na tmcd in his dealings with his social mfoiiois, 
as is usually the case with the vainglorious. Riehaul (Griffiths, 
his servant, iouncl him a kindiy master. He geneiously used 
his influence with Count Maurice ot Nassau to spate the life 
of a soldier who had killed his c ompauion, and he lecounis the 
circumstance (or the most pait atti actively ; but he spoils 
the eitect of the ruination by finally making the Count address 
all the high officers of the camp in the words : ' J)o you see 
this cavaliei, with all that courage you know, hath yet that 
good-nature to pray lor the hie oi a poof soldier ? ' Lord 
llerbeit cleat ly infers that his genciosity, like his amours, 
added something to his own reputation. He shows himself 
moze disinterested in his aitection for his horses, which he lodo 
to advantage ; he lamented their sickness, entrusted them 
to cateful keeping in his absence from home, and left pi ox ision 
for them m his will. 

Lord Herbert found the sowing of the \\ild oats which ho 
had neglected to sow in eaily youth a satisiymg pastime in 
manhood, and did not lightly relinquish the recreation. In 



Introduction xvii 

1614 he reappeared in the Low Countries. The Spaniards 
under Spinola were in the field against the Dutch. Herbert 
and the Duteh commander (Count Maurice of Nassau) were 
now the best of ii lends, and when the lighting was interrupted 
they played chess with each other, or discussed horses. The 
Count cilso made Herbert his companion in his love-making, 
and ' yet so that I saw nothing opcn'y (the modest autobio- 
graphcr apologizes) more than might argue a civil familiarity '. 
On one occasion Herbert wanted to decide the dispute between 
the Dutch and the Spaniards by challenging a Spanish cham- 
pion in the name ot his mistress to single combat, but this 
lomairtic ambition was promptly suppressed by his friends. 
Spiiiola's high reputation led Herbert, although associated 
with a hostile camp, to seek an introduction to him , Bos well 
was not more eager to introduce himself to famous men 
Herbert, therefore, walked across to the Spanish quarters, 
caught the General at dinner, sat down beside him, and on 
taking his leave, offered to fight under him, if he ever led an 
army against the infidel Turk. Immediately afterwards 
Herbert's military ardour cooled, and he visited the notable 
towns of Germany, Switzerland, and Italy, paying and receiv- 
ing high-flown compliments all along the route. He twice 
visited the Elector-Palatine and his wife at Heidelberg. At 
Rome the master of the English College received him hospit- 
ably, because (Herbert is careful to remind us) he had heard 
men oftentimes speak of him * both for learning and courage '. 
On the return journey he spent much time in Savoy, where 
the Duke and his minister Scarnafissi had also heard that he 
was a cavalier of great worth, and treated him accordingly. 
He promised to raise a troop of horse in Languedoc in behalf 
of the Duke, who was engaged in war with Spain. On the 
journey to Languedoc lie went out of his road to see the 
daughter of an innkeeper, who (he had been told), was the 
handsomest woman in Europe, and the sight was peculiarly 
refreshing. Like adventures accompanied him until his 
arrival m England in 1618, when the Duke of Buckingham 
suddenly chose him to go as English ambassador to France. 

The responsibility of office somewhat sobered him, and he 
performed his diplomatic duties with energy and discre- 
tion. He lived at Paris in great state, as befitted, in his 
opinion, the representative of a great nation ; spent far more 



xviii Introduction 

tlutn his salary or his piivatc icsouiccs justified, and was 
jealous oi his pnvilcgcs. By an ccccntiio nise he asserted 
his right to have precedence of the Spanish ambassador in 
court cetcmonies. It goes without saying that he continued 
Ins gallantries at the French couit. He was, in fact, in such 
robust health, that he was disposed (he tells us) to some follies 
which he aftei wards repented. He comforted his conscience, 
however, with the knowledge that he was neither intemperate 
nor deceitful in his pleasures, and that he could, an' he would, 
extenuate his fault by telling circumstances that would have 
operated adversely on the most sober-minded of men. 1 Tis 
repartees were of course the delight of French society, 
and he was a universal favourite. The only person who did 
not make himself agreeable to him was M. cle Luyncs, the 
French king's favourite. Luyncs was a man of low breeding, 
and was little likely to be influenced by Loid Hcibert's graces 
of demeanour. When, therefore, Luyncs supported a policy 
of aggression against the French Piotestants, and Ilerbcit, 
in accordance with his instructions, rcmonstiated on their 
behalf, the two soon came to high words. Luyncs sent a 
special messenger to James I to complain of his representa- 
tive's misconduct, and Herbert followed to explain matters. 
Herbert suggested that he should fight Luyncs, but James I 
did not take kindly to the proposal, although he was satisfied 
with Heibert's explanations. On Lxvyncs* death in 1621, 
Herbert returned to the French couit, and remained there 
till the early months of 162.4, when he was suddenly and per- 
manently recalled. In, the closing years of his embassy Her- 
bci t showed lumsclE to i eal advantage ; he used all his influence 
at Paris m behalf of the Protestant Elector- Palatine, the 
titular King of Bohemia ; he sought to cement an alliance 
between Kngland and France as opposed to Spain, and to 
consolidate the union of Kngland and Holland. But with 
the bitter disappointment of his recall his autobiography comes 
to an abrupt termination. 

Lord Herbert's lack of strict veracity, which 1 have already 
laid to his charge, is not a defect with which he has been 
]">ro\ loudly credited. Horace Walpole judged him to be the 
incarnation of truthfulness ; but Walpole applied no tests, 
and saved himself trouble by his willingness to be deceived. 
Herbert, of course, is no common liar. With plausible ami- 



Introduction zix 

ability he suppresses Hie truth rather than commits deliberate 
perjury. When he is detected his purpose looks so innocent 
or so aimless that the lover of autobiography will mercifully 
attribute some of his inaccuracies to the failure of a sexagen- 
arian's memory. But failuie of memory is not always a 
satisfactory theory. The most significant misstatcmcnts in 
Herbert's autobiography occur in the early pages. There 
Lord Herbert has not only his own but his forefathers' reputa- 
tion to maintain, and he sets his shoulder valiantly to the 
wheel. There is a picturesque description of the founder of 
his own branch of his family, Sir Richard Herbert of Cole- 
brook. Sir Richard and his brother (the first of the Herberts 
to be created Earl of Pembroke) bore themselves bravely in 
Edward IV's behalf at Hcdgcote Field in 1469. Lord Her- 
bert's glowing story of their noble deeds passes with startling 
abruptness into an account of their tombs. He discreetly 
omits to mention that his great-great-grandfather and his 
great-great-graiid-uncle were taken prisoners on the battle- 
field, and beheaded at Northampton, Their death was not 
disgraceful, but a well-developed sense of respectability 
apparently forbids the mention of the ghastly detail. Lord 
Herbert makes many genealogical errors, and such errors arc 
usually excusable whenever and by whomsoever they may be 
made. But there is method visible m Herbert's madness on 
these points. He overlooks intervening heirs and heiresses, 
so that he may show that the cousin who became his wife was 
maliciously deprived of much of her inheritance, and that he 
had a share of suffering in her wrongs, all of which is purely 
imaginary 1 . Of his widowed mother he tells us less than her 
maternal care of him deserved. She was living throughout 
the years covered by the autobiography, and Herbert ac- 
quaints us with some circumstances of her declining days, 
but he forgets to notice that she married a second time. It 
was a strange marriage, and could not easily have been for- 
gotten. She, a thoughtful woman over forty years old, was 
wedded to a youth (Sir John Danvers) less than half her age ; 
but Donne tells us that the disparity bred no unhappiness 
that the union fostered the fullest harmony. Yet Herbert, 
the lady's eldest son, leaves all this unsaid ; he declines to 
tread on such delicate ground ; and when he has occasion to 

i See p. 9. 

d 



xx Introduction 

refer to his stepfather by name, gives no hint of the relation- 
ship. Other kindly protectors fare no better at his hands. 
Donne, his mother's iiicncl and his own counsellor throughout 
his youth, is barely mentioned l . Sir George More oi Losely, 
who, as it happens, became mvoluntaiily Donne's father-in- 
law, was Herbert's guardian after his father's death. Extant 
letters prove Herbert's boyish liking for Sir George 2 ; but 
not only is Ms name blotted out of the autobiography- a 
circumstantial story is introduced to show that his uncle, 
Sir Francis Ncwpoit, was the guardian of his minority, and 
poor Sir George's many acts of kindness arc assigned to others. 
Ben Jonson and Sclden, both lifelong acquaintances, arc 
similarly ignored *. For many years Herbert's right to 
Montgomery Castle was successfully disputed by his kinsman, 
Shakespeare's William. Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, but here 
again all is silence m Herbert's memoirs. If the reader place 
by the side of Lord Herbert's account of his ridiculous quarrel 
with Lord Howard of Waldcn the correspondence and ac- 
count given by Lord Howard's second 4 , he will note very 
strange discrepancies. Lord Herbert does not tell us (al- 
though his letters prove it) that he was a party to a formal 
public reconciliation, and immediately afterwards sent a 
private challenge ; neither would it please him did he know 

1 Donne had the highest opinion of Herbert, and encouraged him m his studios and 
in his love ot books. Cf Donne's Letter No. Ivi to Heibeit sent with a copy of his 
Biothanatos, and Donne's poem addressed to Heibeit 'at the siege of Juhers*, first 
printed in the 1633 quarto of Donne's poems, pp 82-4 Hcrbeit wiote an elegy on 
Donne (d 1631) which appears among his poems 

2 Sec Appendix vn 

3 The e.'rho-.t proo r o r Selden's intimacy with TIerbeit is a xe~* c - n < 1U note ad- 
diessed to IMIU mdei d.ile ad Febiuary 1619-20 (But Mus MS \ : ,-' , .? f 31^) , 
the latest piooi i^ I'm ,ij pearance of Selden's name as an executor m Heineit's will 
To Ben foriso Herbeit ('edu.ited his Sttjra ^f^tHrit, arid he eulogized Jonson in some 
very ro.upliiiu i t.u hi is p-iixed i<> Joiivui'*) I'.ni-l.mi i> of Hoiare's Arts Potiita, 
Ben ii tin ni'd i! < ( ornplni ,iL i. the following . 

If men get name for some one virtue, then, 
What man ait thou, that art so many men, 
All-vntuous Her beit ' on whose every part 
Tiuth ini^ht sp< I'd .ill hei \OKC, famo all her art ? 
Whetln L Liu le.u uiig tin \ \\ould take or wit, 
OL \.ilou , OL ihv j idgmcnt seasoning it, 

l 'u si.i idii 1 .,' vpiujlu to thyself, thy ends 
Like stiaight, thy piety to God and friends . 
Their latter praise would still the greatest be, 
And yet they, all together, less than thee 

Another of Herbeit's poetic aquairitances was Thom.i^ C IH I \\, who went with him to 
Paris (see p 103). On p 106 Thomas C.uew is disgriM d m earlier editions, thiough 
mistranscription, as Thomas Caage Ileibert has a rofeiouco to * my witty Carew * in 
his elegy on Donne 
* See Appendix v. 



Introduction xxi 

that posterity had convinced itself, in spite of all his protesta- 
tions to the contrary, that he never set foot in the place 
appointed for the duel In France he would have us infer that 
from the first he saw through Luynes' mean character, yet in 
his private correspondence, penned during the first years of 
their acquaintance, he praises Luynes without reserve. And 
in spite of the political foresight on which he plumes himself, 
with some justice in the last years of his embassy, he overlooks 
the rise of Richelieu, the most notable fact in contemporary 
French history l . 

The reader will recognize that to attain a complete concep- 
tion of Lord Herbert's character he must not solely confine Ins 
attention to the autobiography. It deals with a fragment of 
Lord Herbert's life, and imperfectly with that fragment. It 
offers us testimony that for purposes of serious criticism needs 
corroboration and amplification. To arrive at a final estimate 
we must probe many topics which are barely alluded to in the 
memoirs ; the details of the last years of Lord Herbert's life, 
which are untouched by his memoirs, must be consulted ; and 
we must appraise the evidence of mental and imaginative 
capacity offered us in his philosophical speculations and in his 
poetry. 

Lord Herbert's public life in the years covered by his auto- 
biography was a triumphal progress ; it was almost without 
shadow His public life in after years is a dreary series of 
disasters. It is indeed regrettable that Lord Herbert should 
have lacked the opportunity, or rather (it may be) the dispo- 
sition, to pen the record of his misfortunes. The extant 
letters and papers written by him in his decline, show that 
defeat and disgrace did not destroy his self-conceit. But the 
effort to sustain the same self-satisfaction under stress of per- 
plexing difficulties as in the face of smiling fortune, must have 
exercised all his ingenuity, and would have probably proved 
the most heroic instance on record of the sustaining power of 
vanity. The facts of his later life, which, in the absence of 
any connected presentation of them from his own pen, form 
no very pleasing picture, are soon told. He was suddenly dis- 
missed from the French embassy ; the abruptness of his dis- 

i Minor inaccuracies are illustrated^by"%Herbert's contradictory statements as to 
his own age (p 15) He repiesents himself to have bee n two years younger than was 
the fact at the date of his marriage. 



xxii Introduction 

missal ruined his political reputation ; and although he 
petitioned James I, and subsequently Charles I, again and 
again for compensation, lie found all avenues to dignified 
office closed to him *. 'I ever loved my book and a private 
life more than any busy preferments ', he writes with curious 
inconsistency near the close o his autobiography. He cer- 
tainly did not yield to his exclusion from political place with- 
out a struggle, in which other men would have been conscious 
of painful humiliation. In season and out of season, he pressed 
for a hcaimg. In plain, unvarnished terms he pointed out the 
besotted blindness of neglecting such political merit as his. 
As long as Buckingham lived he clung tenaciously to his 
former patron ; he sought Charles's favour as Buckingham's 
friend, and, to flatter the king, defended the favourite fiom 
unfriendly critics after he was laid in his grave. He was 
rewarded for his pains, not with high office, as he desired, but 
with the cheapest of all honours of the time an Irish and an 
English peerage. Buckingham's murder practically deprived 
Herbert of all hold on the court, and with characteristic 
versatility he laboured for his end through new channels. He 
set himself to write a history of the reign of Henry VIII, in 
which Charles I's ancestor was to appear as a man of virtue, 
and the Reformation the apotheosis of righteousness. He 
really took little interest in cither subject, as he confessed to 
the Papal legate, but, time out of mind, he tried to impress the 
King with his disinterested enthusiasm in taking up the work. 
Doles of money and grants of disused apartments in royal 
palaces were occasionally flung to him in answer to the peti- 
tions in which ho lauded himself and his achievements past 
and to come. But unmistakable marks of royal recognition 
never reached him* He certainly deserved these as well as 
any diplomatist of the day, but under the Stuarts, within and 
without the court, no man got his deserts. At length the 
Civil War grew imminent, and Herbert feigned at first the 
enthusiasm of a staunch Royalist. He took advantage of a 
general invitation to join the King's Council at York in 1640, 
and protested against the bare thought of conceding any de- 
mand to the enemies of the Crown. But a new generation of 
courtiers had arisen since he played a really prominent part in 
court society, and none heeded his woids. He retired to 
* I have given a. detailed account of Ilei "belt's, latci public life on pp. 135 "-163. 



Introduction xxiii 

Montgomery Castle in dudgeon, pondered his grievances, 
assumed a cynical indifference to the current party divisions, 
and resolved to suffer as little personal inconvenience from the 
war as possible At the same time as the Parliament gave him 
a taste of its growing power, and threatened him with the 
confiscation of his property, Rupert, Ins sovereign's nephew, 
and the son of that Electress-Palatme to whom he had been in 
earlier years chivalrously attached, came to Shrewsbury. 
The Prince asked for his aid, and for an interview, and offered 
to put his castle in a state of defence. Lord Herbert replied 
by letter that he could defend himself ; that he disliked soldiers 
about the house ; and that he had just entered on a new course 
of physic which would forbid his meeting the Royalist leader. 
Soon afterwards the Parliamentary general in the district 
invited him to surrender ; he hesitated for a day or two ; 
found the prospect of resistance uncongenial, and assented to 
the demand. He remained j oint-master of his castle with the 
Parliamentarians, and the Royalists straightway laid siege to 
it His new friends relieved him, and he put himself wholly in 
their hands. He went to London, lived to all outward appear- 
ance on the happiest of terms with the Parliament men, re- 
ceived a substantial pension from them, pursued his philoso- 
phical studies, grew irritable m temper, declined in health, 
and died in 1643 at the age of sixty-five. Before his death he 
wrote a long series of epitaphs upon himself, in which he 
announced his belief in the soul's immortality, and his antici- 
pations of a happier life hereafter. His sons and all surviving 
relatives remained true to their Royalist colours to the last, 
and lost everything in the struggle. Lord Herbert saved his 
property at the expense of his honour, and clearly had a poor 
opinion of those who reversed the process. He showed some 
sense of parental responsibility in making before his death 
pecuniary provision for his children. His theoretical devotion 
to military pursuits also received illustration in his will, where 
he promised a pension in perpetuity to two wounded soldiers, 
to be chosen by his younger son a Royalist captain, and 
these pensioners were to stand permanently, fully armed, at 
the gates of Montgomery Castle He asked the Parliament, 
with characteristic complacency, to pay the arrears of his 
pension to his elder son and heir, to enable the young man to 
discharge the large fine inflicted on him for his consistent 



xxiv Introduction 

devotion to his sovereign At the date of his death Loicl 
Hcrbeit had renounced the political ambitions which had 
distracted him for the first fifty years and more of his 
life. His political temperament belonged, in fact, to an 
cailicr epoch to the reign of Elizabeth, in which politicians 
were true to none but themselves ; and such a temperament 
was ill adapted for a crisis that involved great political princi- 
ples. The vanity and harmless peculiarities of his earlier life 
weie nusmtciprctcd by a generation that had not known him 
as a yoxing man, and they consequently degenerated into an 
absorbing selfishness and confirmed eccentricities of conduct. 
Herbcit's old age lacked * honour, love, obedience, troops of 
friends ', and m their stead came curses both loud and deep. 
It was overlooked that he was a vainglorious man, disappoint- 
ed, through little fault of his own, of the worldly successes he 
loved, or that outside politics he had laid the foundation of a 
real and lasting reputation. 

And here let us pait with Lord Hcrbeit in the role of courtier 
and politician. Let us glance at him now in his study, when 
he has closed the door on the distractions of court or political 
life. The change is a striking one Apologetic tones arc no 
more needed. The fashionable man of pleasure is one no 
longer. The near-sighted politician, whose political horizon 
was limited by hopes of his own advancement, becomes a 
fai -seeing philosopher. In the solitude of his library the 
frivolous worldling faces boldly the problems of human life ; 
seeks the final cause of the processes of the human mind, and 
brings all religious systems to the test of reason. He accepts 
no man's judgment in place of his own ; he passes by all ac- 
knowledged contempoiary authorities, and anticipates opin- 
ions and methods that arc junior to him by at least two cen- 
times. The nature of truth is the central theme of his earliest 
speculations, and he is the only Englishman who has devoted 
a large treatise to a purely metaphysical treatment of the 
topic. The relations of abstract truth with religion next 
absorbed his attention, and he was the first to seek a concep- 
tion of the essentials of religion by applying the comparative 
method to all the systems with which he was able to acquaint 
himself. Such arc the labours of the man who pretended that 
hih autobiography recorded all the achievements to which 
posterity ought to attach a serious value. 



Introduction xxv 

Lord Herbert gives two or three passing hints in his auto- 
biography that he had m his leisure moments dabbled in 
philosophy, but it is so difficult and so dangerous to take him 
seriously in his memoirs, that the reader who confines himself 
to that part of his work alone, will altogether misjudge him on 
these points. As soon as he could speak without fear of 
imperfection or impertinence in his utterances, he worried 
himself and his nurses (he tells us) with speculations as to 
how he had come into the world, and how he should go out 
of it. In the general digression on education which figures 
somewhat inaptly in the early pages of the book, Herbert 
contemns the subtleties of logic as being ' only tolerable in a 
mercenary lawyer ', and recommends the pupil to devote 
himself solely to that part of the science which will enable him 
to detect fallacies in ' vicious argumentations '. ' Some good 
sum of philosophy . . . which may teach him both the 
ground of the Platonic and Aristotelian philosphy ', should 
be acquired subsequently ; it will not be amiss to learn the 
' Paracelsian principles ', and the arguments controverting 
f the ordinary Peripatetic doctrine '. But all this, Lord 
Herbert adds, in a characteristically light-hearted vein, e may 
be performed in one year ; that term being enough for phil- 
osophy, as I conceive, and six months for logic, for I am confi- 
dent a man may have quickly more than he needs of these arts \ 
At the close of the memoirs Herbert shyly confesses to the 
reader his love of books and of a private life, and adds with 
conscious pride that he was an author himself. He had 
begun a book in England, and had continued it in France 
in the intervals of flirtation and negotiation. He had shown 
his handiwork to two great scholars, Grotras and Tilenus, who, 
' after they had perused it, and given it more commendations 
than is fit for me to repeat, exhorted me earnestly to print and 
publish it '. The title of the book De Veritate prout dis- 
tingmtur a Revelat^one veris%mih 9 possMli et a falso alone 
raises the suspicion that Lord Herbert is not speaking in his 
usual manner, or that the bases of truth had all along divided 
his attention with the frivolities of society. But it is neces- 
sary to turn to the book itself to realize the significance of these 
suggestions. 

It is only desirable to point out here the salient features of 
Lord Herbert's philosophy to treat it as evidence of his 



xxvi Introduction 

reflective and dialectical power, and of the note ol seriousness 
in his mental constitution. Lord Ilerbeit writes in Latin 
' Libcrc philosophcmur . . . Vcntatcm sine dote qiiccra- 
mus ', he says 111 an opening address to the reader, and the 
appeal chaiactcrizcs the whole work. Loid Herbcit attacks 
his subject without delay. He lays down as an axiom that 
truth exists, and thence deduces a scries of propositions as to 
its permanence, its imivcisality, and the general capacity of 
the mind to perceive truth. His theory of perception is very 
hazily expressed, and is practically ignored in the latter part 
of the treatise ; but the fact that he should have introduced 
such a theory at all is proof of the thoi oughness of his method 
and the sincerity of his aims. The mind, he says, consists of 
an almost infinite number of what he terms ' faculties ', and 
each thing has a form corresponding to one of these ' facul- 
ties '. Whenever a thing is brought into contact with the 
mind, the corresponding faculty becomes active, immediately 
conforms to the thing, and the harmonious conforming of the 
one with the other (intellect &$ cognoscentis cum re cognitd 
congvuentia] establishes a perception of truth. Thus the mind 
is no tabula rasa, or blank book, on which objects inscribe 
themselves ; it is rather a closed book, only opened on the 
presentation of objects. But although the ( faculties ' of the 
mind arc as numerous as things, and there is thus a vntual 
analogy between the human mind and the world, the mental 
* faculties J may be roughly reduced to four great classes, to 
which Herbert gives the titles Natural Instinct, Internal 
Sense, External Sense, and D^scursus 9 or Reason *. And 
here (so far as I understand the system) Lord Herbert 
deviates a little from his old path, and makes no attempt to 
maintain strictly his original theory of perception. He 
discusses at length Natural Instinct, his first class of faculties, 
which might more justly be designated Intellectual Instinct : 
it closely corresponds to the Aristotelian ;>oOs, the School- 
men's Intclligentia, the common sense of other phil- 
osophy, and the light of nature of popular parlance. It is 
the source of the common notions, primary truths, com- 
mon principles (Kov>al cwofau,, notittB communes) 9 which exist 
in every human being of sound and entire mind. These 

l Sir William Hamilton calls the last head * tho discursive faculty ' , Hallam calh 
t * reason ' , M clq R&nusat ' xaibonucmcnt '. 



Introduction xxvii 

notions are not the product of experience or observation ; they 
are intuitions. External objects may excite them in us, but do 
not convey them to us : they are implanted in us at our birth ; 
they come direct from God ; they are the part of the divine 
image and the divine wisdom with which every human being 
is impregnated Lord Herbert carefully defines their distin- 
guishing qualities ; they have the priority of all other kinds of 
notions ; they are established independently of all secondary 
considerations supplied by the conscious exercise of reason ; 
they invite such universal consent that to deny them is to 
abnegate human nature ; they are necessary to the conversa- 
tion of mankind. The other three classes of faculties act 
under the direction of the natural or intellectual instinct. 
The ' internal sense ' distinguishes the agreeable from the 
disagreeable, and good from evil ; it is identical with the 
conscience. The ' external sense ' is nothing more than 
what is commonly known as sensation. The ( discursive 
faculty ' determines the relations between the various concep- 
tions produced by the other sets of faculties : it deals with 
quiddity, quality and quantity, time and space. Herbert 
finally insists that man's capacity for religion distinguishes him 
from animals rather than reason. x 

Herbert's religious views show as striking an originality as 
Ins purely philosophical speculations. He develops them in 
the concluding sections of the De Ventate as well as in two 
treatises Rehgio La^c^ 2 and De Rehgione Genhhum 3 which 
practically form appendices to the work on Truth. His doc- 
trine, briefly expressed, runs thus : Religion is common 

* Two elaborate accounts of Lord Herbert's philosophic system and religions views 
have been published on the continent M de JRe'musat gives an admirable sketch of 
the subject in his Lord Herbert, so, Vie ctscs (Euvres, Paris, 1874, pp 130-212 A some- 
what fuller exposition may be found in hduard Lord Herbert von Cherbury Em knti$cher 
B&itrag zur Geschichte des Psychologismus uiid d&r Rehgtons-phtlosophte, von Dr. C. Guttler. 
Munich, 1897. Sir William Hamilton has briefly described the characteristic features 
of Herbert s philosophy in his No*es on Rwd's Philosophy of Common Sense (Reid's 
Works, od Hamilton, n pp 781, 782) Ueberweg touches on it in his H^story of Philo- 
sophy, n, 34, 40, and in the Appondi\ to the English translation (n, 354, 355) an elaborate 
notice is to be tonne! 1 hough translated into French in 1639, the De Ventate lias never 
appeared in English (sec bibliography on p 134) 

2 This treatise was published in London for the fust time in 1645, together with an 
appendix to the De V&rrtate, entitled De Causes Errorum, an exposition of the logical 
fallacies The Refagw Latci, occupies twenty-seven pages at the close of the work, and 
is followed by an Appendix Ad Sacerdotcs de Rehgione Laici and three Latin poems, 
two of which are reprinted in the autobiography Another edition of the volume was 
issued in 1656 

3 This work was published posthumously at Amsterdam in 1663 (ad edit 1700}, 
It was translated into Kngli-. 1 ' 1>\ \\ I ruis in 1700 This is the only English version 
of anv of Loid lloiboit's philosophical \\iitings 

e 



xxviii Introduction 

to the human race. Stripped of accidental characteristics, 
and reduced to its essential form, it consists of five notita com- 
mimes, or innate ideas, which spring from the natural instinct. 
The common notions are (i.) That there is a God. (To con- 
firm the existence of a God, Herbert relics on the argument of 
design in the created world, and ho anticipates Paley in illus- 
trating his argument by the example ol a watch) 1 . (2.) That 
He ought to be worshipped (3.) That virtue and piety arc 
essential to worship. (4.) That man ought to repent of his 
sms. (5.) That there are rewards and punishments in a future 
life. It is unnecessary and unreasonable to admit any articles 
of religion other than those. The dogmas of the Churches, 
reputed to embody divine revelations, arc the work of priests, 
who have endeavoured to establish their own influence for their 
own advantage by shrouding these five ideas in obscurely 
worded creeds. To prove the universality of these ideas, Her- 
bert submits the religion of the Gentiles to an historical exam- 
ination, and adduces the testimony of Seneca and Plato, of 
Cicero, Lucretius, and Ovid to show that the religious belief 
of the Greeks and Romans, when stripped of sacerdotal super- 
stition, is identical with his five articles. Certain of the 
articles in fact maintained a purer shape in the ancient than 
in the modern world. Death and a future life were more vividly 
and profitably realized by the believers in Elysium and Tartarus 
than by those who christened the hereafter Heaven and Hell. 
Aristotle has defined the common notions of virtues more 
effectively than any other wiiter. Thus revealed leligion IB 
practically rejected by JLorcl lleibert as the artifice of an hier- 
archy. Moreover, no one form of icvealed religion icccivos 
universal assent ; every form of it is matter of endless contro- 
versy : no one form of it, therefore, can be true, since univer- 
sality of assent is one of the axiomatic conditions of truth, 
Any theory of revelation which represents God to have re- 
peatedly favoured one part of the human race, to the exclusion 
of all the rest of it, is demonstrably inconsistent with the notion 
of the divine attributes, inculcated by the natural instinct. 

1 ' FCt qiuclcm si hoiologium per cltom ct noctom mtcgram hoxn5 signantor inrlirans. 
viclcrit timspwm rion men to captiib, J<1 conulio aitcquo siumm factum jucbravciit 
non plum dcmcus, qut hone munch nuxchimvm non pci -viglnU gimtuor 



, 

limtum, sccl noc tot si k oul,i circuit us MIOS obounteiu .inlin.ulxcituil, non id omno sipl- 
enti>bimo iituiue poh'ntissunoiiuc nhmi nutori tiilni.it ? '- J>t Ktlmuwt Gent.. r,\p. 
xiii. Tho idcM has Ixvn tiaml to Cioiuo, 7V ffatara Drnnun, II, ^. Ji Is to IK* found 
in many wiltfis infonuocliato b^twoou 1'aloy and llerboit, 



Introduction xxix 

But to test reputed revelation we must not rely upon the 
faculty of natural instinct, but oil the discursive faculty. We 
must examine the character and condition of the person to 
whom the revelation is presumably made, and this examination 
is to be conducted on such searching lines that no received 
revelation answers the test. With some inconsistency Lord 
Herbert adds that the only revelation that a man can reason- 
ably accept as true is one made immediately to himself, and so 
far is he from denying the possibility of this kind of personal 
revelation, that he solemnly asserts in his autobiography that 
when he was hesitating as to whether he ought to publish his 
treatise on Truth, God gave him a direct sign of approval, on 
which he acted \ In his Rehgw Laid, and its appendix Ad 
Sacerdotes, priesthoods are generally denounced, and Lord Her- 
bert explains his attitude towards Christianity. He takes up 
the neutral position that it is the best religion because it is 
most readily reducible to the five essential articles. He sees in 
its rites an endeavour to give prominence to the common 
notions of religion, but he renounces its claim to a special reve- 
lation and all sympathy with those professors of Christianity 
who believe themselves to be in any wise specially favoured by 
God f the impious enemies of the universal Divine Provi- 
dence '. Lord Herbert insists, that whatever form of religion 
a virtuous man adopt, or whatever government he live under, 
lie will obtain inward peace now and eternal happiness here- 
after. 

Ethics do not enter very materially into Lord Herbert's 
philosophy, and in his sparse references to the subject, he 
inclines, in spite of his eulogies of virtue, to a lax system of 
morals. He does not set himself up, he reminds us, as an 
apologist for wicked men, but sin (he argues) is very often 
attributable to hereditary physical causes, to an inherent and 
irresistible propensity to vice, which invites a very mild censure 
from rational beings. Lord Herbert holds the sanguine belief 
that none are so wicked as to sin purposcdly, and with an high 
hand, against the eternal majesty of God 2 . He urges men 

i Page i34, r */ra, and see also the account of Lord Herbert's death on p. 161. Her* 
bert believed in the efficacy of prayer, and a prayer of his, expressing his gratitude to 
God for having given him a knowledge of His greatness, is published in Warner's Episto- 
lary Cunostties. Herbert's will opens with a bequest of ' my rational soul, with all 
its divine faculties, being, understanding, will, faith, hope, love, and joy to God, my 
creator, redeemer, and preserver f . 



xxx. Introduction 

to pass over injuiics clone to tlicms elves, because a great and 
good God will hereafter assign double punishment to those 
aggressors who do not suffer for their aggressions in this world l . 
But while he treats ethics loosely and unsystcmatically, Her- 
bert insists on the high impoitance of education. The only 
obviously serious passages in the autobiography arc those 
devoted to an exposition of an educational system, which has 
much of Milton's loftiness of aim and Locke's sober sense a . 
Hereditary disease must be counteracted m infancy ; manners 
are as important as learning, ' for among boys all vice is easily 
learned ' , Greek should be studied before Latin ; the logic 
of the Schools should not occupy much of the pupil's time, nor 
should philosophy nor mathematics ; the rudiments of medical 
and botanical and ethical science should be at the command 
of all men, and athletic exercises must never be neglected. 
Botany Herbert especially commends as ' a fine study ' : ' it is 
worthy a gentleman to be a good botanic, that so he may know 
the nature of all herbs and plants, being our fellow- 
creatures and made for the use of man ' 3 . Hcibcrt was not 
quite satisfied that he had treated education with adequate 
fulness in his autobiography. * I confess ', lie wiitcs there 4 , 
* I have collected many things to this purpose which I forbear 
to set down here, because, if God grant me life and health, I 
intend to make a little treatise concerning these points '. 
This ' little treatise ' was written later, and after remaining long 
in an anonymous manuscript, was printed with Lord ilcrbcit's 
name in 1768, under the title of A Dialogue between a Tittor and 
a PupiL Its authorship is assuredly proved by internal evi- 
dence 6 , but its purpose is less practical than might be expected. 
After the tutor has appraised the value of various studies, in 
which botany holds, as before, a high place, the pupil asks why, 
in matters of religion, priests should advise him to rely on faith 
rather than on reason ? The tutor replies by pointing out the 



l p. 33, infra. 2 pp. 33-43. infm. 

'* P 31, %nfr&, Heihctt's medical Knowledge, ot which ho gives sovctal examples 
ln']i)\v ([i[i sB io^, is derived from the woiks of J\it,u I'lsus ,uut his tlibtiplos My friend, 
Di Mm MI, in Moon., points out to me thai it is oi no stuutifio value whatever, and has 
the \u> st dt i < ts oi empiricism. 

4 pp 43, mfra 

5 See the notes on pp. 27, 31, 39, 43, Abraham Solid presented the MS In 1704 
to T>r Wondwaid. It subsequently passed into the hands of Colonel King, Di Wood- 
ward's exeetuor, and thence apparently to W. Bathoe, the bookseller! who published 
it HI X768 The MS. in now in the Bodleian Library. 



Introduction xxxi 

evils of an irrational faith, brings the argument round to Lord 
Herbert's five points of religion, and corroborates them by an 
examination of Christian and heathen theology. This little 
treatise ', therefore, though professedly an appendix to Lord 
Herbert's educational disquisition m his autobiography, is 
virtually a final restatement of his religious position. But 
it is of value as positively proving the author's earnest desire to 
supplant the received rehgious teaching by free and unrestricted 
thought in the minds of young as well as of old men..x 

Lord Herbert's treatment of philosophy and cognate thomcs 
is not without defect. In his purely metaphysical works his 
diction is obscure where precision is least dispensable x ; wire- 
drawn distinctions are made between terms and propositions 
which are for all practical purposes identical, and the author 
excludes all illustration of his meaning from matters of common 
knowledge. In the discussion of his five points of religion, he 
often falls a victim to the theological bias which he so severely 
denounces in others. His deduction of a future life from the 
natural instinct which prompts men to imagine its existence, 
is only worthy of the professed theologian, and much else of his 
reasoning on religious topics is obviously circular. But the 
defects arc few compared with the undoubted merits of Lord 
Herbert's achievement. He has the greatest virtue of all 
speculative writing, the virtue of originality. He had read 
such books as were accessible to him on the subjects with which 
he dealt. None of them satisfied him, and rejecting all their 
conclusions, he worked the questions they professed to answer 
out for himself. No authority, he said, deserved a slavish 
adherence. A philosopher must think for himself, and have no 
personal nor professional ends to serve He must be ingenuus 
et sui arbitni a . This m itself was a sure sign that Herbert was 
a sincere progressionist. The idol of authority was still wor- 
shipped by the mass of his contemporaries, but he resolutely 
set his face against it Not the least important part of his 
work is his dignified and rational plea for universal toleration 
in matters of rehgious belief. 

It is somewhat characteristic of his temper that Herbert 

i Herbert apologizes for spkalmata a errata at the close of the D* Ventate, and asks 
the reader to correct them for himself. HaUam is especially severe on him for his ob- 
scurities of terminology. 

a De Ventate is dedicated Lectori cuwis tufogrt et tUtbatt judtw. 



xxxii Introduction 

should have made no mention of Bacon in his philosophical 
works, and have regarded himself as the one man of the age who 
daiecl to think for himself. In the whole of his writings there 
is but a single reference to the greatest of contemporary 
thinkers, Herbert confesses that he followed Bacon's example 
in turning his attention to the history of Henry VIII ; but 
although he admits that his modelBacon's Life of Henry VII 
was a performance that did honour to its author, and that 
its author was ' a gieat personage ', he affects to be more 
depressed by Bacon's disgraceful end than impiessed by his 
literary achievements *. Bacon was the friend of George 
Herbert the poet 2 , and was in all likelihood personally known 
to George's brother. But Herbert's silence is very intelligible. 
The two men were in their characters and in the results of 
their labours as the poles asunder. Unlike Herbert, Bacon 
measured accurately the trivialities of court life : he 
plied them for his own advantage, but he fully recognized their 
hollowncss ; he knew his own superiority to them and to those 
who found plcasuic in them. But as philosophers Herbert 
and Bacon chfier more materially than in the conduct of their 
lives. The latter sought to extend and systematize knowledge, 
to put into man's hand and brain the means of conqucimg 
nature by enabling him to interpret it, to enlist nature in the 
service of mankind. ' Man, is but what he knoweth ', and 
experiment is the only sure road to knowledge All d priori 
reasoning is to be icnounced ; induction is the only method 
that commands success in the pursuit of knowledge. Elabora- 
ting his argument. Bacon surveyed the whole field of human 
knowledge, and showed how inductive methods advanced its 
limits and how deductive methods narrowed them. Herbert's 
scheme was not less ambitious, but did not cover the same 
ground. He was content to investigate the mental processes 
by which man could acquire any knowledge at all, and hero 
he declared experiment to be of no avail. He therefore relied on 
deductive argument alone. Bacon has hinted that if he had 
attacked this subject he would have applied inductive methods 
to it as to all his other speculations. He had no sympathy 
with metaphysics? which he defined as a temporary substitute 
for physics ; he asserted that when scientific induction had been 

Baoott dedicated Ms translation of the Psalms (1625) to George Ilorbcit. 



Introduction xxxiii 

sufficiently systematized, metaphysics would succumb at its 
approach, would (we may take it) form part of psychology, and 
be as amenable to practical experiment as any other branch of 
science. For the present he deemed it well to let the topic 
alone. Religious speculation was in much the same case. He 
tacitly assumed a vague relationship between religion and 
morality, but he avoided a discussion which could neither 
strengthen nor weaken the framework of his scientific system. 
He was content to describe religion as it was, and to treat it 
as based ' on the word and work of God and upon the light of 
nature '. Reason, he said, must not attempt to prove or 
examine the mysteries of faith and these mysteries he identi- 
fies with the ordinarily accepted teaching of revelation. In 
religious debate Herbert was thus logically far in advance of 
Bacon, and they had few other topics in common. There 
is nothing, therefore, ungenerous in the failure of the younger 
writer to make any acknowledgment of the work of the 
older a . 

In their immediate effect on contemporary opinion, Herbert's 
philosophical writings were little better than abortive. Al- 
though widely read 2 , their significance was not appreciated. 
While the purely speculative part proved unintelligible, the 
religious discussions excited nearly universal hostility, beget- 
ting hbros non liberos. Of the treatise De Verttate, Sir William 
Dugdale writes in 1674 : ' It much passeth my understanding, 
being wholly philosophical ' s . Evelyn notes in his Diary that 
Herbert's brother, Sir Henry, presented him with a copy 4 , 
but gives no indication that he put himself to the pains of read- 
ing it. The only English writer of the time who attempted a 
serious discussion of Lord Herbert's philosophy was Nathaniel 
Culverwel, a fellow of Emanuel College, Cambridge, whose 
Discourse of the Light of Nature was first published in 1652. 
Culverwel is as powerful a writer in support of the doctrine of 
d priori knowledge as Lord Herbert himself, but he opposes 
the theory of innate ideas, and asserts, in contradiction to Lord 

1 They are most closely m agreement in their references to Telesms, who had anti- 
cipated some of Bacon's arguments in favour of experiment as the only sure load to 
knowledge Herbert advises young men to study Telesms's writings, and clearly at- 
taches high value to them Bacon similarly applauds them m hib treatise De jProurt/wtt, 
and owes more to them, than he acknowledges (See note on p. 27, mira ) 

2 The first edition of De Venfate (1634) was succeeded by a second in 1633, and a 
third in 1645 

3 Dugdale's Diary and Correspondence, p 397 

4 Evelyn's Diary, ed Bray and Wheatley* 11, 36. 



xxxiv Introduction 

Herbert, that the suggesting influence of sense and experience 
are necessary to the translation of our primary notions into con- 
sciousness. But when Culverwcl proceeds to erect a theologi- 
cal superstructure upon his speculative theories in close con- 
formity with orthodox Christianity, he will have no further 
truce with the author of De Veritate. Religion, according to 
Culverwcl, ' is built upon a surer and higher rock upon a more 
adamantine and precious foundation * than Herbert's * com- 
mon notions ', and he finally identifies Herbert with those who 
have ' arrived to that full perfection of error . . . that 
have a powder-plot against the Gospel , that would very 
compendiously behead all Christian religion at one blow a 
device which old and ordinary heretics were never acquainted 
withal ' l . In this spirit Herbert was criticized by Thomas 
Halyburton, a professor of divinity at St. Andrews, who was 
especially scandalized by Heibert's identification of the princi- 
ples of true religion with notions current in pagan writers. 2 
Richard Baxter, in More Reason for the Christian Religion, and 
No Reason against it (1672), animadverts in a like temper on 
Lord Herbert's arguments, and insists that the Scriptures are 
the sole product of the Spirit's inspiration, and contain no word 
that is not infallibly true. ' Supernatural evidence ' alone can 
produce a satisfactory apprehension of religion ; and thcro is no 
supernatural evidence outside the Gospel of Christ. Charles 
Blonnt (1654-1693) is the only seventeenth century writer in 
Knglancl who proved himself a disciple of Lord Herbert, but he 
was no original thinker, but a confirmed plagiarist, and literally 
borrowed from his master without always acknowledging his 
obligations. He published a Rchgio Laici in 1682, which is a 
slavish reproduction of Lord Herbert's volume of tho name, 
and this had been preceded in 1680 by Great is Diana of the 
Ephesians ; or, the Original of Idolatry, together with the Politick 
Institution of the Gentiles' Sacrifices, a feeble reflection of Her- 

1 Ciilverwel's *g of .\Viin , i> 326, m the ropnnt published at Edinbi igh m iS ,7 
See also pp.^28-134, ami pn 211, aja Tho preface to this edition, by Johu CAUUS 
dy Sir William Hamilton, m his edition of Reid's works 



M A., is well woithy of , , WWJM> 

(p. 783) , justly calls attention to Culvcrwel's learning and intelligence Robert GreviUo 
Loid Brooke, ifmaikalric foi hi* enlightened and tolerant views, was author of a work 
of n similar kind 7//< Natitn of Truth, 1641 But Lord Brooke confesses that he 
had not lead I Mint's De Vmtate veiv recently, and did not remember it (p 40) , ho 
.ippin if lies lus sublet fiorn. i piucly dilution point of view, while working out the 
riituiiu tlmn % f Hi it till our idir* r" -ri-i*'w^irMi r* a former existence. I>r John 
VVallis, tho iii.iflitin,itician v n plu. 1 t >. ' \, i J. ,' Tried, 1643, m which he showed 
tho inmiisiBtau \ of uli>ntifx uiji , . \ , i, i . i fa< t wilh implanted ideas 
" A'ii/iir/ KiltKitni trnuf/itnnt (1714) is the title of XIcilylnuKui*h woik 



Introduction xxxv 

bert's De Religione Gentilium 1 . Not until Locke wrote did 
Herbert, as a philosopher, receive anything like justice from 
his own countrymen. Locke disagrees with him at every turn, 
but he honestly explains his position ; and no better introduc- 
tion to Herbert's system is at present accessible than the first 
book of Locke's Essay on the Human Understanding. Locke 
as an empiricist and sensationalist hunts to the death the theory 
of innate ideas, but he accepts Herbert's five ' common notions ' 
of religion as truths of reason, and in his Reasonableness of 
Christianity he joins hands with Herbert in denouncing the 
irrational dogmas of priests, although he is content to deduce 
a definition of faith from an historical examination of Scripture. 
At a later date, Dr Leland (16911766) christened Herbert the 
father of English Deism , and while examining his doctrine 
from an unfriendly point of view, supplies another intelligible 
exposition of Herbert's religious writings 2 . 

Abroad, at an earlier date than at home, Herbert found the 
recognition that was due to him, but there, too, he failed to 
make converts or disciples. In 1643 Herbert presented a copy 
of the De Veritate to Charles Diodati, Milton's friend, and 
Diodati forwarded it to Gassendi, eminent as the champion of 
Epicurean atomism, and the reviver of systematic materialism. 
In Gassendi's Works 3 is an adequate discussion of Herbert's 
system. He agrees in the main with his theory of perception 
intellectus cognoscentis cum re cognita congruentia ; but com- 
plains very politely, it is true of Herbert's obscurity, objects 
that man's reason deals not with the real nature of things, but 
with such appearances of them as are known to him through 
the senses, and doubts the universality of Herbert's common 
notions. Descartes, the most eminent of Herbert's foreign 
contemporaries, also spoke of Herbert with respect, and made 
a thorough study of his works. But he likewise is not deeply 
impressed by their veracity. ' J'y trouve ', he writes of them, 
' plusieurs choses fort bonnes, sed non publici saporis ; car il y 
a pen de personnes qui soient capables d'entendre la metaphy- 

1 Blount claimed to have used some unpublished notes by Lord Herbert in his best- 
known work 'The Two First Books of Apollonuis Tyaren*, written on gin nil v in 
Greek, with Philological Notes tipon each chapter ' (1680), but ho ipp.ncnllv onlv clio\\ 
upon Herbert's published hooks See Sir Leslie Stephen's article on Blount in the 
Dictionary of National Jiiographv 

2 Di John Leland 's View of the Principal Dwtical Writers, i, 134 Charles Blount 
is placed second on Iceland's list of English Deists 

3 Opera, m, 411. 



xxxvi Introduction 

sique. Et pour le general clu livre il tient tin chemin fort diff6- 
rent dc cclui quo j'ai suivi. . . . Enfin par conclusion, encore 
quc jc ne ptussc m'accorclcr en tout aux sentiments clc cot 
an tour, jc nc laissc pas clc Tcslimcr bcauconp audessus dcs 
csprits ordmaircs.' Neither as philosopher, mathematician, 
nor physicist did Descartes accept Herbert's guidance *. 

Of the solid seriousness of Lord Herbert's student life ample 
proof has already been adduced, but it is only just to him to 
supplement the evidence with a few words on his poetry and his 
historical work. Little as we might expect it, he was free from 
the puniest of all forms of vanity which prompts the would-be 
poet to rush into print as soon as his verse is committed to 
paper. So far as Lord Herbert himself was concerned, the 
world at large might still be without the poems which came 
from his pen. They were printed for the first time by his 
brother Henry, seventeen years after their author had been 
laid in the grave. Yet from youth till he was at least fifty 
years old did Herbert solace his leisure with the production of 
English and Latin poetry. And with characteristic versatility 
he did not restrict his efforts to any one class of composition. 
Love and philosophy alternately inspire his muse ; sonnets and 
epitaphs, ditties and satires occupy his attention by turns. As 
a poet, Herbert proves himself the ablest of all the disciples of 
Donne, Like his master, he revels m subtleties of thought and 
diction, and very often exhibits so crude a power of expression 
as to offend a sensitive reader's ear 2 . No versifier ever lum- 
bered more awkwardly through ten pages of print than does 
Lord Herbert in his two satires 3 . His fantastic echo-poems 
arc too quaint to be pleasing, and far-fetched conceits repel us 
in the epitaphs on his fucnds. When at his best, we can never 
be certain that the current of his utterances will not be inter- 
rupted by some grotesque discord. Nevertheless Lord Herbert 
has every right to the title of poet. The author of the Ditty 



ici 'tttau tut tnt t / , , * , 

2 JBrn Toiivm told Prummond of H,i\vtlmnulfn m iCny that ' Doiiw said to lain 
ho wrote th.U I piUpli on Prince Henry, Look to me, Fatth {1613}, to match Snr Kd. 
Horlwut in obscurcness * (Ben Jettison's (.otwerwhons with Orummond, p. 8). Herboit 
also wote fin epitaph on Puna 1 Homy in 1613. 

3 The hrst is entitled The Vafi* I'HUJUK of fit , and the ^crond, Satwa Secumla of 
Tmwllen from /**% i<3 addrossotl to lien Jonson Tho lormcr is d.itccl August 1608, 
tho latter Beptembei 1608. I give an extract from the second on p. 48, note. 



Introduction xxxvii 

in Imitation of the Spanish possessed true lyrical inspiration. 

Now that the Apiil of your youth adorns 

The garden of your face, 
Now that for you each knowing lover mourns, 

And all seek to your grace, 
Do not repay affection with scorns. 

What though you may a matchless beauty vaunt, 

And all that hearts can move 
By such a power that scemeth to enchant, 

Yet, without help of love, 
Beauty no pleasure to itself can grant 

Then think each minute that you lose a day. 

The longest Youth is short, 
The shortest Age is long ; Time flies away, 

And makes us but his sport, 
And that which is not Youth's is Age's prey 

Verse like this recalls Hcrrick in his most graceful moods, and 
evinces far higher powers of reflection. In his purely con- 
templative poems, which chiefly deal with * Platomck Love' 
Lord Herbert has reminded a very competent critic of Mr. 
Robert Browning's forms of thought and expression ; and a 
quaint sonnet addressed to Black Itself is not without resem- 
blance to Blanco White's famous sonnet on Night. But Lord 
Herbert is brought into closest affinity with modern poetry 
by the masterly command he displayed over the metre which 
Lord Tennyson has carried to perfection in his In Memonam. 
He has anticipated the Laureate in many of the finest effects 
of which the latter has proved the metre capable, as the follow- 
ing examples prove : 



You are the first were ever lov'd, 

And who may think this not so true, 
So little knows of love or you, 

It need not otherwise be prov'd. 



Yet, as in our Northern chme 

Rare fruits, though late, appear at last , 
As we may see, some years being past, 

Our orange trees grow ripe with time ; 



xxxvili Introduction 

So think not strange, if Love to bicak 
His wonted silence now makes bold 
Fox [when] a love is seven ycais old, 

Is it not time to learn to speak * 1 

111 his Latin verso Lord Herbert often expresses hmiseli 
clumsily ancl inharmomously, but taken as a whole his Latin 
poems ioim a substantial testimony to his scholarship and 
general culture. 

Hcrbcit's History of Henyy VIII is his most ambitious essay 
in English prose The work was undertaken, as I have shown 
below, with political objects, and unfortunately exhibits little 
of that independent criticism which gives value to Lord Her- 
bert's philosophical writings. It is an unmeasured eulogy of 
Henry VIII's statesmanship, and a laboured endeavour to con- 
done the crimes of his private life 2 . Yet, in apparent contra- 
diction of his aims, Herbert acknowledged the obligation which 
lies upon the historian to deduce his facts from original research. 
How far he personally engaged in the examination of the docu- 
ments which are incorporated in the history has been matter 
of dispute. He employed many clerks to search the Paper 
Olfice at Whitehall, and one of these, Thomas Master, a Fellow 
of New College, Oxford, was popularly reputed to have had a 
large share in the construction of the published book \ But no 

1 These verses arc fioni the Dittv, pp 41-43, in J. Chin ton Collins' edition oi the 
poems But An Ode itf>on a quwttnn moved whether lova should continue for ever, pp 
<)2-<jiJ, should also be examined, and would deserve quotation if space permitted it 
Mr Churton Collins remarks on the affinity of Lord Tennyson's and Herbert's metio 
in the ntrodactio i to Hs edition, the whole of which Is well worthy the perusal of the 
stud'vt, <>i Loiil Ht'i'Kil s writings. Ilerbeit seems to have suggested another poem 
of the Laureate in the lines beginning . 

Teais, flow no MVVC*, oi if you needs must flow, 
Fall v i MI > i -J m 

2 See pp. 142 ct t>eq 

3 Wood, m his Athatue Q\,on t ed. Bliss, iii^ says of Mastet . * lie was a drudge to, 
and assisted trrith, Fd'w.iKl, T ord 1 Tc'-lwt of Chcrburv, when he was obtaining materials 
!oi tar \\utiiif i' -he / in c/ Km; Htnry VIII Lorn thick volumes in folio ol such 
materials I have lying by me now, in every one of which I hud his handwriting, either 
in mteihmuR, adding, ot collecting, and one of these tour, which is entitled Colled- 
amontm hb Set,wulum, is mostly written by lum, collected uom. Parliament^Kolls. tho 
Paper OJfico at \\ In LI h 'I 1 , Vir .. -General's Office, books belonging: to^the Clerks o! the 
COUIK ilj MSS in toLUi.i's 1 il>iai\, books of Convocations of the Cleigy, etc, punted 
antluus, etc And ' i i -ML i, i. 1 i ', i .11 '<' ,\.i 1 1-1 -special hand in composing the 
said I tfe of Ktn% If ij I J I ! t \ i ' -, ), t " -i , , < turned mostly into Latin, but 
nrvei punted), ;o ' > i i ' 1. 1 M 1 i i- v i -it- I *r-> book, DC Vtntatc, or otheis ' 
\t\ atlrctionitc I tti.i epitaph on Master, who died m K>n> an d some Latin hexameters, 
tMini It'll Mi,i<ni J.'v-na, or a Shovilboard-ralrtt, to Mr Mer\tcr, appeal among HeibortS 
poems. Aubrey states that Mastoi hvod with Iteibeit till 1642 The MS. volumes 
containing Herbert's materials for his history are now in Jesus College Library The 
work was lust publislud m 1649 by a London stationei mimed Whitakor Whi taker 
had some litigation m the. House of Loids with Lord Herbeit's grandson Kdwaid as 
to his right to punt the book, each litigant affirming that Loid Ilorbeit had given tho 
MS. to IIIIBI for his sole use. 



Introduction xxxix 

solid argument lias been produced to rob Herbert of the sub- 
stantial credit ol its authorship, or to prove that his assistants 
lent him more than mechanical service. He therefore deserves 
recognition as the producer of a standard historical authority, 
which is vitiated, but not rendered nugatory, by its frank 
acknowledgment of partisanship. The style of Lord Herbert's 
history is as unequal as that of the autobiography, and proves 
that whether as prose-writer or poet, he did not possess full com- 
mand of the instrument of language. He depreciates his style 
very frequently in his private letters 1 , and although self- 
depreciation from his lips must not be assumed to be sincere, 
his remarks about his failings in this respect deserve to be taken 
literally. The construction of his sentences is often suspi- 
ciously involved. Where concentrated energy of utterance is 
necessary to give lull effect to his meaning, he sometimes grows 
tediously loquacious. In his philosophical works he acknow- 
ledged conciseness and precision to be of prime importance, and 
wisely took refuge from himself, not perhaps with complete 
success, in the artificial restraints imposed by the Latin lan- 
guage But although his English prose lack the niceties of a 
great style, his vocabulary is so simple and so copious that he 
can rarely be misunderstood. He is perspicuous even when he 
is ungrammatical. He is ever pretentious in his choice of 
words, and has no mannerisms. His diction is without the 
majesty of Milton or of Sir Thomas Browne ; but it has the 
historical merit of reflecting the best characteristics of the 
everyday speech of its day 2 . 

I have endeavoured to place before the reader a just estimate 
of Lord Herbert's character in all its contradictory aspects ; 
to make manifest that the light-hearted vainglorious man of the 
world whose autobiography is printed below was, contrary to 
all the expectations which the work excites, a poet and a subtle- 
souled psychologist. Inconsistencies are apparent in all Lord 
Herbert's actions, and in all his speculations ; and some such 

1 Cf pp. 141 and 185 

2 Lord Herbert also apparently interested himself in mechanical inventions. He 
sent to Windebank in 1635 a series of inventions suggested to him by an anonymous 
f enchman, which included improvements in warships, gun-caraages, and a proposal 
for the construction of a floating bathing-palace on the Thames, opposite Somerset 
House (CaL State Papers, 1635, pp 62, 63) In 1638 he showed much interest in Thomas 
Bushnell's survey of North*Wales for the purpose of discovering the presence of silver 
ore (Col. State Papers, ard Oct 1638). 



xl Introduction 

fai -icaching theory, as the poet Browning was wont to 
weave lound J anus-like personalities, is necessary to weld Lord 
Herbert's inconsistencies m one harmonious whole. It should 
be remembered, however, that .Lord Herbert's complicated 
character docs not stand alone in his own age, and that Bacon 
and Raleigh present as puxzlmg enigmas to the biogiapher. 
Probably in the spirit of the time a solution ol such riddles 
may be discovei able. That spirit was a strange concoction, 
jLoimcd oi simples that could not readily mingle. Ideas that 
sprang from modern and from ancient Italy, from classicism and 
medievalism, from base and pure forms of Christianity, all 
sought at once, in the late sixteenth and the early seventeenth 
centuries, to gain the mastery over Englishmen's minds. In 
the seething strife high ideals were foimed and translated into 
act, but low ideals were also generated, and demanded an equal 
share of recognition. Torn, asunder by conflicting ambitions, 
men's conduct lacked internal unity. Greatness allied itself 
with littleness, virtue with vice. Romanccis have figured men 
living two lives, men combining two distinct personalities in <i 
single coipoieal iramc. Such freaks of nature arc commonly 
believed to find their homes in dieamlaiid ; but they arc confined 
to no impalpable realm, the divided aims of Hcibert's, and ot 
Bacon's, and of Raleigh's lives prove indubitably that the 
romancers do not always romance. 



THE history of the publication of the Autobiography deserves attention 
In his will Lord Herbert writes ' And whereas I have begun a mani- 
fest of my action in these late troubles, but am prevented in the review 
thereof, I do hereby leave it to a person, whom I shall by word instruct, 
to finish the same, and to publish it to the world by my direction, and 
as having the expresse charge layd upon him by me for doing it ' But 
the friend's name, if ever spoken, has not reached us. It is not quite 
clear whether Lord Herbert's refers to his autobiography in his testa- 
mentary reference to the c manifest of my action in these late troubles' 
which he had begun, but had left unfinished But the extant autobio- 
graphy, which breaks off very abruptly, may well have been a preliminary 
chapter of the contemplated * manifest ' Two copies of the MS. of the 
autobiography remained after his death in Lord Herbert's family, one, 
which is said to be the original draft, with his grandson Edward, and 
the other, which is said to have been a copy of the original, with his brother 
Sir Henry According to Oldys, the Lady Dowager Herbert, widow of 
Henry, the fourth lord of Cherbury, had lent the first copy to the Earl of 
Clarendon, on June n, 1696 (Oldys' Diary, p 25) Clarendon returned 
it, but it was found many years later m an illegible state at Lady Her- 
bert's house, Lymore, Montgomeryshire, and was apparently destroyed 
The second copy was sold with SIL Henry's estate at Ribbisford, but the 
new owner restored it to the Earl of Powis about 1738- Under date, 
aoth December 1763, Walpole refers to this second copy m his correspond- 
ence, and it was this MS which he published. He was printing the MS 
at his own press at Strawberry Hill during the winter of 1763-4, and 
promised Mason an impression ' of the most curious and entertaining 
book in the world ... the Life of the famous Lord Herbert of Cherbury 
(Walpole's Letters, ed. Cunningham, iv, 156) On i6th July 1764, Wal- 
pole writes to George Montagu that the Life is ' the most curious book 
that ever set its foot into the world ', and gives the history of the under- 
taking ' I found it a year ago at Lady Hertford's, to whom Lady Powis 
had lent it. I took it up and soon threw it down again, as the dullest 
thing I ever saw. She persuaded me to take it home My Lady Walde- 
grave was here m all her grief Gray aud I read it to amuse her We could 
not get on for laughing and screaming. I begged to have it m print. 
Lord Powis, sensible of the extravagance, refused I insisted he per- 
sisted. I told my Lady Hertford it was no matter, I would print it, I 
was determined I sat down and wrote a flattering dedication to Lord 
Powis, which I knew he would swallow : he did, and gave up his ancestor 
(ibtd 25^). On i6th December Walpole writes, that c the thing most in 
fashion is my edition of Lord Herbert's Life , people are mad after it , I 
believe, because only two hundred were printed ' (&**. 302) It is reason- 
able to suppose that the MS, was returned to Lord Powis, but the present 
Earl a descendant, through the female line, of Walpole's friend, has in- 
formed me that he is ignorant of its present whereabouts Walpole s 
edition was reprinted in 17^0, 1809, and m 1826. 



xli 



THE LIFE 

OF 

EDWARD, LORD HERBERT 

OF CHERBURY 

I DO believe that, if all my ancestors had set down their 
lives in writing and left them to posterity, many documents 
necessary to be known of those who, both participate of l 
their natural inclinations and humours, must in all probability 
run a not much different course, might have been given for 
their instruction ; and certainly it will be found much better 
for men to guide themselves by such observations as their 
father, grandfather, and great-grandfather might have de- 
livered to them, than by those vulgar rules and examples, 
which cannot in all points so exactly agree unto them. There- 
fore, whether their life were private and contained only 
precepts necessary to treat with their children, servants, 
tenants, kinsmen, and neighbours, or employed abroad in the 
university, or study of the law, or in the court, or in the camp, 
their heirs might have benefited themselves more by them 
than by any else ; for which reason I have thought fit to relate 
to my posterity those passages of my life, which I conceive 
may best declare me, and be most useful to them. In the 
delivery of which, I profess to write with all truth and sin- 
cerity, as scorning ever to deceive or speak false to any ; and 
therefore detesting it much more where I am under obligation 
of speaking to those so near me : and if this be one reason for 
taking my pen in hand at this time, so as my age is now past 
threescore 2 , it will be fit to recollect my former actions, and 
examine what had been done well or ill, to the intent I may 
both reform that which was amiss, and so make my peace 

l <?. sharing 2 Lord Herbert was probably writing in 1643. 

1 B 



2 Life of Lord Herbert 

with God, as also comfort myself in those things which, 
through God's great grace and favour, have been done accord- 
ing to the uiles of conscience, virtue, and honoiu. Betore 
yet I bring myself to this account, it will be necessary I say 
somewhat concerning my ancestors, as far as the notice of 
them is come to me in any credible way l ; of whom yet I 
cannot say much, since I was but eight years old when my 
grandfather died, and that my father lived but about four 
years after ; and that for the rest I have lived for the most 
part from home, it is impossible I should have that entire 
knOvvleclgc of their actions which might inform me sufficiently ; 
I shall only, therefore, relate the more known and undoubted 
parts of their lives. 

My father was Richard Hcibcrt, Esq , son to Edward 
Herbert, Esq., and grandchild to Sir Richard Herbert, Knight, 
who %vas a younger son of Sir Richard Herbert of Colebrook, 
in Monmouthshire, of all whom I shall say a little. And first 
of my father, whom I remember to have been black-haired 
and bearded, as all my ancestors of his side arc said to have 
been, of a manly or somewhat stern look, but withal very 
handsome and well compact in his limbs, and of a great conrage, 
whereof he gave proof, when he was so barbarously assaulted 
by many men in the churchyard at Llanerfyl 2 , at what time 
he would have apprehended a man who denied to appear to 
justice ; for, defending himself against them all, by the help 
only of one John ap Howell Corbet, he chased his adversaries, 
until a villain, coming behind him, did, over the shoulders of 
others, wound him on the head behind with a forest-bill until 
he fell down ; though recovering himself again, notwith- 
standing his skull was cut through to the pia mater of the 
brain, he saw his adversaries fly away, and after walked home 
to his house at Llyssyn \ where, after he was cured, he offered 

1 Lord Herbert appaiently powssed a number of family papers Dugdale, in his 
account of the family (fiaroiwge, ii, 256), quotes sevei.nl paitit ul us ibout William Her- 
bert, the, fiifet Ka.il of I*embioke, fiom * a. certain mamiseupt book in the custody of 
Edward, now Lord Hoibert of Cheibury ', and he notes in the margin (%lml., ii. 358), 
when speaking of Sir Richaid Herbert, Lord Heibert's great-grandfather * excod MS. 
penes Edward D Herbert de Chirbmy * 1 have collected a few additional faets about 
Lord Herbert's ancestry in Appendix I Izaak Walton says generally of the Herberts 

* A family th.it hath been blessed \vith men of lernarkable wisdom and a willingness 
to urve their i*ou it- \ and i-uh ed to do #ood to all mankind, for which they are eminent * 
(Life of G. Hubert), 

2 In the hundred of Caerehniori, Montgomeryshire. 

3 There is still a large farm of tins name in the parish of Llanerfyl. It doubtless 
occupies the site of Richard Herbert's house (see p. 14, note 8). 



Life of Lord Herbert 3 

a single combat to the chief of the family, by whose procure- 
ment it was thought the mischief was committed , but he [>.#. 
the chief] disclaiming wholly the action as not done by his 
consent, which he offered to testify by oath, and the villain 
himself flying into Ireland, whence he never returned, my 
father desisted from prosecuting the business any farther in 
that kind, and attained, notwithstanding the said hurt, that 
health and strength, that he returned to his former exercises 
in a country life, and became the father of many children. 
As for his integrity in his places of deputy lieutenant of the 
county, justice of the peace, and custos rotuloruwi^, which he, 
as my grandfather before him, held, it is so memorable to this 
day, that it was said his enemies appealed to him for justice, 
which they also found on all occasions. His learning was not 
vulgar, as understanding well the Latin tongue, and being 
well versed in history. My grandfather was of a various life ; 
beginning first at court, where, after he had spent most part 
of his means, he became a soldier, and made his fortune with 
his sword at the siege of St. Quentin in France 2 , and other 
wars, both in the north, and in the rebellions happening in 
the times of King Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary, with 
so good success, that he not only came off still with the better, 
but got so much money and wealth, as enabled him to buy 
the greatest part of that livelihood which is descended to me ; 
although yet I hold some lands which his mother, the Lady 
Anne Herbert 3 , purchased, as appears by the deeds made to her 
by that name, which I can show ; and might have held more, 
which my grandfather sold under foot at an under value in his 
youth, and might have been recovered by my father, had my 
grandfather suffered him. My grandfather was noted to be 
a great enemy to the outlaws and thieves of his time, who 
robbed in great numbers in the mountains of Montgomery- 
shire, for the suppressing of whom he went often, both day 

1 He was Sheriff of Montgomeryshire in 1576 and 1584, and is probably the Richard 
Herbert who sat as M P for Montgomeryshire in the Parliament of 1585-6 He died 
in 1596, and was buried in Montgomery Church on isth October of that year (see p. 
5, note 7) 

2 Edwaid Heibeit, as captain-general over 500 men, under his kinsman, William. 
Herbert (created Earl of Pembroke, nth October 1551), joined the Spaniards in the 
storming and sacking of St Quentin two days after it had been taken (zoth August 
1557) from the French The latter were commanded by Anne, Due de Montmorency, 
Constable of France, whose son and grandson are often mentioned by Lord Herbert 
below. 

3 Anne, daughter of Sir David ap Evan (or Euion) ap Llewellyn Vaughan, Knt , 
and wife of Sir Richard Herbert of Montgomery (see p. 5) 



4 Life of Lord Herbert 

and night, to the places where they were ; concerning which, 
though many particulars have been told me, I shall mention 
one only. 1 Sonic outlaws being lodged in an alehouse upon 
the hills of Llandmam, my grandfather and a few servants 
coming to apprehend them, the principal outlaw shot an 
arrow against my grandfather, which stuck in the pummel of 
his saddle ; whereupon my grandfather coming up to him 
with his sword in his hand, and taking him prisoner, he showed 
him the said arrow, bidding him look what he had done ; 
whereof the outlaw was no farther sensible, than to say, he was 
sorry that he left his better bow at home, which he con- 
ceived would have carried his shot to his body ; but the 
outlaw, being brought to justice, suffered for it. My grand- 
father's power was so great in the country, that divers ances- 
tors of the better families now in Montgomeryshire were his 
servants, and raised by him 2 . He delighted also much in 
hospitality ; as having a very long table twice covered every 
meal with the best meats that could be gotten, and a very 
great family. It was an ordinary saying in the country at 
that time, when they saw any fowl rise, { Fly where thou wilt, 
thou wilt light at Blackball ' ; which was a low building, but 
of great capacity, my grandfather erected in his age ; 3 his 
father and himself, in former times, having lived m Mont- 
gomery Castle. Notwithstanding yet these expenses at 
home, he brought up his children well, married his daughters 
to the better sort of persons near him, 4 and bringing up his 
younger sons at the university ; from whence his son Matthew 6 
went to the Low Country wars ; and, after some time spent 

1 A few notes on the general condition of Wales in Lord Herbert's youth are collected 
in Appendix II 

2 He was appointed deputy-constable of Aberystwith Castle (i6th March 1543-4), 
by his cousin Sir William. Herbert (see extract from Lord Powis* MSS in Powysland 
Collection*;, xi, 361) , was Sheriff of Montgomeryshire in 1537 and 1568 ; was M P. 
for the o-> mtv in 1553 and 1556-7 ; was knighted in 1574 (Metcalfc's Kmghts, p 128), 
His 1 K. il mlti"nc f i is illustrated by a correspondence with Leicester in November 1580 
as to the appointment of a sheriff of the county He successfully insisted on the choice 
of Griffith Lloyd and the rejection of John Vaughan (Cal State Papers, 1577-80, 
p. 686) He was at one time esquire of the body to Queen Elizabeth. 

3 This house, also called Lymore, was standing in the middle of the seventeenth cen- 
tury Lord Herbert retired to it during the troubles of the civil wars 

* He had saven daughters Mary, the eldest, married Thomas Purcell of Nant- 
cnbbs, who was Sheriff of Montgomeryshire in 1597 , Ann, the third daughter, married 
Charles Lloyd of Leightori, Sheriff in 1601 , and Jane, the fourth daughter, married 
Jenkm Lloyd, Sheriff in 1588. (See Powyiland Club Collections, n, 387 ) 

& Admitted a student of the Inner Temple, Novcmbci 1582 (Admission Register, 
1571-1625, p 41) He married Ann, daughter of Chailcs Fox of Bromfield, and from 
him was descended in t 1 ie fourth g^aeration Henry Arthur Herbert, created Earl of 
Powis in 1748 (second creation) 



Life of Lord Herbert 5 

there, came home, and lived in the country at Dolguog, upon a 
house and fair living, which my grandfather bestowed upon 
him. His son also, Charles Herbert l , after he had passed 
some time in the Low Countries, likewise returned home, and 
was after married to an inheretrix 2 , whose eldest son, called 
Sir Edward Herbert, Knight, is the king's attorney-general 3 . 
His son, George, who was of New College, in Oxford 4 , was very 
learned, and of a pious life, died in a middle age of a dropsy. 
Notwithstanding all which occasions of expense, my grand- 
father purchased much lands 5 , without doing anything yet 
unjustly or hardly, as may be collected by an offer I have 
publicly made divers times, having given my bailiff in charge 
to proclaim to the country, that if any lands were gotten by 
evil means, or so much as hardly, they should be compounded 
for or restored again ; but to this day, never any man yet 
complained to me in this kind. He died at the age of four- 
score, or thereabouts, and was buried in Montgomery Church 6 , 
without having any monument made for him, which yet for 
my father is there set up in a fair manner 7 . 

My great-grandfather, Sir Richard Herbert, was steward, in 
the time of King Henry the Eighth, of the lordships and 
marches of North Wales, East Wales, and Cardiganshire, and 
had power, in a martial law, to execute offenders , in the using 
thereof he was so just, that he acquired to himself a singular 
reputation ; as may appear upon the records of that time, 
kept in the Paper-Chamber at Whitehall, some touch whereof 

A He is probably the ' Charles Herbert e co Montgom ' who matriculated at Magda- 
len College, Oxford, nth May 1582, at the age of fifteen He lived at Aston, and was 
Sheriff of Montgomeryshire in 1608 

2 Jane, sole heiress of Hugh ap Owen (Dwnn's Visitations, i, 312). , 

3 Of the Inner Temple Appointed the Queen's Attorney-General. 1635 , bolicitor- 
General, 1640 , Attorney-General, sgth January 1640-1 , impeached by the Commons, 
8th March 1641-2 ; Charles II's Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, 1653 ; died at Paris 

* The name of George Herbert does not appear on the books of New College, Oxford, 
and I believe this statement to be an error Together with the Charles Herbert men- 
tioned above, a George Herbert matriculated at Magdalen College, nth May 1582, at 

5 In 1553 Sir William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, granted him the hundred of Cher- 
bury and probably the castle of Montgomery On 15 th May 1570, he received a royal 
grant of the castle of Lyons, or Holt Castle, with several Shropshire manors 

2oth May 1593, according to the parish register His wife, Elizabeth, daughter 
of Matthew Price of Newtown, Montgomeryshire, was buried in the same place on 26th 

7 y This monument, m the Lyinore Chancel of the church, was erected by Lord Her- 
bert's mother in 1600 It is a large alabaster canopied tomb with recumbent figures 
of Richard Hcrbeit (in complete armour) and of his wife, while small images of their 
seven sons and three daughters stand beside them Drawings of the tomb, which is 
still well preserved, appear in the Powysland Collections, vi, 409 , and in Pr Grosart s 
edition of George Herbert's Works (vol. 11, frontispiece) 



6 Life of Lord Herbert 

I have made in my History of Henry the Eighth 1 : of him I 
can say little more, than that he likewise was a gicat sup- 
pressor of rebels, thieves, and outlaws, and that he was just 
and conscionable ; for if a false or cruel person had that power 
committed to his hands, he would have raised a great fortune 
out of it, whereof he left little, save what his father gave him, 
unto posterity. He hcth buried likewise in Montgomery 
the upper monument of the two placed in the chancel being 
erected for him 2 . 

My great [great] grandfather, Sir Richard Herbert of Cole- 
brook, was that incomparable hero, who (in the history of Hall 
and Grafton, as it appears 3 ) twice passed through a great army 
of northern men alone, with his pole-axe in his hand, and 
returned without any mortal hurt, which is more than is 
famed of Amadis dc Gaul, or the Knight of the Sun*. I 
shall, besides this relation of Sir Richard Herbert's prowess in 
the battle at Banbury, or Edgccot Hill 5 , being the place where 
the late battle was fought 8 , deliver some traditions concerning 
him, which I have received from good hands ; one is, that 
the said Sir Richard Herbert being employed, together with 
his brother William, Earl of Pembroke 7 , to reduce certain 
rebels in North Wales, Sir Richard Herbert besieged a principal 
person of them at Harlcch Castle m Merionethshire 8 ; the 
captain of this place had been a soldier in the wars of France ; 

1 Under date i""v, T r--* TTo-l~ort sri - in ^i- TTi-t * * * In the greater part [of Wales] 
and pnrticnlarlv tl >-,' l,>, ,. ' i,,o ' IM, V --i, ind North Wales being about this 
time adruin^la <xl '* i i ^ v ' i ^ , i ( ,1/1 t > , Ivichaid Herbeit . . such justice 
was used as I find him m our records highly commended to the King's Council by Row- 
land Lee, now President of Wales ' 

2 One of two tombs of different dates with recumbent armoured figures on them 
m Montgomery Church (on the east side of the monument to Lord Herbert's father) is 
locally believed to be the tomb of Su Richard Herbeit Sir Rich<ud\v as alive in IS3 1 ?, 
though in ill-health, but the tomb does not appear to be of a date later than Henry VII \ 
reign 

3 1469 ' Sir Richard Herbert so valiauutly aoqmted himselfe that with hib Pollea\e 
in his hand (as his enemies did aftciwaid icpoitc) he UVIM by fine force passed tluough 
the battail of his adversaries and without any moitall \\oonde returned ' Hall s Union 
of the Two Noble Families (1548), fol ccij b , cf Graf ton s> Chronicle (1569), p 676, 
This exploit was part of the action described at length below 

4 A proverbial reference , cf Oveibury's Characters (1616) . ' It is neither Amadis 
de Ganle nor the Knight of the Sunne that is able to resist them '. Shadwell uses the 
phrase m his Vtrhtoso (1676). 

r> See p 8, note I 

fl The battle of Fclgehill (muhvnv between Kincton. Warwickshire, and Banbws). 
fought -i S -r'v* =-,1O, +,!, i6j2 

7 Of K ; i M- M' -.' . i , * astuct odheier to the House of York in divers bloudy 
- t ^ .'i-l the Lancastrians ', cieatecl a baron by Ed ward IV sd Februaiy 1461-2, 
<l >d ! .1 I i LVrnbroke 27th May 1468 Dugdale, in his Baronage (11, 255) gives an 
extraordinary long 1 h&t of Welsh castles arid offices confericd on him in the early years 
of Edward IV's reign 

SHarlech in 1468 was held by David ap Jevan ap Einion in behalf of the Lancastrian, 



Life of Lor a Jtieroert 7 

whereupon he said, he had kept a castle in France so long, 
that he made the old women in Wales talk of him ; and that 
he would keep the castle so long, that he would make the old 
women in France talk of him : and indeed, as the place was 
almost impregnable but by famine, Sir Richard Herbert was 
constrained to take him in by composition ; he surrendering 
himself upon condition that Sir Richard Herbert should do 
what he could to save his life : which being accepted, Sir 
Richard brought him to King Edward IV, desiring his High- 
ness to give him a pardon, since he yielded up a place of 
importance, which he might have kept longer upon this hope. 
But the king replying to Sir Richard Herbert, that he had no 
power by his commission to pardon any, and therefore might, 
after the representation hereof to his Majesty, safe deliver him 
up to justice ; Sir Richard Herbert answered, he had not yet 
done the best he could for him ; and therefore most humbly 
desired his Highness to do one of two things either to put 
him again in the castle where he was, and command some 
other to take him out ; or, if his Highness would not do so, 
to take his life for the said captain's, that being the last proof 
he could give that he used his uttermost endeavour to save the 
said captain's life. The king finding himself urged thus far, 
gave Sir Richard Herbert the life of the said captain, but 
withal he bestowed no other reward for his service. The other 
history is, that Sir Richard Herbert, together with his brother 
the Earl of Pembroke, being in Anglesea, apprehending there 
seven brothers, which had done many mischiefs and murders ; 
in these times the Earl of Pembroke thinking it fit to root out 
so wicked a progeny, commanded them all to be hanged ; 
whereupon the mother of them coming to the Earl of Pem- 
broke, upon her knees desired him to pardon two, or at least- 
wise one of her said sons, affirming, that the rest were sufficient 
to satisfy justice or example, which request also Sir Richard 
Herbert seconded ; but the earl finding them all equally 

Jasper Earl of Pembroke The Herberts ravaged all the neighbourhood in the service 
of Edward IV, seized the castle, and granted a safe-conduct to the defenders, if they 
would parley with them See Wynne's Gwyd^r Family (1878), p. 249. Thomas Church- 
yard describes the exploit m his Worthmes of Wales, 1587 Edward IV is speaking : 
Our castle then of Hardelach that from our first daies raigne 
A refuge for all Rebels did against us still remaine . 
A fort of wondrous force besiege about did he, 
And tooke it, where in most men's mynds, it could not taken be 
He won it, and did make them yeeld, who then theire safetie sought . 
And all the countne thereabout to our obedience brought. 



8 Life of Lord Herbert 

guilty, said, lie could make no distinction betwixt them, and 
therefore commanded them to be executed together ; at 
which the mother was so aggrieved, that, with a pair of 
woollen beads on her arms (for so the relation goeth), she, on 
her knees, cursed him, praying God's mischief might fall to him 
in the first battle he should make. The earl after this, corning 
with his brother to Edgecote Field \ as is before set down, after 
he had put his men in order to fight, found his brother, Sir 
Richard Herbert, in the head of his men, leaning upon, his 
pole-axe in a kind of sad or pensive manner ; whereupon the 
earl said, ' What ! doth thy great body (for he was higher by 
the head than any one in the army) apprehend anything that 
thou art so melancholy, or art thou weary with marching, 
that thou doest lean thus upon thy pole-axe ? * Sir Richard 
Herbeit replied, that he was neither of both, whereof he should 
see the proof presently ; ' only I cannot but apprehend on 
your part, lest the curse of the woman with the woollen beads 
fall upon you '. This Sir Richard Herbert lieth buried in 
Abergavcnny, in a sumptuous monument for those times, 
which still remains 2 ; whereas his brother, the Earl of Pcm- 

1 In 1469 some northern men led by Robert Hilyard, otherwise Robin of Redesdale, 
marched south to attack the Yorki-i , r < \* i MS i v -th the object of restating Henry 
VI They were aided by Sir John C i i - , i! I ' t , Latimer and FitzHugh, relatives 
of the Earl of Warwick (who was on the point of deserting from Edward IV) The 
Herberts, and Humphrey, Lord Stafford (created Earl of DevonsJh o), voro r,r<V c 1 
to intercept the rebels. The two Yorkist forces met at Banbury, w 1 o.<> *M IK -<l <iu. , - 
relied with the elder Herbert and led his men away. On 26th July i 1 ' \ < Lik .r i, , ^ <1 
the Herberts with their six or seven thousand Welsh followers, and gamed a decisive 
victory at Edgecote Field near the town Both brothers were taken prisoner and he- 
headed at Northampton, 28th July Hall states that the Earl of Warwick, who, doubt- 
less, was mainly responsible for the fate of the Herberts, had had a private quarrel with 
the elder brother re i ? T >* i ot ir 5f t^p wnrd^ip o* To^d Bonvile's daughter. (See Hall's 
Chronicle and "U < IH.A i r*. ( ' r^i n- .L, f iuU k i S >< }, pp. 7, 8, 44, 45). 

2 His wife, M ' i>, (i v.,ii 1 j'<L In li 1 - -'cl ' \ c'escnption of the tomb, now in 
rums, is given i Cox \ 1 ' us n Mwini ttr >! rt 'T y i x , p 187, cf Churchyard's Wor- 
thmes of Wales (1587), p. 53 . 

In tombe as trim as that before Here buryed was as I hatie said 

Sir Richard Harbert lyes * : In sumptuous Tombe full well t- 

He wns at I3mbrie field of yore His wife Dame Margaret by his side % 

And through the battaile twise * Lyes there likewise for troth : 

He past with Polla^ in his hands, Their armes as yet may be tryed 

A manly act m deede (In honor of them both) 

To preace among so many bands Stands at their heads, three Lyons white 

As you of him may rede He gmes as well as he might 

This valiant knight at Colbroko dwelt Three Rauens blackc in shiclde sho guies 

Is ore Aborga\ me LOW no As daughter to a knight, 

\\ ho \\licu Jus f.xt.ill doatmo H'lt A sheafe of Arrows vnder head 

And fortune flong him downe, He hath as due to him 

Among his enemies lost his head, Thus there this worthie couple lye 

A ruefull tale to tell * In tombe full fine and trim. 



* Churchyard's marginal notes are as follows : * Sir Richard Harbert of Colbroke, 
Knight '. t ' On the left hand of the tharpell they lye ', 

J * She was daughter to Thomas ap Griffith, father to fcir Rice ap 1 heir as, Knight 



Life of Lord Herbert 9 

broke, being buried in Tintern Abbey, his monument, together 
with the church, lie now wholly defaced and ruined 1 . This 
Karl of Pembroke had a younger son, which had a daughter 
which married the eldest son of the Earl of Worcester 2 , who 
carried away the fair castle of Raglan, with many thousand 
pounds yearly, from the heir-male of that house, which was 
the second son 3 of the said Earl of Pembroke, and ancestor 
of the family of St Julians [Monmouthshire], whose daughter 
and heir I after married, as shall be told in its place 4 And 
here it is very remarkable, that the younger sons of the said 
Earl of Pembroke, and Sir R Herbert, left their posterity 
after them, who, in the person of myself and my wife,, united 
both houses again 5 , which is the more memorable, that 
when the said Earl of Pembroke and Sir R Herbert were 
taken prisoners in defending the just cause of Edward IV at 
the battle above-said, the earl never entreated that his own 
life might be saved, but his brother's, as it appears by the 
said history 6 . So that joining of both houses together in my 
posterity, ought to produce a perpetual obligation of friend- 
ship and mutual love in them one to another, since by these 
two brothers, so brave an example thereof was given, as 
seeming not to live or die but for one another. 

My mother was Magdalen Newport, daughter of Sir Rich- 
ard Newport 7 and Margaret his wife, daughter and heir of 
Sir Thomas Bromley, one of the privy council, and executor 
of King Henry the Eighth 8 , who, surviving her husband, 

1 According to the Earl's will (27th July 1469), printed m Dugdale (11, 257), he be- 
queathed much property to Tmtern Abbey, but desired to be buried at Abergavenny 
a direction which was not observed 

2 This is a loose statement The reference is to Elizabeth, daughter of William Her- 
bert (created Earl of Huntingdon 14.79), sow and hetr, and not younger son, of the Eat I 
of Pembroke. She married, about 1490, Charles Somerset, illegitimate son of Henry, 
Duke of Somerset Charles became Earl of Worcester, and Lord Herbert of Gowcr 
and Chepstow (1514), and held high office under Henry VIII He died in 1525 (See 
Lord Herbert's Henry VIII and Dugdale 's Baronage, 11, 258, 292-4 ) 

* The reference is to Sir Goorge Hcibert of St Julians, the third son; he married 
Jane, daughter of Sir Richard Crofts 

^ See p 21 5 See the Genealogical Table. 

Hall reports the dying speech ' Masters, let me dye, for I am olde, but save my 
brother which is yonge, lusty, and hardye, mete and apt to serve the greatest prince 
of Christendom ' (f ccuj) 

7 Knighted 1566 , buried at Wroxeter, i2th September 1570 His epitaph, and 
that of his wife, who was buried with him, are printed in Dr Grosart's edition of George 
Herbert's Works, i, 27 

8 Bromley was made a judge of the King's Bench in 1544 ; was a member of Edward 
VI *s council of regency, was made the Chief- Justice of the Common Pleas by Mary 
i n. 1553 , died in 1555, and was buried in Wroxeter He bought Eyton, Lord Herbert's 
birthplace, of the crown in 1547, and received a legacy of 300 under Henry VI IPs 
will. 



io Life of Lord Herbert 

gave rare testimonies of an incomparable piety to God, and 
love to her children, as being most assiduous and devout in 
her daily both private and public prayers, and so carciul to 
provide for her posterity, that though it were in her power 
to give her estate (which was very great) to whom she would, 
yet she continued still unmarried, and so provident for them, 
that, after she had bestowed all her daughters, with suffi- 
cient portions, upon very good neighbouring families, 
she delivered up her estate and care of housekeeping to her 
eldest son Francis *, when now she had for many years kept 
hospitality with that plenty and order as exceeded all cither 
of her country or time , for, besides abundance of provision 
and good cheer for guests, which her son Sir Francis New- 
port continued, she used ever after dinner to distribute with 
her own hands to the poor, who resorted to her in great num- 
bers, alms in money, to every one of them more or less, as she 
thought they needed it. By these ancestors I am descended of 
Talbot, Devereux, Grey, Corbet, and many other noble 
families, as may be seen in their matches, extant in the many 
fair coats the Ncwports bear. I could say much more of my 
ancestors of that side likewise, but that I should exceed my 
proposed scope : I shall, therefore, only say somewhat more 
of my mother, my brothers, and sisters. And for my mother, 
after she lived most virtuously and lovingly with her husband 
for many years, she, after his death, erected a fair monument 
for him in Montgomery Church 2 , brought up her children 
carefully, and put them in good courses for making their for- 
tunes, and, briefly, was that woman Dr. Donne hath described 
in his funeral sermon of her printed 3 . The names of her 
children were Edward, Richard, William, Charles, George, 
Henry, Thomas , her daughters were, Elizabeth, Margaret, 
Frances ; ,of all whom I will say a little before I begin a nar- 

1 Knighted in 1603 , married Beatrice, daughter of Rowland Lacon of Kinlet His 
son Richard became first Lord Newport (1642), and his grandson Francis first Earl of 
Bradford (1694). Both were prominent royalists. 

2 See p. 5, note 7 _ , 

3 She re-marned in 1608, her second husband being Sir John Danvers, third son of 
Sir John Danvers of Dauntsey, Wilts, and twenty years Lady Herbert's junior She 
was buried in Chelsea Church, 8th June 1627 Dr. Donne's funeial sermon "bears the 
title A Sermon of Commemoration of the Lady Dauers, late W%je of Sr John Dduers. 
Preach'd at Chilsey, where she was lately buned, by lohn Donne, D of St. Paul's London, 
I. July 1627 Together with other Commemorations of her, by her sonne, George Herbert. 
London, 1627, I2mo Extracts from this volume, and from Walton's account of her 
in his Life of George Herbert, are given in Appendix III. 



Life of Lord Herbert n 

ration of my own life, so I may pursue my intended purpose 
the more entirely. 

My brother Richard,, after he had been brought up in learn- 
ing, went to the Low Countries, where he continued many 
years with much reputation, both in the wars and for fight- 
ing single duels, which were many , insomuch, that between 
both, he carried, as I have been told, the scars of four-and- 
twenty wounds upon him to his grave, and heth buried in 
Bergen-op-zoom *. My brother William, being brought up 
likewise in learning, went afterwards to the wars in Denmark, 
where, fighting a single combat, and having his sword broken, 
he not only defended himself with that piece which remained, 
but, closing with his adversary, threw him down, and so held 
him until company came in , and then went to the wars in 
the Low Countries, but lived not long after 2 . My brother 
Charles 3 was fellow of New College in Oxford, where he died 
young, after he had given great hopes of himself every way 
My brother George 4 was so excellent a scholar, that he was 
made the public orator of the University in Cambridge ; some 
of whose English works are extant ; which, though they be 
rare in their kind, yet are far short of expressing those per- 
fections he had in the Greek and Latin tongue, and all divine 
and human literature : his life was most holy and exemplary ; 
insomuch, that about Salisbury, where he lived, bencnced 
for many years, he was little less than sainted He was not 
exempt from passion and choler, being infirmities to which 
all our race is subject , but that excepted, without reproach 



1 He probably served with his brothers, Edward and Thomas, at Juliers, 1610 , joined 
the English contingent in Germany under Sir Horace Vere in 1618, and was with Count 
Mansfeldt at the relief of Bergen-op-Zoom in 1622, where he doubtless met his death 

2 In 1617 William Herbert raised a troop of horse in Holland for the Duke of Savoy 
(see p. 95) 

3 Born in 1592, Charles Herbert was admitted to Winchester School in 1603, became 
a scholar of New College, Oxford, 4-th June 1611 and fellow, sd June 1613, and died 
in 1617 For these dates I am indebted to the Warden of New College, the Rev Dr Sewell 
Verses by Charles Herbert appear in Dr Zouch's The Dove, and the lines signed ' C. H ' 
in the Travels of Sir Thomas Herbert (1634) have been attributed to him, but the dates 
make this identification doubtful. 

4 Born at Montgomery Castle, sd April 1593 ; educated at Westminster School ; 
proceeded to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1608 , B A , x6xx , MA, 1615 ; elected 
fellow of his College , public orator of the University, 1619-27 , spent some time at 
court , ordained aftci 1625 , chaplain to his kinsman, Philip, Earl of Pembroke , rector 
of Fugglestorie and Bcmerton, near Salisbury, from 1630 ; buried at Bemerton, 3d 
March 1632-3. Two volumes of poems were issued aftci his death , The Temple, m 
1633, and The Synagogue, in 1640. Poems tq his mother's memory were published 
with Donne's sermon in 1627. 



12 Life of Lord Herbert 

in his actions. Henry x , after he had been brought up in 
learning, as the other brothers were, was sent by his trieiids 
into France, where he attained the language of that country 
in much perfection 3 after which time he came to court, and 
was made gentleman of the king's privy chamber, and master 
of the revels , by which means, as also by a good marriage, 
he attained to great fortunes, for himself and posterity to 
enjoy He also hath given several proofs of his courage in 
duels, and otherwise , being no less dexterous in the ways of 
the court, as having gotten much by it. My brother Thomas 
was a posthumous, as being born some weeks after his father's 
death 3 He also, being brought up a while at school, was 
sent as a page to Sir Edward Cecil *, lord-general of his Maj- 
esty's auxiliary forces to the princes in Germany, and was 
particularly at the siege of Juhcrs 4 , AD 1610, where he 
showed such forwardness, as no man in that great army be- 
fore him was more adventurous on all occasions. Being re- 
turned from thence, he went to the East Indies, under the 
command of Captain Joseph, who, in his way thither, meet- 
ing with a great Spanish ship, was unfortunately killed in 
fight with them 5 , whereupon, his men being disheartened, 
my brother Thomas encouraged them to revenge the loss, 
and renewed the fight in that manner (as Sir John Smyth, 
governor of the East India Company 6 , told me at several 
times), that they forced the Spanish ship to run aground, 

* Born 1595 iat Montgomery , became Master of the Revels about 1621 , was kmglited 
by James I, 7th August 1623 , was veiy intimate with Charles I, and was a consistent 
loyalist throughout the civil wars He was twice mamed, his second wife being Eliza- 
beth, daughter of Sir Robert Offley of Lincolnshire At the Restoration he again be- 
came Master of the Revels, and died in 1673 He was a frequent roiiospoMclnii of 
his brothers, Edward and George. His invaluable MS Diaiy of plays licensed l>v lura 
between 1621 and 1641, is in the possession of the Bail of Powis, and has. *ie\c i j been 
fully printed He edited Lord Herbert's poems in 1665 

2 The Register of Montgomery Church gives the date I5th May 1597 The father 
died m the previous October 

3 Thud son of the famous Lord Burghley's elder son Thomas, first Earl of Exeter 
After serving in the Low Countries foi ricarlv thirtv-hvo years, he was created Baron 
Cecil of Putney (1625), and Viscount Wimbli-don (1626)" He died i6th November 
1638 

4 Lord Heibert gives an account of this campaign, p 60 et $eq 

> In December 1(316, Captain Benjamin Joseph sailed in the* Globe as commander 
of the East India Company's fleet IMI!V in the following March th<? fleet was attacked 
by a Portuguese canack, and Captain "Joseph, *a man of e-ttraoulmary note and re- 
spect ', was killed (See Samsbmy's Calendar of Colonial Papers ) 

^ Sir Ihamav Smyth, the iirst Governor of the Company, was appointed in 1600, 
and was re-elected to the post for every year between 1607 and 1621 lie died to- 
wards the end of 1625 Mr W N Samsbury of the Record Office informs me that 
Sir John, Sir Thomas Smyth's son, admitted to the freedom of the Company by patn- 
mony, 30th June 1619, was never Governoi (Sec Calendar of Colonial Papcn ) 



Life of Lord Herbert I 

where the English shot her through and through so oftci 
that she run herself aground, and was left wholly unservia 
able After which time, he, with the rest of the fleet, cair 
to Surat, and from thence, went with the merchants to tr 
Great Mogul 3 where, after he had stayed about a twelv< 
month, he returned with the same fleet back again to En^ 
land * . After this, he went in the navy which King Jamc 
sent to Algiers, under the command of Sir Robert Manse 
where our men being in great want of money and victual 
and many ships scattering themselves to try whether the 
could obtain a prize, whereby to relieve the whole fleet 2 
it was his hap to meet with a ship, which he took, and in it, 1 
the value of eighteen hundred pounds, which, it was though 
saved the whole fleet from perishing He conducted, als< 
Count Mansfeld to the Low Countries 3 , in one of the king 
ships, which, being unfortunately cast away not far from tr 
shore, the count, together with his company, saved then 
selves in a long-boat, or shallop, the benefit whereof my saa 
brother refused to take for the present, as resolving to assii 
the master of the ship, who endeavoured by all means to cle? 
the ship from the danger ; but finding it impossible, he ws 
the last man that saved himself in the long-boat ; the mastc 
thereof yet refusing to come away, so that he perished t< 
gether with the ship. After this, he commanded one of tr 
ships that were sent to bring the prince from Spain ; wher< 
upon his return, there being a fight between the Low Com 
try-men and the Dunkirkers, the prince, who thought it wz 
not for his dignity to suffer them to fight in his preseno 
commanded some of his ships to part them ; whereupon m 
said brother, with some other ships, got betwixt them o 
either side, and shot so long, that both parties were glad 1 

1 Sir Thomas Roe, the first accredited envoy to the Great Mogul, notes, in a d 
patch dated Mandow, $d November 1617, that ' Mr Herbert, weary of the progre 
(% e , with the English merchants to the Great Mogul's court) is bound for England 
He apparently returned to Surat at the end of 1617, and sailed in the Globe, the sh 
in which he came, very early in the following year (Sec Cat of Colonial Papers, 1617-1! 
Caie must be taken to distinguish this Thomas Herbert from his kinsman of the sai 
name, who was at Surat ten years later, and then paid a visit to the Great Mogul, 
full account of which is given in. his published Travels (1634) 

2 Sir Robeit Manbdl arrived with twenty ships in the roads of Algiers, 27th Noveml 
1620, to punish the Dey for his piratical attacks on English ships in the Mediterranea 
Failure of supplies from home brougV fhf exr" ar1 i fir i to grief, and after much suffen 
the fleet was recalled m July 1621 <i,i,vii v i - II i* * . 'f England, iv, 223-5 

On his return to Flushing with . 11 Li 4 1 ' 'i ,. m\ m January 1624-5 Gardme 
y, v, 285. 



14 Life of Lord Herbert 

desist After he had brought the prinee safely home, he was 
appointed to go with one of the king's ships to the Narrow 
Seas 1 He also fought divers times with great courage and 
success,, with divers men in single f ght, sometimes hurting 
and disarming his adversary, and sometimes driving him 
away. After all these proofs given of himself, he expected 
some great command , but finding himself, as he thought, 
undervalued, he retired to a private and melancholy life, be- 
ing much discontented to find others preferred to him ; in 
which sullen humour having lived many years, he died and 
was buried in London, in St Martin's near Charing Cross 2 , 
so that of all my brothers none survives but Henry. 

Elizabeth, my eldest sister 3 , was married to Sir Henry 
Jones 4 of Abermarles [Carmarthenshire], who had by her 
one son and two daughters , the latter end of her time was 
the most sickly and miserable that hath been known in our 
times ; while, for the space of about fourteen years, she lan- 
guished and pined away to skin and bones, and at last died in 
London, and lieth buried in a church called near Cheap- 
side, Margaret was married to John Vaughan, son and heir 
to Owen Vaughan of Llwydiarth 5 , by which match some 
former differences betwixt our house and that were appeased 
and reconciled 6 . He had by her three daughters and heirs, 
Dorothy 7 , Magdalen, and Kathcrme , of which the two 
latter only survive. The estate of the Vaughans yet went to 
the heirs -male, although not so clearly but that the entail which 
carried the said lands was questioned 8 Frances, my young- 

1 1625, September 25, Buckingham, as Admiral of the Narrow Seas, appointed Cap- 
tain Thomas Herbert captain of the Dreadnought Cal State Papers, Dom 1625-6, 
p. in, 

2 Lord Herbert's younger brother apparently died midway between 1626 and 1642 
I have had the burial registers of the Church of St Martin Vm~the-Fields searched 111 
vain for an entry respecting his death The registers do not seem to have been kept 
with \orv o< ~ ri f 1 o ^ CT-C P* "us period 

3 >. , i /"d MCI i.ro'is< Church, toth November 1583 

* > i ' OL ( , IM i L i" - i ( 1574 and 1584, and for Brecknockshire, 1580 Two 
letters of Sir Henry appear in the Stradhng Correspondence, ed Tiaherne, pp 163, 164 

r> Entered m the Montgorrvv ^^ch v+n\*++* 3 a November 1606 

<* On 7th January 1588-1:,, s -"\>.i" \\.i- much disturbed by a conflict between 
the retainers of the Herbert -i r \Vi .. amilies, and those of the Vaughans A 
tedious lawsuit between Sir i <. i <l ' \ Powis, third cousin of Lord Herbert's 

father, and the Vaughans seems to have involved all the Herbert family. Cf Owen 
and Blakeway's Shrewsbury, i, 390, 391 

7 Dorothy's will was pioved at Canterbury by her uncle, Geoige Herbert, the poet, 
on Qth October 1632 

s John Vaughan died bcfoie his wife She died i4th August, 1623, and is buried 
in Montgomery Church, inter majores et consanguineos She is described in the parish 
register as habitans Llussin in parochia Llan-ervell %n Dw 



1582-3] Life of Lord Herbert 15 

est sister,, was married to Sir John Brown, Knight, in Lin- 
colnshire, who had by her divers children ; the eldest son of 
whom, although young, fought divers duels, in one of which 
it was his fortune to kill one Lee, of a great family in Lan- 
cashire \ I could say many things more concerning all 
these, but it is not my purpose to particularise their lives, I 
have related only some passages concerning them to the best 
of my memory, being assured I have not failed much in my 
relation of them. I shall now come to myself. 

I was born at Eyton, in Shropshire a [being a house which, 
together with fair lands, descended upon the Newports by 
my said grandmother], between the hours of twelve and one 
of the clock in the morning 3 ; my infancy was very sickly, 
my head continually purging itself very much by the ears ; 
whereupon also it was so long before I began to speak, that 
many thought I should be ever dumb. The very furthest 
thing I remember, is, that when I understood what was said 
by others, I did yet forbear to speak, lest I should utter 
something that were imperfect or impertinent. When I came 
to talk, one of the furthest inquiries I made was, how I came 
into this world ? I told my nurse, keeper, and others, I found 
myself here indeed, but from what cause or beginning, or by 
what means, I could not imagine ; but for this, as I was 

i Peter Legb, eldest son of Piers Legh of Lyme, Lancashire, by Anne, daughter of 
Sir John Savile. was killed in a duel in 1640 Baines' Lancashire, m, 644 

^ Owen and Blakeway's History of Shrewsbury, i, 278 * * Eyton [on Severn, near 
Wroxeter] was a very ancient possession of the monks of Shrewsbury, granted to them 
by their founder, Earl Roger, and it became one of the country seats of the abbot. On 
the dissolution it was purchased of the crown by Chief-Justice Bromley, whose only 
child conveyed it to her husband. Sir Richard Newport. Sir Richard made this beauti- 
ful spot one of his favourite residences After the demolition of Ercall [another seat 
of the Newports], in the civil wars, Eyton became their chief seat * Ci Dugdale's 
Monastocon (1821), m, 525, 529 5 Eyton 's Shropshire, vm, 36-36. An engraving of 
the ruins of the Newport house at Eyton in 1816 appears in the Gentleman's Magazine 
for that year, Part I, p 201 All that now remains is a garden wall, running along the 
side of a terrace, with a tower at the end. 

3 Unfortunately the extant registers at Wroxeter, whence some information rc- 
spoctmg Lord Herbert might have been expected, begin m 1613. The Oxford Uni- 
versity Register states that Herbert was aged fourteen years in May 1596. He himself 
states (p 22) that he was fifteen in 1598-9, and (p. 43) eighteen or nineteen in 1600. 
According to his opening remarks he was twelve years old (p. 2) when his father died 
(1506) and eight when his grandfather died (1593) These statements are too self- 
contradictory to prove anything On the whole, I am inclined to regard ad March 
1582-3 as the date of his birth That his birthday was sd March appears from his 
own published verses . 

In Diem Naiahtwm, vut , 3 Mar. 
Vere novo lux usque redit qua nascor, et una 

Dum tempus redit, et fit numerosa dies , 

Ver, olim vires renovans roburque recendens, 

^E[sjtas fit tandem tristis hyemsque mihi. 



1 6 Life of Lord Herbert [1589 

laughed at by nurse, and some other women that were then 
present, so I was wondered at by others, who said, they never 
heard a child biit myself ask that question ; upon which, 
when I came to riper years, I made this observation, which 
afterwards a little comforted me, that, as I found myself m 
possession of this life, without knowing anything of the pangs 
and throes my mother suffered, yet, doubtless, they did no 
less press and afflict me than her, so I hope my soul shall pass 
to a better life than this without being sensible of the an- 
guish and pains my body shall feel in death. For as I be- 
lieve then I shall be transmitted to a more happy estate by 
God's great grace, I am confident I shall no more know how 
I came out of this world, than how I came into it ; and be- 
cause, since that time, I have made verses to this purpose, I 
have thought fit to insert them here as a place proper for 
them. The Argument is, 



VITA 1 

FRIMA fuit quondam gcmtali seminc vita 
Procurasse suas dotes, ubi plastica virtus 
Gcstut, ct vcgcto molem pcrfunclcrc succo, 
Extcrnamque suo formam cohiboro icccssu, 
Pum conspirantcs possmt accedere causa?, 
Et totum tuto liceat proludcro fcotum. 

AUera materno tandem succrcvit an arvo 
Exiles spumans ubi spiritus mcluit artus, 
Exertusque srniul miro scnsona textu 
Cudit, ot hospitium monti non vile paravit, 
Quae coclo delapsa suas mox mdc capessat 
Partcs, et sortis tanquim procsaga futuras 
Comgat ignavum pondus, ncc inutile sistat 

Tcrtia nunc agitur, qua 1 sccna rocluditxir inpfons, 
Cernitur et festum cccli, tennsque theatrum , 
Congener et species, rorum vanataque forma , 
Et circumfcm, molu propnoque vagan 
Contigit, ct leges oatcrnaquc focdera mundi 
Viserc, ct assiduo redeuntia sidera cursu. 
Undo etiam vitae catisas, nexumque tucn 
Fas erat et summum long proasciscerc Numen , 
Dum varios mir6 motus contemperat orbis, 

1 This and the following poom ipposirod in Lord Herbert's lifotimc at the closo of 
his De Cauits Errorvm (1645), toyrctl'ei \\ith a third Latin poem, Uared et Nepat suts 
Pr&cepta, et Auvtha The first poem is much abbreviated here, and has undergone 
a few verbal alterations. 



Life of Lord Herbert 17 

Et Pater, et Doiiimus, Gustos, et conditor idem 

Audit ubique Deus ; Quid ni mode Quarta sequatur ? 

Sordibus excussis cum mens jam. purior mstat, 

Auctaque doctrmis varus, virtuteque pollens 

Intendit vires, magis et sublunia spirat, 

Et tacitus cordi stimulus suffigitur imo, 

Ut velit huic quisquam sorti superesse caducte, 

Expetiturque status felicior ambitiosis 

Ritibus, et sacns, et cultu religiose, 

Et nova succedit melioris conscia fati 

Spes superis hasrens, toto perfusaque coelo, 

Et sese sancto demittit Numen amon, 

Et data celestis non fallax tessera vitas, 

Cumque Deo licuit non uno jure pacisci, 

Ut mihi seu servo reddatur debit a merces, 

Filius aut bona adire paterna petam, mihi sponsor 

Sit fidei Numen ; mox hanc sin exuo vitam, 

Compos jam fact us melioris, turn simuluti 

Jure meo cupiam liber, meque assent inde 

Ipse Deus (cujus non terns gratia tantum, 

Sed Coelis prostat) quid ni modo quint a sequatur, 

Et Sexta, et quicquid tandem spes ipsa requirat ? 



DE VITA CELESTI CONJECTURA 

TOTO lustratus genio mihi gratulor ipsi, 

Fati securus, dum nee terroribus ullis 

Dejicior, tacitos condo vel corde dolores, 

Sed laitus medus a^rumms transigo vitam, 

Invitisque malis (quas terras undique cirgunt) 

Ardenti virtute viam super cethera qucerens, 

Proxima Coolestis prsocepi prasmia vitse, 

Ultima prcetento, divmo nixus amore, 

Quo simul exuperans crepcrae ludibria sortis, 

Barbara vesani linquo consortia Saoch, 

Auras mfernas defflans, splransque supernas, 

Dum sanctis memet totum. sic implico flammis, 

Hisce ut suffultus penetrem laquearia coeli, 

Atq. novi late speculer magnaha Mundi, 

Et not as animas, proprio jam lumiae pulchras 

Invisam, Superumque chores, mentesque beatas, 

Queis aveam miscere ignes, ac vincula sacra, 

Atq vice alternst transire in gaudia, Ccelum 

Quas dederit cunctis, ipsis aut mdita nobis, 

Vel qua) communi voto sancire licebit, 

Ut Deus interea cuniulans sua praomia, nostrum 

Augeat mde decus, proprioque illustrct amore, 

Nee Cqeli Caslis desint, aiternave Vitae 

D 



1 8 Life of Lord Herbert 

Saocula, vcl Sceclis nova gaudia, qualia totum 
/Evum nee minuat, nee ternunat Innmtum. 
His major desit iiec gratia Numinis alma, 
Qua3 toms variata modis ha3C gaudia croscant, 
Excipiatque statum quemvis felicior alter ; 
Et quse nee sperare datur sint prasstita nobis, 
Nee, nisi sola capit 'quaa mens divma, supersmt , 
Quaj licet ex sese sint perfeetissima longe, 
Ex nobis saltern mage condccorata videutur 
Cum. segues ammas, coolum quas itidit ab oitu, 
Exacuat tantum labor ac mdustria nostra , 
Ac demum poliat doctrma, ct monbus ilhs, 
Ut redeant pulchra?, dotem cceloque icportent 
Quum simul arbitriis usi, mala pelhmus ilia, 
Qua? nee vel pepulit coelum, vel pelleret ohm, 
Ex nobis ita fit jam gloria Numims mgens, 
Auctior in coelos quoqne gloria nostra redunclat, 
Et qiias virtuti sint debita prjoima, tandem 
Vel Numen solito reddunt felicius ipsum. 
Amplior unde simul redhibetur Gratia nobis, 
Ut vel pro voto nostro jam smgula cedant 
Nam si libertas cara est, per amoona locorum 
Conspicua innumens Ccehs discurrere fas est, 
Deliciasq loci cujusvis carpere passim 
Altior est ammo si contemplatio fixa, 
Cuncta adaperta patent nobis jam scnma Cooli, 
Arcanasque Dei ration es nosse juvabit 
Hujus sin repetat quisquam consortia srecli, 
Mox agere in terns, ac procurare licebit 
Res heic humanas, et justis legibus uti ' 
Sin mage cailesti jam delect amur amore, 
Solvimur in fiamrnas, quna se lambuntq foventq 
Mutud, et implicit! sanctis ardonbus, un^. 
Snrgimiis amplexi, copula junctiqne tcnaci, 
Paitibus, et toto miscemui ubique vicissim ; 
Ardoresque novos aceendit Numims ardor. 
Sin laudare Deum lubeat, nos laudat et ipse, 
Concmit Angelieusque chorus, modulamine suavi 
Personat et ccelum, prostant et pubhca nobis 
Gaudia, et eduntur passim spectacula last a ; 
Fitque theatrahs quasi Cosh machma tota 
Hanc mundi molem sin vis replicavent mgens 
Numims, atque novas formas exculpserit mde 
Dotibus ornatas alns, magis atque capaces , 
Nostras mox etiam formas renovarc licebit, 
Et dotes sensusque alios assutnere, tandem 
Consummata magis quo gaudia nostra icsurgant, 
IliDC si conjecto mortali corpore fietus 
Corpus ut extienm, Quid m majora recludam ? 



I 5 8 9 ] 



Life of Lord Herbert 19 



And certainly since in my mother's womb this plastica, or 
formatrix, which formed my eyes, ears, and other senses, did 
not intend them for that dark and noisome place, but, as 
being conscious of a better life, made them as fitting organs 
to apprehend and perceive those things which should occur 
in this world : so I believe, since my coming into this world 
my soul hath formed or produced certain faculties which are 
almost as useless for this life, as the above-named senses where 
for the mother's womb ; and these faculties are, hope, faith, 
love, and joy, since they never rest or fix upon any transitory 
or perishing object in this world, as extending themselves 
to something further than can be here given, and indeed 
acquiesce only in the perfect, eternal, and infinite : I confess 
they are of some use here ; yet I appeal to everybody, whether 
any worldly felicity did so satisfy their hope here, that they 
did not wish and hope for something more excellent, or whether 
they had ever that faith in their own wisdom, or in the help 
of man, that they were not constrained to have recourse to 
some diviner and superior power, than they could find on 
earth, to relieve them in then: danger or necessity ; whether 
ever they could place their love on any earthly beauty, that 
it did not fade and wither, if not frustrate or deceive them, or 
whether ever their joy was so consummate in anything they 
delighted in, that they did not want much more than it, or 
indeed this world can afford, to make them happy. The 
proper objects of these faculties, therefore, though framed, or 
at least appearing in this world, is God only, upon whom faith, 
hope, and love, were never placed in vain, or remain long un- 
requited 1 . But to leave these discourses, and come to my 
childhood again. 

I remember this defluxion at my ears above-mentioned con- 
tinued in that violence, that my friends did not think fit to 
teach me so much as my alphabet until I was seven years old, 
at which time my defiuxion ceased, and left me free of the 
disease my ancestors were subj ect unto, being the epilepsy. My 
schoolmaster in the house of my said lady grandmother began 
then to teach me the alphabet, and afterwards grammar, and 
other books commonly read in schools ; in which I profited 
so much, that upon this theme Audaces fortuna juvat, I made 
an oration of a sheet of paper, and fifty or sixty verses in the 

l See the Introduction for a discussion of Lord Herbert's philosophical system 



20 Life of Lord Herbert [1591 

space of one day. I remember in that time I was corrected 
sometimes for going to cuffs with two schoolfellows being 
both elder than myself, but never for telling a he or any other 
fault ; my natural disposition and inclination being so con- 
trary to all falsehood, that being demanded whether I had 
committed any fault whereof I might be justly suspected, I 
did use ever to confess it freely, and thereupon choosing rather 
to sutler correction than to stain my mind with telling a lie, 
which I did judge then, no time could ever deface , and I can 
affirm to all the world truly, that, from my first infancy to 
this hour, I told not willingly anything that was false, my 
soul naturally having an antipathy to lying and deceit. After 
I had attained the age of nine, during all which time I lived in 
my said lady grandmother's house atEyton, my parents thought 
fit to send me to some place where I might learn the Welsh 
tongue, as believing it necessary to enable me to treat with 
those of my friends and tenants who understood no other 
language ; whereupon I was recommended to Mr. Edward 
Thelwall, of Plas-y-ward in Denbighshire *. This gentleman 
I must remember with honour, as having of himself acquired 
the exact knowledge of Greek, Latin, French, Italian, and 
Spanish, and all other learning, having for that purpose neither 
gone beyond seas, nor so much as had the benefit of any 
universities. Besides, he was of that rare temper in governing 
his choler, that I never saw him angry during the time of my 
stay there, and have heard so much of him for many years be- 
fore. When occasion of offence was given him, I have seen 
him redden in the face, and after remain for a while silent, 
but when he spake, his words were so calm and gentle, that I 
found he had digested his choler, though yet I confess I could 
never attain that perfection, as being subject over to choler 
and passion more than I ought, and generally to speak my 
mind freely, and indeed rather to imitate those, who, having 
fire within doors, choose rather to give it vent than suffer it 
to burn the house I command yet much more the manner of 
Mr. Thelwall ; and, certainly, he that can forbear speaking 
for some while, will remit much of his passion ; but as I could 

i Son and heir of Symond Thelwall, one of the Councillors of the Marches of Wales, 
He warned one of his sons Herbert, doubtless after his pupil. He died 20 th July 1610. 
His brother Eubule was Principal of Jesus College, Oxford, 1621-30 Dwnn's Vistta* 
tions, 1566-1613, ed Meynck, 11, 335, 336, 



1 592-96] Life of Lord Herbert 21 

not learn much of him in this kind, so I did as little profit in 
learning the Welsh, or any other of those languages that worthy 
gentleman understood, as having a tertian ague for the most 
part of nine months, which was all the time I stayed in his 
house. 

Having recovered my strength again, I was sent, being 
about the age of ten, to be taught by one Mr. Newton at Did- 
lebury in Shropshire *, where, in the space of less than two 
years, I not only recovered all I had lost in my sickness, but 
attained to the knowledge of the Greek tongue and logic, in- 
somuch, that at twelve years old my parents thought fit to 
send me to Oxford to University College 2 , where I remember 
to have disputed at my first coming in logic, and to have made 
in Greek the exercises required in that college, oftener than in 
Latin. I had not been many months in the University, but 
news was brought me of my father 's death, his sickness being 
a lethargy, caros 3 , or coma v^g^lans f which continued long upon 
him ; he seemed at last to die without much pain, though in 
his senses 4 . Upon opinion given by physicians that his 
disease was mortal, my mother thought fit to send for me home, 
and presently, after my father's death, to desire her brother 
Sir Francis Newport to haste to London to obtain my wardship 
for his and her use jointly, which he obtained 6 . Shortly after 
I was sent again to my studies in Oxford, where I had not been 
long but that an overture for a match with the daughter and 
heir of Sir William Herbert of St Julian's 6 was made, the 
occasion whereof was this : Sir William Herbert being heir- 
male to the old Earl of Pembroke above-mentioned by a 
younger son of his (for the eldest son had a daughter, who car- 
ried away those great possessions the Earl of Worcester now 



1 Doubtless Thomas Newton, eldest son of Edward Newton, of Barley, Cheshire ; 
a graduate of both Cambridge and Oxford, and a well-known classical scholar. He 
* taught school ', says Wood, * at Macclesfield, or near it, with good success '. He died 
in May 1607 (see Wood's Athenez Oxon , ed Bliss, 11, 5). Didlebury is near Maccles- 
field 

2 Matriculated as a gentleman-commoner in May 1596, aged fourteen years (Oxford 
Umversity Register Oxford Historical Society II, u, 314) , " being put under the tuition 
of an eminent tutor '. (Wood's Afhence Oxon, ed Bhss, in, 239 ) 

3 In old medical books carus or carosis is applied to various kinds of coma. 

4 He was buried in Montgomery Church, 15 th October 1596 

5 The wardship was not obtained by Newport, but by his kinsman Sir George More, 
afterwards Donne's father-in-law. Kempe's Loseley MSS., p. 347. (See Appendix 
VI below). 

6 Between Caerleon and Newport. Thomas Churchyard, in his Worthmes of Wales 

frnfl^t\ caws * <5aif rixrllioTio ia -Poii- "> mica -nrtioi-o <5tT- Wilttonr* WWhAt-t rUnr*Tlec 



22 Life of Lord Herbert [1598 

holds in Monmouthshire, as I said before), having one only 
daughter surviving, made a will, whereby he estated all his 
possessions in Monmouthshire and Ireland upon his said 
daughter, upon condition she married one of the surname of 
Herbert, otherwise the said lands to descend to the heirs- 
male of the said Sir William ; and his daughter to have only 
a small portion out of the lands he had in Anglesey and Carnar- 
vonshire ; his lands being thus settle, Sir William died shortly 
afterwards l . He was a man much conversant with books, 
and especially given to the study of divinity, insomuch, that 
he writ an Exposition upon the Revelations, which is printed * , 
though some thought he was as far from finding the sense 
thereof as he was from attaining the philosopher's stone, which 
was another part of his study 3 ; howsoever, he was very under- 
standing in all others things, he was noted yet to be of a very 
high mind ; but I can say little of him, as having never seen 
his person, nor otherwise had much information concerning 
him. His daughter and heir, called Mary 4 , after her father 
died, continued unmarried until she was one-and-twenty ; 
none of the Herberts appearing in all that time, who, either 
in age or fortune, was fit to match her. About this time I had 
attained the age of fifteen 5 , and a match at last being proposed, 
yet, notwithstanding the disparity of years betwixt us, upon 
the eight-and-twentieth of February 1598 [-9], in the house of 

Eyton, where the same man, vicar of , married my 

father and mother, christened and married me, I espoused 
her. Not long after my marriage I went again to Oxford, 



l He died at St Julian's, 4 th March 1592-3, aa* *s buned at Monmouth a week 
later* Powystand Coll XL 364. 

a ' A Letter -written by a trve Christian Catholike to a Romaine pretended Cathohke 
vppon occasion of controuersie touching the Catholike Church the 12, 13, and 14 
chapters of the Reuelations are breifly and trulie expounded '. London, John Windet, 
1586. Small 4to 86 pp The book is anonymous, but Sir William's arms are at the 
back of the title-page A copy is in the British Museum The interpretation is very 
quaint and unconvincing Ames refers to the book under the author's name, and cre- 
dits him with, another work. Sidney or BanpenOies (1586), a poem on the death of Sir 
Philip Sidncv Typograph. Antiquities, ed Herbert, p. 1226 (See also Strype's Parker, 
11, 166 , and Wood's Athena, ed Bliss, n, 483 ) 

3 Sir William was the inornate fnend of Dr. Bee, and took a house at Mortlake in 
1581 in order to pursue his studies in astrology and alchemy with the doctor See Dr 
Dee's Duay, published by Camden Society, pp 3, 10, etc 

* The earliest reference to Lord Herbert's wife is in Dr Dee's Diary, under date 22d 
January 1581-2 Arthur Dee (ft igth July 1579) and Mary Herbert, they being but 
3 yere old the eldest, did make, as it wer, a shew of childish marriage, of calling each 
other husband and wife " (p. 14). 

5 See p. i5 note 3. The age is probably seventeen. 



J S99] kife ^ kord Herbert 23 

together with my wife and mother, who took a house, and 
lived for some certain time there *, and now, having a due re- 
medy for that lasciviousness to which youth is naturally inclined, 
I followed my book more close than ever, in which course I 
continued until I attained about the age of eighteen, when my 
mother took a house in London, between which place and 
Montgomery Castle I passed my time till I came to the age of 
one-and-twenty, having in that space divers children, I 
having now none remaining but Beatrice, Richard, and Ed- 
ward. During this time of living in the University or at 
home, I did, without any master or teacher, attain the know- 
ledge of the French, Italian, and Spanish languages, by the 
help of some books in Latin or English translated into those 
idioms, and the dictionaries of those several languages ,- I 
attained also to sing my part at first sight in music, and to 
play on the lute with very little or almost no teaching ; niy 
intention in learning languages being to make myself a citizen 
of the world as far as it were possible ; and my learning of music 
was for this end, that I might entertain myself at home, and 
together refresh my mind after my studies, to which I was 
exceedingly inclined, and that I might not need the company 
of young men, in whom I obserbed in those times much HI 
example and debauchery a . 

Being gotten thus far into my age, I shall give some ob- 
servations concerning ordinary education, even from the first 
infancy till the departure from the University; as being 
desirous, together with the narration of my life, to deliver 
such rules as I conceive may be useful to my posterity. And 
first, I find, that in the infancy those diseases are to be remedied 
which may be hereditary unto them on either side ; so that, 
if they be subject to the stone or gravel, I do conceive it will 
be good for the nurse sometimes to drink posset drinks, in 
which are boiled such things as are good to expel gravel and 
stone ; the child also himself when he comes to some age 

i Walton says Lady Herbert lived for four years at Oxford (See Appendix 

"^One is reminded of Sir Philip Sidney's ^^^^S^^Zff^SS^ m 
the learning of music Sidney always regretted that totnorifWugaotoA,^ 
youth * YOU will not believe what a want! find ofit in ^J^"^^^^^ ' St *" -lf 

men any excellent musitian * (p. 16). 



24 Life of Lord Herbert [ X 599 

may use the same posset drinks of herbs, as milmm solis l , 
saxifragia 2 , etc., good for the stone many are reckoned by 
the physicians, of which also myself could bring a large cata- 
logue, but rather leave it to those who are expert in that art. 
The same course is to be taken for the gout ; for which purpose 
I do much commend the bathing of children's legs and feet 
in the water wherein smiths quench their iron 3 , as also water 
wherein alum hath been infused, or boiled, as also the decoc- 
tion of juniper berries, bay berries, chamaedrys 4 , chemaepitys 5 , 
which baths also are good for those that are hereditarily sub- 
ject to the palsy, for these things do much strengthen the sin- 
ews ; as also olium eastern, and sucmi 6 , which are not to be 
used without advice. They that are also subject to the spleen 
from their ancestors, ought to use those herbs that are splen- 
etics : and those that are troubled with the falling sickness, 
with cephamques, of which certainly I should have had need 
but for the purging of my ears above mentioned. Briefly, 
what disease soever it be that is derived from ancestors of 
either side, it will be necessary first to give such medicines 
to the nurse as may make her milk effectual for those purposes ; 
as also afterwards to give unto the child itself such specific 
remedies as his age and constitution will bear. I could say 
much more upon this point, as having delighted ever in the 
knowledge of herbs, plants, and gums, and in few words the 
history of nature, insomuch, that coming to apothecaries' 
shops, it was my ordinary manner when I looked upon the 
bills filed up, containing the physicians' prescriptions, to 
tell every man's disease ; howbeit, I shall not presume in 
these particulars to prescribe to my posterity, though I believe 
I know the best receipts for almost all diseases, but shall leave 
them to the expert physician ; only I will recommend again 
to my posterity the curing of hereditary diseases in the very 
infancy, since, otherwise, without much difficulty, they will 
never be cured. 

1 ' Gromell [* e Cromwell, or grey millet] is called in shops and among the Italians 
tmhum solts '. Gerard's Herbal (1597), p 487 

2 Wall spleen wort, or stone-breaker, so named from the belief that it was capable 
c* <*iolur3 to-vs '- thr Klr-V-r Go--^, - 8< T 

<.i>T\.is< 4 M\i K i,jp,ii> 1 i-> / ; '.- // - -, !(>. i j8, recommends wme in which 
<i i el ioi ' 1 i,i']> ( - \ " ri -.! ( ! ', I > ^ mi <i , J ' Many other homely prescrip- 
ii> * HIII LJI >i> LIC-I -"ir,T, ^ l(( . iv |, ,ili M i ,11 T with m Markham's book. 
i \\,"n iui'< m, PCM fu'.'id.r 2} 
1 <i*viml ri'i**, 3i 1 "' n * < ,i .1 1,5 
6 Oil of amber. 



1599] 



Life of Lord Herbert 25 



When children go to school, they should have one to attend 
them, who may take care of their manners, as well as the school- 
master doth of their learning ; for among boys all vice is 
easily learned ; and here I could wish it constantly observed, 
that neither the master should correct him for faults of his 
manners, nor his governor for manners for the faults in his 
learning. After the alphabet is taught, I like well the shortest 
and clearest grammars, and such books into which all the Greek 
and Latin words are severally contribed, in which kind one 
Comemus x hath given an example : this being done, it would 
be much better to proceed with Greek authors than with 
Latin ; for as it is as easy to learn at first the one as the other, 
it would be much better to give the first impressions into the 
child's memory of those things which are more rare than usual : 
therefore I would have them begin at Greek first, and the 
rather that there is not that art in the world wherein the Greeks 
have not excelled and gone before others ; so that when you 
look upon philosophy, astronomy, mathematics, medicine, 
and briefly all learning, the Greeks have exceeded all nations 2 . 
When he shall be ready to go to the University, it will be fit 
also his governor for manners go along with him ; it being 
the frail nature of youth, as they grow to ripeness in age, to 
be more capable of doing ill, unless their manners be well 
guided, and themselves by degrees habituated in virtue, with 
which if once they acquaint themselves, they will find more 
pleasure in it than ever they can do in vice ; since everybody 
loves virtuous persons, whereas the vicious do scarce love one 
another. For this purpose, it will be necessary that you keep 
the company of grave, learned men, who are of good reputa- 
tion, and hear rather what they say, and follow why they do, 
than follow the examples of young, wild, and rash persons ; 
and certainly of those two parts which are to be acquired in 
youth, whereof one is goodness and virtuous manners, the 
other learning and knowledge, I shall so much prefer the first 

1 In the Janua Ltnguarum (ist ed. 1631) of John Amos Comemus the equivalents 
of common phrases in different languages were arranged side by side in parallel columns 
The book was frequently published in an English version, known as the Gate of Tongues , 
of which some editions dealt with the Latin, Greek, and English, and others solely with 
modern languages 

2 Cf. Ascham's Scholemaster, ed Mayor, p 52 * * And trewelie, if there be any good 
in them [ e Latin and modern writings], it is either lerned, borowcd, or stolne from 
some one of these worthie wittes in Athens * Ascham's maigmal note runs : * Lernyng 
chiefly contemed in the Greke, and in no other tong *. 

E 



26 Life of Lord Herbert [i599 

before the second, as I shall ever think virtue, accompanied 
with ordinary discretion, will make his way better both to 
happiness in this world and the next, than any puffed know- 
ledge which would cause him to be insolent and vainglorious, 
or minister, as it were, arms and advantages to him for doing 
a mischief ; so that it is pity that wicked dispositions should 
have knowledge to acuate their ill intentions, or courage to 
maintain them , that fortitude which should defend all a 
man's virtues, being never well employed to defend his hu- 
mours, passions, or vices. I do not approve for elder brothers 
that course of study which is ordinary used in the University, 
which is, if their parents perchance intend they shall stay there 
four or five years, to employ the said time as if they meant 
to proceed masters of art and doctors in some science ; for 
which purpose, their tutors commonly spend much time in 
teaching thsm the subtleties of logic, which, as it is usually 
practised *, enables them for little more than to be excellent 
wranglers, which art, though it may be tolerable in a mercenary 
lawyer, I can by no means commend in a sober and well- 
governed gentleman. I approve much those part of logic 
which teach men to deduce their proofs from firm and un- 
doubted principles, and show men to distinguish betwixt 
truth and falsehood, and help them to discover fallacies, soph- 
isms, and that which the schoolmen call vicious argumentations, 
concerning which I shall not here enter into a long discourse. 
So much of logic as may serve for this purpose being acquired, 
some good sum of philosophy may be learned, which may 
teach him both the ground of the Platonic and Aristotelian 
philosophy. After which it will not be amiss to read the Idea 
Med^c^n& Ph^losoph^c& s , written by Severmus (Danus), there 
being many things considerable concerning the Paracelsian 
principles written in that book, which are not to be found in 
former writers ; it will not be amiss also to read over Fran- 

1 Bacon repeatedly complains that logic and rhetoric, ' arts fitter for graduates than 
children and novices , were begun by scholars at the universities at too early an age, 
and that, as a consequence, they had degenerated into ' ridiculous affectation' , and their 
wisdom become contemptible-, Advancement of Learning, in Spedding's ed , Book 

*a P * OI fundamenta continens tonus doctnnaa Paracelsicac, Hippocraticic et Galen- 
ic , Basle, 1571, Erfurt, 1616; Hagas Conutis 1660 The author Petci Sevenn, 
the most celebrated champion of Paracelsian medicine m the sixteenth century, was 
doctor to the King of Denmark, and died in 1602 Cf Bacon's De Augments, Jib m, 
in Spedding's edition of the Philosophical Works, i t 564. 



1599] 



Life of Lord Herbert 27 



ciscus Patricms 1 , and Telcsius 2 , who have examined and con- 
troverted the ordinary Peripatetic doctrine ; all which may be 
performed in one year, that term being enough for philosophy, 
as I conceive, and six months for logic, for I am confident a 
man may have quickly more than he needs of these two arts. 
These being attained, it will be requisite to study geography 
with exactness, so much as may teach a man the situation of 
all countries in the whole world, together with which, it will, 
be fit to learn something concerning the governments, man- 
ners, religions, either ancient or new, as also the interests of 
states, and relations in amity, or strength in which they stand 
to their neighbours ; it will be necessary also, at the same 
time, to learn the use of the celestial globe, the studies of both 
globes being complicated and joined together. I do not con- 
ceive yet the knowledge of judicial astrology so necessary, but 
only for general predictions ; particular events being neither 
intended by nor collected out of the stars 3 . It will be also fit to 
learn arithmetic and geometry in some good measure, but 
especially arithmetic, it being most useful for many purposes 
and, among the rest, for keeping accounts, whereof here is 
much use. As for the knowledge of lines, superficies, and 
bodies 4 , though it be a science of much certainty and demon- 
stration, it is not much useful for a gentleman, unless it be to 
understand fortifications, and knowledge whereof is worthy 
of those who intend the wars ; though yet he must remember, 

1 Francis Patnzi, ' qm Platomcorum fumos sublimavit ', is well known for his in- 
efficient attacks on Aristotle in his Discussiones PenpateHca (1571 and 1581) See 
Bacon's De Augmentis, ed Speddmg, i, 564 

2 Telesius of Cosenza (b 1509) wrote De Rerum Natura, (1565 and 1586). This work 
greatly influenced Bacon, who repeatedly refers to it in his philosophical books In 
the De Augment Bacon says of Telesius, ' Parmenidis philosophiam mstaurans arma 
Peripateticorum in illos ipsos vertit ', See Bacon's De Pnncipiis atque Ongimbus, 
and R L. Ellis's introduction to the treatise in Speddmg's edition, in, 74 et seq 

3 Cf Herbert's Rehgto Gentihum (1663), cap vin, p 49 ' Hasce (i e Stellas) consulat 
sapiens, non quidem juxta superstitiosas et vulgares astrologorum formulas, sed ex 
eventuum observatione, ubi earum motus, conjunctiones, oppositiones, et aspectus 
varu inter se comparantur * See also Herbert's Dialogue, p 179 . * When it [t e 
psfi-olisrvl i t-ight'v understood and applied, it be not only a lawful, but a most necessary 
,' i loi ,i \\\~,(* *n,i i , as long as he takes only general predictions from thence, without 
presuming to foretell particular and single events, otherwise then, as they depended 
upon the general causes, since they who descend too far into particulars either err or 
speak truth by chance '. 

* Of mathematics Lord Herbert writes m A Dialogue between a Tutor and a Pupil : 
' I told you also the end of this mathematical doctrine was but ignoble in respect of 
other [sciences] as tending only to the measuring of heights, depths, and distances, 
or the making of some excellent engines and the like ; all which are of so mean con- 
sideration that they can be no ways esteemed as objects adequated or proportioned 
to the dignity of our souls, whose speculations reach much further ' (p. 2). Lord Her- 
bert seems totally ignorant of the higher pure mathematics. 



2 8 Life of Lord Herbert [i599 

that whatsoever art doth m way of defence, art likewise, in 
way of assailing, can destroy. This study hath cost me much 
labour, but as yet I could never find how any place could be so 
fortified, but that there were means, in certain opposite lines, 
to prevent or subvert all that could be done m that kind. It 
will become a gentleman to have some knowledge in medicine, 
especially the diagnostic part, whereby he may take timely 
notice of a disease, and by that moans timely prevent it, as 
also the prognostic part, whereby he may judge of the symp- 
toms either increasing or decreasing in the disease, as also con- 
cerning the crisis or indication thereof. This art will get a 
gentleman not only much knowledge, but much credit ; since 
seeing any sick body, he will be able to tell, in all human 
probability, whether he shall recover, or if he shall die of the 
disease, to tell what signs shall go before, and what the 
conclusion will be ; it will become him also to know not 
only the ingredients, but doses, of certain cathartic or purging, 
emetic or vomitive medicines, specific or choleric, melancholic, 
or phlegmatic constitutions, phlebotomy being only necessary 
for those who abound m blood. Besides, I would have a gen- 
tleman know how to make these medicines himself, and after- 
wards prepare them with his own hands ; it being the manner 
of apothecaries so frequently to put in the succedanea, that no 
man is sure to find with them medicines made with the true 
drugs which ought to enter into the composition when it is 
exotic or rare ; or when they are extant in the shop, no man 
can be assured that the said drugs are not rotten, or that they 
have not lost their natural force and virtue. I have studied 
this art very much also, and have, in case of extremity, min- 
istered physic with that success which is strange, whereof I 
shall give two or three examples : Richard Griffiths of Sutton, 
my servant, being sick of a malignant pestilent fever S and 
tried in vain all our country physicians could do, and his water 
at last stinking so grievously, which physicians note to be 
a sign of extension of naturalheat, and consequently of present a 
death, I was entreated to see him, when as yet he had neither 
eaten, drank, slept, or known anybody for the space of six 
or seven days j whereupon demanding whether the physicians 



l A case of typhus fever 
Z Immediate. 



599] 



Life of Lord Herbert 29 



had given lum over, and it being answered unto me that they 
had, I said it would not be amiss to give him the quantity of an 
hazel-nut of a certain rare receipt which I had, assuring that if 
anything in the world could recover him, that would of 
which I was so confident, that I would come the next day at 
four of the clock in the afternoon unto him, and at that time 
I doubted not but they should find signs of amendment, pro- 
vided they should put the doses I gave them, being about the 
bigness of a nut, down his throat ; which being done with 
much difficulty,! came the morrow after at the hour appointed, 
when, to the wonder of his family, he knew me, and asked for 
some broth, and not long after recovered. My cousin, Athelston 
Owen, also of Rhiew Saeson, 1 having an hydrocephale also 
in that extremity that his eyes began to start out of his head, 
and his tongue to come out of his mouth, and his whole head 
finally exceeding its natural proportion, insomuch that his 
physicians likewise left him ; I prescribed to him the decoction 
of two diuretic roots, which after he had drank four or five 
days, he urined in that abundance that his head by degrees 
returned to its ancient figure, and all other signs of health 
appeared ; whereupon also he wrote a letter to me, that 
he was so suddenly and perfectly restored to his former 
health, that it seemed more like a miracle than a cure ; 
for those are the very words in the letter he sent me. I 
cured a great lady in London of an issue of blood, when all 
the physicians had given her over, with so easy a medicine, 
that the lady herself was astonished to find the effects thereof. 
I could give more examples in this kind, but these shall suffice ; 
I will for the rest deliver a rule I conceive for finding out the 
best receipts not only for curing all inward but outward hurts, 
such as are ulcers, tumours, contusions, wounds, and the like : 
you must look upon all pharmacopeias or antidotaries 2 
of several countries, of which sort I have in my library the 
Phzrmacopceia Londmensis 3 , Parisiensis 4 , Amstelredamensis 5 , 

1 In the hundred of Cyvciliog, Montgomeryshire Athelston was the son of Maurice 
Owen by Elizabeth, daughter of Matthew Heibert of Dolguog, Lord Herbert's uncle. 

* Antidotnnes ivere properly collections of antidote-recipes, but the term was often 
used synonymously with Dispensary or Dispcnsctionum, 1, e. a general collection of simple 
medical prescriptions See Dr. Murray's English Dictionary. 

i First edition, called PRIMA, 1618 , second edition, called SECUNDA, 1650. 

4 Codev Medtcamerfamts sen Phirmzcoly&a, Pansienws, editore Phil, Hardumo 
Pans, 1639. 

s 1636. 



30 Life of Lord Herbert [ X S99 

that of Quercetanus \ Bauderonus 2 , Renodaeus 3 , Valerius Cor- 
dus 4 Pharmacopeia Colon^ens^s 5 f Augustana 6 , Venetiana , 7 
Vonomensis, Florentma, Romana, Messanesis 8 ; in some of 
wliicli are told not only what the receipts here set down 
are good for, but the doses of them. The rule I here 
give is, that what all the said dispensatories, antido- 
taries, or pharmacopaeis prescribe as effectual for over- 
coming a disease is certainly good , for as they are set 
forth by the authority of the physicians of these several 
countries, what they all ordain must necessarily be effectual : 
but they who will follow my advice shall find in that 
little short antidotary called Amstelodamensis, not long 
since put forth, almost all that is necessary to be known for 
curing of diseases, wounds, etc. There is a book called Aurora 
Medicorum, very fit to be read in this kind 9 . Among writers 
of physic, I do especially commend, after Hippocrates and 
Galen, Fernelius, 10 , Lud. Mercatus u , and Dan. Sennertus 12 , 
and Heurinius : 13 I could name many more, but I conceive 
these may suffice. As for the chemic or spagyric medicines, 
I cannot commend them to the use of my posterity ; there 
being neither emetic, cathartic, diaphoretic, diuretic medicines 
extant among them, which are not much more happily and 
safely performed by vegetables ; but hereof enough, since I 
pretend no further than to give some few directions to my 

1 Josephus Quercetanus or Du Chesne, a voluminous writer, published a Pharma 
copoeui Dogtnatocorum Restituta, 1607, 4 to, Paris He was the chief French champion 
of Paracelsian medicine 

2 Brice Bauderon, Pharmacopoeia et Praxis Medica, 1620, Paris This work was 
issued by Philemon Holland, together with J Du Boy's Pharmacopcei Pansiensis Obser- 
vationes, in London m 1639. 

3 Joannes Renodseus, Dispensatonum Mechcwm et Antidotanum, 1609, 4 to, Pans, 
Geneva, 1645. An English translation by Richard Tomlinson was published in London 
in 1657 

* Valenus Cordus, Dispensatonum Antw 1568 , Leyden, 1637 
5 Dispensanum usuale pro Pharmacopceis reipubl Colonise, Cologne, 1565. 

Pharmacopoeia $vue Dispensatonum Colomense, Cologne, 1627 

t> Pharmacopoeas were issued at Augsburg in 1573, 1597, 1623, 1643 

7 Pharmacopc&a a Medicorum Venetorum Collegia Comprobata, Curtio Martmello 
autore, Venice, 1617. 

8 Antidotanum Specials sacra Domus Magm Hospitahs urbis Messance, by Placidus 
Truglio, Venice, 1642 

9 Probably Aurora Thesaurusque Philosopborum TJteoph Paracelst, by Paracelbus' 
pupil, Gerard Dorn. Basle 1577, and Frankfort 1585 

10 Johannes Fernelius (physician to Henry II of France) published Opera Medicinaha 
et Universa Medtcina, 1564, 4to, and 1577, fol 

11 Ludovicus Mercatus (physician to Philip II and III of Spain) was author of Opera 
Medica et Clururgica, fol. Franco. 1620. 

12 Daniel Sennert (1572-1637), an eminent German doctor, published Institutionum 
Medtana, Lib v, Wittemberg, 1611 and 1628. 



praci 



is Jan van. Heurn (1543-1601), a well-known Dutch doctor, was the author of many 
actacal treatises issued between 1587 and 1609. 



15991 



Life of Lord Herbert 31 



posterity. In the meanwhile, I conceive it is a fine study, 
and worthy a gentleman to be a good botanic, that so he 
may know the nature of all herbs and plants, being our 
fellow-creatures, and made for the use of man l ; for 
which purpose it will be fit for him to cull out of some 
good herbal all the icones 2 together, with the descrip- 
tions of them, and to lay by themselves all such as grow 
m England, and afterwards to select again such as usually 
grow by the highway-side, in meadows, by rivers, or in 
marshes, or in cornfields, or in dry and mountainous places, 
or on rocks, walls, or in shady places, such as grow by the sea- 
side ; for this being done, and the said icones being ordinarily 
carried by themselves, or by their servants, one may presently 
find out every herb he meets withal, especially if the said 
flowers be truly coloured 3 . Afterwards it will not be amiss to 
distinguish by themselves such herbs as are in gardens, and are 
exotics, and are transplanted hither. As for those plants 
which will not endure our clime, though the knowledge of 
them be worthy of a gentleman, and the virtues of them be fit 
to be learned, especially if they be brought over to a druggist 
as medicinal, yet the icones of them are not so pertinent to 
be known as the former, unless it be where there is less danger of 
adulterating the said medicaments ; in which case, it is good to 
have recourse to not only the botanies, but also to Gesner's 
Dispensatory 4 , and to Aurora Medicorum, above mentioned, 
being books which make a man distinguish betwixt good and 
bad drugs : And this much of medicine may not only be useful 
but delectable to a gentleman, since which way soever he pas- 
seth, he may find something to entertain him. I must no 
less commend the study of anatomy, which whosoever con- 
siders, I believe will never be an atheist ; the frame of man's 
body and coherence of his parts being so strange and paradoxal, 
that I hold it to be the greatest miracle of nature ; though 

1 * I could tell you also of many other strange herbs, but had rather you should read 
them in herbals, the greatest knowledge of them being a thing I much recommend unto 
you ' (Dialogue, p 172). 

3 In i63<T&omas e jolinson, the learned editor of Gerard's Herbal, undertook with 
companions, the first professedly botanical tour in Wales From Machynlleth the 
travellers went through Montgomeryshire, and at Montgomery Castle were hospitably 
received and entertained by Lord Herbert In the neighbourhood, inter Dudson 
(Dudeston) et Guarthelow ', they gathered SoMUtgmem etwm Saracemcam, one of our 
rarest British plants (Powysland, Collections^ xi, 370). 

Conrad Gesner's Apparatus et Delectus Simphcium Medicamtntorum, Leyden, 1543. 



32 Life of Lord Herbert [ X S99 

when all is done, I do not find she hath made it so much as 
proof against one disease, lest it should be thought to have made 
it no less than a prison to the soul. 

Having thus passed over all human literature, it will be fit to 
say something of moral virtues and theological learning. As 
for the first, since the Christians and the heathens are in a man- 
ner agreed concerning the definitions of virtues, it would not 
be inconvenient to begin with those definitions which Aristotle 
in his Morals hath given, as being confirmed for the most 
part by the Platonics, Stoics, and other philsophers, and in 
general by the Christian Church, as well as all nations in the 
world whatsoever ; they being doctrines imprinted in the 
soul in its first original, and containing the principal and 
first notices by which man may attain his happiness here 
or hereafter ; there being no man that is given to vice 
that doth not find much opposition both in his own con- 
science, and in the religion and law as taught elsewhere ; 
and this I dare say, that a virtuous man may not only 
go securely through all the religions 1 , but all the laws 
in the world, and whatsoever obstructions he meet, obtain 
both an inward peace and outward welcome among all with 
whom he shall negotiate or converse ; this virtue, therefore, I 
shall recommend to my posterity as the greatest perfection he 
can attain unto in this life, and the pledge of eternal happiness 
hereafter ; there being none that can justly hope of an union 
with the supreme God, that doth not come as near to him 
in this life in virtue and goodness as he can ; so that if human 
frailty do interrupt this union, by committing faults that 
make him incapable of his everlasting happiness it will be fit, by 
a serious repentance, to expiate and emaculate those faults, and 
for the rest, trust to the mercy of God his Creator, Redeemer, 
and Preserver, who being our Father, and knowing well in 
what a weak condition through infirmities we are, will, I 
doubt not, commiserate those transgressions we commit 
when they are done without desire to offend his Divine Majesty, 
and together rectify our understanding through his grace ; 
since we commonly sin through no other cause, but that we mis- 
took a true good for that which was only apparent, and so 
were deceived, by making an undue election in the objects 

i This is the view so admirably insisted on in Lord Herbert's De Rehgwne GenMwm 
See Introduction. 



1599] Life of Lord Herbert 33 

proposed to us ; wherein, though it will be fit for every man 
to confess that he hath offended an infinite Maj esty and Power, 
yet, as upon better consideration, he finds he did not mean 
infinitely to offend, there will be just reason to believe that 
God will not inflict an infinite punishment upon him if he be 
truly penitent, so that his justice may be satisfied, if not with 
man's repentance, yet at least with some temporal punishment 
here or hereafter, such as may be proportionable to the offence ; 
though I cannot deny but when man would infinitely offend 
God in a despiteful and contemptuous way, it will be but just 
that he suffer an infinite punishment ; but as I hope none 
are so wicked as to sin purposedly, and with an high hand 
against the eternal Majesty of God ; so when they shall commit 
any sins out of frailty, I shall believe, either, that unless they 
be finally impenitent, and, (as they say, sold ingeniously over 
to sin) God's mercy will accept of their endeavours to return into 
a right way, and so make their peace with him by all those good 
means that are possible. Having thus recommended the 
learning of moral philosophy and practice of virtue, as the 
most necessary knowledge and useful exercise of man's life, 
I shall observe, that even in the employing of our virtues, 
discretion is required ; for every virtue is not promiscuously 
to be used, but such only as is proper for the present 
occasion. Therefore, though a wary and discreet wisdom be 
most useful where no imminent danger appears, yet, where 
an enemy draweth his sword against you, you shall have most 
use of fortitude, prevention being too late, when the danger is 
so pressing. On the other side, there is no occasion to use your 
fortitude against wrongs done by women or children, or ignor- 
ant persons, that I may say nothing of those that are much 
your superiors, who are magistrates, etc., since you might 
by a discreet wisdom have declined the injury, or when it 
were too late to do so, you may with more equal mind support 
that which is done, either by authority in the one, or frailty 
in the other. And certainly to such kind of person's forgive- 
ness will be proper ; in which kind^I am confident no man to 
my time hath exceeded me ; for though whensoever my honour 
hath been engaged, no man hath ever been more forward to 
hazard his life, yet where, with my honour I could forgive, 
I never used revenge, as leaving it always to God, who, the 
less I punish mine enemies will inflict so much the more pun- 

F 



34- 



Life of Lord Herbert [1599 



ishment on them l ; and to this forgiveness of others three con- 
siderations have especially invited me 

1. That he that cannot forgive others breaks the bridge over 
which he must pass himself, for every man hath need to be 
forgiven. 

2. That when a man wants or comes short of an entire and 
accomplished virtue, our defects may be supplied this way, 
since the forgiving of evil deeds in others amounteth to no less 
than virtue in us ; that therefore it may be not unaptly called 
the paying our debts with another man's money. 

3. That it is the most necessary and proper work of every 
man ; for, though when I do not a just thing, or a charitable, 
or a wise, another man may do it for me, yet no man can forgive 
my enemy but myself. And these have been the chief motives 
for which I have been ever inclined to forgiveness ; whereof, 
though I have rarely found other effect than that my servants, 
tenants, and neighbours have thereupon more frequently 
offended me, yet at least I have had within me an inward 
peace and comfort thereby ; since I can truly say, nothing ever 
gave my mmd more ease than when I had forgiven my enemies, 
which freed me from many cares and peturbations, which 
otherwise would have molested me. 

And this likewise brings in another rule concerning the use 
of virtues, which is, that you are not to use justice where 
mercy is most proper ; as, on the other side, a foolish pity is 
not to be preferred before that which is just and necessary for 
good example. So likewise liberality is not to be used where 
parsimony or frugality is more requisite; as, on the other 
side, it will be but a sordid thing in a gentleman to spare 
where expending of money would acquire unto him advantage, 
credit, or honour : and this rule in general ought to be prac- 
tised, that the virtue requisite to the occasion is ever to be 
produced, as the most opportune and necessary. That, there- 
fore, wisdom is the soul of all virtues, giving as unto her 

i Horace Walpole (Lord Orford) remarks on this passage ' This is a very unchristian 
reason for pardoning our enemies, and can by no means be properly called forgiveness. 
Is it forgiveness to remit a punishment on the hope of its being doubled ? Bacon, 
from an equally utilitarian point of view, puts the case better ' Certainly in taking 
revenge a man is but even -with his enemy , but m passing it over he is superior , tor 
it is a prince's part to pardon And Solomon, I am sure, saith, It ts the glory of a man 
to pass by an offence That which is past is gone and irrevocable and wise men nave 
enough to do -with things present and to come A man does wrong m order to profit 
himself Therefore why should I be angry with a man for loving himself better than 
me ? ' (Essay on Revenge). 



1599] Life of Lord Herbert 35 

members life and motion, and so necessary in every action, 
that whosoever by the benefit of true wisdom makes use of the 
right virtue, on all emergent occasions, I dare say would never 
be constrained to have recourse to vice, whereby it appears that 
every virtue is not to be employed indifferently, but that only 
which is proper for the business in question ; among which 
yet temperance seems so universally requisite, that some part 
of it at least will be a necessary ingredient in all human 
actions, since there may be an excess even in religious worship, 
at those times when other duties are required at our hands. 
After all, moral virtues are learned and directed to the service 
and glory of God, as the principal end and use of them. 

It would be fit that some time be spent in learning rhetoric 
or oratory, to the intent that upon all occasions you may 
express yourself with eloquence and grace , for, as it is not 
enough for a man to have a diamond unless it is polished and 
cut out into its due angles, and a foil be set underneath, 
whereby it may the better transmit and vibrate its native 
lustre and rays ; so it will not be sufficient for a man to 
have a great understanding in all matters, unless the said 
understanding be not only polished and clear, but under- 
set and holpen a little with those figures, tropes, and colours 
which rhetoric affords, where there is use of persuasion. I 
can by no means yet commend an affected eloquence, there 
being nothing so pedantical, or indeed that would give more 
suspicion that the truth is not intended, than to use overmuch 
the common forms prescribed in schools. It is well said by 
them, that there are two parts of eloquence necessary and recom- 
mendable ; one is, to speak hard things plainly, so that when 
a knotty or intricate business, having no method or coherence 
in its parts, shall be presented, it will be a singular part of 
oratory to take those parts asunder, set them together aptly, 
and so exhibit them to the understanding. And this part of 
rhetoric I much commend to everybody } there being no true 
use of speech, but to make things clear, perspicuous, and 
manifest, which otherwise would be perplexed, doubtful, and 
obscure. 

The other part of oratory is to speak common things ingeni- 
ously or wittily ; there being no little vigour and force added 
to words, when they are delivered in a neat and fine way, and 
somewhat out of the ordinary road, common and dull language 



36 Life of Lord Herbert [i599 

relishing more of the clown than the gentleman. But herein 
also affectation must be avoided ; it being better for a man by 
a native and clear eloquence to express himself, than by those 
words which may smell either of the lamp or inkhorn , so 
that, in general, one may observe, that men who fortify and 
uphold their speeches with strong and evident reasons, have 
ever operated more on the minds of the auditors, than those 
who have made rhetorical excursions 

It will be better for a man who is doubtful of his pay to take 
an ordinary silver piece with its due stamp upon it, than an 
extraordinary gilded piece which may perchance contain a 
baser metal under it , and prefer a well-favoured wholesome 
woman, though with a tawny complexion, before a besmeared 
and painted face. 

It is a general note, that a man's wit is best showed in his 
answer, and his valour in his defence ; that therefore as men 
learn in fencing how to ward all blows and thrusts, which are or 
can be made against him [* them], so it will be fitting to debate 
and resolve beforehand what you are to say or do upon any 
affront given you, lest otherwise you should be surprised 
Aristotle hath written a book of rhetoric, a work in my opinion 
not inferior to his best pieces, whom therefore with Cicero de 
Oratore, as also Qumtikan, you may read from your instruction 
how to speak , neither of which two yet I can think so exact 
in their orations, but that a middle style will be of more effi- 
cacy, Cicero in my opinion being too long and tedious, and 
Quintihan too short and concise 

Having thus by moral philosophy enabled yourself to all 
that wisdom and goodness which is requisite to direct you in 
all your particular actions, it will be fit now to think how you 
are to behave yourself as a public person, or member of the 
commonwealth and kingdom wherein you live ; as also to 
look into those principles and grounds upon which government 
is framed, it being manifest in nature that the wise doth easily 
govern the foolish, and the strong master the weak, so that he 
that could attain most wisdom and power, would quickly 
rule his fellows , for proof whereof, one may observe that a 
king is sick during that time the physicians govern him, and 
in day of battle an expert general appoints the king a place in 
which he shall stand , which was anciently the office of the 
constables de France In law also the judge is in a sort super- 



1599] 



Life of Lord Herbert 37 



ior to his king as long as he judgeth betwixt him and his people. 
In divinity also, he, to whom, the king commits the charge of 
his conscience, is his superior in that particular. All which 
instances may sufficiently prove, that in many cases the wiser 
governs or commands one less wise than himself, unless a wilful 
obstinacy be interposed ; in which case recourse must be had 
to strength, where obedience is necessary. 

The exercises I chiefly used, and most recommend to my 
postenty, were nding the great horse 1 and fencing, in which 
arts I had excellent masters, English/ French, and Italian a . 
As for dancing, I could never find leisure enough to learn it, 
as employing my mind always in acquiring of some art or 
science more useful ; howbcit, I shall wish these three exercises 
learned in this order 3 . 

That dancing may be learnt first, as that which doth fashion 
the body, gives one a good presence in and address to all com- 
panies, since it disposeth the limbs to a kind of souplesse (as the 
Frenchmen call it) and agility, insomuch as they seem to have 
the, use of their legs, arms, and bodies, more than any others, 
who, standing stiff and stark in their postures, seem, as if they 
were taken in their joints, or had not the perfect use of their 
members * I speak not this yet as if I would have a youth never 

1 This very well-known phrase was first fully explained by Richard Berenger in his 
History a.nd Aft of Horsemanship (London. 1771), 1, 169, 170 Great horses, he says, 
[called also Dextram (Lat ), Destnere (Ital ), and Destrier 'Fr \ from frxtra, as being 
carefully handled, dressed, or managed], are opposed to Pal r - C i o , and Nags, 
and are exclusively used in war and for the exercises of ili<> 1 IIVMI " They are 
usually of prodigious weight, because their rid"'**' arc rl^fhod ! cirr-*** mnoiir Their 
size made it necessary for soldiers to learn th , , i or IM.I> ,i IH il.i .n a 10 M r.im faxed 
rules, and hence came the expression to ' ride the great horse '. The passage is quoted 
fully by Mr T W Jackson in the Oxford Historical bo'irfy 5 Collectanea, i, 273 Mr 
Jackson quotes from the Gentleman's Dictionary (1705), that * a horse for war should 
be 1 6 or 18 Hands high '. Reference should be made to MarkhanTs Country Content- 
meats (1615), pp 35-86, and CwaUnce (1617), to Sir William Hope's Compleot Horse- 
man (17x7). and to the Duke of Newcastle's splendid foliosthe Method* NouveUe de 
Dresser des Chtvawe (Antw , 1658), and A New Method . . . to Dress Horses (Loud , 
1667) for fuller information as to seventeenth-century horsemanship 

2 French masters were most usually employed. Prince Henry was given by Sully 
a French ndmg and a French fencing master References to such foreign teachers are 
common in the dramatists . see an interesting note in W. B. Rye's England as Seen 

3 Su-^iR^Southwell thus describes the accomplishments of Lord Ossory, son of the 
first Duke of Ormonde (about 1650), a perfect specimen of the educated youth of the 
seventeenth century * ' He rides the great horse very well , is a good tennis-player, 
fencer, and dancer He understands music, and plays on the guitar and lute; speaks 
French elegantly reads Italian fluontlv is a good historian, and so well versed in 
romances that if a gallery be mil ol pirtiuet or hangings he will tell the stories of 
all of them that are described '. Cf Thomas. Ijorkm's letter to Adam Newton, Pnnce 
Henry's tutor, respecting the completion of a young gentleman's education at Paris 
in 1610. Horse-riding, fencing, and dancing were to be practised at stated hours daily 
Elhs's Ong. Letters, second series, m, aao, 221 

* Cf Locke On Education, 1693, p 307 Dancing . gives graceful motions all 



38 Life of Lord Herbert [ X 599 

stand still in company, but only, that when he hath occasion 
to stir, his motions may be comely and graceful, that he may 
learn to know how to come in and go out of a room where com- 
pany is, how to make courtesies handsomely, according to the 
several degrees of persons he shall encounter, how to put oft 
and hold his hat , all which, and many other things which 
become men, are taught by the more accurate dancing-masters 
in France. 

The next exercise a young man should learn (but not before 
he is eleven or twelve years of age) is fencing * ; for the attain- 
ing of which the Frenchman's rule is excellent, bon pied bon 
ceil, by which to teach men how far they may stretch out their 
feet when they would make a thrust against their enemy, lest 
either should overstride themselves, or, not striding far enough, 
fail to bring the point of their weapon home. The second part 
of his direction advise th the scholar to keep a fixed eye upon 
the point of his enemy's sword, to the intent he may both put 
by or ward the blows and thrusts made against him, and 
together direct the point of his sword upon some part of his 
enemy that lieth naked and open to him. 

The good fencing-masters, in France especially, when they 
present a foil or fleuret 2 to their scholars, tell him it hath two 
parts, one of which he calleth the fort or strong, and the other 
the foyble 3 or weak. With the fort or strong, which extends 
from the part of the hilt next the sword about a third part of 
the whole length, thereof he teacheth his scholars to defend 
themselves, and put by and ward the thrusts and blows of 
his enemy, and with the other two-third parts to strike or 
thrust as he shall see occasion ; which rule also teacheth how 
to strike or thrust high or low as his enemy doth, and briefly 
to take his measure and time upon his adversary's motions, 
whereby he may both defend himself or offend his adversary, 
of which I have had much experiment and use both in the 
fleuret, or foil, as also when I fought in good earnest with many 
persons at one and the same time, as will appear in the sequel 

the life, and above all things manliness and a becoming confidence to young children 
Locke warns the pupil, however, against ' apish, affected postures, and only values 
the accomplishment ' as it tends to p^^t ^.ir**' 1 *""*,,' 70 ' 

1 Of fencing Locke says ' it seems t< n , , ^ v v u > the health, but dangerous 
to the life, the confidence of their skill being apt to encourage in quarrels those that 
think they have learned to use their swords ' which was certainly the case with Lord 
Herbert. 

2 Mod Fr =foil. 3 te Mod Fr , faible 



1599] Life of Lord Herbert 39 

of my life. And, indeed, I think I shall not speak vainglori- 
ously of myself, if I say, that no man understood the use of his 
weapon better than I did, or hath more dexterously prevailed 
himself thereof on all occasions ; since I found no man could 
be hurt but through some error in fencing. 

I spent much time also in learning to ride the great horse, 
that creature being made above all others for the service of 
man, as giving his rider all the advantages of which he is 
capable, while sometimes he gives him strength, sometimes 
agility or motion for the overcoming of his enemy, insomuch, 
that a good rider on a good horse, is as much above himself and 
others, as this world can make him 1 . The rule for graceful riding 
is, that a man hold his eyes always betwixt the two ears, and his 
rod 2 over the left ear of his horse ; which he is to use for turn- 
ing him every way, helping himself with his left foot and rod 
upon the left part of his neck, to make his horse turn on the 
right hand, and with the right foot and help of his rod also 
(if needs be), to turn him on the left hand ; but this is to be 
used rather when one would make a horse understand these 
motions, than when he is a ready horse, the foot and stirrup 
alone applied to either shoulder being sufficient, with the help 
of the reins, to make him turn any way. That a rider thus 
may have the use of his sword, or when it is requisite only to 
make a horse go sidewards, it will be enough to keep the reins 
equal in his hand, and with the flat of his leg and foot together, 
and a touch upon the shoulder of the horse with the stirrup to 
make him go sideward either way, without either advancing 
forward, or returning backwards. 

The most useful aey 3 , as the Frenchmen term it, is terri- 
terr 4 the courbettes, cabrioles, or un pas et un sault 5 , being 
fitter for horses of parade and triumph than for soldiers ; yet 
I cannot deny but a demivolte 5 with courbettes, so that they 



1 Cf Lord Herbert's remarks in the Dialogue, p. 225 * * In which number [i e of 
the animals most useful to man] the horse must have the precedence, being the animal 
which exalts man so much, that he takes strength, motion, and even comeliness from 
a good posture on horseback '. 

% t e whip 

3 Aer or air, is a word applied generally to the artificial movements of a managed 
horse. Dr Murray quotes in his Dictionary from Brooke, Eng, Episc , I, n, 5 (1641) : 
' Horses which are designed to a lofty Ayre and generous manege must be of a noble 
race ', 

* * e terre-a-terre, a forward jump. 

5 Technical terms for various leaps, fully described and illustrated by Pluvmel and 
Labroue. 



40 Life of Lord Herbert [ T 599 

be not too high, may be useful in a fight or melie ; for, as 
Labroue hath it in his book of horsemanship 1 , Monsieur de 
Montmorency having a horse that was excellent in performing 
the dermvolte, did with his sword strike down two adversaries 
from their horses in a tourney, where divers of the prime gal- 
lants of France did meet , for taking his time when the horse 
was in the height of his courbette, and discharging a blow, 
then his sword fell with such weight and force upon the two 
cavaliers one after another, that he struck them from their 
horses to the ground 2 . 

The manner of fighting a duel on horseback I was taught 
thus. We had each of us a reasonable stiff riding-rod in our 
hands, about the length of a sword, and so rid one against the 
other ; he, as the more expert, sat still to pass me and then to 
get behind me, and after to turn with his right hand upon my 
left side with his rod, that so he might hit me with the point 
thereof in the body ; and he that can do this handsomely, is 
sure to overcome his adversary, it being impossible to bring 
his sword about enough to defend himself or offend the assail- 
ant ; and to got this advantage, which they call in French, 
gagner la crouppe, nothing is so useful as to make a horse to go 
only sideward until his adversary be past him, since he will by 
this means avoid his adversary's blow or thrust, and on a 
sudden get on the left hand of his adversary in the manner 
I formerly related ; but of this art let Labroue and Pluvincl 3 
be read, who are excellent masters in that art, of whom I must 
confess I learned much ; though, to speak ingenuously, my 
breaking two or three colts, and teaching them afterwards 
those aers of which they were most capable, taught me both 

1 The first edition is entitled Preceptes pnwxpaux qoe les tons Cawdenses downt 
exactemerf observer enlturs Bscoles Composex par Stew de la, Broue La Rochelle, 
1593* The second and more elaborate edition bears the title La Cavalance Francois 
compose poor Salomon de la 3rooe t Esewyer de escuine du Roy et de Monsngneur Le Due 
fEspernon Paris, 1602 A copy presented by the author to James I is m the British 
Museum Lord Herberts remarks on equestrian evolutions are summarized extracts 
from Labroue's book 

2 This story, told by Labroue in his eighteenth chapter of both editions (Passade 
a demy atr) relates to Lord Herbert's friend, Henn Due de Montmorency. when he 
was known as ' Monseigneur le Mareschal du Dampuille, maintenant Connestablc de 
France ' Montmorency is frequently mentioned by Labroue as the best horseman 
he had seen, and the second book of the second edition is dedicated to him He is stated 
to have twice performed the feat here mentioned, once at Bayonne, and again in pre- 
sence of the Court m the Louvre Garden at Pans 

3 Antoine de PUivme], Ecuyer to Louis XIII author of Instruction du Rm en Vexerace 
de monter achcoal (Paris, 1619), with plates by Crispin Pass, exhibiting the whole system 
ox toe manege. 



1599] Life of Lord Herbert 41 

what I was to do, and made me see mine errors, more than all 
their precepts. 

To make a horse fit for the wars, and embolden him against 
all terrors, these inventions are useful : to beat a drum out of 
the stable first, and then give him his provender : then beat 
a drum in the stable by degrees, and then give him his proven- 
der upon the drum. When he is acquainted herewith suffici- 
ently, you must shoot off a pistol out of the stable, before he 
hath his provender ; then you may shoot off a pistol in the 
stable, and so by degrees bring it as near to him as you can till 
he be acquainted with the pistol, likewise remembering still 
after every shot to give him more provender. You must also 
cause his groom to put on bright armour, and so to rub his 
heels and dress him. You must also present a sword before 
him in the said armour, and when you have done, give him still 
some more provender. Lastly, his rider must bring his horse 
forth into the open field, where a bright armour must be fastened 
upon a stake, and set forth in the likeness of an armed man as 
much as possible ; which being done, the rider must put his 
horse on until he make him not only approach the said image, 
but thrown it down ; which being done, you must be sure to 
give him some provender, that he may be encouraged to do 
the like against an adversary in battle. It will be good also 
that two men do hold up a cloak betwixt them in the field, 
and then the rider to put the horse to it until he leap over, 
which cloak also they may raise as they see occasion, when the 
horse is able to leap so high. You shall do well also to use 
your horse to swimming ; which you may do, either by trail- 
ing him after you at the tail of a boat, in a good river, holding 
him by the head at the length of the bridle, or by putting a 
good swimmer in a linen waistcoat and breeches upon him 1 . 

It will be fit for a gentleman also to learn to swim, unless he 
be given cramps and convulsions 2 ; howbeit, I must confess, 
in my own particular, that I cannot swim ; for, as I was once 
in danger of drowning, by learning to swim, my mother, upon 
her blessing, charged me never to learn swimming, telling me 
further, that she had heard of more drowned than saved by 

1 Locke, in opposition to Lord Herbert, warns his pupil against making * a busi- 
ness of * learning to ride the great horse, and urges that ' a firm and graceful seat on 
horse-back ' is all that is desirable 

2 Cf Everard Digby's De Arte Natandi, 1587, the first book on the subject produced 
in England The plates are very curious 

G 



42 Life of Lord Herbert [1599 

it , which reason, though it did not prevail with me, yet her 
commandment did. It will be good also for a gentleman to 
learn to leap, wrestle, and vault on horseback ; they being all 
of them qualities of great use. I do much approve likewise of 
shooting m the long-bow, as being both an healthful exercise and 
useful for the wars, notwithsandmg all that our firemen speak 
against it , for, bring an hundred archers against so many 
musqueteers, I say if the archer comes within his distance, he 
will not only make two shoots, but two hits for one -. 

The exercises I do not approve of are riding of running 
horses 2 , there being much cheating m that kind ; neither do 
I see why a brave man should delight in a creature whose chief 
use is to help him to run away. I do not much like of hunting 
horses, that exercise taking up more time than can be spared 
from a man studious to get knowledge ; it is enough, there- 
fore, to know the sport, if there be any m it, without making 
it an ordinary practice ; and, indeed, of the two, hawking is 
the better, because less time is spent m it 3 . And upon these 
terms also I can allow a little bowling ; so that the company 
be choice and good. 

The exercises I wholly condemn, are dicing and carding, 
especially if you play for any great sum of money, or spend any 
time m them ; or use to come to meetings in dicmg-houses 
where cheaters meet and cozen young gentlemen of all their 
money. I could say much more concerning all these 
points of education, and particularly concerning the discreet 
civility which is to be observed in communication either with 
friends or strangers, but this work would grow too big ; and 
that many precepts conducing thereunto may be had in Guazzo 
de la Civile Conversation 4 , and Galeteus de Monbus 5 . 

1 Lord Herbert makes similar remarks m his Henry VIII, when ^peaking of the 
statutes for the encouragement of archery (1534 and 1541) He condemns tr-ocaliyer 
as more costly than the bow, and more difficult to use Sir John Smythe, in his Dis- 
courses of Weapons, 1590, writes cmphaticallv ir> tho samo sense, calling the long-bow 
our \?e EngUshmonV] pernhnr a id sitiirul.u xvc.ipon ' IP 2?) 

2 i e racing Ncwni.ukoi wns acqiurii c; us hm tame IM the fashionable world while 
Lord Herbert was a young man 

3 James I, like many other writers on education, takes just the opposite-view m his 
Rasihkon Doron, lib 111, p 122 He says that hawking is to be pi.'iv d -p urigl\, be- 
cause it is an. extreme stirrer-up of passions, and neither resembles war nor makes a 
man hardy as hunting does 

* La Cw> Cwerii'-.-'t " del <?""/ -r Stefano Guazzo (Venice, 1575) An English trans- 
lation was i i 1 'i- !<! , > o ! . i ' 1586, in four books, the first three being the work 
of George Pettie, and the fourth of Bartholomew Young 

5 This is an Italian book usually known as II Galatheo, translations exist in Latin 
and almost all modern languages The author was Giovanni della Casa (1503-5 6), 
Archbishop of Benevento from 1544 till his death The work was written about 1550, 



1600] Life of Lord Herbert 43 

It would also deserve a particular lecture or recherche, how 
one ought to behave himself with children, servants, tenants, 
and neighbours ; and I am confident, that precepts in this 
point will be found more useful to young gentlemen, than all 
the subtleties of schools. I confess I have collected many 
things to this purpose, which I forbear to set down here ,- 
because, if God grant me life and health, I intend to make a 
little treatise concerning these points *. I shall return now to 
the narration of mine own history. 

When I had attained the age betwixt eighteen or nineteen 
years, my mother, together with myself and wife, removed up 
to London, where we took house, and kept a greater family than 
became cither my mother's widow's estate, or such young 
beginners as we were ; especially, since six brothers and three 
sisters were to be provided for, my father having either made 
no will, or such an imperfect one, that it was not proved. My 
mother, although she had all my father's leases and goods, 
which were of great value, yet she desired me to undertake 
that burden of providing for my brothers and sisters ; which, 
to gratify my mother, as well as those so near me, I was volun- 
tarily content to provide thus far, as to give my six brothers 
thirty pounds apiece yearly, during their lives, and my three 
sisters one thousand pounds apiece, which portions married 
them to those I have above mentioned. My younger sister, 
indeed 2 , might have been married to a far greater fortune, 
had not the overthwartness of some neighbours interrupted it. 

About the year of our Lord 1600 I came to London, shortly 
after which the attempt of the Earl of Essex, related in our 
history, f ollowed J ; which I had rather were seen in the 
writers of that argument than here. Not long after this, 
curiosity, rather than ambition, brought me to court ; and as 
it was the manner of those times for all men to kneel down 

and first ? h'nVd r.t Mi 1 ^ in 1559 It was long a standard educational work in Italy 
Alfien t, o > ! ( (Mi>>l .1 .. oitterly in his autobiography of the pain its perusal caused 
him in "i> M> ,- 1 \.i , .1-, from it are given by Mr W M Rossetti in his Essay on 
Italian Courtesy Books appended to the English Tracts on Courtesy, edited by Dr. F J. 
Furmvall for the Earh English Trxt Society (1879) T>lla Casa wrote another book 
on a similar subject, on titled frattalo dtalt Ci/tu Comma tra s>lt 'tnnci Svpenontlnfcnort. 
which piobably suggested to HIM licit rhc nc\t p,ir.i|p apli 

i See the account given in the introduction of A Dwlogue between ft Tutor and a Pupil, 
attributed rightly (as 1 judge) to Lord Herbert, and first published m 1768 A manu- 
script copy is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (MS Rawhnson, c 95) 

a The wife of Sir John Brown of Lincolnshire (p 15, supra). 

3 Essex's fruitless rising in London took place on Sunday. 7th February 1600-1 
The Earl was executed aSth February 



44 Life of Lord Herbert [1601 

before the great Queen Elizabeth, who then reigned, I was 
likewise upon my knees m the presence-chamber, when she 
passed by to the Chapel at Whitehall. As soon as she saw me, 
she stopped, and swearing, her usual oath *, demanded, ' Who 
is this > * Everybody there present looked upon me, but no 
man knew me, until Sir James Croft, a pensioner a , finding 
the Queen stayed, returned back and told who I was, and that I 
had married Sir William Herbert of St. Julian's daughter. The 
Queen hereupon looked attentively upon me, and swearing 
her ordinary oath, said it is pity he was married so young, and 
thereupon gave her hand to kiss twice, both times gently clap- 
ping me on the cheek. I remember little more of myself, but 
that, from that time until King James's coming to the crown, I 
had a son which died shortly afterwards, and that I attended 
my studies seriously ; the more I learnt out of my books, add- 
ing stiU a desire to know more. 

King James being now acknowledged King, and coming 
towards London, I thought fit to meet his Majesty at Burleigh, 
near Stamford s . Shortly after I was made Knight of the 
Bath, with the usual ceremonies belonging to that ancient 
order *. I could tell how much my person was commended 
by the lords and ladies that came to see the solemnity then 
used ; but I shall flatter myself too much if I believed it. 

I must not forget yet the ancient custom, being that some 
principal person was to put on the right spur of those the King 
had appointed to receive that dignity 5 . The Earl of Shrews- 

1 Naunton gives God's Death as the Queen's ' wonted oath ' Fragment* Regatta 

Cl a 4 Thd ?5Sr Yines Croft, of Croft Castle, Herefordshire, the well-known Con- 
trailer o* f>p ^VaV-t* '* h -> -VM was knighted 23d July 1603 , took i ; wi-i"- 1 
part in'' \i '-,,'. ' .1 >, was alive m 1626 (Retrospective fr . , -c ' 1 

ser i - J , ' * ' uag gentlemen of rank and fortune, selected by 

Vi i' 'i f" o I - ' > .. J i account of th-ar handsome faces and figures 
, u, r, to, and Merry Wives of Windsor, 11, a, 79, and 



V/UCULl I l-i I ' " 

(cf Mukiunmcr bights Dr*~,,., , *, ~~ r 

Osborne's Elizabeth in Court of fames I, i, 55i _. _ . ., 

3 James I stayed at Burlei ? h or BurgW House, the progertyof Thomas Cecil the 
eldest son and successor of the first Lord Burghley, from Saturday the 2sd till Wed- 

n ^ d - a lu?id t ay^he l a4tb [july 1603], was performed the solemnity of Knights of the Bath, 
riding honorably from Saint James to the Courte, and made shew with their Squires 
and Pfigos about the tilt-yarde, and after went into the Parke of Saint James and ther 
lighted all from tioio horses, and went uppe to the King's Majestie's presence in the 
y where they received the Order ^ K**AnH * fhe Bathe ' Howes' Chronicle, 



Jiery, wjaeic tuey AumiYuu u*c -f*v*<i - i-*--- ---- 

827 Some ^i\tv persons received i , i '' l 



p 827 Some *i\tv persons receive i , i ' i^oru nerocrt 

At' pliho'dti^ .ici o nit of the cciornorual observed it the creation of Knights of tne 
Bath ia printed it the o.id 01 The Ortur , of the creation of Pnnce Hcnrv, Pnnce 

at Wales . Lend 1610 , and is reprinted both in Somers' Tracts and in Nicholls 
Progresses of fames I t u, 336-41 



1603] Life of Lord Herbert 45 

bury, seeing my esquire there with my spur in his hand* volun- 
tarily came to me, and said, ' Cousin, I believe you will be a 
good knight, and therefore I will put on your spur ' ; where- 
upon, after my most humble thanks for so great a favour, I 
held up my leg against the wall, and he put on my spur. 

There is another custom likewise, that the knights the first 
day wear the gown of some religious order, and the night follow- 
ing to be bathed ; after which they take an oath never to sit 
in place where injustice should be done, but they shall right it 
to the uttermost of their power ; and particularly ladies and 
gentlewomen that shall be wronged in their honour, if they 
demand assistance, and many other points, not unlike the 
romances of knight errantry l . 

The second day to wear robes of crimson taflety ( in which 
habit I am painted in my study), 2 and so to ride from St James's 
to Whitehall, with our esquires before us , and the third day 
to wear a gown of purple satin, upon the left sleeve whereof is 
fastened certain strings weaved of white silk and gold tied in a 
knot, and tassels to it of the same, which all the knights are 
obliged to wear until they have done something famous in 
arms, or until some lady of honour take it off, and fasten it on 
her sleeve, saying, I will answer he shall prove a good knight. 
I had not long worn this string, but a principal lady of the 
court, and, certainly, in most men's opinion, the handsomest 3 , 
took mine off, and said she would pledge her honour for mine. 
I do not name this lady, because some passages happened 
afterwards which oblige me to silence ; though nothing could 
be justly said to her prejudice or wrong. 

Shortly after this I intended to go with Charles, Earl of 

1 This oath, which. Lord Herbert kept very qaixoticallv was (according to Howes 
Chronicle} administered in these words : ' Right dcerc brother . you shall nonoure 
God above all thmges ; you shall be stedfast in the faith of Christ, and the same main- 
taine, and defend to your power ; you shall love your Soveraigne above all earthly 
creatures, and for your Soveraigne's right and dignity live and dye ; you shall defend 
widdowes maydens, and orphans in their right ; you shall suffer no extortion as farre 
forth as you maye, nor sit in any place where any wrongful judgement shall be given 
to your knowledge '. , , , 

2 This picture, by an unknown artist, is now at Powis Castle m the possession of 
the Earl of Powis. 



bably Mary the daughter of Sir George Cotton, and wife of Henry, sixth Earl of Kent, 
about which Herbert is discreetly silent, but the lady may be covertly alluded to here. 
' Lady Kent ' says Selden * articled with Sir Edward Herbert that he should come to 
her when she sent for him and stay with her as long as she would have him, to which 
he set his hand ; then he articled with her, that he should go awav when he pleas d, 
and stay away as long as he pleased, to which she set her hand *. TabU-TaW, ed Aroer, 
p. 41. 



46 Life of Lord Herbert [1605 

Nottingham, the Lord Admiral, who went to Spam x to take 
the King's oath for confirmation of the articles of peace be- 
twixt the two crowns. Howbeit, by the industry of some near 
me, who desired to stay me at home, I was hindered ; and, 
instead of going that voyage, was made Sheriff of Montgomery- 
shire z , concerning which I will say no more, but that I bestowed 
the place of under-sheriff, as also other places in my gifts, 
freely, without either taking gift or reward ; which custom 
also I have observed throughout the whole course of my life ; 
insomuch that when I was ambassador in France, and might 
have had great presents, which former ambassadors accepted, 
for doing lawful courtesies to merchants and others, yet no 
gratuity, upon what terms soever, could ever be fastened 
upon. me. 

This public duty did not hinder me yet to follow my beloved 
studies in a country life for the most part ; although some- 
times also I resorted to court, without yet that I had any 
ambition there, and much less was tainted with those corrupt 
delights incident to the times 3 . For, living with my wife in 
all conjugal loyalty for the space of about ten years after my 
marriage, I wholly declined the allurements and temptations 
whatsoever, which might incline me to violate my marriage bed 

About the year 1608, my two daughters, called Beatrice 4 , 
and Florence 5 who lived not yet long after, and one son 
Richard being born, and come to so much maturity, that, 
although in their mere childhood, they gave no little hopes of 
themselves for the future time, I called them all before my wife, 
demanding, how she liked them, to which she answering 

i In Feb 1604-5 (Winwood's Memorials, n, 50) 

a In 1605 His *t* t- r- ^d"r-shenff -was Edwarc 1 V ru ^ V-*-, son of William 
\VHt A -:rVr- baihf c "!< i < 1590-1, and chief ' \-,i < i 1 owthen to Lord 
>' 1 i * .',._ier in -* ~-> I ' >, - - Sheriffs of Montgomeryshire m Powysland Coll , 
v, 479-81 

3 Prom 1605 onwards Lord Herbert's name appears on the roll of Montgomeryshire 
magistrates, but there is no evidence to show that he spent much time in the country 
Powysland Collections, v J7~ S T It is singular that Lord Herbert omits to mention 
that on Qth February \< i -/ J - I granted the Castle o f TVTo+< m e'-" *vhi"b ^pd 
been in the ~" ,.55' -<"> I- < 'u \ -. family since his v < ( , i ( - *.' c i ""I'l,! 
Herbert, a N '. . ' < i another line, who was creat 'i i . M . " \ ,11 
May 1605 I T i > < . ) this grant till irth July 161^ i ' ( ~\ ' > c .In 4 
hands of the Earl of Montgomery, but at the latei date he restored it to Lord Herbert 
m consideration of the payment of 500 The Castle passed out of his possession again 
in 1616, but for only a short time Documents establishing these facts are now at 
Powis Castle, and are described in the Powysland Collections, x, pp 168 rf seq 

4 Born isth August 1604, and baptized at Montgomery, 28th August, Beatrice 
survived her father, 

5 Born 27th September 1605, and baptized in Montgomery Church i4th October 
following. 



1608] Life of Lord Herbert 47 

' well ' ; I demanded then, whether she was willing to do so 
much for them as I would ? whereupon, she replying, demanded 
what I meant by that I told her, that, for my part, I was 
but young for a man, and she not old for a woman ; that our 
lives were in the hands of God ; that, if He pleased to call 
either of us away, that party which remained might marry 
again, and have children by some other, to which our estates 
might be disposed ; for preventing whereof, I thought fit to 
motion to her, that if she would assure * upon the son any 
quantity of lands from three hundred pounds a year to one 
thousand, I would do the like. But my wife not approving 
hereof, answered, in these express words, that she would not 
draw the cradle upon her head ; whereupon, I desiring her to 
advise better upon the business, and to take some few days' 
respite for that purpose, she seemed to depart from me not 
very well contented About a week or ten days afterwards, 
I demanded again what she thought concerning the motion I 
made ; to which yet she said no more, but that she thought she 
had already answered me sufficiently to the point. I told 
her then, that I should make another motion to her ; which 
was, that in regard I was too young to go beyond sea before I 
married her, she now would give me leave for a while to see 
foreign countries ; howbeit, if she would assure her lands as 
I would mine, in the manner above-mentioned, I would never 
depart from her. She answered, that I knew her mind before 
concerning that point, yet that she should be sorry I went 
beyond sea ; nevertheless, if I would needs go, she could not 
help it. This, whether a license taken or given, served my 
turn to prepare without delay for a journey beyond sea, that 
so I might satisfy that curiosity I long since had to see foreign 
countries. So that I might leave my wife so little discontented 
as I could, I left her not only posterity to renew the family of 
the Herberts of St. Julian's according to her father's desire to 
inherit his lands, but the rents of all the lands she brought with 
her ; reserving mine own, partly to pay my brothers' and 
sisters' portions, and defraying my charges abroad. Upon 
which terms, though I was sorry to leave my wife, as having 
lived most honestly with her all this time, I thought it no such 
unjust ambition, to attain the knowledge of foreign countries ; 

convey by d*ed Cf Lentous xxvii, 19 'He shall add the fifth part of the 
, .-and it shall be assured to him '. 



money 



48 Life of Lord Herbert [1608 

especially, since I had in great part already attained the lan- 
guages, and that I intended not to spend any long time out of 
my country. 

Before I departed yet, I left her with child of a son, chris- 
tened afterwards by the name of Edward ; and now coming 
to court, I obtained a license to go beyond sea, taking with me 
for my companion Mr Aurelian Townsend l , a gentleman that 
spoke the languages of French, Italian, and Spanish, in great 
perfection, and a man to wait m my chamber, who spoke 
French, two lacqueys, and three horses. Coming thus to 
Dover, and passing the seas thence to Calais, I jounced with- 
out any memorable adventure, until I came to Faubourg St. 
Germain m Pans, where Sir George Carew, then ambassador 
for the King 2 , lived ; I was kindly received by him, and often 
invited to his table 3 . Next to his house dwelt the Duke of 
Ventadour, who had married a daughter of Monsieur de Mont- 
morency, Grand Constable de France. Many visits being 
exchanged between that Duchess and the lady of our ambas- 
sador, it pleased the Duchess to invite me to her father's house, 
at the castle of Merlou, being about twenty-four miles from 
Paris 4 ; and here I found much welcome from that brave old 
Geneial, who being informed of my name, said he knew well 
of what family I was 5 ; telling, the first notice he had of the 

1 He was the author of two court masques, both published in 1631 The one is en- 
titled Albion's Trvimp^ and was < personated at Court the Sunday after Twelfe 
Night 1631 ', the other, named Tempe Restord, was poi formed on Shrove Tuesday 
following Townsend was a patron of the poets, and is u traduced by Suckling into 
the Sesston of the Poets , ,. , 

2 From 1605 to 1609 (see Bnt Mus MS Addit 20,765, p 143) He afterwards 
became Master of the Court of Wards, and died in 1612 He must be distinguished 
from the Irish administrator of the same name 

3 In a satyra called Travellers from Parus, addressed to Ben Jonson, dated September 
1608, Lord Herbert writes thus of his fellow-countrymen m Pans 

... all they learn is 

Toys and the languages, but to attain this, 
You must conceive they're cosen'd, mocked, and come 
To Fo" i -br" r '? <; ? St Germans, there tikc a Room 
I , ' i" i i,o" r th* Ambassadors, and where 
Having no Church, they come Sundays to hear, etc 

4 Near Clermont (Oise) The village whence the castle takes its name is now known 
as Mello The old forms Mellou and Meslou are known, but not that of Merlou M de 
Remusat states that a magnificent castle and park are still in existence there (Lor A 
Herbert^ Sa Vie et ses CEuvres, p 30) Several of Lord Herbert's poems are dated from 
Merlou, and a sonnet ' made upon the groves near Merlou Castle ' gives vigorous ex- 
pression to the rare delight with which the beauty of the place inspired him 

5 Henri de Montmorency was second son of the Constable Anne (who, after taking 
-,,.+ ,^ +v,a "K^tle of St Quentm, was killed at St Denis in 1567), and brother of Francois, 



part in the battle of St Quentm, was killed at St JJenis in 1507;, ana oromer 01 rranyois, 
Due de Montmorency, who died in 1579 Henri, born in 1534, was known, in early 
life as the Comte de Damville, was present at St Quentm in 1557, and, like his father 



1608] Life of Lord Herbert 



49 



Herberts was at the siege of St Quentin, where my grand- 
father, with a command of foot under William Earl of Pem- 
broke, was *. Passing two or three days here, it happened 
one evening, that a daughter of the Duchess, of about ten 
or eleven years of age, going one evening from the castle to 
walk in the meadows, myself, with divers French gentlemen, 
attended her and some gentlewomen that were with her This 
young lady wearing a knot of ribbon on her head, a French 
chevalier took it suddenly, and fastened it to his hatband. 
The young lady, offended herewith, demands her ribbon, but 
he refusing to restore it, the young lady, addressing herself to 
me, said, ' Monsieur, I pray get my nbbon from that gentle- 
man '. Hereupon, going towards him, I courteously, with 
my hat in my hand, desired him to do me the honour, that I 
may deliver the lady her ribbon or bouquet again ; but he 
roughly answering me, ' Do you think I will give it you, when 
I have refused it to her > ' I replied, ' Nay then, sir, I will 
make you restore it by force ' ; whereupon also, putting on my 
hat and reaching at his, he to save himself ran away, and, after 
a long course in the meadow, finding that I had almost over- 
took him, he turned short, and running to the young lady, was 
about to put the ribbon on her hand, when I, seizing upon his 
arm, said to the young lady, ' It was I that gave it '. l Pardon 
me % quoth she, ' it is he that gives it me '. I said then, 
Madam, I will not contradict you ; but if he dare say that I 
did not constrain him to give it, I will fight with him ' The 
French gentleman answered nothing thereunto for the present, 
and so conducted the young lady again to the castle. The 
next day I desired Mr. Aurelian Townsend to tell the French 
cavalier, that either he must confess that I constrained him to 
restore the ribbon, or fight with me ; but the gentleman seeing 
him unwilling to accept of this challenge, went out from the 
place, whereupon, I following him, some of the gentlemen that 
belonged to the Constable taking notice hereof, acquainted him 
therewith, who sending for the French cavalier, checked him 
well for his sauciness, in taking the ribbon away from his 

was taken prisoner by the Spaniards and the English He fought at the battles of 
Dreux and St Denis, but gained his chief fame as Governor of Languedoc from 1563 
onwards He ultimately became a supporter of Henri IV, was made by him Constable 
of France, and died 2d April 1614 (See B^ograph^e Umversette, s. v. Montmorency) 
His second daughter, Marguerite, married, Anne de Levis. Due de Ventadour, to whom 
reference is made above 
i See p 3, note 2, supra. 

H 



5 o Life of Lord Herbert [1608 

-grandchild, and afterwards bid him depart his house ; and 
this was all that I ever heard of the gentleman, with whom 
I proceeded in that manner, because I thought myself 
obliged thereunto by the oath taken when I was made Knight 
of the Bath, as I formerly related upon this occasion l . 

I must remember also, that three other times I engaged 
myself to challenge men to fight with me, who I conceived had 
injured ladies and gentlewomen 2 ; one was in defence of my 
cousin, Sir Francis Newport's daughter, who was married to 
John Barker of Hamon ; for Walter, the younger brother and 
heir, to the said John Barker, had betrayed my cousin, who 
thought to use perchance some more liberty than became her 
with a servant in the house whom she favoured above the 
rest ; Walter Barker, as I was told by another, nourished the 
said 'familiarity, and afterwards discovered it to his brother ; 
which part of his being treacherous, as I conceived,! thought 
fit to send 3 him a challenge, which to this day he never ans- 
wered; and would have beaten him afterwards, but that I was 
hindered by my uncle Sir Francis Newport. 

I had another occasion to challenge one Captain Vaughan, 
who I conceived offered some injury to my sister the Lady Jones 
of Abermarles. I sent him a challenge, which he accepted, 
the place between us being appointed beyond Greenwich, with 
seconds on both sides. Hereupon, I coming to the King's 
Head in Greenwich, with intention the next morning to be in 
the place, I found the house beset with at least an hundred 
persons, partly sent by the Lords of the Privy Council, who 
gave orders to apprehend me. I hearing thereof, desired my 
servant to bring my horses as far as he could from my lodging, 
but yet within sight of me ; which being done, and all this com- 
pany coming to lay hold on me, I and my second, who was my 
cousin, James Price of Hanachly, sallied out of the doors, with 
our swords drawn, and, in spite of that multitude, made our 
way to our horses, where my servant very honestly opposing 

2 |e? Appendix IV, where I have collected some notes on the duelling ^of the period. 

3 In all previous editions the sixty-four words between ' younger brother and heir 
and ' send him a challenge * were omitted, and blank spaces were commonly left for them. 
They are now supplied from a manuscript note made by Horace Walpote on his copy 
of the fourth edition of the book. He adds that the words were given him in 1789 by 

fi7_ ^V-L-J -A +M Mm +V,a* i* iiroe rnnip-H frnm thft original mailUSCript. which 

Powis 



of the fourth edition 01 toe DDOK. e aaas mat vie woms were s*v<=" **i in r, 
WilUam Seward, who told him that it was copied from the original manuscript, 
Walnole never saw. The manuscript copy which was lent Walpole by Lord 
omitted L the passage. Cf. Walpole's irftaS ed. Cunningham, vol. iv, p. *7S- . 



1608] Life of Lord Herbert 51 

himself against those who would have laid hands upon us, while 
we got up on horseback, was himself laid hold on by them, and 
evil treated ; which I perceiving, rid back again, and with my 
sword in my hand rescued him, and afterwards seeing him get 
on horseback, charged them to go anywhere rather than to 
follow me. Riding afterwards with my second to the place 
appointed, I found nobody there ; which, as I heard after- 
wards, happened, because the Lords of the Council, taking 
notice of this difference, apprehended him, and charged him in 
his Majesty's name not to fight with me ; since otherwise I 
believed he would not have failed. 

The third that I questioned in this kind was a Scotch gentle- 
man, who, taking a nbbon m the like manner from Mrs. Middle- 
more, a maid of honour, as was done from the young lady 
above-mentioned, in a back room behind Queen Anne's lodg- 
ings in Greenwich, she likewise desired me to get her the said 
ribbon. I repaired, as formerly, to him in a courteous manner 
to demand it, but he refusing as the French cavalier did, I 
caught him. by the neck, and had almost thrown him down, 
when company came in and parted us. I of ered likewise to 
fight with this gentleman, and came to the place appointed 
by Hyde Park ; but this also was interrupted by order of the 
Lords of the Council, and I never heard more of him 1 . 

These passages, though different in time, I have related here 
together ; both for the similitude of argument, and that it 
may appear how strictly I held myself to my oath of knight- 
hood ; since, for the rest I can truly say, that, though I have 
lived in the armies and courts of the greatest princes in Christen- 
dom, yet I never had a quarrel with man for my own sake ; 
so that, although m mine own nature I was ever choleric and 
hasty, yet I never without occasion quarrelled with anybody, 
and as little did anybody attempt to give me offence, as having 
as clear a reputation for my courage as whosoever of my time. 
For my friends often I have hazarded myself ; but never yet 
drew my sword for my own sake singly, as hating ever the 
doing of injury, contenting myself only to resent them when 



1 Chamberlain describes this affair thus in a letter to Carleton, 2$d January 1609-10 
< There was a quarrel hatching at Greenwich 'twixt Sir Edward Herbert and one Boquhan 
p Buchan], a Scot gentlemaS, usher to the Queen, about a ribbon or favour taken, as 
it were, by force from Mrs Middlemore. But the matter was timely taken up and 
compounded by the Council '. Court <w& Tvmes of James I, i, 103 ; CaL State Papers 
1603-10, p. 583. 



52 Life of Lord Herbert [1608 

they were offered me. After this digression I shall return to 
my history 

That brave Constable in France testifying now more than 
formerly his regard of me, at his departure from Merlou to his 
fair house at Chantilly, five or six miles distant, said, he left 
that castle to be commanded by me, as also his forests and 
chases, which were well stored with wild boar and stag ; and 
that I might hunt them when I pleased l . He told me also, 
that if I would learn to ride the great horse, he had a stable 
there of some fifty, the best and choicest as was thought in 
France ; and that his escuyer, called Monsieur de Disancourt, 
not inferior to Pluvmel or Labroue, should teach me 2 . I did 
with great thankfulness accept his offer, as being very much 
addicted to the exercise of riding great horses ; and, as for 
hunting in his forests, I told him I should use it sparingly, as 
being desirous to preserve his game. He commanded also his 
escuyer to keep a table for me, and his pages to attend me, the 
chief of whom was Monsieur de Mennon 3 , who proving to be 
one of the best horsemen in France, keeps now an academy in 
Paris ; and here I shall recount a little passage betwixt him 
and his master, that the inclination of the French at that time 
may appear ; there being scarce any man thought worth the 
looking on, that had not killed some other in duel. 

Mennon (? Menou) desiring to marry a niece of Monsieur 
Disancourt, who it was thought should be his heir, was thus 
answered by him. : ' Friend, it is not time yet to marry ; I 
will tell you what you must do. If you will be a brave man, 
you must first kill in single combat two or three men, then 
afterwards marry and engender two or three children, so the 



1 In the account of the Constable written by a contemporary, Talleraant des Reaux , 
great itre^ is laid ->n fa* pi'ipstnpn skill and on his passion for hunting * II aimoit 
extrer -PI i ' - <_' .>\.i * < cl -> q cheval etoit a 1m, il ne changeoit plus de maitre 5 
et, n'e t-jl <j . ' , > M i! '<, > > f mssoit dans une infirmene qui etoit a Chantilly. 

. . i, i' : M j|M I t \ ,u w > i 1 1 ' lasse Op^driT 1 1 1 disoit qu'il falloit permettre 
a un ^j ,i I'll 1 <L- M.J i -i i\ ' > jibier o i! a Mt i, . lever sur sa propre terre et 
qu'en u. c<s i' ', i-v rn ; , <i o i 1 evre i < -o <1 - -.1 salle * Histonettes, torn i, 
p 173, ed 1861 As Grand Constable, Montmorency had the general direction of the 
eq-uestrian education of the French army 

2 Pluvinel had studied horsemanship under Pignatelli at Naples ; was first Master 
of the Horse to Henri III, directed Henri IV's famons stables, became sub-governor 
to the Dauphin, and even French Ambassador to IlolUind S.ilomon de la Broue was 
also Master of the Horse under Henri IV, but ultimately died in poverty Both were 
authors of works on horsemanship, which Lord Herbert has already described 

3 Probably a misprint for M Rene" de Menou, the friend of Pluvmel and editor of 
his book Le Manage Royale. Pluvinel is generally believed to be the founder of riding 
schools or academies. 



1608] Life of Lord Herbert 53 

world will neither have got nor lost by you ' ; of which strange 
counsel Disancourt was no otherwise the author than as he 
had been an example at least of the former part ; it being his 
fortune to have fought three or four brave duels in his 
time. 

And now, as every morning I mounted the great horse, so in 
the afternoon I many times went a-huntmg, the manner of 
which was this. The Duke of Montmorency having given 
orders to the tenants of the town of Merlou, and some villages 
adjoining, to attend me when I went a-huntmg, they, upon 
my summons, usually repaired to those woods where I in- 
tended to find my game, with drums and muskets, to the 
number of sixty or eighty, and sometimes one hundred or 
more persons ; they entering the wood on that side with that 
noise, discharging their pieces and beating their said drums, 
we on the other side of the said wood having placed mastiffs 
and greyhounds to the number of twenty or thirty, which 
Monsieur de Montmorency kept near his castle, expected 
those beasts they should force out of the wood. If stags or 
wild boars came forth, we commonly spared them, pursuing 
only the wolves, which were there in great number, of which 
are found two sorts ; the mastiff wolf, thick and short, though 
he could not indeed run fast, yet would fight with our dogs ; 
the greyhound wolf, long and swift, who many times escaped 
our best dogs, although when he was overtaken, easily killed 
by us, without making much resistance. Of both these sorts 
I killed divers with my sword, while I stayed there. 

One time also it was my fortune to kill a wild boar in this 
manner. The boar being roused from his den, fled before our 
dogs for a good space ; but finding them press him hard, 
turned his head against our dogs, and hurt three or four of 
them very dangerously : I came on horseback up to him, and 
with my sword thrust him twice or thrice without entering 
his skin, the blade being not so stiff as it should be. The boar 
hereupon turned upon me, and much endangered my horse ; 
which I perceiving, rid a little out of the way, and leaving my 
horse with my lacquey, returned with my sword against the 
boar, who by this time had hurt more dogs. And here hap- 
pened a pretty kind of fight ; for, when I thrust at the boar 
sometimes with my sword, which in some places I made enter, 
the boar would run at me, whose tusks yet by stepping a little 



54 Life of Lord Herbert [1608 

out of the way I avoided, but he then turning upon me, the 
dogs came in, and drew him off, so that he fell upon them, 
which I perceiving, ran at the boar with my sword again, which 
made him turn upon me, but then the dogs pulled him from 
me again, while so relieving one another by turns, we killed 
the boar. At this chase Monsieur Disancourt and Mennon 
( ? Menou) were present, as also Mr. Townsend ; yet so as they 
did endeavour rather to withdraw me from, than assist me in 
the danger. Of which boar, some part being well seasoned and 
larded, I presented to my uncle Sir Francis Newport in Shrop- 
shire, and found most excellent meat. 

Thus having passed a whole summer, partly in these exer- 
cises, and partly in visits of the Duke of Montmorency at his 
fair house at Chantilly ; which, for its extraordinary fairness 
and situation, I shall here describe. 

A little river descending from some higher grounds in a 
country which was almost all his own, and falling at last upon 
a rock in the middle of a valley, which to keep its way for- 
wards, it must on one or other side thereof have declined. 
Some of the ancestors of the Montmorencies, to ease the river 
of this labour, made divers channels through this rock to give 
it a free passage, dividing the rock by that means into little 
islands, upon which he built a great strong castle, joined to- 
gether with bridges, and sumptuously furnished with hangings 
of silk and gold, rare pictures, and statues ; all which build- 
ings, united as I formerly told, were encompassed about with 
water, which was paved with stone (those which were used in 
the building of the house were drawn from thence). One 
might see the huge carps, pike, and trouts, which were kept in 
several divisions, gliding along the waters very easily ; yet 
nothing in my opinion added so much to the glory of this castle 
as a forest adjoining close to it, and upon a level with the house. 
For being of a very large extent, and set thick both with tall 
trees and underwood, the whole forest, which was replenished 
with wild boar, stag, and roe-deer, was cut out into long walks 
every way , so that, although the dogs might follow their 
chase through the thickets, the huntsmen might ride along the 
said walks, and meet or overtake their game in some one of 
them, they being cut with that art, that they led to all the 
parts in the said forest ; and here also I have hunted the wild 
boar divers times, both then and afterwards, when his son, the 



1608] Life of Lord Herbert 55 

Duke of Montmorency, succeeded him in the possession of that 
incomparable place 1 

And there I cannot but remember the direction the old 
Constable gave me to return to his castle out of this admirable 
labyrinth ; telling me I should look upon what side the trees 
were roughest and hardest, which being found, I might be 
confident that part stood northward, which being observed, 
I might easily find the east, as being on the right hand ; and 
so guide my way home. 

How much this house, together with the forest, hath been 
valued by great princes, may appear by two little narratives I 
shall here insert. Charles V, the great Emperor, passing in 
the time of Francois I from Spain into the Low Countries, by 
the way of France, was entertained for some time in this 
house by a Duke of Montmorency, who was likewise Constable 
de France ; after he had taken this palace into his consider- 
ation, with the forests adjoining, said he would willingly give 
one of his provinces in the Low Countries for such a place , 
there being, as he thought, nowhere such a situation. 

Henry IV also was desirous of this house, and offered to 
exchange any of his houses, with much more lands than his 
estate thereabouts was worth ; to which the Duke of Mont- 
morency made this wary answer : Sieur, la maison est a 
vous, wiais que je sois le concierge ; which in English sounds 
thus : ' Sir, the house is yours, but give me leave to keep it for 
you '. 

When I had been at Merlou about some eight months, and 
attained, as was thought, the knowledge of horsemanship, I 
came to the Duke of Montmorency at St. Ilee 2 , and, 
after due thanks for his favours, took my leave of him to go 
to Paris ; whereupon, the good old prince embracing me, 
and calling me son, bid me farewell, assuring me nevertheless 
he should be glad of any occasion hereafter to testify his love 
and esteem for me ; telling me further, he should come to 
Paris himself shortly, where he hoped to see me. From hence 
I returned to Merlou, where I gave Monsieur Disancourt such 
a present as abundantly requited the charges of my diet, and 
the pains of his teaching. Being now ready to set forth, a 

1 In 1614 (see p 107) 

2 Probably a blunder of the transcriber for Chantilly. 



56 Life of Lord Herbert [1608 

gentleman from the Duke of Montmorency came to me, and 
told me his master would not let me go without giving me a 
present, which I might keep as an earnest of his affection ; 
whereupon also a jennet, for which the Duke had sent expressly 
into Spam, and which cost him there five hundred crowns, as I 
was told, was brought to me. The greatness of this gift, 
together with other courtesies received, did not a little trouble 
me, as not knowing then how to requite them. I would have 
given my horses I had there, which were of great value to him, 
but that I thought them too mean a present : but the Duke 
also suspecting that I meant to do so, prevented me ; saying, 
that as I loved him, I should think upon no requital, while I 
stayed in France, but when I came into England, if I sent him a 
mare that ambled naturally, I should much gratify him. I 
told the messenger I should strive both that way, and every 
way else, to declare my thankfulness, and so dismissed the 
messenger with a good reward. 

Coming now to Paris, through the recommendation of the 
Lord Ambassador, I was received to the house of that incom- 
parable scholar Isaac Casaubon, by whose learned conversation 
I much benefited myself 1 ; besides, I did apply myself much 
to know the use of my arms, and to ride the great horse, play- 
ing on the lute, and singing according to the rules of the French 
masters. 

Sometimes also I went to the court of the French king, 
Henry IV, who, upon information of me in the garden at the 
Tuillenes, received me with all courtesy, embracing me in his 
arms, and holding me some while there. I went sometimes 
also to the court of Queen Margaret at the Hostel, called by her 
name 2 ; and here I saw many balls or masks, in all which it 
pleased that Queen publicly to place me next to her chair, not 
without the wonder of some, and the envy of another, who was 
wont to have that favour. I shall recount one accident which 
happened while I was there. 

1 The great scholar lived at Pans from 1600 to 1610 , after which he came to London 
(See Mark Partisan's Casaubon ) 

% ^e Marguerite of VaJois M Tallemant des Re"aux (i, 165} tells some amusing 
stones about the ballets given by Oveen Mn 1 -'?"'""* 1 1* n+ her hotel The Queon had been 
divorced from Henri IV in 1600, < d u i:, n i i>as not good Loid Heibert 

writes of herwith greater justice m his Satyta addresed to Ben Jonson (September 1608) 
as 

that swol'n vicious Queen Margaret, 
Who were a monster ev'n without her sin I 



1609] 



Life of Lord Herbert 57 



All things being ready for the ball, and every one being in 
their place, and I myself next to the Queen, expecting when 
the dancers would come in, one knocked at the door somewhat 
louder than became, as I thought, a very civil person. When 
he came in, I remember there was a sudden whisper among the 
ladies, saying, C'est Monsieur Balagny, or, It is Monsieur 
Balagny * ; whereupon also I saw the ladies and gentlewomen 
one after another invite him to sit near them, and, which is 
more, when one lady had his company a while, another would 
say, You have enjoyed him long enough, I must have him 
now ; at which bold civility of theirs, though I were aston- 
ished, yet it added unto my wonder, that his person could not 
be thought at most but ordinary handsome ; his hair, which 
was cut very short, half grey, his doublet but of sackcloth cut 
to his shirt, and his breeches only of plain grey cloth. In- 
forming myself by some standers-by who he was, I was told 
that he was one of the gallantest men in the world, as having 
killed eight or nine men in single fight, and that for this reason 
the ladies made so much of him, it being the manner of all 
Frenchwomen to cherish gallant men, as thinking they could 
not make so much of any else with the safety of their honour. 
This cavalier, though his head was half grey, he had not yet 
attained the age of thirty years, whom I have thought 
fit to remember more particularly here, because of some pas- 
sages that happened afterwards betwixt him and me, at the 
siege of Juliers, as I shall tell in its place. 

Having passed thus all the winter, until about the latter end 
of January [1609], without any such memorable accident as I 
shall think fit to set down particularly, I took my leave of 
the French king, Queen Margaret, and the nobles and ladies 
in both courts ; at which time the Princess of Conti 2 desired 



1 Damien de Montluc, Seigneur de Balagm, was the son of a well-known Marshal 
of France, who entered the service of Henri IV in 1593 Through his mother, Rene"e 
de Clermont, he was the nephew of Bussy d'Amboise, the hero of Chapman's plays, 
whom he appcais to have resembled in character Sir Thomas Edmondes, the English 
Ambassador in Pans, reports a duel between M D'Andelot and Balagny on nth January 
1611-2, and another in the streets of Pans between M Pinocin and Balagny, 26th March 
1612 In the latter quarrel Pinocin was killed on the spot, and Balagny died of his 
wounds two days afterwards Winwood's Memorials, ill, 324, 350, 353 

2 1574-1631 Daughter of the Due de Guise, and wife of Francois de Bourbon, 
Prince de Conti, son of the first Prince de Cond6 She enjoyed a very unenviable repu- 
tation at the French court (See Les Amours du grand Alcandre, of which she Is the 
heroine, her own romance, Les Adventures d& la cour de Perse, 1629 , Tallemant des 
Reaux, Historiettes, i, 54 ; and the notice in the Bw^raphw Umversdle, 1856) 

I 



5 8 Life of Lord Herbert [1609 

me to carry a scarf into England, and present it to Queen Anne 
on her part, which being accepted, myself and Sir Thomas 
Lucy x (whose second I had "been twice in France, against two 
cavaliers of our nation, who yet were hindered to fight with us 
m the field, where we attended them), we came on our way as 
far as Dieppe in Normandy, and there took ship about the 
beginning of February, when so furious a storm arose, that with 
very great danger we were at sea all night. The master of our 
ship lost both the use of his compass and his reason ; for not 
knowing whither he was earned by the tempest, all the help 
he had was by the lightnings, which, together with thunder 
very frequently that night, terrified him, yet gave the advan- 
tage sometimes to discover whether we were upon our coast, to 
which he thought by the course of his glasses we were near 
approached. And now towards day we found ourselves, by 
great providence of God, within view of Dover, to which the 
master of our ship did make. The men of Dover rising be- 
times in the morning to see whether any ship were coming to- 
wards them, were in great numbers upon the shore, as believing 
the tempest, which had thrown down barns and trees near the 
town, might give them the benefit of some wreck, if perchance 
any ship were driven thitherwards. We coming thus in 
extreme danger straight upon the pier of Dover, which stands 
out in the sea, our ship was unfortunately split against it ; the 
master said, Mes amies, nous sommes perdus ; or, My friends, 
we arc cast away. Whon myself who heard the ship crack 
against the pier, and then found by the master's words it was 
time for every one to save themselves, if they could, got out of 
my cabin (though very sea-sick), and climbing up the mast a 
little way, drew my sword and flourished it ; they at Dover 
having this sign given them, adventured in a shallop of six 
oars to relieve us, which being come with great danger to the 
side of our ship, I got into it first with my sword in my hand, 
and called for Sir Thomas Lucy, saying, that if any man 

i Of Chartecote, Warwickshire Eldest son (born 1584) of the Sir .Thomas Lucy 
with whom Shakespeare is alleged to have come into unpleasant contact , was Knight 
of tte s for V^?mckshire i5sU Parliaments between 1621 and 8th December 1640 
the date of his death , married Alice, daughter of Thomas Spencer of Qaverdon and 
granddaughter of Sn- To^r ipon o* Vt-*-* A verv elaborate monument was 
SeSedtohismen i < i I- < ( !i i " ni- *nfe , it bears n Ion? T afn i"^n r - 
tion, in which his 1 i"-, ' 1, -^ li i*,ii i' ' ' " learning and j u ."I -in ..K - i- 
ally commended. iS, , I) i jl K '- It >t> *.*, wi-r,-, c<l Thomas, i, 506, 5, 5 ) 



1609] Life of Lord Herbert 59 

offered to get in before him, I should resist him with my sword ; 
whereupon a faithful servant of his taking Sir Thomas Lucy 
out of the cabin, who was half dead of sea-sickness, put him 
into my arms, whom after I had received, I bid the shallop 
make away for shore, and the rather that I saw another shallop 
coming to relieve us ; when a post from France, who earned 
letters, finding the ship still rent more and more, adventured to 
leap from the top of our ship into the shallop, where falling 
fortunately on some of the stronger timber of the boat, and 
not on the planks, which he must needs have broken, and so 
sunk us, had he fallen upon them, escaped together with us 
two, unto the land. I must confess myself, as also the seamen 
that were in the shallop, thought once to have killed him for 
this desperate attempt ; but finding no harm followed, we 
escaped together unto the land, from whence we sent more 
shallops, and so made means to save both men and horses 
that were in the ship, which yet itself was wholly split and cast 
away, insomuch that in pity to the master, Sir Thomas Lucy 
and myself gave thirty pounds towards his loss, which yet 
was not so great as we thought, since the tide now ebbing, he 
recovered the broken parts of his ship. 

Corning thus to London, and afterwards to court, I kissed his 
Majesty's hand, and acquainted him with some particulars 
concerning France. As for the present I had to deliver to her 
Majesty from the Princess of Conti, I thought fit rather to send 
it by one of the ladies that attended her, than to presume to 
demand audience of her in person : but her Majesty not satis- 
fied herewith, commanded me to attend her, and demanded 
divers questions of me concerning that princess and the courts 
in France, saying she would speak more at large with me at 
some other time ; for which purpose she commanded me to 
wait on her often, wishing me to advise her what present she 
might return back again. 

Howbeit, not many weeks after, I returned to my wife and 
family again, where I passed some time, partly in my studies, 
and partly riding the great horse, of which I had a stable well 
furnished. No horse yet was so dear to me as the jennet I 
brought from France, whose love I had so gotten, that he 
would suffer none else to ride him, nor indeed any man to come 
near him, when I was upon him, as being in his nature a most 
furious horse ; his true picture may be seen in the chapel 



60 Life of Lord Herbert [1610 

chamber in my house, where I am painted riding him, and 
this motto by me ? 

Me totum. bonitas bomim sttprema 
Reddas , me mtrepidum dabo vel apse 1 . 

This horse as soon as ever I came to the stable would neigh, 
and when I drew nearer him would lick my hand, and (when I 
suffered him) my cheek, but yet would permit nobody to come 
near his heels at the same time. Sir Thomas Lucy would 
have given me ^200 for this horse, winch, though I would not 
accept, yet I left the horse with him when I went to the Low 
Countries, who not long after died The occasion of my going 
thither was thus : hearing that a war about the title of Cleves, 
Juhers, and some other provinces betwixt the Low Countries 
and Germany, should be made, by the several pretenders to it, 
and that the French king himself would come with a great army 
into those parts 2 ; it was now the year of our Lord 1610, 
when my Lord Chandos 3 and myself resolved to take shipping 
for the Low Countries, and from thence to pass to the city of 
Juliers, which the Prince [Philip William] of Orange resolved 
to besiege 4 . Making all haste thither, we found the siege 
newly begun ; the Low Country army assisted by 4,000 English 
under the command of Sir Edward Cecil 5 . We had not been 
long there, when the Marshal de la CMtre 6 , instead of Henry 

1 A print of this * -* *, c~^^ cd by J Bowen, was published in i?68 The pic- 
ture is there stated > I j ai J':m .^ C .istle in, the possession of the Earl of Powis The 
present Earl informs me that the picture is not now in has hands, and I have been unable 
to discover its whereabouts 

2 On 25th March 1610,, Wilham John, Duke of Cleves, died There were many pre- 
tenders to his Duchy , and two of them the Elector of Brandenburg and the Palatine 
of Neuburg -combined to seize it, at the instance of the Protestant princes of the Em- 
pire The Emperor thereupon ordered the Archduke Leopold to occupy the country 
in his name, and the Archduke entered Juhers, one of the chief towns of the Duchy, 
Henri IV announced that he w -'* * r~> r * the two Protestant claimants by force of 
arms Holland and England <.. \'- J i 1 their assistance. In May, Henri, who 
intended to head his troops, w - i M IK Ravaillac, but the Queen-Regent and her 
advisers subsequently ordered Marshal de la CMtre to proceed against Juliers, where 
he arrived on 8th August Already on i7th July, the English (under Sir Edward Cecil) 
and the Dutch had begun the siege, and Jukers surrendered on zzd August 

3 Grey Brydges, fifth Lord Chandos, a well-known courtier, was born about r579 
and was made a K&ight of the Bath in 1604 Unlike Herbert, who was only a volun- 
teer, he was one of the officers m command of the presort pvr-^di^i^r (see Newes out 
of dleaveland, 1611) Suhsiquenth he suffered much in c " ', < *! uu* 1 at Spa, loth 
August 1621- The ho^pitnlitv -which he dispensed at Sudeley Castle, Gloucestershire, 
gained for him the titlo of ' King of the Cotswolds *. 

* Subsequently (p 95) TT r--t =-c-\-5 ^ C~ ,*t Maurice of Nassau, the Dutch com- 
mander as Prince of Ora g ,\ ink* o v 1 1 n< 4 only succeeded on Ins elder brother's 
death in 1618. Their father was William the Silent, 

5 See p 12 supra. 

Q Marshal of France from 1594 till his death in 1614. 



r6io] 



Life of Lord Herbert 61 



IV, who was killed by that villain Ravaillac 1 , came with a 
brave French army thither, in which Monsieur Balagny, I 
formerly mentioned, was a colonel. 

My Lord Chandos lodged himself in the quarters where Sir 
Horace Vere 2 was ; I went and quartered with Sir Edward 
Cecil, where I was lodged next to him in a hut I made there, 
going yet both by day and night to the trenches ; we making 
our approaches to the town on one side, and the French on 
the other. Our lines were drawn towards the point of a bul- 
wark of the citadel or castle, thought to be one of the best 
fortifications in Christendom, and encompassed about with 
a deep wet ditch. We lost many men in making these ap- 
proaches, the town and castle being very well provided both 
with great and small shot, and a garrison in it of about 4,000 
men, besides the burghers. Sir Edward Cecil (who was a very 
active general) used often, during the siege, to go in person in 
the night time, to try whether he could catch any sentinels 
perdus ; and for this purpose still desired me to accompany 
him ; in performing whereof, both of us did much hazard our 
lives, for the first sentinel retiring to the second, and the 
second to the third, three shots were commonly made at us, 
before we could do anything, though afterwards chasing them 
with our swords almost home unto their guards, we had some 
sport in the pursuit of them. 

One day Sir Edward Cecil and myself coming to the ap- 
proaches that Monsieur de Balagny had made towards a bul- 
wark or bastion of that city, Monsieur de Balagny, in the 
presence of Sir Edward Cecil and divers English and French 
captains then present, said, Monsieur* on dit que vous etes un des 
plus braves de vdtre nat^on 9 et ye sms Balagny, allons vow qui 
fair a le mieux ' They say you are one of the bravest of your 
nation, and I am Balagny, let us see who will be best * ; where- 
upon leaping suddenly out of the trenches with his sword 
drawn, I did in the like manner as suddenly follow him, both of 
us in the meanwhile striving who should be foremost, which 
being perceived by those of the bulwark and cortine s opposite 

1 14th May 1610. , , ... 

2 like his elder brother Francis, Sir Horatio Vere acquired a very great military 
reputation by his prolonged service m the Low Countries Conway and Monk, subse- 
quently Duke of Albemarle, were among his pupils He was created Baron Vere of 
Tilbury m 1625, and dying in 1635 was buried m Westminster Abbey, 

3 i e, curtainthe name applied in fortification to the portion of a rampart situated 
between two bastions and uniting their flanks 



62 Life of Lord Herbert 

to us, three or four hundred shot at least, great and small, were 
made against us. Our running on forwards in emulation of 
each other, was the cause that all the shots fell betwixt us and 
the trench from which we sallied. When Monsieur Balagny, 
finding such a storm of bullets, said, Par D^eu il fait bien ch -iud 
* It is very hot here ' ; I answered briefly thus : Vous en ^res 
premzev, autrement ye n'iray yamais ' You shall go first, or else 
I will never go ' ; hereupon he ran with all speed, and some- 
what crouching, towards the trenches. I followed after 
leisurely and upright, and yet came within the trenches before 
they on the bulwark or cortine could charge again ; which pas- 
sage afterwards being related to the Prince of Orange, he said 
it was a strange bravado of Balagny, and that we went to an 
unavoidable death. 

I could relate divers things of note concerning myself, during 
the siege ,* but do forbear, lest I should relish too much of 
vanity : it shall suffice, that my passing over the ditch unto 
the wall, first of all the nations there, is set down by William 
Crosse, master of arts, and soldier, who hath written and 
printed the history of the Low Countnes 7 . 

There happened during this siege a particular quarrel be- 
twixt me and the Lord of Walden *, eldest son to the Earl of 
Suffolk, Lord Treasurer of England at that time, which I do but 
unwillingly relate, in regard of the great esteem I have of that 
noble family ; howbeit, to avoid misreports, I have thought fit 
to set it down truly 3 . That Lord having been invited to a 

1 In all previous editions this name is wrongly punted Crofts , but no person of that 
name (so far as I have been able to discover), wrote on the -i--- ^ J.i 1 TTV f,i,i 
Crosse, ' Mr " r * f- ' ' - % ,- 1 ' - 1 --- 4 *~ 1627 a second ' ', - , < <; i.* >-'< n" 
Generall Hii'* > ' > ' ><.>' n i continuation of the narrative from 1608 
the date of i - , i " ^2- t - i writes thus (p 1294), of the fall of Juliers . 
' The English sapped or mined first into the wall before Chatitton or Bethun had ad- 
vanced so farre , the truth whereof Sir Edward Harbert, now Lord Harbert of Castle 
Island, can approoue , who carried himselfe most valiantly in all that Service, and 
brought away a mark of Honour, as beemg the first of all the Nations then passed ouer 
into the wall This I speake not out of any nationall ^T+ipittiA Truth being neerer 
to me than my Coutitrie, but onely that I might quit i . -' ' i ' > that imputation, * 
which concealment deserues in an histoncall consistone ana there spcaalh, \V}K\'M-S 
our owne, not other men's actions, are interpreted and questionable ' In the margin 
Crosse quaintly writes ' Gentle reader, if you chance to see any copie with any other 
name than that of Sir F4 wwvpf ^e 1 " <;p*>oi^d krow it was mistaken in the printing,' 
There are no other refe ' . v- II " C ' -c - nc ount of the campaign 

2 Thcophilus, created Lord Howard of Walden in 1603, was the eldest son of Thomas, 
first L,arl of Suffolk He was an officer in the present expedition, was subsequently 
Governor of Jersey (1621), succeeded his father as Earl (1626), was made K G (1628), 
held the offices of Pnvv Councillor, Constable of Dover Castle, and Captain of the Band 
of PiMi-io'ieis, pnd died 30! J uno iCjo Collins' Peerage, ed Brydges, m, 155 

<* Pevton, Loid Ho\vard of \\alden 'b second, drew up an, account of this quarrel, 
which, I have printed from the Lansdowne MS (XC) in Appendix V Wmwooa writes 



1610] Life of Lord Herbert 63 

feast in Sir Horace Vere's quarters, where (after the Low 
Country manner) there was liberal drinking, returned not 
long after to Sir Edward Cecil's quarters, at which time 
I speaking merrily to him, upon some slight occasion, he 
took that offence at me, which he would not have done at 
another time, insomuch that he came towards me in a vio- 
lent manner, which I perceiving, did more than halt-way meet 
him ; but the company were so vigilant upon us, that before 
any blow passed we were separated ; howbeit, because he made 
towards me, I thought fit the next day to send him a challenge, 
telling him, that if he had anything to say to me, I would meet 
him in such a place as no man should interrupt us \ Shortly 
after this Sir Thomas Peyton 2 came to me on his part, and 
told me my Lord would fight with me on horseback with single 
sword ; ' and J , said he, ' I will be his second ; where is yours ? J 
I replied, that neither his Lordship nor myself brought over 
any great horses with us ; that I knew he might much better 
borrow one than myself ; howbeit, as soon as he showed me 
the place, he should find me there on horseback or on foot ; 
whereupon both of us riding together upon two geldings to the 
side of a wood, Peyton said he chose that place, and the time, 
break of day the next morning. I told him I would fail neither 
place nor time, though I knew not where to get a better horse 
than the nag 1 rid on ; e and as for a second, I shall trust to 
your nobleness, who, I know, will see fair play betwixt us, 
though you come on his side '. But he urging me again to 
provide a second, I told him I could promise for none but 
myself, and that if I spoke to any of my friends in the army to 
this purpose, I doubted lest the business might be discovered 
and prevented. 

to Salisbury, zzd August 1610 . * Sir Edward Herbert (will they, mil they) hath forced 
a quarrel since my coming from the army, first upon my Lord Walden, after -upon Sir 
Thomas Somersett [see p 66] Wherein he hath offered an irreparable injune 

to my Lord Generall [Sir Edward Cecil] who hath treated him, as he hath done them 
all, with an exceeding love and kindness ' Wmwood's Memorials, m, 210. 

1 According to Peyton's account (printed in Appendit V), Sir Edward Lecil inter- 
vened early in the quarrel, and with the consent of both parties arranged a reconcili- 
ation On nth September, however, when the troops were returning home, Herbert 
made some vague rumours an excuse for renewing the former challenge His conduct 
was censured on all sides , , , , 

2 In the Lansdowne MS (printed below) Peyton's Christian name seems to be Jo , 
% & John Sir Thomas, who was M P for Dunwich in 1587 and Custodian of Plymouth, 
had a grandson, John, who settled m Virginia m 1644 Another Thomas Peyton was 
the author of a very rare poem, The Glasse of Time (Lond 1620), Sir Thomas fourth 
son Sir Henry was the most prominent member of the family at James I s court. 



64 Life of Lord Herbert [1610 

He was no sooner gone from me, but night drew on, myself 
resolving in the meantime to rest under a fair oak all night ; 
after this, tying my horse by the bridle unto another tree, I 
had not now rested two hours, when I found some fires nearer to 
me than I thought was possible in so solitary a place ; where- 
upon also having the curiosity to see the reason hereof, I got 
on horseback again, and had not rode very far, when by the 
talk of the soldiers there, I found I was in the Scotch quarter, 
where, finding in a stable a very fair horse of service, I desired 
to know whether he might be bought for any reasonable sum of 
money ; but a soldier replying it was their captain's, Sir James 
Areskm's chief horse 1 9 I demanded for Sir James, but the 
soldier answering he was not within the quarter, I demanded 
then for his lieutenant, whereupon the soldier courteously 
desired him to come to me. This lieutenant was called Mont- 
gomery, and had the reputation of a gallant man ; I told him 
that I would very fain buy a horse, and, if it were possible, the 
horse I saw but a little before ; but he telling me none was to 
be sold there, I offered to leave in his hands 100 pieces, if he 
would lend me a good horse for a day or two, he to restore me 
the money again when I delivered him the horse in good plight, 
and did besides bring him some present as a gratuity. 

The lieutenant, though he did not know me, suspected I 
had some private quarrel, and that I desired this horse to fight 
on, and thereupon told me, ' Sir, whosoever you are, you seem 
to be a person of worth, and you shall have the best horse in 
the stable ; and if you have a quarrel and want a second, I 
offer myself to serve you upon another horse, and if you will let 
me go along with you upon these terms, I will ask no pawn of 
you for the horse '. I told him I would use no second, and I 
desired him to accept 100 pieces, which I had there about me, 
in pawn for the horse, and he should hear from me shortly 
again ; and that though I did not take his noble offer of coming 
along with me, I should evermore rest much obliged to him ; 
whereupon giving him my purse with the money in it, I got 
upon his horse, and left my nag besides with him. 

Riding thus away about twelve o'clock at night to the wood 
from whence I came, I alighted from my horse and rested there 

I Aro^km is prohal.lr a rn^i ending for Ti *1 me T- rvs T -"\ r ~\rsc* ~,t *- -t f ?ovrrn 1 
of the naino, \\lioliadacLompanirdhun from Scoll.v <1 II \i , MM i 1 1 -i < ' 
identify Sir James. 



1610] Life of Lord Herbert 65 

till morning ; the day now breaking I got on horseback, and 
attended the Lord of Walden with his second The first per- 
son that appeared was a footman, who I heard afterwards was 
sent by the Lady of Walden x , who as soon as he saw me, ran 
back again with all speed ; I meant once to pursue him, but 
that I thought it better at last to keep my place. About two 
hours after Sir William St. Leger, now Lord President of 
Munster 2 , came to me, and told me he knew the cause of my 
being there, and that the business was discovered by the Lord 
Walden's rising so early that morning, and the suspicion that 
he meant to fight with me, and had Sir Thomas Peyton with 
him, and that he would ride to him, and that there were thirty 
or forty sent after us, to hinder us from meeting. Shortly 
after many more came to the place where I was, and told me 
I must not fight, and that they were sent for the same purpose, 
and that it was to no purpose to stay there, and thence rode to 
seek the Lord of Walden. I stayed yet two hours longer, but 
finding still more company came in, rode back again to the 
Scotch quarters, and delivered the horse back again, and 
received my money and nag from Lieutenant Montgomery, and 
so withdrew myself to the French quarters, till I did find some 
convenient time to send again to the Lord Walden 

Being among the French, I remembered myself of the 
bravado of Monsieur Balagny, and coming to him, told him, I 
knew how brave a man he was, and that as he had put me to 
one trial of daring, when I was last with him in his trenches, I 
would put him to another ; saying I heard he had a fair 
mistress, and that the scarf he wore was her gift, and that I 
would maintain I had a worthier mistress than he, and that I 
would do as much for her sake as he, or any else durst do for 
his. Balagny hereupon looking merrily upon me, said, ' If we 
shall try who is the abler man to serve his mistress, let both 
of us get two wenches, and he that doth his business best, let 
him be the braver man * ; and that, for his part, he had no 
mind to fight on that quarrel. I, looking hereupon some- 
what disdainfully on him, said he spoke more like a paillard 3 
than a cavalier ; to which he answering nothing, I rid my 
ways, and afterwards went to Monsieur Terant, a French 

1 Lady Howard of Walden. was Elizabeth, daughter of George Hume, Earl of Dunbar 

2 He held his post throughout the rebellion of 1641 

3 * e a dissolute fellow (Mod Fr ) 

K 



66 Life of Lord Herbert [1610 

gentleman that belonged to the Duke of Montmorency, for- 
merly mentioned , who telling me he had a quarrel with an- 
other gentleman, I offered to be his second, but he saying he 
was provided already, I rode thence to the English quarters, 
attending some fit occasion to send again to the Lord Walden. 
I came no sooner thither, but I found Sir Thomas Somerset I 
with eleven or twelve more in the head of the English, who were 
then drawing forth in a body or squadron, who seeing me on 
horseback, with a footman only that attended me, gave me 
some affronting words, for my quarrelling with the Lord of 
Walden ; whereupon I alighted, and giving my horse to 
my lacquey, drew my sword, which he no sooner saw, but he 
drew his, and also all the company with him. I running 
hereupon amongst them, put by some of their thrusts, and mak- 
ing towards him in particular, put by a thrust of his, and had 
certainly run him through, but that one Lieutenant Prichard, 
at that instant taking me by the shoulder, turned me aside ; 
but I, recovering myself again, ran at him a second time, which 
he perceiving, retired himself with the company to the tents 
which were near, though not so fast but I hurt one Proger, 
and some others also that were with him. But they being all 
at last got within the tents, I finding now nothing else to be 
done, got to my horse again, having received only a slight 
hurt on the outside of my ribs, and two thrusts, the one 
through the skirts of my doublet, and the other through 
my breeches, and about eighteen nicks upon my sword 
and hilt, and so rode to the trenches before Juhers, where 
our soldiers were. 

Not long after this, the town being now surrendered 2 , and 
everybody preparing to go their ways, I sent again a gentle- 
man to the Lord of Walden to offer him the meeting with my 
sword ; but this was avoided not veiy handsomely by him 
(contrary to what Sir Henry Rich, now Earl of Holland, 
persuaded him). 

After having taken leave of his Excellency Sir Edward 
Cecil, I thought fit to return on my way homewards as far as 
Dusseldorf. I had been scarce two hours in my lodgings 

1 Third son of Edward, Earl of Worcester, Lord Privy Seal to Queen Elizabeth and 
King James Sir Thomas was Master of the Horse to Queen Anne, was made a Kmght 
of the Bath in 1604, and created Viscount Somerset of Cashel m Ireland on 8th De- 
cember 1626 

ugust 1610. 



1610] Life of Lord Herbert 67 

when one Lieutenant Hamilton brought a letter from Sir James 
Areskin (who was then in town likewise) unto me, the effect 
whereof was, that in regard his Lieutenant Montgomery had 
told him that I had the said James Areskm's consent for bor- 
rowing his horse, he did desire me to do one of two things, 
which was, either to disavow the said words, which he thought 
m his conscience I never spake, or if I would justify them, 
then to appoint time and place to fight with him. Having 
considered a while what I was to do in this case, I told Lieuten- 
ant Hamilton that I thought myself bound in honour to accept 
the more noble part of his proposition, which was to fight with 
him, when yet perchance it might be easy enough for me to 
say that I had his horse upon other terms than was affirmed ; 
whereupon also giving Lieutenant Hamilton the length of my 
sword, I told him that as soon as over he had matched it, I 
would fight with him, wishing him further to make haste, since 
I desired to end the business as speedily as could be. Lieu- 
tenant Hamilton hereupon returning back, met in a cross 
street (I know not by what miraculous adventure) Lieutenant 
Montgomery, conveying divers of the hurt and maimed 
soldiers at the siege of Juhers unto that town, to be 
lodged and dressed by the charurgeons there ; Hamilton 
hereupon calling to Montgomery, told him the effects of his 
captain's letter, together with my answer, which Montgomery 
no sooner heard, but he replied (as Hamilton told me after- 
wards), ' I see that noble gentleman chooseth rather to fight 
than to contradict me ; but my telling a he must not be an 
occasion why either my captain or he should hazard their lives : 
I will alight from my horse, and tell my captain presently how 
all that matter passed J ; whereupon also he relating the 
business about borrowing the horse, in that manner I formerly 
set down, which as soon as Sir James Areskin heard, he sent 
Lieutenant Hamilton to me presently again, to tell me he was 
satisfied how the business passed, and that he had nothing to 
say to me, but that he was my most humble servant, and was 
sorry he ever questioned me in that manner. 

Some occasions detaining me in Dusseldorf, the next day 
Lieutenant Montgomery came to me, and told me he was in 
danger of losing his place, and desired me to make means to 
his ExceUency the Prince of Orange that he might not be 
cashiered, or else that he was undone. I told him that either 



68 Life of Lord Herbert [1610 

I would keep him in his place, or take him as my companion 
and friend, and allow him sufficient means till I could provide 
him another as good as it ; which he taking very kindly, but 
desiring chiefly he might go with my letter to the Prince of 
Orange, I obtained at last he should be restored to his place 
again. 

And now taking boat, I passed along the river of Rhine to 
the Low Countries, where after some stay, I went to Antwerp 
and Brussels ; and having passed some time in the court 
there, went from thence to Calais, where taking ship I arrived at 
Dover, and so went to London. I had scarce been two days 
there, when the Lords of the Council sending for me, ended the 
difference betwixt the Lord of Walden and myself. And now, 
if I may say it without vanity, I was in great esteem both in 
court and city ; many of the greatest desiring my company, 
though yet before that time I had no acquaintance with them. 
Richard, Earl of Dorset *, to whom otherwise I was a stranger, 
one day invited me to Dorset House, where bringing me into 
his gallery, and showing me many pictures, he at last brought 
me to a frame covered with green taffeta, and asked me who I 
thought was there , and therewithal presently drawing the 
curtain, showed me my own picture ; whereupon demanding 
how his Lordship came to have it, he answered, that he had 
heard so many brave things of me, that he got a copy of a 
picture which one Larkin a painter drew for me, the original 
whereof I intended before my departure to the Low Countries 
for Sir Thomas Lucy 2 But not only the Earl of Dorset, but a 
greater person 3 than I will here nominate, got another copy 
from Larkin, and placing it afterwards in her cabinet (without 

1 Richard Sackville, third Earl of Dor 5 ' 1 * ir--~c T| =^- of the Treasurer He married 
Anne Clifford, daughter of the Earl of C i . . ti His brother Edward succeeded 
to the earldom, on his death in 1624 

2 Sir Heary Fairfax Lucy of Charlecote Park, Warwickshire, still has in his possession 
a portrait of Lord Herbert (painted on copper), which seems to be the one presented 
to Sir Thomas Lucy One of the copies of the picture to which the text refers may 
perhaps be identified with that in the National Portrait Or 11 v T id~ \\here it is 
assigned to Larkin, ? "r^d r^^arr** -o of it forms the M- 10 to l)i Guttler's 
Eduard Lord Herbert . n ( -r i it , M . ch, 1897, No a -. ,L "' 1 <i u is men- 
tioned in works about English Art But one William Larkin., a picture-maker, was 
employed by Francis, Earl of Rutland, at Belvoir Castle in 1617, to d r aw poi traits 
of members of his family (see the Duke of Rutland's Manuscripts, iv, pp 511, 515 His- 
torical MSS Commission J An artist, Nicholas Lockte, erjoxodsomo roputc as a portrait- 
painter in James I's reign and is rnnntiorcd in Mores' J^iiiaai^ I awii 11598), but the 
suggestion that ' Larkin ' in Loul Hubert's script \i,>s ,i m-sreadmg for '"Lockie ' does 
, + , r ^, n T i v i ( . c - v, , ' , ' - I, . ,' ' *. sf\ \\oii.'im, pp 185 and 865. 

1 I 1 i> I' O c i \ ' \ ^ '! n M r,oid JIoibcMts own account, the Queen 
ri , o u I 1 , s'i >\\ -\ i M _ i i 1 jji,i i - ' . o i (cf p 69). 



1610] Life of Lord Herbert 69 

that ever I knew any such things was done) gave occasion to 
those that saw it after her death, of more discourse than I 
could have wished ; and indeed I may truly say, that taking of 
my picture was fatal to me, for more reasons than I shall think 
fit to deliver. 

There was a lady also, wife to Sir John Ayres, Kmght, who, 
finding some means to get a copy of my picture from Larkin, 
gave it to Mr. Isaac [Oliver] the painter in Blackfriars x , and 
desired him to draw it in little after his manner ; which being 
done, she caused it to be set in gold and enamelled, and so 
wore it about her neck so low that she hid it under her breasts, 
which I conceive coming afterwards to the knowledge of Sir 
John Ayres, gave him more cause of jealousy than needed, had 
he known how innocent I was from pretending to anything 
which might wrong him or his lady ; since I could not so much 
as imagine that either she had my picture, or that she bare 
more than ordinary affection to me. It is true, that as she had 
a place in court, and attended Queen Anne, and was beside of 
an excellent wit and discourse, she had made herself a consider- 
able person ; howbeit little more than common civility ever 
passed betwixt us, though I confess I think no man was wel- 
comer to her when I came, for which I shall allege this passage : 

Coming one day into her chamber, I saw her through the 
curtains lying upon her bed with a wax candle in one hand, and 
the picture I formerly mentioned in the other. I coming 
thereupon somewhat boldly to her, she blew out the candle, and 
hid the picture from me ; myself thereupon being curious to 
know what that was she held in her hand, got the candle to be 
lighted again, by means whereof I found it was my picture she 
looked upon with more earnestness and passion than I could 
have easily believed, especially since myself was not engaged 
in any affection towards her : I could willingly have omitted 
this passage, but that it was the beginning of a bloody history 
which followed 2 ; Howsoever, yet I must before the Eternal 
God clear her honour. And now in court a great person 3 sent 
for me divers times to attend her, which summons though I 

1 This famous immature-painter (1555-1617) drew portraits of all the distinguished 
men and women of James I's time, many of which are now in the national collections. 
He was buried in St. Anne's Church, Blackfriars (see Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting 
ed Wornum, i, 176-83) 

2 I have not discovered any reference to this story elsewhere. 

3 Queen Anne 



70 Life of Lord Herbert [1610 

obeyed, yet God knoweth I declined coming to her as much 
as conveniently I could, without incurring her displeasure ; and 
this I did not only for very honest reasons, but, to speak 
ingenuously, because that affection passed betwixt me and 
another lady (who I believe was the fairest of her time) l as 
nothing could divert it. I had not been long in London, when 
a violent burning fever seized upon me, which brought me 
almost to my death, though at last I did by slow degrees 
recover my health ; being thus upon my amendment, the Lord 
Lisle a , afterwards Earl of Leicester, sent me word, that Sir 
John Ayres intended to kill me in my bed, and wished me to 
keep a guard upon my chamber and person ;the same adver- 
tisement was confirmed by Lucy Countess of Bedford 3 , and 
the Lady Hoby * shortly after. Hereupon I thought fit to 
entreat Sir William Herbert, now Lord Powis 5 , to go to Sir 
John Ayres, and tell him, that I marvelled much at the infor- 
mation given me by these great persons, and that I could not 
imagine any sufficient ground hereof , howbeit, if he had any- 
thing to say to me in a fair and noble way, I would give him the 
meeting as soon as I had got strength enough to stand upon 
my legs ; Sir William hereupon brought me so ambiguous and 
doubtful an answer from him, that whatsoever he meant, he 
would not declare yet his intention, which was really, as I 
found afterwards, to kill me any way that he could since, 
as he said, though falsely, I had whored his wife. Finding 
no means thus to surprise me, he sent me a letter to this effect, 
that he desired to meet me somewhere, and that it might so fall 
out as I might return quietly again. To this I replied, that if 
he desired to fight with me upon equal terms, I should, upon 
assurance of the field and fair play, give him meeting when he 
did any way specify the cause, and that I did not think fit to 
come to him upon any other terms, having been sufficiently 
informed of his plots to assassinate me. 

After this, finding he could take no advantage against me 

1 This is in all prohahihtv the lady mentioned above on p 45 No attempt at identi- 
fication seem-, powble 

Rc\ - f <*\* o- -<- "1 son of Sir TTcrrv Sidney, and younger brother of Sir Philip, 
y.i- < , r , * I .1 *, , ," ir 1603, Vi.i>ini f i-l.' in 1604, and Earl of Liecester in 1618 
l!< >1 \\ n -'ii" 

3 The wife of Edward Earl of Bedford, the well-known patroness of Ben Jonson 
Drayton, and other poets 

* Probably Anne, second wife of Sir Edward Hoby, a patron of Camden 

8 The eldest son of Sir Edward Herbert, second son of William, Earl of Pembroke 
( created 1651) He was created Lord Powis in 1629 He died in 1655 



i6io] 



Life of Lord Herbert 71 



then in a treacherous way he resolved to assassinate me in this 
manner ; hearing I was to come to Whitehall on horseback 
with two Ictcqueys only, he attended my coming back in a place 
called Scotland Yard, at the hither end of Whitehall, as you 
come to it from the Strand, hiding himself here with four men 
armed on purpose to kill me. I took horse at Whitehall Gate, 
and passing by that place, he being armed with a sword and 
dagger, without giving me so much as the least warning, ran 
at nie furiously, but instead of me wounded my horse in the 
brisket, as far as his sword could enter for the bone ; my horse 
hereupon starting aside, he ran him again in the shoulder, which 
though it made the horse more timorous, yet gave me time to 
draw my sword. His men thereupon encompassed me, and 
wounded my horse in three places more ; this made my horse 
kick and fling in that manner as his men durst not come near 
me ; which advantage I took to strike at Sir John Ayres with 
all my force, but he warded the blow both with his sword and 
dagger ; instead of doing him harm, I broke my sword within 
a foot of the hilt. Hereupon some passenger that knew me, 
and observing my horse bleeding in so many places, and so 
many men assaulting me, and my sword broken, cried to me 
several times, ' Ride away, ride away J ; but I, scorning a base 
flight upon what terms soever, instead thereof alighted as well 
as I could from my horse. I had no sooner put one foot upon 
the ground, but Sir John Ayres pursuing me, made at my horse 
again, which the horse perceiving, pressed on me on the side I 
alighted, in that manner that he threw me down, so that I 
remained flat upon the ground, only one foot hanging in the 
stirrup, with that piece of a sword in my right hand. Sir John 
Ayres hereupon ran about the horse, and was thrusting his 
sword into me, when I, finding myself in this danger, did with 
both my arms reaching at his legs pull them towards me, till he 
fell down backwards on his head ; one of my footmen hereupon, 
who was a little Shropshire boy, freed my foot out of the 
stirrup, the other, which was a great fellow, having run away 
as soon as he saw the first assault. This gave me time to get 
upon my legs, and to put myself in the best posture I could 
with that poor remnant of a weapon. Sir John Ayres by this 
time likewise was got up, standing betwixt me and some part 
of Whitehall, with two men on each side of him, and his brother 
behind him, with at least twenty or thirty persons of his friends, 



7 2 Life of Lord Herbert [1610 

or attendants of the Earl of Suffolk '. Observing thus a body 
of men standing in opposition against me, though to speak 
truly I saw no swords drawn but by Sir John Ayrcs and his men, 
I ran violently against Sir John Ayres ; but he, knowing my 
sword had no point, held his sword and dagger over his head, as 
believing I could strike rather than thrust, which I no sooner 
perceived but I put a home thrust to the middle of his breast, 
that I threw him down with so much force, that his head fell first 
to the ground, and his heels upwards. His men hereupon as- 
saulted me, when one Mr. Mansel, a Glamorganshire gentleman, 
finding so many set against me alone, closed with one of them , a 
Scotch gentleman also closing with another, took him off also 
All I could well do to those two which remained was to ward 
their thrusts, which I did with that resolution that I got ground 
upon them. Sir John Ayres was now got up a third time, when 
I making towards him with intention to close, thinking that 
there was otherwise no safety for me, put by a thrust of his with 
my left hand, and so coming within him, received a stab with 
his dagger on my right side, which ran down my ribs as far as my 
hip, which I feeling, did with my right elbow force his hand, 
together with the hilt of the dagger, so near the upper part of 
my right side, that I made him leave hold. The dagger now 
sticking in me, Sir Henry Gary, afterwards Lord of Falkland 
and Lord Deputy of Ireland a , finding the dagger thus in my 
body, snatched it out. This while I, being closed with Sir John 
Ayres, hurt him on the head, and threw him down a third time, 
when kneeling on the ground and bestriding him, I struck at 
him as hard as I could with my piece of a sword, and wounded 
him in four several places, and did almost cut off his left hand ; 
his two men this while struck at me, but it pleased God even 
miraculously to defend me ; for when I lifted up my sword to 
strike at Sir John Ayrcs, I bore off their blows half a dozen 
times. His friends now finding him in this danger, took him 
by his head and shoulders, and drew him from betwixt my legs, 
and earned him along with them through Whitehall, at the 
stairs whereof he took boat Sir Herbert Croft 3 (as he told 

1 Thomas Howard, father of Theophilus, Lord Howard of Walden , with whom 
Herbert had lately quarrelled 

& From 1622 to 1629 Strafford was his successor in Ireland He was raised to 
the Peerage (1623), while Controller of James I's household. His son and heir was Lucius 
Gary, second Viscount Falkland 

3 Born about 157! , eldest son of Edward, the eldest son of Sir James Croft, well- 
known m Elizabeth's reign (see p 44, supra} , Knight of the Shire for Hereford, 1592 



1610] Life of Lord Herbert 73 

me afterwards) met him upon the water vomiting all the way, 
which I believe was caused by the violence of the first thrust 
I gave him. His servants, brother, and friends, being now 
retired also, I remained master of the place and his weapons , 
having first wrested his dagger from him, and afterwards struck 
his sword out of his hand. 

This being done, I retired to a friend's house in the Strand, 
where I sent for a surgeon, who searching my wound on the 
right side, and finding it not to be mortal, cured me in the space 
of some ten days, during which time I received many noble 
visits and messages from some of the best in the kingdom. 
Being now fully recovered of my hurts, I desired Sir Robert 
Harley * to go to Sir John Ay res, and tell him, that though I 
thought he had not so much honour left in him, that I could be 
any way ambitious to get it, yet that I desired to see him in the 
field with his sword in his hand : the answer that he sent was, 
that I had whored his wife, and that he would kill me with a 
musket out of a window. 

The Lords of the Privy Council, who had first sent for my 
sword, that they might see the little fragment of a weapon with 
which I had so behaved myself, as perchance the like had not 
been heard in any credible way, did afterwards command both 
him and me to appear before them ; but I absenting myself 
on purpose, sent one Humphrey Hill with a challenge to him 
in an ordinary, which he refusing to receive, Humphrey Hill 
put it upon the point of his sword, and so let it fall before him 
and the company then present. 

The Lords of the Privy Council had now taken order to appre- 
hend Sir John Ayres ; when I, finding nothing else to be done, 
submitted myself likewise to them. Sir John Ayres had now 
published everywhere, that the ground of his jealousy, and 
consequently of his assaulting me, was drawn from the con- 
fession of his wife the Lady Ayres. She, to vindicate her hon- 
our, as well as free me from this accusation, sent a letter to her 
aunt the Lady Crook, to this purpose : That her husband Sir 
John Ayres did lie falsely, in saying that I ever whored her ; 

1 60 1, 1603, 1614 ; knighted 7th May 1603 ; became a Roman Catholic about 1617, 
and a monk of Douay, where he died, loth April 1622. Retrospective Rewew, second 
set. i, 491-4 

1 Master of the Mint from 1626 to 1649 , grandfather of Harley, Earl of Oxford under 
Queen Anne His third wife was Lady Brilhana, daughter of Lord Conway, whose 
letters (printed by Camden Soc ) are well known. 



74 



Life of Lord Herbert [1610-11 



but most falsely of all did lie when he said he had it 
from her confession, for she had never said any such thing. 

This letter the Lady Crook presented to me most opportunely 
as I was going to the Council table before the Lords, who having 
examined Sir John Ayres concerning the cause of his quarrel 
against me, found him still persist in his wife's confession of the 
fact ; and now he being withdrawn, I was sent for, when the 
Duke of Lennox * afterwards of Richmond, telling me that 
was the ground of his quarrel, and the only excuse he had for 
assaulting me in, that manner \ I desired his Lordship to peruse 
the letter, which I told him was given me as I came into the 
room This letter being publicly read by a clerk of the Council, 
the Duke of Lennox then said, that he thought Sir John Ayres 
the most miserable man living ; for his wife had not only given 
him the lie, as he found by her letter, but his father had dis- 
inherited him for attempting to kill me m that barbarous 
fashion, which was most true, as I found afterwards. For the 
rest, that I might content myself with what I had done, it being 
more almost than could be believed, but that I had so many 
witnesses thereof ; for all which reasons, he commanded me, 
in the name of his Majesty and all their Lordships, not to send 
any more to Sir John Ayres, nor to receive any message from 
him, in the way of fighting, which commandment I observed. 
Howbeit I must not omit to tell, that some years afterwards, 
Sir John Ayres, returning from Ireland by Beaumans, where I 
then was, some of my servants and followers broke open the 
doors of the house where he was, and would, I believe, have cut 
him into pieces, but that I hearing thereof, came suddenly to 
the house and recalled them, sending him word also, that I 
scorned to give him the usage he gave me, and that I would 
set him free out of the town ; which courtesy of mine, as I was 
told afterwards, he did thankfully acknowledge. 

About a month after that Sir John Ayres attempted to 
assassinate me, the news thereof was carried, I know not how, 
to the Duke of Montmorency, who presently dispatched a 
gentleman with a letter to rne, which I keep, and a kind offer, 
that if I would come unto him, I should be used as his own son ; 
neither had this gentleman, as I know of, any other business in 
England* I was told besides by this gentleman, that the Duke 

t Ludovick Stuart, Duke of Lennox, created Earl of (1613) and Duke of Richmond 
(1633), was Lord Steward of the Royal Household 



i6n] 



Life of Lord Herbert 75 



heard I had greater and more enemies than did publicly declare 
themselves, which indeed was true, and that he doubted I 
might have a mischief before I was aware. 

My answer hereunto by letter was, That I rendered most 
humble thanks for his great favour in sending to me ; that no 
enemies, how great or many soever, could force me out of the 
kingdom ; but if ever there were occasion to serve him in parti- 
cular, I should not fail to come ; for performance whereof, 
it happening there were some overtures of a civil war in France 
the next year, I sent over a French gentleman who attended 
me unto the Duke of Montmorency, expressly to tell him, that 
if he had occasion to use my service in the designed war, I 
would bring over 100 horse at my own cost and charges to him, 
which that good old Duke and Constable took so kindly, that, 
as the Duchess of Ventadour his daughter, told me afterwards, 
when I was ambassador, there were few days till the last 
of his life that he did not speak of me with much affection. 

I can say little more memorable concerning myself from the 
year 1611, when I was hurt, until the year of our Lord 1614, 
than that I past my time sometimes in the court, where (I pro- 
test before God) I had more favours than I desired, and some- 
times in the country, without any memorable accident ; but 
only that it happened one time going from St. Julian's to Aber- 
gavenny, in the way to Montgomery Castle, Richard Griffiths *, 
a servant of mine, being come near a bridge over Usk, not far 
from the town, thought fit to water his horse, but the river 
being deep and strong in that place where he entered it, he was 
carried down the stream. My servants that were before me 
seeing this, cried aloud Dick Griffiths was drowning, which I no 
sooner heard, but I put spurs to my horse, and coming up to the 
place, where I saw him as high as his middle in water, leapt 
into the river a little below him, and swimming up to him, bore 
nirn up with one of my hands, and brought him unto the middle 
of the river, where (through God's great providence) was a 
bank of sand. Coming hither, not without some difficulty, 
we rested ourselves, and advised whether it were better to 
retxirn back into the side from whence we came, or to go on 
forwards ; but Dick Griffiths saying we were sure to swim if we 
returned back, and that perchance the river might be shallow 
the other way, I followed his counsel, and putting my horse 

* See p. 38 supra- 



76 Life of Lord Herbert [1611-14 

below him, bore him up in the manner I did formerly, and swim- 
ming through the river, brought him safe to the other side 
The horse I rode upon I remember cost me 40, and was the 
same horse winch Sir John Ayres hurt under me, and did swim 
excellently well, carrying me and his back above water ; 
whereas that little nag upon which Richard Griffiths rid, swam 
so low, that he must needs have drowned, if I had not supported 
him 

I will tell one history more of this horse, which I bought c f 
my cousin Fowler of the Grange, because it is memorable. I 
was passing over a bridge not far from Colebrook, which had no 
barrier on the one side, and a hole in the bridge not far from the 
middle , my horse, although lusty, yet being very timorous, 
and seeing besides but very little on the right eye, started so 
much at the hole, that upon a sudden he had put half his body 
lengthways over the side of the bridge, and was ready to fall 
into the river, with his fore-foot and hinder-foot on the right 
side, when I, foreseeing the danger I was in if I fell down, clapt 
my left foot, together with the stirrup and spur, flat-long to 
the left side, and so made him leap upon all four into the river, 
whence, after some three or four plunges, he brought 
me to land. 

The year 1614 was now entering, when I undestood that the 
Low Country and Spanish army would be in the field that 
year * , this made me resolve to offer my service to the Prince 
of Orange, who upon my coming did much welcome me, not 
suffering me almost to eat anywhere but at his table, and carry- 
ing me abroad the afternoon in his coach, to partake of those 
entertainments he delighted in when there was no pressing 
occasion The Low-Country army being now ready, his 
Excellency prepared to go into the field ; in the way to which he 
took me in his coach, and sometimes in a waggon after the Low- 
Country fashion, to the great envy of the English and French 

i The old dispute (see p 60 supra) c-^"o~n*^ deves and Juliers broke out again in 
1614. To 1 "- *V -, , 10 V. * '!,",- ic> William, the Palatine of Neuburg, 
r nr> * . < '} , ' ! . ' '~ . ' ^ n ^ tv ) A former joined the Emperor, 

\ , i t | , j , (_ 1 1 j i , -i _ " ' ,i' s a, with the >iiM>nt 01 thu 

v, /L.'/KI ',.., , , - . ,-, ii i , i - . of the Palatine of Neuburg, 

i, ,, i , ['<,' i c,it i ' I i -* i, \.' i ''c mtry. The Dutch, alarmed 
at the presence of Spmola, <iNo ontoicd th<> cUsputrd duchies and seized Emmerich and 
Rees in the duchy of Cleves Count Maurice ot .Nassau, as before, led the Dutch troops, 
and with him served Sir Horace Vere, Lord Herbert, and many other English volun- 
teers In September 1614, a vain effort was made in England to induce James 1 to send 
an army to the aid of the Elector of Brandenburg and Holland 



1614] Life of Lord Herbert 77 

chief commanders, who expected that honour. Being now 
arrived near Emmerich, one with a most humble petition came 
from a monastery of nuns, most humbly desiring that the 
soldiers might not violate their honour nor their monastery, 
whereupon I was a most humble suitor to his Excellency to 
spare them, which he granted ; but, said he, we will go and see 
them ourselves ; and thus his Excellency, and I and Sir Charles 
Morgan I only, not long after going to the monastery, found it 
deserted in great part. Having put a guard upon this monas- 
tery, his Excellency marched with his army on till we came near 
the city of Emmerich, which upon summoning yielded. And 
now leaving a garrison here, we resolved to march towards 
Rees 2 ; this place having the Spanish army, under the com- 
mand of Monsieur Spinola, on the one side, and the Low- 
Country army on the other, being able to resist neither, sent 
word to both armies, that which soever came first should 
have the place. Spinola hereupon sent word to his Excellency, 
that if we intended to take Rees, he would give him battle 
in a plain near before the town. His Excellency, nothing 
astonished hereat, marched on, his pioneers making his way 
for the army still, through hedges and ditches, till he came to 
that hedge and ditch which was next the plain ; and here 
drawing his men into battle, resolved to attend the coming of 
Spinola into the field. While his men were putting in order, I 
was so desirous to see whether Spinola with his army appeared, 
I leapt over a great hedge and ditch, attended only with one 
footman, purposing to change a pistol-shot or two with the first 
I met. I found thus some single horse in the field, who, per- 
ceiving me to come on, rid away as fast as they could, believing 
perchance that more would follow me ; having thus past to the 
further end of the field, and finding no show of the enemy, I 
rsturned back that I might inform his Excellency there was no 
hope of fighting as I could perceive. In the meantime, his 
Excellency having prepared all things for battle, sent out five 
or six scouts to discover whether the enemy were come accord- 
ing to promise ; these men finding me now coming towards 
them, thought I was one of the enemies, which being perceived 

1 Of Herefordshire: knighted at Whitehall, 236. July 1603 (Nichols's Progresses* 
i, 215) He was the intimate associate of William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, and 
saw much service as a volunteer in the Thirty Years" War 

2 See William Crosse's account of these movements in Grunestone's Histone of the 
Netherlands (1627), pp 134 et seq. 



78 Life of Lord Herbert 

by me, and I as little knowing at that time who they were, rode 
tip with my sword in my hand, and pistol, to encounter them , 
and now being come within reasonable distance, one of the 
persons there that knew me told his fellows who I was, where- 
upon I passed quietly to his Excellency and told him what I 
had done, and that I found no appearance of an army : his 
Excellency then caused the hedge and ditch before him to be 
levelled, and marched in front with his army into the middle 
of the field, from whence sending some of his forces to summon 
the town, it yielded without resistance. 

Our army made that haste to come to the place appointed 
for the battle, that all our baggage and provision were left 
behind, m so much that I was without any meat, but what 
my footman spared me out of his pocket ; and my lodging 
that night was no better, for extreme ram falling at that time 
in the open field, I had no shelter, but was glad to get on the 
top of a waggon which had straw in it, and to cover myself 
with my cloak as well as I could, and so endure that stormy 
night. Morning being come, and no enemy appearing, I went 
to the town of Rees, into which his Excellency having now put 
a garrison, marched on with the rest of his army towards 
Wezel, before which Spinola with his army lay, and in the way 
entrenched himself strongly, and attended Spinola's motions. 
For the rest, nothing memorable happened after this, betwixt 
those two great generals, for the space of many weeks. 

I must yet not omit with thankfulness to remember a favour 
his Excellency l did me at this time , for a soldier having 
killed his fellow soldier, in the quarter where they were lodged, 
which is an unpardonable fault, insomuch that no man would 
speak for him ; the poor fellow comes to me, and desires me 
to beg his life of his Excellency ; whereupon I demanding 
whether he had ever heard of a man pardoned in this kind, 
and he saying no, I told him it was in vain then for me to 
speak ; when the poor fellow writhing his neck a little, said, 
* Sir, but were it not better you shall cast away a few words, 
than I lose my life ? J This piece of eloquence moved me so 
much, that I went straight to his Excellency, and tolcl him 
what the poor fellow had said, desiring him to excuse me, if 
upon these terms I took the boldness to speak for him. There 

1 Count Maurice of Nassau, the Dutch Commander. See p 60. 



1614] 



Life of Lord Herbert 79 



was present at that time the Earl of Southampton \ as also 
Sir Edward Cecil, and Sir Horace Vere, as also Monsieur de 
Chatillon, and divers other French commanders ; to whom 
his Excellency turning himself said in French, ' Do you see 
this cavalier, with all that courage you know, hath yet that 
good nature to pray for the life of a poor soldier ? Though I 
had never pardoned any before in this kind, yet I will pardon 
this at his request ' So commanding him to be brought me, 
and disposed of as I thought fit, whom therefore I released and 
set free. 

It was now so far advanced in autumn, both armies thought 
of retiring themselves into their garrisons, when a trumpeter 
comes from the Spanish army to ours, with a challenge from 
a Spanish cavalier to this effect, That if any cavalier in our 
army would fight a single combat for the sake of his mistress, 
the said Spaniard would meet him, upon assurance of the camp 
in our army. This challenge being brought early in the morn- 
ing, was accepted by nobody till about ten or eleven of the 
clock, when the report thereof coming to me, I went straight to 
his Excellency, and told him I desired to accept the challenge. 
His Excellency thereupon looking earnestly upon me, told me 
he was an old soldier, and that he had observed two sorts of 
men who used to send challenges in this kind ; one was of 
those who, having lost perchance some part of their honour 
111 the field against the enemy, would recover it again by a 
single fight The other was of those who sent it only to dis- 
cover whether our army had in it men affected to give trial of 
themselves in this kind ; howbeit, if this man was a person, 
without exception to be taken against him, he said there was 
none he knew, upon whom he would sooner venture the honour 
of his army than myself ; and this also he spoke before divers 
of the English and French commanders I formerly nominated. 
Hereupon, by his Excellency's permission, I sent a trumpet 
to the Spanish army with this answer, That if the person who 
would be sent were a cavalier without reproach, I would answer 
him with such weapons as we should agree upon, in the place 
he offered ; but my trumpeter was scarcely arrived, as I 

i Henry Wriothesley, third Earl of Southampton, the friend of Shakespeare, had 
been attainted with the Earl of Essex m 1600-1, was restored by King James on his 
accession and made Knight of the Garter. He died in 1624. He was captain of the 
Isle of Wight 



8o Life of Lord Herbert [1614 

believe, at the Spanish, army, when another trumpeter came 
to ours from Spinola, saying the challenge was made without 
his consent, and that therefore he would not permit it. This 
message being brought to his Excellency, with whom I then 
was, he said to me presently : ' This is strange : they send a 
challenge hither, and when they have done, recall it. I should 
be glad if I knew the true causes of it '. ' Sir ', said I, * if you 
will give me leave, I will go to their army, and make the like 
challenge, as they sent hither ; it may be some scruple is made 
concerning the place appointed, being in your Excellency's 
camp, and therefore I shall offer them the combat in their 
own '. His Excellency said, ' I should never have persuaded 
you to this course, but since you voluntarily offer it, I must 
not deny that which you think to be for your honour '. Here- 
upon taking my leave of him, and desiring Sir 1 Humphrey 
Tufton, a brave gentleman, to bear me company, thus we two, 
attended only with two lackeys, rode straight towards the 
Spanish camp before Wezel ; coming thither without any 
disturbance by the way, I was demanded by the guard at the 
entering into their camp, with whom I would speak ; I told 
them with the Duke of Neuburg 2 ; whereupon a soldier was 
presently sent with us to conduct us to the Duke of Neuburg's 
tent, who remembering me well, since he saw me at the siege 
of Juliers, very kindly embraced me, and therewithal demand- 
ing the cause of my coming thither ; I told him the effect 
thereof in the manner I formerly set down : to which he replied 
only, he would acquaint the Marquis Spinola therewith ; who 
coming shortly after to the Duke of Neuburg's tent, with a 
great train of commanders and captains following him, he no 
sooner entered, but he turned to me and said, that he knew 
well the cause of my coming, and that the same reasons which 
made him forbid the Spanish cavalier to fight a combat in the 
Prince of Orange's camp, did make him forbid it in his, and 
that [none] should be better welcome to him than I would be, 
and thereupon entreated me to come and dine with him ; I 
finding nothing else to be done, did kindly accept the offer, 
and so attended him to his tent, where a brave dinner being 
put upon his table, he placed the Duke of Neuburg uppermost 

1 Third son of Sir John Tufton, and brother of Nicholas Earl of Thanet 

2 i e the Elector Palatine of Neuburg, to whose conduct I have drawn attention 
on p. 76, note 



1614] 



Life of Lord Herbert 81 



at one end of the table, and myself at the other, himself sitting 
below us, presenting with his own hand still the best of that 
meat his carver offered him ; he demanded of me then in 
Italian, ' Di che monva Sigr. Francisco Vere ? ' (Of what died 
Sir Francis Vere ?) I told him, ' Per aver mente d fare ' 
(Because he had nothing to do). Spinola replied, * E basta per 
un generate ' (And it is enough to kill a general) ; and indeed 
that brave commander, Sir Francis Vere, died not in time of 
war but of peace \ 

Taking my leave now of the Marquis Spinola, I told him that 
if ever he did lead an army against the infidels, I should adven- 
ture to be the first man that would die in that quarrel, and 
together demanded leave of him to see his army, which he 
granting, I took leave of him, and did at leisure view it; 
observing the difference in the proceedings betwixt the Low- 
Country army and fortifications, as well as I could ; and so 
returning shortly after to his Excellency, related to him the 
success of my journey. It happened about this time that Sir 
Henry Wotton mediated a peace by the long's command 2 , 
who coming for that purpose to Wezel, I took occasion to go 
along with him into Spinola's army, whence after a night's 
stay, I went on an extreme rainy day through the woods to 
Kysarswert, to the great wonder of mine host, who said all 
men were robbed or killed that went that way. From hence 
I went to Cologne, where, among other things, I saw the 
monastery of St. Herbert ; from hence I went to Heidelberg, 
where I saw the Prince and Princess Palatine, from whom 
having received much good usage 3 , I went to Ulm, and so to 
Augsbourg, where extraordinary honour was done me ; for 
coming into an inn where an ambassador from Brussels lay, the 
town sent twenty great flaggons of wine thither, whereof they 
gave eleven to the ambassador, and nine to me ; and withal 
some such compliments that I found my fame had prevented 

^'i/J? 2 , 8t ^ August 1608 Sir Francis, second son of Geoffrey, and grandson of John, 
15 th Earl of Oxford, served with the states of Holland against Spain throughout Eliza- 
beth's reign. With the peace between Spain and Holland, concluded by James 1 in 
1604, Sir Prancis's military service came to an end. He was buned in Westminster 
Abbey. Among Herbert's poems is a Latin epitaph on him See William DiUingham's 
Commentaries of Sir Francis Vere t 1657, and Fuller's Worthies 

a Sir Henry Wotton, English ambassador at Venice, on the part of James I, and 
an ambassador from France arranged at Xanten a pacification, ad Nov 1614, between 
the two claimants to the disputed duchies (see Dumont Corps Diplomatique, v, pt. 
U| 25 5\r ,* n Si ther s P inola nor Maurice would accept it, and the former straightway 
seized Wezel The war was continued in the following year 

3 See p 94, /** * 

M 



82 Life of Lord Herbert [1614 

my coming thither. From hence I went through Switzerland 
to Trent, and from thence to Venice, where I was received by 
the English ambassador S Sir Dudley Carleton, with much 
honour ; among other favours showed me, I was brought to 
see a nun in Murano, who being an admirable beauty, and 
together singing extremely well, was thought one of the rarities 
not only of that place but of the time ; we came to a room 
opposite unto the cloister, whence she coming on the other side 
of the grate betwixt us, sung so extremely well, that when she 
departed, neither my lord ambassador nor his lady, who were 
then present, could find as much as a word of fitting language 
to return her, for the extraordinary music she gave us ; when I, 
being ashamed that she should go back without some testi- 
mony of the sense we had both of the harmony of her beauty 
and her voice, said in Italian, ' Mona pur quando vuol, non 
fasogna mutar ni voce n% fac^a esser un angelo ' (Die whensoever 
you will, you will neither need to change voice, nor face, to be 
an angel) : these words it seemed were fatal, for going thence 
to Rome, and returning shortly afterwards, I heard she was 
dead in the meantime. 

From Venice, after some stay, I went to Florence, where I 
met the Earl of Oxford a and Sir Benjamin Rudyerd s . 
Having seen the rarities of this place likewise, and particularly 
that rare chapel made for the house of Medici, beautified on 
all the inside with a coarser kind of precious stone, as also that 
nail which was at one end iron, and the other gold, made so by 
virtue of a tincture into which it was put, I went to Siena, and 
from thence, a little before the Christmas holidays, to Rome. 
I was no sooner alighted at my inn, but I went straight to the 
English College, where demanding for the regent or master 
thereof 4 , a grave person not long after appeared at the door, 

1 Ambassador to Venice, Savoy, and Holland In 1638 he was appointed Secretary 
of State, and cheated Viscount Dorchester He died on i5th Feb 1631-8 

2 flea > Vere, ibih Earl of Oxford He died at the Hague in 1625, of a sickness 
cont.aofci ,.t the ^^ of Breda. His wife Diana daughter of Wilham Cecil, Earl of 
Exeter, was one of the most celebrated beauties of her time Her rare beauty is the 

SU s J s2 BeS?a^n^udTCrd, P a^wft and poet, and the intimate friend of William Earl 
of Pembroke (with whose poems Sir Benjamin's were printed by the younger Donne 
in 1669), was one of the foremost champions of the policy of English interference m 
the continental auarrels during James I's reign In Charles I f s reign, as an active 
member of Parliament, he sought to hold the balance between the King and Commons 
His memoirs were published (1828) ... 

4 No mention of Herbert is made in the list of visitors to the English College printed 
in Foley's Recta ds S J 



1615] Life of Lord Herbert 83 

to whom I spake in this manner : ' Sir, I need not tell you my 
country when you hear my language ; I come not here to 
study controversies, but to see the antiquities of the place ; if 
without scandal to the religion in which I was born and bred 
up, I may take this liberty, I should be glad to spend some 
convenient time here ; if not, my horse is yet unsaddled, and 
myself willing to go out of town '. The answer returned by 
him to me was, that he never heard anybody before me profess 
himself of any other religion than what was used in Rome ; for 
his part, he approved much my freedom, as collecting thereby 
I was a person of honour ; for the rest, that he could give me 
no warrant for my stay there, howbeit that experience did 
teach that those men who gave no affronts to the Roman 
Catholic religion, received none ; whereupon also he demanded 
my name. I telling him I was called Sir Edward Herbert, 
he replied, that he had heard men oftentimes speak of me both 
for learning and courage, and presently invited me to dinner ; 
I told him that I took his courteous offer as an argument of 
his affection ; that I desired him to excuse me, if I did not 
accept it ; the uttermost liberty I had (as the times then were 
in England) being already taken in coming to that city only, 
lest they should think me a factious person ; I thought fit to 
tell him that I conceived the points agreed upon on both sides 
are greater bonds of amity betwixt us, than that the points dis- 
agreed on could break them ; that for my part I loved every- 
body that was of a pious and virtuous life, and thought the 
errors on what side soever, were more worthy pity than hate ; 
and having declared myself thus far, I took my leave of him 
courteously, and spent about a month's time in seeing the 
antiquities of that place, which first found means to establish 
so great an empire over the persons of men, and afterwards 
over their consciences, the articles of confession and absolving 
sinners being a greater arcanum %mperi% for governing the 
world, than all the arts invented by statists formerly were. 

After I had seen Rome sufficiently, I went to Tivoh, anciently 
called Tibur, and saw the fair palace and garden there, as also 
Frascati, anciently called Tusculanum. After that I returned to 
Rome, and saw the Pope in consistory, which being done, when 
the Pope being now ready to give his blessing, I departed thence 
suddenly ; which gave such a suspicion of me, that some 
were sent to apprehend me, but I going a bye way escaped 



84 Life of Lord Herbert [1615 

them, and went to my inn to take horse, where I had not been 
now half an hour, when the master or regent of the English 
College telling me that I was accused in the Inquisition, and 
that I could stay no longer with any safety, I took this warn- 
ing very kindly ; howbeit I did only for the present change my 
lodging, and a day or two afterwards took horse, and went out 
of Rome towards Siena, and from thence to Florence. I saw 
Sir Robert Dudley 1 , who had the title of Earl or Duke of 
Northumberland given him by the Emperor, and handsome 
Mrs. Sudel [Southwell], whom he carried with him out of 
England, and was there taken for his wife. I was invited by 
them to a great feast the night before I went out of town ; 
taking my leave of them both, I prepared for my journey the 
next morning ; when I was ready to depart, a messenger came 
to me, and told me if I would accept the same pension Sir 
Robert Dudley had, being two thousand ducats per annum, 
the Duke would entertain me for his service in the war against 
the Turks. This offer, whether procured by the means of Sir 
Robert Dudley, Mrs. Sudel [Southwell], or Sigr. Loty, my 
ancient friend, I know not, being thankfully acknowledged as 
a great honour, was yet refused by me, my intention being to 
serve His Excellency a in the Low-Country war. 

After I had stayed a while, from hence I went by Ferrara 
and Bologna towards Padua, in which university having spent 
some time to hear the learned readers, and particularly Cre- 
monini 3 , I left my English horses and Scotch saddles there, for 

i Sir Robert was the son of Queen Elizabeth's Earl of Leicester, by a daughter of 
William. Lord EflBngham. Leicester thought it politic in his later years to repudiate 
this lady, and to deny that he had married her, although there is every reason to believe 
that she was his legitimate second wife (Amy Robsart being his first). Sir Robert was 
therefore never able to establish his legitimacy, though he inherited much of Leicester's 
property. He left England in anger, and retired to Italy : on his refusal to return to 
England his estates were seized by the crown. He finally resided in Tuscany and be- 
came the intimate friend of the Grand Duke. He was an exceptionally accomplished 
man, and his reputation as an artist reached the Emperor Ferdinand II, who created 
him (9th March 1620) Duke of Northumberland. Like his father, he brought serious 
matrimonial troubles on himself. He seems to have first married a sister of Sir Thomas 
Cavendish the navigator, who died young. He abandoned his second wife Alice, daughter 
of Sir Thomas Leigh, and took with him to the Continent (in the disguise of a page) 
a daughter of Sir Robert Southwell of Wood Rising, Norfolk. Miss Southwell he mar- 
ried abroad. Charles I created Sir Robert's discarded wife the Duchess of Dudley 

oth May 1644). See Walpole's Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, vol. ii. ; and 



Count Maurice of KTassau. 
3 Cesare Cremonini (1550-1631) became Professor of Philosophy at Ferrara in 1571 
and at Padua in 1590. His fame as a lecturer was wide spread. He was a zealous 
and sympathetic interpreter of Aristotle, and published a large number of philosophical 
tracts. , 



1615] Life of Lord Herbert 85 

on them I rid all the way from the Low Countries, I went by 
boat to Venice. The Lord Ambassador, Sir Dudley Carleton, 
by this time had a command to reside a while in the court of 
the Duke of Savoy I > wherewith also his Lordship acquainted 
me, demanding whether I would go thither ; this offer was 
gladly accepted by me, both as I was desirous to see that court, 
and that it was in the way to the Low Country, where I meant 
to see the war the summer ensuing. 

Coming thus in the coach with my Lord Ambassador to 
Milan, the governor thereof invited my Lord Ambassador to 
his house, and sometimes feasted him during his stay there. 
Here I heard that famous nun singing to the organ m this 
manner ; another nun beginning first to sing, performed her 
part so well, that we gave her much applause for her excellent 
art and voice ; only we thought she did sing somewhat lower 
than other women usually did ; hereupon also being ready to 
depart, we heard suddenly, for we saw nobody, that nun which 
was so famous, sing an eight higher than the other had done : 
her voice was the sweetest, strongest, and clearest, that ever I 
heard, m the using whereof also she showed that art as ravished 
us into admiration. 

From Milan we went to Novara, as I remember, where we 
were entertained by the governor, being a Spaniard, with one 
of the most sumptuous feasts that ever I saw, being but of nine 
dishes, m three several services , the first whereof was, three 
ollas podridas, consisting of all choice boiled meats, placed in 
three large silver chargers, which took up the length of a great 
table ; the meat in it being heightened up artificially, pyramid 
wise, to a sparrow which was on the top. The second service 
was like the former, of roast meat, in which all manner of fowl 
from the pheasant and partridge, to other fowl less than them, 
were heightened up to a lark. The third was in sweetmeats 
dry of all sorts, heightened in like manner to a round comfit. 

From hence we went to Vercelh, a town of the Duke of 
Savoy's, frontier to the Spaniard, with whom the Duke was then 
in war ; from whence, passing by places of least note, we came 
to Turin, where the Duke of Savoy's court was. After I had 

i Charles Emanuel I. Negotiations were opened early m James Ps reign to marry 
Prince Henry and the Princess Elizabeth to a daughter and son of the Duke From 
1612-5 the Duke was engaged m a harassing war with his brother-m-law, Phihp 111 
of Spain, and in April 1615 James I sent him a present of 15,000 to aid him m its prose 
cution 



86 Life of Lord Herbert [1615-16 

refreshed myself liere some two or three days, I took leave of 
my Lord Ambassador with intention to go to the Low Countries, 
and was now upon the way thither, as far as the foot of Mount 
Cenis, when the Court Scarnanssi came to me from the Duke *, 
and brought a letter to this effect : That the Duke had heard I 
was a cavalier of great worth, and desirous to see the wars, and 
that if I would serve him I should make my own conditions. 
Finding so courteous an invitation, I returned back, and was 
lodged by the Duke of Savoy m a chamber furnished with 
silk and gold hangings, and a very rich bed, and defrayed at 
the Duke's charges in the English ambassador's house. The 
Duke also confirmed unto me what the Count Scarnafissi had 
said, and together bestowed divers compliments on me I told 
his Highness, that when I knew in what service he pleased to 
employ me, he should find me ready to testify the sense I had 
of his princely invitation. 

It was now in the time of Carnival, when the Duke, who 
loved the company of ladies and dancing as much as any prince 
whosoever, made divers masks and balls, in which his own 
daughters, among divers other ladies, danced ; and here it was 
his manner to place me always with his own hand near some 
fair lady, wishing us both to entertain each other with some 
discourse, which was a great favour among the Italians. He 
did many other ways also declare the great esteem he had of 
me without coming to any particular, the time of the year for 
going into the field being not yet come , only he exercised his 
men often, and made them ready for his occasions in the 
spring. 

The Duke at last resolving how to use my service, thought 
fit to send me to Languedoc in France, to conduct 4,000 men 
of the reformed religion, who had promised their assistance in 
his war 2 , unto Piedmont. I willingly accepted this offer ; so 
taking my leave of the Duke, and bestowing about 70 oiSo 
among his officers, for the kind entertainment I had received, 
I took my leave also of my Lord Ambassador, and Sir Albertus 



i Scarnafissi is best known to English readers by his visit to England in 1616-7* when 
he sought James I's aid in behalf of his master, who had just been forced into a new 
war with Spain Raleigh, who was preparing for his expedition to Guiana, seemed 
anxious to divert his efforts and attack Genoa in support of Savoy, but the negotia- 
tions with Scarnafissi were suddenly broken off See Gardiner's History, in, 49-52, 



, 
2 \*e. with 



1616] Life of Lord Herbert 87 

Morton \ who was likewise employed there, and prepared lor 
my journey, for more expedition of which I was desired to go 
post. An old Scotch knight of the Sandilands 2 hearing this, 
desired to borrow my horses as far as Heidelberg, which I 
granted, on condition that he would use them well by the 
way, and give them good keeping in that place afterwards. 

The Count Scarnanssi was commanded to bear me company 
in this journey, and to carry with him some jewels, which he 
was to pawn in Lyons in France, and with the money gotten 
for them to pay the soldiers above nominated , for though 
the Duke had put extreme taxations on his people, insomuch 
that they paid not only a certain sum for every horse, ox, cow, 
or sheep that they kept, but afterwards for every chimney ; and, 
finally, every single person by the poll, which amounted to a 
pistole, or 145. a-head or person, yet he wanted money ; at 
which I did not so much wonder as at the patience of his 
subjects, of whom I demanded how they could bear their 
taxations ? I have heard some of them answer, ' We are not 
so much offended with the Duke for what he takes from us, as 
thankful for what he leaves us '. 

The Count Scarnanssi and I, now setting forth, rid post all 
day without eating or drinking by the way, the Count telling 
me still we should come to a good inn at night. It was now 
twilight when the Count and I came near a solitary inn, on the 
top of a mountain ; the hostess hearing the noise of horses, 
came out with a child new born on her left arm, and a rush candle 
in her hand : she presently knowing the Count de Scarnafissi, 
told him, ' Ah, Signor, you are come in a very ill time, the 
Duke's soldiers have been here to-day, and have left me no- 
thing '. I looked sadly upon the Count, when he coming near 
to me whispered me in the ear, and said, 'It may be she 
thinks we will use her as the soldiers have done : go you into 
the house, and see whether you can find anything ; I will go 
round about the house, and perhaps I shall meet with some 
duck, hen, or chicken ' ; entering thus into the house, I found 

1 Sent to Savoy m May 1614 as assistant to Sir Dudley Carletoa, the English ambas- 
sador there Early in 1616 Morton became secretary to the Electress Palatine (Elizabeth) 
at Heidelberg (Col State Papers (Dom) 1611-8 ) He was a nephew of Sir Henry 
Wotton, and served him as secretary at Venice He died in 1625 

2 Sir Tames Sandilands, a Scotch knight, was m 1604 Gentleman Usher of the Privy 
Chamber In 1605 the Queen and Prmce Henry stood sponsors at ^the christening 
of one of his children He was made maistre d'hosM to the Princess Elizabeth on her 
marriage in 1613 He was buried at Greanwich ;th June i6i8._ See Ryes bngland 
as wen by Foreigners, pp 255-6 



88 Life of Lord Herbert [1616 

for all other furniture of it, the end of an old form, upon which 
sitting down, the hostess came towards me with a rush candle, 
and said, c I protest before God that is true which I told the 
Count, here is nothing to eat ; but you are a gentleman, me- 
thmks it is pity you should want ; if you please I will give 
you some milk out of rny breasts, into a wooden dish I have 
here '. This unexpected kindness made that impression on 
me ? that I remember I was never so tenderly sensible of 
anything. My answer was, ' God forbid I should take away the 
milk from the child I see in thy arms ; howbeit, I shall take 
it all my life for the greatest piece of charity that ever I heard 
of ' ; and therewithal, giving her a pistole, or a piece of gold 
of 145., Scarnafissi and I got on horseback again and rid 
another post, and came to an inn, where we found very coarse 
cheer, yet hunger made us relish it. 

In this journey I remember I went over Mount Gabelet by 
night, being earned down that precipice in a chair, a guide that 
went before bringing a bottle of straw with him, and kindling 
pieces of it from time to time, that we might see our way. 
Being at the bottom of a hill, I got on horseback and rid to 
Burgome, resolving to rest there a while ; and the rather, to 
speak truly, that I had heard divers say, and particularly 
Sir John Finet I and Sir Richard Newport 2 , that the host's 
daughter there was the handsomest woman that ever they 
saw in their lives. Coming to the inn, the Count Scarnafissi 
wished me to rest two or three hours, and he would go before 
to Lyons to prepare business for my journey to Languedoc, 
The host's daughter being not within, I told her father and 
mother that I desired only to see their daughter, as having 
heard her spoken of in England with so much advantage, that 
divers told me they thought her the handsomest creature 
that ever they saw. They answered she was gone to a mar- 
riage, and should be presently sent for, wishing me in the 
meanwhile to take some rest upon a bed, for they saw I needed 
it. Waking now about two hours afterwards, I found her 
sitting by me, attending when I would open mine eyes. I 
shall touch a little of her description : her hair being of a 

1 Master of the Ceremonies to James I , and author of a curious book on ceremonies 
and points of precedence, kno\vii as Fineti Plnloxen** 'er 1 Tnm' 1 ' 1 H r we 1 1 1656) Weldon 
states that Fmet was eminent as a composer of 1 ,o * n - v n ' f "lies I delighted 
to hear sung after supper See Court of James / ,'IM ^ i \ i<) 

2 A first cousm of Lord Herbert's Sec p 10,, n i. 



1616] Life of Lord Herbert 89 

shining black, was naturally curled in that order that a curious 
woman would have dressed it, for one curl rising by degrees 
above another, and every bout tied with a small ribbon of a 
naccarine 1 , or the colour that the Knights of the Bath wear, 
gave a very graceful mixture, while it was bound up in this 
manner from the point of her shoulder to the crown of her 
head ; her eyes, which were round and black, seemed to be 
models of her whole beauty, and in some sort of her air, while 
a kind of light or flame came from them not unlike that which 
the ribbon which tied up her hair exhibited ; I do not remember 
ever to have seen a prettier mouth, or whiter teeth ; briefly, 
all her outward parts seemed to become each other, neither 
was there anything that could be misliked, unless one should 
say her complexion was too brown, which yet from the shadow 
was heightened with a good blood in her cheeks. Her gown was 
a green Turkey grogram, cut all into panes or slashes, from the 
shoulder and sleeves unto the foot, and tied up at the distance 
of about a hand's-breadth everywhere with the same ribbon 
with which her hair was bound ; so that her attire seemed 
as bizare as her person. I am too long in describing an host's 
daughter ; howbeit I thought I might better speak of her than 
of divers other beauties, held to be the best and fairest of the 
time, whom I have often seen. In conclusion, after about an 
hour's stay, I departed thence, without offering so much as 
the least incivility ; and indeed, after so much weariness, it 
was enough that her sight alone did somewhat refresh me. 
From hence I went straight to Lyons. Entermg the gate, 
the guards there, after their usual manner, demanded of me 
who I was, whence I came, and whither I went ? to which, 
while I answered, I observed one of them look very attentively 
upon me, and then again upon a paper he had in his hand ; 
this having been done divers times, bred in me a suspicion that 
there was no good meaning in it, and I was not deceived in my 
conjecture ; for the Queen-mother of France 2 having newly 
made an edict, that no soldiers should be raised in France, 
the Marquis de Rambouillet 3 , French ambassador at Turin, 

1 From the French ndcre, mother-of-pearl 

2 Mane de Medicis 

3 Charles d'Angennes, who succeeded his father as Marquis of Rambouillet In i6rr. 
His wife was the famous Madame de Rambouillet, who presided over the well-known 
assemblies of wits and poets at the Hotel de Rambouillet, in the Rue Saint Thomas 
du Louvre a house which she in great part designed Her daughter Julie (born 1607) 

N 



9 o 



Life of Lord Herbert [1616 



sent word of my employment to the Marquis de St. Chaumont, 
then governor of Lyons, as also a description of my person. 
This edict was so severe, as they who raised any men were to 
lose then- heads. In this unfortunate conjuncture of affairs, 
nothing fell out so well on my part, as that I had not raised as 
yet any men; howbeit, the guards requiring me to come 
before the governor, I went with them to a church where he 
was at vespers ; this while I walked m the lower part of the 
church, little imagining what danger I was in had I levied 
any men. I had not walked there long, when a single person 
came to me, apparelled in a black stuff suit, without any 
attendants upon him, when I, supposing this person to be 
any man rather than the governor, saluted him without much 
ceremony. His first question was, whence I came ? I 
answered, from Turin. He demanded then, whither I would 
go * I answered, I was not yet resolved. His third question 
was, what news at Turin ? to which I answered, that I had no 
news to tell, as supposing him to be only some busy or in- 
quisitive person. The Marquis hereupon called one of the 
guards that conducted me thither, and after he had whispered 
something in his ear, wished me to go along with him, which 
I did willingly, as believing this man would bring me to the 
governor. This man silently leading me out of the church, 
brought me to a fair house, into which I was no sooner entered 
but he told me I was commanded to prison there by him I 
saw in the church, who was the governor ; I replied, I did not 
know him to be governor, nor that that was a prison, and that 
if I were out of it again, neither the governor nor all the town 
could bring me to it alive. The master of the house 
hereupon spoke me very fair, and told me he would conduct 
me to a better chamber than any I could find in an inn, 
and thereupon conducted me to a very handsome lodging 
not far from the river. I had not been here half an hour 
when Sir Edward Sackville l (now Earl of Dorset) hearing 

afterwards (1645) Duchesse de Montausier, was almost as prominent a figure as herself 
in pJnsian soJicty Tallemant des Reau'x gives a very amusing account of father, 
mother and daughter in his Htstortettes, iu, 204-58 

i Second son of Robert, second Earl of Dorset, and grandson of Thomas, first Earl, 
author of Gorbodiv and Lord Treasurer of England for many years He is best known 
bv his duel with Lord Bruce of Kmloss in 1613 He succeeded to the earldom of Dorset 
on hfs eidei^brother's deathin 1624 Ho mnrncd Mnrx, daughter c .f Sir George Cuon 
Lord Herbert wrote a very quaint epitaph on Sir Ldwiul Sackville's Erst child, who 
died in his birth ', 



i6i6] 



Life of Lord Herbert 91 



only that an Englishman was committed, sent to know 
who I was, and why I was imprisoned. The governor not 
knowing whether to lay the fault upon my short answers to 
him, or my commission to levy men contrary to the Queen's 
edict, made him so doubtful an answer, (after he had a little 
touched upon both) as he dismissed him unsatisfied. 

Sir Edward Sackville hereupon coming to the house where 
I was, as soon as ever he saw me embraced me, saying, ' Ned 
Herbert, what doest thou here ? * I answered, ' Ned Sackville, 
I am glad to see you, but I protest I know not why I am here ' 
He again said, * Hast thou raised any men yet for the Duke of 
Savoy ? ' I replied, ' Not so much as one ' ' Then % said he, 
' I will warrant thee, though I must tell thee the governor is 
much offended at thy behaviour and language in the church 3 
(I replied it was impossible for me to imagine him to be governor 
that came without a guard, and in such mean clothes as he 
then wore.) I will go to him again, and tell him what you 
say, and doubt not but you shall be suddenly freed '. Here- 
upon returning to the governor, he told of what family I was, 
and of what condition, and that I had raised no men, and that 
I knew him not to be governor ; whereupon the Marquis 
wished him to go back, that he would come in person to free me 
out of the house. 

This message being brought me by Sir Edward Sackville, I 
returned this answer only : That it was enough if he sent 
order to free me. While these messages past, a company of 
handsome young men and women, out of I know not what 
civility, brought music under the window and danced before 
me, looking often up to see me ; but Sir Edward Sackville 
being now returned with order to free me, I only gave them 
thanks out of the window, and so went along with them to the 
governor. Being come into a great hall where his lady was, 
and a large tram of gentlewomen and other persons, the 
governor, with his hat in his hand, demanded of me whether I 
knew him. ? when his noble lady, answering for me, said, how 
could he know you, when you were in the church alone, and in 
this habit, being for the rest wholly a stranger to you ? which 
civility of hers, though I did not presently take notice of it, 
I did afterwards most thankfully acknowledge, when I was 
ambassador in France. The governor's next questions were 
the very same he made when he met me in the church ; to 



9 2 Life of Lord Herbert [1616 

which I made the very same answers before them all, conclud- 
ing that as I did not know him, he could think it no incongruity 
if I answered in those terms : the governor yet was not satisfied 
herewith, and his noble lady taking my part again, gave him 
those reasons for my answering him in that manner, that they 
silenced him from speaking any further. The governor turning 
back, I likewise, after an humble obeisance made to his lady, 
returned with Sir Edward SackviUe to my lodgings. 

This night I passed as quietly as I could, but the next morning 
advised with him what I was to do ; I told him I had received 
a great affront, and that I intended to send him a challenge, in 
such courteous language, that he could not refuse it: Sir 
Edward SackviUe by all means dissuaded me from it; by 
which I perceived I was not to expect his assistance therein, 
and indeed the next day he went out of town. 

Being alone now, I thought on nothing more than how to 
send him a challenge, which at last I penned to this effect : 
That whereas he had given me great offence, without a cause, 
I thought myself bound as a gentleman to resent it, and there- 
fore desired to see him with his sword in his hand in any 
place he should appoint ; and hoped he would not interpose 
his authority as an excuse for not complying with his honour 
on this occasion, and that so I rested his humble servant. 

Finding nobody in town for two or three days by whom I 
might send this challenge, I resolved for my last means to 
deliver it in person, and observe how he took it, intending to 
right myself as I could, when I found he stood upon his 
authority. 

This night it happened that Monsieur Terant, formerly 
mentioned, came to the town ; this gentleman knowing me 
well, and remembering our acquaintance both at France and 
Juliers, wished there were some occasion for him to serve me ; 
I presently hereupon, taking the challenge out of my pocket, 
told him he would oblige me extremely if he were pleased to 
deliver it, and that I hoped he might do it without danger, 
since I knew the Ftench to be so brave a nation, that they 
would never refuse or dislike anything that was done in an 
honourable and worthy way. 

Terant took the challenge from me, and after he had read it, 
told me that the language was civil and discreet ; neverthe- 
less he thought the governor would not return me that answer 



1616] Life of Lord Herbert 93 

I expected ; howsoever, said he, I will deliver it. Returning 
thus to my inn, and intending to sleep quieter that night than 
I had done three nights before ; about one of the clock after 
midnight, I heard a great noise at my door, which awakened 
me, certain persons knocking so hard as if they would break it , 
besides, through the chinks thereof I saw light. This made me 
presently rise in my shirt, when, drawing my sword, I went to 
the door, and demanded who they were , and together told 
them that if they came to make me prisoner, I would rather 
die with my sword in my hand ; and therewithal opening the 
door, I found upon the stairs half a dozen men armed with 
halberts, whom I no sooner prepared to resist, but the chief of them 
told me, that they came not to me from the governor, but from 
my good friend the Duke of Montmorency 1 , son to the Duke 
I formerly mentioned, and that he came to town late that 
night, in his way from Languedoc (of which he was governor) 
to Paris ; and that he desired me, if I loved him, to rise 
presently and come to him, assuring me further that this was 
most true ; hereupon wishing them to retire themselves, I 
drest myself, and went with them. They conducted me to the 
great hall of the governor, where the Duke of Montmorency, 
and divers other cavaliers, had been dancing with the ladies ; 
I went presently to the Duke of Montmorency, who, taking me 
a little aside, told me that he had heard of the passages betwixt 
the governor and me, and that I had sent him a challenge ; 
howbeit, that he conceived men in his place were not bound to 
answer as private persons for those things they did by virtue of 
their office ; nevertheless, that I should have satisfaction in 
as ample manner as I could reasonably desire. Hereupon, 
bringing me with him to the governor, he freely told me that 
now he knew who I was, he could do no less than assure me 
that he was sorry for what was done, and desired me to take 
this for satisfaction ; the Duke of Montmorency hereupon 
said presently, C'est assez ; it is enough. I then turning to 
him, demanded whether he would have taken this satisfaction 
in the like case ? He said, yes. After this, turning to the 

1 Henri II, Due de Montmorency, born 1595, the idol of the French court in his youth, 
succeeded his father as governor of Languedoc m 1613 and to his father's title at his 
death in 1614. He resisted the rising power of Richelieu for many years, but 
ultimately found it too strong for him. He therefore entered into what was construed 
to be a treasonable conspiracy against the king and Richelieu, was arrested, and was 
beheaded at Toulouse, 3oth Oct 1633. 



94 Life of Lord Herbert [1616 

governor, I demanded the same question, to which he answered, 
that he would have taken the same satisfaction, and less too. 
I kissing my hand, gave it him, who embraced me, and so this 
business ended. 

After some compliments past between the Duke of Mont- 
morcncy,who remembered the great love his father bore me, 
which he desired to continue in his person, and putting me in 
mind also of our being educated together for a while, demanded 
whether I would go with him to Pans ? I told him that I was 
engaged to the Low Countries, but that wheresoever I was I 
should be his most humble servant. 

My employment with the Duke of Savoy in Laiiguedoc being 
thus ended, I went from Lyons to Geneva, where I found also 
my fame had prevented * my coming ; for the next morning 
after my arrival, the state taking notice of me, sent a messenger 
in their name to congratulate my being there, and presented 
me with some flaggons of wine, desiring me (if I staid there any 
while) to see their fortifications, and give my opinion of them , 
which I did, and told them I thought they were weakest where 
they thought themselves the strongest ; which was on the 
hilly part, where indeed they had made great fortifications ; 
yet as it is a rule in war, that whatsoever may be made by art 
may be destroyed by art again, I conceived they had need to 
fear the approach of an enemy on that part rather than any 
other. They replied, that divers great soldiers had told them 
the same ,- and that they would give the best order they could 
to serve themselves on that side. 

Having rested here some while to take physic (my health 
being a little broken with long travel) I departed, after a fort- 
night's stay, to Basle, where taking a boat upon the river, I 
came at length to Strasbourg, and from thence went to Heidel- 
berg, where I was received again by the Prince Elector and 
Princess with much kindness, and viewed at leisure the fair 
library there, the gardens, and other rarities of that place 2 ; 
and here I found my horses I lent to Sandilands in good plight , 3 

1 ^ e anticipated 

2 See p. 81, supra. Lord Herbert's statement of his intimacy with the Elector 
Palatine and his wife, the Princess Elizabeth, is corroborated by the letter from the 
Princess to him, which I print below. An interesting relic of the EVctor's librarv here 
referred to, is now in the British Museum It i& the Princess s cor\ of Raleigh's Ifa'or" 
of the World, 1614. A curious history 01 the book ib given, bv Mi R\c m his Lngland 
as seen by Foreigners, p 222-3 

3 See note 2 on p. 87, 



i6i6] 



Life of Lord Herbert 95 



which I then bestowed upon some servants of the Prince, in 
way of retribution for my welcome thither. From, hence 
Sir George Calvert \ and myself went by water, for the most 
part, to the Low Countries, where taking leave of each other, 
I went straight to his Excellency a , who did extraordinarily 
welcome me, insomuch that it was observed that he did never 
outwardly make so much of any one as myself 

It happened this summer that the Low-Country army was 
not drawn into the field, so that the Prince of Orange a past 
his time at playing at chess with me after dinner ; or in going 
to Ryswick with him to see his great horses ; or in making 
love ; in which also he used me as his companion, yet so that 
I saw nothing openly, more than might argue a civil familiarity 
When I was at any time from him, I did by his good leave 
endeavour to raise a troop of horse for the Duke of Savoy's 
service, as having obtained a commission to that purpose for 
my brother William 4 , then an officer in the Low Country. 
Having these men in readiness, I sent word to the Count 
Scarnafissi thereof, who was now ambassador in England 5 
telling him, that if he would send money, my brother was 
ready to go. 

Scarnafissi answered me, that he expected money in Eng- 
land, and that as soon as he received it, he would send over so 
.much as would pay an hundred horse. But a peace betwixt 
him and the Spaniard being concluded not long after at Asti a , 
the whole charge of keeping this horse fell upon me, without 
ever to this day receiving any recompense. 

Winter now approaching, and nothing more to be done for 
that year, I went to the Bnll to take shipping for England- 

1 Appointed Secretary of State in 1619. He resigned the post on declaring himself 
a Catholic m 1625, and was soon afterwards created Lord Baltimore m the Irish peerage. 
See Horace Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, vol u 

2 Count Maurice of Nassau. 

3 This is apparently another reference to Count Maunce of Nassau. See p. 60, note 4. 

* See p. ii, supra 

5 At the close of 1616 

* Lord Herbert clearly acted precipitately The terms of this treaty between Spain 
and Savoy were first broached in 1615 Scarnafissi received his final answer Eng- 
land's refusal to aid his master in January 1616-17, apparently before Herbert raised 
his troops, and the treaty of Asti was permanently determined a few months later. 
When Scarnafissi applied for assistance to continue the war, it is probable that both 
James I and his minister Somerset anticipated that the peace would be ultimately con- 
firmed by the two powers Raleigh's anxiety to divert his expedition to the service 
of the Puke of Savoy caused Scarnafissi's demand to be entertained for a few weeks, 
but no farsighted politician could have believed that much would come of the nego- 
tiation. 



96 Life of Lord Herbert [1616 

Sir Edward Conway \ who was the governor at that place, 
and afterwards Secretary of State, taking notice of my being 
there, came to me, and invited me every day to come to him, 
while I attended only for a wind ; which serving at last for 
my journey, Sir Edward Conway conducted me to the ship, 
into which as soon as I was entered he caused six pieces of 
ordnance to be discharged for my farewell. I was scarce gone 
a league into the sea, when the wind turned contrary, and forced 
me back again Returning thus to the Brill, Sir Edward 
Conway welcomed me as before ; and now, after some three 
or four days, the wind serving, he conducted me again to the 
ship, and bestowed six volleys of ordnance upon me I was 
now about half way to England, when a most cruel storm arose, 
which tore our sails and spent our masts, insomuch that the 
master of our ship gave us all for lost, as the wind was extreme 
high, and together contrary ; we were carried at last, though 
with much difficulty, back again to the Brill, where Sir Edward 
Conway did congratulate my escape ; saying, he believed 
certainly, that (considering the weather) I must needs be cast 
away. 

After some stay here with my former welcome, the wind 
being now fair, I was conducted again to my ship by Sir 
Edward Conway, and the same volleys of shot given me, 
and was now scarce out of the haven, when the wind again 
turned contrary, and drove me back. This made me resolve 
to try my fortune here no longer , hiring a small bark there- 
fore, I went to the sluice, and from thence to Ostend, where 
finding company, I went to Brussels. In the inn where I 
lay, here an ordinary was kept, to which divers noblemen and 
principal officers of the Spanish army resorted : sitting among 
these at dinner, the next day after my arrival, no man knowing 
me, or informing himself who I was, they fell into discourse 
of divers matters, in Italian, Spanish, and French , and at 
last three of them, one after another, began to speak of King 
James, my master, in a very scornful manner ; I thought 
with myself then, that if I was a base fellow, I need not take 
any notice thereof, since no man knew me to be an Englishman, 

3- Knighted by the ill-fated Earl of Essex: at Cadiz in 1596, he afterwards served in 
the Low Countries, as governor of the Brill He was made a principal Secretary of 
State by James I in 1623 arid created Lord Conway in 1624. He was afterwards Lord- 
President of the Council. He died in 1630 



1617] Life of Lord Herbert 97 

or that I did so much as understand their language ; but my 
heart burning within me, I, putting off my hat, arose from the 
table, and turning myself to those that sat at the upper end, 
who had said nothing to the King my master's prejudice, I 
told them in Italian, Son Inglese ; * I am an Englishman ; and 
should be unworthy to live if I suffered these words to be spoken 
of the King my master ' ; and therewithal turning myself 
to those who had injured the King, I said, ' You have spoken 
falsely, and I will fight with you all '. Those at the upper end 
of the table, finding I had so much reason on my part, did 
sharply check those I questioned, and, to be brief, made them 
ask the King's forgiveness, wherewith also the King's health 
being drank round about the table, I departed thence to Dun- 
kirk, and thence to Gravelines, where I saw, though unknown, 
an English gentlewoman enter into a nunnery there. I went 
thence to Calais ; it was now extreme foul weather, and I 
could find no master of a ship willing to adventure to sea ; how- 
beit, my impatience was such, that I demanded of a poor 
fisherman there whether he would go ? he answered, his ship 
was worse than any in the haven, as being open above, and 
without any deck, besides, that it was old ; but, saith he, 
c I care for my hf e as little as you do, and if you will go, my 
boat is at your service f . 

I was now scarce out of the haven, when a high grown sea 
had almost overwhelmed us, the waves coming in very fast 
into our ship, which we laded out again the best we could ; not- 
withstanding which, we expected every minute to be cast away; 
it pleased God yet before we were gone six leagues into the sea, 
to cease the tempest, and give us a fair passage over to the 
Downs, where, after giving God thanks for my delivery from 
this most needless danger that ever I did run, I went to 
London. I had not been here ten days when a quartan ague 
seized on me, which held me for a year and a half without 
intermission, and a year and a half longer at spring and fall : 
the good days I had during all this sickness, I employed in 
study, the ill being spent in as sharp and long fits as I think 
ever any man endured, which brought me at last to be so 
lean and yellow, that scarce any man did know me. It hap- 
pened during this sickness, that I walked abroad one day 
towards Whitehall, where, meeting with one Emerson, who 



98 Life of Lord Herbert [1617 

spoke very disgraceful words of Sir Robert Harley > f being 
then my dear friend, my weakness could not hinder me to be 
sensible of my friend's dishonour ; shaking him therefore by a 
long beard he wore, I stept a little aside, and drew my sword in 
the street , Captain Thomas Scriven, a fnend of mine, being 
not far off on one side, and divers friends of his on the other 
side. All that saw me wondered how I could go, being so weak 
and consumed as I was, but much more that I would offer to 
fight , howsoever, Emerson, instead of drawing his sword, ran 
away into Suffolk House, and afterwards informed the Lords of 
the Council of what I had done ; who not long after sending for 
me, did not so much reprehend my taking part with my friend, 
as that I would adventure to fight, being in such a bad con- 
dition of health. Before I came wholly out of my sickness, Sir 
George Vilhers, afterwards Duke of Buckingham, came mto 
the King's favour a ; this cavalier meeting me accidentally at 
the Lady Stanhope's 3 house, came to me, and told me he had 
heard so much of my worth, as he would think himself happy 
if, by his credit with the King, he could do me any service ; 
I humbly thanked him, but told him, that for the present I 
had need of nothing so much as of health, but that if ever I 
had ambition, I should take the boldness to make my address 
by him. 

I was no sooner perfectly recovered of this long sickness, 
but the Earl of Oxford and myself resolved to raise two 
regiments for the service of the Venetians *, While we were 
making ready for this journey, the King having an occasion to 
send an ambassador into France, required Sir George Villiers 
to present him with the names of the fittest men for that 
employment that he knew, whereupon eighteen names, 



ieWliers, for whom the King had manifested a liking on first seeing 
made the Kmg' O^P-P- On 23* April 1615 he became a Gentleman 
' - - ' * ' Somcf-sct's onomios At co.irt hoped to use 
i 1 - -i. vouiite, bin he .n shn wd , noi V h to turn 



im as a ec to , , i - -. vouiie, i . 

^s^tutuon to his o^n advantage Created Viscount Villiers in 1616 and Earl of 

fcSam in tfiT?, has at the time of which Lord Herbert is now writing all power- 
nil in the Kini? - C OI!M< il Lord Herbert remained faithful to him to the last 

J ( Artiniiie, daiuhiflr ol irancis Lord Hastings, heir of the 4th Earl of Huntingdon, 
married in 1603, Philip, created Lord Stanhope in 1616, and Earl of Chesterfield Uth 
August '1628} She died a8th August 1636, id from her son, Henry Stanhope, de- 



ow of Oxford was at Venice ttioughont , to. 

In iM the Venetian ambassador'* London was raising oops ^ aesemoB o f his 
republic, and by 3 oth March had hired eight ships, in which Sir Henry ^a^nd 
Sir Henry Mainwanng were to have leading commands Neither the Earl of Oxford 
nor Lord Herbert appears to have taken an active part in this business. 



1618] Life of Lord Herbert 99 

among which, mine was, being written in a paper, were presented 
to him ; the King presently chose me, yet so as he desired 
first to have the approbation of his Privy Council, who, con- 
firming his Majesty's choice, sent a messenger to my house 
among gardens, near the Old Exchange l , requiring me to 
come presently to them. Myself little knowing then the hon- 
our intended me, asked the messenger whether I had done any 
fault, that the Lords sent for me so suddenly ? wishing him. 
to tell the Lords that I was going to dinner, and would after- 
wards attend them. I had scarce dined when another messen- 
ger was sent ; this made me hasten to Whitehall, where I was 
no sooner come, but the Lords saluted me by the name of 
Lord Ambassador of France ; I told their Lordships thereupon, 
that I was glad it was no worse, and that I doubted, that by 
their speedy sending for me, some complaint, though false, 
might be made against me. 

My first commission was to renew the oath of alliance be- 
twixt the two crowns 2 , for which purpose I was Extraordinary 
Ambassador, which being done, I was to reside there as or- 
dinary. I had received now about six or seven hundred 
pounds, towards the charges of my journey, and locked it in 
certain coffers in my house ; when the night following, about 
one of the clock, I could hear divers men speak and knock at 
the door, in that part of the house where none did lie but my- 
self, my wife, and her attendants, my servants being lodged 
in another house not far off : as soon as I heard the noise, 1 
suspected presently they came to rob me of my money ; how- 
soever, I thought fit to rise, and go to the window to know who 
they were ; the first word I heard was ; * Darest thou come 
down, Welshman ? ' which I no sooner heard, but, taking a 
sword in one hand, and a little target in the other, I did in 
my shirt run down the stairs, open the doors suddenly, and 
charged ten or twelve of them with that fury that they ran 
away, some throwing away their halberts, others hurting their 
fellows to make them go faster in a narrow way they were to 

1 ' Old Exchange was ', says Stow, ' a street so called of the King's Exchange there 
kept, which was for the receipt of bullion to be coined . . This street begmneth by 
West Cheape in the north and runneth down south to Knighiriders Street '. Survey 
of London, ed Thorns, p 121 

2 Concluded igth August 1610, while Louis XIII was in his minority. Lord Her- 
bert's instructions were of a general character, and chiefly dealt with the necessity of 
maintaining the existing peaceful relations between the two countries They bear 
the date yth May 1619. I have printed them at length in Appendix VI. 



loo Life of Lord Herbert 

pass ; in which disordered manner I drove them to the middle 
of the street by the Exchange, where finding my bare feet hurt 
by the stones I trod on, I thought fit to return home, and leave 
them to then* flight. My servants, hearing the noise, by this 
time were got up, and demanded whether I would have them 
pursue those rogues that fled away , but I answering that I 
thought they were out of their reach, we returned home 
together. 

While I was preparing myself for my journey, it happened 
that I, passing through the Inner Temple one day, and en- 
countering Sir Robert Vaughan in this country 1 , some harsh 
words past betwixt us, which occasioned him, at the persua- 
sion of others whom I will not nominate, to send me a chal- 
lenge , this was brought me at my house in Blackfriars, by 
Captain Charles Price, upon a Sunday, about one of the clock 
in the afternoon. When I had read it, I told Charles Price that 
I did ordinarily bestow this day in devotion, nevertheless that 
I would meet Sir Robert Vaughan presently, and gave him 
thereupon the length of my sword, demanding whether he 
brought any second with him ; to which Charles Price replying 
that he would be in the field with him, I told my brother, 
Sir Henry Herbert then present, thereof, who readily offering 
himself to be my second, nothing was wanting now but the 
place to be agreed upon betwixt us, which was not far from the 
waterside near Chelsea. 

My brother and I taking boat presently, came to the place, 
where, after we had staid about two hours in vain, I desired 
my brother to go to Sir Robert Vaughan' s lodging, and tell him 
that I now attended his coming a great while, and that I de- 
sired him to come away speedily ; hereupon my brother went, 
and after a while, returning back again, he told me they were 
not ready yet ; I attended then about an hour and a half 
longer, but as he did not come yet, I sent my brother a second 
time to call him away, and to tell him I catched cold, neverthe- 
less that I would stay there till sunset : my brother yet could 
not bring him along, but returned himself to the place, where 
we staid together till half an hour after sunset, and then re- 
turned home. 

i A member of Pnnce Charles* household (Cal State Papers, 1611-18, p, 443). Ap- 
parently a member of the family with whom Lord Herbert's house had had previous 
quarrels (See p. 14, supra ) 



1619] 



Life of Lord Herbert 101 



The next day the Earl of Worcester l , by the King's 
command, forbid me to receive any message or letter 
from Sir Robert Vaughan, and advertised me withal, that 
the King had given him charge to end the business betwixt 
us, for which purpose he desired me to come before him the next 
day about two of the clock ; at which time, after the Earl had 
told me, that being now made ambassador, and a public person, 
I ought not to entertain private quarrels ; after which, without 
much ado, he ended the business betwixt Sir Robert Vaughan 
and myself : It was thought by some, that this would make 
me lose my place, I being under so great an obligation to the 
King for my employment in France ; but Sir George Villiers, 
afterwards Duke of Buckingham, told me he would warrant 
me for this one time, but I must do so no more. 

I was now almost ready for my journey, and had received 
already as choice a company of gentlemen for my attendants, 
as I think ever followed an ambassador ; when some of ray 
private friends told me, that I was not to trust so much to my 
pay from the Exchequer, but that it was necessary for me to 
take letters of credit with me, for as much money as I could 
well procure. Informing myself hereupon who had furnished 
the last ambassador, I was told Monsieur Savage, a French- 
man 2 : coming to his house, I demanded whether he would 
help me with moneys in France, as he had done the last ambassa- 
dor ; he said he did not know me, but would inform himself 
better who I was ; departing thus from him, I went to Sigr. 
Burlamacchi, a man of great credit in those times 3 , and 
demanded of him the same ; his answer was, that he knew me 
to be a man of honour, and I had kept my word with every- 
body ; whereupon also going to his study, gave me a letter of 
credit to one Monsieur de Langherac, in Paris, for ^2,000 ster_ 



1 Probably Edward Somerset, 4th Earl of Worcester, Lord Privy Seal and Knight 
of the Garter, who died in 1627. His son Henry, a devoted royalist, created Marquis 
of Worcester (ad November 1624), was the father of the second Marquis, the well-known 
author of the Century of Inventions Charles Somerset, the founder of the family, who 
married Elizabeth Herbert, a very distant relative of Lord Herbert, is referred to 
p. 9, n 2 

2 Like all the English ambassadors abroad, Herbert found great difficulty in obtain- 
ing remittances from home Among Earl de la Warr's MSS are a series of letters from 
Herbert to the Earl of Middlesex praying for payment of his salary in 1623, and fre- 
quent mention is made there of sums advanced to Herbert by * his merchant Sauvage '. 
(Historical MSS Commission, Rep iv, pp. 299, 311) 

J Philip Burlamacchi appears to have been the chief foreign banker in London. 
Through him all payments to ambassadors abroad were made. Frequent mention 
is made of him in the State Papers 



102 Life of Lord Herbert 

ling : I then demanded what security he expected for this 
money ? he said, he would have nothing but my promise ; I 
told him he had put a great obligation upon me, and that I 
would strive to acquit myself of it the best I could 

Having now a good sum of money in my coffers, and this 
letter of credit, I made ready for my journey ; the day I went 
out of London I remember was the same in which Queen 
Ann was carried to burial, which was a sad spectacle to all 
that had occasion to honour her 1 . My first night's journey 
was to Gravesend, where being at supper in my inn, Monsieur 
Savage formerly mentioned came to me, and told me, that 
whereas I had spoken to him for a letter of credit, he had 
made one which he thought would be to my contentment. 
I demanded to whom it was directed ; he said to Monsieur 
Tallemant and Rambouillet, in Paris 2 , I asked then what they 
were worth ? he said, above one hundred thousand pound 
sterling ; I demanded for how much this letter of credit was ? 
he said, for as much as I should have need of : I asked what 
security he required ? he said, nothing by my word, which 
he had heard was inviolable. 

From Gravesend, by easy journeys I went to Dover, where 
I took shipping, with a tram of an hxmdred and odd persons 3 , 
and arrived shortly after at Calais, where I remember my cheer 
was twice as good as at Dover, and my reckoning half as cheap. 
From whence I went to Boulogne, Monstreville, Abbeville, 
Amiens, and in two days thence, to St. Denis near Paris, where 
I was met with a great tram of coaches that were sent to 
receive me, as also by the master of the ceremonies, and 
Monsieur Mennon 4 my fellow scholar, with Monsieur Disan- 
court 5 , who then kept an academy, and brought with him a 
brave company of gentlemen on great horses, to attend me into 
town. 

It was now somewhat late when I entered Paris, upon a 
Saturday night ; I was but newly settled in my lodging, when 

1 The Queen died i8th March 1618-19 and was buried after many delays on i^th 
May Sir Gerard Herbert wrote to Carleton (igth March) . 'Sir Edward Herbert is 
going to France and his brother Harry is gone to prepare for him *. (Col. State Papers, 
1619-23, p 25.) 

2 Frequently mentioned in the letters on money-matters addressed by Herbert to 
the Earl of Middlesex (m the Earl of Warr's MSS ) See also Tallemant des Redux* 
Htstorwttes 

3 Thomas Carew accompanied Lord Herbert as his Secretary 

4 Probably Rene de Menou (see p. 52, supra). 

5 See p. 52, supra 



1619] Life of Lord Herbert 103 

a secretary of the Spanish ambassador there told me that his 
LorJ desired to have the first audience from me, and therefore 
requested he might see me the next morning ; I replied, it was 
a day I gave wholly to devotion, and therefore entreated him 
to stay till some more convenient time : the secretary replied, 
that his master did hold it no less holy ; howbeit, that ins re- 
spect to me was such, that he would prefer the desire he had to 
serve me before all other considerations ; howsoever I put him 
off till Monday following. 

Not long after, I took a house in Fauburg St. Germain Rue 
Tournon, which cost me ^200 sterling yearly ; having fur- 
nished the house richly, and lodged all my train, I prepared for 
a journey to Tours and Tourame, where the French court then 
was : being come hither in extreme hot weather, I demanded 
audience of the King and Queen, which being granted, I did 
assure the King of the great affection the King my master 
bore him, not only out of the ancient alliance betwixt the two 
crowns, but because Henry the Fourth and the King my master 
had stipulated with each other, that whensoever any one of 
them died, the survivor should take care of the other's child : 
I assured him further, that no charge was so much imposed 
upon me by my instructions, as that I should do good offices 
betwixt both kingdoms ; and therefore that it were a great 
fault in me, if I behaved myself otherwise than with all respect 
to his Majesty : this being done I presented to the King a 
letter of credence from the King niy master : the King as- 
sured me of a reciprocal affection to the King my master, and 
of my particular welcome to his court : his words were never 
many, as being so extreme a stutterer, that he would sometimes 
hold his tongue out of his mouth a good while before he could 
speak so much as one word ; he had besides a double row of 
teeth, and was observed seldom or never to spit or blow his 
noise, or to sweat much, though he were very laborious, and 
almost indefatigable in his exercises of hunting and hawking, 
to which he was much addicted ; neither did it hinder him, 
though he was burst in his body, as we call it, or herniosus ; 
for he was noted in those sports, though oftentimes on foot, 
to tire not only his courtiers, but even his lacqueys, being 
equally insensble, as was thought, either of heat or cold : his 
understanding and natural parts were as good as could be 
expected in one that was brought up in so much ignorance, 



104 Life of Lord Herbert 

which was on purpose so done that he might be the longer 
governed ; howbeit, he acquired in time a great knowledge 
in affairs, as conversing for the most part with wise and active 
persons* He was noted to have two qualities incident to all 
who were ignorantly brought up suspicion and dissimulation ; 
for as ignorant persons walk so much in the dark, they cannot 
be exempt from fear of stumbling ; and as they are likewise 
deprived of, or deficient in those true principles by which 
they should govern both public and private actions in a wise, 
solid, and demonstrative way, they strive commonly to supply 
these imperfections with covert arts, which, though it may be 
sometimes excusable in necessitous persons, and be indeed 
frequent among those \vho negotiate in small matters, yet 
condemnable in princes, who, proceeding upon foundations of 
reason and strength, ought not to submit themselves to such 
poor helps : howbeit, I must observe, that neither his fears 
did take away his courage, when there was occasion to use it, 
nor his dissimulation extend itself to the doing of private mis- 
chiefs to his subjects, either of one or the other religion ; 
his favourite was one Monsieur de Luynes, who in his nonage 
gained much upon the King, by making hawks fly at all little 
birds in his gardens, and by making some of those little birds 
again catch butterflies ; and had the King used him for no 
other purpose, he might have been tolerated ; but as, when the 
King came to a riper age, the government of public affairs 
was drawn chiefly from his counsels, not a few errors were 
committed 1 . 

The Queen-mother, princes, and nobles of that kingdom, 
repined that his advices to the King should be so prevalent, 
which also at last caused a civil war in that kingdom 2 . How 
unfit this man was for the credit he had with the King may be 

1 Charles, Marquis D'Albert and Due de Luynes (1578-1621), attached in his youth 
as a page to the household of Henri IV, acqiured so much influence with the \ourig 
pnnce who afterwards reigned as Loms XIII, that when Herbert arrived in Pans Lu\rios 
was virtual ruler of France He had contrived in 1617 the murder of his chief rival, 
Concim, the favourite of Mane de Medicis, and Mane herself was dismissed from court 
to pnson at Blois His success as a bird trainer had obtained for him the appoint- 
ment of Grand Falconer of France in 1616, and all offices at court were afterwards at 
his disposal He became Grand Constable ad April 1621, although it \vas said he had 
never handled a sword He recommended the suppression of the Prott-ttants by force 
of arms in. 1621 with fatal result to himself Herbert was treated politely by Luynes 
in the first year of his embassy (see Appendix VII), 

2 In 1619 the supporters of the Queen-mother released her from Blois and secured 
some concessions for her by the peace of Angouleme An attempt on the part of the 
Qtreen-mother*s adherents to override the treaty was stoutly resisted by an army under 
Louis XIII in the following year 



1619] Life of Lord Herbert 105 

argued by this ; that when there was question made about 
some business in Bohemia, he demanded whether it was an 
inland country, or lay upon the sea ? * And thus much for the 
present of the King and his favourite. 

After my audience with the King, I had another from the 
Queen, being sister to the King of Spain 2 ; I had little to say 
unto her, but some compliments on the King my master's part, 
but such compliments as her sex and quality were capable of. 
This Queen was exceedingly fair, like those of the house of 
Austria, and together of so mild and good a condition, she was 
never noted to have done ill offices to any, but to have mediated 
as much as was possible for her, in satisfaction of those who 
had any suit to the King, as far as their cause would bear. 
She had now been married divers years, without having any 
children, though so ripe for them, that nothing seemed to be 
wanting on her part. I remember her the more particularly, 
that she showed publicly at my audiences that favour to me, 
as not only my servants, but divers others took notice of it. 
After this my first audience, I went to see Monsieur de Luynes, 
and the principal ministers of state, as also the princes and 
princesses, and ladies then in the court, and particularly the 
Princess of Conti, from whom I carried the scarf formerly 
mentioned 3 ; and this is as much as I shall declare in this place 
concerning my negotiation with the King and state, rny pur- 
pose being, if God sends me life, to set them forth apart, as 
having the copies of all my despatches in a great trunk, in my 
house in London ; and considering that in the time of my stay 
there, there were divers civil wars in that country, and that the 
prince, now King, passed with my Lord of Buckingham, and 
others, through France into Spain ; and the business of the 
Elector Palatine in Bohemia, and the battle of Prague *, and 
divers other memorable accidents, both of state and war, 
happened during the time of my employment ; I conceive a 
narration of them may be worth the seeing, to them who have 

1 Similarly Shakespeare (it is well known) in Winter's Tale, treated Bohemia as a 
maritime country (cf Jon son's Conversations i&ith Drummond, p 16} 

2 Anne of Austria, daughter of Phillip III of Spain (d 1621), by Margaret, sister of 
the Emperor Ferdinand II. Her brother, Philip IV, married (i) a daughter of Henri 
IV of France, and (2) his niece Maria, daughter of his sister Maria by the Emperor Fer- 
dinand III (cf p 130). 

3 See p 58, supra. 

* 29th October 1620, one of the early decisive battles of the Thirty Years* War. Fred- 
erick, the Elector Palatine, was disastrously defeated, and his loss of Bohemia final. 

P 



106 Life of Lord Herbert 

it not from a better hand ; I shall only therefore relate here, as 
they come into my memory, certain little passages, which may 
serve in some part to declare the history of my life. 

Coming back from Tours to Paris, I gave the best order I 
could concerning the expenses of my house, family, and stable, 
that I might settle all things as near as was possible in a certain 
course, allowing, according to the manner of France, so many 
pounds of beef, mutton, veal, and pork, and so much also m 
turkeys, capons, pheasants, partridges, and all other fowls, as 
also pies and tarts, after the French manner, and after also this, 
a dozen dishes of sweetmeats every meal constantly. The 
ordering of these things was the heavier to me, that my wife 
flatly refused to come over into France, as being now entered 
into a dropsy, which also had kept her without children for 
many years : I was constrained therefore to make use of a 
steward, who was understanding and diligent, but no very 
honest man ; my chief secretary was William Boswell, now the 
King's agent in the Low Countries l ; my secretary for the 
French tongue was one Monsieur Ozier, who afterwards was the 
King's agent in France. The gentleman of my horse was 
Monsieur de Meny 2 , who afterwards commanded a thousand 
horse, in the wars of Germany, and proved a very gallant 
gentleman. Mr. Crofts was one of my principal gentleman, 
and afterwards made the King's Cup-bearer a ; and Thomas 
Carew, that excellent wit, the King's Carver ; Edmund Taver- 
ner, whom I made my under secretary, was afterwards chief 
secretary to the Lord Chamberlain; and one Mr. Smith, secretary 
to the Earl of Northumberland * ; I nominate these, and could 
many more, that came to very good fortunes afterwards, 
because I may verify that which I said before concerning the 
gentlemen that attended me. 

When I came to Pans, the English and French were in very 
ill intelligence with each other, insomuch that one Buckly 
coming then to me, said he was assaulted and hurt upon Pont- 

1 He was afterwards secretary to Sir Dudley Carleton at the Hague, and succeeded 
Carleton as ambassador there m 1633 He died in 1649 

2 Perhaps Ren6 de Menou, to whom I have already referred on p 52, note 3 

3 1 have been unable to identify these persons elsewhere. Mr Crofts was doubtless a 
relative of the Sir James and Sir Herbert Croft who have already been mentioned (see 
pp. 44 and 72). Master Taverner was a well-known musician of the tune (see 
Meres' Pttlladts Tomwt 1598). 

* I have printed below a senes of letters written by Lord Herbert during his embassy, 
which illustrate most of these incidents. 



1619] Life of Lord Herbert 107 

neuf, only because he was an Englishman : nevertheless, after 
I had been in Paris about a month, all the English were so wel- 
come thither, that no other nation was so acceptable amongst 
them, insomuch, that my gentlemen having a quarrel with some 
debauched French, who in their drunkenness quarrelled with 
them, divers principal gentlemen of that nation offered them- 
selves to assist my people with then* swords. 

It happened one day that my cousin, Oliver Herbert *, and 
George Radney, being gentlemen who attended me, and Henry 
Whittmgham, my butler, had a quarrel with some French, upon 
I know not what frivolous occasion. It happened my cousin, 
Oliver Herbert, had for his opposite a fencer, belonging to the 
Prince of Conde, who was dangerously hurt by him in divers 
places ; but as the house, or hostel, of the Prince of Conde was 
not far off, and himself well beloved in those quarters, the 
French in great multitudes arising, drove away the three above 
mentioned into my house, pursuing them within the gates ; I 
perceiving this at a window, ran out with my sword, which the 
people no sooner saw, but they fled again as fast as ever they 
entered. Howsoever, the Prince of Conde, his fencer, was in 
that danger of his life, that Oliver Herb.ert was forced to fly 
France, which, that he might do the better, I paid the said 
fencer 200 crowns, or 60 sterling, for his hurt and cures. 

The plague now being hot in Paris, I desired the Duke of 
Montmorency to lend me the castle of Merlou, where I lived 
in the time of his most noble father, which he willingly granted *. 
Removing thither, I enjoyed that sweet place and country, 
wherein I found not a few that welcomed me out of their 
ancient acquaintance. 

On the one side of me was the Baron de Montaterre of the 
reformed religion, and Monsieur de Bouteville on the other, 
who, though young at that time, proved afterwards to be that 
brave cavalier which all France did so much celebrate 3 . In 
both their castles, likewise, were ladies of much beauty and dis- 
cretion, and particularly a sister of Bouteville, thought to be 
one of the chief perfections of the time, whose company yielded 
some divertisement, when my public occasions did suffer it. 

1 Apparently grandson of Herbert's grand-uncle, Oliver Herbert of Maehynlleth (see 
Genealogical Table) He was with. Herbert during the siege of Montgomery Castle m 
October 1644. 

2 See pp. 52 et seq. The old Duke died in 1614 

3 like Baiagni, Bouteville had the reputation of always killing his man in his duels. 



io8 Life of Lord Herbert [1619 

Winter being now corne, I returned to my house in Paris, 
and prepared for renewing the oath of alliance betwixt the two 
crowns, for which, as I said formerly, I had an extraordinary 
commission , nevertheless the King put off the business to as 
long a time as he well could In the meanwhile Prince Henry 
of Nassau, brother to Prince Maurice \ coming to Paris, was 
met and much welcomed by me, as being obliged to him no less 
than to his brother in the Low Countries 2 . This Prince, and 
all his tram, were feasted by me at Paris with one hundred 
dishes, costing, as I remember, in all 100. 

The French King at last resolving upon a day for performing 
the ceremony, betwixt the two crowns above mentioned, my- 
self and all my train put ourselves into that sumptuous equip- 
age, that I remember it cost me one way or another above 
1,000. And truly the magnificence of it was such, as a little 
French book was presently printed thereof. This being done, 
I resided here in the quality of an ordinary ambassador 3 . 

And now I shall mention some particular passages concerning 
myself, without entering yet any way into the whole frame 
and context of my negotiation, reserving them, as I said before, 
to a particular treatise *. I spent my time much in the visits 
of the princes, council of state, and great persons of the French 
kingdom, who did ever punctually requite my visits. The like 
I did also to the chief ambassadors there, among whom the 
Venetian, Low Country, Savoy, and the united princes m Ger- 
many, ambassadors, did bear me that respect, that they 
usually met in my house, to advise together concerning the 
great affairs of that time : For as the Spaniard then was so 
potent that he seemed to affect an universal monarchy, all the 
above-mentioned ambassadors did, in one common interest, 
strive to oppose him. All our endeavours yet could not 
hinder, but that he both publicly prevailed in his attempts 
abroad, and privately did corrupt divers of the principal 
ministers of state in this kingdom. I came to discover this by 

l Prince Frederick Henry succeeded his brother Maurice as Prince of Orange in 1625 

SC ? Herbert announced his appointment in Pans to the Prince of Orange from Tours 
i7th June (cf British Museum Addit. MS 7082). 

3 Sec Appendix VII I have not found any proof of the existence of a DOOK on the 
subject of the ceremonial mentioned above, 

4 There is no proof that this was ever written, but his correspondence supplies me 
information, which he apologises for passing over here The internal history of the 
French court is best studied in the Memoires of Bassompierre and of Brantome, in the 
Htsfone&es of Tallemant des R6aux and the early memoirs of Richelieu. 



1619] Life of Lord Herbert 109 

many ways, but by none more effectually than by the means 
of an Italian, who returned over, by letters of exchange, the 
moneys the Spanish ambassador received for his occasions 
in France ; for I perceived that when the said Italian was to 
receive any extraordinary great sum for the Spanish ambassa- 
dor's use, the whole face of affairs was presently changed, inso- 
much that neither my reasons, nor the ambassadors above 
mentioned, how valid soever, could prevail : though yet after- 
wards we found means together, to reduce affairs to their for- 
mer train ; until some other new great sum coming to the Span- 
ish ambassador's hand, and from thence to the aforesaid minis- 
ters of state, altered all. Howbeit divers visits passed betwixt 
the Spanish ambassador and myself ; in one of which he told 
me, that though our interests were diverse, yet we might con- 
tinue friendship in our particular persons ; for, said he, it can 
be no occasion of offence betwixt us, that each of us strive the 
best he can to serve the King his master. I disliked not his 
reasons, though yet I could not omit to tell him, that I would 
maintain the dignity of the King my master the best I could : 
And this I said, because the Spanish ambassador had taken 
place of the English, in the time of Henry IV, in this fashion : 
They both meeting in an antechamber to the secretary of state, 
the Spanish ambassador, leaning to the wall in that posture that 
he took the hand of the English ambassador, said publicly, I 
hold this place in the right of the King my master ; which 
small punctilio being not resented by our ambassador at that 
time, gave the Spaniard occasion to brag, that he had taken the 
hand from our ambassador. This made me more watchful to 
regain the honour which the Spaniard pretended to have gotten 
herein ; so that though the ambassador, in his visits, often 
repeated the words above mentioned, being in Spanish, Qiw 
cada uno hag a lo que pudiere por su amo ; ' Let every man do the 
best he can for his master ', I attended the occasion to right my 
master. It happened one day, that both of us going to the 
French King for our several affairs, the Spanish ambassador, 
between Paris and Estampes, being upon his way before me 
in his coach, with a train of about sixteen or eighteen persons 
on horseback, I following him in my coach, with about ten or 
twelve horse, found that either I must go the Spanish pace, 
which is slow, or if I hasted to pass him, that I must hazard the 
suffering of some affront like unto that our former ambassador 



no Life of Lord Herbert [1619 

received ; proposing hereupon to my gentlemen the whole 
business, I told them that I meant to redeem the honour of 
the King my master some way or other, demanding further, 
whether they would assist me ? which they promising, I bid 
the coachmen drive on. The Spanish ambassador seeing 
me approach, and imagining what my intention was, sent a 
gentleman to me, to tell me he desired to salute me ; which I 
accepting, the gentleman returned to the ambassador, who, 
alighting from his coach, attended me in the middle of the 
highway , which being perceived by me I alighted also, when, 
some extravagant compliments having passed betwixt us, the 
Spanish ambassador took his leave of me, went to a dry ditch 
not far off, upon pretence of making water, but indeed to hold 
the upper hand of me while I passed by in my coach ; which 
being observed by me, I left my coach, and getting upon a spare 
horse I had there, rode into the said dry ditch, and telling him 
aloud, that I knew well why he stood there, bid him afterwards 
get to his coach, for I must ride that way : the Spanish am- 
bassador, who understood me well, went to his coach grum- 
bling and discontented, though yet neither he nor his train 
did any more than look one upon another, in a confused 
manner ; my coach this while passing by the ambassador on 
the same side I was, I shortly after left my horse and got into 
it. It happened this while, that one of my coach-horses having 
lost a shoe, I thought fit to stay at a smith's forge, about a 
quarter of a mile before ; this shoe could not be put on so 
soon, but that the Spanish ambassador overtook us, and might 
indeed have passed us, but that he thought I would give him 
another aifront. Attending, therefore, the smith's leisure, he 
staid in the highway, to our no little admiration, until my 
horse was shoed We continued our journey to Estampes, the 
Spanish ambassador following us still at a good distance. 

I should scarce have mentioned this passage, but that the 
Spaniards do so much stand upon their pundonores ; for con- 
firming whereof I have thought fit to remember the answer a 
Spanish ambassador made to Philip II king of Spam, who, 
finding fault with him for neglecting a business of great import- 
ance in Italy, because he could not agree with the French 
ambassador about some such pundonore as this, said to him, 
Como a dexado una cosa di vmportancia per una ceremonia f 
f How have you left a business of importance for a ceremony 1 * 



1619] 



Life of Lord Herbert in 



The ambassador boldly replied to his master, Como por ana 
ceremonial Vuessa Majesta misma no es sino una ceremoma. 
1 How, for a ceremony ? your Majesty's self is but a ceremony ' J . 
Howsoever, the Spanish ambassador taking no notice publicly 
of the advantage I had of him herein, dissembled it, as I heard, 
till he could find some fit occasion to resent this passage, which 
yet he never did to this day. 

Among the visits I rendered to the grandees of France, one 
of the principal I made was to that brave general the Duke 
of Lesdigueres 2 , who was now grown very old and deaf. His 
first words to me were, ' Monsieur, you must do me the honor 
to speak high, for I am deaf ' ; my answer to him was, ' You 
was born to command and not to obey ; it is enough if others 
have ears to hear you J . This compliment took him much, and 
indeed I have a manuscript of his military precepts and 
observations, which I value at a great price 3 . 

I shall relate now some things concerning myself, which 
though they may seem scarce credible, yet, before God, are 
true : I had been now in France about a year and an half, 
when my tailor, Andrew Henly of Basel 4 , who now lives in 
Blackfriars, demanded of me half a yard of satin, to make me 
a suit, more than I was accustomed to give ; of which I re- 
quired a reason, saying I was not fatter now than when I came 
to France. He answered, it was true, but you are taller ; 
whereunto, when I would give no credit, he brought his old 
measures, and made it appear that they did not reach to their 

j- Cf. Shakespeare's Henry V, iv i 

* And what have kings, that privates have not too, 
Save ceremony, save general ceremony ? 

2 Francois de Bonne, Due de Lesdigueres (1543-1626), one of the leading French 
Protestant commanders throughout the religious wars of the sixteenth, century, bore 
the highest mihtarv reputation As a patriotic Frenchman, he never allowed his reli- 
gious scruples to prevent his aiding his country against a foreign enemy Under the 
influence of a voting wife, whom h<* married in 1617, he practically renounced Protes- 
tantism late iri life, and fought \\ith Louis XIII and De Luynes in 1621 against the 
Protestants His love of warlare led him to engage in it to the last The Electress 
Palatine (Princess Elizabeth) is reported to have said, * SI il y avait en France deux 
Lesdigueres, 3 'en demanderais un au roi '. Sir Thomas Overbury refers to Lesdigueres* 
great age in his Crumms Fal'n from King fames' Table, ed. 1856, p. 271. See Tallemant 
des Reaux, Htstowettes, i 87. 

2 Lesdigu&res* Discours de Fart mtMaire, dedicated to Henri IV, was first printed 
from a MS. in the Pans Library in 1878 in Ades et Correspondences dw Connetdble de 
Lesdngw&res (Grenoble), ii, 541-78 

* Foreigners were invariably the fashionable London tailors in James I's reign. In 
1616 a petition was presented to the King by native workmen protesting against the 
presence of so many foreign handicraftsmen in the metropolis. Special attention is 
drawn to the fact mat 148 tailors were in active practice then. (Foreigners Resident 
%n England, Camd Soc t p vi ) 



H2 Life of Lord Herbert 

just places. I told him I knew not how this happened ; but 
howsoever he should have half a yard more, and that when I 
came into England I would clear the doubt , for a little before 
my departure thence, I remember William Earl of Pembroke * 
and myself did measure heights together at the request of the 
Countess of Bedford ~, and he was then higher than I 
by about the breadth of my little finger. At my return, 
therefore, into England, I measured again with the same Earl, 
and, to both our great wonders, found myself taller than he by 
the breadth of a little finger : which growth of mine I could attri- 
bute to no other cause but to rny quartan ague formerly men- 
tioned, which, when it quitted me, left me in a more*perfect 
health than I formerly enjoyed, and indeed disposed me 
to some follies which I afterwards repented, and do still repent 
of ; but as my wife refused to come over, and my temptations 
were great, I hope the faults I committed are the more pardon- 
able. Howsoever I can say truly, that, whether in France or 
England, I was never in a bawdy-house, nor used my pleasures 
intemperately, and much less did accompany them with that 
dissimulation and falsehood which is commonly found in men 
addicted to love women. To conclude this passage, which I 
unwillingly mention, I must protest again, before God, that I 
never delighted in that or any other sin ; and that if I trans- 
gressed sometimes in this kind, it was to avoid a greater ill ; 
for certainly if I had been provided with a lawful remedy, 
I should have fallen into no extravagancy. I could extenuate 
my fault by telling circumstances which would have operated, 
I doubt, upon the chastest of mankind ; but I forbear, those 
things being not fit to be spoken of ; for though the philosopher 
have accounted this act to be "inter honesta factu, where neither 
injury nor violence was offered, yet they ever reckoned it 
among the turpia dictu* I shall, therefore, only tell some 
other things alike strange of myself. 

I weighed myself in balances often with men lower than 

1 Lord Herbert's kinsman and the friend of Shakespeare (probably the W. H. of the 
dedication to the Sonnets) His mother was the far-famed Countess of Pembroke of 
JonsoT-'s n-vt-r 1 ! 'Sidney's sister, Herbert's mother * His poems, published m 1666, 
attesl I i IT . castes. He was Chamberlain to the Royal Household under James 
and C l-.ii -' > o Oxford 'University He died loth April 1630, and was succeeded 
in his title by his younger brother Philip, created Larl of Montgomery in 1605 "To 
these brothers, it will be remembered, the great folio Shakespeare of 1623 is dedicated 
Clarendon's account of them is the most \ i\ id ana interesting (Cf his History of Rebel- 
lion 1705, i, 56-61 ) 

2 See p o, supra. 



1619] 



Life of Lord Herbert 113 



myself by the head, and in their bodies slenderer, and yet 
was found lighter than they, as Sir John Davers, knight 1 , 
and Richard Griffiths, now living 2 , can witness, with both 
whom I have been weighed. I had also, and have still, a 
pulse on the crown of my head. It is well known to those 
that wait in my chamber, that the shirts, waistcoats, and 
other garments I wear next my body, are sweet, beyond what 
either easily can be believed, or hath been observed in any 
else, which sweetness also was found to be in my breath above 
others, before I used to take tobacco, which, towards my 
latter time, I was forced to take against certain rheums and 
catarrhs that trouble me, which yet did not taint my breath 
for any long time a ; I scarce ever felt cold in my life, though 
yet so subject to catarrhs, that I think no man ever was more 
obnoxious to it ; all which I do in a familiar way mention 
to my posterity, though otherwise they might be thought 
scarce worth the writing. 

The effect of my being sent into France by the King my 
master, being to hold all good intelligence betwixt both crowns, 
my employment was both noble and pleasing, and my pains 
not great, France having no design at that time upon England, 
and King James being that pacific prince all the world knew *. 
And thus, besides the times I spent in treaties and negotiations 
I had either with the ministers of state in France, or foreign 
ambassadors residing in Pans, I had spare time not only for 
my book, but for visits to divers grandees, for little more ends 
than obtaining some intelligence of the affairs of that kingdom 
and civil conversation, for which their free, generous, and 
cheerful company was no little motive ; persons of all quality 
being so addicted to have mutual entertainment with each 
other, that in calm weather one might find all the noble and 

i Sir John Davers or Danvers was Lord Herbert's stepfather, having: married Lady 
Herbert m 1608. See supra, p. 10, note 3, and Appendix IIL 
Lord Herbert's servant, to whom he 



, referred more than once. 

3 Nothing is more singular than the rapidity with which the habit of tobacco-smoking 
spread in England The herb was first brought to this country, according to Camden 
In 1585- Camden, writing m the early years of James I's reign, says that Tobacco or" 
Nicotianais grown so frequent in use, and of such price that many, nay the most part 
with an insatiable desire do take of it, ... soml for wantonness 
' 



, ... 

sake, and athtrs for health's sake, insomuch that tobacco shops are set up in greater number 
than either ale-houses or taverns i ' Barnaby Rich, writing m 1614, states that m that 
yearthereweTe^^shor^in^donwherotobac^wassayd. (HtiesheoltheAgc.) 

4 Sir Anthony Weldon, no fnendly critic, admits of James I that he lived in peace, 
died in peace, and left an his kingdoms in a peaceable condition, with his own motto 
Btab Pacific* \ Court of James I, u, 13. ' 



H4 Life of Lord Herbert [1619 

good company in Paris, of both sexes, either in the garden of 
the Tuileries, or in the park of Bois de Vmcennes ; they think- 
ing it almost an incivility to refuse their presence and free 
discourse to any who were capable of coming to those places, 
either under the recommendation of good parts, or but so 
much as handsome clothes, and a good equipage. When 
foul weather was, they spent their time in visits at each other's 
houses, where they interchanged civil discourses, or heard 
music, or fell to dancing, using, according to the manner of 
that country, all the reasonable liberties they could with their 
honour, while their manner was, either in the garden of the 
Tuilenes, or elsewhere, if any one discoursing with a lady did 
see some other of good fashion approach to her, he would leave 
her and go to some other lady, he who conversed with her at 
that tune quitting her also, and going to some other, that so 
addresses might be made equal and free to all without scruple 
on any part, neither was exception made, or quarrel begun, 
upon these terms 

It happened one day, that I being ready to return from 
the Tuileries, about eight of the clock in the summer, with 
intention to write a despatch to the King about some intelli- 
gence I had received there, the Queen \ attended with her 
principal ladies, without so much as one cavalier, did enter 
the garden : I staid on one side of an alley, there to do my 
reverence to her and* the rest, and so return to my house, 
when the Queen perceiving me, staid a while, as if she expected 
I should attend her : but as I stirred not more than to give 
her that great respect I owed her, the Princess of Conti, who 
was next, called me to her, and said I must go along with 
her 3 , but I excusing myself upon occasion of a present despatch 
which I was to make unto his Majesty, the Duchess of Anta- 
dor , who followed her, came to me, and said I must not 
refuse her : whereupon, leading her by her arms, according 
to the manner of that country, the Princess of Conti, offended 
that I had denied her that civility which I had yielded to 
another, took me off, after she had demanded the consent of 
the Duchess : but the Queen then also staying, I left the Prin- 

l % e Anne of Austria 

3 t,e , the f>uchess de Ventadour, sister of the joun Due de Montmorency See 
p. 48, s*p> 



1620] Life of Lord Herbert 115 

cess, and, with all due humility, went to the Queen, and led 
her by the arms, walking thus to a place in the garden where 
some orange trees grew, and here discoursing with her Majesty 
bareheaded, some small shot fell on both our heads. The 
occasion whereof was this : the King being m the garden, 
and shooting at a bird m the air, which he did with much 
perfection, the descent of his shot fell just upon us : the 
Queen was much startled herewith, when I, coming nearer to 
her, demanded whether she had received any harm : to which 
she answering no, and therewith taking two or three small 
pellets from her hair, it was thought fit to send a gardener 
to the King, to tell him that her Majesty was there, and that 
he should shoot no more that way, which was no sooner heard 
among the nobles that attended him, but many of them leaving 
him, came to the Queen and ladies, among whom was Monsieur 
Le Grand J , who, finding the Queen still discoursing with me, 
stole behind her, and letting fall gently some comfits he had in 
his pocket upon the Queen's hair, gave her occasion to appre- 
hend that some shot had fallen on her again r turning here- 
upon to Monsieur le Grand, I said that I marvelled that so old 
a courtier as he was could find no means to entertain ladies but 
by making them afraid ; but the Queen shortly after returning 
to her lodging, I took my leave of her, and came home. All 
which passage I have thought fit to set down, the accident 
above-mentioned being so strange, that it can hardly be 
paralleled. 

It fell out one day that the Prince of Condd coming to my 
house, some speech happened concerning the King my master, 
in whom, though he acknowledged much learning, knowledge, 
clemency, and divers other virtues, yet he said he had heard 
that the King was much given to cursing ; I answered that 
it was out of his gentleness ; but the Prince demanding how 
cursing could be a gentleness, I replied, ' Yes, for though he 
could punish men himself, yet he left them to God to punish * : 
which defence of the King my master was afterwards much 
celebrated in the French court. 

i This was the popular name of Roger de Saint Lary et de Tennes Due de BeHegarde 
(1563-16*46), grand ecuyer under Henry III, Governor of Bourgogne under Henn IV, 
and created a duke and peer of France by Louis XIII in 1620. He is best known by 
his ambitious amours Henn IV exiled him as the lover of Gabnelle d*Estrees, and 
later Richelieu banished him from, court as the lover of Anne of Austria 



Il6 Life of Lord Herbert [1620 

Monsieur de Luynes * continuing still the King's favourite, 
advised him to war against his subjects of the reformed reli- 
gion in France, saying, he would neither be a great prince as 
long as he suffered so puissant a party to remain with in his 
dominions, nor could justly style himself the most Christian 
king, as long as he permitted such heretics to be in that great 
number they were, or to hold those strong places which by 
public edict were assigned to them : and therefore that he 
should extirpate them as the Spaniards had done the Moors, 
who are all banished into other countries, as we may find in 
their histories. This counsel, though approved by the young 
King, was yet disliked by other grave and wise persons about 
him, and particularly by the Chancellor Sillery, and the Pre- 
sident Janmn \ who thought, better to have a peace which 
had two religions, than a war that had none. Howbeit, the 
design of Luynes was applauded, not only by the Jesuit party 
in France, but by some princes, and other martial persons 3 , 
insomuch that the Duke of Guise * coming to see me one day, 
said, that they should never be happy in France, until those 
of the religion were rooted out : I answered, that I wondered 
to hear him say so : and the Duke demanding why, I replied, 
that whensoever those of the religion were put down, the turn 
of the great persons, and governors of provinces of that king- 
dom, would be next : and that, though the present King were 
a good prince, yet that their successors may be otherwise, 

1 See su-pra, p. 104, and extracts from Lord Herbert's correspondence, 1619-21, in 
Appendix VII 

2 Peter Jeanmn, usually called President Jeannin, was one of the most high-minded 
counsellors that Louis XIII had about him He brought the finances into something 
like order, but a lack of firmness prevented him giving full effect to his reforms His 
valuable political treatise, Negotiations (Pans, 1656), was highly valued by Richelieu 
Herbert announces the death of the good President Janmn to Viscount Doncaster, 
23d March 1622-3. Lord Herbert's statement that LT-^ * - ^pc 1 f o K-ng into a 
war with the Protestants is not confirmed by his own <!> ,, > 7 :> < -" ^ Naunton 
(dated soth February 1620-1), in which he states that ( V < p -, i- 'it the sword 
was first suggested by Louis XIII himself 

3 The Protestants of Bearn had resisted the decree re-establishing the Catholic religion 
in their province, issued in 1617 T^ "ft** T^-i^ XI T I r 1 f- %|J *' o ;v"~\i-:> vi* 1 -* n- 
army to enforce the edict An .** -n r r ' . -a <v ^ ,n K *' "i i < ', i cl , i" - -i -, 
independent of the crown, rai-'d i '" ., - , i " i -^ ! i 1 '-- t > , u uj i * 1) ] 
Koh.in 1 he ro^.il troops undo J " ^-.M'dCo r.ibi'lV I -i i\ i i i n - u >- . ' 
attack O'i MYmtciubari, and the ( '-ivl;- 1 , r ''uOii^Ii i^oi" ''I'.o'v -inn 01 .1 ' %v i 
The war continued till October 1622, when a peace was made between the combatants, 
practically renewing the Edict o* Nantes in fa\ oui of the Protestants 

4 Charles, fourth Due de Guise (is7i--cf>4o), son of the Due de Guise assassinated 
at Blois, held office undT ITeuii IV, although at one time the League had put him 
forward as a rival claimant to the crown of France He fought against the Rochelle 
Protestants in 1622, but as a supporter of Marie de MMicis, Richelieu expelled him 
from France, and about 1631 he settled in Florence, Tallemant des Reaux describes 
him as a very amiable man, but an inveterate liar. 



1621] Life of Lord Herbert 117 

and that men did not know how soon princes might prove 
tyrants, when they had nothing to fear : which speech of 
mine was fatal, since those of the religion were no sooner 
reduced into that weak condition in which now they are, but 
the governors of provinces were brought lower, and curbed 
much in their power and authority, and the Duke of Guise 
first of them all : so that I doubt not but my words were well 
remembered. Howsoever, the war now went on with much 
fervour : neither could I dissuade it, although using, accord- 
ing to the instructions I had from the King my master, many 
arguments for that purpose. I was told often, that if the 
reformation in France had been like that in England, where, 
they observed, we retained the hierarchy, together with decent 
rites and ceremonies in the church, as also holidays in the 
memory of saints, music in churches, and divers other testi- 
monies, both of glorifying God, and giving honour and reward 
to learning, they could much better have tolerated it ; but 
such a rash and violent reformation as theirs was, ought by 
no means to be approved ; whereunto I answered, that, 
though the causes of departing from the Church of Rome 
were taught and delivered by many sober and modest persons, 
yet that the reformation in great part was acted by the common 
people, whereas ours began at the prince of state, and therefore 
was more moderate : which reason I found did not displease 
them. I added further then, that the reformed religion in 
France would easily enough admit an hierarchy, if they jhad 
sufficient means among them to maintain it, and that if their 
churches were as fair as those which the Roman Catholics 
had, they would use the more decent sorts of ntes and cere- 
monies, and together like well of organs and choirs of singers, 
rather than make a breach or schism on that occasion. As for 
holidays, I doubted not but the principal persons and ministers 
of their religion would approve it much better than the common 
people, who, being labourers, and artisans for the most part, 
had the advantages for many more days than Roman Cathohcs 
for getting their living : howsoever, that those of the religion 
had been good cautions to make the Roman Catholic priests, 
if not better, yet at least more wary in their lives and actions : 
it being evident that since the reformation began among 
those of the religion, the Roman Catholics had divers ways 
reformed themselves, and abated not only much of their 



Ii8 Life of Lord Herbert [1621 

power they usurped over laics, but were more pious and 
continent than formerly. Lastly, that those of the religion 
acknowledged solely the King's authority m government of 
all affairs : whereas the other side held the regal power, not 
only inferior in divers points, but subordinate to the papal. 
Nothing of which yet served to divert Monsieur de Luynes, 
or the King, from then- resolutions. 

The King having now assembled an army, and made some 
progress against those of the religion, I had instruction sent me 
from the King my master to mediate a peace, and if I could 
not prevail therein, to use some such words as may both 
argue his Majesty's care of them of the religion, and together, 
to let the French King know that he would not permit thejr 
total rum and extirpation. The King was now going to lay 
siege to St. Jean d'Angely, when myself was newly recovered 
of a fever at Paris, in which, besides the help of many able 
physicians, I had the comfort of divers visits from many princi- 
pal grandees of France, and particularly the Princess of Conti, 
who would sit by my bedside two or three hours, and with 
cheerful discourse entertain me, though yet I was brought so 
low, that I could scarce return anything by way of answer but 
thanks. The command yet which I received from the King my 
master quickened me, insomuch that, by slow degrees I went 
into my coach, together with my train, towards St. Jean 
d'Angely. Being arrived within a small distance of that place, 
I found by divers circumstances, that the effect of my negotia- 
tion had been discovered from England, and that I was not 
welcome thither ; howbeit, having obtained an audience from 
the King, I exposed what I had in charge to say to him, to 
which yet I received no other answer but that I should go to 
Monsieur de Luynes, by whom I should know his Majesty's 
intention. Kepairmg thus to him, I did find outwardly good 
reception, though yet I did not know how cunningly he pro- 
ceeded to betray and frustrate my endeavours for those of the 
religion , for, hiding a gentleman, called Monsieur Arnaud l , 
behind the hangings in his chamber, who was then of the reli- 
gion, but had promised a revolt to the King's side, this gentle- 
man, as he himself confessed afterwards to the Earl of Carlisle, 

l He was son of Anthome de la Mothe-Arnauld, and although his father was a Pro- 
testant, there is no evidence to support Lord Herbert's statement that he himself was 



one. 



1621] Life of Lord Herbert 119 

had m charge to relate unto those of the religion, how little 
help they might expect from me, when he should tell them 
the answers which Monsieur de Luynes made me. Sitting 
thus in a chair before Monsieur de Luynes, he demanded the 
effect of my business ; I answered, that the King my master 
commanded me to mediate a peace betwixt his Majesty and 
his subjects of the religion, and that I desired to do it in all 
those fair and equal terms, which might stand with the honour 
of France, and the good mtelhgnece betwixt the two king- 
doms : to which he returned this rude answer only, ' What 
hath the King your master to do with our actions ? why doth 
he meddle with our affairs ? ' My reply was, that the King 
my master ought not to give an account of the reason which 
induced him hereunto, and for me it was enough to obey him ; 
howbeit, if he did ask me in more gentle terms, I should do 
the best I could to give him satisfaction ; to which, though he 
answered no more than the word bien, or well, I, pursuing my 
instruction, said that the King my master, according to the 
mutual stipulation betwixt Henry the Fourth and himself, 
that the survivor of either of them should procure the tran- 
quillity and peace of the other's estate, had sent this message , 
and that he had not only testified this his pious inclination 
heretofore, in the late civil wars of France, but was desirous 
on this occasion also to show how much he stood affected to 
the good of the kingdom ; besides, he hoped that when peace 
was established here, that the French King might be the 
more easily disposed to assist the Palatine, who was an ancient 
friend and ally of the French crown. His reply to this was, 
' We will have none of your advices ' : whereupon I said, 
that I took those words for an answer, and was sorry only 
that they did not understand sufficiently the affection and 
good will of the King my master; and since they rejected 
it upon those terms, I had in charge to tell him, that we knew 
very well what we had to do. Luynes seeming offended 
herewith, said ' Nous ne vous ercngnons pas ', or, ' We are not 
afraid of you '. I replied hereupon, that if you had said you 
had not loved us, I should have believed you, but should have 
returned you another answer ; in the meanwhile, that I had 
no more to say than what I had told him formerly, which was, 
that we knew what we had to do. This, though somewhat 
less than was in my instructions, so angered him, that in much 



I2O Life of Lord Herbert [1621 

passion he said, Pay Dieu, si vous n' Sties Monsieur I'Ambas- 
sadeur, je vous tratttems d'un* autre sorie 'By God, if you 
were not Monsieur Ambassador, I would use you after another 
fashion '. My answer was, that as I was an ambassador, so I 
was also a gentleman ; and therewithal, laying my hand upon 
the hilt of my sword, told him, there was that which should 
make him an answer, and so arose from my chair ; to which 
Monsieur de Luynes made no reply, but, arising likewise from 
his chair, offered civilly to accompany me to the door ; but 
I telhng him there was no occasion for him to use ceremony, 
after so rude an entertainment, I departed from him. From 
thence returning to my lodging, I spent three or four days 
afterwards in seeing the manner of the French discipline, in 
making approaches to towns ; at what time I remember, that 
going in my coach within reach of cannon, those in the town 
imagining me to be an enemy, made many shots against me, 
which so affrighted my coachman, that he durst drive no 
farther ; whereupon alighting, I bid him put the horses out 
of danger ; and notwithstanding many more shots made against 
me, went on foot to the trenches, where one Seaton, a Scotch- 
man, conducting me, showed me their works, in which I found 
little differing from the Low Country manner. Having 
satisfied myself in this manner, I thought fit to take my leave 
of the King, being at Cognac, the city of St. Jean d'Angely 
being now surrendered unto him. Coming thus to a village 
not far from Cognac, about ten of the clock at night, I found 
all the lodgings possessed by soldiers ; so that alighting in 
the market-place, I sent my servants to the inns to get some 
provision, who bringing me only six rye loaves, which I was 
doubtful whether I should bestow on myself and company, 
or on my horses, Monsieur de Fonts, a French nobleman of 
the religion, attended with a brave train, hearing of my being 
there, offered me lodging in his castle near adjoining : I told 
him it was a great courtesy at that time, yet I could not with 
my honour accept it, since I knew it would endanger him, my 
business to those parts being in favour of the religion, and the 
chief ministers of state in France being jealous of my holding 
intelligence with him ; howbeit, if he would procure me lodg- 
ing in the town, I should take it kindly ; whereupon, sending 
his servants round about the town, he found at last, in the 
house of one of his tenants, a chamber, to which, when he had 



1621] 



Life of Lord Herbert 12 



conducted me, and together gotten some little accommodatic 
for myself and horses, I desired him to depart to his lodging 
he being then in a place which his enemies, the King's soldiei 
had possessed. All which was not so silently carried, bi 
that the said nobleman was accused afterwards at the Fren< 
court, upon suspicion of holding correspondence with m 
whereof it was my fortune to clear him. 

Coming next day to Cognac, the Mareschal de St. Geran 
my noble friend, privately met me, and said I was not in 
place of surety there, as having offended Monsieur de Luync 
who was the King's favourite, desiring me withal to advi 
what I had to do : I told him I was m a place of surety wher 
soever I had my sword by my side, and that I intended 
demand audience of the King ; which also being obtained, 
found not so cold a reception as I thought to meet with, ins 
much that I parted with his Majesty, to all outward appea 
ance, in very good terms. 

From hence returning to Paris shortly after, I found mys< 
welcome to all those ministers of state there, and nobleme 
who either envied the greatness, or loved not the insolencies 
Monsieur de Luynes ; by whom also I was told, that the sa 
Luynes had incensed to send a brother of his into Englai 
with an embassy, the effect whereof should be chiefly 
complain against m^, and to obtain that I should be repealed 
and that he intended to relate the passages betwixt us at 5 
Jean d'Angely in a much different manner from that I reportc 
and that he would charge me with giving the first offeiic 
After thanks for this advertisement, I told them my relati 
of the business betwixt us, in the manner I delivered, was tn 
and that I "would justify it with my sword ; at which th 
being nothing scandalized, -wished me good fortune 3 . 
The ambassador into England following shortly after, wi 

1 Jean Francois de la Guiche, Comte de la Palisse and Mareschal de Saint Ger 
He died in 1632. 

2 Lord Herbert is not quite accurate here Luynes* brother was the Marquis 
Cadenet He had already visited England in January 1621, some months before I 
Herbert's quarrel with Luynes had assumed its final form ; he had soon afterw* 
returned to France, and did not repeat his visit to the English court He endeavoi 
in vain to secure an English alliance with France, mainly in anticipation of the ri' 
of the French Protestants His insolent temper led him into some \try curious quan 
not only with the English courtiers, but with the permanent French ambassadoi 
London, Cornte de Tilhers. See Gardmei's Hist , m, 389 

3 Howell thus mentions the author's recall : * Sir Kdwaicl Tlorboit is returned, ha 
had some clashmgs and counterbufls with the favourite Luynes, wherein he rompc 
himself gallantly' Familiar Letters, Book i, sect 3, letter v. Ch.milxilam v, 
to Carleton under date i4th July 1621 . ' Sir Edward Herbert is recalled then a 

R 



122 



Life of Lord Herbert [1621 

a huge train 1 , in a sumptuous manner, and an accusation 
framed against me, I was sent for home, of which I was glad, my 
payment being so ill, that I was run far into debt with my 
merchants, who had assisted me now with /3,ooo or ^4,000 
more than I was able at the present to discharge. Coming 
thus to court, the Duke of Buckingham, who was then my 
noble friend, informed me at large of the objections represented 
by the French ambassador ; to which when I had made my 
defence in the manner above related, I added, that I was 
ready to make good all that I had said with my sword a ; and 
shortly after, I did, in the presence of his Majesty and the Duke 
of Buckingham, humbly desire leave to send a trumpet to 
Monsieur de Luynes, to offer him the combat, upon terms that 
past betwixt us ; which was not permitted, otherwise than that 
they would take my offer into consideration. Howsoever, 
notice being publicly taken of this my desire, much occasion 
of speech was given, every man that heard thereof much 
favouring me; but the Duke of Luynes' death following 
shortly after 3 , the business betwixt us was ended, and I 
commanded to return to my former charge in France. I did 
not yet presently go, as finding much difficulty to obtain the 
moneys due to me from the Exchequer, and therewith, as also 
by my own revenues, to satisfy my creditors in France. The 
Earl of Carlisle * this while being employed Extraordinary 

challenging Luynes the favourite, and Sir Edward Sackyille is to succeed him '. As 
a XuSSrS J^ James Hay, Wscoimt Doncaster and Earl of Carlisle, temporarily 

o' England to make complaint against Lord Herbert in th* 



. the 

French Kn^fse^etary of state, a despatch respecting this interview between Lord 
Herbert ^nd f James L This despatch, which M. de Remusat has printed in his Lort? 
SSbertete Ckerbury, p. 85, is datedaSth September i6. It runs as follows : 

^ ce proMs je sms entr5 en celui de M. Herbert, disant que j'avois entendu comme 
S WL I'llaitrtci avec toutes sortes de faveurs et de courtoisles, et que m&ne il se pro- 

' ' 



S artc avec u , 

mettait deretouroer en France, que cela etait bien contraire aux discours qu'il m'avait 
SSasen i mTdenSere audience e? aux demonstrations, de colere qu'il avait temoignees 
cSSre sieur Herbert, et m&ne au d&aveu qu'U avait fait des inconsid&ees paroles 
ou'il avaJt dites a S. M. et a M. le conn6table [*.A Luynes], ce que j'avois fait savoir par 
&ir quoi il m'a replique qu' etant roi il devoit retenir une oreille pour la justification 

* *iw * ___ ,_f\i*. . Va -,, i'^Yr^iev a/^r-ff n TTranrtA Atalt vrai. m^IS one ce rm'il 



commei 

fitait vral T Inais que depuis, s f en etant voulu 
n'allaient pas comme Ton m'en avait instruit, 

aaist December 1621, at Monheurt, of a fever contracted while he was leading an 
attack on the Protestants of Beam. ...... ,.. ^ ^ 

* James Hay James I's first favourite at the English court, Viscount Doncaster 
and Earl of Carlisle (z^th September 1633), Knight of the Garter and Master of the 
Great Wardrobe. He had lived in France in his youth, and had been ambassador there 
in 1616. He died asth April 1636. Tillieres specially requested James I to send him 
to replace Herbert. Remusat, p. 86. 



1621] Life of Lord Herbert 123 

Ambassador to France, brought home a confirmation of the 
passages betwixt Monsieur do Luynes and myself ; Monsieur 
de Arnaud, who stood behind the hangings, as above related, 
having verified all I said, insomuch that the King my master 
was well satisfied of my truth- 

Having by this time cleared all my debts, when demanding 
new instructions from the King my master, the Earl of Carlisle 
brought me this message, that his Majesty had that experience 
of my abilities and fidelity, that he would give mo no instruc- 
tions, but leave all things to my discretion, as knowing I would 
proceed with that circumspection, as I should be better able to 
discern, upon emergent occasions, what was fit to be done, 
than that I should need to attend directions from hence, 
which besides that they would be slow, might perchance be 
not so proper, or correspondent to the conjuncture of the great 
affairs then in agitation, both in France and Germany, and 
other parts of Christendom, and that these things, therefore, 
must bo left to my vigilance, prudence, and fidelity. Where- 
upon I told his Lordship, that I took this as a singular expres- 
sion of the trust his Majesty reposed m me ; howbeit, that I 
desired his Lordship to pardon me, if I said I had herein only 
received a greater power and latitude to err, and that I durst 
not trust my judgment so far as that I would presume to answer 
for all events, in such factious and turbulent times, and there- 
fore again did humbly desire new instructions, which I promised 
punctually to follow. The Earl of Carlisle returning hereupon 
to the King, brought me yet no other answer back than that I 
formerly mentioned, and that his Majesty did so much confide 
in me, that he would limit me with no other instructions, but 
refer all to my discretion, promising together, that if matters 
proceeded not as well as might be wished, he would attribute 
the default to anything rather than to my not performing my 
duty. 

Finding his Majesty thus resolved, I humbly took leave of 
him and my friends at court, and went to Monsieur Savage l ; 
when demanding of him new letters of credit, his answer was, 
he could not furnish me as he had before, there being no limited 
sum expressed there, but that I should have as much as I 

1 Locke writes to Carletou that Herbert was returning to Paris on aad February 
1621-2 (Col State Papers). 



124 Life of Lord Herbert [1622 

needed ; to which, though I answered that I had paid all, yet, as 
Monsieur Savage replied, that I had not paid it at the time 
agreed on, he said he could furnish me with a letter only for 
three thousand pounds, and nevertheless, that he was confident 
I should have more if I required it, which I found true, for I 
took up afterwards upon my credit there as much more, as 
made in the whole five or six thousand pounds. 

Coming thus to Paris, I found myself welcomed by all the 
principal persons, nobody that I found there being either 
offended with the passages betwixt me and Monsieur de Luynes, 
or that were sorry for his death, in which number the Queen's 
Majesty seemed the most eminent person, as one who long 
since had hated him : whereupon also, I cannot but remember 
this passage, that in an audience I had one day from the Queen, 
I demanded of her how far she would have assisted me with 
her good offices against Luynes ? She replied, that what 
cause soever she might have to hate him, either by reason or 
by force, they would have made her to be of his side ; to which 
I answered in Spanish, No ay feurce por las a reynas ' There is 
no force for queens '*, at which she smiled. 

And now I began to proceed in all public affairs according 
to the liberty with which my master was pleased to honour 
me, confining myself to no rules but those of my own discretion. 
My negotiations in the meanwhile proving so successful, that 
during the remainder of my stay there, his Majesty received 
much satisfaction concerning my carriage, as finding I had 
preserved his honour and interest in all great affairs then 
emergent in France, Germany, and other parts of Christendom ; 
which work being of great concernment, I found the easier, 
that his Majesty's ambassadors and agents everywhere gave 
me perfect intelligence of all that happened within their pre- 
cincts ; insomuch, that from Sir Henry Wotton, his Majesty's 
ambassador at Venice, who was a learned and witty gentleman, 
I received all the news of Italy ; as also from Sir Isaac Wake x , 
who did more particularly acquaint me with the business of 
Savoy, Valentina \ and Switzerland ; from Sir Francis JSTether- 

1 A Fellow of Merton College, Oxford (1598), and Orator of the University (1604). 
He was at orie time Sir Dudley Carleton's secretary; in April 1619^ made ambassador- 
extraordinary in Savoy and Piedmont, and ordinarv$ambassador in Switzerland and 
Italy. He was an accomplished scholar. A manuscript history by him of the Duchies 
of Montreux and Montferrat is ia the Bodleian. He died in July 1632. 

3 The Valteline. 



1622] 



Life of Lord Herbert 125 



sole *, his Majesty's agent in Germany, and more particularly 
with the united princes there, on the behalf of his son-in-law, 
the Palatine, or King of Bohemia, I received all the news of 
Germany , from Sir Dudley Carleton, his Majesty's ambassador 
in the Low Countries, I received intelligence concerning all the 
affairs of that state ; and from Mr. William Trumbull, his 
Majesty's agent at Brussels, all the affairs on that side 2 ; and 
lastly, from Sn* Walter Aston, his Majesty's ambassador in 
Spain 3 , and after him, from the Earl of Bristol 4 and Lord Cot- 
tington 5 , I had intelligence from the Spanish court : out of all 
whose relations being compared together, I found matter 
enough to dn-ect my judgment in all public proceedings ; 
besides, in Paris, I had the chief intelligence which came to 
either Monsieur de Langherac, the Low Country ambassador, or 
Monsieur Postek, agent for the united princes in Germany, and 
Sigmor Coiitarmi, ambassador for Venice, and Signior Guis- 
cardi my particular friend, agent for Mantua, and Monsieur 
Guerctm, agent for the Palatine, or King of Bohemia 6 , and 
Monsieur Villers, for the Swiss, and Monsieur Ainorant, agent 
for Geneva, by whose means, upon the resultance of the several 
advertisements given me, I found what I had to do. 

The wars in Germany were now hot, when several French 
gentlemen came to me for recommendations to the Queen of 
Bohemia, whose service they desired to advance, which also I 
performed as effectually as I could 7 : howbeit, as after the 
battle of Prague, the Imperial side seemed wholly to prevail, 
these gentlemen had not the satisfaction expected 8 . About 

1 He was succeeded by George Herbert in the public oratorship of Cambridge, i8th 
January 1619 -20, and was one of the most chivalrous supporters of the Princess Elizabeth 
ol the Palatmatr He repeated!} uiged on James I tho i eecsbity of interfering in the 
German war on her behalf 

2 In 1620 he was di^^ted to Tvot*" 5 * r 1 "^ *-oven f , as f nr PS he XVPS a*V the invasion 
of the Palatinate , ... i ," x -. v. i '-ill*' s .">-, i t H- i ^laLio-i^ , mi was recalled 
in 1625. 

3 From 1620-5 , but the marriage negotiations were entrusted to John Digby, Earl 
of Bristol, in 1622-3 He was created Lord Ashton in the Scottish peerage in 1627 , 
served in Spain again in 1638-9, and died i3th August 1639 

4 John Digby, afterwards Earl of Bristol, was thrice appointed ambassador in Spain, 
for brief periods between 1611 and 1624 He finally left the Spanish court m January 
1623-4, after the marriage negotiation had come to grief Cottington was often agent 
at Main:! in Di^by's absence See below. 

' Scv j j -S n'te i. 

*> I OL i 1 i k the Elector- Palatine 

7 Several lett' v -<s r^Tv wi i"cr off^-s o f rnd r^ade to Herbert in behalf of the Elector- 
PnlntnepM .'K I 1 t<- - o<A a -_ il> '. i'i" Bnt Mus MS. Addvt , 7082 

13 ^ L'M' h<i tie of Prague (7th November 1619), the Elector-Palatine and his wife 
\\ ' t> il)-o' (<.'.. ruined A vivid account of their situation is given in their letters to 
James I, printed in Ellis' Letters, first ser, ui, 110-4. 



126 Life of Lord Herbert [1622 

this time, the Duke de Crony, employed from Brussels to the 
French court, coming to see me, said, by way of rhodomontade, 
as though he would not speak of our isles, yet he saw all the 
rest of the world must bow under the Spaniard ; to which I 
answered, God be thanked they are not yet come to that pass, 
or when they were, they had this yet to comfort them, that at 
worst they should be but the same which you are now ; which 
speech of mine, being afterwards, I know not how, divulged, 
was much applauded by the French, as believing I intended 
that other countries should be put under the same severe 
government to which the Duke of Crouy, and those within the 
Spanish dominions, were subject. 

It happened one day that the agent from Brussels, and 
ambassador from the Low Countries, came to see me, imme- 
diately one after the other, to whom I said familiarly, that I 
thought that the inhabitants of the parts of the seventeen 
provinces, which were under the Spaniards, might be compared 
to horses in a stable, which, as they were finely curried, dressed, 
and fed, so they were well ridden also, spurred, and galled ; and 
that I thought the Low Country men were like to horses at 
grass, which, though they wanted so good keeping as the other 
had, yet might leap, kick, and fling, as much as they would ; 
which freedom of mine displeased neither: or, if the Low 
Country ambassador did think I had spoken a little too sharply, 
I pleased him afterwards, when, continuing my discourse, I 
told him that the states of the United provinces had within a 
narrow room shut up so much warlike provision both by sea 
and land, and together demonstrated such courage upon all 
occasions, that it seemed they had more need of enemies than 
of friends, which compliment I found did please him. 

About this time, the French being jealous that the King my 
master would match the Prince, his son, with the king of Spain's 
sister, and together relinquish his alliance with France, myself, 
who did endeavour nothing more than to hold all good intelli- 
gence betwixt the two crowns, had enough to do *. The Count 
de Gondomar 2 passing now from Spain into England, came 

1 Lord Herbert had from, the first encouraged the French court in its hopes of a marriage 
between Henrietta Maria and Prince Charles, and viewed with little favour, it would 
appear the Spanish proposal of marriage. On i4th August 1620 he had written to 
James I that the French marriage would be highly acceptable to the French nation 
and that the religious difficulties could be readily surmounted. 

2 Diego Sarmiento de Aeuna, Count de Gondomar, was Spanish ambassador in Eng- 
land from 1613 to 1618. He arrived in England again about 1619-20, and Herbert 



1622] Life of Lord Herbert 127 

to see me at Paris about ten of the clock in the morning. When 
after some compliments, he told me that he was to go towards 
England the next morning, and that he desired my coach to 
accompany him out of town ; I told him, after a free and 
merry manner, he should not have my coach, and that if he 
demanded it, it was not because he needed coaches, the Pope's 
nuntio, the Emperor's ambassador, the Duke of Bavaria's 
agent, and others, having coaches enough to furnish him, but 
because he would put a jealousy betwixt me and the French, 
as if I inclined more to the Spanish side than to theirs. Gon- 
domar then looking merrily upon me, said, I will dine with you 
yet ; I told him, by his good favour, he should not dine with 
me at that time, and that when I would entertain the ambassa- 
dor of so great a King as his, it should not be upon my ordinary, 
but that I would make him a feast worthy of so great a person : 
howbeit, that he might see after what manner I lived, I desired 
some of my gentlemen to bring his gentlemen into the kitchen, 
where, after my usual manner, were three spits full of meat, 
divers pots of boiled meat, and an oven, with store of pies in it, 
and a dresser board, covered with all manner of good fowl, and 
some tarts, pans with tarts in them after the French manner ; 
after which, being conducted to another room, they were 
showed a dozen or sixteen dishes of sweetmeats, all which was 
but the ordinary allowance for my table. The Spaniards return- 
ing now to Gondomar told him what good cheer they found, 
notwithstanding which, I told Gondomar again that I desired 
to be excused if I thought this dinner unworthy of him, and that 
when occasion were, I should entertain him after a much 
better manner. Gondomar hereupon coming near me, said, 
he esteemed me much, and that he meant only to put a trick 
upon me, which he found I had discovered, and that he thought 
that an Englishman had not known how to avoid handsomely a 
trick put upon him under show of civility ; and that I ever 
should find him my friend, and would do me all the good 
offices he could in England, which also he really performed, as 

must have met him at Pans while on the journey He was the chief negotiator of the 
Spanish marriage treaty, and left England in 1622 to complete it at the Spanish court 
He never retumr-l to t u <? c~ ir*r--, and died in 1625 at Bominel in Flanders. Although 
loathed by the I > id- < ',< his gaiety made him popular at court Ho told a 
merry tale, read - i - i -, i I vs, bought a first folio, and liked English wmos (See 
Howell's Letters, r>/> ' Mi Idleton's Game at Chesse, 162 j. f is a st.ithmg satire 
upon him (See M -lul .1 '- H ot, s, ed A H Bullen, vol. vu ) His portrait by Mytens 
is at Hampton Court. 



128 Life of Lord Herbert [1623 

the Duke of Lennox and the Earl of Pembroke confirmed to 
me ; Gondomar saying to them, that I was a man fit for employ- 
ment, and that he thought Englishmen, though otherwise able 
persons, knew not how to make a denial handsomely, which yet 
I had done. 

This Gondomar being an able person, and dexterous in his 
negotiations, had so prevailed with King James, that his 
Majesty resolved to pursue his treaty with Spain, and for that 
purpose, to send his son Prince Charles in person to conclude 
the match, when, after some debate whether he should go in a 
public or private Manner, it was at last resolved, that he, 
attended with the Marquis of Buckingham, and Sir Francis 
Cottington, his secretary I , and Endymion Porter 2 , and Mr. 
Grimes, gentleman of the horse to the Marquis, should pass 
in a disguised and private manner through France to Madrid ; 
these five passing, though not without some difficulty, from 
Dover to Boulogne, where taking post horses, they came to 
Pans, and lodged at an inn in Rue St. Jacques, where it was 
advised amongst them whether they should send for me to 
attend them ; after some dispute, it was concluded in the 
negative, since, as one there objected, if I came alone in the 
quality of a private person, I must go on foot through the 
streets ; and because I was a person geneially known, might be 
followed by some one or other, who would discover whither my 
private visit tended besides, that those in the inn must needs take 
notice of my coming in that manner ; on the other side, if I 
came publicly with my usual train, the gentlemen with me 
must needs take notice of the Prince and Marquis of Bucking- 
ham, and consequently might divulge it, which was thought 
not to stand with the Prince's safety, who endeavoured to keep 
his journey as secret as possible ; howbeit, the Prince spent the 
day following his arrival in seeing the French Court, and city 
of Pans, without that anybody did know his person, but a 
maid that had sold linen heretofore in London, who seeing him 
pass by, said, certainly this is the Prince of Wales, but withal 

1 He came from Madrid, where he had acted as English agent, to be Charles's secre- 
tary, in 1622 He was created a baronet on i6th February 1623 , became Lord Cotting- 
ton soon after, being , 1 i i i " i ^ . * " , After fighting for Charles 
I, he went into exile i i ( ! . * i J 'i \ , , ,n . i > 1653, when, the peerage 
became extinct 

2 An intimate 1 friend of Charles I and Buckingham, he was frequently engaged in diplo- 
matic negotiations with Spain , but he is best known is a prominent li aclcr of court 
society under Charles I, and a patron of literature, in ufurh ho ou I-.IMM ilT\ dabbled 
himself 



1623] Life of Lord Herbert 129 

suffered him to hold his way, and presumed not to follow him : 
the next day after, they took post horses, and held their way 
towards Bayonne, a city frontier to Spain l . 

The first notice that came to me was by one Andrews, a 
Scotchman, who, coming late the night preceding their depar- 
ture, demanded whether I had seen the Prince ? when I 
demanding what Prince ? ' for ', said I, ' the Prince of Conde 
is yet in Italy ' ; he told me the Prince of Wales, which yet I 
could not believe easily, until with many oaths he affirmed 
the Prince was in France, and that he had charge to follow 
his Highness, desiring me in the meanwhile, on the part of the 
King my master, to serve his passage the best I could. 
This made me rise very early the next morning, and go to 
Monsieur Puisieux, Principal Secretary of State, to demand 
present audience ; Puisieux hereupon entreated me to stay an 
hour, since he was in bed, and had some earnest business to 
despatch for the King his master, as soon as he was ready ; I 
returned answer, that I could not stay a minute, and that I 
desired I might come to his bedside ; this made Puisieux rise 
and put on his gown only, and so came to the chamber, where 
I attended him. His first words to me were, ' I know your 
business as well as you ; your Prince is departed this morning 
post to Spam ' ; adding further, that I could demand nothing 
for the security of his passage, but it should be presently 
granted, concluding with these very words ; Vous serez servi 
au point nomm$ 9 or ' You shall be served in any particular you 
can name '. I told him that his free ofler had prevented the 
request I intended to make, and that because he was so princi- 
pal a minister of state, I doubted not but what he had so nobly 
promised, he would see punctually performed ; as for the 
security of his passage, that I did not see what I could demand 
more, than that he would suffer him quietly to hold his way, 
without sending after, or interrupting him. He replied, that 
the Prince should not be interrupted, though yet he could do 
no less than send to know what success the Prince had in his 
journey. I was no sooner returned out of his chamber, but I 
despatch a letter by post to the Prince, to desire him to make 
all the haste he could out of France, and not to treat with any 

l The best account of this adventurous journey, which took place in February 1622-3, 
is given by Sir Henry Wotton, m his Short View of the Life and Death of the Duke of Buck- 
ingham, 1642 

S 



130 Life of Lord Herbert [1623 

of the religion in the way, since his being at Paris was known, 
and that though the French secretary had promised he should 
not be interrupted, yet that they would send after his Highness, 
and when he gave any occasion of suspicion, might perchance 
detain him. The Prince, after some examination at Bayonne 
(which the governor thereof did afterwards particularly relate 
to me, confessing that he did not know who the Prince was), 
held his way on to Madrid, where he and all his company safely 
arrived. Many of the nobility, and others of the English 
court, being now desirous to see the Prince, did pass through 
France to Spam, taking my house still in their way 1 , by whom 
I acquainted his Highness in Spain how much it grieved 
me that I had not seen his Highness when he was in Paris, 
which occasioned his Highness afterwards to write a letter to 
me, wholly with his own hand, and subscribe his name, your 
friend Charles, in which he did abundantly satisfy all the 
unkindness I might conceive on this occasion. 

I shall not enter into a narration of the passages occurring in 
the Spanish court, upon his Highness's arrival thither, though 
they were well known to me for the most part, by the informa- 
tion the French Queen was pleased to give me, who, among 
other things, told me that her sister * did wish well unto the 
Prince. I had from her also, intelligence of certain messages 
sent from Spain to the Pope, and the Pope's messages to them ; 
whereof, by her permission, I did afterwards inform his High- 
ness. Many judgments were now made concerning the event 
which this treaty of marriage was likely to have ; the Duke of 
Savoy said that the prince's journey thither was, Un t^ro dt 
quelli cavalhen antichi che andavano cosi per tl mondo a d^ffare 
h incanti (that it was a trick of those ancient knights errant, 
who went up and down the world after that manner to undo 
enchantments) : for as that Duke did believe that the Span- 
iard did intend finally to bestow her on the Imperial house, he 
conceived that he did only entertain the treaty with England, 
because he might avert the King my master from treating in 

1 Mr Mead writes to Sir Martin Stncville (i4th March 1632-3) that besides the Lords 
Carlisle and Mountjoy who went to Paris to excuse to Louis XII I the unceremonious 
journey of the Prince of Wales through France, the Prince and his company were fol- 
owed to Madrid by the Lords Andover, Vaughan, Kensington, and about two hundred 
persons more of nobles, knights, gentlemen, and others. Ellis's Ong Letters t ist ser , 
111, 131* 

* Maria, wife of Philip IV of Spain (see p 105, n a). 



1624] 



Life of Lord Herbert 131 



any other place, and particularly in France, howbeit, by the 
intelligence I received in Paris, which I am confident was very 
good, I am assured the Spaniard meant really at that time, 
though how the match was broken, I list not here to relate, it 
being a more perplexed and secret business than I am willing 
to insert into the narration of my life l . 

New propositions being now made, and other counsels 
thereupon given, the Prince taking his leave of the Spanish 
court, came to St. Andrews m Spam, where, shipping himself, 
with his tram, arrived safely at Portsmouth, about the begin- 
ning of October 1623 ; the news thereof being shortly brought 
into France, the Duke of Guise came to me, and said he found 
the Spaniards were not so able men as he thought, since they 
had neither married the Prince in their country, nor done any- 
thing to break his match elsewhere ; I answered, that the 
Prince was more dexterous than that any secret practice of 
theirs could be put upon him ; and as for violence, I thought 
the Spaniards durst not offer it. 

The war against those of the religion continuing in France 2 
Pere Seguerend, confessor to the King, made a sermon before 
his Majesty upon the text, ' That we should forgive our 
enemies J , upon which argument, having said many good things, 
he at last distinguished forgiveness, and said, We were indeed 
to forgive our enemies, but not the enemies of God ; such as 
were heretics, and particularly those of the religion ; and that 
his Majesty, as the most Christian King, ought to extirpate 
them wheresoever they could be found. This particular being 
related to me, I thought fit to go to the Queen-mother without 
further ceremony, for she gave me leave to come to her chamber 
whensoever I would, without demanding audience, and to tell 
her, that though I did not usually intermeddle with matters 
handled within their pulpits, yet because Pdre Seguerend, who 
had the charge of the King's conscience, had spoken so vio- 
lently against those of the religion, that his doctrine was not 
limited only to France, but might extend itself in its conse- 
quences beyond the seas, even to the dominions of the King 
my master ; I could not but think it very unreasonable, and 

1 Lord Herbert's report on French public opinion as to the Prince's journey to and 
from Spain (dated sist October 1623) is printed below. 

2 It is curious that Lord Herbert avoids all mention of Richelieu, who succeeded 
to power early in 1624, and at once embarked on his policy of a forcible suppression 
of Protestantism. 



132 Life of Lord Herbert [1624 

the rather, that as her Majesty well knew that a treaty of 
marriage betwixt our Prince and the Princess her daughter, 
was now begun, for winch reason I could do no less than 
humbly desire that such doctrines as these henceforth might 
be silenced, by some discreet admonition, she might please to 
give to Pere Seguerend, or others that might speak to this 
purpose The Queen, though she seemed very willing to hear 
me, yet handled the business so, that Pere Seguerend was 
together informed who had made this complaint against him, 
whereupon also he was so distempered, that by one Monsieur 
Gaellac, a Proven9al, his own countryman, he sent me this 
message ; that he knew well who had accused him to her 
Majesty, and that he was sensible thereof ; that he wished me 
to be assured, that wheresoever I was in the world, he would 
hinder my fortune. The answer I returned by Monsieur 
Gaellac was, That nothing in all France but a friar or a woman 
durst have sent me such a message. 

Shortly after this, coming again to the Queen-mother, I told 
her, that what I said concerning Pdre Seguerend, was spoken 
with a good intention, and that my words were now discovered 
to him in that manner, that he sent me a very affronting 
message, adding, after a merry fashion, these words, that I 
thought Seguerend so malicious, that his malice was beyond 
the malice of women : the Queen, being a little startled hereat, 
said, A moy femme, et parler a^ns^ ? ' To me a woman, and 
say so ? ' I replied gently, Je parle a votre tnaje$t comme 
reyne, et non pas comme femme ' I speak to your Majesty as a 
queen, and not as a woman % and so took my leave of her. 
What Pere Seguerend did afterwards, in way of performing his 
threat, I know not ; but sure I am, that had I been ambitious 
of worldly greatness, I might have often remembered his 
words, though, as I ever loved my book, and a private life, 
more than any busy preferments, I did frustrate and render 
vain his greatest power to hurt me. 

My book, De ventate prout distingmtur & revelations vemsimili 
possibih, et a falso, having been begun by me in England, and 
formed there in all its principal parts, was about this time 
finished ; all the spare hours which I could get from my visits 
and negotiations, being employed to perfect this work, which 
was no sooner done, but that I communicated it to Hugo 
Grotius, that great scholar, who having escaped his prison in 



1624] 



Life of Lord Herbert 133 



the Low Countries, came into France \ and was much wel- 
comed by me and Monsieur Tielcnus 2 also, one of the greatest 
scholars of his time, who, after they had perused it, and given 
it more commendations than is fit for me to repeat, exhorted me 
earnestly to print and publish it ; howbeit, as the frame of my 
whole book was so different from any thing which had been 
written heretofore, I found I must cither renounce the author- 
ity of all that had written formerly concerning the method of 
finding out truth, and consequently insist upon my own way, 
or hazard myself to a general censure, concerning the whole 
argument of my book ; I must confess it did not a little animate 
me, that the two great persons above mentioned did so highly 
value it, yet as I knew it would meet with much opposition, I 
did consider whether it was not better for me a while to suppress 
it. Being thus doubtful in my chamber, one fair day in the 
summer, my casement being opened towards the south, the sun 
shining clear, and no wind stirring, I took my book, De Ventate, 
in my hand, and, kneeling on my knees, devoutly said these 
words : 

* O thou eternal God, Author of the light which now shines 
upon me, and Giver of all inward illuminations, I do beseech 
Thee, of Thy infinite goodness, to pardon a greater request than 
a sinner ought to make ; I am not satisfied enough whether I 
shall publish this Book, De Veritate 3 if it be for Thy glory, I 
beseech Thee give me some sign from heaven ; if not, I shall 
suppress it * 

I had no sooner spoken these words, but a loud though yet 

iTV-rrtP tr 1 i --tr o* - rl 1 --vyer and philosopher As a leader of the Armmian 
faction .1 ' ! ' ' 15, < \i ' , ' i vas imprisoned in Holland in 1619 Lord Herbert 
welcomed him to Paris on his release h oin pi ibon \vulj t'jo lirc^ 

Carcere dmn career victus, Tenebrisque Tenebras 

Vinclis cum demum vincla soluta tibi 
Prosihens media tandem de mole, videns 

Qmdquid mortale est, deposuisse simul 

In the fine English play of Barnaveldt (1619), which Mr A H Bullen recently discovered 
and printed for the first time m his Old Plays, vol 11, Grotius is one of the characters. 
He had visited TV,-^^ 1T , T fi T , 

2 Born at (.,< < K 4 i * \ -u 1.1 1563, he was for many years Professor of Theology 
at Sedan At the request of James I he visited England, but was there suspected of 
heresy He abandoned Calvinism for the doctrines of the Remonstrants He was 
a voluminous theological write 1 " and the intimate friend of Grotius He died at Pans 
in 1633 Amor g JLoul Tlorbcrt b poems is one ' in answer to Tilenus, when I had that 
fatal defluxion in my hand : 

Qui possim Phoebum successum credere ? Laudes 

Quum facit ut scnbas, Docte Tilene, mcas. 
Providus atque morum consulto sumpit istam 

Ut melius possem nunc superesse tua. 



134 Life of Lord Herbert [1624 

gentle noise came from the heavens, for it was like nothing on 
earth, which did so comfort and cheer me, that I took my 
petition as granted, and that I had the sign I demanded, where- 
upon also I resolved to print my book. This, how strange 
soever it may seem, I protest before the eternal God is true, 
neither am I any way superstitiously deceived herein, since I 
did not only clearly hear the noise, but in the serenest sky that 
ever I saw, being without all cloud, did to my thinking see the 
place from whence it came 1 . 

And now I sent my book to be printed in Pans, at my own 
cost and charges 2 , without suffering it to be divulged to others 
than to such as I thought might be worthy readers of it ; 
though afterwards reprinting it in England, I not only dis- 
persed it among the prime scholars of Europe, but was sent to 
not only from the nearest but furthest parts of Christendom, 
to desire the sight of my book, for which they promised any thing 
I should desire by way of return , but hereof more amply in its 
place. 

The treaty of a match with France continuing still, it was 
thought fit for the concluding thereof, that the Earl of Carlisle 
and the Earl of Holland should be sent Extraordinary Ambas- 
sadors to France . 3 

1 This tcftmon\ to i special divine revelation strangely contrasts with the advanced 
views that J oid ITe bui elsewhere advocates respecting the subject of Revelation 
See Introduction 

2 The first edition in Latin was published at Pans in 1624 A second edition was 
issued in Paris in 1636 A French translator , ' ~ J i F" i- 1 i p i~ 'Pv f i~-t 
London edition appeared m 1633 , the second f 1 > 4 1 . . l < .\', i. , u c 
is among the Sloane MSS (A 3957) 

On the first leaf is written in Lord Herbert's autograph JDilectiss . Fratri Ge. 
Herbert Lectiss Armco Gul Boswell Hunc .Librum suum commendatum voluit 
Ed Herbert ea tege V* : ""id -- *iv 1" i - - " < ", vel quod Fidei vere Cathol adversetus 
expungant, Quo pact > \ s < .' i < jum luce potitus Han c lucem Saltern, 
violent iste Liber [This last line has been altered by the author's own hand to Luce 
sua saltern gaudeat iste Liber ] E H isth December 1622 On the top of f 2 is 
written, also in Herbert's hand De Ventate pr^" f fiKs+ir.w^nr ? -.pxr f vi p t, ri r, e P ven . 
simile po^ihih ft a falso , Ant Ed Herbert, 'i . ' < < ,,<.,.', < . , \ 
<luk f s hand of fie pt'i icxl and is corrected thrc * ' ' e ," ' . ' i '. L < L 
at the end, fims'ing with the words "Suorura sustmendam sufficiat " at p 205 of the 
London Edition of 1633. (Dr Edward Scott, formerly Keeper of MSS at the British 
Museum, in The Athen&um, $oth April 1898) 

3 In May 1624, Tr~^= TTr- T 1 ** Cr-'i^le, ard TTcr' r y Rich (created Lord Kensington 
in 1632, but not c i b , I ,. 1 o Ho., i ^ r. 1 2<ti **-*-^r T* 2 < N p-^i-od m Pans 
to negotiate the French marriage i " i il. -r ,i M , i, i j' i C -. Herbert 
returned to F*" r1 - ri d rt - 2|t\ T IT * 1624, ard 'hopes ', avs Chamberlain, writing to 
CarJeton, *t> 1 k \u-t , il -,i '. Sir Albciius MOILOIL succeeded him at Pans 
as ordinary ambassador. Herbert's letter oi rec.ill, da tod i4th April 1624, is printed 
below 



A CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE 

OF 

EDWARD, LORD HERBERT 

OF CHERBURY 

FROM 1624 TO 1648 

IN spite of his avowed indulgence in all the frivolous pleasures 
of the French capital, Herbert served his sovereign and his 
country faithfully during the five years that he was English 
Ambassador at Louis XIII 's Court \ His correspondence 
bears ample testimony to his self-denying industry. He set 
himself to estimate the political and social forces that domin- 
ated France during the period, and the record of his observa- 
tions proves for the most part his energy and his discrimina- 
tion 2 . And Herbert had every reason to believe that his 
services were highly valued at home. James I was a punctili- 
ous master, but in spite of an occasional misunderstanding, 
which was removed as soon as it was expressed, James had 
treated his minister with real consideration. The curt letter 
of recall which reached Herbert in April 1624 was the first 
sign that he had fallen into disfavour. James I had found it 
good (so the note ran) to dismiss his Minister, and had directed 
the Earl of Carlisle and Lord Kensington to take his place 3 . 

1 I give here a detailed statement of the facts of Herbert's later life. More general 
comment is made in the Introduction 

2 See Appendix vn 

3 The letter, dated i4th April, ran thus : * JAMES R Trustie and well-beloved we 
grete you well We having upon further deliberation found good to call you from that 
service you are now in, we have signified so much by our letters to that King, which 
we send you herewith to bee delivered unto him, for as we having employed thither 
with our commission our right trustie and well-beloved cousin and councellor the Earle 
of Carlisle, and our right trustie and well-beloved the Lord Kensington, we doe require 
you to present them to that King at their first audience, and so to take your leave and 
return unto us with what convenient speed you may". Powysl&nd Club Collection^ 
vi, 420 

135 



136 A Continuation of the 

The rest was silence, and Herbert subsequently professed him- 
self unable to discover the cause that prompted the King to 
cast so marked a slur on his reputaion. But the clue is really 
not far to seek. 

It was not to obtain a suitable partner in marriage for his son 
Charles that James I had made his fruitless advances to 
Spain mi 623, and was about to make similar advances to France 
in 1624. The matrimonial alliance was a mere accident in the 
policy that he was in both cases pursuing His foremost 
anxiety was, without engaging England m a Continental war, 
to protect his daughter Elizabeth and her husband, the Elector- 
Palatine, from the overwhelming onslaught of the Catholic 
princes of Germany. James was a passionate lover of peace ; 
but if peace became impossible, he wished his battles fought by 
anybody rather than himself. And another sentiment now 
combined with his love of peace-at-any-pnce to force him into 
a crooked course of action. James I knew well enough that a 
straightforward war needed money, and that money implied 
an appeal to Parliament and a discussion of popular griev- 
ances. Such a prospect always alarmed him, and it was mainly 
to avert its realization that he flung himself upon the barren 
hope of transferring to the shoulders of another nation his own 
responsibility in the German strife. He believed it practicable 
to introduce into a marriage treaty with a great Continental 
power (be it Spain or France) a clause pledging tus new ally to 
intervene in behalf of his son-in-law, and of his son-in-law's 
allies the Protestant princes of Germany. When, therefore, 
Spam rejected the proposal, he coolly handed it on to France. 

Herbert, his representative in Pans, saw at once the fatuity 
of the scheme, and he spoke out. Four years before, it is true, 
he had hinted that a marriage of the Princess Henrietta with 
the Prince of Wales might be acceptable to the French nation, 
and that the religious obstacles were not insuperable. The 
suggestion had then taken James I by surprise, and no one had 
paid much attention to it. But the situation m 1624 differed 
materially from that in 1620. Then Herbert was instructed 
to do all in his power to cement an alliance between the two 
countries, which offered equal advantages to each contracting 
party. Now England looked for a union in which her neigh- 
bour was to be saddled with whatever sacrifice the connection 
involved. French politicians, with all of whom Herbert was 



1624] Life of Lord Herbert 137 

living on terms of intimacy, had not watched the tedious 
negotiation of Spam with England in the previous year with- 
out realizing this, and although the proposals were unattractive, 
French amour propre was not conciliated by the bestowal on 
France's rival, Spain, of the first opportunity of rejecting 
them. When, therefore, directed to open the discussion of 
terms with the French King, Herbert plainly told James that 
it would be necessary to bring Louis to some real and infallible 
proofs of his intention to aid in the recovery of the Elector- 
Palatine's territory before placing the matrimonial offer beyond 
recall. Herbert was not talking at random ; he was merely 
interpreting one of many important pieces of information 
which had just reached him. Louis XIII was actually making 
proffers of friendship to the Elector's worst enemy, the Duke 
of Bavaria. But the English Ministers failed to recognize the 
significance of this fact, and Herbert resolved on his own 
account to give the opening discussion the advantage of frank- 
ness. He told the French statesmen that the negotiation with 
Bavaria must provoke a breach with England. The French- 
men were annoyed by Herbert's freedom of speech; they 
addressed a remonstrance to the English sovereign ; and 
James accepted the remonstrance in the spirit in which it was 
offered him. He had no taste for plain dealing ; he had 
always placed his confidence in the most tortuous forms of 
diplomacy. The conduct of his Minister was as repugnant to 
him as to his enemies, and he dismissed him without delay x . 
Thus Herbert suffered for doing no more than his duty for 
showing a little more resolution and fixity of principle than 
was habitual either to him or to his contemporaries. Did he 
cherish any ill-will against James, the final result of the negoti- 
ation gave him ample satisfaction. Prince Charles and Princess 
Henrietta Mana were duly married, but France stirred neither 
hand nor foot to retrieve the cause of the Elector and the 
Princess Elizabeth. 

Herbert was neanng middle age when he had first entered 
on a political career, but he had no wish to retire from it at 
the early age of forty-two. He would probably have lived a 
happier life had it been otherwise. He had native capacity 
that was fitted for higher purposes than contemporary diplom- 

1 Gardiner's History of England, v, arS. 



138 A Continuation of the [1624-6 

acy, and his memory would deserve greater honour had he 
yielded readily to the pressure of circumstance, and forsworn 
politics when the inducement to exert his abilities in their 
service was first removed. But he never looked very far 
ahead. He knew that at the moment the student's habits 
were not wholly to his liking ; he preferred to find his recreation 
in literature and philosophy, and to make the handling of 
affairs the real business of life. Compromising imputations 
had been cast upon his name by his sudden recall, and these 
he was anxious to remove. His pecuniary resources had been, 
moreover, severely taxed ; he was deep in debt to French 
merchants, who were importunate for payment ; much of his 
salary remained unpaid, and he knew that, in spite of his 
numerous acquaintances at court, he needed the influence 
attaching to official position to press his claims on the attention 
of the Government And there was certainly every reason for 
liim to believe that his ambition in this direction would be 
gratified. Buckingham, the Prince of Wales, and other men 
of influence were his friends ; from an early age he had been 
accustomed to receive marks of favour from the Crown itself. 
On his return home in July 1624, he therefore confidently 
awaited the offer of further political employment. But for 
six months he received only the vaguest promises. At length, 
on 3 oth December 1624, came a barren mark of royal approval, 
which gave its recipient very slender satisfaction. Herbert's 
wife had inherited the Irish estate of Castle-Island, Kerry, and 
in this fact James found a shadowy justification for creating 
Herbert, in reward of his five years' foreign service, my Lord 
of Castle-Island in the peerage of Ireland. Buckingham hmtcd 
that he might be able later to transform the peerage into an 
English honour, and on this assurance Herbert accepted it. 
With the cheap distinction went a grant of supporters to the 
ancient shield of his family, viz., a lion arg. powdered with 
roses of England, and a lion az powdered with fleurs-de-hs of 
France '. * James I gave Herbert no other reward. 

The accession of Charles I inspired Lord Castle-Island with 
new hope, and as soon as the King was firmly seated on the 
throne he adressed himself to him m fairly outspoken lan- 
guage. Hisjetter ran as follows : 

1 Powysland Collection, v, 165 



1626] 



Life of Lord Herbert 139 



* MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MOST EXCELLENT MAjESiiE, Havmge given 
my most faithfull attendance to your Majesties father of blessed memorie 
from the bcgmnmgc of his reigne to the latter ende, and in all that time 
havmge neyther demanded suite nor had any, your Majestic will easily 
knowe how small advantage I made of his service ; yet, I must confesse, 
I was chosen Ambassador when I least thought of it But as I lived in a 
moie chargeable fashion than any before mee, and notwithstanding saved 
his Majestic a iooo l1 yearly w dl others spent him, and havmge withall 
done all marchant's business freely, wch never any other did in my place, 
I spent not only all the means I had from his Majestic, together w th 
my owiie annual! rents, but somethmge above, so that still your Majestie 
may be pleas'd to consider mec as a looser But yf the losse had beene 
only to my purse I could better have endured it, but it was (though w u 'out 
rny fault) in my name and estimation too, for when after the reconcihage 
of the distracted affections of this and that other people where I served, 
I hoped in this later treaty of marriage to bee admitted to the same honor 
w (h was granted to S 1 Thomas Edmonds m the former, I was not only 
excluded, but repeald, w ch was the most publique disgrace that ever 
minister in my place did suffer ; neyther have I anythmge to comfort 
nice, but your Majesties many gracious promises, both in your blessed 
father's tune and sithence, the effect of w ch I cannot doubt of, not only 
in regard of my many services and suffrmgs, but that no man in the memory 
of man ever return' d from the charge I had in that cuntrey that had 
not some place of honor and preferment given him. In the meane while 
I shall crave leave to present these my most humble suites i. That 
whereas his late Majestic made mee a Baron in Ireland, as in the way 
of bemge made a Baron of Englande (w ch my L Duke of Buckingham 
I assure myself well remembers), your Majestie would be gratiously pleas'd 
to make good that promise 2 Whereas all his late Majesties Ambassadors 
in France have at their returnc beene sworne of the Privy Counseile, 
your good Majestic may be gratiously pleas'd not to thmke mee lesse 
worthy that honor 3 Whereas I am so farre from bemge payd that 
w (<l1 was promised by my privy seale, that I am not a saver yet by 3000,'* 
your good Majestie some way or other would recompense mee ; and 
for the present to continue mee in your Counseile of Warre, both that I 
am the sole elder brother of my estate, who have beene on all occasions 
of that kind, since my minority untill my imployment in France (where 
I saw the seige of S* Jean d'Angely and other memorable services) , and 
also that I have done nothing in the warres for w el1 1 have received publiq 
praise and thankes at the Counseile table here I could adde other services, 
and doubt not but your Majestie may bee pleas'd to thmke on some, 
but howsoever shall submit t all to your Majestie, as my good kinge and 
master, who at length may be pleas'd to give a gracious conclusion to 
all my troubles, which I shall strive to approve myselfe, ever, and to 
all tryalles, your most excellent Majesties most obedient, most faithful], 
and most affectionate subject and servant, 

'May 8 1626' E. HERBERT 1 . 

1 This letter, discovered bv Mr E P Shtrl^v amonsf the papers of the Baroness North 
at Croxton, Oxfordshire, was hrst punteJ. in \"j-'tf 5 ind, Queries, 4th ser ics, vol x, p. 222. 



140 A Continuation of the [1627-9 

Although Charles showed little more anxiety than his father 
to acknowledge Herbert's claim, and Buckingham was not in a 
position to enforce it, Herbert was not altogether overlooked. 
His anxiety to serve on the Council of War was a modest am- 
bition, and with some modification it was satisfied. On 1 2th 
December 1 626 he joined his kinsman the Earl of Pembroke, 
his friend Viscount Wimbledon, who, as Sir Edward Cecil, 
had been his commander in the Low Countries, and many other 
courtiers, on a commission to inquire into abuses in the state of 
the navy. But he still lacked more substantial satisfaction. 
Unfortunately, in March 1627 the French merchants to whom 
Herbert was in debt grew more importunate than before, and 
appealed to the English Treasury to force Herbert to pay them 
;2 y ooo. Three months later (2ist July 1627) he received very 
slight compensation for yielding to this demand in the joint 
grant of the manor of Ribbesford and other land in Worces- 
tershire, to himself, his brother George, and another , but he 
did not long retain his share in the property, which ultimately 
passed to his brother Henry. The succeeding twenty months 
saw Herbert waiting helplessly for a more decided change of 
fortune. He was not invited to take part in the expedition 
to the Isle of Rhe in 1627, although many of his friends accom- 
panied Buckingham in that unlucky enterprise ; and the 
murder of the favourite in the following year (23d August 1628) 
further depressed his prospects. Meanwhile pcrfcrmcnts were 
lavished on Herbert's relatives and friends with no sparing 
hand, and he began to realize that he was playing a losing game. 
A cousin William was elevated to the English peerage as 
Baron Powis of Powis Castle, Montgomeryshire, on 2nd April 
1629. The news was not very welcome to him. ' Lord Castle- 
Island ', wrote one Philip Mamwarmg of the effect the an- 
nouncement produced upon him, ' has run into a nutshell, and 
will never appear again '. None the less m 1629 Charles gave 
effect to Buckingham's former assurance that Herbert's ad- 
mission to the Irish peerage was only the prelude to his admis- 
sion to the English peerage , and on 7th May in that year Baron 
Castle-Island became Baron Herbert of Cherbury. Three 
years later (27 th June 1632) he took his long-sough t-f or place 
on the Council of War, and helped to draw up ' fit instructions 
for persons in command of garrisons and forts/ He was rein- 
stated in this position on 29th May 1637 , but this petty 



1630] 



Life of Lord Herbert 141 



employment practically brought Herbert's official life to a 
close y 1 . 

Humiliating to his self-esteem as was his inability to obtain 
a responsible political office by ordinary agencies and by ap- 
peals to Ins former official work, Herbert had too versatile a 
capacity to submit quietly to the failure of ordinary efforts. 
If success were attainable by less dignified methods than those 
he had already tried and tried in vam, he claimed no superior 
political virtue over his contemporaries, and was ready to give 
the less dignified methods a trial. He argued, with Bacon, that 
the architect of his own fortunes must make his * mind pliant 
and obedient to occasion '. 

Buckingham, on his return from the Isle of Rhe in 1627, 
had drawn up * certain commentaries (hastily written ) ' con- 
cerning his conduct of the expedition. His enemies had 
charged him with gross mismanagement throughout his 
command, and with personal cowardice. A vindication was 
necessary, and he handed his notes over to Lord Herbert, who 
was importunate for the honour of retrieving his patron's 
reputation, and saw in the endeavour a means of increasing 
his own influence at Court. But the task proved a difficult 
one, and the Duke died * his nefarious death by the hand of an 
assassin ' before it was little more than begun. Buckingham's 
death, however, was the signal for some attacks of exceptional 
ferocity upon his life and character in both France and England. 
A Frenchman named Isnard and a Jesuit named Monat both 
published detailed accounts of his conduct 2 at Rochelle, and 
their libels led Herbert to abandon a momentary intention of 
sacrificing Buckingham's notes to ' privacy and silence'. 
At Montgomery Castle, on loth August 1630, he completed 
the defence of his friend, and he dedicated the manuscript to 
Charles I. Herbert approached his sovereign deferentially : he 
applauded his ( innate and implanted gentleness/ and he 
apologized for his own incapacity as a writer. ' It is not, 
indeed, as I could wish, polished and set foorth : the rough 

1 The authority for the statements made in this paragraph is the Calendar of Stats 
Papers for the yearb 1626-37 The exact dates, given in each case, will indicate the 
volumes whence they are derived 

2 The works which (Herbert asserts) called for refutation are (i) Arcts Sammart%an& 
Obsidis et Fuga Anglorum a Rea, Insula Scnpta Jacobo Isnard, Pans, 1629 ; (2) Trezeisme 
Tome dv Mercvre Francois, Paris, 1637-28 , and (3) Capta, Rupecula Gracima Servata 
auspicus ac ductu . Ludovici XIII descnpta utraque ab P Philiberto Monato de 
Societatc Jesu J Ledffen, 1630. 



142 A Continuation of the [1632-3 

and unmusical kind of stile admits not the ornaments of words '. 
It must, m all fairness, be confessed that the vindication is a 
lame affair. On the last page Herbert arrives at a very halting 
conclusion : ' If it be granted that the French did triumph 
over the vanquished, it must not be denied but the English 
triumphed even over the victory itself, which, consequently, if 
they did not make use of and pursue according to the time and 
occasion, that the night coming on, and defect of horse were the 
only obstacles '. Sir Henry Wotton professed to admire the 
book a , but Charles showed a shrewder judgment in declining 
to flatter either it or its author. Herbert apparently expected 
a fee for the performance, but the fee never came, and the 
writer was vainly reminding Secretary Windebank of the 
charges to which he had been put by the composition of the 
pamphlet eight years later. Herbert had it translated into 
Latin by a lawyer named Timothy Baldwin, but wisely took 
no steps to put either the English or the Latin version into 
print a . 

This failure, however, did not daunt Lord Herbert. If he 
could not gain royal recognition as the historian of the present, 
he would command it as the historian of the past. As early 
as 1632 he was engaged on his elaborate history of the reign 
of Henry VIII , in February 1639 he stated that he had 
already spent seven years in the undertaking. On nth 
November 1633 he reminded Charles through Secretary Winde- 
bank that he had now served in Court ' without that ever he 
asked or got anything of benefit or value for above thirty 
years ', a statement which seems somewhat open to exception. 
He therefore prayed, m the first place, that further official 
powers over the manor of Cherbury, which ' he conceived to 
be his right ', might be acknowledged by the Crown, and he 
made a second unspecified request, admitted to be ' wholly 
in His Majesty's good pleasure'. This request is proved 

J Cf Rch<jiu<e WaMomuuue, 1685, p 226 ' This action, as I hear, hath been delivered 
bv noble gentleman of much learning ?nd ?ctr* *)i-+s b*m>lf +^e fitter to do it right 
which in truth it qrcatlv wanted, hav j i, i UK , t - 101 i, ' > censure, even from 
some of the frrencn \\nfo'-s than it had generally amongst ourselves at home Now 
because the said book is not yet flowing into the light, I will but sweep the way with a 
lew notes 



2 The Lpti- *--.',*, l-h- 1 -, * by Baldwin in 1658 after Herbert's death The 
nglish " i ir M ic i . .1 j i M-s , , iQ* r v'V" *i * - *-*+ p - *^ b- t u * F-rl r* P-VMS 
for the Philobiblon Society. Ih,.- in <<P,,>,nii' ,! v i\ .jiv.i .'->i M. !*,-> 
only m the Latin version, whic I 1 di!" ^\\ -i\ti, -ju. t M |,i niV--. i' in u-i ^'iqu.il 



1634-5] Life of Lord Herbert 143 

by other evidence to have been an appeal for pecuniary assist- 
ance in preparing his great historical treatise 1 . In a later 
petition (loth January 1634-5) he sought payment of 600, 
a fraction of his arrears of salary as French Ambassador, 
m the interests of the same work. His earlier request, he stated, 
had been answered by the grant of apartments in the royal palace 
at Richmond, but he found the situation inconvenient, and he 
now begged permission to remove to Whitehall, or rather to St 
James's, 'whereby he might have access to the paper chamber of 
the one, and the library of the other house '. 

But Herbert still stood in need of something more. His 
craving for an unequivocal public testimony of the King's 
favour had not been satisfied, and the mental distraction which 
his new labours brought him had not abated its intensity. In 
applying himself to historical investigations he allowed that 
he was following the example of two distinguished statesmen, 
and the result could bring no loss of honour. Sir Thomas 
More was the author of a life of Richard III, and Bacon the 
author of a life of Henry VII ; but although both were ' great 
personages ', he desired to be distinguished 'from those who 
before had taken pains in this kind '. More and Bacon 
wrote their histories, he reminded Charles, ' in the time of 
their disgrace, and when otherwise they were disabled to 
appear.' Herbert was differently situated ; and it was, he 
urged, the King's business to avert any popular misconception 
on the subject 2 . 

Charles was deaf to these new entreaties. But Herbert 
energetically continued the campaign. On i4th May of the 
same year (1635) he drew up a paper of observations on the 
royal supremacy in the Church. He discussed Old Testament 
history, and showed the inconveniences and unscriptural char- 
acter of a supremacy f invested m a far remote and obnoxious 
prelate, who may sometimes want the power, and sometimes 
the means of giving that order which is requisite 3 . He there- 
fore argued that a powerful king should alone be head of the 
Church. Herbert did not merit any advantage from this very 
imperfect and servile version of his own theological opinions, 

1 Calendar of State Papers , nth November 1633. 

2 Calendar of State Papers, i7th January 1634-5. 

3 Two copies of this tract remain m manuscript one in the State Paper Office (Cal 
Stale Papers, i4th May 1635), and the other in the Library of Queen's College, Oxford 
(civil, 158-79). 



144 A Continuation of the [i 63 8-9 

and the King did him a deservedly ill service by forwarding it 
some months later to Archbishop Laud, with whom the writer 
had previously maintained a formal intimacy 1 . A month 
or two later, Herbert, who still hung about Court, discussed the 
same subject with another authority, Panzam, the Papal 
Envoy, and took up a very different line of argument. His 
fellow courtiers were showing Panzam much attention at the 
time, and Herbert deemed it prudent to conciliate the men of 
influence with a courteous bearing towards their protege. 
He was, of course, full of his history of Henry VIII, and he 
told the Catholic priest that the hero of his book really deserved 
to have little that was good written of him, and that, so far 
from upholding the rights of a secular ruler over a church, he 
intended to show as much favour as was possible to the theories 
of the Papacy. Anxious to obtain recognition as an author in 
any quarter, he went so far as to offer to submit his philoso- 
phical treatise De Ventate to the Pope's criticism 2 . Vain 
yearning for applause doubtless moved him to make the offer ; 
he did not intend his behaviour to cloak any very subtle design 
But Panzam thought Herbert's remarks of sufficient signifi- 
cance to transmit them to the Holy See, 

Uiibafned still, Herbert returned to the direct attack on 
the Crown on gfh February 1638-9. The scandalous delay of 
the Treasury in paying him his arrears of salary was growing 
more and more embarrassing. His son Edward had lived 
riotously and was heavily in debt, and he had impoverished 
himself in compounding with the young man's creditors. 
Moreover, Herbert was sparing himself no expense in collecting 
materials for his history a work which he honestly deemed, in 
spite of ulterior personal aims, to be of royal, if not national 
interest And the time seemed to him more opportune than 
ever for pressing Ms demand for recompense and recognition. 
Charles was in the presence of a difficult crisis. No one pro- 
bably saw distinctly the road that events were taking, but the 
existing troubles with Scotland, which proved the prelude to 

1 In Laud's correspondence with Strafforr 1 i +t ~~ J - 1 1- *-nr -%-ss--- ' Another suit 
I am to make unto you at the request of Mr ' ! i . i . . i Sir Edward 
Herbert, the lawyer) A ^c" *^ - y~'~i- - T \ '1 R , j TT . i, 
eldest son of the Lord C . , i > p i, -i Jn , i d, o i i Is 
the possessions of the i .. ''>-.,, M - i : i i \ <* ui ( i ie 
over to you at spring 1 , v i ' ' c oi him, and let him know I have desired so 
much (Laud's Works, vn, 214) 

2 Gardiner's History, ix, 137-8. 



1639] Life of Lord Herbert 145 

the civil war in England, impressed Charles and his advisers 
with the necessity of closing up their own ranks, of conciliating 
their own supporters, and of presenting a compact front to their 
enemies, on whatever side they might threaten attack. He 
had taken the first step in this policy by levying troops for a 
military demonstration in Scotland, and by accusing the 
Scotch in a royal proclamation of attempting the overthrow 
of the monarchy under colour of a religious agitation. To lend 
support to the cause of monarchy, Charles summoned Herbert 
with his fellow-peers to York. It was therefore only just, 
Herbert argued, that the Crown, before throwing upon him 
new expenses, should cease to be his debtor, and he wrote to 
Wmdebank m a very sanguine strain on the subject : 

'Having (he says) attended, since my jeturn in 1624, some recom" 
pensc through his Majesty's goodness for extraordinary expenses of about 
5300 upon occasion of my embassage there, 2500 whereof rest due 
to me upon my privy seal (as I made it appear to the late Lord Treasurer 
and am ready to show to this), you may easily collect how much I have 
suffered these many years without presuming to trouble his Majesty 
with any large complaint, as hoping indeed his Majesty would before 
this time have bestowed on me such honourable place as my predecessors 
in that employment have enjoyed, as I desire to be represented to his 
Majesty, not forgetting to inform him how much this reflects upon- my 
reputation Besides which, my charges for writing the expedition to 
the Isle of Rhe in Latin and English, as also my keeping scholars and 
clerks for copying records and making transcripts of the history of Henry 
VIII , having caused for these last seven years divers new expenses, 
and having paid the debts of an unthrifty son, you see how many ways 
I am disabled from bringing the equipage I desire to the rendezvous at 
York '. 

Herbert proceeds to express the hope that he may advance 
his Majesty's cause by taking a command ' convenable to my 
experience, former charge, and present quality % in the Scotch 
war, but he reminds Charles that he is prosecuting lawstnts in 
both Ireland and England, and that his absence may cost 
him dear. He therefore urgues in conclusion that, should he 
not put in an immediate appearance at York, his delay must 
not be misconstrued *. 

The terms of this appeal were not likely to give it signal 
success, and probably did not secure its writer a very warm 
welcome when he joined his sovereign in the North It "proved 

1 Calendar of State Papers, gih February 1638-9 

U 



146 A Continuation of the [1640 

that Herbert had lived too long on. the outskirts of the political 
world to command much political foresight. He failed to see 
that Charles's difficulties were increasing with such velocity 
that merely personal grievances were incapable of redress m a 
crisis like the present. We do not know the duties assigned 
Herbert in the fruitless expedition of 1639, which never reached 
actual hostilities. The only trace of the episode left on his 
writings is a characteristically abstract poem entitled The Idea 
mate of Alnwich ^n his \i e. the author's] Expedition to Scotland 
with the army, 1639 l . The strains are too thoughtful to suggest 
that Herbert was in a mood to lend much effective military aid 
to the royal forces. 

In 1640 the relations between King and Commons entered 
a far more critical stage. The short Parliament was hastily 
dissolved (5th May), and Charles summoned a council of peers 
at York to discuss the situation For the moment Herbert 
forgot his grievances, for a second time joined the King in the 
North, and took his place in the Council (24th September). 
The immediate question under debate was whether or no an 
armistice should be arranged with the Scotch, who had now 
invaded the northern counties. Herbert argued (6th October 
1640) in the negative. In spite of his years and his long lack of 
active service, in theory his martial ardour had not cooled, and 
he advised Charles to continue the war at all hazards a . The 
Scots demanded the payment of 40,000 as the first step towards 
a treaty of peace. ' Treaties ', said Lord Herbert, ' are thin 
airy things ', and could never be worth so large a sum of money. 
No prince ' had overbought a treaty of his subjects at so dear 
a rate ', and it ' would reflect upon the honour of his Majesty 
abroad when foreign nations should hear of such an affront 
given to his Majesty and his kingdom '. But Herbert's advice 
was rejected and the temporary treaty of Ripon signed. 
Thereupon Herbert took what proved to be his last f irewell 
of his sovereign, and at once withdrew to Montgomery. He 
was not over-pleased with the result of this new excursion into 
politics. He recognized that younger men were the prime 
movers in contemporary affairs, and that his name was 
practically unknown amonj them. The friends of his 

1 Poems, edited by J Churton Collins, pp 109-13 

2 Gardiner's History, ix, 212 Rushworth reports the speech in his Historical Collec- 
tions, 11, 1293. 



1642] Life of Lord Herbert 147 

youth wore no longer in the King's council. His kins- 
man, William Herbert, the well-known Earl of Pembroke, 
had died in 1630, Lord Wimbledon in 1638, and Sir Thomas 
Lticy in 1640. His health, moreover, was beginning 
to break, and his physicians recommended unexciting 
pursuits. Through 1641 and a great part of 1642 Herbert 
therefore passed his time with his books, began continuations 
of his philosophical treatise De Ventate and planned his 
autobiography and a work on education. He was clearly 
hesitating even then as to the role he should play in the coming 
struggle. His hopes that the King would redress his personal 
grievance were growing fainter and fainter. 

The desperate aspect of affairs in May 1642 recalled him to 
London to study the situation from, the nearest points of view* 
He attended the sittings of the House of Lords. When, on 
2oth May, the Commons resolved that the King transgressed his 
oath if he made war, Herbert spoke with cautious hesitation, 
and thought to sail with the wind. He promised to vote 
for the resolution if he could assure himself that the King 
made war ' without cause '. This qualification was ill inter- 
preted by the Commons : he was committed by them for a 
few days to the Tower, and was only released on making a very 
handsome apology. The experience was not a satisfactory 
one \ and Herbert appears to have contemplated retiring to 
the Continent. He, however, withdrew once more to Mont- 
gomery, which he doubtless deemed a safe distance from 
which to watch events. 

It goes without saying that Herbert had mental resources 
outside politics which ought to have enabled him to take his 
political disappointments platomcally, but until very late in 
life he would never allow himself to recognize the fact distinctly. 
Readers of other portions of this work will find illustration of 
his devotion at this and all other tames to science, mechanical 
inventions and the culture of horses, to history, philosophy, 
and poetry. But whenever he allowed his mind to dwell upon 
the habitual neglect to which the politicians subjected him, he 

1 Si c T ords' Tom ', v p 77 and Historical MSS. Commtssw* Report, v, 34. Accord- 
ing tDtheCdminon.*'/o',n, j -5 4, Herbert was ready to advance money to th Parlia- 
mtnt (of Hist MSS Com, Rep , v. 21). It IS very necessary, and very ' ditoM -, *J 
distinguish in the various records of the civil war the various Herberts who took part 
m it. Lord Herbert of Cherbury has often been mistaken for Lord Herbert, the eldest 
son of the Earl of Worcester, who led the Royalists in South Wales. 



148 A Continuation of the [1642 

was tormented by consciousness of failure. And besides failing 
health and loss of friends, he had domestic troubles to harass 
him. His wife died on 29th October 1634, and was laid to 
rest in Montgomery Church on the following day 1 . One of 
his sons was a spendthrift. All his brothers were dead before 
1640, except Sir Henry, to whom he pathetically wrote in 1643, 
' And here I must remember that of all of us there remains 
but I and you to brother it '. Everything contributed to 
benumb his political enthusiasm. Montgomery Castle seems 
alone to have preserved its attractions for him ; there he was 
forced back on the happier memories of his early life, and his 
neighbours treated him with respect a . Since political honour 
was denied him, he set a higher value than of old on his personal 
comfort, and he soon resolved to make that the chief plank in 
his political platform. 

The outbreak of the civil war in 1642 evidently perplexed 
him. He prayed for ' a good and speedy end to all these 
troubles '. He tried for a while to close his eyes to their serious 
import. Although he was not inclined to countenance a revolu- 
tion, his loyalty (it was clear) would ill bear the severe strain 
of repeated menaces of his personal security. His sufferings 
at the hands of the Crown had weakened his regard for its 
present possessor. The warfare of political parties had never 
been any concern of his. AH that he immediately aimed at 
now, therefore, was a pacific independence. He resolved, as 
long as it was practicable, to observe a strict neutrality in the 
coming struggle, and to wait on the result. He cared no longer 
for his country but for himself. 

The presence of Charles and his nephew Prince Rupert in 
Chester and Shrewsbury in 1642 feverishly moved the people 
of North Wales, and did much to strengthen their Royalist 
predilections. Lord Herbert's eldest son, Richard, at once 
raised a troop of horse and a regiment of foot at his own 
expense, arid joined the Royal forces at Shrewsbury. 
Throughout the war he fought valiantly against the Parlia- 
ment, together with his brother Edward, and Edward his eldest 
son. But Lord Herbert held aloof from the popular excite- 

1 The entries are in the Montgomery parish register. 

* We obtain a glimpse of Lord Herbert, or Lord Castle-Island (as he was often called 
after his accession to an English peerage), in the Chamberlain's accounts of the corpora- 
tion of Shrewsbury: in 1636. He visited the town and was feasted by the civic magis- 
trates : ' 1636, November 2, spent on my Lord Castell Islande, four pottles claret, 
53. 4-d. Two ditto sack, 45. Two dozen fine cakes/ 



1643] Life of Lord Herbert 149 

merit, although it combined with his other anxieties to cause 
him exceptional depression of spirits. ' I am thinking ', he 
wrote to his brother Henry on i4th June 1643, ' of the 
journey to the Spa, but I doubt how I shall be able to go, my 
body being more infirm than to endure any labour. And let 
me assure you I find myself grown older in this one year than in 
fifty-nine years before , which, as it is true, I should be glad 
were known among the best of those to whom you go '. 

Ten days later Herbert wrote again in a like strain to his 
brother. A slight dispute had arisen between them. Sir 
Henry apparently desired Lord Herbert to take charge of his 
horses and put them out to grass in Montgomery, while the 
midland counties, where his estates lay, continued in then- 
disturbed state. Lord Herbert declined to accede to the 
request. The letter is of value as an indication of his growing 
depression, of his fretfulness, and of his resolute endeavours 
to blind himself to the strife that was now approaching Mont- 
gomery Castle very closely. It begins : 

* SIR HENRY, For the good offices you ever done me, I thank you 
But why thereupon you should fall upon your old whetting, I marvel. 
I had lather for my part foiget all unkind passages than remember them, 
so as to send you a forgiveness for them x . 

* Good bi other, use no more close repetitions ; and now I grow old 
and infirm, do not add affliction and discomforts to your faithful loving 
brother, 

* J HERBERT ' 

Two months later (25th August 1643) Lord Herbert began to 
feel personally the inconveniences of a civil war ; but he con- 
fessed to no sentiment except one of resentment at the interfer- 
ence with his comfort. Sir William Brereton was pushing his 
Parliamentary successes in Cheshire to the Welsh border, and 
on nth June 1643 Sir Thomas Middleton, of Chirk Castle, 
Denbighshire, was appointed by the Parliament Sergeant- 
Major-General of the six counties of North Wales. At first 
Middleton joined Brereton in consolidating his conquests in 
Shropshire and Cheshire, and they interrupted all communica- 
tion between Montgomery Castle and Shrewsbury. 

1 The intervening passages run . * If Richard v ru it*i t ~:- l v"n a Tt you word (as he told 
mee) of the condition of the two parkes, you wo *u M u 1 i ' il i. ; unkindly, especially 
when I wished him. to tell you that if you sent a gelding uutner, he should be welcome. 
But here you may remember the old answer If vou will not take it unkindly that I 
denied you a courtesy, I will not take it unkindly that you asked it ' 



ij;o A Continuation of the 

8 SIR HENRY ' (Lord Herbert writes) . ' though the messenger biought 
no letter from you to my self, yet because hee tould me you were well, 
the welcome news thereof in these troublesome times invites me to con- 
gratulate it with you l . 

1 We are here almost in as great straits as if the warre were amongst 
us Shrewsbury, which is our ordinary magazine, being exhausted of 
wine, vinegar, hops, paper, and pepper at four shillings the pound , and 
shortly a want of all commodities, that are not natives with us, will follow, 
the intercourse between us and London being interdicted* 

* My dear and only brother, I wish you all health and happiness, and 
so rest, though much broken in my health. 

' E HERBERT '. 

Lord Herbert sends in a postscript his ' kind remembrance 
to your lady and children ' a . 

Early in 16.14 Charles had recourse to the feeble expedient 
of summoning what he termed a Parliament to Oxford. The 
meeting was scantily attended, and mainly resulted in the 
dispatch of a letter to the Earl of Essex, the Parliamentary 
general, asking him to persuade ' those whose confidence he 
possessed ' to treat of peace. All present signed the letter, 
but although the name of Richard Herbert, Lord Herbert's 
son and heir, appears there, his own is absent. Lord Herbert 
had declined to make the journey to Oxford on the ground of 
ill-health, and his excuse had been accepted by the King. Up 
to this time the public had not suspected Herbert's loyalty. 
His name had Royalist associations, and the Parliament, which 
resented the contemptuous references made to it by the Royalist 
assembly at Oxford, identified him with his relatives. On pth 
February 1643-4 a Parliamentary order was issued for the 
confiscation and sale of Herbert's property in London and 
elsewhere. Directions were not given, however, for the immed- 
iate execution of this order, and Lord Herbert made good use 
of the delay. The order opened his eyes to his personal inse- 
curity, and the growing necessity of caution. 

In February 1643-4 Prince Rupert, whose mother's mis- 
fortunes had in earlier years excited in Lord Herbert a chivalric 
devotion, visited Shrewsbury with a view to protecting North 
Wales from the attacks of Middleton, who had made a very 

l The next sentence concerns the quarrel about the horses It runs as follows . ' If 
it had pleased R Wittingham to have tould you that I had stone horses in my lowei 
parke, and no grass in my upper parke (as he tould me he would), there had been no 
occasion for you to demand that I could not conveniently do , but if you send a gelding 
or two untill Michaelmas, they shall be received '. 

3 These letters to Six Henry are printed in all the previous editions of the Autobiography. 



1644] 



Life of Lord Herbert 151 



formidable demonstration there a few months before. Lord 
Herbert was invited to lay suggestions before the Prince, but he 
was clear-sighted enough to see the danger of openly associating 
himself with the Royalist leader , he declined the offer, and 
demanded to be left at peace in his castle. He was well able, 
he said, to defend himself and his property with the help of his 
son, and he resented the proposal to introduce a Royalist garri- 
son. 

' May it please your Highnes % he wrote (27th February 1643) 
' having now continued for the space of above two yeares m soe bad a 
condition of health, that I have not beene able to attend his Majesty in 
peison, or otheiwise to endure much labour, I shall most humbly desire 
to bee excused to y r Highnos if I attend not y r Highnes m person at this 
tyrno : I have taken the boldn.es further to acquaint your Highnes that 
Mr Sheriffe of this county hath sent mee word that y r Highnes intends 
to send a garrison for defence of this castle , but because diverse of my 
sonnes souldicrs are inquartered in ye townc, and that for the rest, betweene 
my servants and neighbours I am always able to put a sufficient garrison 
in this place, I shall humbly desire y r Highnes either to leave mee to the 
defence of my owne house, or if y r Highnes will have a garrison here, 
that they may bee inquartered in the towne of Montgomery wherein 
my castle stands (some few only excepted) which may be lodged m my 
outworks made to y e castle Of all which I humbly desire I may have the 
command, together with the nomination of such officers as are usuall 
for fifty or threescore men, who (with the helpe of my neighbours) will 
bee able to make good this place, and that good order may be taken not 
only for providing the souldiers with all necessaries, but for their constant 
pay , though yet by your Highnes good leave I conceive there will bee 
noe necde of a garrison as long as my sonnes souldiers remayne in this 
towne, soe that at least I hope y r Highnes ncede not hasten the sending 
a garrison hither ' J . 

Prince Rupert quitted Shrewsbury for a fortnight in March 
1644, and returned after relieving Newark. That victory 
gave the neighbouring Royalists new hopes, and the absence 
of Middleton in London relieved them of their worst fears. 
But Rupert was not very successful in his collection of men or 
money from North Wales, and on pth April 1644 he forwarded 
a threatening letter to the gentlemen of Montgomeryshire 2 . 

1 This letter is printed (I believe) for the first time from, the British Museum MS , 
Addit,, 1 8, 981, f 67, 

2 The following papers are printed in the Powysland Collections, vol x, p 138, with 
the prefatory remark . 

' The following letter and document are in the collection of the Rev Dr. Raffles, now 
possessed by his son, Mr T. Stamford Raffles of Liverpool They show that the loyalty 
of Montgomeryshire, as well as other pails of Wales, was waning, and that it required 
the military rigour of the Prince to enforce the contributions '. -** 4 

* GENTLEMEN, I have thought fitt hereby to give you notice, since I finde the country 



152 A Continuation of the [^44 

In the following month the Parliamentary Colonel Mitton 
successfully attacked Oswestry, and in June Prince Rupert 
removed to York. These diversions destroyed the Royalists* 
rising hopes, and their situation obviously grew more and more 
hazardous. Rupert's disastrous defeat at Marston Moor 
(2nd July) drove him back once again to the Welsh border to 
recruit his depleted force. He was closely watched by Brereton 
and Middleton, but he managed to reach either Chester or 
Shrewsbury in safety. Thence he reissued urgent appeals to 
all the gentry of North Wales, including Lord Herbert, but 
Lord Herbert still refused to bestir himself On 23rd August 
1644 he forwarded from his castle the following quaint epistle : 

* May it please your most Excellent Highnes, I shall humbly crave 
leave to tell your Highnes that though I have the ambition to kisse your 
most valorous and princely hands, yet because I am newly entered into 
a course of phvsiq I do humbly desire to be excused for the present e, 
beseechmge your Highnes nevertheless to hold mee in your foimer good 
opinion and favor l 

But an attitude of neutrality in a civil war must always 
prove impracticable at one period or another, and the time 
was fast approaching when Lord Herbert had to definitely 
choose a side. About the first day of September 1644, Sir 
Thomas Middleton, who was with Colonel Mitton at Oswestry , 
received orders from the Parliament to advance on Mont- 
gomeryshire. Although there is little to confirm the conjecture, 
the county was regarded in London as a stronghold of the 
Royalists, and it was deemed wise to intercept within it a 
Royalist convoy of powder which was passing from Bristol on 

so defici t ir fV f^ ~~ n /-- o f those condicions concerning the ccmtribuciouns of 
and by V- i ' , , soe willmglie offered and agreed upon in their behalfe 

with mj i -- i - , i being there with you at Welsh Poole, con CGI mug that 

affaire, I am now resolued to raise and collect the'contnbutions of that countrye after 
the same manner that I doe the contnbr* n~ r e c~i~-. > ' ^i- 1S Dv an mnpos'cion of 
sixpence m the pound by the moneth out . i which i \cic- ^.u\ bo no 

particularity or excuse. And for your arrears of the contributions formeily granted, 
I shall vono speedihe ^onrl nmo troopes of horse to quarter upon that countue till they 
are fullie p?;d and =i.iLLs,\ixl, whi'" 1 - - T "1 *"" r ^ " that I intended not, had not the 
country forced me theretoe by a \ -, i I .on their parts Thus, I rest, your 
friend, RUPERT. 

' Showsburve this nmeth day of April 1644 ' 

' 6 Mav 1611 Warrant of Sheriff and Magistrates to the High Constables of the 
hunch eds o f the said county, touching the assessment of 1,500 to be levied therein for 
the King's service The assessors are to appear at 10 a m , on Friday the tenth inst , 
at the house of Richard Price of Glan Waren ' 

i This letter, which has frequently been printed, has been transcribed from tho Bnhsli 
Museum MS } Addit , 18, 981, f 229 



1644] 



Life of Lord Herbert 153 



its way to Chester and Liverpool. On 3rd September Middle- 
ton and his troops left Oswestry by night. They marched 
until morning continuously, and then having seized Newtown, 
advanced to Montgomery, 'though with much difficulty on 
account of the foulness of the roads and the breaking of the 
bridges by the enemy ' J . The town made no resistance, but 
the castle was strongly fortified, and was expected to show 
fight ; Lord Herbert and his daughter Beatrice were, however, 
the only members of the family in residence there, and they 
were in no fighting humour. Middleton summoned Lord 
Herbert to surrender, and he showed at first a respectable 
hesitation in replying to the demand. A few days were given 
him in which to make his final decision. There were many 
inducements for him to adopt a conciliatory tone. He knew 
that all his property, would be confiscated, both in Mont- 
gomery and London, if he resolved on refusal. News had 
reached him that his books, which were his most valued posses- 
sions, were to be sold forthwith under an order of the Commons 
dated soth August, and the proceeds handed to Lord Fairfax's 
army 3 . But he had doubtless also learnt that a few days 
later the Parliamentary authorities had ' forborne the disposing 
of my lord's goods for one week longer till they heard of his 
behaviour touching the surrender of his castle '. This forbear- 
ance weighed with Lord Herbert, and after some parleying he 
determined to save his property at the expense of his honour "*. 
Before 7th September he signed an agreement with Middleton's 
lieutenant, James Till, according to which he, his daughter, 
and his attendants, were to remain in safety in the castle as 
long as they pleased ; his property was to remain untouched, 
and was to be re-delivered to him absolutely in time of peace. 
It was not very agreeable to Lord Herbert to consent to the 
provision that Sir Thomas Middlcton with twenty soldiers 
should take up his residence there. But by a special stipula- 
tion none of the new residents were to enter Lord Herbert's 

l Full particulars of these military movements are given in J. R Phillipp's Cwil 
War wale?, i, pp 247-8 Sir Thomas Middleton's letter to John Glyn detailing his 
action is printed in H%st. MSS Report, vi, and in Archaolosta Cambrensis Uth series), 
xii, 395 

a commons' Journal, in, 612 

3 Under date 5th September Middleton wrote to the House of Commons ' I have 
sent to my Lord of Cherbury about the surrendering of the castle of Mountgomery unto 
use for the Parliament's service . it is a place of great strength and importance and 
have received a very good and satisfactory answer from him. the particulais whereof 
I shall make bold to ccrtifie you of 'A Perfect Dturnatt, No 39, p 469. 



154 A Continuation of the 

library or the two rooms adjoining it, and the owner of the 
castle was to be permitted to quit it at his pleasure x . A few 
days later Lord Herbert sent a servant, James Heath, to London 
to draw the attention of the Parliament to his alleged patriotic 

l The text is given in the Hist. MSS. Report, vi, 28. The date must have been earlier 
than that stated. The document runs as follows : 

' 1644, Sept. 24 The Coppie of the Articles of Agreem't betweene the Lord Cherbury 
and Seriant Maior Generall S'r Tho Myddleton touchinge the surrend'r uppe of Mont- 
gomery Castle. 

4 1 Tames Till, Gent, as Lieutenant Collonell of horse, do hereby, in the name of Sir 
Thomas Middleton, Knight, promise and undertake that noe violence shal bee offred 
to the p'son or goods of Edward Lord Herbert, or any p'son or p'sons within his castle 
of Montgomery ; and that they shall haue free liberty to goe out of the said castle, and 
carry away their goods and money whensoever they will ; and that a good convoy shall 

bee graunted for the safe doeing t 1 * * " * - ~ J ! --'-*-- 

given to the officers there for the : 

London, if it bee required ; and that ., 

all the household stuffe vsed in the said castle, and of all the bookeSjtrunkes^and wrytings 
in the said castle, and that all the horses and cattel in and about the said castle, and 
all p'visions of victualls, bread, wine, and bieare, shall be imployed for the use of the 
said Edward Lord Herbert and his family, and that noe money, silver, gould. or plate 
shal bee taken from the said Edward Lord Herbert or any of his family ; and that the 
said castle, with all the goods, bookes, and armes of the said Edward Lord Herbert, shal 
bee restored and redelyvered to the said Edward Lord Herbert, if it please God to send 
peace, or the Parliament order it so to bee done. And that in the meane while the said 
Edward Lord Herbert, with his daughter and family, shall continue in or returns to 
the said castle as formerly they did, if they soe please ; and that they shall carry into 
the said castle all provisions necessary for cloathing and diett. And it is further agreed 
that Sir Thomas Middleton shall signe and seale this accord or agreement, if the said 
Edward Lord Herbert shall require it ; and shall also further and assist the bailiffs of 
the said Edward Lord Herbert in the leavying of his rents, and also p'serve his woods 
and deere. Dated halfe an houre past twelue of the clocke at midnight on Thursday 
the fifth day of September, Anno D'ni 1644. 

* And it is further agreed that as longe as the said Lord Herbert or his daughter con- 
tinue in the said castle, there shall not exceede the number of twenty p'sons or souldiers, 
vnlesse some iminent danger appeares ; and that noe trunkes or doores under locks 
and keyes shal bee broken open. And that if it happen that the said Lord Herbert 
at any time doe remove from the said castle, that the said Lord Herbert shall haue halfe 
a dozen men servants w'thin the said castle to doe the business of the said Lord Herbert, 
and three or foure maides to attend his said daughter. And that if any thinge may be 
required for the further satisfaction and contentment of the said Edward Lord Herbert, 
it shall bee lawfull hereafter to explaine and add the some. JAMES TILL. 

' Witnesses .- - ' 

* Hugh Pryce. Oliver Herbert. 

Samuel More, Rowland Evans. 

Edward Price. Daniel Edwards. 

* Whereas there is a doubt that goods should be removed or carried away out of the 
Castle of Montgomery by Edward Lord Herbert. It is agreed that there shal bee left 
w'thin the said castle six beds for souldiers, one suite of hangings in the dyneing roome 
of the new castle, as also one suite of hangings and furniture for a chamber w'thin the 
said castle, wherein S'r Tho. Middleton shall please to lodge, and one bed with furniture 
for a captaine. And it is further agreed that there shall be noe person or persons enter 
into the library or study of the said Edward Lord Herbert, or the two next roomes or 
chambers adjbyning to the said study or library, during the time of the absence of the 
said Edward Lord Herbert, or at any time other time. It is further agreed that the 
said Edward Lord Herbert shall remove and carry all his^oods out of the said castle, 
except the beds and furniture before mentioned, when the said Edward Lord Herbert 
shall tbinke fitt. 

4 1 am content to stand to all the above sped ed agreements in every point. 

' EDWARD HERBERT '. 



1644] Life of Lord Herbert 155 

action, and to secure his London property indubitably. * His 
master ', the servant said, ' went, with the leave of the House, 
to his castle of Montgomery for his health's sake, and there 
remained, rejecting all offers from Prince Rupert and others 
to join them in the execution of the array ; and he has since 
preserved the peace in those parts, and assisted the well- 
affected from time to time ; but was prevented by sickness 
from coming to London or disposing ol his castle, which is of 
very great consequence and the key of Wales, and is now deliv- 
ered up to the Parliament, as the accompanying papers will 
show ' *. Heath therefore prayed that the sale of his Lord- 
ship's goods 111 his town-house, and of a number of books which 
were in the petitioner's custody, might be stayed by order of 
the House. This request was not granted immediately, and 
some persons claimed leave to seize the goods. Lord Herbert 
therefore sent other representatives to protest that though his 
name might be ' faulty ' (so many of his relatives held high rank 
among the Royalists), his person was not, and he requested 
that an inventory should be taken of his London property, 
which should be left in his house, upon security to be forth- 
coming if required. On 2jrd September the threatened 
sequestration was ' discharged and taken off ' 2 after Brereton's 
account of Herbert's conduct had been read to both Houses. 
Upon such terms Lord Herbert vainly imagined perfect peace 
was possible. 

Having thus arrived at a settlement with those who had 
deemed themselves his enemies, he had now to reckon 
with those who had deemed themselves his friends. Lord 
Herbert had not only broken ties of long standing : he 
had dealt his Royalist neighbours a well-nigh deadly blow. 
He had put into Middleton's hands a fortress that was, 
as he himself rightly termed it, the key to North 
Wales. Sir Michael Ernely, the Royalist commander 
at Shrewsbury, perceived that no time must be lost if the 
position bartered away by ' the treacherous Lord Herbert ' 
was to be retrieved. He at once collected a considerable force 



1 This and the other documents refeired to aie printed in the Archaologia Cambrensis 
(4th series), xu, 324 et seq They are there abstracted fioin the Historical M$S Report 
vi, 27. The dates seem somewhat erratic, and it is clear that they are often made late 
than other facts warrant 

2 Lords* Journal, vi, 7isa , Commons' Journal, ui, 636. 



156 A Continuation of the [1644 

of horse and foot, and marched upon Montgomery. Middlcton 
anticipated some such manoeuvre, and hastened to the neigh- 
bouring towns and villages for provisions to enable his men m 
the castle and town to stand, if need were, a long siege. But 
Six Michael's movements were too rapid for the Parliamentary 
general. The Royalists fell upon his force while near the town 
and utterly routed it Middleton retired with his horse to 
Oswestry, and made his way to Cheshire and Lancashire to 
procure relief. His foot-soldiers under Colonel Mitton managed 
to re-enter Montgomery Castle Ernely straightway laid siege 
to the town and castle , earthworks were hastily thrown up 
and trenches dug all round them. For ten days Lord Herbert 
and his neighbours suffered terrible distress, and their peril 
grew with every hour. Happily Middleton foresaw their 
critical situation and wasted no time. He urged Sir William 
Brereton in Cheshire and Sir John Meldrum m Lancashire to 
hurry with him to their rescue. Sir William Fairfax, coming 
from Yorkshire, was also ready to offer some assistance, and 
thus four detachments of troops, numbering about three 
thousand men in all, arrived before Montgomery on the i/th 
September Meanwhile Sir Michael Erncly's force had been 
supplemented by one small army from Chester under Lord 
Byron, and another from. Ludlow under Colonel Wodehouse, 
and the Royalists had acquired a large numerical superiority 
over their opponents. Both sides acknowledged the high 
importance of the issue of the impending conflict and carefully 
laid their plans for an engagement. At a council of the Parlia- 
mentary leaders held on the night of the i/th September, it 
was resolved to revictual the town and castle before taking the 
offensive. Next morning, therefore, a third part of the Parlia- 
mentary forces was told off to bring in provisions and forage. 
Lord Byron had, however, taken up a strong position on the 
mountain overlooking the castle ; he perceived the foraging 
party leave the enemy's camp, and, with his customary pre- 
cipitancy, resolved to open attack on the stationary force. 
His sudden onslaught met at first with complete success, but 
this success was not sustained. After a desperate hand-to-hand 
conflict, the Parliamentary generals gained a signal victory 
before nightfall. Lord Byron fled to Chester and Ernely to 
Shrewsbury. The victors 1 loss included Sir William Fairfax, 
who was fatally wounded, but it was slight compared with that 



1644^5] Life of Lord Herbert 157 

of the enemy, and the prisoners taken by the Parliamentary 
forces were very rmiiicious l . 

Lord Herbert and his companions, who had anxiously 
watched the conflict from the castle, were thus relieved. The 
next step that it was to his worldly advantage to take was 
obvious. He had to make an unmistakable profession of 
allegiance to the Parliament. Now that his own safety was 
assured, he willingly left his castle at the mercy of Middleton, 
and accompanied Sir William Brereton to Oswestry. The 
occupation of his castle and its neighbourhood by a military 
force had, in spite of the terms he had previously made with 
Micldlcton, deprived him of his means of livelihood, and it was 
a thankless business to play proprietor any longer. On 27 th 
September 1644 The Co urtMer curie, a Parliamentary newspaper,, 
announced : * The Lord of Cherbury, late Govcrnour of Mont- 
gomery Castle, with Sir John Price, who came in to Sir Thomas 
Middlcton, arc come as farr as Coventry, and intend for London 
and to offer their persons to the Parliament '. Well-nigh 
destitute, he made his way to London, and addressed (2nd 
November 1644) to the Parliament a petition for relief which 
closely resembles Ins former appeals to Charles 1 2 . He asserted 
that he had sustained his losses in the service of the Parliament ; 
and he received a more consoling reply than that with which 
his sovereign had been wont to favour him On ipth Decem- 
ber the House of Commons instructed a committee to consider 
' some way for his present maintenance and subsistence ' 3 . 
Twenty pounds a week was assigned him on February 25, 
1644-5, an d no restrictions were set upon his liberty 4 . 

From this time he made his London house, which was 
situated 111 Queen Street, near St. Giles', his only home 5 . 
Parted from almost all his old friends, he concentrated himself 

1 For a full account of the battle see Philhpp's Ctml War in Wales, i, 248-9, and 11, 
201-0. A very valuable collect' T " x < J -=-vitrV=; h- t 1 ^- r-pr anders on both sides is 
given under the latter entry. 'J I .-'! \- .'- .11 i r-' c" n with intense interest , 
and, according to the London Post for ist October 16-1 p^t 1 " 1 t 1 ariksgiving foi the 
victory was held on the part of the Parliament in the < i., < Is. 'li 

2 See Hist MSS Com Report, vi, 34 and 48, and Lords' Journal, vu, 241. 

3 Commons' Journal, m, 727 4 Commons' Journal, iv, 62. 

5 J ord Herbert froquwitlv moved his London house In his autobiography he speaks 
of living iie.u tho Old r\(haii!?<> at OTIC time, and at another m Blackfnars On nth 
November 1633 he d.itc-* i pan ion fiom his house in St. Bartholomew's On i6th 
Jamuu > rfirj7-8 he \\ )s living at I slirifftoii (see Col State Papers under date) He dated 
his List petition to Ch.ulcs. 1 in 1030 iioiu ' my house at Hackney * (see Cat State Papers, 
nth 1 c'bui.n\ z'Mh-cj ) In tin 4 ic'p-<'M<'s to his London house in the Parliamentary 
journals during the Civil War the building is entitled Camden House, 



158 A Continuation of the 

upon literary work. He had not apparently the heart to take 
up again his autobiography at the point at which the clash 
of arms had interrupted it: it was left unfinished in 1644. 
But in 1645 he issued the elaborate appendix on fallacies to 
his treatise De Ventate, and published his work De Rehgtone 
Gentohwn. He gave the finishing touches to his History, and 
wrote a bombastic dedication addressed to the King whom he 
had deserted ; but though he made all preparations for its 
publication, he was fortunate enough to die before giving to 
the world this final testimony to his insincerity. At the same 
time he corresponded with foreign scholars, among whom he 
still could claim the unblemished reputation of a philosopher, 
and in September 1647 went for a few weeks to Pans on a visit 
to Gassendi, the famous French philosopher, who had always 
appreciated his writings a . But those final years of his life 
must have proved dark and dreary even to one of his sanguine 
temperament. However he may have accounted to himself 
for his recent actions, he must have learnt that he was com- 
monly called by both friend and foe ' the treacherous Lord 
Herbert * ; nor could he have wholly freed himself of an inward 
suspicion that he had renounced from sordid motives the 
chivalrous ideals of his youth. His sons, grandson, and brother 
had all suffered deeply in their sovereign's cause : they had 
refused to qualify themselves for a Parliamentary pension ; 
heavy fines and sequestrations of property were their only 
rewards of loyalty ; the terrible contrast between his condition 
and theirs must at times have disturbed even his portentous 
self-composure. 

But to the end Herbert gave no outward sign of remorse. 
He had become a Parliament man in all outward show, and 
was contemplating taking office under the kingdom's new 
rulers. On 26th October 1646 an ordinance was issued appoint- 
ing him steward of the duchy of Cornwall and warden of the 
Stannaries 2 . But Herbert does not appear to have taken 
advantage of the appointment. On 25th March 1647 he pointed 
out to the House of Commons that he was excluded from. 
Montgomery Castle, and petitioned for permission to appoint a 

1 In 1635 Herbert had sent a copy of his De Ventate to Gassendi through Diodati 
In Gassendi's correspondence (Opera Omnta, ui, 411) occurs the passage that establishes 
the fact of Lord Herbert's visit to Pans ' Cum me mvisisset ulustrissunus Baro pos- 
tridie kalendas Septemb 1647, et redditas sibi non fuisse meas htteras contestaretur '. 

2 Commons' Journal, iv, 704 



1648] Life of Lord Herbert 

governor of his own choosing. He promised to be respons 
for the maintenance of the fortress in the Parliamentary ca 
and his request was granted, although he does not appear 
have put in a personal appearance at Montgomery x . A 
weeks later (i2th May) Herbert was called upon by the He 
of Lords to account for an assault made on the castle 
a Royalist band of soldiers from Welsh/pool, to which 
governor offered no resistance 2 . After his return from Fra 
in October, he was fined (Qth November 1647) for absenl 
himself from the House of Lords, but the fine was remitted 
next day on the ground of ill-health 3 . His last appeara 
in the historical arena was in his accustomed character 
petitioner for money. On 4th May 1648 he reminded 
patrons ' that much of this money (i e. his pension) is no^ 
arrear '. If it was not to be continued throughout his hfetn 
its payment ought, he urged, to be prolonged ' until he 
satisfied for the losses he sustained for two years and tr 
months, during which time he kept his castle until he submit 
it unto the Parliament, which losses appear by good certific 
to amount to divers thousand pounds J 4 . 

His death was now close at hand. On ist August 1648 
deemed it prudent to make his will 5 , and he there shows hi 
self to unexpected advantage. He bore his two sons no ill^ 
for adhering to the faith which it did not become him to lea 
and made generous provision for both of them , but he specie 
favoured his grandson Edward, the son of Richard, the 1 
to all the entailed estates in Wales. To young Edward 
left all the household stuff, books, arms, and ammunition 
Montgomery Castle, ' charging him upon my blessing neit 
to sell nor give away, nor so much as lend any of my s 
books and furniture % and only to allow his father the use 
them, ' he putting in good surety to my executors for the us 
of them, with good husbandry and without spoil, and 
returning of them . . . with safety and without diminutio 
Bags of money kept by Lord Herbert in a trunk in his chamt 
together with the plate of his London house, were appoin 

1 Commons' Journal, v, 125, 171, 564. 

2 Lords' Journal, ix, 186 

3 Ibid ix. 515, 516, 

4 Lords journal, x 213 , 4 rch&ologi i Cinrtrensis (4-th sar ), xui, 265 

5 This interesting document is \oiy long It opens with a statement of hisrelij 
belief I have made a transcript of it from the copy in Somerset House, where 
numbered * Essex 138 '. 



160 A Continuation of the [1648 

for Edward's ' education in some one of the universities, or in 
travel beyond the seas '. To his daughter Beatrice he left 
the plate remaining In Montgomery, and his clothes and 
furniture in Queen Street were to be sold for her benefit : to 
his granddaughters, Frances and Florence, young Edward's 
sisters, he bequeathed a diamond hatband to be converted 
into ' wearing jewels ', and two bags of old gold To his younger 
son, Captain Edward, the manor of Llyssm was left for hie, 
with remainder to Edward the younger, besides sums of ready 
money in the hands of foreign merchants ; but a quaint con- 
dition was annexed to this bequest. The legatee was to pay 
to 'two maimed soldiers that have done something that is 
famous in the service of the kingdom or of any confederate 
thereof in the wars, the sum of ten pounds a year yearly ', and 
these men were to f attend and wait with halberts in their right 
hands at the gate of my castle of Montgomery '. His Latin 
and Greek books which were with him in Queen Street were to 
pass to Jesus College, Oxford, ' for the inception of a library 
there ' J . Directions were given to his grandson to carry all 
his manuscripts and English books from London to Montgomery 
Castle. His autobiography was to be completed and published 
by ' a person whom I shall by word entreat '. Richard, Ihe 
elder son, received his father's horses, with a special injunction 
* to make much of the white hoise ', and the viols and lutes 
went to Richard's wife, Mary, daughter of John, Earl of 
Bndgwater. The final article in the document breathes a 
very quixotic generosity. ' Near the sum ', says Herbert, 
of 2,000 is due to me from the Houses of Parliament as an 
arrears of 20 settled to be paid unto me weekly. And whereas 
by my capitulation with Sir Thomas Middlcton, my losses and 
other damages ,12,000 and more were all to be made good 

1 The original catalogue of this collection, consisting of twenty closely wiitten folios, 
s still in the possession ~>f t r ^o rollrT Ti^ books seem, to have been in the keeping 
of Su Henry Herbert at 1 1 * il.iii" o, IP-, lnoUuM - death, and Selilon, one of the executors 
of the will, had some difficulty in proem ing their transference to the college The fol- 
lowing letter was sent by Selden to Sir Henry on the subject 

' NOBLE SIR, This gentleman, Mr Williams, comes from Dr Mnunsell, hoad of Jesus 
College, m CKford, about the legacy of books made to them by my Lord Iferbcnt of 
Chubury I presume he will take just eare * - ' >. " h- i' shall leeeive 
them from your hand, which I desire ho may, Logetnei vviin ine catalogue, to taKe a 
copy of it, and return it again Sir, I ever am, 

' Your most affectionate and humble servant, 

' J Si i or N 

' November i, 1648, White Friars 
' The Hon. Sir HENRV HERBERT, Knight ' 



1648] Life of Lord Herbert 161 

unto me, I do hereby totally remit the same, desiring the said 
honourable Houses that, in leu thereof, and for my sake, that 
they will please to remit unto my said son, Colonel Richard 
Herbert, the sum of ^2,500 imposed upon him as a fine for his 
delinquency by the committee sitting at Goldsmith's Hall*. 
Herbert concludes by entreating his three executors his 
grandson Edward, and his friends John Selden and Evan 
Thomas of Bishop's Castle, Shropshire to present a petition 
on this subject to Parliament in behalf of his son, ' whose 
great debts and numerous issue are a burthen greater than my 
weak state can well bear ' l . 

On 20th August 1648 Lord Herbert died at his house in Queen 
Street, nineteen days after his will was drafted. On his death- 
bed he sent for Usher, the Primate of Ireland, with whom he 
had previously lived on terms of intimacy. He asked to 
receive the sacrament at Usher's hand. It might do Mm some 
good, he added, and would do "him no h?-rm- But on such an 
understanding the Archbishop declined to comply with the 
dying man's request. Turning on his side, Lord Herbert 
solemnly announced that in an hour from that moment he 
should quit this world ; and these, his last words, proved 
true 2 . By his will he directed that ' his earthly parts ' should 
be committed to the earth at ' twelve of the clock at night in 
the parish church where I shall die, without pomp or other 
ceremony than is usual '. He forbade ' all mourning- or shew 
of mourning, . . . desiring my friends nevertheless to love 
my memory*. These orders were faithfully fulfilled, and 
Lord Herbert's body was buried in the Church of St. Giles-in- 
the-Fields, beneath a stone bearing the inscription, believed 
to be from the pen of his friend Lord Stanhope : ' Hie tnhuma- 
tur corpus Edvardi Herbert equitis Balnei 9 baronis de Cherbury 
et Castle-Island, auctoris hbri, ow, titulus est " De Veritate." 
Redder ut herba ; * / vicesimo die Augusti anno Domini 1648 '. 

l The secondJLord Herbert had four sons Edward, John (died young), Henry 
Thomas ; and four daughters Frances. Florence, Arabella, and Alicia. 

a Aubrey's Lives, u, 387. Aubrey also writes that Lord Herbert * had constantly 
prayers twice a day in his house, and on Sundays would have his chaplain read one of 
Smyth's sermons. ... I have seen him several tunes -with Sir John Danvers : he 
was a black man '. 

3 Reddor * herbat was Herbert's own anagram on his surname and Christian name. 
Among his poems is the following Epttaphwm tn anagramma nomtms sut : 

Quas turgens flos mane decet, quas armt omn.es 
Una. dies, quas morte ata, nova vita sequetur. 
Non unquam montura famfn sic Rcddof ut HtrbaF* 



1 62 A Continuation of the [1648 

But this was not the only memorial which Lord Herbert 
desired. He had Hamlet's horror of a "bad epitaph, and made 
every kind of provision to secure at any rate a^ neutral one. 
One Mr. Stone of Long Acre had received instructions from him 
in his lifetime to set up a monument either in Montgomery or 
Cherbury church, ' with a strong grate of iron . , . eight feet 
high, before it every way ' and * on the pedestal of the pillar 
which is to stand in the middle of the said monument ' the 
following words were to be placed ' Quid aspectas, lector ? 
non iacet ulbbt Edwardus Baro Herbert de Cherbury et CasM 
InsuleB de Kerry sed meliori sui parte in beatorum sedes abtjt 
seram posteritatem testatus mfal tia relictum msi quod secum 
abducere nolw,t ! Vale, lector, et stude etermtati ' . If leave were 
obtained, Herbert did not object (he said in his will) to the 
erection to his memory of a little chapel at Montgomery 
' adjacent to that . . . where my ancestors lie buried '. 
Among Herbert's poems appears one other epitaph for himself, 
and this one is written in his own language. It runs : 

' READER, 
* The Monument which them beholdest here 

Presents Edward, Lord Herbert, to thy sight , 
A man, who was so free from either hope or fear, 

To have or lose this ordinary light, 
That when to elements his body turned were, 

He knew that as those elements would fight, 
So his immortal Soul should find above 

With his Creator, Peace, Joy, Faith, and Love I * 2 

But if Lord Herbert had little political influence in his own 
times, his name had less in the years that immediately followed 
his death And the march of events deprived his sons and 
executors of all opportunity of carrying out his will ; no monu- 
ment was set up in Montgomery Church, as he had directed, nor 
was his landed property there distributed as he desired. Mont- 

i Lloyd in his Memoirs (u, 340) gives the following account of this monument : * He 
had designed a fair monument of his own invention, to be set up for lam m the church 
of Montgomery, according to the model following Upon the ground a bath-piece of 
14. foot square, on the middest of which is placed a Pone column, with its tight of ped- 
estal basis, and capitals of 15 foot in height , on'the capital of the column is mounted 
an urn with a heart flamboul, supported by two angels The foot of this column is 
attended with four angels, placed on pedestals at each corner of the said bath-pace, 
two having torches reverst, extinguishing the motto of mortality ; the other two holding 
up palms, the emblems of victory ' The details which I quote are from Lord Herbert's 
will* 

a Poems, ed J Churton Collins, p 8t 



1655] Life of Lord Herbert 163 

gomery Castle had not passed through the late civil conflict 
without blemish ; like all fortresses in private hands, it had 
been an object of suspicion to the new rulers of the country, 
and when it passed into the possession of an avowed Royalist 
like Lord Herbert's heir, it was doomed to immediate destruc- 
tion. Its end came peacefully. Richard Herbert, who suc- 
ceeded his father in his titles, was allowed to compound for his 
estates, but under a Parliamentary order dated i6th June 
1649 was forced to consent to the demolition of Montgomery 
Castle *. In the following months the ancient structure was 
levelled to the ground, and the owner was granted the barren 
privilege of employing his own wreckers, and of selling the 
scattered stones for his own profit. He gained, it is said, not a 
penny by the tantalizing transaction. He apparently retired 
to London, and there he died on isth May 1655, while his 
enemies were still in power. But his friends were able to secure 
burial for him with his ancestors in Montgomery church. The 
old Lord Herbert's favourite grandchild, Edward, became the 
third Lord Herbert of Cherbury, and he lived to witness the 
restoration of the monarchy, in behalf of which he had loyally 
fought with his father throughout the civil war. He appears 
to have reciprocated his grandfather's affection. To him his 
grand-uncle, Sir Henry, dedicated the first Lord Herbert's 
poems when he printed them for the first time in 1665. Though 
twice married first to a daughter of the very Sir Thomas 
Middleton who had caused his grandfather so much distress of 
mind and estate, and secondly to a granddaughter of his grand- 
father's early friend Lord Chandos he had no children, and 
on his death on pth December 1678 the title passed to his 
brother Henry. With the death (without issue) of Henry, the 
fourth Lord, on 2ist April 1691, the united baronies of Herbert 
of Cherbury and of Castle-Island of Kerry became extinct \ 

1 Commons' Journal, vi, 228 

2 Burke's Extmct Peerages, s v. ' Herbert of Cherbury '. Three years later (28th 
April 1694) the single barony Of Herbert of Cherbury was revived in favour of another 
Henry Herbert, the only son of Sir Henry Herbert who survived his eldest brother five 
and twenty years. But this was a transient re\ival The first Lord Herbert of Cherbury 
of this new creation died in 1709, and his only son, the second lord, left no issue on his 
death m 1738 to inherit the barony. When the earldom of Powis was created in 1748, 
and restored m 1804, the barony of Herbert of Cherbury gave its name to one of the 
minor titles, 



APPENDIX 



APPENDIX 



The early History of the Herbert Family 

The Herbert family has a well-ascertained genealogy, but Lord 
Herbert has not exhausted the subject, nor is his account at all 
points to be relied on. 1 . 

Dugdale, as I have noted above 2 , received assistance in his 
treatment of the history of the Herberts in his Baronage from Lord 
Herbert himself, and, like Lord Herbert, makes no real endeavour 
to trace the pedigree beyond the William Herbert who was created 
Earl of Pembroke in 1468. In his corrections of the Baronage 
(printed m Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica, i, 219 et seq.) f 
Dugdale threw out the conjecture that ' the common ancestor ' of 
the family was chamberlain to King Stephen. But reference to 
the Domesday Survey (p. 48b.) really gives far more precise infor- 
mation. There we find that Herbertus Camerarius one of the 
Conqueror's companions held from the King two Hampshire 
manors, and that the Camerarius had a son, Henry Thesaurarws 
who held the office of royal treasurer, not only under William I, 
but under his two successors, and was, like his father, a Hampshire 
tenant in capite (Domesday 49b) It has been frequently stated 
that Henry the Treasurer was a natural son of Henry 1 3 , but his 
appearance in Domesday proves the absurdity of the statement. 
He was as old, if not older than Henry I. His father was alive as 
late as 1 101 4 , and he himself died at a great age in Stephen's reign. 
Herbert Fitz-Herbert, his son, and therefore a grandson of William 
I's companion, held the office of chamberlain through Stephen's 
and Henry I's reign, and he, or his immediate successors, added 

i The subject has long formed an attractive field of labour for Welsh antiquaries, 
and they have denved no little satisfaction from the fact that they have been able to 
supplement and correct the usually accurate results of Dugdale. 

3 In 1462, when the first Earl of Pembroke was created a Knight of the Garter, the 
oldest heralds and bards of South Wales were directed to ' certify the lineage and stock 
of the said Earl '. and m their anxiety to connect the family with the ' Royal blood of 
the Crown of England % they made the founder of the family ' son natural of King 
Henry the First '. See Dugdale, u, 256. 

* Eyton's Shropshire, i, 344 

16* 



GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF 

Sir WILLIAM: HERBERT ol Raglan - Caatlc, - called William ap'Thomas, and~injWelsb. 
Margoah GJlas or Gumrlu, made Knt. Banneret in 1415 (twelfth in descent from 
Herbert, the Chamberlain mentioned in Domesday Book : see App. i) 



THE HERBERT FAMILY 



Sir William H.,"cr. EARL ofssAnn, dau, of Sir Walter 
.PEMBROKE, 1468 ; d. 1469 I; Devereux, Knt. 



William, cr. Earl of Walter 
Huntingdon, 1479 ; 
d. 1491 



Illegitimate Iranch 



Sir George of =Jano, dau. of Sir 
St. Julian's I Ilichard Croft 



Sir Richard 
of Ewyas 



Sir George of Swansea, 
founder of the Swan- 
sea family of Herbert 



Elizabeth=aCharlcs Somerset (nat. son 
of Henry Beaufort, 3rd 
Duke of Somerset), cr. 
Earl of Worcester, 1514 



Sir William, cr. I 



. EARL 
of PEMBROKE, 1551 



Sir Walter=Dau. of Sir Will. 
Morgan of Pen- 
coyd 



HENRY, the ancestor of the EARLS and 
MARQTTISBS (cr. 1642) of WORCESTER, 
and DUKES of BEAUFORT (cr. 1682) 



Sir HEimY,=Mary, dau. of 
2nd EARL i Sir Henry 
Sidney 



WILLIAM 
H., 3rd 
EARL, 
A. s. p. 
1630 



PHILIP, cr. 
EARL of 
MONT- 

OOMKRY, 

1605. 4th 
EARL, d. 
1650 




u. of Edward 
Griffith of 
Penryn 



PHILIP, 5th Earl, d. 
1669, the ancestor 
ofthepresent(13th) 
EARL OF PEM- 
BROKE. (Henry, 
son of William H., 
5th son of Thomas, 
8th Earl, was 
created EARL of 
CARNARVON-, 1793) 



Williiam, cr. 
BARON Powis, 
1629, whose 
heir and grand- 
son William 
was cr. EARL 
(1674) and 
M A Q TJis 
(1682). These 
honours were 
extinct early in 
the 18th cen- 
tury, when 
BAR B ARA, 
niece and 
heiress of the 
last Marquis 
married Henry 
Arthur Herbert 



Sir WiLLUMssFlorentia, dau. of 
William Morgan 
of Clantarnan 



Sir Francis 
Newport 



MAGDALEN,; 



'd, Matthew of 
d. 1596 Dolguog 



Gladys, dau. and heiress of Sir David 
Gamin, Knt., and widow of Sir 
Robert Vaughan, Knt. 



Six daughters 



Sir Richard oj CoIebrook,aMargarct, dau. of Thomas 
d, 1469 I ap Griffith 



Sir William of 



Sir Richard of= 
Montgomery 



=(D 

s(3) Anne, dau. of Sir 



i 

Anne 





Ilichard ap Evan 



Margaret Edward^Elizabcth, dan. of 



Jolm 



William 



Oliver of Machynlleth, 



Three 



d. 1593 


Matthew 1'rico doubtless ancestor daughters 




of Newtowii of Lord Herbert's 




cousin Oliver men- 


1 


tioned in p. 198 


| Sir Rlchard=MarKaret, dau. 




< Newport 


of Sir Thomas 




i 
t 


Bromley 




i 



Anno, dau. of Charles Jane, dau. George Catherine= Ed. Mary=Thomas Ann Bridget Margaret Susan Joyce 
diaries Fox I of Hugh Prycc Purcell 

of BrornlieM I ap Oweix 



MARY, =Edward, K.B., Richard 



d, 1634 



1603; BARON 



, 

1624; BARON 
HERBERT of 

OHBRBtTRY, 

1629; tf.1648 



William Charles, GEORGE, Sir HKNRY,=- (2) Elizabeth 
!.1G17 the poet, d. 1673 I Offley 
4.1633 



HENRY, cr. Baron 
Herbert of Cher* 
bury, 1694; d. 
1709 I 



Thomas. Elizabeth' 
d. 1630 f 



'Sir Henry 
Jones of 
Aber- 
marlca 



Margaret"* John Frances=Sir John Sir Matthew, Francia 

Vaughau Brown of cr. Bart. 

Lincoln- 1660 ; d.s.p. 
shire 



Sir Edward=Margaret, 



Herbert, 

Attorney- 
General, 
1640-1, d. 
1657 



dau. of Sir 

Thomas 

Smith 



Richard, 2nd =Mary, dau. of Sir EDWARD BEATRICE 



Lord Herbert 
of Cherbury, 
d. 1655 



John Egerton, 
Earl of Bridge- 
water 



Florence 
(died young) 



One Two 

son daughters 



Dorothy, 
d. 1633 



HENRY, 2nd Baron 
Herbert of Cher- 
bury, dU.p. 1738 



Edward, 3rd Lord =(l)Ann, dau. of Sir Henry, T4th LordCatherine, dau. of 
Herbert of Cher- Thomas Middleton Herbert of (Jhor- Francis Newport, 

bury, O..S.P. 1678 of Chirk Castle bury, d.s.p. 1691 1st Earl of Brad- 

=(2) Elizabeth, dau. of ford 

George Lord 
Chandos 



Arthur, cr. EARL of 

TORRINQTON, 1689, 

d.s.p. 1716 



Henry Arthur, ^BARBARA, niece of last 
cr. Barl of I MARQUIS of Powia 
Fowls, 1748 



George, 2nd Earl, 



Henrietta-AntoniaEd\vurd, Lord Olive, cr. 



This table has been constructed from : '.,.'" 

1. Lewis Dwnn's Vitttattong of Wales, ed. Meyriok, 1, 312 

2. Portland Club Collections, v, 158-9 

3. The ten tables prefixed to the Earl of Powis' edition of Lord Herbert's L'xpcdUion lothc Islcof JRM (I860) 

4. The notices of Lord Herbert's family given la his Autobiography 

5. Xmto'sJSxtinet Peerage, m-Q 

168 



Edward, 2nd EARL 



dwatd Jai 



Edwatd James, 3rd and present 
B.V&II of Powts 



1 70 Appendix 

estates in Yorkshire and Gloucestershire to the ancestral property 
in Hampshire. Herbert Fitz- Herbert's grandson, Peter, appears 
to have been the first of the family to secure land in Wales. When 
William de Braose was attainted in 1210, John granted to him the 
lordships of Blaenllyfni and Talgarth, together with the honour and 
castle of Dmas, Brecknockshire, and his successors were summoned 
to Parliament as lords of Blaenllyfni. Peter-Fitz-Reginald, the 
younger of two grandsons of Peter the first Welsh settler, identified 
himself with Wales. He died in 1323, having married Alice, heiress 
of the lord of Llanowell, Monmouthshire. Their son Herbert suc- 
ceeded to this lordship, and married Margaret, heiress of the lord- 
ship of Llandwenm and Llandough ; and Adam, this Herbert's 
son, married Christina, the heiress of a third great landowner of 
Monmouthshire (Gwilhm Ddu of Wernddu). In the next three 
generations the chief representatives of the family pursued their 
ancestor's domestic policy, and by persistently marrying neigh- 
bouring heiresses, consolidated their territorial supremacy in south- 
east Wales. Beneath the Welsh nomenclature, which they gradu- 
ally assumed, they concealed their English origin. Maud, the daughter 
and heiress of Sir John Morley, married Thomas ap Gwilhm ap Jenldn 
(who died in 1438), a great grandson of Adam Fitz- Herbert. She 
brought Raglan into the hands of the family, and was the grand- 
mother of the two Herberts (the Earl of Pembroke and his brother 
Richard) whom Lord Herbert of Cherbury regarded as the founders 
of his family 1 . These men of the thirteenth generation in descent 
from Henry, the Conqueror's treasurer appear to have been the 
first of the family to acquire reputation for anything beyond great 
wealth and territorial influence. 

I have given sufficient information in my notes as to the genealogy 
of the succeeding generations of the younger branch of the family 
to which Lord Herbert belonged ; the accompanying table will 
help the reader to realize the relations of the elder to the younger 
branch. It is well to bear in mind that of the two Herberts who 
fell at Hedgecote Field in 1469, the elder, William Earl of Pem- 
broke, is the common ancestor (i) (by the marriage of his grand- 
daughter Elizabeth) of the Earls and Marquises of Worcester of 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, whose heirs bore the 
courtesy title of Lord Herbert 2 ; (2) (through an ilhgitimate son) 

1 It is seldom that a fntnilv pedigree is so clearly traceable as ia the present instance. 
The subject has bcca trc\itod in a very scholarly fashion by Mr Joseph Morris m the 
Afchtsologia Cawforensis, 3rd scries, vol iv, pp 16-30 A very deliberate attempt has 
been made to connect tin* founder of the family in England the companion of 
William I with Charlemagne, but the links await verification. The first of the Ten 
Tables prefixed by Lord Powis to his edition of Lord Herbert's Expedition to the Isle 
of Rh6 professes to supply this pedigree. 

2 Henry, third Marquis of Worcester, was created in 1682 Duke of Beaufort, and he 
is the ancestor of the eighth and present Duke. 



The Condition of Wales 171 

of the Earls of Pembroke (by a second creation) of the sixteenth 
and succeeding centuries l ; and (3) of the extinct Herbert family 
of St. Julian's, into which Lord Herbert of Cherbury married. (The 
modern earldom of Carnarvon was conferred on a son of the fifth 
son of the eighth Earl of Pembroke in 1793.) Richard Herbert, 
the younger brother of the fifteenth-century Earl of Pembroke, 
is the common ancestor of Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury and 
his successors, and of the Earls of Powis of the latest creation 
(now represented by the fourth Earl). Thus three English earl- 
doms (Pembroke, Carnarvon, and Powis) still remain in the family. 

II 
Wales in the Sixteenth Century 

Throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centunes England was 
occupied in denationalizing Wales. Owen Glendower (Glyndwr) 
had made a desperate struggle to recover his country's indepen- 
dence in the early years of Henry IV's reign. His failure had been 
followed by a series of penal enactments which deprived Welshmen 
of all political or civic rights. Welsh customs were suppressed by 
law, and intermarriage of the Welsh and English was made a capital 
offence. But though the government of the country was nomin- 
ally divided between the stewards of the royal demesnes under 
the Prince of Wales and the feudal landowners known as the Lord 
Marchers, it was practically in the latter's hands. The absence 
of a strong executive government combined with the new vex- 
atious legislation to excite the people against their rulers more 
effectually than before ; and the rudimentary condition of Welsh 
society at the time intensified the evils of divided authority in the 
executive government. The patriarchal theories of life still regu- 
lated social institutions, and the right of a man to rob his neighbour 
of his property, were he strong enough to do so, was generally 
recognized. Every family was thus united through all its branches 
into a band of brigands, who marched at frequent intervals from 
their mountain homes to make raids upon the border-chieftains. 
Occasionally they made war upon each other, but their native 
turbulence of spirit was for many years kept in check at home by 
the strong bond of hatred of their common oppressors. In 1478 
an attempt was made to meet the difficulties of the situation by 
organizing a Council of Lords Marchers a Welsh Star Chamber 
with summary jurisdiction over the disturbers of the public peace. 
Its headquarters were fixed at Ludlow Castle, but the arrange- 

i The present Earl of Pembroke is the thirteenth in succession from the first Earl of 
the second creation (1551). 



172 Appendix 

ment did not answer the expectations formed of it. The accession, 
with the assistance of many Welsh followers, of Henry VII, the 
grandson of a Welsh squire, to the English throne in 1485, led to 
the first improvement in the sentimental relations between the 
two peoples. But neither the political nor the social condition of 
Wales was thereby materially improved. As Lord Herbert points 
out in his History of Henry VIII, during the first years of the reign, 
' in about some 141 Lordships marchers . . , many strange and 
discrepant customs ' were still practised ; and although he insists 
that his great-grandfather, Sir Richard Herbert 1 , was a forcible 
administrator in a part of the Principality, he admits that ' the 
lords marchers (who conquered at their own cost) ruled yet by their 
own laws and customs, and substituted officers at their pleasure, 
who again committed such rapines as nothing about was safe or 
quiet '. And the national antipathy had not yet exhausted itself. 
The Minister Cromwell believed that * in the trouble caused by 
the divorce ' the Welsh were an element of weakness to England, 
and to illustrate England's power, he put to death Sir Rice ap 
Griffith in 1531, on the specious ground that he had countenanced 
a scheme for an invasion from Scotland in behalf of Queen Catherine, 
in which the Welsh were to support the invaders z . In 1536 Par- 
liament took the matter in hand. It was pointed out that ' mani- 
fold robberies, murders, and other malefacts ' were daily practised 
throughout Wales and the Welsh marches, and that justice was not 
administered there as in other parts of the realm. It was therefore 
enacted, (i) that Wales should be incorporated with England by 
act of union ; (2) that all Welshmen should enjoy the privileges 
of Englishmen ; (3) that all English laws were to be observed in 
Wales ; (4) that the English language was to be alone recognized 
as the official language of the people ; (5) that the Welsh national 
customs still adhered to outside North Wales were to be examined 
into by a special commission with a view to their extirpation. Thus 
the independent jurisdiction of the lords marchers was annulled : 
the Council was not abolished, but its functions were more distinctly 
defined, and it was given the new title of the Court of the Council 
of Wales (1543) 3 . Steps were taken to form the territories of the 
marchers into counties. Monmouth became a new English shire, 
while Radnor, Brecknock, Montgomery, and Denbigh were formed 
into new Welsh shires. Justices of assize and sheriffs were nomin- 
ated for the whole Principality, and it was expected that Welsh 
turbulence would straightway subside. But there were two serious 
defects in this legislation. The statute affecting the Welsh lan- 

1 See p 5 and p. 6 note r, supra. 

2 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, v, 289 

3 This court was suspended by the Long Parliament m 1641, re-established at the 
Restoration, and finally abolished in 1689. 



The Condition of Wales 173 

guage excluded Welsh-speaking persons from political office, and 
the Court of Wales adopted arbitrary modes of judicial procedure 
which did httle to conciliate a people which set a high value on 
individual liberty. Roland Lee, afterwards Bishop of Lichfield 
and Coventry, entered on a vigorous administration of the office 
of President at this moment, and he resolved on forcible suppres- 
sion of all lawless outrage ' All the thieves in Wales ', he wrote 
to Cromwell, ' quake for fear ', and ' although ', he said in another 
letter, ' the thieves hanged are by imagination, yet I trust to be 
even with them shortly in very deed ' J . Lee forbade the use of 
long strings of patronymics connected by the syllable ap in personal 
nomenclature, and bade Welshmen take a single surname. But 
the temper of the people was not, and could not be, hastily changed. 
The brigands were now outlawed, and ran risk of severe punish- 
ment. The national feeling tolerated them, domestic ties protected 
them, and the geographical features of the country made their 
capture difficult. Lord Herbert's grandfather and his father both 
suffered, as he tells us, from bands of robbers, but their theories 
of government were little in advance of those of their neighbours. 
To protect themselves, they did not appeal to the judges or to 
Ludlow Castle ; they were content to summon their relatives and 
retainers, to take the law into then- own hands, and to avenge 
themselves upon the families of those who had offended them 2 . 
In 1557 Sir George Herbert of Swansea marched upon the castle 
of Oxwich in the absence of its owner, Sir Rice Hansel, and in the 
fight an aged relation of the owner was killed. In the streets of 
Cowbridge, Glamorganshire, a veritable battle took place in 1576 
between the supporters of the Bassetts of Beaupre 1 and those of 
the Turbervilles of Penlhne. In both cases the combatants were 
led by members of the lords marchers 1 families, who were infected 
by their neighbours' turbulent spirit. In 1580, Sir Henry Sidney, 
the President of the Council, intervened in a serious contention 
* betwixt the surnamed Thomases and Joneses ', which threatened 
to involve all Wales s . 

As late as 1607, a President of the Council of the Marches writes 
of such methods of procedure, that any man who is believed to 
have done his neighbour a wrong ' shall hardly escape a cruel 
revenge, even unto death ', and that the governors are powerless, 
because where private feuds were concerned, all men of influence 
combined to suppress evidence*. Lord Herbert himself never 
extricated his mind from a patnarchial belief in the right of every 

1 EUis's Letters, 3 rd ser , li, 364, 37o. 

2 Sco pp 2 and 4 supru 

3 Cf. fee Siradhng Correspondence, cd. Xrahenie, ppIxs-17. 
* History of Ludlow, pp. 356-69 



174 Appendix 

injured man to take personal vengeance with the aid of his family 
on his enemies and their families. The traditional wrongs whch 
his relatives had suffered at the hands of the Vaughans he never 
forgot, and a Montague never regarded a Capulet with greater 
detestation than Herbert regarded any person bearing the hated 
name ofVaughan. The intermarriage of his sister with aVaughan 
was vainly imagined by the more peaceful members of either family 
to be an effective treaty of peace x ; but readers of the autobiography 
will remark that the old spirit manifested itself m full intensity 
when Herbert met a few years later Sir Robert Vaughan a . Valiant 
as the Welshmen were admitted on all hands to be, their choleric 
temperament, the result of baffled national hopes, made them 
objects of ridicule among Englishmen till the dose of the seven- 
teenth century. Intercourse between the two peoples had by that 
time familiarized the one with some real knowledge of the good as 
well as of the bad qualities of the other. But Shakespeare's Fluellen 
(a satirical phonetic spelling of the Welsh Llewelyn) indicates the 
highest esteem in which an Englishman held his Welsh fellow- 
subjects. Less thoughtful writers concentrated their attention 
on * the rebellious attempts, the proud stomachs, the presump- 
tuous star, trouble, and rebellion of the fierce, unquiet, fickle, and 
necessitous Welshmen 8 . 

The social condition of Wales owed its lasting reform to strong 
administrators of the stamp of Roland Lee, and to the growth of 
such civilizing influences as commerce and education. Sir Henry 
Sidney, the father of Sir Philip Sidney, who was President of Wales 
from 1559 to 1586, did all that in him lay to suppress ' brawls and 
contentions *, both by persuasion and coercion, and affairs so im- 
proved under his regime that he could assert, with some obvious 
touches of exaggeration, in a letter to Sir Francis Walsmgham in 
1583, that ' his great and high office in Wales ' was ' a happy place 
of government, for a better people to govern or better subjects 
Europe holdeth not *. But successful as Sidney's rule undoubtedly 
was, it is to the translation of the Bible unto Welsh in 1567, to 
the establishment of free grammar schools like those of Carmarthan 
(1576), of Ruthm (IS9S). of Beaumans (1603), of Hawarden (1609), 
and to the opening up of the metal and coal mines that the country 
chiefly owed its future peace and prosperity 4 . 

i See p 14, supra 

* See p 100 t& seq , supra 

3 Dedication of Powel's Htsfone of Cambna (1584) to Sir Philip Sidney 

4 The general authorities for this chapter are Miss Jane Williams' History of Wales 
Documents Connected unth the History of Ludlow, 1841 , the first chapter of Mr T R 
Phillip's Cm/ War *n Wales, and Lord fiatetVftAvy ofHeZy VIII, sub aSu> 1636 
Churchyard, in his Worthies of Wales, 1589, patriotically insisted on tne love of peace 

nherent among the Welsh, but his poetical picture is dearly overdrawn m ordYr to 

efute the contrary opinion current among Englishmen. 



Lord Herbert's Mother 175 

in 

Walton's and Donne's accounts of Lord Herbert's Mother 

The following extract from Walton's Life of George Herbert, the 
poet (Lord Herbert's brother), throws additional light on Lord 
Herbert's relations with his mother while a student at the univer- 
sity : he does her fuller justice than Lord Herbert does her himself 
(see p 9 et seq. supra). Walton's description of Lady Herbert's 
relations with Donne is one of the most beautiful passages in seven- 
teenth century prose literature. 

' In the time of her widowhood, she being desirous to give Edward, 
her eldest son, such advantages of learning and other education 
as might suit his birth and fortune, and thereby make him more 
fit for the service of his country, did, at his being of a fit age, remove 
from Montgomery Castle with him and some of her younger sons 
to Oxford ; and having entered Edward into Queen's College * 
and provided him a fit tutor, she commended him to his care ; 
yet she continued there with him, and still kept him in a moderate 
awe of herself, and so much under her own eye as to see and con- 
verse with him daily ; but she managed this power over him with- 
out any such rigid sourness as might make her company a torment 
to her child, but with such a sweetness and compliance with the 
recreations and pleasures of youth, as did incline him willingly to 
spend much of his time in the company of his dear and careful 
mother ; which was to her great content ; for she would often say, 
" That as our bodies take a nourishment suitable to the meat on 
which we feed, so our souls do as insensibly take in vice by the 
example or conversation with wicked company " ; and would there- 
fore often say, "That ignorance of vice was the best preservation 
of virtue ; and that the very knowledge of wickedness was as tinder 
to inflame and kindle sin, and keep it burning". For these reasons 
she endeared him to her own company, and continued with him in 
Oxford for four years ; in which time her great and harmless wit, 
her cheerful gravity, and her obliging behaviour gained her an 
acquaintance and friendship with most of any eminent worth or 
learning that were at that time in or near that University ; and par- 
ticularly with Mr. John Donne, who then came accidentally to that 
place, in this time of her being there. It was that John Donne 
who was after Dr. Donne and Dean of St. Paul's, London ; and he, 
at his leaving Oxford, writ and left there, in verse, a character of 
the beauties of her body and mind. Of the first he says, 

No Spring nor Summer beauty has such grace, 
As I have seen in an Autumnal face. 

1 This is an error. See p. ai, supra. Herbert was entered at University College. 



176 Appendix 

Of the latter he says, 

In all her words, to every hearer fit, 
You may at revels or at council sit. 

The rest of her character may be read in his printed poems, in that 
elegy which bears the name of The Autumnal Beauty ; for both he 
and she were then past the meridian of man's life. 

' This amity, begun at this time and place, was not an amity that 
polluted then- souls, but an amity made up of a chain of suitable 
inclinations and virtues , an amity like that of St. Chrysostom's 
to his dear and virtuous Olympias, whom in his letters he calls his 
Saint ; or an amity, indeed, more like that of St. Hierome to his 
Paula, whose affection to her was such, that he turned poet in his 
old age, and then made her epitaph, wishing all his body were 
turned into tongues, that he might declare her just praises to pos- 
terity. And this amity betwixt her and Mr. Donne was begun in 
a happy time for him, he being then near to the fortieth year of his 
age which was some years before he entered into Sacred Orders * 
a time when his necessities needed a daily supply for the support 
of his wife, seven children, and a family. And in this time she 
proved one of his most bountiful benefactors, and he as grateful an 
acknowledger of it. You may take one testimony for what I have 
said of these two worthy persons from this following letter and 
sonnet 

' " MADAM, Your favours to me are everywhere * I use them 
and have them. I enjoy them at London, and leave them there ; 
and yet find them at Mitcharn. Such riddles as these become things 
inexpressible ; and such is your goodness I was almost sorry to 
find your servant here this day, because I was loath to have any 
witness of my not coming home last night and indeed of my com- 
ing this morning. But my not coming was excusable, because 
earnest business detained me ; and my coming this day is by the 
example of your St. Mary Magdalen, who rose early upon Sunday 
to seek that which she loved most ; so did I* And from her and 
myself I return such thanks as are due to one to whom we owe all 
the good opinion that they whom we need must have of us. By 
this messenger and on this good day I commit the enclosed Holy 
Hymns and Sonnets which for the matter, not the workmanship, 
have yet escaped the fire to your judgment, and to your protec- 
tion too, if you think them worthy of it ; and I have appointed this 
enclosed Sonnet to usher them to your happy hand. Your unwor- 
thiest servant, unless your accepting him to be so have mended him, 

Jo. DONNE. 

" MITCHAM, July n, 1607. 



Lord Herbert's Mother 177 

To the Lady Magdalen Herbert, of St. JMary Magdalen 

* Her of your name, whose fair inheritance 

Bethina was, and jointure Magdalo, 
An active faith so highly did advance, 

That she once knew more than the Church did know, 
The Resurrection r so much good there is 

Delivered of her, that some Fathers be 
Loth to believe one woman could do this, 

But think these Magdalens were two or three. 
Increase their number, Lady, and their fame 

To their devotion add your innocence 
Take so much of th* example, as of the name , 

The latter half ; and in some recompense 
That they did harbour Christ himself, a guest, 
Harbour these Hymns, to his dear name addrest. J D'. 

These Hymns are now lost to us , but doubtless they were such as 
they two now smg in heaven. 

' There might be more demonstrations of the friendship and the 
many sacred endearments betwixt these two excellent persons, 
for I have many of then- letters in my hand, and much more 
might be said of her great prudence and piety ; but my design "was 
not to write hers, but the life of her son ; and therefore I shall only 
tell my reader that about that very day twenty years that this letter 
was dated and sent her, I saw and heard this Mr. John Donne 
who was then Dean of St Paul's weep, and preach her funeral 
sermon in the parish church of Chelsea, near London *, where she 
now rests in her quiet grave , and where we must now leave her, 
and return to her son George, whom we left m his study at Cam- 
bridge '. 

Dr. Donne's sermon gives similar testimony to Lady Herbert's 
sweetness of temper, and does not, with both Herbert and Walton, 
overlook the fact of her second marriage to Sir John Danvers. The 
following passages towards the close of the sermon are of special 
interest : 

* From that worthy family from which she had her original extrac- 
tion and birth 2 , she sucked that love of hospitality (hospitality 
which hath celebrated that family for many generations succes- 
sively) which dwelt in her to her end. But in that ground, her father's 
family, she grew not many years. Transplanted young from thence 
by marriage into another family of honour, as a flower that doubles 
and multiplies by transplantation, she multiplied into ten children, 
Job's number and Job's distribution (as she would often remem- 
ber), seven sons and three daughters. And in this ground she grew 

J On ist July, 1627. See p 10 a 3, supra. 
3 The Newports. 

A A 



178 Appendix 

not many more years than were necessary for the providing of so 
many plants. And being then left to choose her own ground m 
her widowhood, having at home established and increased the estate 
with a fair and noble addition, proposing to herself, as her principal 
care, the education of her children , to advance that she came with 
them and dwelt with them in the university, and recompensed them 
the loss of a father in giving them two mothers her own personal 
care and the advantage of that place, where she contracted a friend- 
ship with divers reverend persons of eminency and estimation there, 
which continued to their ends. And as this was her greatest business, 
so she made this state a large period, for in this state of widowhood 
she continued twelve years. And then returning to a second mar- 
riage, that second marriage turns us to the consideration of another 
personal circumstance, that is, the natural endowments of her per- 
son, which were such as that her personal and natural endowments 
had their part in drawing and fixing the affections of such a person/ 
as by his birth and youth, and interest in great favours at court, 
and legal proximity to great possessions in the world, might justly 
have promised him acceptance m what family soever or upon what 
person soever lie had directed and placed his affections. He placed 
them here, neither diverted thence nor repented since. For as the 
well tuning of an instrument makes higher and lower strings of one 
sound, so the inequality of their years was thus reduced to an even- 
ness that she had a cheerfulness agreeable to his youth, and he had 
a sober staidness conformable to her more advanced years. So that 
I would not consider her at so much more than forty, nor him at 
so much less than thirty, at that time ; but as their persons were 
made one, and their fortunes made one by marriage, so I would 
put their years into one number, and finding a sixty between them 
think them thirty apiece , for as twins of one hour they lived. . . . 
God gave her such a comeliness as, though she were not proud of it, 
yet she was so content with it as not to go about to mend it by any 
art. And for her attire (which is another personal circumstance), 
it was never sumptuous, never sordid, but always agreeable to her 
quality and agreeable to her company , such as she might, and such 
as others such as she was did wear *. . . . Respecting her charitable- 
ness Donne says ' She gave not at some great days or at some 
solemn goings abroad, but as God's true almoners, the sun. and moon, 
that pass on in a continual doing of good, as she received her daily 
bread from God, so daily she distributed and imparted it to others. 
In which office though she never turned her face from those who, in 
a strict inquisition, might be called idle and vagrant beggars, yet 
she ever looked first upon them who laboured, whose labours could 
not overcome the difficulties nor bring in the necessities of this life, 

1 Sir John Danvers. 



Lord Herbert's Mother 179 

and to the sweat of their brows she contributed even her wine and 
her oil, and anything that was, and anything that might be, if it 
were not prepared for her own table. And as her house was a court, 
with conversation of the best, and an almshouse in feeding the poor, 
so was it also an hospital in ministering relief to the sick. And 
truly, the love of doing good in this kind, of ministering to the sick, 
was the honey that spread over all her bread ; the air the perfume 
that breathed over all her house. ... As the rule of all her civil 
actions was religion, so the rule of her religion was the Scripture ; 
and her rule for her particular understanding of the Scripture was 
the Church. ... In the doctrine and discipline of that Church in 
which God sealed her to Himself in baptism she brought up her 
children, she assisted her family, she dedicated her soul to God in 
her life, and surrendered it to Him in her death ; and in that form 
of common prayer which is ordained by that Church and to which 
she had accustomed herself with her family twice every day, she 
joined that company which was about her death-bed in answering 
to every part thereof which the congregation is directed to answer 
to, with a clear understanding, with a constant memory, with a dis- 
tinct voice, not two hours before she died. According to this pro- 
mise, that is, the will of God manifested in the Scriptures, she 
expected this that she hath received, God's physic and God's music 
a christianly death ' l . 

IV 

Duelling in France and England in the early years of the Seventeenth 

Century 

Duelling holds no more prominent place in Lord Herbert's auto- 
biography than it deserves to hold in any full social history of 
James I's reign. The practice, although long discredited by men 
of sense, sprang into new life in England in the early years of the 
seventeenth century. The cause of the revival is probably to be 
found in the intimate relations existing between men of fashion in 
England and France. To impetuous Frenchmen like Balagny 2 
the duello was indispensable, and when Englishmen imitated French 
social customs, they adopted unconsciously the most characteristic 
feature of French social life that sensitive regard for what French- 
men called their honour. Henri IV perceived the disadvantage of 
the practice of duelling, and in stern edicts denounced it as a capital 
offence. But the edicts were systematically disobeyed, and the 

1 See Alford's edition of Donne's Works, vi, 271 et seq, t or the original duodecimo 
edition of the sermon (1627), pp. 137 et seq 

2 See p. 57, supra. 



180 Appendix 

King had not resolution enough to refuse a pardon to those who 
infringed them. He entreated his generals to discountenance the 
practice, but was himself unwilling to employ coercion in the matter. 
Between 1589 and 1607, it has been estimated that 4,000 Frenchmen 
met their death in duels. Montaigne, illustrating the bellicose 
spirit of his fellow-countrymen, humorously states that if three 
Frenchmen met together in the Libyan deseit, they would demand 
satisfaction of each other at the sword's point. It was left to 
Richelieu to inaugurate a determined policy of repression x . 

In England matters were little better. Every family of dis- 
tinction lost some promising cadet in the early years of the century 
by duelling, and the foreign wars in which Englishmen were in the 
habit of engaging as free and independent volunteers encouraged 
in them a spirit of aggression without accustoming them to stnct 
military discipline. The war in Cleves and Juhers was fertile in 
duels among Englishmen, in spite of the precautions taken both 
by Sir Edward Cecil and Count Maurice, and the quarrels, although 
invariably based on very flimsy pretexts, resulted in very many 
fatalities. In 1609 Sir Hatton Cheek kdled Sir Thomas Dalton 
in a duel fought on the Calais sands, in which both combatants were 
armed, according to the French rules, with rapier as well as dagger 2 . 
Herbert's disputes with Lord Howard of Walden and Sir Thomas 
Somerset came happily to a spiritless and bloodless conclusion ; 
but a similar encounter between Edward, Lord Bruce of Kinloss, 
and Sir Edward Sackville was pursued in deadly earnest The 
quarrel arose out of a love-suit, and after several abortive meetings 
in Holland and England, the two men fought on September 1613 
under the walls of Antwerp, where Bruce was killed and Sackville 
severely wounded 3 . Steele has given a faithful account of this 
long and sanguinary conflict m Nos. 129 and 133 of the Guardian, 
from Sackville' s manuscript narrative. Nicholas Charles, Lan- 
caster Herald, writing to Sir Robert Cotton of the termination of 
this meeting, declares (loth September 1613) the world of London 
to be full of rumours of duels to be fought abroad. ' A gentleman 
of [Lord Harrington] ' , he says, ' [was] very treacherously killed 
by the means of Sir Andrew Keith master of the horse to the Lady 
Elizabeth 4 . But Keith is m hold to be sent over into England. 
There is also a quarrel between my Lord of Essex and Mr. Harry 
Howard 5 , and one of them is gotten over, but there were letters 

1 Brantdme's Memoirs give the best account of duelling in France under Henry TV 

a These weapons were to be used m Herbert's duel with Loid How aid It \wib usual 
in France for the seconds to fight as well as the principals 

3 Clarendon's History, i, 60 ; Wmwood's Memorials, 111, 422, 454, 476. 

* The Electress-Palatine Further particulars of this quarrel are given in a letter 
printed in Court and Times of James I, i, 265. Sir Andrew Keith was guilty of a mur- 
derous assault on a gentleman named Bashall, which closely resembles Ayres* attack 
on Herbert at Whitehall 

6 Brother of Lord Howard of Walden. 



Duelling 181 

sent to the Archduke and the French King to prevent their desper- 
ate proceedings. There is also talk of a quarrel between my Lord 
of Rutland and my Lord Danvers, as also of other noble and gentle- 
men of good quality ' *, Chamberlain, the well-known gossip, gave 
even more alarming proofs of the prevalence of duels at this moment. 
'Though there yet be ', he writes (gth September 1613), 'in shew 
a settled peace in these parts of the world, yet the many private 
quarrels are very great, and prognostic troubled humours, which 
may breed dangerous diseases, if they be not purged and prevented, 
I doubt not but you have heard the success of the combat between 
Edward Sackville and Lord Bruce of Kinlos . . Here is speech 
likewise that the Lord Norris and Sir Peregrine Willoughby are gone 
forth for the same purpose, and that the Lord Chandos and Lord 
Hay are upon the same terms : there was a quarrel kindling betwixt 
the Earls of Rutland and Montgomery, but it was quickly quenched 
by the King, being begun and ended in his presence. But there 
is more danger betwixt the Earl of Rutland and the Lord Danvers, 
though I heard yesterday it was already or upon the point of com- 
pounding. But that which most now listen after is what will fall 
out betwixt the Earl of Essex and Mr. Henry Howard, who is chal- 
lenged and called to account by the Earl for certain disgraceful 
speeches of him. They are both gotten over, the Earl from Milford 
Haven, the other from Harwich, with each of them two seconds. 
The Earl has his base brother and one Captain Ouseley, or rather, 
as most affirm, Sir Thomas Beaumont, as one interested in the 
quarrel '. In a later letter Chamberlain describes the action of the 
Council taken in this business 2 

These practices ill assorted with James I's pacific temperament, 
and he took vigorous steps to suppress them He directed his 
Ministers to collect information as to the mode of dealing with such 
breaches of the peace on the Continent, and then issued a proclama- 
tion, penned with his own hand, calling on his peaceable subjects 
to support his repressive policy 3 . The Star Chamber was directed 
to take the matter in hand, and, to make a preliminary example, 
two ' base mechanical persons ', named Priest and Wright, were 
charged by the Crown, the one with sending a challenge, and the 
other with accepting it. Sir Francis Bacon, the new Attorney- 
General, conducted the prosecution, and in a speech full of common 
sense and high principle illustrated the evils of the practice. ' It 
is a miserable effect ', he said in one of the finest passages, ' when 

1 Ellis's Original Letters, 2d ser , in, 234. 

2 Court and Tvmes of James /, i, 272, 276. 

3 In a MS volume in the Cottonian Library in the British Museum are many docu- 
ments relating to the history of duelling in England at the time In Ellis's Letters, 
ist ser , in, 107-10, is printed from the volume Sir Francis Cottmgton's account of the 
treatment of duellists in Spain Sir John Fmet, writing from Paris, i9th February 
1609-10, is the author of another account there, treating of the duels in France. 



1 82 Appendix 

young men full of towardness and hope, such as the poets call 
auror<z fihi, sons of the morning, in whom the expectation and 
comfort of their friends consisteth, shall be cast away and destroyed 
in such a vain manner , but much more it is to be deplored when 
so much noble and gentle blood shall be spilt upon such follies, 
as if it were adventured in the field in the service of the king and 
the realm, were able to make the fortune of a day and to change 
the future of a kingdom.' Coke delivered judgment against the 
prisoners Priest was ordered to pay 300, and Wright 500 marks, 
and both had to do penance at the next Surrey assizes, and to 
remain in Fleet prison for some months. The Star Chamber decree 
and Coke's judgment were printed and widely circulated 1 . But 
the reader will remember that these preceedings had little effect 
on Herbert, who, until he was well past middle life, was always 
anxious to find opportunity for a duel. Massmger and Chapman, 
with other Jacobean dramatists, continued to make duelling an 
important feature in their portraits of contemporary society. That 
the practice died hard in England, and temporarily revived when- 
ever the morality of the upper classes suffered serious deteriora- 
tion, students of the reign of Charles II and of the Regency well 
know. But when the thinness of the arguments in its favour was 
once thoroughly exposed by Bacon and Coke, and re-exposed by 
vigorous writers like Jeremy Collier and Steels, it was virtually 
abandoned to the thoughtless and the idle 2 . 

V 

Lord Herbert's qiiarrel with Lord Howard of Warden 

In the MS. Lansdowne in the British Museum (xcix. art. 99) is a 
copy of some of the correspondence that passed between Sir Edward 
Herbert and Lord Howard of Walden relative to their quarrel, 
together with an account of the curious incident by Peyton, Lord 
Howard's second. The document runs thus 3 : 

S r E[dward] Herbert], h^s first letter. 

MY LORD, Though for the matter in question between us I do not 
hold myself bound to seek you, yet, since I have withdrawn myself, I 

1 Spedding's Life and Letters of Bacon, iv, 395-416 

2 In Hearne's Curious Discourses (1771), n, 225 et seq , is a singular paper signed 
' Edward Cook % entitled Duello Foiled. It purports to be a paper prepared before 
1604 for a meeting of the ancient Society of Antiquaries, originally formed by Arch- 
bishop Parker in 1572, and recounts the device successfully adopted by the friends of the 
two would-be duellists to prevent a meeting. The correspondence that passed between 
the disputants is given at length Jeremy Collier's Dialogue of Duelling, in his Essays 
upon Several Moral Subjects (1698), i, 113 et seq t is an amusing and vigorous piece of 
reasoning. 

3 I have modernized the spelling 



Lord Herbert and Lord Howard 183 

have thought fit to acquaint yourself that I will wait your leisure any 
time before your going into England, to give that honest account that I 
promised and shall ever maintain. 

E[DWARD] H[ERBERT] 

The answer. 

S K ED HERBERT, I have not withdrawn myself from the place you 
left me in if you have anything to say to me, you may easily find me 
before my going into England 

T[HEOPHILUSj H[OWARD]. 

The second letter. 

MY LORD, Since I perceive your Lordship satisfied so far that you 
have not any meaning to call me in question, which by your Lordship's 
offer to draw your sword I might have conjectured, and that neither by 
it nor any way else I find not myself to have received the least hurt from 
you, I shall no longer trouble myself to satisfy your Lordship, unless 
you deny this in any particular. 

E[DWARD] H[ERBERT]. 

Answer. 

S R ED. HERBERT, I am so well satisfied with my own actions that I 
will trouble myself no further. 

T[HEOPHILUS] HfOWARD]. 

' Upon this passed by me x from Sir Ed. Herbert to my Lord a 
courteous message, and afterwards a reconcilement between them 
made by my Lord General 2 . Some four or five days after Sir 
Herbert wrote a challenge in these words 3 : 

MY LORD, Having lately understood that a report of your Lordship's 
striking me is gone so far as to M Betune and M de Chatillon 4 , and that, 
for anything I know, it may be so related in England, and that the authors 
of this report may be lackeys or people unworthy my revenge, to the 
end I may put my honour out of dispute, I have thought fit to require 
your Lordship so to cleai this that I may be declared as free from any 
touch from your Lordship as I know myself to be, or that you would 
think of some time and place in your return to do me reason, protesting 
that upon whether of these your Lordship shall resolve, that neither 
malice nor desire to win upon your Lordship's honour causeth this, 
but only a necessity so to right myself, so that I may be held worthy 
in honest reputation. So attending your Lordship's answer at Dusseldorf, 
which, in regard of our reconcilement, I must make any way questionable, 
I rest your Lordship's humble servant, 

E[DWARD] H[ERBERT] 

This nth of September 1610 

1 The writer is Peyton, Lord Howard's second 

2 Sir Edward Cecil 

3 Herbert, on pp. 623 supra, overlooks this correspondence, and admits no pre- 
liminary settlement of the dispute 

* Two French generals, see page 62, note i. 



184 Appendix 

' This was sent by one Mr. Turner of my Lord Governor's com- 
pany after Sir Edward Herbert had taken his leave of my Lord 
General and his Excellency l and withdrawn himself into the 
woods. My Lord would take no hold of the former reconciliation, 
as he might well have done, to refuse him, but, as soon as I could 
be called to him from his Excellency his quarter, returned this 
answer . 

The answer. 

S* ED. HERBERT, I thought you had been satisfied of the things 
passed betwixt us , but since I find by your letter that it is not so, I 
will answer you at the tune and place so appointed, as this bearer shall 
acquaint you with. 

T[HEOPHILUS] H[OWARD]. 

' I found him by the woodside near his Excellency his quarter , 
he withdrew himself with me from the company he had, being 
Captain Herbert 2 and a servant or two, and received the answer 
with much contentment at my Lord's honourable proceeding. 
Demanding of me the circumstances left to my relation, I first 
required to know his second, since my Lord had chosen me. He 
would fain have had none, but since my Lord's pleasure was such, 
he chose his own brother, which I accepted of, and told him my 
Lord would meet him the next morning on horseback with a single 
rapier I had not the length of it with me, but desired that he would 
send his second to my quarter about dinner-time and he should 
see it all which he accepted of, and desired me to tell my Lord that 
he would come up to him bravely without malice, to fight for his 
own honour and the honour of his nation, and desired me to be 
secret I answered he needed not to doubt my secrecy, nor to be 
met with like resolution as he spake of. About dinner-time himself 
instead of his second came near our quarter, and sent in a gentleman, 
his servant, named Omerfielde ('), who told me his master desired 
to speak with me. I went to him , he asked me the length of my 
Lord's sword. I told him I did expect his brother to fetch it, because 
he had so appointed. Nevertheless, if he would stay there, he should 
have it : he desired that that servant of his might bring it him. 
I said it had been more proper for his brother, yet I would not be 
therein curious so we both together measured the sword, and I 
gave him the length of it. I told him the place should be on the 
farther side of that wood where I found him in the morning. He 
uttered some discontentment at his want of horses, yet said he 
would come on any he could get, how unfit soever, or on foot, and 

1 Count Maurice 

a Either \\illiam or Thomas Herbert. See pp. 11-2, supra. 



Lord Herbert and Lord Howard 185 

let my Lord use the advantage. I answered my Lord sought 110 
advantage, but he knew how my Lord would come provided . that 
if he had challenged at the first, he might have had more time, but 
now my Lord being upon the point of departure, he had no reason 
to delay his own affairs for his satisfaction. He said he was sorry 
that his inquiry for horses might give suspicion of what was intended. 
About four of the clock in the afternoon the same Omerfielde came 
to me with a sword that was a thought longer than my Lord's, 
protesting that he could find no cutler in all the army, it being 
Sunday, but that he would use all diligence to make it even. I 
told him I did expect no less, and desired that Mr. Herbert might 
come to me . he said he should, and so afterwards he did, and we 
had a slight view of one another's weapons. 

' Sir Edward Herbert guessed rightly that his inquiry for horses 
would spread the business. For he souglit in likely places to be 
well furnished, [but would not have been discovered] if he had not 
been refused first of Sir Charles Morgan, to whom he was free of the 
end, and desired him to be his second, but was refused of both 1 , 
then to Count Henry 2 , and then M de Chatillon and divers others 
to borrow horses. M Chatillon sent for Sir Charles Morgan, and 
told him that he saw Mr. Herbert take leave of his Excellency, 
and now that he came to borrow great horses , laying these things 
together, he could guess it was to fight with my Lord of Walden . . . 
[ ?], and that he being an officer in chief of the army, held himself 
bound to impart his suspicion, to his Excellency. In the evening 
these bruits and others spread, I know not how, even unto the par- 
ticularities of weapon (so that nothing but the time and place were 
secret), moved my Lord to leave the General's quarter and me to 
meet his Lordship, but I should have been stopped in our own 
quarter We spent the most part of the night in Sir John Rat- 
clife's quarter, holding as good watches as we could to prevent a 
surprise of any guard that his Excellency might have sent, and 
about three or four of the clock we went to the woodside appointed, 
where they were to fight by seven. We walked twice the whole 
length of the woodside and saw nobody, then withdrew ourselves 
into the covert of the wood, lest some horsemen might discover and 
take us. When it grew lightsome, my lackey told us he saw two 
men walking by the woodside on whitish horses : my Lord, after a 
small pause, bade me look out to see if it were Sir Edward Herbert, 
and, if it were, to let him know he may hear from him. I walked 
out so far as I might discern the whole side of the wood, but [saw] 
no two horsemen , yet thinking they might be covered for the 
same purpose that we were, I walked there a pretty while that they 

* ^ e both request for horses and second 
2 Brother of Count Maurice. 

B B 



1 86 Appendix 

might discern me. But seeing nobody show out of the wood, and 
considering it was yet before the hour, I returned to my Lord. 
About a quarter of an hour after, his Lordship bade me look out 
again, and then I was quickly driven back by the sight of a horse- 
man, who passing by and keeping his course, I went out and saw 
another galloping towards, which I hoped to have been Mr Herbert, 
but when he came near enough for me to discern my error, I returned 
to our covert. 

' Then I sent out my lackey to discover the worst, who told me 
very soon that all the woodside was laid with horsemen f and we 
might see them scour up and down, but kept ourselves as close as 
we could. About half an hour after this, being near the hour 
appointed, Mr. Selinger came directly to us, and told my Lord that 
he attended to no purpose, for my Lord General had taken Sir 
Edward Herbert long since in the middle of the wood, not far from 
the place where he seemed to have lodged that night , that he was 
mounted upon a great horse of Sir James Erskin's, who being at 
Aix, his lieutenant had furnished Sir Edward Herbert [with horses] 
either voluntarily or receiving a letter from his Captain : further, 
that he had with him a Scotsman, and not his brother (who was 
intercepted in Reymester), that this Scotsman had a case of pistols, 
all which seemed very strange to us, that expected him with a 
second armed as I was, with rapier and dagger, and two lackeys 
without weapons. The colour of this Scotsman's horse being bay, 
it seemed to us that the two horsemen which my servant had seen 
'were not these, and consequently that Sir Edward Herbert had not 
been on the very place appointed at all but in truth, the wood 
was so laid before the time assigned, that it had been to no purpose, 
since they could not fight in the woods, and any ground chosen 
without must have offered them to the full power of all the horse- 
men Thus prevented by the care of his Excellency and my Lord 
General, and being entreated by a messenger from him to go home, 
we left the wood and came to our quarters. 

J PEYTON l ' 

VI 

The following were the instructions given to Herbert by James 
the First on his first mission to France The original is preserved 
at Powis Castle a . 

1 The indistinct signature may be T Peyton, but another copy of Peyton's account, 
described by Mr. J. C. Teaffreson in the Hist MSS Com Fifth Rep , has the signature 

LSee p 63, supra The paper is labelled, ' Challenge betwixt my Lord Walden and 
Edward Herbert September 1610 ' 

2 Powysland Collections, vi, 417 See p 102, supra. 



Lord Herbert's Instructions 187 

JAMES R. 

Instruc'cons for our trustie and well beloved servant Sir Edwar Herbert, 
Knight, our Ambassador with the French King. 

Having occasion at this present to employ some person of specialle 
quality, judgement, discretion and trust to reside as our ambassador with 
our good brother the French king, we have out of our princely favour been 
pleased to make choice of you as of one whom we hold in all respects suffi- 
cient and capable of such an employment, and of whose fidelity and zealous 
affection to our service we have ever entertayned a gratious opinion 

There be not many particulars that we have to give you in charge 
by way of mstrucc'n, nor shall it be greatly needfull if you observe but 
this one generall end, and thereunto apply you endevors, which is, to 
give that king the best assurance you may from time to time of our brotherly 
friendship and affecc'on towards him, letting him know that to this purpose 
principally we have sent you as our ambassador to reside near his person ; 
and you may tell him further that howsoever by the meanes of all in- 
struments and mmist'rs there hath been of late some misunderstanding 
between us, yet nevertheless there should never enter into our heart the 
least sparke of ill affecc'on towards him, as on the other side this last 
honour and courtisy that he hath done us by sending hither a gentleman 
so qualified and every way accomplished as is the Marquis of Tresnel, 
and so timely to declare his condolence with us for the death of our late 
dearest wife the queen, hath imprinted in us that certame perswasion 
and assurance of his reciprocall friendship towards us ; we thereupon 
being very unwilling to be prevented in courtisy or in doing that honour 
which we desired, have made all the hast that possibly we might to dis- 
patch you away unto him before any ordinary embassador should come 
from thence unto us 

And because the meaning is not to be wanting in any good office which 
may testify the reality of our professions unto him, you shall let him 
know that we, understanding of the troubles in governing his kingdom 
is at this present embroyled, have given the order, as well out of our 
singular love unto him, as also in regard of the promise wee made to the 
king his father of happy memory, to offer him in our name the best assis- 
tance that we can afford him, either by our faithful advice or otherwise, 
whensoever he shall have at any time occation or use of our help, and 
shall think fit to signify so much unto us. 

Next you shall take notice of the great obligation we have unto him, 
and gave him thanks accordingly for the true sense he hath of our present 
griefe and affliction by reason of the queen's death, our dearest wife, as 
ms ambassador (the Marquis of Tresnel) hath expressed the same unto 
us, assuring him that, for our part, we cannot be less sensible of anything 
that may befall him, but must be equally affected, either with joy or 
sorrow, as the subject shall give cause , neither may you omitt to per- 
form the like ceremony unto the queen. 

And hereupon you may take a fitt occasion to congratulate him in our 
name for the marriage of his sister, Madame Chrestienne, with the Prince 
of Piemont, to which alliance we wish all honour and happiness, as well 
for the interest which the king hath therein of himself, as also in respect 
of the singular affecc'on we bear unto the House of Savoy, and the strict 
amity which js betwixt us and that duke at this present. 



1 88 Appendix 

Lastly, whereas it was agreed and concluded by a treaty dated the 
igth of August m the year 1610, betwixt certain commissioners appointed 
on our part, and Le Sieur de la Boderie, then ambassador from the French 
king, residing here with us, on behalf of the king his master, that forasmuch 
as the sayed king was at that time in his minority, he should therefore 
afterwards, when he came to be major, take a solemn oath for the obser- 
vation of all things conteyned in the said treaty, being thereunto duly 
required by a ambassador sufficiently authorised for such a purpose 
We have to that end enabled you, by a commission under our greate 
scale of England in his name, to require and to take* the sayd oath, hereby 
willing and commanding you to see the same effected according to your 
commission m such due manner and form as is usual in like cases 

GEO. CALVERT. 

?th May 1619 

VII 
Lord Herbert's Correspondence 

The earliest extant letters with winch I have met are four 
addressed by Herbert to his guardian Sir George More of Loseley 
in 1602-1603. They have been already printed in Kempe's Loseley 
MSS , pp. 143-146. In August 1602 Herbert was in his twentieth 
year 1 . 

Lord Herbert to Ms Father-in -wardship, Sir George More. 



Worthy Father, if I were persuaded that you did amare ex ^udicio, and 
not indicare ex amore, your good opinion of me would make me show more 
to deserve the continuance of it, than the greatest discouragement of 
my little abilities could prevail to the breaking of my weak beginnings. 
Lest you should think this country ruder than it is, I have seat you 
some of our bread, which I am sure will be dainty, howsoever it be not 
pleasing ; it is a kind of cake which our country people use, and made 
in no place in England, but in Shrewsbury if you vouchsafe the taste 
of them, you enworthy the country and sender Measure not my love 
by substance of it, which is brittle , but by the form of it, which is circular, 
and circulus you know is capacissima figura, to which that mind ought 
to be like, that can most worthily love you Yet I would not have you 
to understand form so as though it were hereby formal , but, as forma 
dat esse, so my love and observance to be essential; and so wishing it 
worthy your acceptance, I rest -Your son that knoweth your worth, 

HERBERT. 
Scribbled rapti-m as you see, and hope will pardon. 

EYTON, this ijth of August 1602. 
To the right worthy and his honourable 
friend Sir George More, Knight, his 
beloved father, etc 

l I have not printed the letters at full length, but given only the most important 
passages. 



Lord Herbert's Correspondence 189 

Noble Knight, I perceive your love placed in this our family to be as 
faithful m continuance, as it hath been excessive in greatness, when 
you will send to find us out in a corner among the toto dwisos orbe Bntannos ; 
such a love in these days wants an example, and is not like to be paterned ; 
only to us it is a comfort, that desire at least to be thankful, that seeing 
it was begun without our desert, we need not stand doubtful of ourselves, 
as knowing that his worthy disposition that began it of himself, will 
continue it as undeservedly as he did unmatchably enter into it This 
small testimony doth your many kindnesses challenge at my hands, who 
doth more honour your virtues than the pied outside of an hereditary 
nobility 

I hear of your indeed royal entertainment of the King ; a happiness 
able to make you forget yourself, much more your remote friends, were 
it not you 

I am very sorry to hear of the increase of the plague, which besides 
many inconveniences, will hinder our meeting this many a day, I fear. 
I pray God to stay His heavy hand, in whom I wish both our preservations, 
as The son that lives more than half in his loving father, 

HERBERT. 
MONTGOMERY CASTLE, this z8th of August 1603. 

I pray you present my due salutations to your lady, and Sir Robert 
Moore and his lady, not forgetting good Mr Foisted. 

To that worthy knight, Sir George More, 
at his house, Loseley, in Surrey, etc. 

If absence (noble knight) could afford friends a better testimony of 
love than remembrance, or remembrance express itself in a better fashion 
than in letters, to you especially, to your nought-needing self (if either 
invention or example would have yielded me a newer means), my engaged 
love would not have omitted the execution of it to your worthy self, 
unto whom the greatest service I can profess is too little to be performed ; 
but where means scant the manifestation of more, let your acceptance 
make that good, which my ability could make no better. I pray you 
think not that, because my letter contains not any essential business, 
that therefore it is merely formal, but rather that my thankfulness would 
disclose itself in any shape sooner than forego the least occasion to show 
how many ways he is Yours, 

HERBERT. 

MONTGOMERY CASTLE, this i2th of October 1603 

To my much honoured father, Sir George 
More, Loseley, in Surrey 

Your continual remembrance of us (noble knight), though it cannot 
add to the opinion of your worthy love (only in respect of yourself worthy) ; 
yet it may confirm it, if there can be a confirmation of that which is held 
most assured. 

The barrenness of this country, as in all other things, is dilated into 
the scarcity of any occurrence fit your entertaining, much unlike your 
part, where all good varieties warring among themselves distract the 
mind in their choice, of some of which as you have made me partakei 



190 Appendix 

so the most acceptable beyond comparison was to hear of your health. 

If there be a Parliament shortly, if I can, I will be one of the number, 
a burgesse or something, rather than get out, for I think I shall give away 
my interest in this shire to another , not making doubt to meet you there, 
though once in my hearing you seemed to be weary of your being of the 
House 

So with the protestation of an unfeigned affection to do you any accept- 
able service, I rest Your adopted son in name, but natural all other ways, 

HERBERT. 

MONTGOMERY CASTLE, this 4th of December, 1603. 

I must give my lady great thanks (for in my letter I have testified of 
you) for my little brother. 

Mr. Henry Mornce remembers his love to you, with many thanks for 
your kind entertainment of him when he was with you 

To his most honoured father, Sir George 
More, Knight, at Loseley, give these 

In the British Museum is a valuable volume in manuscript con- 
taining Herbert's correspondence during his embassy in France for 
the years 1619 and 1620. It is among the Additional MSS , and is 
numbered 7082. I have had the whole of it copied, and give below 
some extracts likely to prove of interest to the reader of Herbert's 
life. The volume opens with a series of letters addressed by Her- 
bert to the Prince of Orange and other English and foreign friends, 
announcing the writer's appointment to the French embassy. In 
the first letter addressed to the King (fol. 8) Herbert writes (under 
date 29th May 1619, stilo Anghco) that the distracting quarrel 
between Louis XIII and his mother Marie de Medicis had been com- 
pounded and the former released from her imprisonment at Blois 1 . 
Herbert concludes thus : 

I cannot omit to tell your Majesty of a circumstance which had almost 
broken this peace about the time that it was most treated of by the Com- 
missioners. . . . For whilst these did negotiate there was discovered 
a design to give fire to the powder m the castle, the ruins whereof were 
likely to fall upon the Queen's lodgings, that were not far off. They lay 
the fault upon the Comte de Schomberg, but he excuseth himself. In the 
meantime the Queen made a long complaint thereof unto the King. It is 
much desired by the Prince of Piedmont, son of the Duke of Savoy, that 
the King and Queen-mother should meet . but some dislike it, as fearing 
natural affection should bring them too near others dislike it, lest repe- 
tition of unkmdness should put them further assunder they therefore 
who labour this prescribe the words and behaviour on both sides This 
is the substance of all I can learn as yet worthy your Majesty's knowledge. 

Another letter (fol. 13) of the same date to the King begins with 
a characteristic apology for the writer's style : 

1 See^p, 104, supra. 



Lord Herbert's Correspondence 191 

I must humbly desire m all my letters to be thus understood, that if the 
second do not contradict the first, your Majesty would be pleased to take 
it as a confirmation For my last I find nothing in it to reform, if your 
Majesty be pleased to pardon the rudeness and ignorance of my style, 
which I therefore humbly submit unto your Majesty's good acceptation. 

The settlement between the Queen-mother and the French King 
was menaced by the rude behaviour of the Queen's messenger to 
Luynes, the Kmg*s favourite, who had really instigated Louis XIII 
to attack his mother, and whose true character Herbert soon came 
to know and detest. But at first he had only good words for Luynes. 

The Comte de Bresne . . being sent unto the French king on a message 
from her, did not only omit to salute Mons. de Luynes, having first saluted 
all the rest, but braved him in such a fashion that it was interpreted by 
some as a slighting of the favour the French King hath showed him, which 
I hear the King took very ill, and therefore dismissed him without answer. 
This hath made P Benille travail again, and the labour is now to bring 
the Queen and Mons. de Luynes to accord . I find Mons. de Luynes 
much envied, but cannot learn wherein his greatest enemies can justly 
tax * him ; for they avow his intentions are good that so at most they 
can find no fault with him but that he cannot help, wherein they conclude 
him better than themselves. 

. . . For myself, I am invited by the French King to come to him : 
for which purpose Mons. de Pmsieux (secretaire des commandements du 
Roy) writ me a letter as in his Majesty's name This makes me prepare 
to find him at Tours, though I have somewhat deferred it, in hope of your 
Majesty's further commandments But on Monday, God willing, shall 
go, if I hear nothing to the contrary , for so was your Majesty's pleasure 
at my departure. . . . 

Herbert finally reports a rumour that the Prince of Piedmont is 
a candidate for the throne of the Empire which has just become 
vacant, and expresses a hope that the rumour is true. 

* But ', he adds, * we must not prevent 2 your Majesty's judgment and 
wisdom with our inconsiderations '. 

With this letter Herbert sends another note (fol 15), stating 
that a man named James Haig had discovered to him a Jesuit 
plot against James's life. 

Writing to the Secretary Naunton (fol. 26) on - July 1619, Her- 
bert refers to Count Henry of Nassau's visit to France 3 , and to the 
French jealousy of the Dutch. He points out in vigorous terms 
the advantage of a permanent alliance between Holland and England 
and first notifies the approach of the plague to Paris : 

l * e. censure. 2 lfC anticipate. 3 See p. 108, supra. 



192 Appendix 

The estate of these parts is still alike full of change and uncertainty 
and for those that look on of entertainment . . . Comte Henry * going 
to see the King at Tours on his way to Orange, was invited nowhere but 
to the council table ; where after a chair presented him to sit down, he was 
expostulated about the death of Barnaveldt, and told in these express 
words the act was unjust and barbarous withal I hear since (by the Hol- 
land Ambassador) there is a command given to seize on all the Dutch 
ships in French ports, and that the French take it very ill our new league 
with the Hollander, wherein they understand we have excluded the French 
from the East-Indies, which has made them to vaunt as to talk of sending 
out a fleet to right themselves All I will infer out of this, is to beseech 
your Honour (as a true and noble English heart) to take this occasion to 
dispose the King and state to enter into a straight league with the Hollan- 
der, who alone on earth can either hurt or do us good 

I have not written at all unto his Majesty at this time, because I know 
not what news you may have of the plague here there are but some 
twenty-four or twenty-five houses infected in all the town , besides it is 
not very infectious nor mortal, for the one half escape, and I see no body 
dislodge , yet the Parliament speaks of retiring, which if it much increase 
I will follow. 

On 1 4th July 1619 Herbert informs (fol. 28) Sir Robert Naunton 
that he has 

sent to Mons de Luynes, to let him know his Majesty doth understand, 
and will accept of his services. All this I have chosen to do by letter, 
that I might not put his Majesty to unnecessary charges yet if your 
honour think fit I should go, I doubt not to overtake any inconvenience 
the business may suffer by my absence. 

On 23rd July Herbert sent a French letter to Luynes, expressing 
James I's high esteem of his proffer of friendship to England (fol 
30). Luynes replied on 2/th July (fol 32) and paid Herbert many 
high-flown compliments. 

Herbert, on stgth July, found it necessary (fol. 34) to urge Naun- 
ton to hand over to the French government a French malefactor 
who had fled to England and been taken into Buckingham's favour. 
He argues that it is a mere act of international courtesy : 

I come to the latter part of your letter, which is concerning Gautier, 
who for having killed a brave French gentleman and of a noble house in a 
most base fashion fled to England, where for his excelling' on the lute he 
was received into the favour of my Lord the Marquis of Buckingham. 
I therefore thought fit first to acquaint his Lordship (who I assure myself 
never understood his fault) what this King demands concerning him : 
but having received no answer as yet, I humbly beseech your Honour 
to represent unto his Lordship, that whereas the English could not lately 
walk the street without affront and injuries [in Pans], they are now restored 
to all the favours and good opinion they can desire . besides, since they 
have accorded all my requests both for our state and particular persons, 

i See p. 108. 



Lord Herbert's Correspondence 193 

that Ins Loidship would be pleased to think at least of some indifferent 
way foi their satisfaction in this. In the mean I do not so much as incline 
>our Honour any way, having no other design but, together with my due 
respects to my Lord the Marquis Buckingham, to acquit myself of my 
obligation to this place. But your Honour shall understand more at 
large of all these particulars by the Comte de Tillicres *, who set forth 
on Monday the 2d of August (Anghco stilo], and intends to be at Calais 
on the 6th following, and so to pass with the first commodity. I humbly 
beseech your Honour to give order for his good reception, and that all 
those courtesies I have received here may be returned on him, which will 
assuredly entertain all good correspondence Your Honour will find 
him a discreet gentleman if I be not deceived, having no other acquaintance 
but a visit he gave me this day. 

Herbert send a postcrrpt about the plague 

The plague doth increase, but not much ; of 67,000 tecta or covered 
houses esteemed to be in this town, they account 300 only to be infected, 
which is but little in. proportion , yet because I have a great family, 
and that if (which God forbid) the plague should seize on any of them it 
would be too late to dislodge, I think fit to take the commodity of a fair 
house offered me in the country not far off. 



24th. - 

In sending , . - to Naunton a report of the likelihood of 
2d August 

further warfare between the supporters of the Queen-mother and 
Louis XIII (fol. 33), Herbert returns to the plague, which clearly 
caused him some anxiety : 

The plague does increase here, but not much yet the academies are 
dislodged, whose example I think to follow, unless it decreaseth or be in 
statu 

Herbert withdrew immediately to Montmorency's palace at Mer- 
lou, and thence reports to Naunton (fol. 35) the settlement of the 
civil disturbances in France- (23d August) 

There follow several letters of no great importance touching a 
misunderstanding which arose between Herbert and Sir Theodore 
de Mayerne, the well-known physician, (fol. 36-40) Mayerne had 
been engaged in some secret diplomacy in France in 1618, and had 
managed to offend the French King. He therefore asked Herbert 
to adjust their differences. But Herbert, taking the matter seri- 
ously, set inquiries on foot in both France and England as to what 
the nature of his offence had been ; and Mayerne complained to 
James I that Herbert had insulted him by taking for granted that he 
was in the wrong. Herbert declared (Sept ) to Naunton (fol. 41 )> 
that Mayerne had misunderstood him, and that he had secured full 
satisfaction for him at the French court. Mayerne was attending 

i The French ambassador in London. 

C C 



194 Appendix 

at the time Herbert's sister, probably Lady Jane of Abemarles, 
and Herbert wished ' to comfort him to look to my bick sister, who 
hath long been his patient ', and ' to oblige him the moie to procure 
her health ', At the same time Herbert was much harassed by 
the French demand for the extradition of Gautier and was anxious 
to learn ' whether his Majesty, on the example of Tyrone and Both- 
well (whom France had refused to surrender) was being inclined 
to keep him in England still'. He asked for the removal of all 
ambiguity on this point (fol. 41). On 4th October 1619 he wrote a 
French note to M de Puisieux, pointing out that James had never 
insisted on the extradition of Tyrone or Bothwell; and that he 
wished to know whether a reciproca lagreement were possible by 
which malefactors of the one country, who had taken refuge in the 
other, should be handed over to their own government (fol. 51). 
Finally, on 25 October (fol. 64), Herbert informed Naunton that 
the suit was relinquished by the French ministers. 

Another matter treated at length in Herbert's correspondence at 
this time (fol 46-51), concerns one Pierre Hugon, who was believed 
-to have stolen two coffers of jewels, belonging to the late Queen 
Anne, and to have entrusted them to the keeping of some French 
nobles. Hugon was in prison in England. At length Herbert 
obtained permission to break open the two trunks of Pierre Hugon 
' remaining in the Hotel des Onsons at Pans, in the custody of 
Pans, servant to the Marquis de Trenelle '. He forwarded the 
inventory of their contents to Naunton (fol 52-55) through his 
brother Henry, in October, and among the items were some of the 
missing jewels (fol 64) 

Herbert was an enthusiastic supporter of his friend the Elector- 
Palatine, and was very anxious that he should accept the perilous 
offer of the throne of Bohemia On 9th September 1916 he wrote 
(fol 47) that ' whether the Palatine will accept the offer ', was the 
chief subject of discussion at the French court . 

But God forbid he should refuse it, being the apparent way His Provi- 
dence hath opened to the ruin of the Papacy. I hope therefore his Majesty 
will assist m this great work, having by the means of winter approaching 
time enough to resolve, and prepare by treaties and other ways against 
the next summer For my r*""* T""t faithfully and willingly I offer 
both life and fortunes to serve iO1, ,(-,.} this or any way I may be of use. 

On 29th September Herbert recurs to the subject (fol 55) 

For the business of Bohemia I understand this King hath written to the 
King my Master and to the Palatine to dissuade the acceptance of that 
crown, at which some of this court take occasion to laugh In the mean- 
while his Majesty and the Palatine's Highness may be assured they have 
here a great party, and which if this King be indifferent will be certainly 



Lord Herbert's Correspondence 195 

much the stronger side. ... I cannot believe a state so unsettled and 
tott eiing [as this] is ready yet to declare itself on either side besides, 
it is extreme needy at this present, the King having stayed his journey 
to Chartres from Ambois a great while for want of money. 

The Elector desired to maintain his friendship with. Lord Herbert 
and on 2ist October (fol. 64), the latter writes to Naunton : 

I must acquaint your Honour that during my stay at Compiegne \ I 
received a letter from the Palatine's Highness, wherein his Highness was 
pleased to advertise me that the Elector of Treves (or Trier) would shortly 
come m person to this King that his business was to accuse the Palatine's 
Highness for taking arms and disturbing the public peace ; to which his 
Highness desiies me to answer That (when there was on other considera- 
tion) he and the princes of the union were obliged to it for the defence 
of their countries, being so near unto Bohemia that the ecclesiastics 
could not allege any such reason , that, therefore, in them it was unjust 
to take arms, but in himself and the rest necessary so that in general 
his Highness wishes me to do him all good offices in this court, and par- 
ticularly to present the many helps and courtesies this King's father 
received from his Highness's predecessors upon all occasions, assuring 
me in conclusion that his Majesty would approve well any service I could 
do his Highness in this kind That which first occurred upon reading 
this letter, that I wanted instructions from his Majesty to treat in this 
business, yet when I considered, what and for whom. I should speak, I 
recollected myself, and went immediately unto the King's principal 
ministers, the Chancellor, Monsieur le Guardesteau, and President Jannin, 
where, after I had protested that what I had to say was only in the name 
of the Palgrave's Highness, without that I had any such command from 
the King my master, I repeated his Highness's letter in substance, as I 
related that now but found them wholly inclined to believe that his 
Highness had some further intention, and that the raising of those forces 
was to make himself King of Bohemia, insomuch that admitting the 
kingdom to be elective, which indeed they granted, they would needs argue 
by what right the Bohemians could depose Ferdinand. To which I 
answered that I had no commission to treat so far, yet that I had seen 
diverse copies of their motives : that, among many others, Ferdinand 
had treated with the King of Spam to make that kingdom hereditary 
to the House of Austria ; that, besides, he was never lawfully elected. 
In conclusion, after a long debate, I brought them to this, that they prom- 
ised to advise with the King my master before they resolved on anything 
in the business, which was all I could expect to have obtained by the 
conference. Howsoever, at worst I hope his Majesty will find this state 
so unaffected and neutral, that if not their resolution, yet at least their 
irresolution, will keep them indifferent : and that is enough, since when- 
soever his Majesty shall resolve to comfort the Palatine's Highness to the 
acceptation of this offered crown, his Majesty may be assured of many 
servant^ and honourers in this country that will voluntarily offer their 
lives in the quarrel. 

l He had visited the court there 



196 Appendix 

On 3ist October 1619, Herbert sends in a bill ' for secret services ' 
including * intelligences, and conveyance of letters ', to the amount 
of 340 (fol. 66) ; and on 5th November a bill for lias ' late travelling 
between Merlon, Compiegne, and Champagne ' amounting to ^400 
(fol. 69). On 4th November he implores James I to send instruc- 
tions concerning his behaviour towards the embassy coming to 
Pans from Treves and from the Emperor to complain of the Elector 
Palatine. He declares that 'his heart is as much affected to the 
advancement of his Highness's cause as any whosoever ' (fol. 68). 
On 24th November he writes that the Protestants are growing rebel- 
lious m Beam, and that France is not likely to interfere in German 
affairs. But he adds, ' the French do all their business in compli- 
ment, the outward sense and meaning being only the cipher and 
dead letter of their intentions '. 

For my part, I have many reasons to induce me to believe they will be 
neutral wherein I may come from words to more evident testimonies 
I find this state first too poor, and then too unsettled to stir. Thejr 
poverty appears in that they have taken up three-fourths of a year's rent 
beforehand , that they lay new impositions upon the people, that faint 
under the old , that they expect from the Parisians a great sum of money 
(they say 300,000 crowns) as the price of the court's removing to this 
place (* e. Paris), though the contagion (God be thanked for it) seems to 
be in a manner extinguished And for their unsettledness, it is such as, 
when the King would send an army, I think they know not whom to 
trust. 

On 23rd November (fol. 73) Herbert sent an enthusiastic letter 
in French to the new King of Bohemia (fol. 73), expressing his own 
sympathy with him, and his belief that France would not join the 
Emperor against him. On 3rd December he told Naunton (fol. 74) 
that he was forming a strong party in the Elector's behalf among 
the French nobihty, and that if the French King remained neutral 
the German Protestants might count on many ardent volunteers 
from France But complaints were being made that the Roman 
Catholics ' were worse used than ever ' in both England and Ger- 
many. On the -i December (fol 77) Herbert states that this 
24 

King hath at last appointed the of January for the solemnity 

of the oath of alliance betwixt the two crowns ' a ceremony which 
had been repeatedly postponed, but to take part in which Herbert 
had originally been sent from England. Monsieur Puisieux said 
that ' it was expected I should put myself into an extraordinary 
equipage for the great solemnity*. The French still hesitated 
with regard to Bohemia, and Herbert asked for fuller instructions. 



Lord Herbert's Correspondence 197 

On 3oth December Herbert described (fol 83) some hot disputes 
current at the French court and the rising discontent of the French 
Protestants ; but the approaching ceremony chiefly occupied his 
mind, and he was anxious to be treated with extraordinary honour. 

The oath of alliance is to be solemnised the 2oth of this month (new style), 
for which day, unless your Honour allow me the title of an Extraordinary 
Ambassador, they will dimmish the outward ceremony of respect they 
gave in their last. I have therefore, by that extraordinary commission 
I had for that purpose, suffered them for that only day to receive me in 
the quality of an Extraordinary Ambassador, and in truth have already 
put myself into an equipage altogether extraordinary. I send your 
Honour the oath ; if your Honour dislike anything, I beseech your Honour 
to advertise me I will hope to prolong the solemnity to three or four 
days further, winch will be a sufficient time, if your Honour please to 
send me word, which I beseech your Honour not to fail ; for I am un- 
willing to proceed m anything for which I have not good warrant. But 
I think there will be no difficulty to suffer them to give me the respect of an 
Extraordinary Ambassador for one day If I hear not from your Honour 
m a reasonable time I will proceed, for now they call on rne. So hoping 
your Honour will not omit to let me hear from your Honour in this business 
with all possible speed. 

On 3 ist December Herbert reviewed the attitude of France as to 
foreign affairs in a long and able letter to James I (fol. 85-8). He 
urged Naunton at the same time (fol. 89) to lead the King to announce 
his own policy as one interested in the cause of the newly 
elected King of Bohemia. The French ministers refused to tell him 
the result of their negotiations with Furstemburg, the special 
ambassador from the Emperor, on the ground that the King of 
Kngland made no communication of his intentions to their master 
Herbert, however, saw that Louis was inclining to the side of the 
Catholics, and that the German dispute was coming to be regarded 
as a great religious quarrel (fol. 89). The arrangements for the 
solemn signature of the treaty of alliance were proceeding apace, 
and he was sparing no expense to array himself to best advantage 
(fol 91). He writes to Naunton, 8th January 1619-20 

Our ceremony goes on, and it is now too late at this present to recall 
my disbursements, having already (indiscreetly enough) put myself so far 
into the equipage of an Ambassador Extraordinary that your Honour I 
think wiE hear no man was ever beyond me But I confess I found it 
necessary at this time to oblige the people even by extraordinary shows 
to the solemnity, and due respect of this great alliance betwixt the two 
crowns, besides that I was in plain terms told that unless the same pomp 
were observed on our side we must not expect it on theirs Wherein they 
did insinuate that it was a favour, that from an ambassador ordinary they 
did accept me m the quality of an extraordinary (even for one day) though 
at last they concluded my commission apart did oblige them to it. These 



198 Appendix 

considerations made me enter into great expense , arid howsoever I shall 
never repent to have become my place in the best fashion I could For 
the rest, I believe that if his Majesty be pleased to consider what an Em- 
bassador Extraordinary would have cost by itself, my reckoning will be 
thought very easy 

On January 1619-20 Herbert reported Jihat military prepara- 
tions were being made, whether or no to assist the Emperor he did 
not know, but the Due de Guise had said to him that if the King of 
Bohemia's cause was a good one, James I would have publicly 
declared for it The formal ceremony was deferred till 2nd February 
(new style) ' for (it was stated) the more solemnity ' (fol. 93) , but 
public policy in France was clearly very vacillating (fol. 95) On 
2/th January Herbert describes the performance of a preliminary 
part of the solemnity with much self-satisfaction (foL 97) 

The oath of alliance betwixt the two crowns was performed on Sunday 
last, m the Church of the Feuillans, with all solemnity. They would have 
much diminished the ceremony, as doubting whether I was honoured 
with such an extraordinary commission as was capable of it But upon 
better perusal of rny commission they thought good to make it public in 
the church, as when rny Lord Wotton was here, and this being the reallest 
I thought I need not insist upon some less essential forms. In the fashion 
I appeared in, the opinion is, no man exceeded me of the most extraordinary 
that have been here , which I did the rather to meet with their objections. 
I shall take the boldness to write to his Majesty concerning the same 
business whereof my last advertised his Majesty, but have not herein 
desired his gracious pleasure, so that I will beseech your Honour to obtain 
it, which I do I protest for no other end but that the honour may remain 
to my posterity of serving his Majesty though but for one day, in the 
quality of an Ambassador Extraordinary If your honour be pleased 
to use my most noble Lord the Marquis of Buckingham herein, I am sure 
his Lordship will be pleased to remember the honour his Majesty did me 
on this occasion. 

On January 1619-20 Herbert sends to the King a copy of a 

letter from Louis to the Emperor, to which he had secretly obtained 
access. He points out that the French King is not sending "succours 
to the German Catholics, but merely desires ' to weigh the Emperor's 
propositions l '. 

On 3rd February 1619-20 Herbert returns to the question of his 
status (foL i oo). 

And now for my quality during the ceremony, I hope your Honour 
knows how far I was from persuming, though it were the subject for which 
I was once designed extraordinary, and which (since they had no other 

1 A copy of this letter is also in MS. Harl , 1581, f 13 



Lord Herbert's Correspondence 199 

allegation why they should dimmish that ceremony) I hoped I might most 
humbly desire his Majesty to confirm as a favour heretofore conferred 
upon me, in which since I beseech your Honour most particularly that 
his Majesty may understand me. 

On 1 8 th February 1619-20, Herbert renews his desire for precise 
instructions with regard to Bphemian affairs, complains that James I 
had, without considering his dignity, been answering the current 
charges brought against him by continental politicians of having 
instigated his son-in-law to act 011 the offensive, and that popular 
feeling in France was inclining against the Elector- Palatine ; 
although Herbert's own affection for him was unchanged (fol. 100). 
On 2 ist February 1619-20, he writes that the relations between 
Louis XIII and his Protestant subjects were very critical, and that 
Gondomar had arrived in Paris in the hope of preserving peace in 
Europe (fol. 100) On 25th February he perceives that the Bohem- 
ian cause is in jeopardy. * All I have to comfort me, next God's 
providences ', Herbert writes, * is his Majesty's wisdom, which. I 
assure myself will temper all for the best '. 

With these words the letter-book comes to an end The only 
other letter of this period with which I have met is one in MS., Harl. 
1581, fol. u, addressed by Herbert to Buckingham from Merlou, 
ist October 1609, in which, he first broaches a marriage between 
Henrietta Maria and Prince Charles. 

Since my writing this other, I understood the King passed near this 
place, on his way to Compiegne in Picardy. They made me repair to 
court, where I visited only M. de Luynes, who, among other speeches, 
told me they had given instructions to their ambassador in England, 
that if there were any overture made of a match for our Prince with 
Madame Hennette the king's sister, that it should be received with all 
honour and affection ; and (if I be not mistaken in the meaning of his 
words) said, so much was already insinuated by their said ambassador. 

I answered them as civilly as I could, having no instructions to speak 
of any such thing, and came to the business of Bohemia, wherein I desired 
to know how his master stood affected He told me that he had not yet 
leisure to consider the consequences, and that he first desired to hear how 
the King my master did declare himself. I told him his Majesty did advise 
what was to be done, that in the meanwhile he did protest that when 
he sent his ambassador to compose the differences of the empire, that he 
knew nothing of the Palatine's election to the kingdom of Bohemia, or 
that there was any such design. That besides his Majesty's protestation, 
which was an argument above all that could he made to the contrary, 
there were many reasons to persuade that even the Palatine's Highness 
himself knew nothing of any such intention , as, first, the unanimity of 
consent in the Bohemians, which argues there was no faction or labouring 
of voices , secondly, the necessity, since they could not tell where else 
to put themselves under protection ; thirdly, that if it had been the 



2OO Appendix 

Palatine's Highness's desire, that certainly he would have used both that 
and other means to prevent the election of King Ferdinand to the Empire 
This was the effect of the reasons I gave, to which I added that, howsoever 
the King my master did resolve, I hoped at least his master would be 
indifferent that they had no greatness to fear but that of the House of 
Austria ; that they might take the time to recover the countries detained 
from them ; that lastly, there was no other way, as matters now stand, 
to establish the peace of Christendom, since he might be sure the untamed 
Germans would never submit themselves to others. He, which seemed 
to hearken more to my reasons than to answer them, told me all these 
matters should be referred to the King's being at Compiegne, whither he 
desired me to come, which I promised ; as having the business of the 
King's renewing his oath, to require. I have written these particularities 
to Mr. Secretary Naunton, and attend your Lordship's further command- 
ments. 

The postscript runs 

M. de Luynes doth much desire to hold correspondence with your Lord- 
ship, and desired me to tell your Lordship so much. I should be glad to 
have leave to use a little compliment to him on your Lordship's part 

14 
On August 1620, Herbert returns to the theme in a letter to 

the King (MSS Harl. f 15) . 

Le Buisson is returned, and, as Monsieur Le Prince did tell me, hath 
matl^ a v- ^'t r^ *-> ~ur sacred Majesty concerning a marriage betwixt 
his 1 lii' 1 i *- i'v M,>i .1 ' ' Henriette, to which, he said, your sacred Majesty 
did answer, that your sacred Majesty did desire it too, but that your sacred 
Majesty was so far engaged with Spam that your sacred Majesty could 
not treat thereof This Monsieur Le Prince told me, and I thought it my 
duty to let your sacred Majesty know the report , on which occasion, I 
cannot omit to tell your sacred Majesty that the match is generally desired 
by this nation, and particularly by Madame herself, who hath not only cast 
out many words to this purpose, but, when there hath been question of 
diversity of religions, hath said, that a wife ought to have no will but 
that of her husband's , which words I confess have incited me to do her 
this good office In the rest, being <to far from having a voice that I will 
not so much as have a thought \\luch is not warranted by your sacied 
Majesty's authority, which I hold in that infinite reverence that I am 
sorry I can say no more than that I will live and die your sacred Majesty's 
most obedient, most loyal, and most affectionate subject and servant, 

HERBERT. 

On 15th. February 1620-1 Herbert described In a letter to the 
King the coming war with the French Protestants, and the plan 
of attack adopted by the King in council. Luynes, he stated, was 
ra favour of peace, and his ' averseness from, entering into any war 
at home ' would probably delay its outbreak. Herbert suggested 



Lord Herbert's Correspondence 201 

that Luynes foresaw * that his enemies who dare not show them- 
selves in time of peace will not fear to declare themselves m time 
oi war ' 

Among the Egerton MSS. No 2598, are a few letters addressed 
by Herbert to Lord Doncaster, Earl of Carlisle In the first (fol. 
173), dated 24th July 1620, Herbert describes the French people 
thus : 

This is a nation tied by no rules, and therefore there is nothing else can be 
affirmed of them , yet, in this irregularity, they will want neither example 
or excuse. If we compare them to those things which corrupt, wanting 
motion ; in the perpetual inconstancy and unqmetness whereof they 
have left it more doubtful whether they will make either war or peace, at 
this present. 

On October 1620 Herbert describes to Doncaster (fol. 254) 

the visit of Louis XIII to Beam, and his cold reception there by 
the disaffected Protestants 

During his temporary withdrawal in 1621 Doncaster took Her- 
bert's place at Paris. When Herbert was returning in 1622 to the 
French court, he writes to Doncaster to thank him for having 
smoothed the way for him : 

It is not a work of Fortune that I am put into your Lordship's hands. 
For, to have put me into your Lordship's hands, were to have put me out 
of her own. It is therefore a higher Providence, which, forseemg the 
disposition I have ever had to honour and serve your Lordship, would as 
well give me all just occasion for it ; On these terms I can nothing doubt 
of the success of mine or any affair, while, for being undertaken by these 
hands, I can do no less, than most humbly desire, as soon as possibly, to 
kiss them 1 . 

After Herbert's return to Paris in December 1621, little of his 
correspondence is extant. On hearing that Doncaster was coming 
to Paris to excuse Prince Charles's and Buckingham's hasty passage 
through France on their way to Spam, Herbert wrote (Egerton 
MS. 2574, fol. 165) . 

Meeting so fit an opportunity, I would not fail to put your Lordship in 
mind with how much and true devotion I accompany your Lordship's 
journey, and withal give your Lordship notice that the Marquis Spmola 
is departed from Bruxelles, his cannon marching towards the Palatmat , 
whither it is certainly believed he will lead his forces. 

The letter is dated from Paris, 2Oth August 1622. 
When Doncaster had left Paris to follow the Prince into Spain, 
Herbert writes (Egerton MS. 2595, fol. 181) (23rd March 1622-3) : 



From London, and not Paris, this ~ April 1622. 
26 



D D 



2O2 Appendix 

Your Lordship's letters of exchange I delivered Mr. Langherac, who 
hath sent them after your Lordship, to Bordeaux , your Lordship's present 
hath been delivered to the King, who seemed much to esteem it Your 
Lordship must have heard before now of the death of the good President 
J anmn. 

The postscript runs 

I desire infinitely to hear the success of his Highness' journey, whom 
God bless, but know not how far I may presume of your Lordship's leisure. 

The last extant letter written during his embassy was addressed 
by Herbert to the King, and discussed the opinions held in France 
of the Spanish marriage treaty after the failure of the negotiations : 

MY MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, Now that I thank God for it, his 
Highness, according to my continual prayers, hath made a safe and happy 
return unto your sacred Majesty's presence, I think myself bound, by way 
of complete obedience to those commandments I received from your 
sacred Majesty, both by Mr. Secretary Calvert and my brother Henry, to 
give your sacred Majesty an account of that sense which the general sort 
of people doth entertain here, concerning the whole frame and context 
of his Highness' voyage It is agreed on all parts that his Highness must 
have received much contentment in seeing two great kingdoms, and con- 
sequently m enjoying that satisfaction which princes but rarely, and not 
without great peril obtain His Highness' discretion, diligence, and 
princely behaviour everywhere, likewise is much praised Lastly, since 
his Highness' journey hath fallen out so well, that his Highness is come 
back without any prejudice to his person or dignity they say the success 
hath sufficiently commended the council This is the most common 
censure (even of the bigot party, as I am informed) which I approve in all 
but in the last point, m the delivery whereof I find something to dislike, 
and therefore tell them, that things are not to be judged alone by the 
success, and that when they would not look so high as God's providence, 
without which no place is secure, they might find even in reason of state 
so much as might sufficiently warrant his Highness' person, and liberty 
to return 

I will come from the ordinary voice, to the selecter judgment of the 
ministers of state, and more intelligent people in this kingdom, who, 
though they nothing vary from the above-recited opinion, yet as more 
profoundly looking into the state of this long-treatcd-of alliance betwixt 
your sacred Maj'esty and Spain in the persons of his Highness and the 
Infanta, they comprehend their sentence thereof (as I am informed) m 
three prepositions 

First, That the protestation, which the King of Spain made to his 
Highness upon his departure, whereby he promised to chase away, and 
disfavour all those who should oppose this marriage, doth extend no further, 
than to the said king's servants, or at furthest, not beyond the temporal 
princes his neghbours, so that the Pope, being not included herein, it is 
thought his consent must be yet obtained, and consequently that the 
business is in little more forwardness than when it first began. 

Secondly, That the Pope will never yield his consent, unless your sacred 



Lord Herbert's Corr spondence 203 

Majesty grant some notable privileges and advantage to the Roman Catholic 
religion in your sacred Majesty's kingdoms. 

Thirdly, That the said King of Spam would never insist upon obtaining 
those privileges, but that he more desires to form a party in your sacred 
Majesty's kingdoms, which he may keep always obsequious to his will, 
than to maintain a friendly correspondence betwixt your sacred Majesty 
and himself. I must not, in the last place, omit to acquaint your sacred 
Majesty very particularly with the sense which was expressed by the 
bon$ Frangois and body of those of the Religion, who heartily wish that 
the same greatness which the King of Spam doth so affect over all the 
world, and still maintains even in this country, which is to be protector 
of the Jesuited and bigot party, your sacred Majesty would embrace 
being Defender of our Faith. The direct answer to which though I evade, 
and therefore reply little more than that this council was much fitter when 
the Union in Germany did subsist than at this time , yet do I think myself 
obliged to represent the affection they bear unto your sacred Majesty. 
This is as much as is come to my notice, concerning that point your sacred 
Majesty gave me in charge, which therefore I have plainly laid open before 
your sacred Majesty's eyes, as understanding well, that princes never 
receive greater wrong than when the ministers they put in trust do palliate 
and disguise those things which it concerns them to know. For the 
avoiding whereof, let me take the boldness to assure your sacred Majesty 
that those of this King's Council here will use all means they can, both 
to the King of Spam, and to the Pope (in whom they pretend to have very 
particular interest) not only to interrupt but if it be possible to break off 
your sacred Majesty's alliance with Spain. For which purpose the Count 
do Tilheres hath strict command to give either all punctual advice, that 
accordingly they may proceed. It rests that I most humbly beseech your 
Sacred Majesty to take my free relation of these particulars m good part, 
since I am of no faction, nor have any passion or interest, but faithfully 
to perform that service and duty which I owe to your sacred Majesty, for 
whose perfect health and happiness I pray, with the devotion of your 
sacred majesty's Most obedient, most loyal, and most affectionate subject 
and servant, 

HERBERT l . 

From MERLQT; CASTLE, the 3ist of October 1623. SM, No. 

The Princess Elizabeth's gratitude to Herbert for his devotion to her 
cause is shown in the following undated letter which she addressed to 
him from the Hague ' I pray be assured that my being in childbed hath 
hindered me all this while from thanking you for your letter, and no 
forgetfulness of mine to you to whom I have ever had obligations from 
your love, which I will ever acknowledge and seek to requite in what I 
can.' Warner's Epistolary Curiosities. 

1 Printed in The Cabala, p. 231, and Ellis's Ongwal Letters, ist ser , m, 1636 



INDEX 



ABBEVILLE, 102 

Abemarlos, Lady Jane of, 194 

Abergavenny, 8 and 11,, 75 

Aberystwith, Castle of, 4 11. 

Aer, 39 and n 

Amorarit, Monsieur, 125 

Albemarle, Duke of See Monk. 

Alneri, 43 n. 

Algiers, 13 and n. 

Alice of Llanowell, 170 

Alnwick, 146 

Amadis de Gaul, 6 and n. 

Ambois, 195 

Amiens, 102 

Amsterdam, Pharmacopoeia of, 29 

and n. 

Andrews, 129 
Angles ea 7, 22 
Anne of Austria, 105 and n , 114, 

115, 124 
Anne, Queen of Denmark, 68 and 

n , 69 and n , 102 
Antwerp, 68 
Areskin or Erskine, Sir James, 64 

and n , 67, 186 
Aristotle, xxv , 32 
Arnauld, Antoine de la Mothe, 118 

n., 123 

Ascham, Roger, quoted, 25 n. 
Asti, treaty of, 95 n. 
Aston, 5 n. 

Aston, Sir Walter, 125 and n. 
Astrology, 27 and n. 
Athletics, 37-42 
Aubrey, John, quoted, 161 n 
Augsbourg, 8 r 

Aurora Me&worum, 30 and n*, 31 
Ayres, Lady, xv , 73 
Ayres, Sir John, 69-74, 76 



BACON, FRANCIS, 26 n., 27 n , 141,181 
Balagm, Count, xiv , 57 and a. 

61-2, 65, 107 
Baldwin, Timothy, 142 and n. 



Baltimore, Lord. See Calvert, Sir 

George 

B anbury, battle near, 6, 8 n. 
Barker, John, of Harnoii, 50 
Basle, 94 

Basset"-- "f rJoni^ro 173 
Bath, K u ii >(! "[the, 44 andn., 

45 and 11 

Bauderon, Brice, 30 and n. 
Bavaria, Duke of, 137 
Baxter, Richard, on Herbert's philo- 
sophy, xxxiv 
Bayonne, 129 
Beaumaris, 74 
Beaumont, Sir Thomas, 181 
Bedford, Earl of, 70 n. 
Bedford, Lucy, Countess of, 70 and 

n , 112 and n. 
Bemerton, n n. 
Bemlle, P , 191 
Berenger, Richard, quoted on 

horses, 37 n. 

Bergen-op-Zoom, n and n. 
Betune, M., 183 
Blackball, 4 
Blaenllyfm, 170 

Blount, Charles, the Deist, xxxiv 
Bohemia, an inland or maritime 

country ? 105 and n 
Bohemia, King of See Frederick, 

Elec tor- Palatine 
Bohemia, Queen of. See Elizabeth, 

Electr ess-Palatine. 
Bologna, 84 
Bonvile, Lord, 8 n. 
Boswell, William, 106 n. 
Both well, 194 
Boulogne, 128 
Bourbon, Francois de, 57 n 
Bouteville, Monsieur de, 107 
Brandenburg, Elector of, 76 n 
Braose, William de, 170 
Brereton, Sir William, 149, 152, 

155, 156, 157 
Bresne, Comte de, 191 



204 



Index 



205 



Bndgewater, Earl of, 160 

Brill, the, 96 and n , 

Bristol, John Digby, Earl of, 125 

and n. 
Bromley, Sir Thomas, 9 and n , 

15 11. 
Brooke, Lord (Robert Greville), a 

philosopher, xxxiv. n. 
Brown, Sir John (husband of Lord 

Herbert's sister Frances), 15, 43 n 
Bruce, Loid, of Kinloss, 90 11 , 

1 80, 181 

Brussels, 68, 8r, 96, 125, 126 
Buckingham, Duke of. See Villiers 
Buddy, 1 06 
Burgome, 88 

Bmiamacchi, Philip, 101 and n. 
Burleigh House, near Stamford, 44 

and n 

Bussy d'Amboise, 57 n. 
Byron, John, first Lord, 289. 



CAAGE, THOMAS, probably a wrong 
transcription for Carew, Thomas 
(qv) 

Cabriolet, 39 and n 

Cadenet, Marquis de, 121 n. 

Caireimion, 2 n. 

Calais, 48, 68, 97, 102 

Calvert, Sir George, 95 and n , 188, 
202 

Cambria* Powell's Ht,$tone of, 174 n. 

Carew, Sir George, 48 and n. 

Carew, Thomas, xx. n , 102 n. 

Carleton, Sir Dudley, 82, 85, 87 n , 
124 n , 125 

Carlisle, Earl of See Hay, James. 

Caros, 21 and n. 

Cary, Sir Henry, first Viscount 
Falkland, 72 and n. 

Cary, Lucius, second Viscount Falk- 
land, 72 n. 

Casaubon, Isaac, 56 and n. 

Castle-Island (Kerry), barony of, 
conferred on Herbert, 138, 140 

Catherine, Queen of Aragon, 172 

Cecil,, Lady Diana, 82 n. 

Cecil, <Sir Edward, 12, 61, 63 and n. 
66, '79, 140, 183 and n. 

Cenis, Mont, 86 

Chamosdfys t 24 and n. 

Chamwpitv*, 24 and n 

Chamberlain, quoted, 51 n, 181 

Chandos, Lord, 60 and 11 , 61, 163, 
181 

Chantilly, 52, 54 

Chapman, George, 182 



Charlecote (Warwickshire), 58 n. 
Charles I , xxn., 138, 140, 141, 142- 

147, 148, 150, 157, 199, 202 
Charles, Prince of Wales, 126, 128- 

130, 131, 132, 136, 137* 201 
Charles V., 55 
Chartres, 195 
Chatillon, Monsieur de, 62 n , 79 

185 

Chatre, Marshal de la, 60 and n. 
Cheek, Sir Hatton, 180 
Chelsea, 10 n. 
Cherbury, 5 n , 142, 162 
Chester, 148, 152, 156 
Chirbury See Cherbury 
Chirk Castle, 149 
Chrestienne, Madame, 187 
Christianity, Lord Herbert's view 

of, xxvii -xxix 
Churchyard, Thomas, quoted, 7 n., 

21 n. 

Cicero, De Orator e, 36 
Cleves, 60, 76 n , 180 
Cleves, Duke of, 60 n. 
Clifford, Anne, 68 n. 
Cognac, 1 20, 121 
Coke, Sir Edward, 182 
Colebrook, 6, 76 
Collier, Jeremy, 182 and n. 
Cologne, 8 1 

Comenius, John Amos, 25 and n 
Compiegne, 195, 199, 200 
Conde", Prince of, 107, H5 129 
Con ers, Sir John, 8 n 
Contarim, Signior, 125 
Contt, Princess of, xiv., 57 and n , 

59, 105, 114, 118 

Conway, Sir Edward, 96 and n 
Corbet, family of (Ancestors of Lord 

Herbert), 10 
Corbet, John, 2 
Cordus, Valerius, 30 and n. 
Cortme, 61 and n 
Cottington, Francis, Lord, 125, 128 

and n , 181 n. 
Cotton, Sir George, 45 n. 
Cotton, Mary (Lady Kent), 45 n. 
Cotton, Sir Robert, 180 
CourbeUes, 39 and n. 
Coventry, 157 
Cowbndge, 173 
Cremomni, Cesare, 84 and n. 
Croft, Sir Edward, 72 n. 
Croft, Sir Herbert, 72 and n. 
Croft, Sir James, 44 and n. 72 n. 
Crofts, Jane, 9 n. 
Crofts, Mr,, 106 
Crofts, Sir Richard, 9 n. 



2C>6 



Index 



Cromwell, Thomas, 172, 173 

Crook, Lady, 73 

Crosse, William, 62 arid n , 77 n 

Crouy, Duke of, 126 

Culverwel, Nathaniel, xxxm , xxxiv. 

Cumberland, Earl of, 68 n. 

Curzon, Sir George, 90 n. 

Curzon, Mary, 90 n 



D ALTON, Sir Thomas, 180 

Dancing, 37 

Danvers, Sir John of Dauntsey, 10 

n 
Danvers, Sir John, xix , 10 n , 113 

and n , 161 n 

D avers, Sir John See Danvers 
De Causis Errorum, xxvn n. 
De Rehgione Gentilium, xxvn. 

and n , quoted, xxvm n , 27 n > 

158 
De Ventate? xxv , 133, 134 and n , 

144 and n , 147, 158, 161 
Dee, Dr John, 22 n. 
Delia Casa, 42 n. 
Denmark, n 

Descartes' opinion of Herbert's phi- 
losophy, xxxv 
Devereux, family of (ancestors of 

Lord Herbert), 10 
Didlebury, in Shropshire, 21 n. 
Dieppe, 58 

Digby, Everard, quoted, 41 n 
Dinas, castle of, 170 
Diodati, xxxv., 158 n 
Disancourt, Monsieur de, 52, 54, 

55, 102 

Dispensatory, by Gesner, 31 and n 
Dolguog, 5, 29 n 
Doncaster, Viscount. See Hay, 

James. 
Donne, Dr John, xix , xx. n , 

10 and n , ii n , 21 n , 175-178, 

178-9 
Dorset, fourth Earl of (Edward Sack- 

ville), xvi., 68 n , 90 and n , 91-2, 

180 
Dorset, tmrd Earl of (Richard), 68 

and n 
Dorset, first Earl of (Thomas Sack- 

ville), 90 n. 
Dorset House, 68 
Dover, 48, 68, 102, 128 
Dreux, battle of, 49 n 
Dudley, Sir Robert, 84 and n 
Dudson, 31 n 
Duels and duelling, 40, 62-67, 179- 

182 



Dugdale, Sir William, xxxm , 6 n , 

9 n , 167 n 

Dumoulm, Sieur, 122 and n 
Dunkirk, 97 
Dusseldorf, 66, 67 



EDMONDES, Sir Thomas, 57 n , 

139 

Edward IV , xix , 6 n , 7 n. 
Edward VI , 3 
Edgecote, 8 and n 
Edgehill, battle of, 6 and n. 
Education, Lord Herbert's views 

on, xxx, 23-43 
Emion, David, 6 n 
Elector- Palatine. Sec Frederick, 

Elector- Pal atme 

Elizabeth, Princess (Electress- Pala- 
tine), xvii , xxm., 87 n , 94, 125 n., 

136, 137, 180 and n , 203 
Elizabeth, Queen, xm., xxiv., 44 
Emerson, 97, 98 
Emmerich, 77 

Ercall (seat of Newports), 15 n 
Ernely, Sir Michael, 155, 156 
Erskine, Sir James. See Areskm 
Essex, Robert Devereux, second 

Earl of, 43 and n., 96 n 
Essex, Robert Devereux, third Earl 

of (the Parliamentary general), 

150, 181 
Estampes, no 
Exeter, Thomas Cecil, first Earl of 

12 n. 
Exeter, William Cecil, second Earl 

of, 82 11 
Eyton, 15 and n , 20, 22 



FAIRFAX, Sir William, 156 
Fairfax, Lord, 153 and n 
Falkland, Lord. See Gary 
Fencing, 38 and n 
Ferdinand II., 84 n , 200 
Fernelius Johannes, 30 and n. 
Ferrara, 84 
Finet or Fmnet, Sir John, 88 and n , 

181 n 

Fitz- Herbert, Herbert, 167 
FitzHugh, Lord, 8 n 
Florence, 82 

Fowler of the Giange, 76 
Fox, Ann, 4 n 

Fox, Charles, of Bromfield, 4 n. 
Francis I , 55 

Franklin, Benjamin, quoted, xi. 
Frascati, 83 



Index 



207 



Frederick, Elector Palatine and 
King of Bohemia, xvii , xvin , 81, 
I3 6 I 37, 194-197, 199-200 

Fugglestonc, ii 11 

Furstenberg, Count, 197 



GABELET, MOUNT, 88 

Gaellac, Monsieur, 132 

Galatheo de Moribus, 42 and n. 

Galen, 30 

Gambling, 42 

Gassendi, xxxv ,158 and n 

Gautier, 194 

Geneva, 94, 125 

Genoa, 86 n. 

Gesner, Conrad, 31 and n. 

Glendower, Owen, 171 

Gondomar, Count de, 126-128, 199 

Grafton, the chronicler, 6 and n 

Gravelines, 97 

Gravesend, 102 

Greek, study of, 25 

Greenwich, 50, 51 

Grey, family of (ancestors of Lord 
Herbert), 10 

Griffith, Margaret, wife of Sir 
Richard Herbert of Colebrook, 8 n. 

Gnfhth, Sir Rice, 8 n , 172 

Gniiith, Thomas, 8 n 

Griffiths, Richard, of Sutton, xvi., 
28, 75-6, 113 

Grimes, Mr , 128 

Grotius, Hugo, xxv., 132, 133 n 

Guardestean, Monsieur le, 195 

Guarthelow, 31 n 

Guazzo, Stefano, La Civil Conversa- 
tion, 42 and n 

Gueretm, Monsieur, 125 

Guiana, 86 n. 

Guiscardi, Sigmor, 125 

Guise, Duke of, 57 n , 116 and n., 
I3* 198 

Guttler, Dr. C., xxvii. n. 



HAIG, James, 191 

Halyburton, Thomas, xxxiv. 

Hall, Edward, the chronicler, 6 and 

n., 8 n. 

Hamilton, Lieut., 67 
Hamilton, Sir William, xxvi n , 

xxvii. n. 

Harduin, Phil., 29 n 
Harloch, Castle of, 6 and n., 7 n 
Harley, Sir Robert, xvi , 73 and n., 

98 
Hastings, Lord Francis, 98 n. 



Hay, James, Viscount, Doncaster 
and Earl of Carlisle, 122 and n , 
123, 130 n , 134 and n , 135 and 
n , 181, 200-202 

Hearne, quoted, 182 n 

Heath, James, 154 

Hedgecote Field, 170 

Heidelberg, 81, 87 

Henly, Andrew, of Basel, in and 
n. 

Henrietta Maria, 126 and n , 132, 
134 n , 136, 137, 199 

Henri IV of France, xiv.,49 n , 56 
and n , 57 n , 60 and n , 103-104 
and n , 105 and n , 108, 109, 118- 
121, 171, 179 

Henry I , 167 

Henry VI., 8 n. 

Henry VII , 6 n , 143, 172 

Henry VIII , 6, 9 n., 142, 145, 172 

Henry, Prince of Wales, poems on, 
xxxvi n. 

Herbert, early history of family of, 
after Lord Herbert's death, 163 

Herbert, family of (St Julian's), 47, 
171 

Herbert of Gower and Chepstow, 
Charles Somerset, Lord, 9 n. 

Herbert, Adam, 170 

Herbert, Alicia (Lord Herbert's 
granddaughter), 161 n. 

Herbert, Ann (aunt of Lord Her- 
bert), 4 n. 

Herbert, Lady Anne, 3 and n 

Herbert, Arabella (Lord Herbert's 
granddaughter), 161 n. 

Herbert, Beatrice (Lord Herbert's 
daughter), 23, 46 and n., 153, 160 

Herbertus, Camerarms, 167 

Herbert, Charles (uncle of Lord 
Herbert), 5 and n 

Herbert, Charles (brother of Lord 
Herbert), 10, n and n 

Herbert, Christina, 170 

Herbert, Edward (Lord Herbert's 
grandfather), 2, 3 and n , 4 and n., 
5 and n , 15 n., 173 

Herbert, Edward, first Lord Her- 
bert of Cherbury his vanity, xi , 
his avowed object in writing 
his life, xu , his career at 
court, xm. ; his lack of veracity, 
xviu. ; his later life, xxiu.-xxiv , 
his political temperament, xxiv , 
his philosophy, xxv -xxvn , 
his theory of truth, xxvi. , his 
religious opinions, xxvii xxix , 
his critics, xxxui.-xxxvi. , his 



208 



Index 



poetry, xxxvi -xxxvm ; his 
History of Henry VIII , xxxviu.- 
xxxix , his prose style, xxxix , 
his ancestry , 1-9, 167-171 his 
mother, brothers, and sisters, 9- 
15 , born at Eyton, 15 , his, 
infancy, 15 ; his first education, 
19-21 f goes to Oxford, 21; marries 
his cousin, 22-23 , his notions on 
education, 23-43 his knowledge 
of medicine, 28-32 , his love of 
botany, 31 , his horsemanship, 
39-41 , removes to London, 43 , 
is presented to Queen Elizabeth, 
44 , is made Knight of the Bath, 
44 , his children, 46 , goes to 
Paris, 48 , visits Montmorency 
at Merlou, 48 , offers to fight his 
first duel, 49 , his challenges, 
50-52 ; hunts at Merlou, 53 , visits 
Chantilly, 54 , sees Casaubon at 
Paris, 56 , goes to the Tiulenes, 
56 , meets M. de Balagni, 57 
61-62 ; is nearly shipwrecked 
off Dover, 58 ; has his portrait 
painted, xv. and n , 60 and n. , 
68 and n. , goes to the Low Coun- 
tries, 60 , acts bravely at the 
siege of Juliers, 61-62 ; quarrels 
with Lord Howard of Walden, 62, 
66, 182-186 , visits the Earl of 
Dorset, 68, ; is favoured by Queen 
Anne, 68, 69 , his liaison with 
Lady Ayres, 69-70 ; is assaulted 
by Sir J ohn Ayres, 70-75 J saves 
Richard Griffiths' life, 75-6, 
returns to the Low Countries, 76 , 
challenges the Spaniards, 80 ; 
interviews Spinola, 81 , goes to 
Cologne, 8 1 j to Switzerland, 82 , 
to Italy, 82-85 , visits the Duke 
of Savoy, 86 ; is kindly received 
by an innkeeper's wife, 87-8 ; 
visits an innkeeper's beautiful 
daughter, 88-9 , reaches Lyons, 
89 , is arrested, 90 , is released 
by the aid of Sir Edward Sack- 
ville, 91-2 ; challenges the 
governor of Lyons, 92-94 , meets 
the Duke of Montmorency, 93 , 
visits Geneva, 94 ; goes to the 
Low Countries, 95 ; returns 
to England, 95-98 , is appointed 
ambassador at Paris, 99 ; is 
insulted, 99-100 , encounters Sir 
Robert Vaughan, 100-101 , leaves 
England, 102 ; settles m Paris, 
103 ; presents himself to Louis 



XIII at Tours, 103 , and to the 
Queen, 105 , flies from the plague 
at Paris to Meilou, 107 quatrrls 
with ^V ^p.v^i I'.ib i->b t idoL 
aboii c- i< i i no ; gets 
the hi , i , * .<> visits Les- 
digueres, in , grows taller, m- 
2 ; his mode of life, ir2 , has a 
pulse in his head, 113 , his sweet- 
ness of body, 113 ; amuses him- 
self in Pans, 113-115 , defends 
James I 's character, 115 , talks 
with the Due de Guise, 116 , seeks 
to prevent war being made on 
the French Protestants, 118-9 
quarrels with M. de Luynes, 119 ; 
visits the scene of battle, 120 , 
returns to England, 122 , is 
justified by J arn.es I. 123 ; goes 
to Paris again, 123 and n , is 
welcomed, 124 , his intercourse 
with his fellow-ambassadors, 124-5; 
insists on the justice of the 
Elector-Palatine's cause, 126 ; 
meets Gondomar, 127 ; hears of 
Prince Charles's visit to Spain, 
128-130 ; discusses the attack 
on the French Protestants with 
Pere Sguerend, 131-2 , contem- 
plates publishing his De Ventate, 
132-3 ; prays for a sign from 
heaven, 1-53 pr^ts the book, 
134; is ,iC<t!'(CL I'.oiii Pans, 135 
and n , is averse to the Spanish 
marriage, 136 , seeks office, 138 , 
is made Lord Castle-Island, 138 , 

Petitions Charles I , 139, 145 ; is 
arassed by creditors, 140, is 
made Lord Herbert of Cherbury, 
140 ; joins the Council of War, 
140 , defends Buckingham in his 
Expedition of the Isle of Rlie", 
141-2 ; writes on supremacy in 
the Church, 143 ; begins his 
Henry VIII , 143 ; discusses the 
matter with Panzani, 144 ; 
appeals to Charles I. for aid, 145 , 
goes to York, 145-6 ; hesitates 
as to his part in the civil war, 
147 , lives at Montgomery Castle, 
148 , corresponds with his 
brother Henry, 148-150 ; is 
threatened by the Long Parlia- 
ment, 150 , declines to help 
Prince Rupert in Wales, 1512 ; 
surrenders Montgomery Castle 
to the Parliamentary army under 
Middleton, 153-155 ; is besieged 



Index 



209 



there by Royalists, 156 ; goes to 
London, 157 ; is pensioned by 
the Parliament, 157 ; revisits 
Pans, 158 ; makes his will, 159- 
161 ; dies, 161 , his epitaphs on 
himself, 161-2 ; his successors 
and descendants, 165 ; his in- 
structions at the French court, 
186-188 ; his correspondence 
with Sir George More, 188-190 ; 
his correspondence as French 
ambassador, 190201 

Herbert, Sir Edward, the lawyer, 
5 and n., 14 n. 

Herbert, Edward (Lord Herbert's 
son), 23, 48, 144, 148, 160 

Herbert, Edward (Lord Herbert's 
grandson), third Lord Herbert of 
Cherbury, 148, 159-161 n., 163 

Herbert, Elizabeth, 9 n. 

Herbert, Elizabeth (sister of Lord 
Herbert), 10, 14 and n. 

Herbert, Elizabeth (Lord Herbert's 
cousin), 29 n. 

Herbert, Florence (Lord Herbert's 
daughter), 46 and n. 

Herbert, Florence (Lord Herbert's 
granddaughter), 160, 161 n 

Herbert, Frances (sister of Lord 
Herbert), 10, 15-6 

Herbert, Frances (Lord Herbert's 
granddaughter), 160, 161 n 

Herbert, George (uncle of Lord 
Herbert), 5 and n 

Herbert, Sir George, of St. Julian's, 
9 and n. 

Herbert, George, the poet (brother 
of Lord Herbert), 5 n , 10, n and 
n., 14 n., 140, 175 

Herbcrt,Sir George,of Swansea, 173 

Herbert, Sir Gerard, 102 n. 

Herbert, Sir Henry (brother of Lord 
Herbert), 10, 12 and n , 100, 140, 
148-150, 160 n., 163, 194 

Herbert, Henry (Lord Herbert's 
grandson), 161 

Herbert, Henry Arthur, created 
Earl Powis, 4 n. 

Herbert, Jane (married Jenkin 
Lloyd), aunt of Lord Herbert's, 
4 n. 

Herbert, John (Lord Herbert's 
grandson), 161 n. 

Herbert, Magdalen (Lord Herbert's 
mother), 9-10, 21, 23, 43 *75~ 
179 

Herbert, Margaret (sister of Lord 
Herbert), 10, 14 and n. 



Herbert, Mary (Lord Herbert's 

wife), xirt., xiv , 22 and n., 23, 44; 

dies, 148 
Herbert, Mary (Richard Herbert's 

wife), 1 60 
Herbert, Mary (married T Purcell), 

aunt of Lord Herbert's, 4 n. 
Herbert, Matthew (uncle to Lord 

Herbert), 4 and n , 29 n 
Herbert, Oliver (cousin to Lord 

Herbert), 107, 154 n. 
Herbert, Philip, Earl of Mont- 
gomery and Pembroke, 112 n., 

181 
Herbert, Sir Richard (of Colebrook), 

xix., 2 
Herbert, Sir Richard (Herberts' 

great-grandfather), 2, 5 and n , 

6-8 and n 
Herbert, Richard (Lord Herbert's 

father), 2-3 and n., 15 n, 21, 

173 

Herbert, Richard (brother of Lord 
Herbert), 10, n and n. 

Herbert, Richard (Lord Herbert's 
son), second Lord Herbert of 
Cherbury, 23, 46, 148, 150, 160, 
161 

Herbert, Thomas (brother of Lord 
Herbert), 10, n n , 12-14 ; 
appointed Captain of Dreadnought* 
14 n. 

Herbert, Sir Thomas, travels of, 
ii n. 

Herbert, Thomas (Lord Herbert's 
grandson), 161 n. 

Herbert, William, Earl of Pem- 
broke (died, 1469), 2 n , 6 and n , 
7, 9, 22 

Herbert, Sir William, of St. Julian's, 
21 and n., 22 and n. 

Herbert, William (first Earl of Pem- 
broke, 1551^3 n., 4 n., 5 n-> 49 
167, 170 

Herbert, William (brother of Lord 
Herbert), 10, 11 and n , 95 

Herbert, William (created Baron 
Powis, 1629), 70 and n , 140 

Herbert, William, third Earl of Pem- 
broke (died, 1630), 77 n , 82 n , 
112 and n , 140, 147 

Heurn, Jan van, 30 and n. 

Hill, Humphrey, 73 

Hilyard, Robert (Robin of Redes- 
dale), 8 n. 

Hippocrates, 30 

History of henry VIII, by Lord 
Herbert, xxxvm , 142 
E E 



210 



Index 



Hoby, Sir Edmund, 70 n. 

Hoby, Lady, 70 and n. 

Holland, Earl of. See Rich. 

Horsemanship, 37 and n. 

Howard, Mr. Harry, 180 

Howard, Theophilus, Lord, of Wai- 
den, xiv. xv., xx , 62 and n 66, 
68, 180, 182-186 

Howard, Lady, of Walden, 65 and n. 

Howard, Lord Thomas, 72 n. 

Howell, quoted, 121-2 n 

Hugon, Pierre, 194. 

Humphrey, Lord Stafford (Earl of 
Devonshire), 8 n. 

Hunting, 53 



Idea, Medicine PhilosopJncce, 26 

and n. 
Ireland, 72 
Isnard, 141 

JAMES I , xiii , xvni., xxii., 13, 
42 n , 44, 59 74, 96-7, 101, 103, 
113, 114, 115, 117, 118-9, 123, 

179, 186-188, 190-192, 194, 195, 

197-8 

J annui, President, 1 1 6 and n., 195,202 
Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, 6-7 n. 
Jenkm, Thomas, 170 
Jennet (horse), 59-60 and n. 
Jesus College, Oxford, 160 and n. 
Johnson, Thomas, 31 n. 
Jones, Lady, of Abermarles, 50 
Jones, Sir Henry, of Abermarles, 14 

and n 

Jonson, Ben, xx. and n., xxxvi. n. 
Joseph, Captain, 12 and n 
Juhers, xiv., 12 andn., 57, 60-62, 66, 

76 n., 180 

KEITH, Sir Andrew, 180 and n. 

Kempe, 188 

Kensington, Lord, 134 n. 

Kent, Earl of, 45 n. 

Kerry, 138 

Kysarswert, 81 

LABROUE, Salomon, 40 and n., 52 

and n. 

Lacon, Beatrice, 10 n. 
Lacon, Rowland, of Kinlet, 10 n. 
Langherac, Monsieur de, 101, 125, 

202 
Languedoc, xvii., 86, 88, 93, 94 



Larkin, xv. n., 68 

Latimer, Lord, 8 n. 

Latin verse by Herbert, xxxvm., 16 
and n. 19 

Laud, Archbishop, 144 and n. 

Lee of Lancashire, 15 and n. 

Lee, Roland, 6 n., 173 

Le Grand, Monsieur, 115 and n. 

Leicester, Earl of, 4 n , 84 n. 

Leigh, Alice, 84 n 

Leigh, Sir Thomas, 84 n 

Leland, Dr. John, xxxv. 

Lennox, Duke of, 74 and n., 128 

Lesdigueres, Duke of, in n. 

Library, Lord Herbert's, 160 and n.. 

Lichfteld, Bishop of. See Lee,Roland 

Lisle, Lord (Earl of Leicester), 70 
and n. 

Llandmam, hills of, 4 

Llanaerfyl, 2 and n. 

Llanowthen, 46 n 

Lloyd, Charles, 4 n. 

Lloyd, Griffith, 4 n. 

Lloyd, Jenkin, 4 n. 

Lloyd's Memoirs, quoted, 162 n. 

Llyssyn, 2 and n., 160 

Locke, John, his attack on Lord 
Herbert's philosophy, xxxv. , on 
education, quoted, 37 n. , on fen- 
cing, 38 n ; on riding, 41 n. 

Lockie, Nicholas, 68 n 

Lorkin, Thomas, letter of, 37 n. 

Loty, Sigmor, 84 

Louis XIIL, 99jn., 135, 137, 190-198, 
199, 201 

Lucy, Sir Thomas, 58 and n., 59, 
60, 68 and n., 147 

Ludlow, castle of, 171, 173 

Ludlow, 156 

Luynes, Monsieur de, xvni, xxi , 
104 and n., 105, 116 and n , 118 
120, 121 and n., 122 and n., 124, 
191, 199, 200 

Lymore, 4 n., 5 n. 

Lyons, castle of (Holt Castle) 5 n. 

Lyons, 87, 88, 89, 94 



MACHYNIXETH, 31 n. 
Madrid, 128, 130 
Mamwarmg, Sir Henry, 98 n. 
Mainwanng, Philip, 140 
Mansel, Sir Rice, 173 
Mansel, Sir Robert, 13 
Mansel, Mr., 72 
Mansfeld, Count, 13 and n. 
Mantua, 125 
Margaret of Llandwenin, 170 



Index 



211 



Margaret, Queen, of Valois, 56 and 

n, 57 

Maria, Empress, 130 and n. 
Marie de Medicis, Queen, 89 and 

n , 104 and n , 190-1, 193 
Markham, Gervase, quoted, 24 n 
Marston Moor, 152 
Mary, Queen, 3 
Massmger, Philip, 182 
Master, Thomas, xxviii. and n. 
Mathematics, 27 and n. 
Maunsell, Dr., 160 n. 
Mayerne, Sir Theodore de, 193 
Mead, Mr., quoted, 130 n. 
Medicine, 2832 
Medici, house of, 82 
Meldrurn, Sir John, 156 
Mennon, Monsieur de ( ~ Menou, 

Ren6 de), 52 and n., 54, 102 and 

n., 106 and n. 

Mercatus, Ludovicus, 30 and n 
Merlou, castle of, 48 and n., 52, 55, 

203 

Merlou, town of, 53 
Middlemore, Mrs., 51 n. 
Middlesex, Earl of, 101 n. 
Middleton, Sir Thomas, 149, 150, 

152-153 and n , 154 n , 155-157, 

160, 163 
Milan, 85 

Mifhum solis, 24 and n. 
Mitton, Colonel, 152, 156 
Mogul, the Great, 13 and n 
Monat, 141 

Monk, Duke of Albemarle, 61 n. 
Monmouthshire, 22 
Monstreville, 102 
Montaigne, quoted, 180 
Montaterre, Baron de, 107 
Montausier, Duchess de, go n. 
Montgomery, 12 n., 46 n., 148 n., 

149, 151, 153, 156, 157 n., 159, 

160 
Montgomery, castle of, xx., 4, 5 n , 

ii n., 23, 31 n., 46 n., 75, 141, 148, 

149, 156, 158, I59 *6o, 175 
Montgomery, church of, 3 n., 5, 6 

and n., 10, 12 n., 14 n., 46 n., 148 

and n. 

Montgomery, Lieut , 64, 65, 67 
Montgomery, Earl of. See Herbert, 

Philip 
Montmorency, Henri I., Due de, 

xiv., 40 audn., 48, 53, 54, 55, 66, 

74 75 
Montmorency, Henri II., Due de, 

93 and n*, 94, 107, 193 
Moore, Sir Robert, 189 



More, Sir George, xx., 21 n,, 188-190 

More, Sir Thomas, 143 

Morgan, Sir Charles, 77 and n., 185 

Morley, Sir John, 170 

Morley, Maud, 170 

Morrice, Mr. Henry, 190 

Mortlake, 22 n 

Morton, Sir Albertus,87 and n.,134 n. 

Mountjoy, Lord, 130 n. 

Murano, 82 



NACCARINE, 89 and n. 

Nassau, Prince Henry of, 108 and 

n , 191, 193 

Nassau, Count Maurice of, xvi , xvii. 
Naunton, Sir Robert, 193-197 
Nethersole, Sir Francis, 122, 123 n. 
Neuburg, Elector of, 76 n , 80 
Newark, 151 
New College, Oxford, n 
Newmarket, 42 n. 
Newport, Francis, Earl of Bradford, 

10 n. 
Newport, Sir Francis, xx., 10 and n , 

21, 50, 54 
Newport, Magdalen. See Herbert, 

Magdalen. 
Newport, Margaret (Lord Herbert's 

grandmother), 9-10, 15 n , 20 
Newport, Sir Richard, 9 and n., 15 

n., 88 and n. 

Newport, Richard, Lord, 10 n. 
Newton, Adam, 37 n. 
Newton, Edward, of Barley, Che- 
shire, 21 n. 
Newtown, 5 n., 153 
Northampton, 8 n. 
Northumberland, Earl of, 106 
Nottingham, Earl of, 46 and n. 
Novara, 85 



OFFLEY, Elizabeth, 12 n 

Offley, Sir Robert, of Lincolnshire, 

12 n. 

Old Exchange, 99 and n. 
Ohum Castorn, 24 
Omerfielde, 184, 185 
Orange, Prince of, 60 and n., 62, 

95 and n. 

Ossory, Lord, 37 n. 
Ostend, 96 

Oswestry, 152, 153, 156, 157 
Ousely, Captain, 181 
Overbury's Characters, 6 n. 
Owen, Atheist on, 29 and ru 
Owen, Jane, 5 n. 

F F 



212 



Index 



Owen, Maurice, 29 n 

Oxfoid, 150 

Oxford, Earl of, Si n , 82, 98 and 11 

O \wich, castle of, 173 

0/ier, Monsieur, 106 



PADUA, 84 
Pailhard, 65 and n 
Panzam, 144 

Paracclsian principles, 26 
Paris, 48, 102, 106, 107, 108, 114. 
125, 127, 128, 130, 131, 134, 193, 

201 

Paiker, Archbishop, 182 n. 
Patncms, Franciscus, 27 and n 
Pembroke, Earls of. See Herbert, 

William 

Peter Fi*7 Rr-x-^V 170 
Peyton ^ II. i y, 98 n. 
Peyton, John, 63 n 
Peyton, Sir Thomas, 62 n., 63 and 

n., 65, 183 n. 
Peyton, Thomas, 63 
Pharmacopoeias, 29 andn s 30 aad n 
Philip II , no 

Piedmont, Prince of, 187, 190, 191 
Piedmont, 86 
Pignatelli, 52 n, 
Pmocin, M., 57 n. 
Pluvmel, 40 n, 52 aad n. 
Pols ted, Mr , 189 
Ponts, Monsieur de, 120 
Pope, the, 83, 130, 144 andn., 202 
Porter, Endymion, 128 and n 
Portsmouth, 131 
Postek, Monsieur, 125 
Powis Castle, 45 n, 46 n, 140 
Powis, fourth and present Earl of, 

12 n , 45 n., iji 

Powis, Baroa See Herbert, William. 
Prague, battle of, 105 and n , 125 

and n, 

Price, Captain Charles, too 
Price, Elizabeth, 5 n 
Price, James, of Hanachly, 50 
Price, Sir John, 157 
Price, Matthew, 5 n. 
Pnchard, Lieut , 66 
Priest, duellist, 181, 182 
Proger, 66 

Puisieux, Monsieur, 129, 191, 194,196 
Purcell, Thomas, 4 n 
Puttenham, quoted, 23 n. 



RACING, 42 andu. 
Radaey, George, 107 



Raglan, 6 n , 170 
Raglan, castle of, 9 
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 86 n 
Rdnibouillet, Madame de, 89 n. 
Rambouillet, Marquis de, 89 and 

n , T 02 and n. 
Ratchrfe, Sir John, 185 
Ravaillac, 61 and n. 
Rees, 76 n , 77, 78 
Religio Laici, xxix 
Renoda)us, Joannes, 30 and n. 
Rh% Isle of, 140, 141 
Rhiew Saeson, 29 and n. 
Ribbesford, 140 
Rich, Sir Henry, 66, 134 n 
Richard III , 143 
Richelieu, xxi , 131 n., 180 
Richmond, 143 
Riding, 39-40 
Rip on, Treaty of, 146 
Robsart, Amy, 84 n. 
Rochelle, 141 
Roe, Sir Thomas, 13 n. 
Roger, Earl, 15 n 
Rome, 82, 83 

Rudyerd, Sir Benjamin, 82 and n 
Rupert Prince, xx.ni , 148, 150, 151, 

I5s> 155 

Rushworth, quoted, 146 n. 
Rutland, Earl of, 181 
Ryswick, 95 



SACKVILLE, Earls of Sec Dorset 
St Andrews, 131 
St Chaumont, Marquis de, 90 
St. Don is, battle of, 49 n , 102 
St. Geran, Mareschal de, 121 and n. 
St Giles-in-the-Fields, church of, 

161 

St. Herbert, monastery of, 81 
St I lee, 55 and n 
St Jean d'Angely, 118, 120, 121, 

139 

St. Julian's, 21 and n., 75 
St. Julian's, the Herbert family of, 9 
St. Leger, Sir William, 65 and n. 
St Quentin, 3 and n., 48 n., 49 
Salisbury, n and n. 
Sandilands, Sir James, 87 aad n. 94 
Savage, Monsieur, 101 and n , 102, 

124 

Savile, Anne, 15 n. 
Savile, Sir John, 15 n. 
Savoy, Duke of, 85 and n., 86, 

9i, 94, 95, 130, 190 
Savoy, 124 
Saxrfra-gta, 24 and n. 



Index 



213 



Scarnanssi, Count, xvii , 85 and n., 

87, 87-8, 95 and n 
Scuven, Captain Thomas, 98 
Seaton, 120 

Scguerend, Pcre, 131-2 
Seldcn, John, xx and n., quoted 

45 n., 1*0 n , 161 
Sehnger, Mrs 186 
Senner, Daniel, 30 and n 
Sevennus, Pctrus (Danus) 26 and n. 
Shadwcll, 6 n 
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 44 
Shrewsbury, 148, 149, 150, 151, I55> 

156 

Shr-op'slrro manors of, 5 n. 
^i<l.,i\, Sii Henry, 70 n, 173, 174 
><! , \ ^n Philip, 22 n , 23 n., 174 
^,<> i, *", 34 
Siller y, Chancellor, 116 
Smith, Mr , 106 
Smyth, Sir John, 12 and n. 
Smy the, Sir J ohn, 42 n. 
Somerset, Edward See Worcester 
Somerset, Henry, Duke of, 9 n. 
Somerset, Sir Thomas, 66 andn., 180 
Southampton, Henry Wnothesley, 

Kail < f , 79 and n 
Southwell, Mrs , 84 
Southwell, Sir Robert, quoted, 37 

n , 84 n 
Spa, 149 

Spam, 13, 105, 126, 129-131, 136* 137 
Spam, King of. See Philip II. 
Spinola, General, xvn., 77 78, 80, 

81, 201 

Stananes, 158 and n. 
Stanhope, Henry, 98 n. 
Stanhope, Lady, 98 and n. 
Stephen, King of England, 170 
Stone, Mr , 162 
Strafiord, Earl of, 72 n. 
Stucville, Sir Martin, 130 n. 
Sucim ohum, 24 and n 
Sudely, castle of, 60 n. 
Suffolk, Earl of (Lord Thomas 

Howard), 62, 72 and n. 
Surat, 13 and n. 
Swimming, 41 
Switzerland, 124 

TALBOT, family of (ancestors of 

Lord Herbert), 10 
Talgarth, 170 
TaUemant des R6aux, Memowes, 

quoted, 52 n, 102 and n. 
Taverner, Edmund, 106 
Telesius, xxxru, a., 27 and n. 



Terant, Monsieur, 65, 92 

Thanet, Nicholas, Earl of, 80 n. 

Thelwall, Edward, of Plas-y-ward, 

20 and n., 21 
Thelwall, Eubule, 20 n. 
Thelwall, Symond, 20 n. 
Theology, 32-35 
Thesaurarius, Henry, 16^ 
Thomas, Evan, 161 
Tilenus, Monsieur, xxv , 133 and ri. 
Till, James, 154 n. 
Tilliers, Comte de, 122 n., 193 andn., 

203 

Tintern, Abbey of, 9 and n. 
Tivoli, 83 

Tobacco, 1x3 and n. 
Tomlmson, Richard, 30 n. 
Tourame, 103 * 
Tours, 103, 106, 191, 192 
Townsend, Aurehan, xvi., 48 and n., 

49, 54 

Trenelles Marquis de See Tresnel 
Trent, 82 

Tresnel, Marquis de, 187, 194 
Treves, Elector of, 195 
Trumbull, William, 125 and n. 
Tufton, Sir Humphrey, 80 arid n. 
Tuft on, Sir John, So n. 
Tuilenes, garden of, 114 
Turbervilles of Penlline, 173 
Turin, 85, 90 
Turner, Mr , 184 
Tusculanum, 83 
Tyrone, Earl of, 194 

ULM, 8 1 

Usher, Archbishop, 161 

VALENTINA, 124 and n. 

Vaughan, Captain, 50 

Vaughan, Sir David, 3 n 

Vaughan, Dorothy (Lord Herbert's 
niece), 14 and n. 

Vaughan, John (husband of Lord 
Herbert's sister Margaret), 14 
and n 

Vaughan, Kathenne (Lord Her- 
bert's niece), 14 

Vaughan, Magdalen (Lord Her- 
bert's niece), 14 

Vaughan, Owen, of Llwydiarth, 14 

Vaughan, Sir Robert, 100 and n., 
101, 174 

Venice, 82, 85, 125 

Ventadour, Due de, 48 

Ventadour, Duchesse de, 4 8 75. i*4 
and n. 



214 



Index 



VercclH, 85 

Vere, Sir Francis, 61 n. 

Vere, Sir Horace, xiv., n n., 61 
and n , 63, 79 

Villers, Monsieur, 125 ., 

Vilbers, Sir George (Duke of Buck- 
ingham), xvu , xxii , 14 n , 
98 andn., 101, 105, 122, 128, 138, 
139, 140, 141, 192, i99 2QI 

WAKE, Sir Isaac, 124 and n. 
Wales, condition of, in sixteenth 

century, 171-* 74 
Wales, East, 5, 6 n 
Wales, North, 5, 6 and n., 148, 149, 

150-152, 155 
Wales, West, 6 n 
Walpole, Horace, quoted, xm. n , 

xvin., xli , 34 n 
Walsmgham, Sir Francis, 174 
Walton, Isaak, quoted, 2 n., 10 n , 

23 n, 175-177 
Warwick, Earl of, 8 n. 
Weldon, Sir Anthony, quoted, 113 n 
Welshpool, 159 
Wezel, 78, 81, 
Whitehall, 7*, 72 
Whitehall, paper chamber at, 5 

chapel at, 44 



Whittingham, Edward, 46 n. 
Whi tting ham, Henry, 107 
WhiUnmliam, William, 46 n. 
William I., 167 
Williams, Mr., 160 n 
Willoughby, Sir Perc^n-ne i8r 
Wimbledon, \V<vu-i- ^ec Cecil, 

Sir Edward. 
Wmdebank, secretary of state, 142, 

145 

Wittmgham, R., 149 n. 
Wodehouse, Colonel, 156 
Wolfgang, William. See Ncuburg, 

Elector of 

Worcester, Earl of (Charles Somer- 
set), 9 n., 22, 101 n 
Worcester, Edward, Earl of, 101 

and n. 
Worcester, Henry, Earl of, 101 11 , 

170 and n 
Wotton, Sir Henry, 81 andn., 124, 

142 and n. 

Wright, duellist, 181, 182 
Wroxeter, 9 n., 15 n 



YORK, house of, 6 n. 
ZOUCH, Dr., ii n.