A view of the state of parties in the United States of America; being an attempt to account for the present ascendancy of the French, or Democratic party, in that country;

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13*

■soa

■>

VIEW

,. *

OT THE • i ■ . ,

STATE OF PARTIES

IN THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA;

BEING

* AN ATTEMPT TO ACCOUNT FOR THE PRESENT

ASCENDANCY OF THE ANTI-ENGLISH, OR DEMOCRATIC PARTY,

IN THAT COUNTRY ;

IN TWO LETTERS TO A FRIEND.

V

f

BY

A GENTLEMAN WHO HAS RECENTLY VISITED THE

UNITED STATES.

** Party is the madness of many for the gain qfafew"—SwiFT*

THE SECOND EDITION,

WITH ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

EDINBURGH :

Printed by James Ballanlyne and Co.

FOR JOHN BALLANTYNE AND CO. EDINBURGH ;

AND FOR
LONGMAN, HURST, RBES, ORME, AND BROWN, LONDON.

1812.

■n\0

ADVERTISEMENT

TO THE SECOND EDITION

THE favourable reception given to this
Pamphlet has induced the Author to revise
and correct it. Some inaccuracies, which the
hurry of other avocations had been the cause
of his overlooking in the first edition, are cor-
rected in the present ; and a few tables and
anecdotes are added, which, it is conceived,
may not be uninteresting to the public.

I

I

A VIEW, &c.

LETTER L

My dear Friend,

^ince my return from America, you have
made frequent inquiries respecting the present

disposition of the American government You
have often remarked, how singular it is, that a
people, with whom we are in many ways so
closely connected, should testify, on all occa-
sions, so strong an antipathy to their mother
country, and so open a partiality to France,
These dispositions of the American government
no one, I believe, now ventures to call in ques-
tion. Every act of the British government is

viewed by America through a distorted me-
dium, and converted, if possible, into a topic
of reproach and invective ; while on the other
hand, the most flagrant arts of injustice on the
♦part of France are either passed over in total
silence, or studiously extenuated by those to-
wards whom they are directed The causes of
this Anti-Anglican spirit of the American go-
vernment lie deeper than is commonly imagi-
ned ; and, in compliance with your desire, I
shall endeavour to lay before you such inform-
ation on this interesting topic, as a short resi-
dence in the United States has enabled me to
acquire*

*
Certain obvioij^ causes of the antipathy of
the Americans tp England must present them-
selves to the most superficial observer. The
animosities engendered by the revolutionary
war, it may be supposed* have not altogether
subsided : and the unavoidable inconveniences
resulting tp the commerce of America, from
our naval supremacy, must likewise be, in some
measure, a source of disgust and alienation.

But Surety the Americans have lew cause to
cherish the animosities of the revolutionary war
than we ourselves have : and the naval supre?
macy of our country, since it protects Amei^t
in common with Britain, is unquestionably
productive of greater advantage than inconve-
nience to the United States* The origin, there-
fore, of the French bias, which at present dis-
tinguishes the American government, must be
sought for in other circumstances. The result
of my observation on the state of parties. iz»
America was, that this bias proceeded partly
from the animosities of the revolutionary wa&
partly from the jarring views and interests of
the different sections of the Union, partly from
the prejudices of certain leading statesmen; but
chiefly from the excessively democratic nature
of the American government, from the univer-
sal suffrage and elective magistracy, which are
its distipguishing features, and the violent party
contentions by which such a government must
always be agitated.

It is the last of these- circumstances, the na-
ture of the American government, to which, as

3

the most powerful of the causes we are inves-
tigating, I shall first solicit your attention. In
order to explain the nature of this singular go-
vernment, it will be necessary, in the first place,
to take a very cursory view of its history, and
to notice the change of parties which, in the
short space of twenty years, has already taken
place in the United States. This short disqui-
sition, while it is essential to the solution of the
problem we are considering, may perhaps sug-
gest to you some curious observations on the
nature of free governments in general, and
more particularly on that of the United States.
It is well known, that every citizen of the
United States lives under two separate govern-
ments ; namely, the government of his own
individual state, and the general government of

the union. It is also well known, that the ge-
neral government of the union was framed by

a body of delegates from the several states, who

sat at Annapolis, in the year 1789, and of

which Generals Washington and Hamilton,

and Dr Franklin, were the most conspicuous

members; ■

1

9

The * constitution, or plan- of government,
which this august body after many months de-
liberation gave forth, (although the United
States have how for twenty years been pros*
pering under it beyond all expectation and ex-
ample,) was established with much difficulty,
and after a strenuous opposition from a power-
ful and numerous party, who were unfriendly
to its adoption. The party, which framed and
supported it, was composed of those who saw
the necessity of the United States, considered
as one nation, being in future provided with a
national government ; that is to say, with an
organ or instrument, by which their intercourse
with foreign states might be carried on, and by
which, at the same time, such matters of inter-
nal police, as are closely connected with that
intercourse, might be regulated. In furnishing
the United States with this indispensable organ,

* For the satisfaction of those who may never have seen this
curious instrument, it is inserted in the Appendix, No. I. Some
of the Americans have the assurance to allege, that, in fact,
Great Britain has no coostkdfion, because there is not in this
country any such single document, recognised as the charter
of the government and the palladium of public liberty.

10

the chief difficulty consisted in establishing a
government, which should not only possess suf-
ficient vigour for the purposes its founders had
in view, but at the same time he armed with no
prerogatives that might dither seem dangerous to
the liberties of the nation, encroach too far on
the sovereignty of the individual states, or de-
viate from those forms of democratic polity to
which the American people are so closely at-
tached*

The constitution actually framed, seems,' in
an eminent degree, to possess all these recom-
mendations. The powers, with which it is in-
vested, are sufficient for the ends of its institu-
tion : its prerogatives interfere as little as possi-
ble with the authority of the state governments ;
and its forms are at the same time strictly con-
formable to the republican model. It consists
of a president, in whom is vested the * supreme

* Though the authority of the president is supreme, iu re-
gard to the general government, it must not be supposed that
he exercises the supreme authority of the United States, in the
same sense in which the king eArcises the supreme executive
authority of this country. The president exercises only that
portion of executive authority, which, by the constitution, is

II

executive authority of the United States ; and
who is ejected every fbip: years* by electors cho-.
sen in eaci} state, in such manner as the legisla-
ture thereof is pleased to direct The legist
lative powers of die general government are
confided to a senate, composed of thirty-two
members, (two being chosen by the legislature
of each state,) yrho hold their seats for six:

*

years ; and to a house of representatives, which
is renewed every two years, is elected by the
people at large, and now consists of one mem*
ber for every thirty-three thousand inhabitants,
throughout the union, *

The functions, which this government was
appointed to exercise, are such as arise out of
the foreign relations of the United States, to-
gether, with a few matters of domestic police^
which can be more advantageously managed
by a national government than by the legisla-
tures of the individual states. Foreign treaties

entrusted to the general government of the union. The su-
preme executive authority of the United States is, in fact, di-
vided between the president of the United States and the go-
vernors of the seventeen individual states.
* See Appendix, No. II.

■f .

IS

and embassies; therefore, the declaxadoa .of
peace and war, the regulation of foreign trade
and levying of the customs, the regulation of
the coin and of the law of bankruptcy, with a
few other matters of general interest, are the ex-
clusive province of the general government:
while the proper legislature ,of each state ad-
ministers all those branches of government, that
relate to its awn individual concerns and inter-
nal police. The judicatories of the general and
state governments have their respective jurisdic-
tions apportioned by the same rules. The courts
of the United States (of which there is one in
each state, and a 'supreme cQurt of appeal at
Washington,) take cognizance of all questions
of admiralty or maritime jurisdiction, in which
the United States are a party; of all questions
occurring between foreigners, between a foreign-
er and a citizen of the United States, > between
states themselves, between citizens of different
states,* or between a state and a citizen of another
state. The courts of the individual states retain

* This last-mentioned branch of jurisdiction is now taken
away from the federal courts, by the eleventh amendment to
the constitution of the United States.

18

the cognizance of all causes civil and criminal,
originating among their own citizens, within
the hounds of their own. immediate jurisdic-
tion ; and generally, of all causes, of which th*
cognizance is not* by die constitution of the Uni-
ted States, expressly given to the courts of the
federal government .• v . :

-'■■ This gbvernm⁢ so inoffensive in its struc-
ture, and so necessary in its operation, encoun-
tered the most bitter opposition from a large and
formidable party, and waCS only at last establish-
ed by the persevering exertions of those, who
saw that its institution wa& indispensable, not
only to the welfare, but to the very existence of
the union. America, in the opinion of her wisest
and most patriotic citizens*, was for some years
of the period which elapsed from the termina-
tion of the revolutionary contest to the establish-
ment of the general government, on the eve
of civil war and national bankruptcy ; and no-*

9

thing, it was evident, but the establishment of a
sufficiendy strong national government could
avert these greatest of all calamities. The suc-
cessful conclusion, to which the revolutionary

14

war had been conducted, rendered her patriots
*n*iou8 that the future proceedings of the ha-
ribn should be equally respeetaMe in the eyte
of the world : and that thfc enemies of tha*
country should have no handle for saying, that
they had gained little by the acquisition tif it*-
dependence; since civil discord ws» An fevil
scarcely inferior fed what had been called thd op-
pression of the mother country. Actuated by
these motives, the inendvof the federal tonstp-
tritian exerted aH thtir;energiea to {Procure xfe
adoption; and, afia many struggles^ did db*
tain the suffrages o£ a, majority of the state con*
ventionsv* as^mblfed to deKberAte on its merits.

* Before the* PederSi CdiAtftutibn could go into" operation,
ityrps necessary that Jt sJwtild Ae approved of by a majority
of the States* A convention was held in each State for .the
purpose of deliberating on 'its ments,* SSonfe of the Sates long
refused to accede to the constitution. Rhode Island held out
the longest, giving her consent only in the year 1790. Vir-
ginia was accounted at that time, as New York is now, the
leading State in the union. The accession of that great State
to the constitution was therefore deemed of the last importance,
and was obtained chiefly througn the exertions of Mr Midison,
the present president of the United States, who is a native of
Virginia, and possessed, even at that time, great influence in his
own State. In obtaining the consent of the convention of Vir-
ginia, Mr Madison had to struggle against the abilities and
eloquence of Mr Patrick Henry, a man of uncommon powers/

15

Under the auspices of Washington, who, after
being the leader of his coi&itry in war, Wai
summoned, by her unanimous voice, to be her
first ruler in peace, the federal constitution com-
menced its operation on the 4th of March, 1 789 j
and the unparalleled prosperity which, in point
of population and wealth, America has enjoyed
under its influence, bears ample testimony to the
wifcdom of its founders. * The party, who voted
for and procured its adoption, received the ap-
pellation of Federalists ; those .Who opposed it
were distinguished by the name of Anti-federal-
ists. Thus arose the two gr/eat parties, which
have since divided the union* Their respective
views and objects are at present very different
from what they were at the time^ when they
first marshalled themselves in hostile arrav

and accounted by many the greatest orator that America his
ever produced. So grateful was General Washington for this
service, the most important which could at that period be ren-
dered to America, that James Madison was ever afterwards a
standing toast at the President's table. Mr Madison, therefore*
at the period now spoken of, was a federalist, a friend of Ge-
neral Washington, and a friend to the true interests of his
country. Heu quantum mutatus ab illo !
* See note A.

„ /

\

16

against each other ; but the component parts of
both are still nearly the same.

The party, which opposed the establishment
of the apparently unexceptionable constitution,
• forming the general government of the Uni-
ted States, consisted of persons, who, though
professing to have the same object in view, were
actuated by various motives. The objection urged
/ by all was, that the federal constitution was too
powerful, splendid, and costly a government ; and
one that might prove dangerous to the liberties, as
well asburthensome to the finances, of the nation.
The powers, conferred on the general govern-
ment, encroached too far, it was alleged, on the ef-
ficacy and importance of the state governments ;*
4ad in the same degree that they armed the for-
mer with prerogatives dangerous to the citizen,
disqualified the latter from protecting his rights.
The office of president was likewise represented
as approaching too near to the monarchical stand-
ard. The fears that were entertained, or at least
expressed, on this subject, are well described in

* See note C.

17

the Federalist * " Here/' it is observed, in the
67th number of that admirable work, being one
of the numbers attributed to General Hamilton,
a the writers against the constitution seem to
u have taken pains to signalise their talent of
a misrepresentation. Calculating upon the aver*
u sion of the people to monarchy, they have
" endeavoured to enlist all their jealousies and
" apprehensions in opposition to the intended
44 president of the United States ; not merely
" as the embryo, but as the full-grown progeny
" of that detested parent To establish the pre-
" tended affinity, they have not scrupled td
<c draw resources even from the regions of fio
u tioru The authorities of a magistrate, in few
" instances greater, in some instances less, than
" those of a governor of New York, have been
" magnified into more than royal prerogatives.
" He haa been decorated with attributes, super

* The Federalist is, a coUecUoa of ways, that wen* writfe*
for the purpose of explaining and recommending the federal
constitution, virile it was under the consideration of the State
Conventions. They were first published in the newsptpers,
and afterwards collected into two volumes. They were almost
all the production of General Hamilton. See note B.

B

18

" rior ia dignity and splendour to those of a
a King of, Great Britain. .. He has been shewn
a , to u$ with th? diadepi sparkling, op l}is brow,
a and the imperial purple flowing in his train.
a He has been seated on a throne, .surrounded
u with minions and mistresses,; giving audience
u to the envoys of foreign potentates in all the
u supercilious pomp of majesty. The images
tt of Asiatic despotism and voluptuousness, have
<* not been wanting to crown the exaggerated
u scene. We have been taught to tremble at the
« teniae visages of murdering janissaries ; and
" to blush at the unveiled mysteries of a future
u seraglio." . ,, , ?

The federal party naturally comprehended
die greater part of those, whose property and
education gave them a deep interest in the .wel-
fare of the community, and led them to perceive
the necessity of a national government* The an-
tifedeial party consisted, for the most part, pfper*
sons of an opposite description. Speaking gene-
rally, one was the party of thg geotry, the other
of the commonalty. Many of the anti-federalists,
therefore, (at least if we may place any reliance

19

on the assertions of their political opponents,)
being men of desperate fortune and abandoned
character, were, in their opposition to the estab-
lishment of the federal constitution, actuated
by no better motive, than a wish to see realized,
those very national calamities, which it was cal-
culated to avert ; and even enjoyed the prospect
of civil disorders, in which men of this descrip-
tion know they have nothing to lose, and ima-
gine that something may possibly be gained Ir
is probable, also, that a considerable part of this
faction was instigated merely by the envy and
dislike, which they felt to the proceedings of
men, whom they were forced to regard, though
unwilling to acknowledge, as their superiors; and
by aversion to the establishment of a govern*?
merit, in whose' honours and emoluments thfy
had littlte chance of participating. Those men**
befs of the faction, on the contrary, whose ta-
lents and zeal had marked them for its leaders,
were probably animated by the hopes of form-
ing a strong and efficient party, which, at some
future time, might put them in possession of that
tery government, of which they affected so

2<*

highly ^disapprove. They proceeded off the
safe calculation^ that in a government purely re-
publican, those who take the popular side, are
sure in the end to prevail By raising an out-
cry therefore, about liberty and the rights of
the people, and expressing much alarm for the
dangerous tendency of the general government*
they laid in a stock of popular favoiuy which
might afterwards be turned to their own advan-
tage : and thus commenced that system, which
has since been so fatally efficacious,— that system
of delusion, misrepresentation, and falsehood,—
o£ wilful deception on the part of the rulers, and
of blind infatuation on the part of the people,
which, it will, appear in the sequel, are among
the leading characteristics of American politics.
The government being established, its offices,
were, of course filled by persons of that party,
which had framed it and procured its establish*!
menu The illustrious person placed at its heady
selected for its principal departments, some of
the most eminent of his companions in arms,
together with other gentlemen, recommended by
their civil qualifications, to the offices which he

21

conferred on them* The celebrated Hamilton,
who had been his aicj-du-camp during the war 9
was apipointed secretary tx> the treasury ; Ge-
neral Knox, who had also acted a conspicuous
part in the revolutionary struggle, was placed

in the station of secretary at war. Mr Jeffer-
son was appointed secretory of state, and Mr
Randolph attorney-general. All these gentle*
men were eminent either for their talents or ser*
Ttces. The first Congress was composed, with
very few exceptions, of the patrons and sup-
porters of the new constitution, and the state le-
gislatures were filled with persons of the same
description*

Of the four gentlemen above mentioned, as
composing the President's Cabinet, he who most
amply fulfilled the expectations of die country,
and reared the most permanent monuments to
his own fame, was the secretary to the treasury;
General Hamilton, it is well known, was equally
remarkable for the greatness and the versatility
of his gepius* He had saved with much re-
putation in the war of the revolution, and evin-
ced t^ts tf^ on a euUt^

12

raided him to the highest distinction. No sooner
had he sheathed his sword, and' accepted the ap»
pointment of secretary to the treasury, than be
shewed, that he was no less fitted to ahiae &&*
statesman than as a soldier. And some year*
afterwards, when the necessities of his situation
compelled him to resign the high office, which
Washington had conferred on him, he betook
himself to the profession of the law, and soon
toee to the highest eminence at the American
-ban*

■i .*

* The various talents and services of General Hamilton
present a constellation of excellence, of which there are a few
examples in the antient republics, but which can hardly occur
in any settled country of modern times; having in this case been
drawn into notice; by the unlooked-for contingencies, to which
the war of American independence gave rise. The fame of
Hamilton, in America, is second only to that of Washington :
and, indeed, it is confidently believed, that the great founder
of the American nation owed no small portion of |iis glory to
the merits of his distinguished minister. It js certain, at least,
.that many of the most admired state*papers and speeches of
Washington proceeded from the pen of Hamilton. The pre-
mature death of this great man excited general commiseration
throughout America and Europe. After reaching the first
ranks of eminence in almost every line of human exertion*
and while yet in the vigour of his days, and the midrftof liis
.usefulness, he fell a sacrifice to the rancour of a .political, r^val :
leaving to a numerous family, little more, than the honour of
+it illustrious name, and the benefit of hit gieaUKtitityfe.' >*

ti

'Under the > excellent management of this
statesMany- $te'* finances of the United States
were fiocwuireduced to a degree of order, that
kid* thfcfeundation of the prosperity: which the
country has since enjoyed. The official reports
drawn up by him, and presented to Congress,
exhibit a luminous view of the situation, in
which America then stood, with respect to her
pecuniary resources; and reflect the highest
honour'on the financial talents, as well as4he
general political knowledge, of their author.*

During the first term of General Washing-
ton's administration, the success, attending the
operation of the new constitution, was such, as
amply fulfilled the expectations, and testified
the wisdom, of its founders. On the expiry <H
the "four years, for which he had been elected
president, this great man was again unanimous-
ly re-elected : and the second term of his admi-
nistration was equally prosperous with the first
As he declined, at the end of eight 'yea»» to be
again re-elected^ Mr Adams, who had previous-
taifiUed the office of vice-president, was chosen
to succeed Gene^Wasl^fftor

M

gifftacy of the Union. During the administta-
tkto of this second president of theUnked States,'
the federal party gradually declined in strength j
and, on the expiry of his. first tain of office, it
Wfescompletely overthrown. Mr Jefferson, who
had placed himself nt the head of the opposite
party, was elected president ; and the adherents
of this faction (which has since passed by the
dfefierent names of the republican, democratic,
orfrench party,) soon obtained a decided ma-
jority, both in Congress and in the legislatures
of the individual states. The federal constitu-
tion was thus administered, for twelve years on-
ly, by those who had originally framed it, and
procured its adoption. At the end of that time,
vknin the year 1800, it passed, and has ever
since continued, in the hands of those, who, at
tke time of its establishment, were its avowed
aftd inveterate enemies.

'The means, by which so total and surprising
a revolution was in so short a time effected,
have an immediate reference to die object of
this letter; and are the more deserving of in*
cpiry, that tbey eeemed w 1» tout imperfectly

«

understood evm in America ; *nd I have never
met with any explanation of them, that waaty
me at ail satisfactory . The overthrow of feder*
afera h to been ascribed by some, to certain ob-
no*kn& measures^ adopted by the government,
tmder the administration of Washington and
Adams; and particularly to their raising a small
standing army of 6000 men, and proposing to
bnftd a email navy of six ships of the line. But
thir is -obviously insufficient to account foi; so
greai a -change. No person in his senses could
seriously disapprove of raising an army of 6000
me»y which, in so extensive a territory as that
tif the United States, would be hardly percept*
1$* A* little could k injure die government to
propose to build six 74^gun ships: as such a
navy is nothing more, than what might seem
necessary, for maintaining the police of their
own ports and harbours. Neither, could the
downfal of federalism be occasioned, as some
have asserted, by what has been called the mis-
otmduct of President Adams* Besides being
cfcaigpd with a demeanour, rather more distant
and^iaisehtv* than befitted the first magistrate

tf

trfi* republic, this gentleman & awiaftdof
pital error cf administmtioiH :inr having]
tfrdeclare war against rerokitionaryr F*we^*at
that, period, when she seemedtinaHtoed'tD wage
jwr with every \rell-regulatediawiuiuiaityyand
had offered 'peculiar indignities to America he&*
id£ But this explanation is equally unsatig*
factory with the former ; for that partiality to*
^ards France, which has since unhappily been
so^ioospicuous in the great body of the Ameri-
can nation, was even then become too app*»
rent : And it- seems probable, that* by declaring
%ar against France, President AdamB might
have accelerated^ but certainly <iould -not bare
eetttded* die approaching downfall his party.
Besides, the experiment was actually tried* and
totally foiled of success. -• For a short time, to-
wards the end of President AdamsVadministi*-
tion,' America was 'actually at war with France?
and several French frigates were taken by Ame-
rican ships of war. Hie most jprobable cause,
to which thtf overthrow of the federal party has
been ascribed, is the imposition of certain'^-
aoirouMasesiipa^ci^

«r

«jampftt»aa£0& the fffre&imeat

proposed to'levynfor the support of theiureaj
and milttaiy armaments above alluded to. These
Jvces may certainly have had some efiecfcin lea*
seeing the popularity of the federalists j but,
after a long/ and attentive consideration: of the
subject, I have been induced < to adopt the opk
nion, that die change of parties in America was
a^ great .movement, that arose almost entirely
from w the combined operation of two general
onuses, namely, the peculiar frame and sfiwctwe
<^ the American constitution, and the peculiar
situation iniwhiqh America was then<plaee4
fwkh ^regartl to Europe. My ideas <h* Skffi
points I shall now endeavour to ewptemw
^briefly as possible. * < . An^yi

+w Every nation, that has a popular governmeo!,
«uet be divided into parties, and these patties
«ust be constantly at war with each other. ^ In
<*der to fight* they must have subjects of con-
tention* and these subjects of contention mjwt
*be fkher intend or foreign. For a ,copaidQ?abie
Ancvboth before *ad after the establidwsient of
tfc<^ oaJUooal gw^^ $£ the

*&

Artftrftttta was wfaHy engrossed by tbtir dd»
mtttic concern*. The constitution of die go*
internment, under which they were to lire, and
6ri which their future happiness tor misery **
^sWdtiaHy depended, was a matter of sufficient
tthportance to occupy all their attention, and
A*fttsh employment for all their intrigues. The
<Ssfabifehriient of the* federal government; there*
fere, &s has already been stated, gave ride to
the first great division that took place in the
country. For several years, die whole nation
vtas split into two parties, of which one was
ttoceafcingiy occupied in commending and sup-
porting the federal constitution and the federal
adrtiiiiistration, die other, in censuring the coaetfc
ttitiort, and in reviling, and striving to under*
ifiifte die party, by which it was frained and
administered.

' Such was the principal occupation of the
American parties for several years succeeding
the establishment of the federal constitution.
At feat the French revolution, and the stupen-
dous events which followed it, diverted their
attention from domestic concerns, and fixed it

89

almost excjoswrely onihe gres$ semes that were
passing cm the. opposite shore of the Atlantic.
The 4^wn ?of the French revolution presented
itself to. the astonished Americans, in the light
of a nighty peojjjb, bursting by a spontaneous
b^ot eroent the shackles of tyranny, and reali*
sing those blissful visions, which the friend* o£
humanity and freedom have in every age *X
fondly indulged. Their national vanity was
flattered by the share, which their own revolu*
tion was thought to have had, in the produce
tion of the memorable event : and they rejoiced,
in the transporting idea, that the blessings of
free and popular government, which they con-
sidered a& first brought to perfection by th^tn-
selves, were about to be extended to the whole
Ijumaa race. For several years they resigned,
themselves to this pleasing delusion : at l^st the
8p# "was dissolved ; but it maintained its influ-
ence over their minds, long enough, to produce,
the moet important effects on the state of the»
partiea At first, aa already observed* ,ne?fcij&
thkwhpk nation wa$ borne away by .the tor-
r^4>/the>(whole d^moaatic party ^cetta&ly,

3ft

easily imagined, how quickly the coqcmrajt
operation of these two causes, during thepro-
gress of the French revolution, thinned the rank*
of the federalists, and increased the strength of

■

their opponents. In point of fact, tl^ere can be
no doubt, that the French revolution had a.m*»
terial share in the overthrow of the federal par-
ty. In point of date, the two events correspond
with a singular exactness. The federal party-
may be said to have come into power, when the
federal constitution was established, in the year
1789 ; and its final overthrow was marked by
the accession of Mr Jefferson to the presidency,
in the year 180a The French revolution be-
gan about the year 1790, and may bs said to
have reached its consummation about the year
i$po, when Buonaparte declared himself first
Gqpsul of the French republic

So early as the year 1797, Europe had as-
sumed many features of the frightful picture
which she now exhibits* France had made
considerable progress in the destructive career
she has since too successfully pursued, and Bri-
tain Was approaching to the proud station, which

•^

S3

I hope she will long maintain, of die last tecep-
fade of European freedom, and the only re-
maining refuge of suffering humanity. It was
then*becohring apparent, that there would abon
exist, but two independent nations in Europe :
and the Americans began to be apprehensive,
thaf k would be necessary for them, asfor eve-
ry other people, ' to take a share in the war,
which these mighty rivals were waging with
eaeh other, Washington, by issuing a procla-
mation of neutrality, superceded, at that time,
the necessity of a measure, which, in atiy event,
mtftt have been prejudicial to the United States :
antHaid the foundation of the neutral trade,
frftfti which his countrymen have since derived
such incalculable benefits. But still, though the
country remained at peace, every American was
called on to take a side : to choose either the
French or the English party. From this time,
the objects of political discussion in the United
States were exclusively foreign. The paltfy
concerns of their own administration dwindled
into insignificance, when compared with the
wonderful events, which almost every dfey

94

brought forth in Europe, and by which they
foresaw that their own interests might be
afterwards materially affected

The anti-federal patty being established in
power, it became necessary for them to draw
Up a political creed ; to choose a set of princfc
pies, which should be the symbol and' the watchh»
Word of their party, and by the propagation of
which, they might maintain themselves in the
situations, in which, by dint of so much per-
severance, they had at last been placed* When
entrusted with the administration of its offices,
they found no fault with the federal constitu*
ti6n, which, during their exclusion from pow-
er, had been the object of their unceasing hos-
tility: the federalists of course, whatever w^ere
their opinions of those, by whom the govern-
ment was now administered, found no fault
With the government itself; so that the change
ttf parties concurred with the aspect of aflairs ik
Europe entirely to take away the original ground
6f dispute. Foreign politics became the almost
exclusive object of attention ; and it was neces*
satry for the anti-fedefaiists, with a view to the

35

interests of their party, to choose a system of
foreign politics; in other words, to make a
choice between France and England Their
bias towards France was but too observable
before their accession to power : and the stri-
king change in the politics and constitution of
that country, produced after their accession to
power, by the unprincipled ambition of Buo-
naparte, had no tendency to withdraw them
from die unfortunate predilection. . This is the
remarkable feature of American politics. It
was natural, that republican America should be
attached to republican France j but when France
ceased to be a republic, and, on the contrary,
became the abode of the most cruel despotism
that ever afflicted the human race r it seems in*
credible, that the Americans, and above all, that
the democratic party among the Americans,
ihould even then have persevered in their par-
tialitiy for her, and their dislike to her illustrious
fivaL France ia not only herself- the victim of
a degrading tyranny, but the cradle of a milita-
ry despotism, that has overspread die continent
of Europe j and, on a retrospect of the relative

N.

96

situation, in which America,,, England, and
JFnmce have for some years past . been, placed,
it appears at first view almost impossible, , that
the Americans should havq preferred the afli-
ance of France to that of England, or should
have manifested a partiality to the former couo*
try, and a dislike to the latter. Franqe has laid
prostrate, the liberties of continental Eurppe, and
openly aims at the subjugation of the worlds
Great Britain is the only remaining obstacle to
the execution of this design j and nothing; but
Jier subjection is now wanting to crown thcr.
aqabition of the Gallic tyrant, , Were the Am^r;
ricans mere imconcerned spectators of this coi*-
test, the most sublime, perhaps, which the world
has ever witnessed, the common sentiments and
fc^ifigs of human nature, and ,more particular^
ly the sentiments and feelings of republicans,
ought to render them averse to the oppresspr,and
obtain their good wishes at least for the nation,
which constitutes the bulwark of the civilized
world* But the, Americans have much strong-
er reasons for respecting the character, and
courting the alliance of Great Britain^ than can

37

proceed either from the hatred of tyranny, the
admiration of valour, or even the principles bf
republicanism. They are, at this moment, re-
posing uncfer the shield of British protection ;
their existence, as an independent nation, is in-
dissolubly linked to that of Great Britain. The
downfal of America would follow the downfal of
England, as certainly as the rising of the sun is
followed by the diffusion of light. Notwithstand-
mg these obvious reasons of attachment and
friendship, the American government is hostile
to Great Britain. Their personal interests, real
or supposed, lead them to sacrifice the best feel-
mgsof human nature, and perhaps the true in-
terests of their own country, on the altar of po-
pular prejudice ; and to persist in a predilection,
real or feigned, for the ihveterate enemy of the
country, which constitutes their sble security
against foreign subjugation.

This proceeds on the supposition, that a ma-
jority, or at least a great part, of the American
people is inclined to be hostile to England ;
because the American government is composed
of m<fifidttals, tyho are the heads of a party,

38

and can retain their power only so long as that
party continues to be the mote powerful of the
two. This Anti- Anglican tendency of th4 Ame*
xican people arises partly from sentiments ori-
ginally inherent in the people, and partly frdm
the influence of their leaders, who of cours&'&se
all their endeavours to foster and propagate ttiQ
sentiments, to which they owe their cfrte\<&e--
ration. I shall now attempt to explain fehe
causes of this Anti-Anglican propensitjtydisthx-
guishing, as far as possible, the sour&k K$knr
tipathy, which are original, from tfcose 1 that
proceed; from the influence and Exertions of die
democratic leaders.

» /*'' " -J »4

I. The sentiments of hostility originally 1i>*
herent in the people, may be traced to the foU
lowing sources :

I. In the first place, the animosities of die
revolutionary war have not been entirely obli-*
terated by the lapse of thirty years. The Ame*
ricans, being the successful party in thatwar^
ought to be the least unwilling to forgive and
forget the differences in which it originated ;

,39

and with, the liberal part of the community,
this isaccprdingly the case.

Mftftyp C thos^ who acted a conspicuous part ULL
in the ^yolutioaary war, and even carried arms
oft tfre^ide of America, are now marshalled un-
der the banuers. of the federal party } that is, x)f
Che party which is attached to the interests of
England When these persons had done what
they, conceived to be their duty to their native
or adopted country, and avenged the wrongs
they held to be inflicted on her by the parent
state, they dropped all feelings of hostility ; they
laid aside »thejr resentment, when >th$y ^he^ed
their swords. They had candour to pardon er-
rors, that sprung from circumstances unprece^
dented in politics* and could separate the mif takes
of apiinisterfironLthecharactfrofapeopk. Op.

the lower orders, however, these. considerations
Scan have little influence.; They see but the
dark side of the picture, Overlooking not only
the errors of judgment, from ^rhich the colonial
war aisos^ but the cabxnities to Britain herself,
by which these : ? errors rwere expiated, they
brood ovoc tteutemporary aweries k inflicted

\

40

on America j and are unable/ or iftiw flfi ij gi to
perceive those circumfstances of comriOTR inte-
rest and indissoluble connexion^ whtefccrogbt to
leaded America the perpertal'allyArfb England
This sentbhent of hostility is macfr «bai^H£ral
in th£ southern, than in the middle or^easton*
fetatftfl** prevails, more or less, throughoutthe
whole extent of the union, and must noti be
Overlooked in accounting for the ascendancy of
the French or anti-federal party* •».-■>. owt

'• fl Sf. ; The democratic party was, fitter th*<mo*.
m^frt ttf ite birth, inclined to take the *ide of
'Fraiiee; 'Werfely because the federal paityiiad
lakfen^th^'ride of England Tbosetfeeikiga of
yfifedkm M a^ respect for the English chirtcter,
Hfrhteli tia*fe *!way* more or tees prevailed in
* •• > &merifcaj were, at the close of the iwbhttionary
^ir/* 011 ^*^ 'almost exclusively* to the federal

' > ' i • i * 1 i ' J • ' • " ■ i

J,

I* II

rf I^,Amfrica^the:State8 of ^fyv Eaglaod, which are. ©fte*
in Europe called the Northern, are uniformly called the East*
«& Slates V rVdUrse they lie tor the e&tWari! tif N«w York and

called the Middle States. Virginia and the Carolinas are the

41

t

(

party, which was composed chiefly of die bet-
ter xnrdears of ithe people; and their prevalence
atoong* this party seems to have inspired the
? Idivcri classes with the apprehension of a return
**of affection^ between the United States and* the
mother country. It is easy to see, that therdr-

?>i eum&ances of connexion between America and

k England can produce their full effect, o$y on
persona of a certain degree of refinement. The
two countries have the 3aaae T language ; their
religion, laws, customs, and manners, are very
-neaHythe same : the constitution of Apierica

j > i^ evident ibrmfed on the English model: and

l/r whatr constitutes 4 their chief distinction from
etfcer^fila^0BbS,!theit> boasted freedom, is ei$i*ely

/f ,rof Ehglish origin.' > It is only persons of $duca-
tktt* feowevcr,-who can feel the foree, or admit

r the justice, of these circumstances of connexion.

> TFhe influence of English literature (which is
great in America) must evidently be confined
to stidi pisWbftS alone. 'Many of the 4 tipper
classes have rations and connexions in Eng-
land ; Ind many of them have travelled in Eu-
rope ; whace they could, UQt &il tp dww A.fom-

4S

parison between the two great nation* ©£ that
hemisphere, much to the advantage of: the land
pf their forefathers,* Sensible of the bias* the
proper and virtuous bias, whith theso :circum-
tt&nces of connexion naturally produced in. the
federal party, and being themselves: < unsuscep-
tible of the feelings, in which that bias origin
ted, die opposite faction seems to have con-
ceived a violent jealousy of the federalists* And
to have entertained apprehensions, that tbeir
British predilections would render them tess
tenacious, than they ought to be, of the rights
and ■ itttesests of America* Washington f him-
self "did' not escape the suspicion of an un-
due partiality to England; and Hamilton was
constantly reviled as a British agent - When a
body of men, therefore, stepped forward, who
not only disclaimed all connexion with, and at-
tachment to Great Britain, but even expressed
fe tcdftteihpt or dislike of her character, and
sfcwed a J dbpositiQ&<to view all her acts through
an Unfriendly medium^ the people were gradu-

; *HJee tber Ac^lfenf £*tnpHfct'<&i tfcr'Ftettch gdteniiAent,
f See Marshall Life of Washington*'

ll ■

43

ally induced to withdraw their confidence from
their original and natural rulers, and to cpmroit
their destinies to a description of men, of whose
attachment to England they coul4 have no sus-
picion. It has thus happened, by a singular fa-
tality, that those very circumstances of con-
nexion, which ought to have rendered England
the constant ally of America, have been pro-

*

ductive of alienation between the countries ; and
have not only deprived the American govern-
ment of all partiality for, but have rendered it
decidedly and systematically hostile to England.
The purely republican nature of the American
(constitution renders the people the source of all „
authority ; die illiterate commonalty a*$ jealous
of the English connexions and pre^Uetfions of
the higher classes ; and think it safer to bestow
their suffrages on men, who have ©either Eng-
lish connexions nor English partialities '$ bu(
who, on the contrary, profess to hate the peor
pie, and bid defiance to the government, of £pg~
land. England and America ought to live in
perpetual amity : they would do so* if the bet-
ter classes enjoyed in America, gftt influence

AiAt

T^htcK they • p6ssess in Europe ; and which it kf
for the iritfertst of the people therrisielvSs, di&?
they *$h6uld fejoy. But in America evefy tiiiri§)
is it Hit disposal of the mob, or ratfr^VFthose
interested leaders, who can raider the pakions
and prejudices of the mob .subservient tb that
own Advantage. When in such a country thfe'
flood-^&tes of democracy are opened, every ge*
nerous feeHng, and every liberal principle, triuifit'
be swept away by the torrent.

.-■• » ■

• 3;* Th6re fe yet another reason why the ruling
patty in Aiiierica find it for their interest to es-^
pbtise^khdi'rather than English politics. To re- ■
vile thecbndtict of England, and gloss over the '
faults of Fridrtce; serves one of the purposes,
which the democratic leaders have in view,mucht
better than 'the opposite line of conduct would
da The Americans are a bold, active, arid en-
terprisfti£ people, having all the vigour of Erig-
lishmeri, cottibined with the restless enterprise of f

. • ■ r •

new colohists. The systems of policy, therefore,
adopted by tlteir favourite leaders, must be of a
nattire fitted to rouse arid inflame, and keep ui

45

coostanl; agitation, a turbulent, fiery* and fero-
qpus pppul^e. The leaders of the democratic
fection lpiow that French, or rather Anti-Eng-
lish jpijnciples, possess this quality ia a much
higher degree than those of the opposite descrip-
tion. England is, asC v o America, a much mpre
powec&l country than France; because Eng~
land, by means of her naval power, comes into
immediate contact with America ; and France,-
by the same power, is excluded from th$ .west-
ern hemisphere. The democratic leaders, there-
fore, bestow the most lavish abuse upon England,
and, as far as possible, endeavour to exasperate the
people^ against her, precisely because she has the
means of immediately hurting them at home:
whereas France, who has inflicted orv them
much deeper injuries than ever they received^
the hands of England, is seldom or never W^flr
doned by them but in terms of indifference or,,
of commendation. The injuries done by France^,,
however, to America, consist chiefly in the coa- .
fiscation of goods and shipping in the ports of
the former country; and these, being injuries
which are. felt chieffy, if not entirely, hy the

*■;

46

opuletit merchants, are of course extenuated and
glossed over in a system of politics, that is in-
tended for the level of the populace. While the
British navy subsists, America is inaccceoable to
France; and the leading demagogues - afthali,
Country exhaust their ingenuity in calummes
and in vective6 against their protector; because
it gratifies the ferocious populace they delude tat
insult a powerful nation that has the means of
annoying them. The democratic leaders seem
to be careless of the evils, which this line of con-
duct may eventually bring down upon their coun-
try, Pfovided they can retain* their offices and
emfchimtntB, they are little scrupulous about the
means by -which they contrive to do so^ As little,
dotbey seem to reflect on the gross inconsistency
and absurdity of the politics diey advocate. They
express little or no resentment against France*
because, though she has done them incalculable
mKcfekf, she k prevented by the interference o£
Etighihd from suliduing, cm: altogether destroying
them ; and they ai&c&to consider, as their dead-
ly ehemy, die nation that has the power of de-
fending them, and actually does defend them ,
against the people, that has swallowed up the

47

libeties erf Eurqpa -■ But this power, which pro-
tects liieu 'Against France, could also, they know,
lajrttair principal towns in ashes, and blockade
dick shipping in their harbours ; and they re*
vile an&insult the nation, possessed, of this power,
because, by so doing, they keep alive that agita-
tion and ferment, which are the vital air of a de*
community.

ikT« *?;if i

.-Ji*

ft]f^<bnnected with the subject of Britain be**
ing the present protector of America* there is
another idea, which probably enters into the
consideration <*f the violent politicians of tbe lafc*
tef country. iWr haughty spirit of independ-
ence ferideirs them peculiarly adverse to the no*
tion 1 of receiving protection from a country,
which they consider as having been once their
oppressor, and whose yoke it is their boast to have
thrown off. At the termination, of the Ameri*
can war, there were not wanting politicians on
both sides of the Atlantic, but particularly in
the United States, who predicted that the great*
ness of Britain was on the waoe ; aad that the
disjunction of her transatlantic dominions, if not

48

the forerunner of her own downfal, was atleuit
a blow, from which she would not speedily re*
cover. All these predictions, however, have beeq,
totally falsified ; the prosperity of Britain has
never advanced with so rapid a step, as -since
the close of the American war : and for se*
veral yeat-s past she has been the protectress of
her own revolted colonies. • The United States
derive as much benefit from the British navy as
they could possibly have done, had they still
formed an integral part of the British empire.
They are unwilling, however, to acknowledge
so great a favour from the country, which they,
formerly baffled, and which they still affect to
set at defiance. The obligation, which they re*
fuse to acknowledge, they cannot avoid feeling;
and hence arises a strange mixture of sentiment,
which induces them to hate their protector, and
to revile their best ally.

It appears, then, that the ascendancy of the
democratic party in America, is in a great mea-
sure owing to its having embraced the political
principles most consonant to the sentiments and
feelings of a rude and fierce democracy, ejcerdk

49

sirfg supreme authority, and uncontrouled by any
of thdee checks, which in governments less de-
nicotic, are found to be so useful in moderating
thfekefif,' aiid correcting the errors of the popu-
late. TMte principles of this party are infinitely
less agreeable to truth, to justice, and to sound
poHcy; than those of the federalists ; but they
haW feeefi adopted, and are still cultivated, be-
cause they are more congenial to the animosities
ertgifidered by the revolutionary war, because
they are in opposition to the principles advoca-
ted by the federalists, and because they afford
mdl^ 'abundant food and exercise to the turbu-
lence add fury of a contentious populace.

V. .

IL th a popular* government j every party
cont&ftft VtWo separate descriptions of people^ *
those vrtio lead, and those who are led. The
leaders are at first determined, by principle, by
interest* or by accident, to choose the party
which they prefer ; and the reaction of their in-
fluence on that party is more or less perceptible,
in proportion to the greater or less degree of acti-
vity, wMch they display in pratnotiilgits interests.

D

50

It hafc already been explained, that die leadcrsof
the democratic party in America have obtained

possession of the government, by choosing, that
set of principles, which is most acceptable to
the ruder and less refined part of the communi-
; fy : and it is proper to add, that they owe thsir
'ascendancy also, in some degree, to the Superi-
ority which, in one respect, they have always
manifested over their political opponent* j—*to
their greater activity and zeal in propagating d[ie
principles, and advancing the interests, of their

f

* party*

It might have been inferred, a priori, from
the difference between the materials of which
the two parties are composed, that their con-

' duct would be marked by the difference, which
is here alluded to* The leading federalists are
gentlemen of fortune, talents, and education, the
natural rulers of the country. The leaden of
die democratic party, on the other hand, aare,
for the most [part, what may be called politi-
cians of fortune ; adventurers* who follow po-
litics as a profession* With them politics are a
primary, with the federaUits, they are lathes a

SI

^eeofadary consideration. The democrat^ be-
ing in general men of inferior birth and breed*
&£& the federalists, can more easily mix with
thfc fiabWe, and practise the tribunitkn arts.
They affect, m their dress and manners, to re*
gard themselves as of the plebeian order, and
condescend to a familiarity of intercourse with
the vulgar, from which gendemen would revolt.
They practise, in short, with greater activity add
perseverance than the federalists, all the means
by which the interests of their party can be ad-
vanced. These means, as being curious in
themselves, and totally different from any thing
thit is known in this country, are not tin wor-

- thy of explanation.

It is in the large towns that these means are
employed with the greatest activity! and attend*
ed with the most complete success ; and* state-
ment of what is done in New York will fur-
nish a good specimen of what is done through-
out the union. This city, which contains up-

awards of 90,000 inhabitants, is divided into ten
wards, each of which has an alderman and offi-
cers of its own- This division has been made

&*

cWeffjr for the con veiiieace of elections »vfe&q|t,,
in a country where suffrage is ui>iyer^l f i^e^,
party spirit runs so high, cpyld not ^T<»sicliicfrpi
ed on,th# game plan as in England, wyth^)^^.r
ing the source of tumults and bloodsheds Qa4
occasion of elections, each ward has its own poll*,
where the votes are given in on written tickets. ,
The federalists and republicans 4 of each ward
hold occasionally separate meetings, in which
they, discuss the state of public affairs, and the ■
present condition of their respective parties. Oa
great occasions, and sudden emergencies, 0£-
when any very important or obnow?us mea-
sure has been lately resorted to, either by their
own government or by foreign nations, general
meetings of all the federalists and all the repub-
licans m the city are separately called by theic

* It us proper here to mention, that the democratic party
have, for some time past, styled themselves Republican Tfjxe
federalists, not to be deficient in a popular appellation, call
themselves Federal Republicans. The names, however, which '
the two. parties give to each other, are very different from,
those which they arrogate to themselves. The Republicans
call the Federalists, Aristocrat^ Tories, Englishmen* and Brk
tish agents. The Federalists retort, on their adversaries, the

• " 1 :..-'t ' • *; i * , r* f, . . ;'

still more opprobrious epithets' of Democrates, Frenchmen,

Jacobins. --■ **•• ^.••■^.■'; h* i\. ,«:' ^ ■. ,~ .w 'LjiV-

S3

respective leaders. These general meetings,
which are often very numerous, are addressed
in afl animated harangue by some orator, who
moves a string of resolutions, that have beta pre-
viously cohcerted. The resolutions are adopt*
ed by acclamation, and published in all the news-
papers. During my stay in the country, (which
happened to be at the time of the embargo,) the
standing topics of declamation, at the federal
meetings, were the errors and misconduct of'
their own government in respect to the two^
belligerent powers, and the incalculable mis*
chief-which the country was suffering from the
nial-administration of its rulers* The democratic
assemblies were chiefly entertained with the
abuse of England, whose atrocious conduct, k
was alleged; had rendered necessary all the re-
straints, which the government had seen fit to
impose on die commerce of tkeir own country.
On certain great festivals, particularly on the
4th of July, the anniversary of the declaration
of American independence, in addition to other
rejoicings, an oration is delivered in one of the
churches, to which all parties are invited The

u

ayowed object of this meeting is to keep alive, in
the minds of the people, the lore of indepen-
dence, and the memory of the great exploits by
which it was achieved : but its real purpose is,
to rake up the animosities of the revolutionary
war, and to perpetuate that antipathy to Eng-
land, which the leaders of the democratic party
find it for their interest to cherish. It is at*
tended accordingly by few but those in the de*
mocratic interest.

In' almost all the arts, by which a political
party can be benefited, the democrates or re-*
^ jnjblicani are an overmatch for their adversaries*
Previous to elections, they exert themselves with
iAdefatigable zeal to secure a majority : nor are
they scrupulous about the means, provided the
end be attained. Dissimulation, misrepresenta-
tion, and falsehood,* are alternately made use o£
The press, which, in this country, is the guar-
dian of freedom, in America, is the instrument
of faction. Newspapers are there multiplied to
an extent unknown in any other country. The
avidity for news creates a demand for them

* See Not* IX ''

55

among all classes of the community j and the
general . /diffusion of opulence, or at least of
independence, enables all ranks to gratify this
inclination* In the city of New York alone,
which is not more populous than that of
Edinburgh, there are published eight or nine
daily papers. The most violent of these en-
gines of party are, of course, in the ser-
vice of democracy. They are often conducted
with a degree of intelligence and animation
wortiby of a better cause j and would be highly
creditable to their authors, were they not dis*
graced by the gross and vulgar abuse, which
they continually lavish on the British govern-
ment and the federal party. The democratic
journals, scattered over the union, propagate, to
its farthest bounds, the principles and the preju-
dices of the faction ; whose zeal for proselytism
is displayed, perhaps, more remarkably in this
particular, than in any other. Whenever a
township, in the back settlements, appears suffi-
ciently advanced to support a newspaper, a press
is established for {he cjissepunatipn of democra-
tic tenets. Printing-presses are now at work on

56

spats, y?h>we* twelve years ago, not a tree was
cutjJpwP-i a^d thus the indefatigable zeal* of
thi^ u ifldustriou8 party, endeavours to secure the-
accejeiqp. pf, tracts of country that Remain* to be
cleared, and of citizens yet unborn. * •

Iri so far ^s we have yet proceeded, the line
of d^tinctiqn between the American parties is
acci^ra^ly marked out. We observe the federr
aliststo be the founders of that constitution to
whiph Apaerica owes so much of her prosperity
and^r glory ; we find their conduct, during the
few^yqajrs they were permitted to administer •
thisdponstitution, regulated by the principles of i
a sopn^, manly, and liberal policy ; and we find
them a$ l^st driven from power because they were

* The influence here ascribed to newspapers in America*
is not inconsistent with the epithet illiterate, which in other
parts of these letters is applied to the American commonalty.
A man may be very illiterate who is able to read a newspaper.
In fact?4io r people can in the least degree be fit for republican
government, among whom the accomplishments of reading and
writing are not pretty generally diffused; and this (which is
all that the great body of any nation can ever acquire) is ex*
actly that portion of learning which best qualifies a republican ...
people to become the dupes of designing demagogues; — the
fate which, sooner or later, awaits «very nation enjoying the
blessings of a purely Republican goyernmeat.

% *

5t

less dexterous than their competitors in the prac-
tice of low tribunitian arts, and because they dish
dained to pander to the blind passions of a mob
or a faction* : We observe the anti-federalists,
on the other hand, to be that party who owe
their name, and, in a great measure, their exis-
tence, to the opposition they gave to the esta-
blishment of the government, under which
their country has enjoyed such unequalled pros-
perity : we find them obtaining possession of
this very government, partly perhaps by means
of the popularity they had acquired by origi-
nally condemning and opposing it; and to?
now find them retaining their power, through
a skilful employment of all the means best calr
culated for securing the suffrages of a rabble,
and through a clamorous profession of the prinr
ciples and sentiments congenial to an illiterate
populace, jealous of the higher classes, and igno^
rant of the true interests, of their country.

III. Such, my dear Sir, dre the causes of de?
mocratic jascendajacy which operate in every part
pf the Union. Other sotates of the Aotir^Jh *

i

58

gtkan spirit, a* connected with the predoroi*
nance of the democratic patty, we to be found d
in die jealousies and dissensions, that pjrevaifc
among the different parts of the Union thenar
selve^ owing to the different circumstances in
which *hey are placed; and of these circum-
stances it will here be necessary to introduce a
short explanation*

I, It is well known, that there is a consider-
able difference between the habits and pursuits
of the people of the northern and southern states*
Agriculture is chiefly cultivated in the latter,
commerce and navigation in the former. The
inhabitants of New England have a near re*,
senfolante to the Dutch: the prominent fea^i
tnre9f of their character being enterprise, pats*-
mony, ihd Avidity of gain* The people o£
Virginia, and the southern states, on the other,
Band, are chiefly planters and landholders ; &
description of persons, whose ideas are natural-
ly more aristocratical, and who have always re*
girded themselves as the noblesse of America*
The effects dEthecommaeial prosperity,

^/

59

America has enjoyed, eincethe establishipent of
her independence, though they have been per* .
ceptibie; in every quarter of the Union, have
been ttiuch more conspicuous in the northern,
than in the southern states The southern
states, by sending their produce to Europe,
have carried on a considerable foreign trade of
consumption ; but the merchants of the north-
ern states have also, till the late interruption of
neutral commerce* engrossed almost the whole
carrying trade of Europe j and enriched them-
selves by an employment, in which their south-
ern brethren have, comparatively speaking, , had
little participation. The northern merchants
have thus acquired a degree of opulence, thai;
has enabled them to outshine, in magnificence
. and splendour, the southern planters. Hence
has arisen a competition and rivalship, that have
destroyed the little cordiality, that on£Q suhsfcfr
ed , between these parts of the country* The
different sections of the American Union do
by no means entertain for each other those
friendly sentiments, that subsist betweoa the
&&fC!tt province* of the British or French

60

empires. They regard each other with a^nutt*
tnal> jealous y and dislike, bordering upon hut*
tied r The inhabitants of the noithern stated
whose character is very similar to that of their*
English ancestors, dislike the arrogance and pre-
sumption of the southern slave-holders: and*
the southern planters, on the other hand, d&»
spiee the plodding industry, and commercial
spirit of the northern merchants. The eom^
mercial prosperity of the northern states has of \
late years inflamed the jealousy of the south* 1
etn y who would, therefore, look with the less
ragtiet on a war with England, by which the •
commerce of their nation would be almost to* i
tally< annihilated

* J .& There is yet another reason to be assigned *
for the aversion of the Virginians to neutral
traffic Their spirit is too proud for this sp^
cies of trade. A neutral power cannot be treat- *
ed with the respect, which a belligerent always
exacts. « In submitting to the necessary search
for contraband goods, or foreign seamen, its
vessels axe liable to man? insults and indignities, <

* '

#1

wsfeach a fhigh^irited natioa canndt tamely <tfl*>
dttrfe,!^ The Dutch might more easily pecfeet*
tjbt^se f affronts ; being a people, whose territory^
was diminative, aad whose very existence dfc^
pefujed upon commerce. The New England
eta are also tolerably fitted for the business* h**
ving a decided propensity to mercantile affairs}
ahd inhabiting the territory which is the most
fully peopled of any in the United States, and
that, in which all the channels of industry are
most completely filled up. But the Virginians »
and Carolinians, high-spirited, haughty* and
fierce, lords of a territory, nearly as large a»ltoi
half of Europe, of which not a tenth part is yet
inhabited ; from the united effect of their free
government, and the practice of domestic slave-
ry* combining, like the ancient' Romaas, the
turbulence of republicans with the pride of no*
bility,— such a people cannot easily stoop to the
indignities, which a neutral nation must lay its
account with suffering. I have already obser* ..-,
ved, that the southern states profit much less by
this neutral trade, than their northern hrethren^ >i
bi&ifcd -they even no jealousy of thftt |>art of

62

Che union, they are indignant to te* theHftg of
their country employed as a beast of burtbtti,
aftd rendered alternately the slave and tile vic-
tim of contending belligerents; ' f

* For these reasons, Virginia, and the other
southern states, are strongly impregnated with
the anti-commercial, and, of course, Anti- An-
glican spirit : and these states are now considered
as the strong-hold of die anti-federal, republican,
or democratic party. It deserves here to be
mentioned, that the southern states have, in pro-
portion to their population, more political weight
than the northern, owing to the following d*»
cumstance. By the second section of the first
article of die Constitution of the United States,
it is provided, that u representatives," (members
Of the House of Representatives,) " and direct

* taxes, shall be apportioned among the several

* states* according to their respective numbets,
" which shall be determined, by adding to th»
u whole number of free peiwns, including those

* bound to service for aterm of years, and ea>.
^eluding Indians not taked; three-fifths of all

* other persons." Has clause was introduced,

»

k*jofckr to gvre the southern states a repueaen*
tetoonrrfot their slaves. There are slaves injil «^ rre c/
the states*;' but the proportion of these in the
southern to those in the northern, is at least ten
to>one. The southern states, therefore* send
toore members to Congress, in proportion to
thfcir free population, than the northern. They
have, in consequence, more political power;
wad the party, which they support, is the most
J&keiy to prevail* «■-■

IV. There yet remains to be considered, an*
other subordinate circumstance, by which the
ascendancy of the democratic interest in America
may, in part, be accounted for. This is the
vart number of foreigners, who yearly land in
the United Slates. Of these die greater part
are discontented Irish, who emigrate in swarms
to a country, where the wages of labour are
higher than in their own ; and where they are
permitted to indulge, without restraint, that ha*
tted to the British government, which is the
ruling passion of their souls. They are recei*

:^l „,,,; ' * See Appendix, No. II aadNoteE, «. ;,l>- *

6*

red with open* arms by the democrafa^jpl)^^
tk>n, whose principles are cooformaWp ,|x> tlnai
own; and into whose scale they tlp#w tbfjf
whole political influence. The last lush rebelf
lion sent to the United States a vast crpw4 Qj£
rebels and United Irishmen ; and every passing:
year makes additions to the number. The re^
tidence, which is necessary to entitle a foreign-
er to the privileges of citizenship in America
has varied according to the different principle^
and interests of the two parties, by which the,
government has at different times been adminiy
stered. At first, under the federal rule, if I an& r

* ■

not much mistaken, the residence necessary w^sl
five years : but on its being found, that the,
greater part of those who applied for the bene- .
fit of this law, were in the habit of joining theifc f
political adversaries, the term was prolonged, by
act of Congress, to fourteen years. When thft,,
democratic party came into power, they knew
it to be their interest that naturalization should »
be as easy as possible ; and the term of re$i- ?
dence was accordingly brought back to its old
period of five years. But it is well known, that

tb#re are modes, by which persons, who have
tiftt fcffilfcd the statutory residence, may obtafci
certificates of citizenship ; and that many fb*
rSghei*s vote at every election, who have not

ifeeeh five years in the United States. It is one
rf die chief evils, that have resulted from the
independence of the American colonies, and of
which the full extent was at first very far from
being clearly seen, that these republican com-
munities, sprung from our own bosom, and,'
speaking our own language, furnish a recepta-
cle, in which the disaffected of all descriptions'
'■* • ■ "■>■"

riiay exercise their hostility to the mother coun-

tty, not only with perfect impunity, but per-
haps with as much efficacy, as they could have
done at home. The Irish are noted, as being :
the rtiost bitter democrates in America. In the
ciiy of New York alone, there are five or six
thousand of them, who all" vote with the demo-
cratic party, and, as is thought by many in-
telligent persons, have, for several years past,
turned the political' scale of that city in favour
of the' arifi^federalisite;

.vv*

66

■ j ,* •. : * ■ ■ ■ -

of democratic ascendancy, which wty j£OJft|>lj&
have already occurred to every reader yb^^W^
it .is necessary to introduce in a v^ercr : ^^t°W9W)

<$n parties. I allude to the cifoimstawte? pfi ifcfc
d^npiQQrajtes. having, for several year* p&t^beeog
the prevailing party in the United States* M^
nyjf^pair to the standard of a successful p«ty,
merely because, it is successful j and the loi>ge^jr
therefore, that a party remains in power, ^th^t
more difficult is it to be overthrown. The^dftft
operates having, at present, the command $&
the powerful machine of governments seciggg
the allegiance of a numerous tribe of expect-
aate aftd office-huntens \ and, having a prepoil-
d&fonce in almost all the legislatures^ spre >.%S^

quently able, by means of legislative interferon**!

materially to promote the interests o

•. V si

TTfcV

party. Of this legislative dexterity, many cw»
iidtis instances might be given ; the author

' ¥

content himself with one. In the case of
pining counties, each of which elects ©ne^

member to the legislature, aftd in which the d©* a
mocrates on the whole lwxe»,m^oi^.feufe4)|3iR»

67

&Wmt>m%m&t majority, the legislature
o¥4fiemt#la£ been known to pass a law io-
c&pofetfttg<ttfe counties into one, and ordering
tHeWlkn'deforth to' elect two members by a ge-
iletaF' ticket.* ; In this manner they obtained
twl> tiemocnffic' members; in place of a demo-
crate and a federalist

The democratic party, therefore, in tftte TJnl-*
ted States, may be said to be composed of alt
tftttie persons, who cherish the attimosides ot
th^iMiiuticmaiywar; of all those who 6
tf* MiM f ^xtjr from a spirit bf dpposMoli^
^^Jfrcttti^eftd^of being impregnated Witfcf'

-ftij(^n»ipV AM^r*t» ate a contrivance, which* like tb^ slate-
representation of the southern states, is favourable to the inflWfo
cnde* ofifte prevaltfng party, but unfavourable to the fair re-
pres^tfalkipjtpf die people, If a certain number of r*dntbei*p
is to be returned for a town divided into wards, or a district di-
▼io&'ihttf 'sections, it makes a great difference whether the"
menajwrs a^e chosen forthe whole town or the whdle disjttiot; k
bv a general ticket, or whether each ward and each section
cfiuses iti own fad&iber. ' Tn the former dase, the members ws
tuxftedl aje alJ^berdep^crate^orJo^eiaHsts, according as
or other party prevails throughout the town or the district; in
the'Jattei^acS suWirisloif ^nuV tfte Member chosen by it*

mode of election, but the former is that which, for obvious rea*
•o^ilf^w^lfcl^efr^ party. . '" y:K

> »?

68

the*a^qommejcial ,ao4 ^ T ^g$f% s$^
wftififyistsp ^ro»g in the $o»thejj». j$$$ . $f ^
uflfpn ^cjfiaU. those; who 4uoe,.act»^ jjy a,blind
Rafted *P * England, and by the bopss p£ prefias-
jpf^. through the fayour of a r prevailing party J
^U(i it/CornprdbLends, in the last place, the d^
poptented outcasts of all descriptions from our
o^n dominions, who of course throw their
? : wJU?le wMght.into the scale of the AflL^-Engligh

f^ct}oi) t . T!he numbers, which, from its p^n iia-

■*./.' it

ftweii. wust necessarily repair to the standard pf
eucfc^garty* together with its superipr activity,
MrigWfj^nji energy, have for swe^ye^rs past
vgivepitaa ascendancy over its po^ipal rivals;
i: v*J ^tter myself, my dear Sir, thajt ^qa -Jiaye
> : lioy«F,|a tplgrably correct Idea of tfre chief ^purees,
•■ from which $he mantf^tiiostility of thep^^ept
• Airieriqm goyernment to Great Britain pi^pceeds.
It arises from causes that are almost wholly inter-
nal, and very litde connected with, the merit or
demerit of the conduct of , Britain, towards the
United States. The persons administering the
American government manifest an aversion to-

69

■wards this country, * and treat its government

.«» or b .t

4IM aflW^so-fetice which they" dare to exhi-
bit', DecaQs^ tfiBe N sehtiments and that behavibilr
Wife ^rto 1 ^ Which they hold their offices.
iffe^AfiilH&n rulers' are the heads 'arid ^eiders

[,' ariidrig the members bf '-which,

meseprificiples ate the watch-word arid the bWl

il 6f alienee' :' c dn taking power they plddgfcttieni-

selves ro act upon these principles y and thetfldre

5 feea^ify ; they adhere to them, the 1 'toore' fitfcnrol

"are tn^ accounted to their 1 trust, and the'tnoie

^irue-'to^he ihteresfe of thieir-party.'' ; 'ybu<Will

"*o^serve, lf iiie^fore v that they have ar 'jire-detet-

' J mirfed anttiMt1iy to thfs country. They would

naVe r nMfeteddislike, and threatened hostiBty

i to 1 fe/e i aVMtain,' : thbilgh the affair bf< W* fche-

* l^akeMl "'never 'ocfcurred; arid Wbrtfefl^in

"MM"kah nevef Existed: Mdsteif'tKettt^re

#?6rittirers in politick ; men, who 'fc&c**8>4>

" mike- their fortunes in tfti* way^iftM whvkf

*. ...

^ccfait^ ate aS miich^cnihd^to^tfpp^t thfc viefrs
' bf their^atty^dwevet erroneous - , ks aprofesSidn-

w

al advocate, to plead the cause of his client, how*
ever bad I have no doubt, that many of them
secretly despise the principles they profess, and
disapprove of the conduct they pursue: but
they must either adhere to these principles and
that practice, or abandon their party, and resign
their offices and honours. The greater part of
them, however, are, I sifep&t, by this time im-
pressed with a thorough conviction of the recti-
tude of their principles. For such is the power of
party spirit, that the most extravagant conduct,
:&k&k ?ipm& thrpugh iu (JisljcxrUng, jmecftfjp,
v f^,flPB«r judicious, zyad tjie vftqs%, pkwd
5j jjp^pur^ .lwdable, Most, ,jjt w r ^>a#<j>,; f *t

r ^gjn4; nWJtiyes* the; spirit o£ pat^,,by ,yr$fe.l

success of the party, to which he has attached

himself, degenerates at last, in a country like

jfa^ssaKfa int** a passion, .yrbich abp«fj^s eyery

' ~}f!£U'» 'fS'.i ',.;.'•#■■•.;;< ^ii.;-w.r :;vii &•„ ilC'.'^^X

n

<-WOfi jMiihnnV) '■>.:.: :■ ; -.. •' , -m /»•::*:!•,■?, .„,

•015 IUHj .; ii" ..' LETTER li ' '-':■•••■»** a::v,U

-b^il^ri? ;■'•• '* ' • •■' ■• ■">■•/; ?i>:-v-'-;:j

k.

loTjwo'i'',.!! -• • j •' !i.i,.b i'.v!;i/i

c f M^^(^ ,; hcr#, my dd*r Sir, lafffefari»<jttu
^'iffief -ciituAstances, ia which the ho^fflfy
3 t>£<Ki*' , pr&ertt American govemnrent to GWSit
•^rltiaHi' appears to originate, I proceed to e«-
^IMri'c^inpeeuUarities of the Amefica&'4o*r
1 ^it[6n; ( and setera* accidental cause*,' ty"tiftfth
^at'hoMlity has be«tt materially aicfed atid 1 &-

b cited. ;: '- : ■''•'■' •'- >: •• ; ' ,Jt;s

- ; • , ^ <5f^ e peculiarities ofthe American coroti-
itrtiort, i*McKiia»e contributed to the end 1n
question, the most remarkable seems to Wj'&e
total exclusion of hereditary power and digai-

■r~

72

ty;< and this may be considered finst to! Infer-
ence to - the-ex^cutive magistrates, and secdiwllgr,
in regard to the l^gisl atUr es of thjs United Stato*

: <!•; Not only are all the legislativebodies of
the Union filled by election, but all the chief <ex-
eciKiveiuiictionaries are constituted in the jsaifre

■ *

manner. < ; \ The r consequence of this peculiarity
is* that when, from any cause, the government
receives a bias, it gives way to that bias,morie
totally rand absolutely, than it would do v were
%any mixture of .hereditary aristocracy admitted
^6 its -composition. The rulers of America,

■

&ath supreme and subordinate, are &e creature*
and instruments of a party ; and the k^dbg
* principle of their conduct of ( course fe, topic*
mote ths interests of the party, of which they ar$
the tools and the creatures. Their vfews, there*
fore, are less upright, less independent, and, in)
short, less patriotic, than those of hereditary ma*
gistrates .might: be expected to be* Haying, be- .
side*,; less, interest in.the prosperity and preser-
vation of the ; state, . they .may fee . supposed to
fe# less devotion tc* its aecvicei; i«-: w-^ ..j

.<•

78

lefrlTtai ate&obdoes ndMaean to aaertjAat ex-
ited i^iit^ is. n«e^uily the concomitant of he-
TOditary rank; or to deny, that the most ilhas-
trious descent has often been disgraced, by the
Inost egregious: folly and the most abj&t base-
ness** 5 Bar he certainly does mean to affirm,
3th*ls, t&ttris paribus, hereditary dignity xff rank
^Afe^uttsl! guarantee of genuine dignity ofaen-
^ttw&nt* 'and* that lie, who has the largest ] ktake
ittt&e^^taunity^ the m<an5t

•4an^ou^ dbncern for its wettam ■'• A «grsat>asiti
iopul^rt prince cah seldom have h* < view, any
^fl&Wft&je&i tiiaii the prosperity and glorftc£1m
^^afttry; ^SJwated by his station, noless abotffe
$ie carte* ofl private industry, than the pakry avcft.
icatioBM ci political intrigue, he Suir^ay^itft
^htf d&&»#iofa, as* from ^nokher?plattk/tlai
reifctibnsi bf his own with foreigh? «&*&$ >: antf
directs* the proceedings: of his ; ministtfcs* to that
line of conduct, which seems, on the whole*
mok likely to promote the general interests of;
lii* doijiiftkms;? The> great advaixtaige^ indeed, of
hereditary inotwffd^^seemdtabej than ith* prince,
being raised far abovethe petty objects ofprt*

■*» ■

jam* the selfish > views' tf hisr joakist^ /jahcb to
gjutfibftt^the interests of* liis^cpuntf^ifrobidNitfg
sirtrifaed either to dieprejutft^cfeii^i^aat^

mt th&*x&x*kbfa a£ cabal* arfifWtiflaM'QRie
friiste^iii shorty is a check oiri thejaaffag in*
i^«te«Adi$dfcsh designs of his aubjcictii Itr tht
tliiktediStatt^ there is no such magistral hnd
tto -such di^ifci The supreme adecutfewTubar
#f thit ^otmtry is raised from the-miaa ofth*
*omjnumty, by the influence of superior talqqts
*nd -successful intrigue j and Can never re^uii
himself in ,aay other fight, thahsts head>«ff
fhe paity, to which his felevation is 6 wing; Utt
.eminebcfc of his station, so far firoinimodefcatm^
serves but to increase the violence of his paxtf
9&&\i ''itid hdhtilds himself bound* in duty **£
^A- )5^itib*te,;to employ the power and theioffifr
Mtafcei which' his party have bestowed on ttfav in
teihirig them, and depressing their political 0p*

^-' 1? -Wfeoet6riftttake-di« aodbte to refle^ for
-fc'ft^^ oa the diflference between an heredi*
^Hiry atid^kctive thief ifcigkttacy, owistbe satii*

V ' v .,/ ■■'■ ■ > '

9$

^ >o£)fe ^cry ^iffemit efle*% #hif h the otfe

oiKLtfeeptfewronet produce oit the gove rtlitteutfr

ffliw hi cfaJii^yarespectively exist* rAn hereditary

^hr«^bb lis -indebted for bit hoflotufc and \m

asSilth, to the favour of no eartfelyhebgfc he

Owe^ <them to God and his destiny? &nd.*i JM*

fponrfbfc foe the application of these btessuiga,

tod Jbr the exercise of the power, ifrhdch fk>

tympanies them, only to his .Makt^, his conscit*

3ete4>aaad the (people at krge> over whoi»trh*i*

^pptrinted^ reign* That people ^hejifegank

lwi^anr,eye «o£ equal affection } he considers

Ifedraih the; light of tfhildren ; and, in the otdk

*Hy ijas^hai uq peculiar predilection fca? arty

^ftnfcidaar ioE fci*v subjects , Another sesuimsitf,

-^riBrpgirfroni his hereditary dignity , b4s*alao>*i

jjp rov yr fifc l influence dn his coodtfckJ ; Being, iar

*ti& most part, descended of a long aM UJ^tri-

^<mafi6e of ancestors, he b naturally desiroue to

cemidafe i^ei^ and pes-

petuate the honours of his race. Very different,

iii ^11 these reapect^ is the, situation of ^n. £lec^

Jive chief majpseefcte, For his hoooura andono-

Jumeat^J^ ^ta&tgft!* &* j® ib&fewag of few

76

'descent but to the favour of a faction, which has
raised him to power, in opposition to the will, and
in spite of the exertions, of a large body of thg
nation. By the very constitution of his authority,
therefore, he is led to regard a great proportion
of his fellow-citizens, with an eye of disgust and
aversion. , Instead of considering them all as a
great family, for, whose interest he is equally
bound to provide, he separates them into the
t\yo classes of friends and enemies : and while
he thinks no exertions too great for promoting
the private interests of the former, he surveys
the latter, not merely with cold indifference,
but often with implacable hatred. If there is
, fpy.pait of the empire, in which his political
.opponents* form the majority of the people, he
must necessarily consider that district as a rot-

•* ■» ■< i ■. • ...»■■.■»■

* Of this there is a remarkable instance in the New England
part of -the American union. The four states of New England,
^iaV Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode
Island, are the strong-hold of the English, or federal party ;
and' of course/ srnce the accession of the other party to power*
tl *hey b*ve ajraott uniformly been in opposition to the presi-
dent and the government. The anti-commercial measures of
^fef^bn were thought to^v© be«ii* dictated* ia no Alight <fcs

• s- : .■. :

77

ten" member" of the body politic ; and the cfr-
cuifistance of hurting the interests of that metfi-
oer, wit not he regarded as an insufmounitaljte
objection to any measure he may be advised to
'adopt. Neither has an elective magistrate flie
Tiigh motive of illustrious lineage to incite him
to virtuous and patriotic conduct* He is ch6*
sen ironi the mass of the people; and, when

■'*,." **

toe term of his office expires, returns to his filsih

"tive otscurity. As little is he actuated by &ie

^consideration, that his posterity can be either

benefited or injured, by the character of his ad*

5 ministriatibn. His interest in the office he ex-
ereises, compared with that of a sovereign, is'a

^transient and fleeting interest It is sometimes
said, that the royal authority is a trust, and ri&
a property. I maintain that it is a property, l ib
the strictest and most literal sense of the term*

: ^piopertyof a prince do* not merely, con-
sist in his treasures and his dignities ; « consists
ia the interests, the prosperity, an4 the glory' of
his people ; TRkeste are the inheritance hie 'Mfc
neceived froovhi* forefathers ; these are the pa-
trimony he transmits to h^rdeseentfants. ■ The

f * '. * *

*8

Wgh«r ths wtidwti of his pee^ia,' ^wfi^s m m

stfputt &e<*eepft*i the rteh'el^^iaeri&n^
fr mefotoy aad the higte^Hfe''6^P¥af^ i Me
rtwwfti duifeg-the i>eriod of R^w^ti^tiiMi 5
s&^nythettbre improved is tfie^^^tHffi^
pokerity ate to enjoy. Wtifo^W&fSI!
rtUMke «f «xertkjn is also, in a grea^itffctsurey
wanting to an elective magistrate^ Hifc J ch32?
dren can hardly be affected by the success or
&0xm ^WTitaiiataitioni They a^e con-
cetti** iji hk personal character ^ btrr in 1 th«
pwapiarity of his government they hare- no A in*-'
ter««,- distinct from that of offitafy <«H5zer& ■■
therefore conclttd^ thit pitepatrioti
i^ £etfttm*noblen
uJSkNviatiag attaeho
countSryvftre Seldom to be looted for m anelecs. r
twe magnate* Petty, factious, and local views, >
yjti& -0imti> Jhs : conduct^ and fix die character

'■ -fHis,' then, m one pectifiadly of the Ameri*
aUv go^eromeflti which miy iW part account *
fc*th* ph«dome^^^e-cOH^erihg; name-.

,4

73

m m $^*e A i^p&:m)im$^ f office**

^MthtfttylplmviA* $** tW» Remark i* ajb?

tlffiiM^&at^ but jdw to. ewk.of tta,«gfe
Yfppente,.of tfee;iwfcvidual Hat* j ,,%,,<**«£

t^e,pres^eot of the United Sf^<:ho|©n lath*
Wrerfdfffe* ....... : , „ ,,: T ,»

■jo ?*j r.-iK. ->■' ' ' - '•■'■' 't"i::r,:.a ?urj nonh

mn fa fyi? jxrpper, in, the ae^rpbcfcrtdtf>l>«a3«#
th$ by %tot*l e^clusiou pf .Ueroditar^ 4igi*w>
ty R ^a^i fydsprived of the incite • ftdwww;
ta g?fc W&^^frflW&f egw&ed aristecswsjkiftTqikt
cvJUt*4 ta ^Sbrd,. Independent fcfcth* #taj»lft5flf
whj<&i r ,a .(fiplitfejiJ ^pn8t^u4pa< ibe^oJtetsofrojfer
sggh^n e$b#khmeat, i: ai|4 wU&dtj^ifo&m
fcwn.na qte- wureei w^n^ta^tabjtbftt
kgiflf&Ve benefit? res«l#g to ■* c^h^, front; t
^t^efrc&tffcy JSg»l#e& Qa|he.ipian€ip^8jp)6f

moderation and wisdom, are;o£:the*<hj|^esfcfti!fc<

dg^Stfore.jaws^jfi^^

u|^ j^poj^elha* ^8>ou}41?ft#a^tfdb

M^iffTOPfllbOi&tflf &fc»Rfi§8ff taMy««a

80

*ofei?bttt also of a bddy of Men Who^e ^fi*i
different eyw from ekher the p<$£l# or 'tffttf
*fai*f magistrate, who form a baldti^^at^
aer between both, and whose V^wV^^^f
xn*y be supposed to be equally pi$nb66 *w¥3fr
those uof the other branches of the legi^ttrt^/
qwot necessarily be more independent than thos^*
of aa elective assembly. America, ho^ev^f, cfrt-*
joys hut in a very limited degree those stdvsm-^
tMMB which a division of the legislative power f *
i^^fcubtedvto afford Hie only benefit shfc*
dtUPft 6om thU circumstance is, that limi aiff'
subjected to the consideration of two fegislative" 1
councils instead of one. All the other advan-
tage&^fittfig feoto the partition of legislative au-
thority, *mong different bodies of men; #&%#** '
kn^jvfl to iter constitution. The smate^ bdtihP k
of the United States and of all theatidividn^ y
states* is composed of die, same materials, and**
drawn from the same sources with the tnoflfe i
numerous branch of the • legislatures. The se-<
naXot^myst t>* kittle mcn»a4vi«c^in lifethan ?
the members of *&fi l<*wer> hornet***? 4^ * and***

i

81

rfofo ^tf^^^r ><yxalifica&on9 ^are [almost the
1fl#fr ,0p4i Jjkey are elected by veryneariy thb
»ffiy f (^rifffjng of persons. AH the legUli*
j|^)>qrij^^^^ therefoi^ha!Ye*h»t*atBii

i$#jje^* f *n4 wfe, actuated by th^ a«ae tie^
y^iqrwy and prejudices. The uppcir branched
^Jcgi^atiite, so, fer from being vrhat tfrehf
fg^ders .probably wished, in some measuftf af
leasts render them, a check on popular zeal
ai^ftily* Bei^re scarcely any other purpose thjpt
that $ J§£eriag the prejudices Asdridktitey^
ctg^tftog&tti ^ad feeding the£amt* whkl^
it^fo<ptpx$ym? *q quench, -.->; : :^r-t^

JJ..^I»d*» pliancy, worthy of notke; iit •
the American constitution; U ite federal fori
by i^ich the functions of government are di*
vi4ed r between the general and the attf -jgbvtfo-*
meats. In coesequeaceaf this peotttiarky, those
powers which* in other countries^ are exercised
by, one govemroent^ ob by one set of tulers, are;
in^Aiperica* {WoditAiOKt >and divided between

i .

82

appears to be, to heighten the defe^'-WMcfc
thfe rdldre 6f America, from the cd%^'alreit^ I:
stated,* would at any rate labour underY ttl'fenP'

'Tm I -

them more factious, mote turbulent,' ftiott

violent; land, when they take any biai in polii J
tics, id subject them more completely to that 1
bus. The government of the United Static !
(taMng the words in the sense in which the^ 1
are understood in Europe,) means tile presided?
arid ffie two houses of Congress. l 5 hd*te : d&» J[
pdtotarfes of power aire aptly fcriotigh, %. Efi*'"
tope, denominated the government of the Ute^'
ted'States, because they are the'dS^ii, fiy^whicfi 7-
tHe intercourse of the United States ^tiilbreigtf*
natjbnV'is' carried on. But if they are caHeif"
thegovernment of the United 'States, ♦ttBT
same sense, 111 which the tefcm goverftrtient $$ '
used, when applied to the govenfeente of E&t '
rope, die w6rds are most falladous jbeti&use^
these functionaries in America do not* in'fefctj
exercise One-tenth part of the powers, that
exercised by the gbvertimeiite L Of Eurdpe Ti&&
circumstance has the doilbte ^ffbct'Of teSieningf

M\

a&

^M^^feP^ fit: what uv.t^%, f f^r u
»% 9 ftft to$fai^, instruments of a fectiori. r ..... ,

gengfal goflejinm.ent, cpmprehei^ing jhe Pjesi- ,
<leq£ fliacj two houses of Congress, is con&ied to .
tl^e jnapagemeat of the intercourse of the UpjU
te£ r J£tates with foreign nations, and _a, vary
feykobje#* of domestic concern, which can, be ^
bfff9F nianaged by the general, than by the
«tate,go.; ? ernme^ , The powers of peace and '
^tj&F$J^ sending and receiving ap*-
b^f^ dpr ^jthe j^pqintmeiit of the officers, civil, , v
ngg^.anfl military, of the United States, the
r^ilation of the coin, the custogns* and the.,
*W ^WkfWtcy r with the imppsfton of ; siich ^
taxgj a$ are necessary to meet it a own expenoes,
are jhe eidbiaive jprovrnpe of the ^general go-
vewunent. - With these e?sception$, all the p the ,
pgwers,qf government, are exercised by the le-, u
gUJatpre* of the4ndjyifoal states. . The seyw^

84

->

«

two houses of legislature : and each of the§e,
within ltfe own limits, exercises a supreme, so-
vereign authority, mdependent of, and Hmcon-
iiected with 1 , the general govefnmeni of toe Uni-
6tu "The internal police, therefore, dfeach state,
die powera of taxation, as to its own pecuuar ej&?
perices, the rising, (disciplining, and officering ra
the militia, together with the whole body bf the
4 municipal law, both civil and dimmal^ail these
• inost important departments are, in r eacli state,
uhder the cdntroul of its own peculiar legislatfire.
In Britain, the superintending power rams
legislature extends to every brahcii o£'ii$ie em-
pire, arid every department of Hie s&e/°Wi0i
parental care, it watches over *' iU£ oran&tlc as
well as foreign concerns of the nation $ and 1 u&

samfe' government, that has the powfer r ra de
ring peace and war, has also the power' of he

-jfiu
lmpo-

sing all taxes, and of regulating the whole muni-
cipal law. The concentration of these powers
forhishes an additional guarantee for the patriot

ism of government, arid' at the same time invents
it with that due '(degree of \ weight ami digiuityl
which a government ought to possess, xne

8*

division of powers, on the contrary* that has
taken place in America, prevents . the persona,
who administer the general government, from
ever fpeling their interests, as they ought ? to be,
completely amalgamated and identified with
jthose of the country, whose foreign affairs they
are, appointed to conduct They, cannot fed
the.same interest in, and the same attachment to,
a country, in which their authority is confront-
ed* and their measures often condemned, by a

y i I.i » , ... ..... i .-

their own supreme power extended over every
wjtf of £he empire. In the same proportion,
too* that, their powers are curtailed by the rival ,
ja^ority of the state governments, their per-
spnajl dignity is impaired, and their real import-
ance diminished. Hence probably arises much
of their, insolence and arrogance. It is, an old
and a just remark, that the less power any body

of men possesses, the more eager are they to

"*^ • ■ >4 ■ ■ . -

exercise, the more ostentatious to display, that
portion of authority. ' This observation i? stri-
kingly illustrated in, the case, of the American
rulers. Who are the men, that pass by the
name of the government of the United States,

%

S; f^tist seven or eight 'y^li^m.

uct ed 't^emsel ves , wltl^ 'sucK $tiB&JtW&j

IB? P i& &ey &e rulers ctfa 51 ^ &Hdw&-

1$ h?tiod, ^excising afl the functifefftpi-

mate sovereignty, viewing all foreigiiiitates wfth

an equal-eye^ 'and whose sole rule of cbndttrf'h

?iUn: r j [r<> yd V! •'■ • •, «•• « »ji(- i i*',v-J

a conscientious regard to the rights ana J tm&-

" re^te'6F ffieir 'country ? 'No. tfhe? arfe'tfta
of men, delegated to exercise a fewbf^eftri&>
tions, and these not the most important func-
turns, of sovereignty : they are raised to this dig-

' 'ptfi siicii as it is, by the votes t#a; fl<*ti(fe',iiir^

J 5&on I'py 'are 3 taken, miriy o^^i^^feM^f

cregjs Sftfie people, to which, afifer kmtttegraeir

' hour on Oie pubKc s&g^, ttey^iy^'ag^^W-

"turn Tand'&e greater paft d£ tlieiii^ 'WtkStHflat

" tKeirservices, while in office, a remuiieRftibfr of

five ir six dollars a-da£. Such are theifcfea,

'"' who 5 style 'iftethSelv^ ^e gcWernlrient oFfche

" teya^^mwte^eligitfe 'Hm m to

« t b^ithAjBrirish avqnar^h-^an^^lhe, British na-

U6ri, "me^fe^leattd"te8tlh thte natbn, which

»

* The members of Congress,

07

• i ■ : jr.

W J1

■Wfl^TSrt*;-^ P<>8»Wy courtesy j partly, per-
ibsp^Jb^W the persons administering that go-

^ ■ ■ .1;;; n

,?;en}{Q5Qttare, like themselves, sprung from the

J^el qf the populace, and animated by ah equal

3, ; dipUk£ tp the ancient dynasties, and legitimate

. V)jp;#g8» pf the earth.

■jiTn\ T.ir.v t ■ r • ■ ,-■■/

-i.bffit.Jfl accounting for the present . disposi-

*■.*• . ■ ■ *

.., jt}QB flC jthft American government, if is also to

> be^n^derod, that the personal character of the

. ;(^ief.jpagisarate is by no means without its in-

jp^e^e*, it has often been remarked, that^ in

.Great Britain, though the king is more limited

than perhaps any other prince, with whom we

are acquainted, his personal influence is by no

; means imperceptible on the measures of govern-

r - meat : and I think the personal influence of the

tl iffieaif^^*..9f ^Jj^^^^ a pv^,^^^[ to

' ; r - 4--? h^Jpa'tfenfog* ita^l^ Wftfe..e«Ske bf) p*iiM : k Very

* ? .

6f

d

nigral |Ftoftenh*few»w teatiifottt pre«denftHi

Mwdnj^'Madiaotw • Tr^t^fo^f jhissij
bfbfr ofi th«ied«ral, the two.latfidr^^iej^^T^
feiwa^^Sto^^yicw 1 pasty* : % thft qons^Pn ■;, .
tiwH of jthfcXMted? States, the president nawt,^
ete^^r^nfour years j but thesajne, gpffflRn
mayrfrtfl<*^«eted» as often -as the, n^oQfihp«*$.i
to : bestQw : on him this mark of itp c£9&den$g,b
Wasbiogtijo ^^ai. twice unanimpu*}yi;sajle4q$ta
thfl-admiaiatRitipn «f the gave^mwt,;,^ ofc,

««BffiMW praidenLfpr «gte.fffflnf ti Mfflftj,

Tbjft pe$pnjd ^haracteifa.qfc aU these, ge^ejnen; ri
aEeJp bj^po^sidered, in an est^e.o| ^e^a^^

by the president. The officers of the standing army ahd navy,
and tafetas&jtf tbe <di*#Jgmfciish^

rather of the, federal go vernmenW are all commissioned by the
president. Tsut all appoir *raents of consequence m«s* receive

89"

^msbkm tontaHWlfy t and itt nMhilf% is ittel
e ^^ feifee' to#P.^ <Mra«er -tttore fettMpicuJctasV*
t^tefcB lirtlfofnv liberahty of ' hl# *entimwkiT
tow#fift'©reat Britain; If am aversion tb (fabe
cotfiitfjr ttretfe 1 excusable in «ny AtfteAcaiifiiia^i
ggte; k' sorely was so in Wttehiagtdn fr butiJ
nSftfflSg df'this sort ever found admittantd>i«t0t-
h&fcoattto ■ lie regarded the conduct of the ton*'
tittfc&ktbftf, m the War with the colonies, is the'
offip&ft£ of ministerial error and pop»riappi«ejtt^V
d&e ^e&dytift 'the close of the con*e»y not!only>.'

dSffifsiett affffeeiirig^df hcsstUlty, bitt ehferi!alfP J
ecP^foVlrlk ancient enemy, those sWitimetits of - -
«a£ee^^4elfpecti to which hei ti&tiditd 'chM^ -
&et'& well entities ner. He had too niiicH' !
«*$&£«< genuine 5 freedom; riot WS&RtW'

lias succeeded in bestowing on his own. This
natural ttredilectidrf'fttf the 1 'ltatf '<tf WF6reJ&?- :

course of nis aanumstrafion* tnarevjen the sppt-
less purity and tranocendratonaa^^

m>

ifiidb Atttiftuting to him^aiiviMK^)p^i^it5rtiQ-

o(|[iiku^eSip£Ameri(m# in tho.w^rwltlvjEiogkpd,
m&^ga&tized as a British ageoti^ ^Sijfti&c^e-

were made against hie igr^tiCoadjuWr
fkttitoB^^ d^esBritidvcW-

'Wdtertihpaame uespect, and viewed t^jCOfl^i#t
of the mother country in the war, witt^j&Asatfie
liberality of sentiment These illustrious men
jwtify thought, that though the ties of depend*

>pger existed, the identity of fanguagfe^

■} J J- •'!,• w ;

*': it.

*Jk^fc31igten; government,

» tMMtA m^eFed England the ,^._„„ ffi ,

''i!caT Mfbhiited a connexion betWteea' th
«^h } W9tbDut violence to the intentipps of J
^ence; h aSaliijury to tbe interest* of fcbtfc

* ifem^ tfmild not be afterwards r diasojyed.
^(Jams professed, and intended to ttead irl the
steps of 1 Washington : bat hia personal influence

' ^^,d^ n 8 Ws admitastefltMn* the federal party
^gwfaffi *****

;*IWr^jefl5K8W :

ii

:n«(:M't

#1

^glWlfalfittrt>Had always been 8i»pect^?cf <to^»-
f fepdlti^tdifeigknd j and* fromliiepeariodi^jBl

fefecriftiegrtwlually more and momiappaneiit^i^I
«^lak J he Wad admitted, on all teeda^ M^fo
'-dife^hioti as in office, the most aanapkuoiMitff
r >ftfr A^ti-iAnglican faction.* " ; : ^-om odb io

- b; feqfekiKty to Enghmd may, in fcctto Jrifwda*ia^ft^i*

r der by which Mr Jefferson mounted to power* It is not sur-
'^% ] Ue T refo(e; that it should taVe +of r^Ht/^5kM»rt
~fttt«rfe *f hja r^ipjnistratii» # Scarcely was he <*^ed ; Jp)<$£»

presidential chair, when he refused to ratify the excellent trea-
"tj^gfeaieo* bf Mr Monroe iff Condon; wwd thereby of*»d

f^rf^%^^.breach ^wee^Lthe countries^ wjhicjk so many

circumstances have conspired to widen . The next subject to
^\WifcH h6 directed his attention, was the searching of^ioK^HqRn
„ /fpsselt, far British seamen, and those, impressments of

eaji seamen, which, in spite of all precautions, sonietii
n b^«iistake* This was, for some tirnn^ tttsFlf^n^nslgact
^ tff negotiation between the governments; anfl a fruitful source

of invective against Great Britain, of which aiapfe use Wbs-
> ftade m all the debates *f ttabgrtsa, jptil .aUtW h&rcogue*>of
. democratic orators throughput the; United States. i At last, when

these topics were becoming focfcneyed, the affair of rile Che^a*
{psstye-attdiiba Ortfe^.ftttiJouacil catni; er** *W%#>fe*8ly
^their plate; jeysdaU otter grounds, o^ complaint w$re ipr softs*
~'t*nW absorbed In tfie efessfbii^

'■i »

92

This propensity of Mr Jeffefson has been ac-

w\>wA z ii'W:>(\ t?» iv. iv-j f^i^'l 'Jrliiiarfw.bn*.
counted tor on various hypotheses. He resided

.ocL.'nu .'daw-pi i. ,.i ... ixiiij ^(j -anwipnxA
m France, tor several years, as minister of the

i¥* tVW* 1 '- : '^ ; j *' •-" " l -:;" ! - # - 1 -4*y^fetiift dn:o3
IJ mted States, and returned to his own coun-

try, at the commencement of the revolution.

#$ certafc that, at this period, he ^riekba^

to America* very strong prepossessions in fa-'

vour of France ; a decided partiality for French

manners ^ncl French liberty. TKe Trencn

partialities, which he then entertained, are^'

.tte^ su^cientty weU accoUnte* f&^

But how, shall we explain his adherence to

these partialities, when the course of events in

France. t^as, proved, in so lamentable a manner,

' the fallacy of his expectations, as to the esta-

-Oft f fcj.S. ri.;. '. •. . .*» ■■■■..:■■ i. -ui'j '.>} j')iv$Yui

if . i i ■■■'■■ i

are egregiousfy mistaken, who ththk that the removal of the
etftWi^ld'tetOtfrfehaWmy^ government*, i&appotl

snathe- Orders in Council to be now revoked, the American go-v
vdrnment would devise some new pretence for opening a negoci**
atitih witfrthe fcritisaeabinet, aad imtadngrttatmindt rfthek
owp t people. If no new rencontre between ahips of war came
to their aid, they would return to the seamen and the search-
m^or^^-^liefr (ie*ao4s ^Wjns^ m.prqportioB ,*.th*,
wi^ipff&ess shewn by the British government to yield to them ;
a«Hi&^

Britain owes her existence, and America her own safety, was.
prostrate at the feet ofW"*^ -^- -

'.»

93

• " ■

Americans,, the citizens of a republic, are Jbti-

snTTo "wv?,-:!?!* - . ■■■■■■; /jMiri-fm

come the slaves of the most cruel tyranny, that
ever afflicted the human race ? This pertinaci-
qus adherence to French politics and French
partialities, can, I think, be explained % on qniy
one supposition, that the party which entertain-
ed these monstrous principles, was, for the rear
sons I have endeavoured to state in the forego-
ing letter, destined to be the prevailing ope in
the country; and that Mr Jefferson's public
Ame"™ insufficient to contend ^iA hi
vate ambition. He saw, that the sweets of power
and emolument would be the reward of his ad-
herence to this line of politics ; and his zeal, se-
cop4 e d by his abilities, soon, accordingly^ placed
him at the head of the Anti-Anglican iacti&fcc

» *

When raised to the submit of his ambition,
gratitude naturally attached him $till closer to*
the line of policy, ^rlich W procured hb *£
vation: and his antipathy to England, thenoQ»i>
bmwdt fee^appsarancft^^

94

th* JedmgtesittQri ©f ^© n 4wt¥i^4*li«4{t w^Ift,

tifafcb; Jbeto *h»,name of that: p§jrtj&/hi8«R|l*>
itetatn&gipduaUy; seduced mtt^lct^-j^qffa^j
l##ie Qpemtipnpipbably of the,«^» ) nv?ti r ^^i
•fcliifch summed the duad of Mr ( JeSrsp%?i Widrf t
fioBD Wjrec^nb*cindutt,k seems Ufcgly}rth$yi$?
»te*riiiipediaDBot to be inferior to ^i»p^de<fi^g
sari; i^Jtvbafc-Qqpatitutol the most, pwn^€8# ; &ftm
tttetofi^thibgealtenwfa'e public <dmaotaneil£i9b^

-fiWns'IMrlaat; reason, that hej^r-p^eui^tpi bej
a&gae$pft3 th^-Hptertce of tfe^.pr^^t fcj%gh

sfcbipartjvfs TPhei Frettdl, .prr demowatJG.parjjfeg
ttewlgIiyfartpieaatot,^r<)(Jtn»J n a il ' r in yi, pr^t^fe

tbcf^leatoctfla^EBber ofithe*rate%U ( by>n<vpa&3fl§d
se^tomridb/feslio be able* ^together ft?. despiga rt
tb&sfitnls rfntoatttagonttfe* ,;Qa th^caattarifo
tU^federtl papt^ue^w^^ steady aad ppwr^ifi
f^fip&i&fe;9KhicM^^ §fj >

95

p&ftgftefrt&ity pnjfeo,- *EB tab? tigys&dfea

dW^Hf^thet W'have th&oppoaife «&d;kanL
thJ^"4rFpr&pGrtionas the party; wripppsiriwii aw>

ia«J^t» overthrow dit party K'^owory odgtyi

tk£ fetter to Se moderate in their tt»dti6fc ii3Gh«.

i

retferte '^thi^ however, in te&tif; kidWcawu
I^ery relaxation of the line o£vpollcy^iatiaEAa
pattU£d by the democrju^ ^^i^ar(3ted/l)^\^b&
federalists Its a victory, to . be <kftp^^ito^h«k:
own exertions, and a reluctant testimony, borne
by' (He&> *nenriw ? themselves* to tto i eotitiA-
ittsrttf their political principles^ ; Evenprnxk
d^fetion' Would probably be regaidcd iinvlhe^
ftatti^ light by the people at iargei an^/wpuW
therefore, in all likelihood^ be ratha^kp^^^Mdi »
bette&iial to their party. Inccra4eqDenofGO%bcl
n^artjr-equal balance niamteincd<&eto^
two factions, and the^&tquenoy^of the dectiooa* :
at which the equality 4o£tktf balaacei* displayed^
the pa»y i»|k^i^
ii% depriwd <#&flb^#c^<atod>^^
moated to the^moet ttttffeoittr^

.■5

x* 96

fhiir frrrinttuffi llwhr i^iftndanrwdiifcihiiaMiMiMi

§

tT gian,bqt4>iodta 4ohabtfanytthe ail »a» j1|»dj
^C^^^aagers^ ^uch4hi*$*fty «**fe-

gaW^ $* b^^ 'Wife JW tl ^ el W

, itiicrhtiaa in: Awglra, is bfKJlO ■»«*»*«■ wit-Knur, itt

WKm>U nro Ko^tq nf lafit rraam.nhafi Aft giaiw rfiar

mation, amply suf&deofcjto account for this him

• ii>«i

:*

97

*~<WWm MUKfKfBa government, Wimuttt UlmQg

<«MMMP4othe r supposition of French bribery,
-m^rk empkyy^ by some in the solution of
r 4ht prototettu ' This account of die ■ matter I am
4ftA^*tfidHy to disregard : not only , because
ntttott Wbory, according to the remark of Mr
Mkime; h much less frequent, among public
\W&fy thfch the vulgar are apt to imagine ; but
ttoteuse, from the peculiar nature of' the Aihe-
rfcafr constitution, the bribery df its public fiahc-
ifenari&may be pronounced to be nfearijr, if riot
*rho8y impossible, and beyond the ' riitefns' of
fte great Napoleon himself. In the United
-ftattes, no one individual has so much influence
is to render the bribing him of much conse-
quence ; and of course, if bribery is made use
of at all, it muct be practised among so great a
number of persons, and conducted on «o system-
atic a plan, as would evince a profligacy of
sentiment and deprivation of principle, whidi
we cannot suppose to exist in any numeiot*
body of men whittfvefc The sheets of power
add emolument are sufficient bribes to induce

...:-#»• ■ .■ 1» '. ■■■■ .-*-'.'.. i-

8%

the, rd^gf^eric* to perseypg, jn .jfoe„Jfjft? &a
conduct, they .fpr, some yeass, past ha^ : fpQm^g.
<4; ,and^ coj^ntipusly believe^ th$.ftep,are, ;1
all fte^bes &ey receive. : ...„,„, ,,.,,, ,. Vt
,frp.m whatjever causes the Anti-AngUcan, qpp^ Y ,
rit,pf.rt»e American government may be thought^
to iprp^eed, nope, ^rill deny that ijhas lately ma- ,
rrifested jts,e}f in. * conduct towards this country, ff>
whicl} is sufficient to justify the most hostile feel- ,
ingq, on, the pajft of tlje British government. -In,.,
mitigation, fepvgeyer, of these feelings, I herejjeg,^
leayg to^ state two observations, which appear ;tp; •
&qjH a* CQKpllaries 4rom, the.doctrhie, whichj it K)
hafj be^n, tfy; humble aim of the^e leger^ t^un-^
fold^an^wjuch may therefore^ yi part, have,,,
bee^afltifipated by thq preceding observations**,

$fa ,$r$t is, , that th§, Anti-Anglican spirlj:. of,.,
the, $j^erjic£n government seems to proceed ni„ ;
a Yery ; gJ^ degree, if not entirely, from caus^ a
that, aj^e internal,, operating ; wjthni, the> United , ; .
States* and having no reference to the conduct , f

A « v

# Renewal or the Non-intercourse, affair of the Little Belt,

9&

BnM 1 iia«ttl] ' Wi& the exception of otoe ot
tW8,^Higil4ifetfous causes, above st&t&d, aire all of'
this description, The mutual rivalry' &tid ha- :
tredof the Wo Factions, the superior atfaptatioh
of French politics to the Views and dispositions '
oPa turbulent democracy, the English connexi-
on^ and partialities of the federalists, the jealou-
sies that subsist between die different section^ of '
th£ Union, the peculiarities of the Americaa ''
coS^titlitlori, and personal charattetfs 6f thelfead^'
injgfm&i^all these are internal causes,' dt atleaSt v
causes,' whose? operation is independent of the *
coAttuct 6t character of Great Britain* Indeed, of ' '
altTftW causes above enumerated, there arfe onty '
. three,' that have any reference to Great Bfritaia;-
These are the animosities left by the. revolution*
ary k ^fai : , the efforts 6f discont^tited 1 e
frdm this country, ajid the naVal / pJ^fiiidehc^ :,
of Gi&it Britain. tW first of tHeSe Causes hak
undoubtedly sortie iiifliifebcie in America, but ah'
infltteti'de that is ^Wap ^miiiishm^ Ai tofhd ■'
second it is better,, that united Irishmen, aa4
other disoouteuted /eaugauttty should 1 <Kschaige>

m

their venom on the other side of the Alfofluc,
than in the hosom of their own country v ana
as to the third, it seems entitled to even less re-
^pr<{, tftari either of the other twa Trie p(5wer
and pre-eminence of our country, particularly
in a naval 1 point of view, excite the envy Ana
malignity of the democratic party in America ;

%nd it mere£6re serves the purposes of meidaae^S

#vjjiy^>'t^ 7 '•"■■■ * «r . u ■ '^i-id 1 '*. -•> ? * : M'ftfo
of that faction, to manifest hostility towards us.

^But this power and pre-eminence ought only

to induce us to regard, with calm indignation

nt contempt, the puny Kcfetility it "el>
genders. • ^,,^^,Ln,, .,l,,t, #&

I repeat, therefore, that the antipathy of the

Amehcan government to this country arises

Irom rauses^ that are almost wMyiniera^

^fed?<^ann(3t be understood without some Know-

i^ge oroie* domestic circumstances 7 of the ' U all

ted'otates, arid thai have rib reference to this

% country, ^farther than as the present situation of

this country, m respect to Trance, happens to suit

the views 01 their selfish demagogues, and the

purposes of their paltry pdihds. The antipa-

thff fe qu^dn^prwee^ 1 from tne struggles and

5
w

convul&iona of a turbulent and ferocious demo-
cracy, from the contentions incident to a people,
who are ruled by universal suffrage and elective
magistracy, from the animosities of conflicting

parties, who hate each other, much more, than

^r»7i T .;**r ■»•■'; ■ ■>;•■ ■■•••Mf/- J ^ t. 0i .

any of them hates us, and whose expression of
hatred to us is. in fact, the expression of hatred
jui^ hpstij&ty to each other. Any direct bjuyies,
therefore, that may proceed from this hostility,
ape sc^cely more to be regarded, than a,blo%
which we accidentally receive from a madman
in his ravines., or from a person, who is labour-
ing under a fit of the epilepsy.

^■ii/115

The second observation, that here occurs to
be made, is, that the very violence of the Drep
lent government of America is a convincing
jproof of its weakness. It has already b^jn statecj,
that the constant terror in which the re|mbiiqan
jparty is kept, by the, pressure of fedpral mflu-
ance and activity, adds much to its bitterness
and. its zeal. Were it , more firmly established
than it in, reality is, it would pursue its course
.with more calmness*, moderation, ^and dignity,:

102

it? modi act ifttfre fitwti f«tHot*t and 'lifafine-
.rested' view* : it would act less from -mere jpiqta,
imalfcte, attd resentment. ; The tety ^ violewfe,
therefore, df the republican party in Airifcriaais
*m satisfactory proof of its weakness; and}' from.
;*his and various other considerations, it is ^e*i-
3$erit, that the hostility of the American govera-
Xment is less « to 3 be regarded, than that of ally
y -other government on the face of the earth. Tlfe
vidence*^ the French party in the UnitSfd
States is, in fact, the best evidence of the strength
*af* th£ English patty j the best evidence, that
there still exists in that eomtiy\ & powerful and
enlightened party, attached, from sound -views
«nd liberal sentiments, to the Hand of their fore-
fathers*, uninfluenced by bHrid passions ^BidiB^r-
^id interests, and possessed of suflkient weight,
to prevent an interested faction, from; dairying
ifttb practice their destructive principles, ©* tflc-
scoring their atidacious threats* ■' > : >

• Of the various causes, that have been assigri*
r ed, for the remarkable bias,' lately manifested by
tibe American government, yott will '> easily per-
cemythat 1 consider the institution of universal

?.

, ... / .

4nSbgej>as on* of the most deserving df notice;

Wj *qth«f ^f > that almost all the causey that have

Jbeeiir assigned, prcfeuppose the existence of, and

fowe-thefr efficiency toy this institution* ..'t This,

lit appears to me* 1 is almost the *nfje w#// ; this

is the circumstance, that gives life and vigour,

-and energy, to fell f he cau&s I hate attempted

yt© ekplaio. And hence, my dear. Frierid* may

rtlhiefly be accounted for, what always 8$em* to

bpersQhs on this side of the Atk&tfo* so incom-

^prehoasible a paradox, that the Artierdcana,>a

^nation of freemen, should entertain s4 strongs

h$HPeditactk>0f for France, which ia a lattd of «y-

mtitnyy and so* < sttong a dislike *o .England,

which is a land of freedom: not to mentioq,

r that Englaritd is the only country, which noiv

ij^reeerves thfe remains of the civilized world,

and America herself, from the overwhelming

.domination of France* Whoever.reflecte, foe a

moment, on the composition of the republican

~ party ia Americ%afict on -the uniform tendency

yof universal suffrage, £0 which it owefe its 'eiist-

i^ce, will cease >t<^ wonder at this seemingly

'*■■

~,i

10*

^^fffife.^Wted J>y web » paity»-4Mfet;itir
(^^7:t^^^£u^, UHberal.awl hea<fetjft^g:po*j

tqtfw^ltO}^ vjew» and capacities, a lrodei>
>» iX^jHP&M** of,r«»Re# ( ^drftd^if^

tfefii fl&kyte ^, meatier q£ ^Eogjiato

s^j^Jthfi [federalists .alfine, are wweptjfete «£b

^^gfe4y ^iwable body glory Lathftkr^eeotE

fi^^n^fafHnefl. They ent<^p,aj»d^aitv

m a more peculiar ^egr^e^Bsom her having so

M*

Mgrb^th^ur&of tttiereligterfi dfgentiifce*
Ubetioyv 1 <& sla»d*lltt»a«ire^ 'ahd<W having fut^"
ttiiheditbefrt^de^bf *at free gbvettiiiie^ iti<F
.<#WisB« «c(iM^'#^ which constittrte A^JirbiB^'
ett dfotattkM! df the American comfti6ii^(!aath:" 1
VwyJ<Mer«rifc are the views arui'flendittert^^
t^iW^wbKcaa party* They are fbrtned 'bf^ma^'
tcriai»tO(*,grdS8 to be gratified with the Uleaiof*
tfebif BngKsh extraction. They cart feee* little dip
fj^*n<3e'bdtween a nation thatfe niled 1 Iry a «ri^ 1
aatf U»«* that is governed ' by M ah errtpefor 4 . 1 a*
gi^t ^rt^f th«rn f robaWy do not fai6w, thai'
tlie'^4mffiei« of England is bdtet trrari tha* 1
d^Sttmce, ^dilRihe^ews^f Fraticb'ttre^o^
£96dlei.tha»*htt& of 'England to the peaeeand'
th©< #e$^*#aiattkirjd; ■'• With sullen -and &rt£>
tifti Ptsktotm*Sttt they treasure Up- 'the 1 VniSeriei-
aii&3ffi&«kbstties of the revolutionary tWfc^they 1
vtlify BngUAd, because tte fedeYafe&'eicprear
r«p«ct arid ^eete^nvfof he? ehafttcttt* ; 'they pass 1
o&t l*ie4rijuriej -tfcry r«deive from 'France, be^ j

<W6

^contact with fcer* ill consequmce^
<tibn thfiyt rreceinre from her wvalr;f thay »&en-
/couraged and supported in their )>AntWVngtican
iheasures, by the' exhortations and > example npf
discontented Irish, and other foreigners i 5 thdir
.zeal is inflamed and exasperated by the uiiBe-
-mhting efforts of their leaders, and by the vigor-
tous opposition of the federal party ; and thus
<k happens, that, in a republican country, the ife-
,publiean and ruling party is hostile to this land
of freedom* and attached ta a nation of slav&i
i, irAfter the most mature and deliberate consi-
deration I have been able to give to the subjeftt,
1; anl come to be satisfied* that, in* spite ^xrf"
>tlkis r apparent hostility, the American : gbvem-
} nmat^ has not, and never had^ any serknis intui-
tion or wish to go to war with thiaiGOtinticy.
itsuits their purposes to threaten a war i with
JBogbnd ; but they must know how greatly tfaky
, would over shoot the mark, were they to attempt
ta put these threats in execution. 1 None wUhbe
inclined to controvert this doctrine, who cqnsi*
ders, for a moment, die dreadful and inevitable

* See note 8*

,IC ?.».-.:•

3 :

107

:aria»|toig,Vhicha wartnthGieai Bntafa.wotaid

- infliot pa Ajnerica, • Hie annihilation of her
*€Qrtgtttyce tfnd navy, the destruction of ha? sea-
poilp^ the dismemberment of her union, and a
ifelbody^ivil warfare the bitter Fruits which, ift
all likelihood, she would reap is* this ruinous
undertaking* There is another consequence,
4ikdy to result to America, from a war with
*hi8 Country, which we would consider • as
ygta advantage, but which would be regarded
by her present rulers, in a vety different pciint
of view,-^I mean a change of acferafistra-
itoxu : The first effect of a war wtoukl be the
j destruction of American commerce: the cfe-
-frtruotion of commerce necessarily invoivea the
abstraction of the revalue, for the revenue of
^the United States arises almost entirely from the
^customs : in order to carry on the rwiar v there-
tofore, as well as the ordinary biKane66xtf. gbvern-
"inent, loans must be resorted to* and direct tames
imposed, f But direct taxes would be felt ?s an

* See note L.
'04 Theifedetal!ddi*tiW^ generatolattSftJtfti-

powering Congress to lay and collect taxes, duties, and im-
posts; but it is understood; thaV in [Practice, this clause is to be

-_- i

^p8

intolerably tyttfefft by thtg?e#>le jpf
ttey would speedijy.revioye fixe -fflq^tflfe
nistorttop, in,order to reflate ^c ?y ^^
m^eto^theircpuntjy} a^Amth^^^^

rulers would fell the first victims to what has

-rn ■ .. r * T^ --■ .-r«jrrtT ^TjTn

Ibeen believed by many, to be theif favourite
mesjsnre. Unless, therefore, we suppose the go-
vernment of America to be destitute not only of
all principle aiyl patriotism, but eyeji of copi-

th^fr own^ interest, we cannot suppose tib.^m to
be serious in their wish for a British war. r
That these is, however, a number of persons
. in America, who are sincerely desirous of a war
™j ; ™f fV^tty, there c^n, ui^ju^t^, ^
lib doubt. To this class belong all the unitoi

»nr >>■■ ?,i ,? " ' '■ <■•■:.■ -•V:P* • ■ . TT^?"vTrr*nr

OJiwtrfcdd W eateridlng to lHtle mote than tie cottons, ki&
ttet the* imposition of direct and internal ta*e?.foiim a^paf
dFtne proper business of Congress. If the general government
rfAoiarfca have any concern for the preservation of their 6^8 J
autarky, or the continuance of their own party ioc^powfj)
they Will be cautious of acting on the strict letter of this clause
o^,ihec«sSiibd|ioii. The a*tempt to ' impostf tstxti wa£*8£
cause of th? separation of America ftoji ^ lapd ; :i /»n4*H*
attempt to* impose taXes #as also one cause of the downfal
^^fe*«4.1»rtjw : It? if 1*% ^WV to siin^leff^to^M
again result from the same causes. ^^ ltiB

/

1(09

,* IS^'l&fcr di&ontente$ fereigners*
» J l^ncl VJ hitr^f of these j^soris to tne
iSSfelr ^8v^r^erit/tliat they woutcl glaffly see
""Wilte 'with it, for the ^ 0^4

ffttle' J iil|ury, tffiftf might result to Englan^
f\ J oWeve^ (H^ici^e stfeh W m^pife^
l8& uiterest^^bf iftien: adopted country. "" inere
is also a description of persons in America, both
i&teves arid foreigners, who arte desiroite or war^
iftr ui&^erf reason, that it wbulct* probaBiy give
'%e l iff someifrtestine convulSohT Having n<£
thing t6 lose, t% entertain no apprehensions
ifbmiaiby confusion that a war would occasion ;
2M SreA perhaps anticipate plunder in tHe g^ote^
M' , ^^ J tfeaiWght overspread the qbiuitry.
TflWittgh 1 die htimber of persons of this descrip*
tion ojight, from the circumstances in whkhtshe
^placed; to be smalter in AiiM&^'mm

,i ■ , j i.* • . : « • \ ■ • *

-qtner country whatever* I have reasentefceitato
that, even tfcer£ their huiftber is not incon'siaer-
able. , Itvb to be> hoped, 'howiverj that theitfa

Wi&ciei\tt tQ ; fruddrate the nefarious sfefetei^^tf
such desperadoes.

110

Ctf ttU the^fltets that W(^<1 r^eWt WAffitf ;^-
rica from a British i*ar 5 tWo&kf 'p^tiw**8lg&>*>
he^dyaotag«^wto Q^eat ^rifetiri; te- * fchaiigT^
iq Ihfe A ni?ricaff administration Attt^^ep^^ 1
wduld constitute wil% which wt^l<J% Kitrdlf^l
less prejudicial t# thk eopntry^ thart to that wfeiefep*^
the^r i^time^dteiy aflSfeted^ W^
theprbspititfof Ameri<ja, must butt the yptopeicn A
ntyNafSt^latta;^ ^becat^ America?a»^for marfy V*
y^tt^ fortti ^g^eat and increasing outfet fo^the^q
raa»uf«tui:e* of .the pother country, ft canrtot^q
be ^S^tedj that a gyration of the Uiapij, whtt'o*
thenars ^and'di^gters which would probably ao>^
cwa^0A^4t 9 w^ AntOHii;>

ricafat states^ and whatever partial benefits daghtam
arkte ttt' this country, from the aUiince of an# m
onc*:bf *h» wnfederaciesj into which die Unktaqtii
might be divided v it seems tmdeniabie, that the ^i
very act of di6unioii would be a positive evil to- ic
Britain. Nether is it to be overlooked,- th^i^
theTniseriesof a British wa*y and thdseof die n<
civil war, which would probably follow, would
be md$t steverely fek by that- portion of the*
An^qa^ pepple, ^hich^,to<j|y t&toe .^, ' .

Ill

WWmW'.m&P&P&aM* body* **¥» have <»Pn' !
PPflgguJRfth 4 &$fr influence, the baneful po? , j
liqjfr wjii^ ^ thpir government hag been, lately ;

BttJWi»» w/V.!*«4-fi» &iefr interest QUghfc,t» ;W
s^r^^oo^qvf^ye, at least, to induce the Bri- .,
tiskfcpy^w^,tp, abstain frp^ft hpstakieMtfittt :
iVnaf^caj because ft is 09 them, that the e?iU,
of 4hes^ hostilities yftmjd f»ll wfth, the iheayiest ;;
prewar*; » iTkey : ju®» g^nje^y ^akwg y ;^,.y

Nk< I*op«tf, .<*«» >«,*** .
aaiilitvJ64^w©lis of |hw d«^ptifla^vt«> «uffi» ,5
most/ severely in civil broils. America is the,: ft
only fir^e nation, besides our own, now remain- *
ing^ the JWorld She has hitherto advanced {1
in t^>career of improvement with unexampled ,■*■■
rapidity j- and if her progress is not premaftirrfy ,, <>
checked* she seems destined to arrive at * height -n
of greatness to which no nation has hitherto afcr^. /
tainted, and which wiU reflect imrftortal hono^ ^i
on liter British origvfc^ The, • unnatural dja^ ^ < >

h'j'if .a. ■».»-.> /'.';•. if ' .. : ; i A} „ > t,*tJ )|v«^

* jf To the admirer*, of ^ fulness aq4 noiqjerty^th^Jgag. -,<J
lisb language, it may be consolatory to reflect, that while

A »

IIS

of sticli a country; witti fts coftcb-

■ •,*-!■■'*.■' >W *-*■■' i.*«i- '■••■hi- ..'i.lli • -'i*w-i'~'*t&

fbitant ems of civil ware and sanguinary revo-
lution^ would ' present" a spectacle/ wtuch it
Would be shocking to humanity tb'&hold, and
disgraceful for any country, Without tKe molt
urgent necessity, to have contributed to pfodii»
Such of the Americans, as really and aiuo»
ously wish for a war with this country, w
be well pleased to see it begun, provided 'the
odium of it could be thrown on the British go*
vernihent They are afraid to strike the fit^t
blow ; but if England could be provoked to do

9

section of Europe,— -there is, on the other side of die A}lani&
a nation capable of preserving and transmitting it to future
generations* Supposing the French to supersede all 'others to
Europe, yet, a century hence, the English will be spoken by
the greatest numbers." — Inckiqwn's Letters, p. 105. A work
putiftshedatNew York, 1n 1810. ^.J-

" Like the vast wastes, that were .kept as a frontier. by tllp
ancient Gauls, the Atlantic ocean forms a perpetual natural
protection of America from the invasions of Europe; a bat-
riejr sufficient in itself at present, while the only power that
could become an invader is unable to keep the sea, which »
ruled by a power unable to invade. ■• At no distant day, thaitk*
tionary strength of Europe may be counterpoised by £be j«f
creased strength of America ; and the current of irruption,
which tor so many thousand years has proceeded from ehst<tfr
west, having reached the limits of its action, may recoil, ,ajtd
trace back its steps from the populous and mighty West, to
the reduced and prostrate East.* 9 — Ibid. p. 162.

9

US

s°« thev would enter on the war with akcDty*
knowing, that during its progress thev would
be .able to .mortify, and perhuas to take still
joaore substantial revenge, on their political Op-
ponents. They would also cheri&h the expec-
tation, that, by the operation of hostilities, the
breach between the countries w014ld.be uxepa-
jahly widened, and, at the same timQ, so rauch
discredit thrown on the English party, , that it
would never, afterwards be ahle to give them
any serious annoyance. The democratic party,
howeyer, powerful as it is, is not yet stroma;
enough to undertake the tremendous responsi-
(Aitity; of bring the aggressors in a war with

flCJ.T"--.* ■; ; ■■■■;■ ■-■ * ■•'.■;•■ ■•■!"■: %

"* If erer the Americans do declare war ^against
Great Brifadn, it will probably b& #t a. ^sq^

%hen their internal dissensions have afrived at
g^cb a height, and. when the jealousies and
quarrels, between the northern and southertt
sections, of the IJnion,baye % so yearly approach*
6d to bpert hostilities, tMt each party is only
^waiting for a prpte&ce- to, ^ declare, war against
fee other. In lakh H Case, the pfbcIaftiSition of

114

war against Britain will be the signal of civil
contention : it will be the consummation and

■ :.■-.: KtVtf^. ^.'litJJDU

»■*■••"

the issue of those political disputes, which have

^\ \ \..r.. ■■■•■ r . ".■*■• '. # "cm-.- '>'■"■: *"^

hitherto nourished and been npmshed, by the
sentiment of hatred to England : and the sa^me .
measure, that has already introduced one revo-
lution in America, may probably be the ;,pifc-
cursor of another. When this period arrives.
(and I hope and trust it is yet far, very far dis-
tant,) it will be for the wisdom of the British
government, to adopt such measures, as "'the*
exigency of the case may require ; aod, ip ^| D
they watch the natural, though premature #fa
solution of the American empire, to direct their*,
own amity, and their own hostility, in §u$i.a
manner, as may best promote the aggrancHsgK ,
ment of that fragment of the Union, which
embraces the alliance of England At present^
k is evidendy the policy of England to prac-
tise the utmost forbearance towards America :
to conciliate her favour by every means short
of an abandonment of the maritime rights of Bri-
tain ; to disregard the self-interested and unsteady
proceedings of, the narrow-minded rulers of a

115

factious republic ; and, so long as war is not
actually declared, to cultivate the spirit, and pre-
serve the appearances, of peace and amity. By

paSeveriiig in this line of conduct, we shall

■*- t

teach the people of America, that we are more
attentive to their interests, than their own go-
vernment are ; and may possibly contribute, in
rib inconsiderable degree, to the rise of the fede-
ral, and depression of the French party. The
policy here recommended, however ungrate-
ful it may be to our passions and prejudices, is
certainly that, which our interests dictate : and
it affords m6 very sincere pleasure to observe,
that this fe Actually the policy, which his Ma-
jeStyV miriistefs seem at present determined to
pursue. '

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.116

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o

In the foregomg pages, the *%^&^Mjfl&fifr
!y abstained from any discission of the pcffnts,

immediately in dispute, bet^?^en the JBsritieii^ani
American governments^ becaitee thoeiihaiBe
been disciissed, with much greater .ability thdE
he can pretend to, by persons, whose travels
have nerer extended beyond the limits ofk Eifr
rope ; aad*he author Vsote object was* ten Jay
before tjie public buc^ information, as only; ^
personal ac<^afotaace v^tfc the United St*teb
could afibrd the means <>f acquirittg^ ,vHii d»-
ject has been tp ah^wi Jin*: tbe»'«»^>fijdBfe

117

American government, a pre-determined hostili-
ty towards this country, independent of any mea-
sures, which the British government may pursue;
and if, by laying open those peculiar circum-
stances, in the situation of America, which may
be said, in a manner, to compel her involuntari-
ly to dislike England, and of course to be par-
tial to France, he shall, in any degree, be suc-
cessful in removing the prejudices so generally
entertained on this subject, or lessening the de-
sire for war, which seems to be fast gaining
ground, his purposes will be fully accomplished,
^^l^ur aaaply rewarded*
.^inThjeaffair of the .Chesapeake has been settled,
toajlniariaer equally creditable to the -candour
anct liberaKty <£ the British government; aad
,tM afikir of the Little Bete, it is to he hoped!,
wUL be brought to an equally satisfactory ter-
minations The Orders in Council (thief grand
source o£ dilute between the countries,) are a
field tea extensive to^be entered on at present : £
bat die author may be permitted, in one wotfy
touob8erve r .that^he ^hole^conduct of ^the Bri-
tiefa go^wttmemi J m telati«fc» v thee* Qtderc,

118

> have been strictly ce^craiahb^i««:
the principles of sound pelioy^ batata
of nations, as necessarily modified Ay
tfecfklented circumstances <of modetfft
A neutral trade is a trade, that, (however
it tftey be fortified and regulated by treaties) cer-
tainly owes its original existence to the tdleaaiioa
of belligerents j a tirade suffered to proceed ia
tkaeof war, because it mitigates thfc calamities^
War, amd is subservient, not only to the |Jroik«f
the neutral trader* but to the accommodation *of
both belligerents. The convenience qf the bellig^
rents is, however, die primary object of this ap&
cies of traffic; the profit of the trader is > only iji
secondary consideration. Neutral trade, jbefe*
fbfce, <!an only be carried on, under such Jregukt
tibns, as &e belligerents choose t&impoa* j wwJ
if ihe- belligerents find, that it is not ^ess^rrtJal to
tfceir accommodation ; or if, for the sake of a&
joying each other, or fix^n any other motive
Whatev^ they wish to suspend it, it follow^
r vely definition of 1 neutral lrade r that

fe a rigfct to db'W'*lite ^o\&&&¥&

■■■ - !i - *4tiftdfc M^ - machos ad*

119

fxewh MetrrtM md British Ot dgv^ An Comoiy
takto1a$^sy«ftem, may be regarded sua a jort #f
ttfcfeoagtwmeil^ between France and England,
ftfcafc neutral trade shall no longer fee.-wiried
The British government was at fim jvstifad j
issuing, the Orders in Council* hytte,<Qnduet
ofitfie French government in issuing, their De*
creee j and until satisfactory evidence is. produ-
l:ed^ that the Decrees are really ai>d tow Jl(fe
«8cinded, the Orders ought certainly to be ops-
tinned in force. It would even seem>>thfiO* un-
der the very peculiar circumstances, of naoder ft
tbpes* .-** broader view of the right o£' the Bri-
tish- government to issue these Orders may be
takerij ,than what results from the prinopje of
refatfiation; and that, though the French De^
trees, had never existed, the British Cabinet
Would have had a good right to issue the Ofrr
ders in Council, on finding r that the Americans
earned on, in feet, the whole, trade of France,
{the whole at least that France was unable ; to
carry on for herself,) and deprived Englaad of
iteost all the advantages, which, in regsird to
the anoyance of hv eflemy, she was entitled

ISO

foWK* wawi, the navaV-power^f*© qkHetikfe
pfctie» bJUt&eeft pretty ^tta^bakwoed/Jaiwfcthe
titetf prescribed for the regal^knitttfjtteimtej
ifiwe been; promulgated by die is^axEdttftttyiaC
aft *ke belligerents. In this waiyhowjm^tbenft
it fetttonebeffigererit, that appears onthe«weaH i
tha'powere and prerogatives, that used '.t4» betfU
iritte&among several, bave been afe60Ebeft,tfy
tb*retot*fce^mi viloar of tire n^otv thitiralei
tbe fta* : '<v By; the tawsy theref^
nAttonfc, al >f^' asby the prkclpkfe <tf c6*ata*Gri
**nM/ J this preck>mi*iant:i pwarj*mittJrhavs li
light' to enact laws for thei?egidatiot^o^k^c0«^
d&aent, -and to confine the trade <tf ttetafcab,
#itkitf suelv bounds, as its own ngHtt 4tt$ igfe»
x&tstee^afre to be drawn/* - ^ ^kki *?.*#*
J1 Tf^ diminution of newttakt»Kiei r **fce&aSriiy
^aaibned^by thfe just exefcciae of tlieiiwuMae
rights of Britain, is at present made ua$3&igr
thfe. American rulers, *s a cbijye&enc JiancHe to
inflame the pc^la^ agjdffl^ England^ arid dw^r
even a$etiv /to feta balding ?out the e jttrstordinary
proposal of vindi^tjog* what they call tfreir

1*1

%i&mndp eotettained, will be w te^a ^orti?Q
hdx&mxfaxhjthm it is absurd jba --4hq^f*<ii Aq
?jlrad'iieuft*alci*a conjtradiGtioa intesm^n Whm
Vnptiflmajxrw for the pui^ow of as^rtwg pat*
e»Hrigbt^^ ceasea to be & neutwd f and Ame-
riM;iray;re$t assured, that the c*u$eof aeutrar
lity JiHtt' never, be promoted, by her assuming
^£h*rac*er of a belligerent* . At present, *be
fe& itiiri<her ;pow»to enjoy the whole of that
large and vakiable branckof trade, * which sbe
fosdhrt&efto beipi acepilpmed to carry on with
Ah^JBtitisbu^ I£,she<goe* to war for

4fca)parpo8e of asserting her neutral rights, she
t rtiUbiose the.trade of Britain, without recover-
ing j Ornt <of France. Her coramorce, will -be
swept from the ocean; and, at the en^ of (the
war, aeulrai rightawJUbe found itotf*aq*ty the
s^n^jsituajdon, in which they ; atood; at the h&-

-.; The preceding. Letters were in the press, bo-
iarethe arrival; <afi the: last accew|nt? from Ame-
"fic% announcing^ that ^e. hostile xesohMions of

/ * i

122

passed, by* a large majority; mi IheTHfaufi^nif
Representatives, i- This intelligence irha^tBeeki
considered as bearing a very warlike aafpwtf;
bur the fact is, tiiat there is scarcdy ^ytfthing
in it, to induce an opinion, thai: war is ; mete
likely, ^t present, than it has been for a consider-
able time past. The resolutions ane litde oaoce
vfofetti, &atf have resounded thmugh 'the iUiS-
ted States* m the 7 nkfeeting, not duly ; tf Ube
House of Representatives, but of every ^Is^iala^
&¥t body, for the h& three or four years f> and
th^ ttefeaf of war is now cbmotously mewed?
jiirtly with the view of inritttodatks^dieBritisfe
CiWhet ;' bat ^chiefly for the pfcrposfe '^it^pwrt*
ittgon the people of the IJrtrted Sfate^riJuid

i

pBrticdferfly oft the democratic party/ a ;de^
sttiie bf • this 'vigour and *ttergy *# the g6f»ni
iiieftt 1 ; inid thereby securing the re-election of
Mi Madisdn to the office of president.*^ /33»
flltembfef^ who brings* up ythsci Report tsatht
Htmfe, explicidy admits, that America w not
yet in such a situation, as would justify her

* S«e Appendix, $o. III.

its

pu&iDg herself in the attitude of war ; and he
imighftibfTOddded, that many years must elapat,
before* this* attitude can be safely assumed' Ity

^ The two chirf inducements to a wan with
<fek country, held out by Mr Porter, in? regard
4»'the< means of annoyance* possessed by Aalfr-
noa? are; that she would be able <to harass the
Brifiahitrade, particularly in the We&t Indies
subd fcko, that she would ■ be aWe tp cofekywr
Gtaada. ? The first of theee temptations ta *wr
isitop ridiculous to require any comment j <atfi
^fe'to tte seeond r even admitting that America
IkaS'tHe meana of subduing Canada* it is certafo
dtabqbeiwoukl suffer a much greatei; misfortune*
in* the- acquisition of this province, than Gr^at
Britain would sustain, from the toss of & .Tfe^
Canadians are by no means a people well calcula-
ted to form a constituent member of a republican
corifederadon : and besides* the tetaritoiy >cf t|i#
United States being at present too extensive,
the addition of the- immense province o£*$fr

Se$iM#eO.

124

a^a'woukl only ittcifeafetthja^ahs^ bnmBMaftt
dangfefr efldlsttnitoiU / Tte'C&iqnert 66 £apttk*
^^7%f-*Wa#^ne 6£ tlheihAinkdi^ifeai^^
|h*v*fev^il6dn of 1 775. As wcto»j^ey>w*B
relievedfit>m the pressure of an enetn)* onrtbeir
frontiery the xotenists began to quarrei inath the
mother cfcHMifcty : and should the United iStates
be* ii#v^neliev6d vtf rafti the salutary meighhmb-
hocrtl of 'a foreign power, they woulcLspeedtiy
bsgitv to-quaifrdk among themselves* -:n ■• The* unt
wieldy mass^ when no longer cemented byrn^
aafcewiil influence, would f^U asutder by ;it* qirc&
Wtigfat : and the conquest of G^^d*;Wx^uWfthUfi
h^tf be#n the immediate forerunaec>;o£t^0 of
tfee^fnb^ remarkable events, in the hiBtdr^^
ttie western woricL •:■ . • . *-- ; • * * •> .- >*»v h>;!ino$

> In another point of view v the acqmsm@n; of
Canada would be an incalculable mischief to th$
United States. It would open a door by whicifc
the French would get acresa to America ; aiui
would, of course, be the forerunner of- aU the
^vils that hdve uniformly followed^ &i&%4mk
of i^nd^tisurpation. , Th^ partially borr^by
the Canadians vtQ: France i* : w€&kaovra. 1 lQ&g

125

nsdarwas ^tigpially 'a breach province $7; ifc*»s

tffwqueteid from Franc^Y and its inhabitants. a&

tooryete divested *£ the fediings audres^atmeo^

06 ar conijirered people. The honour? «£• Hvifig

liadema fyee government, . and the,$^fl##k*

sr^Bwentitive constitution, have not .ndvdbjr.4 ft-

fondled thehi to the Britiah dominion. ,,TE!lwt

derated and insurmountable attachment, to . his

own ^ountiyand his own coun&y^i%iv?hJeh

f0itn*4Imostthe only good chai^teristkj of $b$

ftaotyft nario» y aafid adheres to the nativa aod^h^

de*dertd*r* of France, in all situations and wjader

^WfafcdracJ^uf fortune, isa prominent feature

In t&tfC&iadtaa character* The inhabitant* t)£G&*

Mdafcave a strong affection for theJand)d£ : thew

forefathers; they exult in the suoceasas-of Fakus*

*ta<J arfc daazled by die military -.renown- ofc her

present ruler. So prevalent ia thi& sentimenlv

tfeat a traveller meets with a Napoleonin abnost:

etfery French family in Canada; '/Die 1

of guarding a people animated by such Jscoatfr:

iftentB, against aft intercourse with . Ftencbraen^

is felt and airted on hy the Britkh governing t^

arid no Frenchrtum' i^ on any aefcount; permits

1*6

ted 'to enter the pr6viftc£ of Canida. & it Aot
obvimra,'titat'ifCaiiada>Wre taken pbSessiori'^'
by the Ani^cans, die d^ WoiildWtttiffydl-^
tettod* imdlhdtthe impassable bilker Whi(^ af
prfetent protects that province, not only igahtefc
Frttfch invasion, but against French iri£tfgt&,^
wttdd be totally removed ? The instant that Ca- 1
Adda fett into the kaade of the Amferieafts^'
Fnfflce would consider k as htf own prizg : the
ruthless usurper would hail the etfent as the first '
step towards the extension of hie dominion tnvt
th* new wodd ; and wo\xld smile at the mfa* ■*'
tuttdon of a people who were so essentially ser-''
Ting ham at the e&pence df thdf own ruinr ic
French enris&aries Would be immediately dis* *-'
patched to Canada; i Ftaleh squadron, carry- 4
ing a French army* tiiight possibly find its way
across the Atlantic; and the Canadians, who dis-
like the Americans still more than the Britkhy
wodd flock to those favourite banners, which,
after beings invisible for 46 years, were again
floating in the? western hemisphere, Canada, in
short" if conquered by the ( Americans, would '
speedily fiUl into the hancb of the French > afnd

'■i

.*-

127

thcg^rj^

of .^phich the possession at present ky. the Bri*
tis^r government, is the only means ctf prettttl^
ingijie Breach from gating a f^^
contiaent of America, and repeating iff th**aeir
world, that sc^ne of usurpation deraptatio% and ■
bloodshed* whkh is not yet concluded in the
old, \Those Americans who are serious in *tisb*r
ing for a war with Britain, and thirst -feci A* 1
conquest of Canada, seem little to consider what
a curye the triumph of their arms in th*sim<|
undcatahing, would necessarily prove* nc* cm*
ly to themselves but to the world at large. The
immense importance of Canada, in this points/
of view, even to the interests of Britain, rtiUfiteh
be obvious to every oae who ibestcrtrs ^
m^fc's consideration oa -..^jalyeclb^^Jl dng*%
in fact, to be rega^^ed^^oae of the Jftosfcpfce*

cious jewels of the British crown.

♦%

*.<•

i M

j*

128

The only particular, in which the intelli-
gence, last received from America, it more
alarming, than what has preceded it, is the very
large majority, by winch the hostile resolutions
have been carried through the House of Re-
presentatives. This, however, is satisfactorily
enough accounted for by the report, now pre-
valent, that the minority in Congress have re*
sorted to the desperate expedient of supporting,
instead of opposing, all the measures of govern-
ment ; in the hope, that their violence may plunge
the country into some difficulty, that may pro*
duce a change of administration. After a long
and severe struggle, finding all their efforts to
resist the baneful policy pursued by the govern-:
ment, only attended by fresh disappointments
and defeats, the federalists, it is said, have de-
termined to try the experiment, of giving, for
a time, full scope to the violence of the govern-
ment, and thus affording the people an oppor-
tunity of feeling the. evils, which they are un-
able or unwilling to foresee, must infallibly re-
sult from the policy of their present rulers. If
this account is true, some great, event may be

129

coiteideVea'as if Mnd. A "change* oF the Ame-
F admhfiM^n mM be on 1 "
**'* 1 eVent^thaif could liappen, ' both' Tor *

rS^i^adfailfilttiJdn »ld be one of the rnosl?

AflfcfWltd Ehgland. But t£ SftusMieque^
fatten t8 reSult from the concurrence of^tne f£

tile hostile measures of governrheht, ^
thdf& is liiuch danger, that a declaration oJFwar
Wduld fr£ followed by a dismemberment of the

K fi N '

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I

APPENDIX.

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aC

APPENDIX, No. I.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

{To prevent this pamphlet from swelling to too great a
bulk, a few of the less important articles of the con-
- stitution are omitted.]

W e, the people of the United States, in order to form
a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic
tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote
the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and' establish this
constitution for the United States of America.—

ARTICLE I.

Section 1. — All legislative powers herein granted
shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which
shall consist of a senate and house of representatives.

Sect, 2. — The house of representatives shall be com-
posed of members chosen every second year by the
people of the several states; and the electors in each

134

state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of
the most numerous branch of the state legislature*.

No person shall be a representative who jhall nofchave
attained to the age of twenty-five yea»* and been seven
years a citizen of the United States ; and who shall not,
when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in whith he
shrill be chosen.

*i . ** ill} };

Jr /

Representatives, and direct taxes, shall be apportion-
ed among the several states which may be included
within this union, 4ocordiag to their respective num-
bers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole
number of free persons, including those bound, to ser-
vice for a term of years, and excluding Indians not tatt-
ed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enume-
ration shall be made within three years after ih$ first
meeting of the Congress of the United States, and with-
in every subsequent term of ten years, in such a rosttier
as they shall by law direct* The number of represen-
tatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand?
but each state shall have at least one representative ? aftd
until *uch enumeration shall be made,<the *tate of New
Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, MassactHH
setts * eight, &c. . . //*,; ,< :.

The house of representatives shall choose their speak*
er, and other officers, -and shall have the sole pow*t of
impeachment.

StoCT. 3.— The Senate of the United States shall be
60Hlp6§ed of two senators from each state, chosen by
th& legislature thereof, for six years ; .and each senator
shall hove one vote. > ;o>

No person shall be a senator who shall not have ftt>
tained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years* *»«•
tizen of the United States ; and who shall not^ when elect-

135

ed, be an inhabitant of the state for which he shall be
chosen; •

The vJce*pres$dent of the United States shall be presi-
dent of the Benate, but shall have no vote unless they
dhall be equally divided.

< The senate shall have the sole power to try all im-
peachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall
be on oath or affirmation. When the president of the
'United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside ;
add no person shall be convicted without the concur-
rence of twb-thirds of the members present.

Sect*, 4.— The times, place, and manner of holding
election for senators and representatives shall be pre-
scribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the
Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such
regulations, except as to the place of choosing senators.

SfcCT. 5.— Each house shall be the judge of the elec-
tions, returns, and qualifications of its own members,
fetid a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do
business.

Sect. 6.-— The senators and representatives shall re-
ceive a compensation for their services to be ascertain-
ed by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United
States.

No senator or representative shall, during the time
for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil of-
fice u&der the authority of the United States, which
shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof
shall have been increased during such time ; and no per*
son holding any office under the United States shall be
a member of either house during his continuance in
office.

Sect. 7*-*- All bills for raising revenue shall originate

136

in. the. house of representatives; but the senate may pro-
pose or concur with amendments, as on other bills.

Every bill which shall have passed in the house of re-
presentatives and the senate, 6hall, before* it becomes a
law, be presented to the president of the United. States;
and if he approve, be shall sign it> butif not, b£ shall
return it, with his objections, to that house in which it
originated, who shall enter the objections at large on
their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If,, after
. such, reconsideration, t wo-tbirds of that house shall agree
to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the ob-
jections, to the other house, by which it shall also be re-
considered,- and, if approved by two-thirds x>f that, house,
it shall become a Jaw. But in all such cases, the , votes
of both houses shall be determined by [yeas ap4 Jjajs,
and the names of the persons voting for and against, the
bill shall be entered on the journal of. each? hou^/e-
<*pectively. If any bill shall not be Keturned by the pre-
sident within ten days, Sundays excepted, * after it ; shall
have been presented to him, the same shall be. a law, in
like manner as if he had signed it, unless the, Congress,
by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which, case
it shall not be a law.

Sect. 8. — The Congress shall have power to lay and
.collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; to p^y the
debts, and provide for the common defence and general
welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts,
and excises', shall be uniform throughout the Ufiited
States; .

To borrow money on the credit of the United States;
To regulate commerce with foreign nations, aqd among

the several states, and with the Indian tribes;
To establish the uniform rule of naturalization, apd uni-

137

fo*m laws on the subject of .bankruptcies throughout
the United States ;
To «oini money, regulate the value thereof, and of fo-
hj reign coin; and fix the standard of weights and mea-
-^iii^rtires^i&o.

•k No title of nobility shall be granted by the United
States; and no person holding any office of profit or
trust under them, shall, without the consent of Congress,
accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any
drind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.

■■•-•'■'■• ARTICLE II.

'■*' Sect, lv— The executive power shall be vested in a
'president of the United States of America; -he shall hold

'his office during the term of four years, and, together
with the vice-president, chosen for the same term, be
elected a* follows : ?■

■='.' Each' state 9hall appoint, in such manner as the legis-
flatirre thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to

1 the whole number of senators and representatives to
Which the state may be entitled in the Congress; but

*nt> senator or representative, or person holding an office
of trust or profit under the United States, shall be ap-
pointed elector.

The electors shall meet in their respective states, and
vote, by ballot, for two persons, of whom one at least
shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with them-
selves. And they shall make a list of all persons voted
for, and the number of votes for each ; which list they
shall sign, certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of
government of the United States, directed to the presi-
dent of the senate. The president of the senate shall,
in the presence of the senate; and house of representa-

w

1*8

tlves> opeft all thttf certificate atkd the votes shall then
be counted. ' *' ■

The person having the greatest number of fdtetkhall
be the president, if such * number be a majority of elect-
ors appointed ; and if there be more than otiewho have
Midi *n&jttrity, and hate an equal number *>f TOtea, then
the bouse of representatives shall immediately <sh6as&,
by ballot, one of them for president; and If *o pen&i
have a majority then, from the five highest oil the list;
the saW 4tottse«hall, in the like manner, cbooae thepre^
cident. In every case, after the choice of the presi-
dent, the person having- the greatest number of votes' of
the tfeetare, shall be the vice-president t* bfat if them
should remain two or more who have equal votes, th^
senate shall choose, from them, by ballot, the vi»*pre*
sidenti - : ■■'..<-■' ■ ■.:.'■..

The president shall, at stated timesy fltetive for bis
services a compensation, which shall tteither be enorett*
ted nor diminished during that period few which he shall
have been elected, and be shall not receive within that
period any other emolument from the United States, or
any of them.t , :i

Sject. 2»— The president shall be commander in chief
of the army and navy of the United States; and of the mi-
litia of the several states, When called into the actual ser*
vice of the United States ; he may require the opinion;
in Writings of the principal officer in each of the execi**
tive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties
of their respective offices; and he shall have power to

,■ • • • ' • »*

* This k aow altered* The electors vote for president and vice-
president separately,

t Tiie president's salary is at present 2 5,000 dollars per annum, »
about £6000 sterling.

389

grant reprieves and pardons for tfimtte* against the
United States, except in cases of impeachment*

He shall have power, by end with the advice and - don-
sent of the senate, to make treaties provided two-thirds
ofi the senators present concur ; mid he shall nominate,
aod, by and with the advice and consent of the senate,
shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and
consols, judges of the supreme court, and all other oft*
oefB of the United States, whose appointments are not
herein otherwise provided for, and which shall he eats*
hashed by law*

to$M?v. 8.— The president shall> from tim$ to time,
givd to the Congress information of the stale, of the
Union, and recommend to their consideration suck
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient: be
may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses,
Oteithei of them* aad in case of disagreetoent between
th^m* with respect to the time of adjournment, he may
Hdjourii therii to snob time as he shall think proper ; he
shsU itceive ambassadors and 6ther public ministers $
he shall rtake eare that tbft laws be faithfully executed,
and shall commission all the officers of the United
Sfca/Bes* • m'/.-»- ; ' ■»■* ■■■■"'■

Sect. 4.«The president, vice-president, and all civil
officers of the United States, shall be removed from of-
fice 4m. impeachment for and conviction of treason,
bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.

i'

1 1

ARTICLE 111.

Sec?. 1***-The judicial power of the United States
shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such infe-
rior courts as the Congress may, from time to time, or-
dain and establish* ' The judges, both of the supreme
and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good

140

behaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for their
services a compensation, which shall not be diminished
during their continuance .in. office. \ - :

: Sect. 2.— The judicial power shall extend to all cases
in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the
laws of the United States, and treaties,mad£, or which
shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affect*
ing ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls ; to
all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to dis-
putes, to which the United States shall be a party; to
disputes between two or more states ; between * a state
and citizens of amother state; between, citizens of the
fame state, claiming lands under grants of different
qtyites; and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and
foreign states, citizens, or subjects. -

The trials of all crimes, except in cases of impeach-
ment, shall be by jury, and such trials shall be held ijx
the state where the said crimes shall have been commit-
fed,; but when not committed within any of the United
States, the trials shall be at such place or places as the
Congress may. by law have directed.

Sect. 3. — Treason against. the United States shall
consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering
to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No
person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the tes-
timony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on
confession in open court.

The Congress shall have power to declare the punish-
ment of treason; but no attainder of treason shall work
corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life
of the person attainted.

• • •

* This is now altered. See Amendments to the Constitution.

141

ARTICLE IV.

Sect. 1. — Full faith and credit shall be given in each
state* to the public acts, records, and judicial proceed-
ings 6f every other state. And the Congress majv* by
general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts,
records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect
thereof. *■--*•

Sect. £ — The citizens of each state shall be entitled
to all: privileges and immunities of citizens in each 6f
the several states.

Sect. 3. — New states may be admitted by the Cdh-
gress into this union, but no new state shall be forfhed
dr erected within the jurisdiction of any other state ; Hot
any state be formed by the junction of two or more
stated or parts of states, without the consent of the le-
gislatures of the states concerned, as well as of the Cojrt*
gteitf."' ■•"■■ "' "' ' J ■'■ .-..'•.■ .. ^

1 ;: 'Si:<h\ '&— The United States shall guarantee to every
state in this union, a republican form of governmleirti
and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on
application of the legislature, or of the executive pc^wer^
when the legislature cannot be convened, against do-
mestic violence.

?•?

ARTICLE V.

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses:
shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to
this constitution, or on the application of the legislatures
of two-thirds of the several states, shall call a con-
vention for proposing amendments, which> in eMier
case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part
of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of
three-fourths of the several states, or by conventions of

three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of
ratification may be proposed by the Congress.

ARTICLE VI.

All debts contracted, and engagements entered into,
before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as va-
lid against the United States under this constitution,
as under the confederation.

This constitution and the laws of the United States,
which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and ajl trea-
ties made, or which shall be made, under the authority
of die United States, shall be the supreme law of the
land, and the judges in every state shall be bound there*
by, anything in the constitution, or law of any state, to
the contrary notwithstanding.

The senators and representatives before mentioned,
and the members of the several state legislatures, and
all executive and judicial officers, both of the United
States and of the several states, sljall be bound, by oath
or affirmation, to support this constitution ; but nor leli-i
gious test shall ever fee required a* a qualification to
any office or public trust under the United States,

ARTICLE VIL

The ratification of the convention of nine states shall
be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution,
between the states so ratifying the same.

Bone in the convention, by the unanimous consent of
the state* present, the 17th day of September, ift
the ye*r of our. Lord 1787, and of the independence
of the Ujuted States of America the twelfth. In

143

witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our
names,

George Washington, President, and
Deputy of Virginia.

John Unodon. <"*

Nicholas Gilman, &c.

V « • < »

Tr M H*TTT7^r , T P^

•t.if *'

•■*-<

n '•

AMENDMENTS TO THE^^ERAL CONWJTUTWN. ,<

... /-'».■■ : •■ > i »

. >v

ARTICLEI.

Coy gre$s shall make no law respecting an establish-
ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise there-
of, <wf abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press,
or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to l
petition the government for a redress of grievances.

ARTICLE IL

A well-regulated militia being necessary to the secu-
rity of a free state, the right of the people' to keepahd
bear arms shall not be infringed.

> * • i ■ 4

ARTICLE IH.

No soldier shall in time of peaee be quartered in any
hoq$£j without the consent of the owner, nor in time of
war, but in a manner prescribed by law.

144

ARTICLE IV.
The right of tbe people to be secure in their persons,
houses,papers,and effects, against unreasonable searches
and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall
issue hut upon probable cause, supported by oath or af-
firmation, and particularly describing the place to be
searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

ARTICLE V.

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or
otherwise infamous, crime, unless on a presentment or in-
dictment of the grand jury, except in cases arising in the
land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual
service in tinte of war or public danger; nor shall any
person be subject, for the same offence, to be twice put
in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in
any criminal case, to be witness against himself ; nor be
deprived of life, liberty; or property, without due pro-
cess of fertp -j nor shall private property be'taken for pub-
lic use without j«8t compensation,

ARTICLE VI.
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy
thfe right to a ; speedy aftd public trial, by an impartial
jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall
haVe been comtaittecl, which district shall have been>
pr6vteu&ry ascertained by law, and to be informed of the
nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted
with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory
process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to have
the assistance of counsel for his defence.

145

ARTICLE VIL

In suits at common tew, when the value in contro*
versy shall exceed twenty cWiara, tfhe right of trial by
juryfehall he preserved; dud nb fadt tried by a jury
shall be otherwise re-examined in anjr coarfcof the Uni-
ted States than according to the rules of tike common
law, '

ARTICLE VIII.
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive
fines imposed, nor cruel nor unusual punishments in-
flicted.

ARTICLE IX.
The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights,
shall not be construed to deny or disparage others re-
tained by the people.

ARTICLE X.
The powers not delegated to the United States by the
the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are
reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.

ARTICLE XL
The judicial power of the United States shall not be
construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com-
menced or prosecuted against one of the United States
by citizens of another state, or by citizens or sutyectsof
any foreign state.

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147

1 BEMARKS ON THE FOREGOING TABLE.

]t JBy th>e constitution of flie United States, it was provi-
ded that-there should be sent to the House of Representa-
tives, not less than one member for every thirty thousand
inhabitants throughout the union. It was found, howejer,
that an adherence to this rule would render th$ House

■ ■ ■

. of Representatives too numerous, and the number of Jn-
"habitants sending one member to Congress has there-
fore been raised from thirty to thirty-three thousand.
. Such, however, has been tbe increase of population,, $atj
* > in spite of tbe increase of the number of persons sehd4
V. •: . iog one member to Congress, the whole number ofUha
? .House of Representatives has risen, since the estaWfehi
■ ment of the constitution, from about 120 to 1$1 nupm^j
bers. At the next census, the numbers of the house
will be still farther increased, although the mtmb& of
persons for whom each member is returned will alsoibe
still further increased.

i i

.1

N

.\

148

APPENDIX,— No. III.

POPULATION OF. THE UNITED STATES,
Accordingto the Ctmm taken in the Years 1790, ,'1800, and \SlO*

Virginia,
NeW York,
Pennsylvania, .

Massachusetts,
Maine, - - -
North Carolina,
South Carolina,
Kentucky, - -
Maryland, - -
Connecticut, -

Georgia, - -
New jersey, -
Ohio, - .- -
Vermont, - -
New Hampshire,
Rhode Island, -
Delaware, - -

Orleans,
Mississippi,
Indiana,
Columbia,
Louisiana, -
Illinois, -
Michigan, -

747,610

340,120

, 434,573

393,751
249,073
73,677
319,728
237,946

82,548
184,169

85,536

141,885]

68,825

59,096

886,14

586,050
602,545

422,845? _

151,719 J 5 * 4 ' SW
478,105
345*591
220,959
849,69^
251,002
105,6^2
. 162,686
211,149

154,465]
188,85*
* 69,125

64,273|

$65,079
959,220 n
810,16%
472,040?. to ^
228,705$ °* 7V

5«S,626
414,935
406,511
T r 880,646
261,942
Sfcl,727
. 852,433
245,563
230,760

214*414
76,931
72,674

TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENTS.

r

!,850B
?,641

8
5
14,093

Total, 5,303,661

9^556
40,352
24,520
24,023
20,845
12,288
4,768

Total, 7,288,481

149

••.ii

.*

L

si

REMARKS ON THE FOREGOING TABLE.

i « >

The foregoing Table may suggest some curious ob-
servations on the rapidity with which population in-
creases in America.. It will be observed, that though
the population of all the states has increased much be-
tween the years 1790 and 1810, the southern states hare
advanced faster than the northern, and the western
states fastest of all. The increase of Kentucky in par-
ticular, would be almost incredible, were it not attested
by unexceptionable documents. Dr Adam Smith, about:
the year 1772, stated, that the population of the United;
States doubled jm 85 years. On reference to the fore*
gping Table, it will be found, that in the twenty
years elapsing between 1790 and 1810, the population
of Kentucky has nearly sextupled. In 1790, it was
73,677, and laiO, it was 406,51 1. It is fair to obs#r?^
however, that this unprecedented increase of Kentucky
< 4& to be ascribed not only to the rapid reproduction aJk,
Ways occasioned by abundance of land, and unrestrained*
freedorn, but also to the numerous and frequent emigre
'{ tions which have taken place from the older and more
fully peopled states, into that fertile and growing re-
gion. This, while it swells the population of Kentucky,
lessens praportionably that of the other states.
. The great towns have advanced with no less rapidity
than the country at large. In the year 1756, New York
bad 10,881 inhabitants. In 1800, it had 60,489; and
in r 1810, it had 93,914, a number equal to- the whole po-
pulation of the state in 1753.

It will be observed, that in the foregoing Table, Vir-
ginia is placed at the head of the Union ; her popula-

-.;?

150

tion having all along entitled her to that pre-eminence-
New York, however, has been hastening to overtake her
competitor; and it is understood, that in the course of
next year, the population of New York will exceed that
of Virginia. She will send, therefore, more members to
Congress, and will henceforth be regarded as the lead-
ing state in the union. — (See A pp. No. II.) This cir-
cumstance, while it will increase the ill-will which the
Virginians have always borne to the northern parts of
the union, will favour the elevation of Mr De Witt
Clinton to the presidential dignity. It is understood,
that Mr Madison will be re-elected at the next elec-
tion^ -*bttteft--the expiry of his second four years, it is
thought likely, that the eastern and middle states will
assert the right which their increasing population and
wealth bestow 00 them to give a president to the Uni-
ted States. Of the four Presidents America has hi-,
therto had, three have been Virginians, and one has
been * native of New England. In the course of four or
five years New York will, in every point of view, be well
entitled to nominate a president of the United States;
and Mr De Witt Clinton is already designated for that
important office. This gentleman is nephew to the pre-

. sent viqe-president of the United States ; of a family
that has great influence in th^ state of New York, and
has always been attached to the republican party.
Whatever, therefore, may be the sentiments of Mr Clin-
ton with regard to Great Britain, it is likely, that in the
exercise of the chief magistracy of the union, he would
shew more regard to the interests of commerce than has

- been manifested by the Virginian oligarchy, that has so
long swayed the councils of America.

• *

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NOTES.

Note A, Page 15.

The praise here bestowed on the federal constitution, is not
inconsistent with the bad effects ascribed in a subsequent part
of these Letters to the universal suffrage and total want of he-
reditary aristocracy, which, are its distinguishing features.'
However great these defects may be considered in an ab-
stract view, it is certain that no government, which could by
any possibility have been established in the United States,
would have been free from them. No government could have
been established in that country, which was not founded on the
basis of elective magistracy, and the almost universal diffusion
of the elective franchise. It is understood that General Hamil-
ton, who was a friend in the abstract to monarchical govern-
ment, actually proposed a government founded upon that mi-
del in the convention of 1787; but the proposal was rejected, *
because the majority of the convention were satisfied that Ame-
rica did not, possess the requisite materials either for a monar-
chy or for an aristocracy, which is the necessary attendant of a
monarchy. Whatever may be the defects of the American
constitution, it is undeniable that its purely republican form
has contributed materially to the rapid growth of the Ameri-
can States. The effects imputed, in a subsequent part of these
Letters, to its democratical nature, in favouring the introduction

XSJf

of an illiberal policy into the councils of America, and of ex-.
eluding from these councils the leaders of that highly estimable
body to which it owes its existence, are such^as it$ founders
probably did not foresee ; and if they had foreseen, they coujd
not possibly have prevented.

Doctor Mason of New York, in the eloquent funeral oration*
which he delivered on the death of General Hamilton, thus char
racterizes the qualities which that great, man desiderated in the,
federal, constitution : " Not such indeed as Hamilton wished,
" but such as he could obtain, and as the states would ratify,
" is the federal, constitution. His ideas of a government, which
" should elevate the character, preserve the unity, and perpp*
" tuate the liberties of America, went beyond the provisions o€
" that instrument. Accustomed to view men as they are;, and to
"judge oi* what they will be from what they, have eyet, been*
«* he distrusted any political order which admits the hateful
" charity of supposing them to be what. they ought to ; be* He
" knew how averse they are from even wholesome restraint;,
" how obsequious to flattery ; how easily deceived by misrepne-
" sentation ; how partial, how .vehement, how capricious. Jfte
" knew that vanity, the love of distinction, is. inseparable fronv
" man; that if it be not turned into a channel useful tp Jhe gp-r
vernment, it will force a channel for itself; and if cut off from
other egress, will issue in the most corrupt of all, arist^gra-
" cies, — the aristocracy of money. A system which he. would,
" haye entirely approved, would probably keep in the^r places
«* those little men who aspire to be great ; .would, withdraw
'< much fujpl from the passions of the multitude ;wQuld diminish
** the materials which the worthless employ for their own ag-
" grandizement ; would crown peace at home with respectabi-
" lity abroad ; but would never infringe the liberty of an honest
" man. Convinced that the natural tendency of things is to an
" encroachment by the States on the union ; that their en-
" croachments will be formidable as they augment their wealth
" and' population; and consequently tpat the vigour of the ge-
^ neral government wiH be impaired, in a very near proportion

165

" with the incre&e of its difficulties ; he anticipated the day
""when it' should perish in the conflict of local interest and of
" local prftfe. *The divfrie mercy grant that his prediction may
« not be^erffledf

" But whatever fears he entertained for the ultimate safety
^trftheffideVal constitution, it is, in every respect, sopreftr-
'•Sable to the' of<F confederation, and its rejection ^ (njSA 'have
" been so extremely hazardous, that he exerted aft* ; his talents
"and influence in Its support. In the papers signed ft&lhis,
u (the Federalist, see note B, ) which compress the experience
a of ages, and pour original light on the science of gdvernnteht,
M %s 'genius has left a manual for the future statesman. And
* they will be read with deeper interest when it is considered
"that, eloquent and powerful as they are, they were Written
*f IniaW the pressure of business, amidst the conversation of
li friends, and the interrogatories of clients. .'...'

u His voice co-operated with his pen. 4 In the conventitih of
" this State, which met to deliberate on the federal constitution,
w he was always heard with awe, perhaps with convWtitiii,
" though riot 'always with success. But when the Crisis arri-
41 ved — when a vote was to determine whether New York was
" to retain or relinquish her place in the union ; and 'preceding
u occurrences made it probable that she would chuse the worst
" part of the alternative, Hamilton arose in redoubled strength:
w he argued, he remonstrated, he entreated, he warned, he
" painted, till apathy itself was moved, and the most relentless
" df human things, a pre-concerted maj ority r Was staggered ,and
•* broken. Truth was again victorious, and &ew York enrttlled
" herself under the federal standard." ' ' ^

- - ■ Note B, Page 17.

The following quotation from the Edinburgh Review contains
a just eulogium on the Federalist :— u The best account of this
" constitution is to'be found in a publication called the Fede~
" ralist, written principally by the late General Hamflton,— a
if work Httfe knbWh in Europe, -but which exhibits an' extent

' J J * '*.

* * * * - * ~«.

* » . » * ~ •

&

U6

"and precision of information, a profundity of research, and
" an acuteness of understanding, which would have done ho-
** nour to the most illustrious statesmen, of antient or modern-
•• times." — Edinburgh Review, No. XXIV* Art. 13. . '

Note C, Page 16.

The question regarding the efficacy and importance of the'
state governments is one of the most curious and difficult con-
nected with the internal politics of America. By one set of po-
liticians the value of these sovereignties seems to have been as
much over-rated as by another it has been decried. Those Ame-
ricans, who, during the time that the federal constitution was tin-
derthe consideration of the states, affected to regard every power
and privilege proposed to be transferred from the state sovereign-
ties to the general government, as an encroachment on public li-
berty, certainly propagated erroneous doctrines. The federal
constitution could not be invested with powers sufficient to ena-
ble it to serve the purposes of a national government, but by
stripping the state legislatures of a certain number of their func-
tions. While they were divested however of all those functions
that are subservient to the administration of the foreign affairs of
1 the nation, they were left in undisturbed possession of all such
prerogatives as are essential to the management of their own
internal concerns,-rto the protection of the liberty, lives, and
property of their citizens. The state governments, therefore,
were only deprived of those powers which could be better ex-
ercised by a general government than by themselves: and such
a transference of authority could be reprobated by none, but
those who were willing to sacrifice the interests of their coun- '
try to their own present popularity*

Those reasoners again seem to be equally in the wrong, who
consider the state governments as still possessed of too much
strength and efficacy, and as being little better than seminaries
of sedition, which sooner or later will be the means of severing
the union. They would, therefore, abolish the state sovereign-
ties, and incorporate the whole American people into one mt«

157

turn and one name. This plan, however, seems to originate
either in erroneous views of the subject, or ignorance of the lo-
cal circumstances of the country. It well deserves considera-
tion, whether in so extensive a continental nation as the United
States, the union of all the powers of sovereignty in one cen-
tral government, could terminate in any thing else than despot-
ism. After the lapse of a certain period at least, this would
infallibly be the result. It would seem, therefore, that it is only
in consequence of the salutary check formed by the state sove-
reignties on the general government, that the existence of a re-
publican constitution, in so extensive a territory as that of
America, can be rendered at all possible. In regard to the
compatibility of a free government with a widely extended ter-
ritory, America seems to derive the same advantages from the
three circumstances of her remote situation, her thin popula-
tion, and her federal constitution, which Great Britain enjoys
from the single circumstance of her insular situation.

The author is humbly of opinion, that there is no inconsist-
ency between what is here stated respecting the advantages of
the federal form of the American government, and what is ad-
vanced in the second letter with regard to the inconveniencies
Of its federal form. He believes that the federal form of the
American government, by which the functions of government
are divided between the general and state sovereignties, is, in
all the circumstances of the case, a wise and even a necessary
arrangement ; and from this wise and necessary arrangement,
he also believes, and is not without hopes has induced his read-
ers to believe, that the inconveniencies detailed in the second
letter do actually result.

Note D, Page 54.

During the first year of the embargo, the distresses occa-
sioned by this commercial suicide were gradually undermining
the democratic party in the northern parts of the union, and
paving the way for the restoration of the federalists, to power.
The democrates were aware, of this danger, and at the first elec-

158

tlon that occurred, affer the imposition of the embargo, gave
out arubng the electors, that the commercial restrictions under
which the country then laboured were speedily to be removed.
Nothing could be farther from the intentions of government;
but the circulation of this report was, for the time, materially
tervfceable totheir party. ' '

i

" / Note E, Page 63.

In the remarks' on No. III. of the Appendix, the reader will
find Explained the ascendancy which Virginia has hitherto al-
Way^ malhtairied'ih the union, but which is henceforth likely
to be the attribute of 1 New York, The expansive power pf the
free arid industrious population of the northern and middle
fetates) is at last exerting its due influence ; and the 'southern
states Will no longer enjoy that predominance which they have
ftrtheftb "Bad; partly in 'consequence of the representation in
Congress whteti the tohstitUtidn permits them to tiaVe for their
tfcvW • - : '■■■.■ '"■■•■' ; ■ ' ^v*'

»\. » ... '. \ . ;'■- *■■ i

\\ ,;'-

■ % "" ■ Note'F,P&e69:

As a specimen of the language held by the democratic ora-
tors on the subject of Great BHtaifai tne reader may take tfce
fbllo^frrg 1 extract J of a speech made by Mr Williajopisbf North
Cardmia, In the debate that took place in the House of R^pre-
tfMtrves 1 ohf thfe 21 st of January , 1#1 % on the qu^on^p^ct-
ingtheintn^^ of the naval establishment of the United States.

Mt'iraffetris said, " a navy was Unnecessary. The exist-
* trie* lof thB 'nitibn depended no mote'cm a niva^'^ttofi-
'•^'imGntl tnstef ofi a system of air-balloons. We were born as a
u nation Without' a navy; we were triumphantly brought
* f through the revolution without a navy ; and had since ripen
lc to grandeur and acquired Ian unparalleled amount of mercan-
u tile tonnage and prosperity, without one ; and he therefore
•* tnfefped that we could now do without. A navy was unsafe ;
** U f Had Atwayi deceived the best hoped of the b^st peopl^ pn
•* u eartn, wtfo ftk& depended on a navy fpr its protection ap^sup-

!* .' •

■»

•*.

.

:- •• • ' ;

* • .4

,159

"port. When his learned colleague, (MrCheves,) than whom
" no man was better read, had alluded to the naval powers of
<c Venice, GenQa, mid Holland, he had forgotten Switzerland,
" who had no navy, and who maintained her liberties and in-
" dependence for 200 years after Venice was destroyed- Na-
*' vies had preserved no nation, England excepted ; and it, was
" impossible that she could exist much longer. But," he said,
" the naval force which this nation could raise, would not only
" be unnecessary and unsafe, but inadequate to the purposes
u for which it was wanted. Would you, sir, leave, the land
" where you are omnipotent against your enemy, ^nd launch
" forth into the ocean to seek disgrace and discomfiture ? Great
" Britain had lying up in ordinary vessels enough to subdue the
" navies of the whole world, our little force included. It gave
" him pain to extol the resources. of the enemy ; but he could
46 not conceal the truth. He wished it we,r,e otbepwise^. , He
«*iqlt for the sufferings which she had jwfll^tedi^nihis cpunfcrjr.
" They inspired him with a passion which he could too Jjtl^e
" conceal. Sir, I feel a deadly -hate against Great Britain.
u Yes, sir, if the red artillery. of Heaven were in my hands, Vd
"soon drive tkejqst-anchored isle from her moorings J" tv

, In another part, of the samp philippic, in allusion to (England,
this orator observes, P She is contendingibr the liberties pf the
" worJd ! He would as soon have expected tq hear that, J.be;d$-
* yil hade^oused the c^us&of Christianity I ffafaq^jBtffr
f* jng. for the liberties of the world, the $tftnd$rd f of frefldpji? h#d
" never, been raised m any country without Jiejr,^e^tjn£ to
A \ jpu$ ii .dpwri. If it was not foreign to bispurpo^e^ h^ .f^oukl
*', trace hj^.r footsteps whereyer she move<k f n^rke^ by, bipod
Vand desriatipn, — all the miseries of war and revengeful mas-
"sacre have gravelled in her.trai^ ? in^o every r^ion, inhabited
"by man. For wfyoj^e^e 11 cupidity were so ,many, human he-
•*' catoipbs sacrificed in India ? tor whose more fell ambition
**. did she wage war on infancy and innocence in the .west:?. For
" wiiom does the savage yell now wake the deep of the cradle ?

" offiberty to the world !*•

160

''"MbteH,ftge9S.

An anecdote, which was current at'th'e time of the author*!
residence id America, may serve to illustrate Vhi^ feature of Mr
Jefferson's .character. A noble and reverend Eng^Br/gentfemaTi,
at that time on a tour through the United States^' was Invited to
dine at the president's table. On his entrance into the drawing-
room, as soon as the customary salutations' were fiver, Mr Jef-
ferson thus addressed . Jjim : "In the name of wonder, sir, what
",can your government mean by the outrages it is continually
A committing upon, the American flag?"' : Mr " ' was at' first
not a little astonished, but immediately recollecting Himself,' aOr
awered : " Mr Jefferson, in the first place I am a clef gVmaa,
V.and never discuss politics. In the second place) *p m &>
'■ Englishman, and cannot be well-pleased to hear my 'count-fr
{^apoJtep. of with disrespect. In the third 'place, t am'iri your
•JbgusR, and have a 'fight" to be treated wift cirmty^Tne pre*
a^nf.droijbed the subject. ."■*"'".' ■"' ;

"""r..''?- 1 !- t NoteI,PageM«: : " "■' c '■■"•-&+V- •''"•

. .,^Pie .reader has already had a specimen of democratic elo-
<juejic* jn the speech of Mr Williams, (see itae f.J He wifi
^o&now '.be displeased to have a specimen of federal doctrine
18 the following extract from the speech of Mr Randolph, on
Abe report jof- -J$e committee of foreign relations, delivered in
Jlte House. of Representatives, on the 16tli December, 1811.
<j,",T1j« gfDtleovw, from Maryland had expressed surprise at
Jfbj^(Mr : .Randolph's) manner of speaking of our origin^ from
■ " an Knglish styck. ,Gould that gentleman repose hjs head
*' upon his pillow without returning thanks to God that he was
*' descended from English* poentage?,. Whence but from that
"-origin came all the blessings of life, sp far as political pri vi-
**(l8gea«r6«inceffM)dil .To, what ia it owing that we are at thb
■" moment deliberating under the forms of a free, repreietitauve
*< gewmniflot,ri Suppose we b^ r ^een f colonie8.of anv other
qipsa^^iir, condition, wit^fhat^f toe, Sffi

161

" nish, Portuguese, or French settlements in America. To
u what was our superiority owing ? To our Anglo-Saxon race.
" Suppose we had descended from those nations,— .from the last
" especially, which stood self-condemned, on her own confer
" sion, as incapable of free government — hugging her chains,
" glorying in her shame, priding herself in the slave's last poor
" distinction, the splendour of her tyrant master.'

»

Note K. Page 10o\ ■ ,

. The term American Government is here used in its ordinary
acceptation, as signifying the president and the two nouses of
Congress : and in this sense the author is satisfied that the doc*
jtririe advanced in the text is true, that the. American govern-
ment has no serious intention of going to war With this country.
In a more restricted sense of the term however, and under-
standing the American government to mean the president and
his confidential advisers, the proposition may be advanced with
still greater confidence. It is now perfectly understood that
Mr Madison, and at least two of the, heads of departments*
are decidedly adverse to the measure of war. These persons,
however violent may be their party zeal, must survey the poli-
tical horizon with rather a more c&lm arid dispassionate eye,
than the democratic majority of Congress, and must of course
perceive the madness of such an undertaking. While it was
proposed, therefore, by the violent partisans of war, that 25,806
men shoultf be raised in contemplation of that measure* Ike
president was clearly of opinion that only 10,000 sfreuM be vo-
ted^— af number sufficient for the ordinary service of govern*
ment, hut inadequate to the invasion of Canada; ••"■••'.■•'■ *

NoteL* Pfege 107. »

It may be thought' incumbent on the author to state some
special reasons in support of the opinion here haearded, that a
war' with Great Britain would be apt to produce a civil war in
America. Several reasons concur to shew the soundness of
this opinion. In the first place, party spirit 'pvevaila in

<m

a* to a degree altogether unknown in Europe* Persons of op*
potfte political senti&enlfi^ sei&HJl^own to mix in the op-
)imifi m*wH**m tfg>a^oiy^i^ rqu<gWfefrodv^ttR ar¥ the
Jgsjaepfrirtuef af political ahdrcafioas and £fgsprf&.,*J*isifc&
^MNlribte tfc amechn* iheiindigaatkm wii^ wottkhl*taiAe«kiri
.JtofelArfftthftrfM^^ t**

principle iflot totaHy ' abhorrent to^federd priiicipW9y^ari4vK)
!nmwfistef thteidounfary, as a war with Engtamk -iln /the ae-
*pn£ pUcciyrthoUgh to ai^fihkrai^pafty prevails « neaHyiah
fttastalcit ontbeoi&ioft, itis aradfeatiioiigeriiftJbeaQiithem tfcah
jfcrtfce •ortham at*sei $ anfl^htfcotmteyim^ therefore te{ax(&
aidered * divide* into two taction of whidt raedafaafttegfart
4»«*>eri£iendly, to England. A w*r>iritfe^ngl«a«kTMiglfl;
pntoblybme fe«ftaoft^n#ttae<aecfo^
: * d^ wa*iw«mkl pafcbaMy be*itibert*b*for«*imnefw ttacon^
diH|Menoa«fiuah atdstjaaictia** Thir^li^krat»t^titf»fw1fir
jftftlir&i^firita^

4tarf^«»tasity. to to

jttasite «a)motfaiwtmongidte irri^la rpapuh w a tf thiiwatiii-
jftgr.«)f$bef bombarimaiitf *>f ttoefc ftatani tor *asta#©e/iwa«}diitt-
^ame *kttm^&+&gtem*f4tey i wtf6h<*Ml4>4to fpwducti^!
4tf vary different tette*^ fecairdiag ttr. ttodh^nfriobjebt* fei
*H«iidi4tJtoighttirtreai<ie»etf;*»ut #hich,m anyei4ntvt^uW be
ithe<W)lM<ofsoineistcgikec^t<Hkio^ It is tot<imprcdbab^ f
<tf*t»«ke lb* ptpnlaa* of Hethfrttetl 4 mmihr>w^d*,-<they
a^^^^filiifii^th^w nik«s as the so^attthom^fthe cblfc-
«*tfe» ^WyrweaiftflttferiD^Vdhd m#^to*^M a ^vermaail; ex-
emplary punishment for taking those rery mea&uiwwbidrthey
themselves had all along encouraged and enabled them to pur-
sue. But it is at least 'equally prdfiatbfe^that their fury, taking
an opposite direetidhv^otfla vent itself ontbeifederalists, who
aacpdd be classed iad*K»ih&atety' under Hm» appellation ct? *>
^a»,Ai^parhaps of traitors* T*aH these considerations *Yay<9e
#dded> ftta* thwing the authar^a rasidenee<in tfee caubtry;1t v*b
4»af4ef <rf oorosaon -remark and ap£reJfetiirion;«tfeat a war #kh

^«^^wPid«prjoM^ mttnfttfl ettfaiitt-

tion>

&8S

. nil, . f i j *oWptft$fr,;> *ftg$ lifting. hf:*0« v « jj »•.,','

ikAfv Shaflfey^ an 4Me»i4olightefl(ed» and«MdcwtMMn|h«r<bf
foiigpfefi, r(dN iitighJ»ot * federali st) mi fciepeecbdetttmet *ia
.th^fldxif JAriiiary laiV^^

the yresoafe conuijetcial en^rraBmeafo o^th4 EJnifcdliStttfiie
might to^e, referred m-><< Sin * fear we haveiT*rt£ee4]«iflkf-
M softy attentiwi to the prograa ofuevfHtouvfaieUlitttaipoMed

ilfefe tiifi tepectofithe^viikaa w»rld*n ,W*haae'*ttribttedj|l*
!<J»jfltfiaaviiB4>itodignit^ e*perkiiflbd<ti tatuas

; # , dyyfim<* i fto m the true ow^-rwe have sufJpooed; that to Iks
Mjpbrttartlairil iadrricbtal mjustice of the met who at* the **fc*
^Aef a ibfificeat Britain add Franoe y .wai;to bo tnufefjb'alTviMp
fluwiWj vhen^ibrfca^ that wnjiiatiep .frattihcjiftentablaretuh of
^cafltid ^ feoa i flslAc^ and' whaaJbojifoie sources lay jqpeh
* deejaec. ^Tlie^rc&^^^ <th»pfe

« imqr>ica^>firatai<feh^

"Jfafibbtai ottrhapqtnefee^ *a^r^orff^lJwlt«af^a^ IJtetd
ftitftMritoefqpM

c#ihftiiDe^cte<^iIi»tH th* causes ;whtd>kave bobrertdd ovefy
4) itdojatotttf piftibipte, once^Jbotorfc^Briiiotbattofeh jattiom,
,f? AaU -nofiiooger e*i*t >?We may uaUa saraageaenta-vith
Mtfictoc^&foU>ereTo<^iflai>fii^iJfia«^ aod**tb Englari*
/iifb^ith&^tn^oatioxtof herlOrdett in Cemcji* bat there w&
Albedo penoweatRecurity; ve miwt^artid|»t^inth*^fcB
^j(4««<m»ehapfi^whftehibteffi fallen on the com»vaAy rf-ol-

il The following* qjtotafatft fton MrSh^y^sjjte^adi, ptadei,
ie a^trikwjg point <*f mow* tteamall importance of the object
ibi^>wiwh;^>A«^rk)ai»:propo4e geiag;to<waftwfth$kit>oofui*
Jfyv&wAlm tfeb itt¥»wweiffiportttoc8 of tfeptrafte which titey
j*«»U*e#e*alri\jrt*ii^^ Sir y the nomhtal teptai

t * ugr-r<.

■<JU

r, . ■"-, .a xU ..woll IwoD lu ^.jbO oil! .nca-.n .»-;i ■ '*
« UplI Commercial .h i edefit,,wjhick yo^ poft^frft.wjyoljow .tliaf

■ &,8£. y/QU wilJ. .And it'Ie not the commerce which wo ^bmerly
* ^0 ^«, gpjffttmen ^oqid *w£i to suppose) pfyifb. j* «
" Controversy. Your export commerce to France now consists
*' of our own product* only, as appears by the letter of the
" French minister, on your table. I say our ovm products, r^e*
" cause I suppose the privilege which has been graciously ex-
" tended to us of exporting other articles in certain cases, un* "
" der French licences, will scarcely be insisted on as being any
** thing else but an indignity. The municipal regulations which'
*' have been substituted for the Berlin decree, so far as respects
" the practical effect, have destroyed by far the most profitable
" and important branch of our trade to the French empire,—-
f whjch consisted in the product and manufactures of other
" couatries. Our merchants were in the, habit of exporting to
*' the West Indies our flour, beef, pork, livestock, lumber, Ac,
''for which they received, in return, the products of those
" islands. The surplus beyond the consumption of this couu-
" try was exported to the continent of Europe) for which we
" received in return, French wines, brandies, silks, German
*' linens, and bills on London. Of so much more importance was
«' this export trade to us than that of our own products, that, in
*' 18p7» before the British Orders in Council existed, the do-
•< raeslje exerts to France (including Belgium) amounted to
*■ about two millions seven hundred thousand dollars only, while
■« the amount of exports to the same country, of foreign nianu-
•■ factures and products (chiefly colonial) was nearly ten mil*
** lions. In the same year the whole of our domestic exports
" to every part of the world, amounted to aboot forty-eight
*' millions and a half, of which (he amount 1 have stated y/sa
*' exported to France, and about twenty-eight millions to Great
*< Britain, and her possessions and dependencies in the four
*' quarters of the globe. Since that time she has acquired the
" French West Indies, the Isles of France and Bourbon in the

Sfif

" Indian Ocean, the Cape of Good Hope, the Dutch noasei-

.„.,„ ... ... ......... u - -.— estimating b_. — ...v - —

"i'^tiS^'a'ri&'Ker pre ^ ^'possessions and Aeperideqcie^ as the^

* stoofe itilB&fi «*' WooM would be auout ftjrty WftHfons,
■^itbbVe iwo-tftlftfeV the whole amount of 6ur 'iaiaesiltr ei-

* ports m' every pjirt of 'the wfcrfi i,,l T^ ifiSkt'fi jft'aWt

^so(uteryi".in 1 a i ^^«i'o'for Wb'ie^rWe'refmAitali'pur com-'-
^rr.er&'wifottre^^^^

'("f^'SoVf^'hoBiifitleft t presupmwe shall have none,) and go
BTjbr itiltat tee can get — of (lie commerce of France,

■*Ii9ly, Holland, Hamburgh, and the Hanse Towns. I leave
"Spain and Portugal, and their American provinces, but of the
" question, as the fate of those countries hangs in suspense;

: " But this is not all. We m'ay expect to see, and the day is
w not distant, when the dominions of France shall not afford us
" a market for a single article, hut all commerce with her shall
"'either be interdicted by her own government, or'abaiidoned
"'by our merchants as unworthy (heir pursuit. Ever since the
" datb oFthe Berlin Decree, and the prostration of the Prussian
*' monarchy, those who gave themselves the trouble to think —
M and could think, saw that a great and radical change in the
"state of Europe was intended by the imperial conqueror, who
''wields the destinies of the continent. Whatever the ultimate
" object might be, it was early perceivable — that that mutual
" dependence which exists between commercial states, so far
** as it respected the French empire, was abbut to be dissolved,
" a'tid that it was to be dependent oO longer upon foreign na-
* : tions for any supplies. To this, every regulation, (ex-territo-
" rial or municipal,) adopted by its government, has kept a
'* steady eye. They are now staring you full in the face. You
" see your trade in the colonial products, formerly the most
" profitable branch of our foreign commerce, totally annihila-
" ted. The consumption of your tobacco, a great staple of the
srtl >.t imhijoy Eananti to nisi vn t cntm ivtW^mtoT*

'l$$&ri$m Mch-ii^^^^r^^>Hvh« ^'•fafxrt^y

[ftit.

"'uie 'south Sf T^aiice ; your flour arid provisibritr'fin$ii6 thar«
^et't^mi^ekiishM-htis'k fetu^His Whet d*h prttJtetion,

«WV<« ll lif«wM ate ^iwta to tmdt, mio

"the rapacity of French bfficer^lsott^aW^V^t'tflP/lrft^

thsatfea

A wited, w'riot rtorth'V the cro^ae>Mch^8 "meditatea, ^md that

^tffeVosp'eVfaVtol^

*fteve, info thS 'OMfers ' tt"C«laUHI«' 1 ,wl *" "* " """" " c "~ ; *

* Amerce to J Ffahce would pot W^K'ttfo i»ffi<JW2'«dY
^ ci'rcunWcVrtie^laH H; iHriatiy'fe;^ Wng ta8&^otoiftfer8at
li system coMii{^>^ai^' j ap^tftB8tU ( Wm^jK«Bfaiffi**

inf tiling 1 w^rew^tliii td tfb ^ft^^ll^Wtl^tj^wtf^it
tlie part (5Hom^ of the Americans t<» go 4o ^^^jfiife to&irt?

" I have said that I cH^tfoVb^*^
" requisite for the conquest of the British provinces can be
" raised. Much reliance has been placed on volunteers, and I
" have heard of many myself who are ready to march to Cana-
*' da, but it happens they are all volunteer, qflker&jnen who
" wish to aggrandise themselves by the eaterprifle* . ' There are
'' no volunteer privates. It cannot be *e*iou»ly wj)ppfe0d?thfift

*6f

",oui firmer* Mjja ml* h-ajfe Mwir «j^,h.a«ic(, where ccpipe-
" teacy and; ettse reward Afi* r industry, to march to Canada, to
*< ..m«k« cono.uest,of tbiue. frozen regions, tjie sarneremarki
» WesnpIieabJa,to the .army of regular? proposed tp be iqMfl.
•^Xo^.lTiJiha.Te.ofiiceri enough { bat where are the privates to
"■be. got,}, The honourable member from Pennsylvania, (4jr.
, $.Findley,).gave u3yeaterday»aoIeat i a«dprap||caldemoiis^ , aT
"lion that our own country did not fumUh'^e,ma(eriaJsfti i .
* an army* , W« have a surplus of {and anc| ajdeficiency of la-
'{.bour. ^e^ner*wifto9|iF411atQW,?an£bb^
«*ia tba^saoyinenj of^hjeh h^

*' c^nttoj, .and under. the dpjpjnipn.jjf.w mortal- being. Will
*f, any but the most corrupt profligate, idle, or inconsiderate,
'.' exchange, this slate of independence for tlie ranks or an ar.
"iWJj vheWfh* loses every thing valuable to man ; where he be-
*?. qqroefiB pott ofa yrc.it macltine, apd njust move and act as
" fothers.plaaj^; where he exposes his back to the lash for acts
'/, which, in any other state, would be perfectly innocent ? I
"gPfffri^ypW country is not the place where the materials
S'J» r ,*fcWRy.;j H l ;i;r,tl Gd fof such purposes abound ; and I thank
H i.,QoHl t jp.Sf}^ It is the most conclusive evidence of the happy
Vi.ft^&.Wm'ty, and the prosperity of our people, (which f
" h Pfi*lffl»R(fBW continue.) Were there any thing wanting to
*' prove the difficulty of obtaining men for such an army, that
« portion of our histajguB j^hifch Jkbt^&re had reference, would
(frtolearijijafl^abliah : the iact. . Thp twe^e,a4u^orml regiments
H *fcfch ^efe^irB^ei^h^.raisejlia |^,^re,pp|ha)f fiUe£
«^^^^jtk*ia|m^|jf^,d>b,8n^L, though, eighteen, /nmritlw

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CONTENTS: l

'■ Dissertation. Arabian Nights. Introductory Tale— Fable
« of the Ox, the Ass, and the Labourer— The Merchant and Genie — Tne
History of the first Old Man and the Bitch— "The Stpry of the second
Old Man and the two black Dogs— of the Fisherman— of the Grecian'
King and the Physician Doubah — of the Husband and Parrot— of the"
Vister- that was punished— of the young King or* the Black Islets— of the;
three Calendars, Sons of Kings; and the five Ladies of Bagdad — of the
fi%t t!alcfrVdar-^of iihe second Calendar-^of the EnVioui Man, arid of
him that was envied— k>f the third Calendar— of Zobeide— of Amine—
Story df Smdbad the Saik>f^T*he first Voyage— second Voyage— third
Voyaged—fourth Voyage — fifth Voyage — sixth Voyage-nseventh and %
last Voyage — Story of the three Apples— of the Lady that was murder-
ed, and the young Man her Husband— of Nouredctin Ali, a J nd Be^treddin.
Hassan — Story of the little Hunchback— Story told by the Christian; 1
Merchant— by the Sultan of Casjgpr*sPufvey6r^-by the JewishJPhysi-"
cian^by the TaUor*— by the Barber— Story o? the Bar^k eldest '
Brother-r-of the Barber's second Brother— rpf the Barber's thirfl Brother "*
-^of the Barber's fotfrth Brother-^-of the Barber's £fth Brother— of the?
Barber's sixth Brother— history of Abonlhassan, Ali Ebh Bevar^ arid
Sehemselnihar, Favourite of the Caliph Haroun Alraschid— Story of the*
Amours of Camaralzaman and Badoura— of the two Princes' AingracU
and Assad — of Prince Amgrad, and a Lady of the City of Magicians— '
of Noureddin and the Fair Persian — of Beder, Prince of Persia^ and '.
Ciahaure, Princess of Samarkand— History of Ganem,.Soij pf Abou^
Ayoub— of Zeyn Alasnam, and the King of tl?e Genii— (JfCfodadad antf

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Awakened— of Aladdin, or, the Wonderful I,arafH-rA4 ventures of the
Caliph Haroun AJraschid-r-Story of the BUndManBaba/Ahdalla— of
Sidi Nonman— of Cogia Hassan Alhabbal — of AH. Baba and, the Forte
Thieves destroyed by a Slave— of the Enchanted Horse~~of tbei'riiice
Ahmed, and the Fairy Pari Banou— of the two Sisters who envied their
younger Sister.

I^Jew Arabian Nights. The Robber Caliph ; or the Adventure*
of Haroun Alraschid with the Princess of Persia, and the beautiful Zu-
tulbe — The Power of Destiny; being the History of the Journey of
Giafar to Daraas, containing the Adventures pf Cbebtib and his Family
-—History ofHalechalbe, and the Unknown Lady— Story of Xailoun*
tbejdiot— the Adventure* of Simoustapha and the Princess Usetikono
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Hasen's Story— 'The Dream of Valid-Hasei*— Story of Bohetzad and
his Ten Visiers— of Kaakas, the Obstinate Man—-of lUage Mahomet
and his Sons, or the Imprudent Man — of Abosaber, or the Patient Man*
— of BHazad, or the Impatient Man— pf Ravia, or the Resigned— of
Bhazraant, or the Confident fytan — of Baharkan^ tha Intemperate— rof-
Abaltamant^. or the Prudent Man— of Saltan Hebmim and his Sow,. or
the. Predestined— pf Seliman^ha and his Family-i-Tof the King of Haram >
and his Slave— of Habib and DorathiJU(jroas l e* or the Arabian Knight
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Lady of the beautiful Tresses— History pf Maograby, or the Magician
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with; Aubeta-il-J^aouakib, Jpaughtex of the King of Egypt— of the Birth .
of Maugrabv. < ..- » \

The Persian TajJes. Introductory Tale-r-History of Aboulcasem
of Basra— of King Rttzyangchad, and of ^he Princess Cheheristany— ■
Story of the young King of Thibet and of the Princess of the Naimana, ,
— rof the Visier Caverscha— of Couloufe and the Beautiful Dilara — of
Prince Calaf .and the Princess of China— History of Prince Fadlallah,
Son of Bin-Ortoc, King of Moussel— of King Bedreddin Loio, and his
Visier Atalmulc— of Atahmdc, surnamed. the Sorrowful Visier, and the -.
Princess Zelica Beghume — of the Prince Seyfel Mulpuk — ofMalek end .>
|he Princess Scfuwae— »pf King HormouZy surnamed the King, without

* §tt u ir- tf Avkette^of the Wr A^iky fc ^T ^ A<^aAttifrti of Abast
tearis, surnamed (be Gteat Voyager— First Vc^agfe— 8ecood Voyage
>-Htstoryof Aet^Btttbers Genie*, Adis aiK* Dahy— Stor^of Na*
^iraddote, King ofMoUstel— 6f Abtertahmane, a Merchant of Bagdad j
nudtbe Pair Zeineb—of Repshna.

Persian Tales of Inatulla of Delhi. The* Translates P¥a-
ftce to the Reader— The Author Inatulla to the Reader— The Bear D«-
neefc$ or, Garden of fchoiriedge^Hiitory of the Parrefr-of Goniinfes*
tfeve— Story of the first Cfompaiik«-H)f the second Gompanioa-^of
the third Companioii^-of Roehana~-of the Mouse and the Prince of
Oflan— of the young Merchant of Tatta— of Altafash, Viceroy of €ha»
rism— ofthe Contending Brothers.

Oriental Taxes. History of Hudjadge and Moma%ak— Story of
Cbouali Sina— of DakSanos and of *he JScwbm S leep ers o f the Birth
•*? Mafeofflet— of Abdal Motallab, the Sage*~of Yearab, the Judge
-*-of Zemimdari, the Soldier— of Aboutaleb, the Doctor of Drift*-*?
Naour, King of Casmire— of Naerdan and Gaztdbec— of the Derriee
Abpanadar— of the Griffin— of Nctirgehan and Damake, or the Foot
Misname— of Jahia and Meimoune— of a Dervise— Of thoMerchattt
cf Bagdad— of the Basket— of Gulsouin, and of the King of the Genies
^of the Porter of Bagdad— of the Robber of Sefe t a a of the Black
Boll— of the Fisherman.

HISTORY OF NOtJRJAHAD* --^

- ADtotTioNjtL Takes from the Arabian Nights* History of
Naama and Naam— of Afcttddm AboulBchatnat— of Abbu Mobantsnedl
Alkeskn— of Ali Mohammed the Jeweller, or the False Cahpk

Mogul Tales. Introductory Tate— History of Karabag— of Cao-
aade, Princess of Ormuz— of AboukAssara* the Blhfd Man ofChitor-*-
•f Cazan-Can, Saltan of Onnna— of the Prince of Visapour— of ZeaV
Aixam, Prince of Kasgar, and of ZendehflMid Prince of Siunnrfiuafr *
Of Katife and Margeon-— of Megnoun and Leileb*— of Masaowd the Sob
of Sotfar— of Abderaim— of the Sultana Gonl-Saba^-of the Princes*
Zarat^Aniadh— of Ogua and the five i Sultanas; ■' - ■- • ;
-Turkish Tales; Preface— History of the Satawaof Perm and
the Visiert— of the Chee €hahabe dd s n »i of the Son of the King of
Delhi— of Saddyq, Master of the Horse— -of the Adopted Son*Moflhe
lafloraodtoWife— of Solomon's Birds— of the old King of Ethiopia
and his three Sons— of King TogrukBey and his Children— of Prince
Maliknasir— of the two Owls— of the Santon Barsisa— of a Sophyjaf
Bagdad— of King Quoutbeddin and the* beautiful Gbtdfoukh— of the
King Aad— of the Biatas»and the ye4iD£Fyauay~<of Sohan AowW